THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL Mary Farlow THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL ENDOWED BY THE DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETIES E302 . J47 v.19 UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 00007731430 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/writingsofthomas19jeff_0 Jefferson at Sixty Photogravure from the Original Gypsum Bas-relief by George Miller. This bas-relief was originally owned by Zeligman Phillips, one of the founders, in 1805, of the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, and is inscribed with date and artist's name in his handwriting. It was presented to the American Philosophical Society by one of his descendants, the late Hon. Henry M. Phillips, of Philadelphia, as a fitting memento of the Society's third President, Thomas Jefferson. THE WRITINGS OF Thomas Jefferson 2&*mxoriad HFirtiiom CONTAINING HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY, NOTES ON VIRGINIA, PARLIA- MENTARY MANUAL, OFFICIAL PAPERS, MESSAGES AND ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE, NOW COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED IN THEIR ENTIRETY FOR THE FIRST TIME INCLUDING ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND PUBLISHED IN 1853 BY ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS AND A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYTICAL INDEX Andrew A. LIPSCOMB, Chairman Board of Governors EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Albert Ellery Bergh MANAGING EDITOR VOL. XIX. ISSUED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association OF THE UNITED STATES WASHINGTON, D. C. 1904 Copyright, 1904, BY The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association flUemortal BMtton Limited to 1 ,000 sets, of which this is No. J$ # J Virginia Statues of Jefferson Reproduction from the Original Sculptures by Edward V. Valentine and Alexander Gait The figure on the kit is the statue which stands in the Library rotunda of the University of Virginia. It is^the one for which the General Assembly of Virginia, appropriated ten thousand dollars in 1854. Alexander Gait, of X or fork, Va., was chosen to do the work, and the statue was unveiled in 1868. In modelling this likeness the sculptor followed a portrait recommended by Jefferson's grandson, Colonel Thomas J Randolph. The statue on the right is a more recent work. It was done by Edward V. Valentine, of Richmond, Va., and holds a conspicuous place in that city. It represents Jefferson more as a student and scholar than as a statesman. The sculptor in his work made use of the well-known portraits of Jefferson as well as the clothing worn by the great Virginian and the description given of him by one who saw Jefferson alive. Both of these statues may be fairly regarded as the finest effigies of Jefferson in his native state. JEFFERSON AS A MAN OF SCIENCE. It is an interesting tribute to the value of the scientific mind that two of the men among the most important in the establishment of the United States of America were at the same time its earliest and most distinguished students of the natural and physical sciences, Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, and while the time of both of these men was largely given to public affairs, their chief intellectual interest lay in the discovery and the setting forth of new truths. Jefferson wrote to a correspondent, "Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of science, by rendering them my supreme delight," but he was likewise impressed with the fact that there was a relationship between science and repub- lican institutions. To Monsieur dTvernois he uses the phrase : " Freedom, the first-born of science, " and to General Kosciusko he says: "The main objects of all science are the freedom and happiness of man," while to another correspondent he declares that " Science is more important in a republican than in any other government." The first public demonstration of Jefferson's capa- bility as a man of science was the preparation and iv Jefferson as a Man of Science publication in 1 7 8 1 of his 1 ' Notes on Virginia . " " This , ' ' according to the late G. Brown Goode, assistant sec- retary of the Smithsonian Institution and the his- torian of American science, "was the first compre- hensive treatise upon the topography, natural history and natural resources of one of the United States, and was the precursor of the great library of scientific reports which have since been issued by the State and Federal governments. Though hastily prepared to meet a special need, if measured by its influence it is the most important scientific work as yet published in America." In this work he successfully overthrew many of the arguments of Buff on, who was at the time considered the highest living authority on natu- ral history subjects ; and later, when he came to know Buff on in Paris, the latter admitted some of the errors that he had made. In a valuable paper published in the Magazine of American History for 1885, Frederick C. Luther points out that Jefferson "had a more or less prac- tical knowledge of surgical anatomy, civil engineer- ing, physics, meteorology, mechanics and astronomy, and was at home in many departments of pure and applied science, but it was in natural history that he was most interested, and as a naturalist he made his only original contribution to scientific knowledge." * * * " He seems to have acquired nearly all the knowledge the world then possessed of geology and zoology, and while many of the theories advanced in his ' Notes on Virginia ' have been rejected by mod- Jefferson as a Man of Science v ern science, in some of his conclusions Jefferson was quite in advance of the best specialists of the age, and notably so in the department of palaeontology/' In fact palaeontology in the United States had its beginning in a paper filed with the American Philo- sophical Society by Jefferson under date of March 10, 1797, announcing his discovery of the Megalonyx Jeffersoni; this paper was published under the title, " Memoir on the Discovery of a Quadruped in the Western Parts of Virginia," in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. The original specimen was deposited in the American Philosoph- ical Society and subsequently transferred to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, where it may still be seen. The announcement of this dis- covery was coincident with his arrival in Philadelphia to be inaugurated as Vice-President of the United States, and upon that occasion he brought with him a collection of fossil bones of the specimen in question, which he had obtained in Greenbrier County, Vir- ginia. But his interest in palaeontology did not stop here. In February, 1801, during the excitement of the con- test with Aaron Burr, he was corresponding with Doctor Wistar with regard to some bones of the mammoth which he had just procured from Shawan- gunk, in New York. In 1808, when the excitement over the embargo was highest and his policy was under the severest denunciation, he was carrying on palaeontological vi Jefferson as a Man of Science studies in the White House. Under his direction upwards of 300 specimens of fossil bones had been brought from the famous Big Bone Lick, and spread in one of the large unfinished rooms of the Presiden- tial mansion. Doctor Wistar was asked to come from Philadelphia and select such as were needed to complete the collection of the Philosophical Society. The exploration of the Lick was made at the private expense of Jefferson, through the agency of General William Clarke, and this may fairly be recorded as the beginning of American governmental work in palaeontology. But palaeontology was not the only scientific sub- ject which engaged his attention. He was, when Secretary of State in Washington's Cabinet, chairman of a committee organized by the American Philo- sophical Society in 1792^0 collect materials for the natural history of the Hessian Fly, whose ravages in the wheat-fields threatened so great a danger to the prosperity of the country. This appears to be the first organized effort in economic entomology in the United States. He was greatly interested in the discovery and cultivation of plants useful in agriculture. He had a table beautifully drawn up, giving the average earliest and latest appearance of thirty-seven varie- ties of vegetables in the Washington market during the whole eight years of his Presidency, and on his journeys abroad he was always looking out for new plants which might with profit be transplanted to Jefferson as a Man of Science vii America. When in later life he drew up a list of the services he believed he had rendered his countrymen, he enumerated, along with the disestablishment of a State Church, the abolition of entails, the prohibition of slave importation, and the drafting of the Declara- tion of Independence, " the introduction of olive plants and heavy upland rice into South Carolina and Geor- gia," declaring that "the greatest service which can be rendered to any country is to add a useful plant to its culture." His interest in agriculture even went in the direc- tion of the invention of a new plow. As far back as 1788 Jefferson entered upon some speculations con- cerning the improvement of plows, and attempted to sketch an original and uniform mathematical rule for shaping the mould-board of a plow, the object being to secure the regular inversion of a certain depth of the surface soil with the least application of force. By 1796 his new plows were in use. A Mr. Strick- land, a member of the English Board of Agriculture, being on a visit to Monticello, saw there plows in operation constructed on this principle, and mention- ing them favorably on his return, the Board, through its president, Sir John Sinclair, requested from Mr. Jefferson a model and a description. These were forwarded to England in 1798. The description was published in the Edinburgh Encyclopaedia and in the fourth volume of the Transactions of the Ameri- can Philosophical Society. The invention also attracted attention in France. He is likewise viii Jefferson as a Man of Science credited with being the inventor of the copying press. He made observations in meteorology and had a good collection of philosophical apparatus. It has been declared by Mr. Goode that "it is probable that no two men have done so much for science in America as Jefferson and Agassiz — not so much by their direct contributions to knowledge, as by the immense weight which they gave to scientific interests by their advocacy." This statement is fully borne out by the impetus which Jefferson gave to the relationship of the Gov- ernment to scientific work. The inception of the system of scientific surveys of the public domain was the outcome of more than twenty years of earnest endeavor on his part. It was he who suggested to John Ledyard, of Connecticut, the enterprise of exploring the western part of our continent by pass- ing through St. Petersburg to Kamchatka, and pro- curing passage in some Russian vessel to the United States — a project which failed because of the arrest of Ledyard. In 1792 he proposed to the American Philosophical Society to set on foot a subscription to explore the great West, and for this subscription became responsible for raising one thousand guineas. This was to have been undertaken jointly by Captain Meriwether Lewis and Michaux, the botanist, but it also failed. In 1803 he recommended to Congress in a confidential message, the sending of an exploring party to trace the Missouri to its source, to cross the highlands, to follow the best water communication Jefferson as a Man of Science ix which offered itself from thence to the Pacific Ocean. Congress approved the proposition and voted a sum of money for carrying it into execution. Captain Lewis, who had been with Jefferson nearly two years as private secretary, immediately renewed his request to have direction of the party. The second expedi- tion toward the West was also sent out during Jeffer- son's administration, being that under command of General Z. M. Pike, who was sent to explore the sources of the Mississippi River and the western parts of Louisiana, continuing as far west as Pike's Peak, the name of which still remains as a memorial of this enterprise. It was during Jefferson's administration, too, that the project of founding the Coast Survey arose. This was recommended to Congress by the President in 1807. It was under his Presidency that the idea of Wash- ington for the establishment of a Military Academy at West Point was fulfilled, and Jefferson also had a plan, realized later, for the establishment of a National Observatory. It was he who proposed the unit of the present coinage of the United States. He was elected President of the American Philo- sophical Society in January, 1797, and held that office until 18 14, when he resigned on account of his age. His connection with the Society, as may be seen from the statements above, was by no means perfunctory. During his residence in Paris he kept four of the principal American colleges, Harvard, Yale, William and Mary, and the College of Phila- X Jefferson as a Man of Science delphia, informed of all that happened in the scien- tific circles cf Europe. Even such a subject as aerial invention attracted his attention. His letters of 1785 contain several references to the Montgolfier balloon. At a time when the natural sciences were but little cultivated in the established universities, he wrote to Doctor Willard, the President of Harvard, urging their pursuit. " What a field, " he said, " have we at our doors to signalize ourselves in. The botany of America is far from being exhausted, its miner- alogy is untouched, and its natural history or zoology, totally mistaken and misrepresented." His devotion to science, coincident with his active public life and the bitter enmities which it engen- dered, gave the opportunity for much public criti- cism, yet it afforded Jefferson, as it did to Franklin, especial consideration as representative of the new nation in France ; it earned him election in numerous learned societies in Europe and gave an impetus to the organization of science both in the learned socie- ties, in the colleges and in connection with the Gov- ernment of the United States, such as could only have been exercised by a man who had occupied the exalted office of President of the United States. 1 Jefferson's Marriage License-Bond Fac-Simale of the Original Document Signed December 23, 1 7 7 1 . On January 1, 1772, Thomas Jefferson married Martha Skelton, the widow of Bathurst Skelton, and daughter of John Wayles. Their marriage license-bond, of which a fac-simile is given here, shows the procedure required by the Virginia laws of these ante-Revolutionary days. This contract was drawn and signed by Jefferson himself. The additional signature of Francis Eppes is that of the father oi Jefferson's son-in-law, John W. Eppes, W /J-urfcvh -^eit-AyrO. "fc, *n*M*U l^c. Irimt o^-n-e£^j- JvCvJtC^ J^ut* CA^uTta Stnh-^fa. wUvU&i.'Z % ko^LA^ u-o^-m^i^ l&L.'fc-ci^, Jefferson's Will Fac-simile of the Original Document in the Circuit Court Charlottesville, Va. 4 'm J fit* AuA* f>.3. and uy\ nuj sry sic^^iuuiM, •nvai^my faA-tvlU. and UiU^A^t C_ ftrrm a4 f-o-iicmsl. 3 to my a^orrvoUcrvx '/r-a/Y>_£^> lf>f)-iA ( cljuin-dUc^li3cia^f\ .ten TOWy lpp^ l ^^%vnLfAi-.tJIL1^p^'%^4A^ diauM^ (mtv^y $ 7ie&^ . CUnd. ktuiCry, oy\ a. Jernwrc^nrtopmcUm^z. - lien to rot Cv. uAitK foArtJy ti-nUdi (Cn^u-fc^, p«/>-b"ffc&" IWasribx j[ (LsrmJ-ahaTMta Yh.dA &z iiQtd! &jLabt- cvr.d~ o-otvjJ! trccufiatom jkaft &w ™ ? f«A Hfe^^, ?^ta^oL O&xas^duvr Oa^-eU jmn^tc tUm "-&-a- S^^cl-o^A i (b. vnAi^fenxv*-tJL- cunzi e-a*re. Jj -nvy uj~eM- IhJLoihloL ii^ten- &>rw- Sc^fft ftla^b / arr^oi finn-f c4r*^djvn£Mj l4iaA /vovyv aj^tJSbJr^ to kv : a^weiU f-crr-tk^ &fjfi*Jy 'To -nuf j rOT u6m QhmM Hefltsmn )ii»M^ 0 %Lm. my s->Awvsi&A prt/vrvrm. , J af^r-t^CLUsu ^t^>^ CONTENTS. PAGB Jefferson as a Man of Science. By Cyrus Adler, Ph. D., Librarian of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C iii Supplementary Manuscripts from the Govern- ment Collection. (Letters written from, 1780- 1825) 1-288 To Horatio Gates, November 4, 1780 1 To William Carmichael, June 22, 1785 2 To Francis Hopkinson, July 6, 1785 5 To George Washington, July 10, 1785 8 To St. John De Crevecceur, August 22, 1785 .... 10 To James Currie, September 27, 1785 11 To Rev James Madison, October 28, 1785 15 To Francis Eppes, December 11, 1785 20 To George Washington, January 4, 1786 23 To Willam Carmichael, January 13, 1786 26 To James Madison, April 25, 1786 29 To Philip Mazzei, April 4, 1787 32 To L'Abbe D'Arnal, July 9, 1787 34 To John Adams, July 23, 1787 36 To Benjamin Franklin, August 6, 1787 38 To John Adams, December 31, 1787 39 To Edward Bancroft, January 26, 17 88 41 To Countess Barziza, July 8, 1788 45 To C. W. F. Dumas, July 30, 1788 46 To John Jay, September 5, 1788 47 To Francis Hopkinson, December 21, 1788 . . . f 48 xii Contents Supplementary Manuscripts from the Govern- ment CoLLECTiON-Continued. PAG b To John Jay, March i, 1789 52 To John Paul Jones, March, 23 1789 54 To John Adams, May 10, 1789 60 To Nathaniel Cutting, June 7, 1789 62 To Thomas Paine, July 13, 1789 63 To John Bondfield, July 16, 1789 64 To John Jay, August 5, 1789 65 To Gen. Henry Knox, September 12, 1789 , . . . . 67 To William Bingham, September 25, 1789 ... . 69 To Baron De Geismer, November 20, 1789 .... 71 To David Rittenhouse, June 12, 1790 73 To the Secretary of the Treasury (Alexander Hamilton), June 25, 1791 75 To T. M. Randolph, July 3, 1791 76 To James Madison, July 21, 179 1 79 To Gov. William Blount, August 12, 1791 . . . 81 To George Hammond (British Minister), De- cember 15, 1791 . 82 To George Washington, January 10, 1792 86 To Peter Charles L' Enfant, February 27, 1792. 87 To Thomas Johnson, David Stuart and Daniel Carroll, March 8, 1792 88 To Louis XVI, March 14, 1792 92 To Benjamin Hawkins, April 1, 1792 93 To Thomas Johnson, David Stuart and Daniel Carroll, April 20, 1792 94 To His Majesty George III, of England, June 6, 1792 96 To the Queen of England, June 6, 1792 97 To Stephen Cathalan, December 2, 1792 98 To Gov. John Hancock, [1793?] 101 To David Humphreys, January 3, 1793 102 To John Garland Jefferson, April 14, 1793 103 Contents xiii Supplementary Manuscripts from the Govern- ment CoLLECTioN-Continued. page To Edmond C. Genet, August 16, 1793 105 To Maria Jefferson, November 17, 1793 106 To Alexander Hamilton, December 12, 1793 . . . 107 To the President of Bank of the United States, January — , 1794 108 , To George Washington, February 23, 1795 108 To Aaron Burr, January 7, 1797 114 To Louis, Prince of Parma, May 23, 1797 115 To Gov. James Monroe, April 13, 1800 119 To Andrew Ellicott, December 18, 1800 121 To Gen. Thaddeus Kosciusko, March 14, 1801 . . 122 To James Madison, April 30, 1801 124 To John Langdon, May 22, 1 801 125 To James Monroe, March 31, 180 2 126 To Abraham Baldwin, April 14, 1802 128 To Thomas Law, May 31, 1802 130 To William Dunbar, March 3, 1803 131 To Dr. Benjamin Rush, April 23, 1803 133 To Henry Dearborn, August 23, 1803 134 To the Emperor of Morocco, December 20, 1803 135 To John Langdon, December 22, 1803 136 To Gov. John Page, December 23, 1803 138 To the Dey of Algiers, March 27, 1804 139 To F. H. Alexander von Humboldt, May 28, 1804 140 To the Secretary of War (Henry Dearborn), June 6, 1804 141 To Alexander, Emperor of Russia, June 15, 1804 142 To the Brothers of the Choctaw Nation, March 13. l8 o5 U4 To the Chiefs of the Cherokee Nation, January 10, 1806 146 To William H. Harrison, January 16, 1806 .... * 150 xiv Contents Supplementary Manuscripts from the Govern- ment Collection — Continued. PXGB To Rev. Doctor G. C. Jenner, May 14, 1806 .... 152 To Albert Gallatin, June 21, 1806 153 To Pierre Auguste Adet, June 29, 1806 154 To Andrew Jackson, December 3, 1806 156 To John Langdon, December 22, 1806 157 To Henry Lee, February 1, 1807 158 To Andrew Jackson, March 21, 180 7 159 To Joel Barlow, June 14, 1807 161 To George Hay, October 11, 1807 162 To Fi A. Delacroix, December 21, 1807 162 To George Hay, February 16, 1808 164 To G. Hyde de Neuville, February 17, 1808 ... 165 To Marquis de Lafayette, April 28, 1808 166 To Thomas Paine, July 17, 1808 170 To Archibald Stuart, October 22, 1808 171 To Robert Fulton, April 16,1810 172 To Dr. William Eustis, May 30, 1810 174 To W. B. Giles, November 12, 1810 175 To James Madison, December 8,1810 176 To James Monroe, January 8,1811 179 To Rev. James Madison, December 29, 181 1 . . . 183 To Andrew Ellicott, June 24,1812 185 To William Barton, October 2,1812 186 To Alrichs and Dixon, January 14,1813 186 To Robert Fulton, March 8, 1813 187 To Elbridge Gerry, June 19,1813 189 To James Madison, July 13, 18 13 190 To Robert Fulton, July 21,1813 *9 2 To Abigail Adams (Mrs. John Adams), August 22, 1813 193 To Dupont de Nemours, November 29, 1813 . . . 195 To Thaddeus Kosciusko, November 30, 18 13 . . . 200 To James Monroe, January 27, 1 814 206 Contents xv Supplementary Manuscripts from the Govern- ment Collection — Continued. pagb To J. Correa de Serra, April 19, 1814 209 To Peter Carr, September 7,1814 211 To William Caruthers, December 3,1814 221 To B. S. Barton, February 26, 1815 223 To J. Correa De Serra, January 1, 1816 224 To Thomas Applet on, January 14, 1816 228 To P. S. Duponeeau, January 22,1816 231 To Albert Gallatin, April 11,1816 233 To J. F. Dumoulin, May 7, 1816 236 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 17,1816 237 To Francis Eppes, May 21,1816 241 To James Barbour, January 19,1817 242 To James Monroe, April 8,1817 243 To Joseph Delaplaine, April 12,1817 2 4-6 To Jean Baptiste Say, May 14, 1817 248 To Joseph C. Cabell, October 24,1817 250 To the Secretary of the Treasury (William H. Crawford), January 5,1818 252 To Gen. John Armstrong, January 17, 1818. . . . 253 To Count Dugnani (Papal Nuncio), February 14, 1818 254 To Albert Gallatin, February 15,1818 258 To Jacob Bigelow, April 11,1818 259 To Charles Jared Ingersoll, July 20, 1818 262 To Joseph Milligan, October 25, 1 8 18 263 To Nathaniel Bowditch, October 26, 1818 264 To Marquis de Lafayette, November 23,1818.. 268 To Henry Dearborn, July 5,1819 270 To Elijah Griffith, May 15, 1820 273 To James Monroe, August 13,1821 274 To Levett Harris, December 12,1821 277 To John Quincy Adams, July 18, 1824 278 To James Madison, September 24, 1824 278 xvi Contents Supplementary Manuscripts from the Govern- ment CohLBCTiON-Continued. PAG ? To Messrs. Adams, Fitzuhuylson and Brocken- brough, October 18, 1824 279 To Marquis de Lafayette, January 16,1825.... 2 80 To William H. Crawford, February 15, 1825 .... 282 To Edward Everett, July 21, 1825 283 To Marquis de Lafayette, August 8, 1825 285 To James Madison, October 18,1825 2 ^6 Manuscripts from the Virginia State Library Collection. (Letters written from 1 780-1 781) 293-356 To the Quarter-Masters of Frederick, Hampshire and Berkeley, December 24, 1780 293 To Major- General Baron Steuben, January 12 , 1781 294 To Major-General Baron Steuben, January 14, 1781 294 To Colonel Timothy Pickering, January 15,1781 296 To General Nelson, January 16,1781 297 To Colonel Carvington, January 16, 1781 298 To Baron Steuben, January 19,1781 298 To Baron Steuben, January 19,1781 300 To Baron Steuben, January 29,1781 300 To Governor Nash, of North Carolina, February 2, 1781 301 To Baron Steuben, February 7,1781 302 To Baron Steuben, February 7,1781 303 To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, February 7» !7 81 304 To General Nelson, February 10,1781 305 To Baron Steuben, February 12,1781 306 To Speaker Harrison (House of Burgesses), February 12, 1 781 .... . 309 To Baron Steuben, February 13, 1781 310 Contents xvK Manuscripts from the Virginia State Library Collection — Continued. page To Baron Steuben, February 15, 1781 311 To Baron Steuben, February 17, 1781 312 To Baron Steuben, February 18, 1781 313 To General Greene, February 19, 1781 . 314 To Baron Steuben, February 21, 1 78 1 315 To the Officer Commanding the Naval Force of His Most Christian Majesty on the Coast of Virginia, February 28,1781 316 To Colonel Pickering, March 4,1781 317 To the Honorable Judges of the High Court of Chancery, March 5, 1781 319 To the Speaker of the House of Delegates, March 9> 1 7 81 320 To General Muhlenberg, March 16,1781 321 To the Speaker of the House of Delegates, March i7> x 7 81 3 22 To the Speaker of the House of Delegates, March 17, 1781 322 To His Excellency the Governor of Hispaniola, March 24, 1781 323 To His Excellency Governor Nash, March 24,1781 324 To General Greene, March 24, 1781 326 To Marquis de Lafayette, March 28, 178 1 328 To Baron Steuben, April 3, 1771 330 To General Muhlenberg, April 3,1781 331 To Baron Steuben, April 6, 1781 333 To Major-General Nathaniel Greene, April 5, 1781 : 334 To Colonel Henry Lee, April 13,1781 336 To Baron Steuben, April 14, 1 781 337 To the County Lieutenants of Fauquier, Lou- doun, Caroline, Albemarle, Fluvanna, Gooch- land and Henrico, April 14,1781 338 VOL. XIX B xviii Contents Manuscripts from the Virginia State Library Collection — Continued. PAGE To the Honorable Richard Henry Lee, April 16, i7 Sl 34o To General Muhlenberg, April 16,1781 341 To John Page, April 18, 1781 342 To Baron Steuben, April 20,1781 343 To Marquis de Lafayette, April 23, 1781 344 To the President of the Board of War, April 23, 1781 345 To Baron Steuben, April 26, 1781 346 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 6, 1781 348 To His Excellency General Washington and the Honorable Virginia Delegates in Congress, May 10, 1781 348 To His Excellency President Reid, May 22, 1781 349 To Major Richard Claiborne, May 23, 1 78 1 350 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 29, 1781 351 To the County Lieutenants of York, New Kent, Hanover, Gloucester, King and Queen, King William, Middlesex, Essex, Caroline, Spotsyl- vania, Lancaster, Richmond, King George, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Stafford, Prince William, Fairfax, Loudoun and Berke- ley, May 29, 1781 353 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 30, 1781 354 To Marquis de Lafayette, May 30, 1781 355 To the Surveyor of the County of Monongalia, June 3, 1781 356 Manuscripts from the University of Virginia Collection. An Exact Transcript of the Minutes of the Board of Visitors of the Uni- versity of Virginia during the Rectorship of Thomas Jefferson 361-499 Declaration Signers From the Emmet Collection (Northern Group representing Pennsylvania, Connecticut, New Hampshire and New York.) Reproductions from the original etchings and water-color drawings by H. B. Hall in the complete set of signers of the Declaration of Independence, collected by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, and deposited in the Lenox Library, New York. The two groups of Signers repro- duced from the Emmet Collection are presented in this volume and Volume XX respectively for the purpose of supplementing the por- traits of Signers that are not included in the Independence Hall Collection. Some of these supplementary portraits, however, are derived from sources of questionable authenticity. John Morton (17 24-1 77 7) was born in Chester, (Delaware County). Pennsyl- vania. In 1765 he was a delegate to the Stamp Act Congress. He was elected .to the First Continental Congress, of 1774 and served till 1776. Fie had previously filled the offices of Sherirf of Chester County, judge of the Coun of Common Pleas and Judge of the Supreme Court of the Province. When the Pennsylvania delegation was divided upon.; the question of adopting the Declaration Of Independ-. ence, Morton gave the casting vote in the affirmative. George Taylor (17 16-1781) was born in Ireland. He left home without per- mission to sail for America. Prom 1764 to 1770 he was a member of the Provincial Assembly that met at Phila- delphia. In 1775 he .was • pi? ced on the "Committee of Safety," and in 1776 was one of the Pennsylvania delegates Chosen to go to the Continental Congress in place of the members originally selected who had hesitated to agree to the measures of Independence. Francis Lewis (1713-1803) was born in Wales. Arrived in America in 1734. Became a, successful merchant. In 1765 he was a member of the Colonial Congress, and was one of the delegates from New York to the Continental Congress from i775 to 1779. His extensive experience in commercial affairs made him an invalu- able member of many committees. In 1778 he was appointed Commissioner of the Board of Admiralty, Samuel Huntington (1 731-1796) was born in Windham, Connecticut. About 1758 he settled as a lawyer in Norwich, and became a member of the General Assembly in 1764. From 1 775 to 1783 he- was a member of the Continental Congress, serving as its President during the years 1770 to 1781. He was Judge of the Supreme Court of Connecticut, from 1774 to 1784, becoming Chief Justice in the latter year. From 1786 to 1796 he was Governor of Connecticut. Matthew Thornton (1714-1803) was born in Ireland.- He was brought to America by his father about 17 17. He received a good education and studied medicine. He was chosen President of the Provincial Convention, in 1775, and was Judge of the Supreme Court of New Hampshire from* 1776 to 1782. In Sep- tember 1776, the Legislature of New. Hampshire made him a delegate to the Continental Congress. Although not a member of the Congress when the Declara- tion was voted upon, he affixed his signa- ture to the engrossed copy in the same manner as the Pennsylvania Delegates. James Smith (17 20-1 806) was born in Ireland. .Came with his father to America in- 1729. Was educated at the College of Pennsylvania and. subsequently studied law. In 1774 he raised the first volun- teer company in Pennsylvania, to resist Great Britain. He served as a member of Congress from Pennsylvania, from 1776 to 1778, and filled various other important offices. ILLUSTRATIONS. Jefferson at Sixty Frontispiece Photogravure from the Original Gypsum Bas-relief by- George Miller. FACING PAGE Virginia Statues of Jefferson ii Reproduction from the Original Sculptures by Edward V. Valentine and Alexander Gait. Jefferson's Marriage License Bond x Fac-simile of the Original Document. Jefferson's Will x Fac-simile of the Original Document in the Circuit Court at Charlottesville, Va. Declaration Signers from the Emmet Collection (Northern Group) xviii Reproduced from the Original Engravings deposited in the Lenox Library, New York. Thomas Paine 62 Reproduction from the Original Painting by George Romney. Marquis de Lafayette 288 Reproduction from the Original Painting by Thomas Sully. Voting the Declaration of Independence 356 Reproduction from the Original Engraving by Edward Savage. SUPPLEMENTARY MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERNMENT COLLECTION. INTRODUCTORY NOTES. After the publication of the Congressional Edition of the Writings of Thomas Jefferson, in 1853, a great number of valuable letters and papers were given to the world. These were mainly drawn from the archives of the State Department. While the Congressional Edition served the purpose of a representative selection of the immense amount of Jefferson manuscripts at Washington, there still remained (even after later examination and use) an interesting residuum worthy of preservation in print. To this end a new research was instituted which resulted in the collection to be found under the ' ' Supplementary Manuscripts" in the following pages. Therefore, excepting two letters, one to the Reverend James Madison, October 28, 1785, and the other to Edward Bancroft, January 26, 1788, both published by the late Paul Leicester Ford, all these letters and notes are printed for the first time in the present edition of Jefferson's Writings. While it was the original intention to incorporate in this division of "Supplementary Manuscripts" material never before presented to the public in connection with Jefferson's works, the two letters to Madison and Bancroft were considered too important from an his- torical standpoint to be omitted. In these letters Jefferson expresses in a most forceful manner his impressions of the French peasantry before the Revolution of 1789, and his attitude toward the slave ques- tion in the United States. Many of the letters touch upon serious points and problems connected with the acquisition of the Louisiana territory. Manuscripts of the letters are addressed to the celebrated men of the period such as Washington, Monroe, Kosciusko, the Emperor of Russia, Humboldt, and equally eminent personages. The group of letters to Lafayette are probably more interesting than any hitherto published. This new quota of correspondence covers a period between 1 780-1826, in fact up to a month of the writer's death. At Jefferson's death, the great mass of his manuscript papers came into the possession of his grandson and namesake, Thomas Jefferson Randolph. A rough division was made of these papers xxiv Introductory Notes which separated those of a private nature from those of public char- acter. In time the public papers were for sale to the United States Government. The Congress, by an act of the 12th of April, 1848, made an appropriation of $20,000 for the purpose of purchase. The Supplementary Manuscripts have all been drawn from the Government collection. The letters and memoranda have been selected with a view to sustaining the standard of the preceding volumes. Not alone do they embrace many of Jefferson's letters to notable corres- pondents, but maintain the range of abstract thought and practical suggestion that have placed Jefferson in the foremost rank of the world's great letter-writers. JEFFERSON'S WORKS MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE GOVERN- MENT COLLECTION. TO HORATIO GATES. Richmond, November 4, 1780. Sir, — Since my last to you the enemy have with- drawn their force from the north side of James river and have taken post at Portsmouth which we are told they are fortifying. They have been some dis- tance above Suffolk, but at present have retired below that place. More accurate information of their force than we at first had gives us reason to suppose them from 2,500 to 3,000, of which 60 or 70 are cavalry. They are commanded by Major-General Leslie and were conveyed by the Romulus of 40 guns, the Blonde of 32, the Delight sloop of 16, a 20-gun ship of John Goodriche's and 2 row gallies conveying a 3 2 -pounder in their bows, commanded by Commo- dore Gayton. We are not yet assured that they have landed their whole force ; indeed they give out themselves that after drawing the force of this State to Suffolk they mean to go to Baltimore. Their VOL. XIX — I 2 Jefferson's Works movements here' had induced me to think they came in expectation of meeting Lord Cornwallis in this country; that his precipitate retreat has left them without concerted object and that they wait for further orders. Information yesterday said that on being informed of Lord Cornwallis s retreat and a public paper produced to them, wherein were printed the dispatches you sent on that head, they unladed a vessel and sent her off either to Charleston or New York. The fate of this army of theirs hangs on a very slender naval force indeed. I am, with the greatest esteem and respect, Sir, your obedient and most humble servant. TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. Paris, June 22, 1785. Sir, — Your letter of April 4 came to my hands on the 1 6th of that month and was acknowledged by mine of May 3. That which you did me the honor to write on the 5th of April never came to hand till the 19th of May, upwards of a month after the one of the day before. I have hopes of sending the present by a Mr. Jarvis who went from hence to Hol- land some time ago. About this date I suppose him to be at Brussels and that from thence he will inform me whether in his way to Madrid he will pass by this place. If he does, this shall be accompanied by a cypher for our future use ; if he does not, I must still await a safe opportunity. Mr. Jarvis is a citizen of Supplementary Manuscripts 3 the United States, from New York, a gentleman of intelligence, in the mercantile line, from whom you will be able to get considerable information of Ameri- can affairs. I think he left America in January. He informed us that Congress were about to appoint a Mr. Lambe of Connecticut their consul to Morocco and to send him to their ministers commissioned to treat with the Barbary powers for instructions. Since that, Mr. Jay inclosed to Mr. Adams, in London, a resolution of Congress deciding definitely on amicable treaties with the Barbary States in the usual way and informing him that he had sent a letter and instruc- tions to us by a Mr. Lambe. Though it is near three weeks since we received a communication of this from Mr. Adams, yet we hear nothing further of Mr. Lambe. Our powers of treating with the Barbary States are full, but in the amount of the expense we are limited. I believe you may safely assure them that they will soon receive propositions from us, if you find such an assurance necessary to keep them quiet. Turning at this instant to your letter dated April 5 and considering it attentively I am persuaded it must have been written on the 5th of May. Of this little mistake I ought to have been sooner sensi- ble. Our latest letters from America are of the middle of April and are extremely barren of news. Congress had not yet proposed a time for their recess though it was thought a recess would take place. Mr. Morris had retired and the treasury was actually administered by commissioners. Their land office 4 Jefferson's Works was not yet opened. The settlements of Kaskaskia within the territory ceded to them by Virginia had prayed the establishment of a regular government and they were about sending a commissioner to them. General Knox was appointed their secretary of the War Office. These I think are the only facts we have learnt which are worth communicating to you. The inhabitants of Canada have sent a sensible petition to their king praying the establishment of an assem- bly, the benefits of the habeas corpus laws and other privileges of British subjects. The establishment of an assembly is denied, but most of their other desires granted. We are now in hourly expectation of the arrival of the packet which should have sailed from New York in May. Perhaps that may bring us matter which may furnish the subject of a more interesting letter. In the meantime I have the honor to be with the highest respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. July 14, 1785. I have thus long waited day after day hoping to hear from Mr. Jarvis that I might send a cypher with this, but now give up the hope. No news yet of Mr. Lambe. The packet is arrived, but brings no intelligence except that it is doubtful whether Congress will adjourn this summer. The Assembly of Pennsylvania propose their bank on principles of policy. Supplementary Manuscripts 5 TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON. Paris, July 6, 1785. Dear Sir, — My last to you was of the 13th of January. About ten days after that date I received yours of November 18th and about three weeks ago that of March 28th came to hand. Soon after the receipt of the first I published your proposition for improving the quilling of the harpsicord. I enclose you a copy of the advertisement. One application only was made and that was unsuccessful. I do not despair yet of availing you of it as soon as I can get acquainted with some of the principal musicians; but that probably will not be till the beginning of winter, as all the beau monde leave Paris in the sum- mer, during which the musical entertainments of a private nature are suspended. I communicated to Dr. Franklin your idea of mesmerising the harpsicord. He has not tried it, probably because his affairs have been long packed and packing. As I do not play on that instrument I cannot try it myself. The Doctor carries with him a pretty little instru- ment. It is the sticcado, with glass base instead of wooden ones, and with keys applied to it. Its prin- cipal defect is the want of extent, having but three octaves. I wish you would exercise your ingenuity to give it an upper and a lower octave, by finding out other substances which will yield tones on those parts of the scale, bearing a proper affinity to those of glass bars. The middle octave of this is very 6 Jefferson's Works sweet. Have you any person on Dr. Franklin's departure to attend to the receiving and forwarding your volumes of the Encyclopedie as they come out? If you have not, be pleased to lay your commands on me. Do not be anxious about remitting the prices as it would be a convenience to me to have some little fund in Philadelphia to answer little pur- poses. I wrote you for newspapers from thence and shall hope to begin soon to receive them. The dearth of American information places us as to our own country in the silence of the grave. I also petitioned you to know whether I am yet at liberty to permit a copy to be taken of General Washington's picture, because till I am I cannot trust it in the hands of a painter to be finished. Another petition was for a copy of our " Battle of the Kegs." Having slipped the opportunity of sending copies of my " Notes" for yourself and Mr. Rittenhouse when Dr. Franklin's baggage went, I am doubtful whether he can take them with him. If he can, you shall receive them by him; if not, then by the first good opportunity. I am obliged to pray that they may not be permitted to get into the hands of the public till I know whether they will promote or retard certain reformations in my own country. I have written to Mr. Madison to inform me on that head. No news. A tolerable certainty of peace leaves us without that unfortunate species of intelligence which war furnishes. My daughter is well. I Supplementary Manuscripts 7 enclose a letter from my daughter to Mrs. Hopkinson, which she wrote four months ago, and has lain by me till I should write to you. Justice to her obliges me to take this censure on myself. I take the liberty of using your cover also for her letter to Miss Hetty Rittenhouse. Present my most friendly respects to Mrs. Ritten- house both of that name, to Mr. Rittenhouse and family and accept assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. July 8th. P. S. Since writing the above, yours of April 20 is put into my hands. I will pray you to send the newspapers — trimming off the margins — as the postage is not an object of so much value with me as the knowing something of what is passing in my own country. Whenever I find an opportunity of sending you a copy of my ' ' Notes" I shall send also the Bibliotheque Physique to you. It is a col- lection of all the improvements in the arts which have been made for some time past. Let me add another commission to those above given you, that is, to pre- sent mine and my daughter's affectionate remem- brance to Mrs. House and to Mrs. Trist if she be returned. From the latter I shall hope for letters as soon as she returns. I would write to her but for the uncertainty where she is. 8 Jefferson's Works TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, July 10, 1785. Dear Sir, — Mr. Houdon would much sooner have the honor of attending you but for a spell of sickness which long gave us to despair of his recovery and from which he is but recently recovered. He comes now for the purpose of lending the aid of his art to trans- mit you to posterity. He is without rivalship in it, being employed from all parts of Europe in whatever is capital. He has had a difficulty to withdraw him- self from an order of the Empress of Russia, a diffi- culty which arose from a desire to show her respect, but which never gave him a moment's hesitation about his present voyage which he considers as promising the brightest chapter in his history. I have spoken of him as an artist only; but I can assure you also that as a man he is disinterested, generous, candid, and panting after glory; in every circumstance meriting your good opinion. He will have need to see you much while he will have the honor of being with you, which you can the more freely admit as his eminence and merit give him admission into genteel societies here. He will need an interpreter. I supposed you could procure some person from Alexandria who might be agreeable to yourself to perform this office. He brings with him a subordinate workman or two, who of course will associate with their own class only. On receiving the favor of your letter of February Supplementary Manuscripts 9 25, I communicated the plan for clearing the Poto- mac, with the act of assembly and an explanation of its probable advantages, to Mr. Grand, whose acquaintance and connection with the moneyed men here enabled him best to try its success. He has done so, but to no end. I enclose you his letter. I am pleased to hear in the meantime that subscrip- tions were likely to be filled up at home. This is infinitely better, and will render the proceedings of the companies much more harmonious. I place an immense importance to my own country on this channel of connection with the new western states. I shall continue uneasy till I know that Virginia has assumed her ultimate boundary to the westward. The late example of the State of Franklin separated from North Carolina increases my anxieties for Vir- ginia. The confidence you are so good as to place in me on the subject of the interest lately given you by Virginia in the Potomac company is very flattering to me. But it is distressing also, inasmuch as to deserve it it obliges me to give my whole opinion. My wishes to see you made perfectly easy by receiv- ing these just returns of gratitude from our country, to which you are entitled, would induce me to be contented with saying, what is a certain truth, that the world would be pleased with seeing them heaped on you, and would consider your receiving them as no derogation from your reputation. But I must own that declining them will add to that reputation io Jefferson's Works as it will show that your motives have been pure and without any alloy. This testimony, however, is not wanting either to those who know you or who do not. I must therefore repeat that I think the receiving them will not in the least lessen the respect of the world if from any circumstances they would be con- venient to you. The candor of my communication will find its justification, I know, with you. A tolerable certainty of peace leaves little interest- ing in the way of intelligence. Holland and the Emperor will be quiet ; if anything is brewing, it is between the latter and the Porte. Nothing in pros- pect as yet from England; we shall bring them, however, to decision now that Mr. Adams is received there. I wish much to hear that the canal through Dismal is resumed. TO ST. JOHN DE CREVECCEUR. Paris, August 22, 1785. Sir, — I have duly received your favor of the 15th instant as I had before done that of May 18, but had not answered it, supposing you would be on your passage. Mr. Mazzei delivered safely the packet you mention. I should have been happy to have seen you here ; but we are not to expect that pleasure, it seems, till the fall. The derangement of the packet boats will need your aid; and there are doubtless other circumstances here which may be improved by your presence. The loss sustained by your Supplementary Manuscripts n friend the Countess d'Houdetot in the death of her brother, has doubtless been participated by you as by all others of his and her acquaintance. I had become of that number just early enough to take a share in it which I did very sincerely. The confinement of the Cardinal de Rohan in the Bastile has doubtless reached you. The public is not yet possessed of the truth of his story, but from his character and all other circumstances I have little doubt that the final decision must be against him. My daughter is well and thanks you for your kind enquiries. I hope you found all your family and friends well. I am with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant. TO JAMES CURRIE. Paris, September 27, 1785. Dear Sir, — Your favor of August 5th came to hand on the 18th instant, and I mark well what you say, "that my letters shall be punctually answered." This is encouraging, and the more so as it proves to you that in sending your letters in time to arrive at New York the middle of the month, when the French packet sails, they get to hand very speedily. The last was but six weeks from you to me. I thank you again and again for the details it contains, these being precisely of the nature I would wish. Of politi- cal correspondents I can find enough, but I can per- i2 Jefferson's Works suade nobody to believe that the small facts which they see passing daily under their eyes are precious to me at this distance ; much more interesting to the heart than events of higher rank. Fancy to yourself a being who is withdrawn from his connections of blood, of marriage, of friendship, of acquaintance in all their gradations, who for years should hear nothing of what has passed among them, who returns again to see them and finds the one-half dead. This strikes him like a pestilence sweeping off the half of man- kind. Events which had they come to him one by one and in detail he would have weathered as other people do, when presented to his mind all at once are overwhelming. Continue then to give me facts, little facts, such as you think every one imagines beneath notice, and your letters will be the most precious to me. They will place me in imagination in my own country, and they will place me where I am happiest. But what shall I give you in return? Political events are scarcely interesting to a man who looks on them from high ground. There is always war in one place, revolution in another, pesti- lence in a third, interspersed with spots of quiet. These chequers shift places but they do not vanish, so that to an eye which extends itself over the whole earth there is always uniformity of prospect. For the moment Europe is clear of war. The Emperor and Dutch have signed articles. These are not published; but it is believed the Emperor gets ten millions of florins, the navigation of the Scheld Supplementary Manuscripts *3 to Saptinghen, and two forts, so that your conjecture is verified and the Dutch actually pay the piper. The league formed in the Germanic body by the King of Russia is likely to circumscribe the ambitious views of the Emperor on that side and there seems to be no issue for them but on the side of the Turk. Their demarkation does not advance. It is a pity the Emperor would not confine himself to internal regu- lation. In that way he has done much good. One would think it not so difficult to discover that the improvement of the country we possess is the surest means of increasing our wealth and power. This, too, promotes the happiness of mankind while the others destroy it and are always uncertain of their object. England seems not to permit our friendship to enter into her political calculations as an article of any value. Her endeavor is not how to recover our affections or to bind us to her by alliance, but by what new experiments she may keep up an existence without us; thus leaving us to carry our full weight, present and future, into the scale of her enemy, and seeming to prefer our enmity to our neutrality. The Barbary corsairs have committed depreda- tions on us. The Emperor of Morocco took a vessel last winter which he has since restored with the crew and cargo. The Algerines took two vessels in July. These are the only captures which were known of at Algiers on the 24th of August. I mention this because the English papers would make the world M Jefferson's Works believe we have lost an infinite number. I hope soon to be able to inform our countrymen that these dangers are ceasea. There is little here to communicate in the arts and sciences. The great desideratum which was to render the discovery of the balloon useful, is not absolutely desperate. There are two artists at Javel, about four miles from here, who are able to rise and fall at will without expending their gas, and to deflect 45 0 from the course of the wind. The investigations of air and fire which have latterly so much occupied the chemists, have not presented anything very interest- ing for some time past. I send you four books, Rolend, Sigaud de la Fond, Metherie, and Scheele, which will put you in posses- sion of whatever has been discovered as yet on that subject. They are packed in a trunk directed to J. Madison of Orange, which will be carried to Rich- mond. They are in French, which you say you do not understand well. You lose infinitely by this, as you may be assured that the publications in that language at present far exceed those of England in science. With respect to the Encyclopedie it is impossible for me to judge whether to send it to you or not, as I do not know your degree of knowledge in the language nor your intentions as to increasing it. Of this you must decide for yourself and instruct me accordingly. I was unlucky as to the partridges, pheasants, hares and rabbits which I had ordered to Virginia. Supplementary Manuscripts The vessei in which I came over was to have returned to Virginia and to Warwick. I knew I could rely on the captain's care. A fellow-passenger undertook to provide them. He did so, but the destination of the vessel was changed and the poor colonists all died while my friend was looking out for another convey- ance. If I can be useful to your circulating library, the members may be assured of my zealous services. All books except English, Latin and Greek are bought here for about two-thirds of what they cost in Eng- land. They had better distribute their invoices accordingly. I must trouble you to present assur- ances of my friendship to Mr. and Mrs. Randolph of Tuckahoe, Mr. Cary, and their families. My attach- ment to them is sincere. I wish I could render them useful to them. Tell Mr. Cary I shall enjoy a very real pleasure whenever he shall carry his intentions of writing me into execution and that there is no one who more fervently wishes him well. Accept yourself assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. TO REVEREND JAMES MADISON. FONTAINEBLEAU, Oct. 28, 1 785. Dear Sir, — Seven o'clock, and retired to my fire- side, I have determined to enter into conversation with you. This is a village of about 15,000 inhab- itants when the court is not here, and 20,000 when Jefferson's Works they are, occupying a valley through which runs a brook and on each side of it a ridge of small moun- tains, most of which are naked rock. The King comes here, in the fall always, to hunt. His court attend him, as do also the foreign diplomatic corps ; but as this is not indispensably required and my finances do not admit the expense of a continued residence here, I propose to come occasionally to attend the King's levees, returning again to Paris, distant forty miles. This being the first trip, I set out yesterday morning to take a view of the place. For this purpose I shaped my course towards the highest of the moun- tains in sight, to the top of which was about a league As soon as I had got clear of the town I fell in with a poor woman walking at the same rate with myself and going the same course. Wishing to know the condition of the laboring poor I entered into conver ■ sation with her, which I began by enquiries for the path which would lead me into the mountain: and thence proceeded to enquiries into her vocation, con- dition and circumstances. She told me she was a day laborer at 8 sous or 4d. sterling the day: that she had two children to maintain, and to pay a rent of 30 livres for her house (which would consume the hire of 7 5 days) , that often she could get no employment and of course was without bread. As we had walked together near a mile and she had so far served me as a guide, I gave her, on parting, 24 sous. She burst into tears of a gratitude which I could perceive was unfeigned because she was unable to utter a word. Supplementary Manuscripts J 7 She had probably never before received so great an aid. This little attendrissement, with the solitude of my walk, led me into a train of reflections on that unequal division of property which occasions the numberless instances of wretchedness which I had observed in this country and is to be observed all over Europe. The property of this country is absolutely con- centred in a very few hands, having revenues of from half a million of guineas a year downwards. These employ the flower of the country as servants, some of them having as many as 200 domestics, not labor- • ing. They employ also a great number of manufac- turers and tradesmen, and lastly the class of laboring husbandmen. But after all there comes the most numerous of all classes, that is, the poor who cannot find work. I asked myself what could be the reason so many should be permitted to beg who are willing to work, in a country where there is a very considerable proportion of uncultivated lands ? These lands are undisturbed only for the sake of game. It should seem then that it must be because of the enor- mous wealth of the proprietors which places them above attention to the increase of their revenues by permitting these lands to be labored. I am con- scious that an equal division of property is imprac- ticable, but the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care VOL. XIX 2 *8 Jefferson's Works to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers and sisters, or other relations in equal degree, is a politic measure and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the in- equality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, and to tax the higher portions or property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there are in any country uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labor and live on. If for the encourage- ment of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be provided to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not, the fundamental right to labor the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who cannot find employment, but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state. The next object which struck my attention in my walk was the deer with which the wood abounded. They were of the kind called " Cerfs, " and not exactly of the same species with ours. They are blackish Supplementary Manuscripts *9 indeed under the belly, and not white as ours, and they are more of the chestnut red; but these are such small differences as would be sure to happen in two races from the same stock breeding separately a number of ages. Their hares are totally different from the animals we call by that name ; but their rabbit is almost exactly like him. The only differ- ence is in their manners ; the land on which I walked for some time being absolutely reduced to a honey- comb by their burrowing. I think there is no instance of ours burrowing. After descending the hill again I saw a man cutting fern. I went to him under pretence of asking the shortest road to town, and afterwards asked for what use he was cutting fern. He told me that this part of the country fur- nished a great deal of fruit to Paris. That when packed in straw it acquired an ill taste, but that dry fern preserved it perfectly without communicating any taste at all. I treasured this observation for the preservation of my apples on my return to my own country. They have no apples here to compare with our Redtown pippin. They have nothing which deserves the name of a peach ; there being not sun enough to ripen the plum-peach and the best of their soft peaches being like our autumn peaches. Their cherries and strawberries are fair, but I think lack flavor. Their plums I think are better; so also their gooseberries, and the pears infinitely beyond anything we possess. They have nothing better than our sweet-water ; but 20 Jefferson's Works they have a succession of as good from early in the summer till frost. I am to-morrow to get (to) M. Malsherbes (and uncle of the Chevalier Luzerne's) about seven leagues from hence, who is the most curious man in France as to his trees. He is making for me a collection of the vines from which the Bur- gundy, Champagne, Bordeaux, Frontignac, and other of the most valuable wines of this country are made. Another gentleman is collecting for me the best eating grapes, including what we call the raisin. I propose also to endeavor to colonize their hare, rabbit, red and grey partridge, pheasants of different kinds, and some other birds. But I find that I am wandering beyond the limits of my walk and will therefore bid vou adieu. Yours affectionately. TO FRANCIS EPPES. Paris, December n, 1785. Dear Sir, — I wrote you by Mr. Fitzhugh Aug. 30 and to Mrs. Eppes by the same conveyance Sept. 22 ; in those as in my former letters I had troubled you on the subject of sending my daughter to me. To the cautions then suggested I am obliged to add another, which our situation with respect to the Barbary powers calls for. You have doubtless heard loose stories as to their captures on us without being able to know the certainty. The truth is that the Empe- ror of Morocco took one vessel from us the last winter, but he did it merely to induce us to treat. He took Supplementary Manuscripts care of the crew, vessel and cargo and delivered the whole up for us to the Spanish coast, clothing the crew well. There is nothing further to be feared from him, as I think he will settle matters with us on toler- able terms. But the Algerines this fall took two vessels from us and now have twenty-two of our citizens in slavery. Their dispositions are more hostile and they very possibly will demand a higher tribute than America will pay. In this event they will commit depredations on our trade next summer. I do not think the insurance against them on vessels coming to France will be worth one-half per cent, but who can estimate the value of a half per cent on the fate of a child? My mind revolts at the possi- bility of a capture, so that unless you hear from myself — not trusting the information of any other person on earth — that peace is made with the Alge- rines, do not send her but in a vessel of French or English property; for these vessels alone are safe from prize by the barbarians. Mr. Barclay, our consul here, expects to go to Philadelphia in the spring and to return again here. He offers to take charge of her. She would be then in the best hands possible and should the time of his return become well ascertained I will write you on the subject. In the meantime it need not prevent your embracing any opportunity which occurs of a sound French or English ship, neither new nor old, sailing in the months of April, May, June or July, under the care 22 Jefferson's Works of a trusty person. You see how much trouble I give you till I get this little charge out of your hands. Europe is quiet. The treaty between the Emperor and Dutch signed, and one between France and the Dutch, very fatal to England. It is called a defen- sive treaty only, but it is such a one as cannot but give to France the aid of the Dutch in case of war with England. Patsy enjoys a perfect state of health; mine is become more firm. If I continue through the winter as well as I am now I shall resume confidence in my constitution. Mr. Short is at present indisposed with the jaundice. We all pant for America as will every American who comes to Europe. Present us affectionately to Mrs. Eppes and the little ones. I make her always the bearer of my kisses to dear Poll. Assure Mrs. and Mr. Skipwith also of our love and believe me to be, with the highest esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant. P. S. I saw in a Virginia paper that somebody gave me as the author of information that we had nothing to fear from the Algerines. No such infor- mation ever went from me. The writer probably had not distinguished between the pirates of Algiers and Morocco. Of the peaceful disposition of the latter I have written, but never of the former. Supplementary Manuscripts 23 TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Paris, January 4, 1786. Sir, — I have been honored with your letter of September 26, which was delivered me by Mr. Hou- don, who is safely returned. He has brought with him a mould of the face only, having left the other parts of his work with his workmen to come by some other conveyance. Doctor Franklin, who was joined with me in the superintendence of this just monu- ment, having left us before what is called the costume of the statue was decided on, I cannot so well satisfy myself as I am persuaded I should not so well satisfy the world as by consulting your own wish or inclina- tion as to this arrangement. Permit me, therefore, to ask you whether there is any particular dress or any particular attitude which you would rather wish to be adopted? I shall take a singular pleasure in having your own idea executed if you will be so good as to make it known to me. I thank you for the trouble you have taken in answering my inquiries on the subject of Bushnel's machine. Colonel Humphreys could only give me a general idea of it from the effects produced rather than the means contrived to produce them. I sincerely rejoice that three such works as the opening the Potomac, the James river, Virginia canal from the Dismal, are like to be carried through. There is still a fourth, however, which I had the honor, I believe, of mentioning to you in a letter of 24 Jefferson's Works March 15, 1784, from Annapolis. It is the cutting a canal which shall unite the heads of Cayahoga and the Beaver creek. The utility of this and even the necessity of it, if we mean to aim at the trade of the lakes, will be palpable to you. The only question is its practicability. The best information I could get as to this was from General Hand, who described the country as champaign and these waters as heading in lagoons which would be easily united. Maryland and Pennsylvania are both interested to concur with us in this work. The institutions you propose to establish by the shore in the Potomac and James river companies, given you by the assembly, and the particular objects of these institutions are most worthy. It occurs to me, however, that if the bill for the more general diffusion of knowledge which is in the revisal should be passed, it would supersede the use and obscure the existence of the charity schools you have thought of. I suppose in fact that that bill, or some other like it, will be passed. I never saw one received with more enthusiasm than that was by the House of Delegates in the year 1778 and ordered to be printed and it seemed afterwards that nothing but the extreme distress of our resources prevented it being carried into execution even during the war. It is an axiom in my mind that our liberty can never be safe but in the hands of the people themselves, and that, too, of the people with a certain degree of instruction. This it is the business of the state to effect, and on a Supplementary Manuscripts 25 general plan. Should you see a probability of this, however, you can never be at a loss for worthy objects of this donation. Even the remitting that propor- tion of the toll on all articles transported would present itself under many favorable considerations, and it would in effect be to make the state do, in a certain proportion, what they ought to have done wholly; for I think^they should clear all the rivers and lay them open and free to all. However, you are infinitely the best judge how the most good may be effected with these shares. All is quiet here. There are, indeed, two specks in the horizon, the exchange of Bavaria and the demarcation between the Emperor and Turks. We may add as a third the interference by the King of Prussia in the domestic disputes of the Dutch. Great Britain, it is said, begins to look towards us with a little more good humor. But how true this may be I cannot say with certainty. We are trying to render her commerce as little necessary to us as pos- sible by finding other markets for our produce. A most favorable reduction of duties on whale oil has taken place here, which will give us a vent for that article, paying a duty of a guinea and a half a tun only. I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient and most hum- ble servant. Jefferson's Works TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. Paris, January 13, 1786. Dear Sir, — I had the honor of receiving on the 1 st instant your favor of Dec. 17. I had before that, in a letter of Dec. 8, explained to you the cause of the bill not being paid which appeared here in your name, so far as I had been obliged to meddle in it. My letter to Mr. Grand which I inclosed to you will have shown you that I advised him to follow what had been his practice as to your bills. I do assure you, Sir, most solemnly that as to myself no question ever arose in my mind but whether the bill was genuine or not; and that had that been ascertained I should never have presumed to doubt the propriety of the draught. Of that you alone are the judge in my opinion and accountable to nobody but Congress , but least of all to me who have nothing to do with the application of the moneys here and am only forced into the temporary interference by Mr. Grand's refusal to pay anything but on my order. I have sent representations on this subject to the board of the treasury, and shall expect ere long to communi- cate their orders to Mr. Grand for exercising this office himself according to the rules they shall lay down for his government. The mention made in your letter of some articles of expense occasions me to observe to you that post- age and couriers are allowed to be charged by an express resolution of Congress. That etrennes and Supplementary Manuscripts 2 7 house-rent have likewise been charged by the minis- ters and allowed in the settlement of their accounts. I conceive that illuminations and gala may with some propriety be charged. I think it is the universal custom to allow all ministers charges of these descrip- tions. I think Dr. Franklin told me he had made diligent enquiry here of the diplomatic corps and had only charged those things which were sanctioned by general usage in the diplomatic accounts. I take the liberty of mentioning these things to you that the want of information may not occasion you to place yourself on a worse footing than that on which you have just title to stand. At the same time I will pray you to make use of the information only for the erect- ing of your accounts, as I should be unwilling to be named as the author of an advice in which I might seem to be interested. I omitted to observe on the subject of your bill of exchange that I have not had an opportunity of recurring to the letters written by yourself and Mr. Grand to which you refer me. We have been in expectation of receiving a renewal of the bill and that you would be so good as to accom- pany it with a letter of advice, a precaution which the innumerable forgeries of this city are thought to render necessary even in private cases. I suppose you will have heard that Dr. Franklin is appointed President of Pennsylvania and has" accepted the office. Houdon went over on account of the State of Virginia to take the moulds of General Washington in order to make his statue. He is 2 8 Jefferson's Works returned. He tells me that he heard of the safe arrival of the ass which the King of Spain had been so generous as to send to the General. He could not tell me where he was arrived. A letter from General Washington of Nov. 2 informs me that of £50,000 sterling necessary for opening the Potomac, £44,000 was actually made up and no fear of procuring the balance so that the work is begun. The whole money for opening James river is made up. This is the only American news I have worth communicating. This government has lately reduced the duties on American whale oil to a guinea and a half a tun which will draw that commerce from London wholly to this country. Mr. Adams having made complaint to the court of London of the ill behavior of Captain Stan- hope I am informed though not from him that they disavow his conduct and have severely reprimanded him and given this official information to Mr. Adams. He also required a re-delivery of our prisoners sent to the East Indies. They have informed him that they have given orders for their being brought back. Mr. Barclay will have the honor of delivering you this and of supplying any intelligence I may omit. I am sure you will give him all the aid in your power as to his object. Accept from me assurances of the sincere esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 29 TO JAMES MADISON. London, April 25, 1786. Dear Sir, — Some of the objects of the joint com- mission with which we were honored by Congress called me to this place about six weeks ago. To- morrow I set out on my return to Paris. With this nation nothing is done and it is now decided that they intend to do nothing with us. The King is against a change of measures, his ministers are against it, some from principle, others from attach- ment to their places, and the merchants and people are against it. They sufficiently value our com- merce, but they are quite persuaded they shall enjoy it on their own terms. This political speculation fosters the warmest feeling in the King's heart, that is his hatred to us. If ever he should be forced to make any terms with us it will be by events which he does not foresee. He takes no pains at present to hide his aversion. Our commission expiring in a fortnight there is an end of all further attempts on our part to arrange matters between the two countries. The treaty of peace being yet unexecuted it remains that each party conduct themselves as the combined considerations of justice and of caution require. We have had conversations on the subject of our debts with the chairman of the committee of American merchants here. He was anxious for arrangements. He was sensible that it was for the interest of the creditors as well as debtors to allow 30 Jefferson's Works time for the payment of the debts due to this country and did not seem to think the time taken by Virginia was more than enough. But we could not help agreeing with him that the courts should be open to them immediately, judgments recoverable, the executions to be divided into so many equal and annual parts as will admit the whole to be paid by the year 1790 and that the payments should be in money and not in anything else. If our law is not already on this footing I wish extremely it were put on it. When we proceeded to discuss the sum which should be paid we concurred in thinking that the principal and interest preceding and subsequent to the war should be paid. As to interest during the war the chairman thought it justly demandable ; we thought otherwise. I need not recapitulate to you the topics of arguments on each side. He said the renunciation of this interest was a bitter pill which they could not swallow. Perhaps he would have agreed to say nothing about it, not expecting to receive it in most cases, yet willing to take the chance of it where debtors or juries should happen to be favorably disposed. We should have insisted on an express declaration that this interest should not be demandable. These conferences were intended as preparatory to authoritative propositions, but the minister not condescending to meet us at all on the subject they ended in nothing. I think the mer- chants here do not expect to recover interest during Supplementary Manuscripts 3 1 the war in general though they are of opinion they are entitled to it. I wrote you in a former letter on the subject of a Mr. Paradise who owns an estate in Virginia in right of his wife and who has a considerable sum due him in our loan office. Since I came here I have had opportunity of knowing his extreme personal worth and his losses by the late war. He is from principle a pure republican while his father was as warm a tory. His attachment to the American cause and his candid warmth brought him sometimes into altercations on the subject with his father, and some persons inter- ested in their variance artfully brought up this sub- ject of conversation whenever they met. It pro- duced a neglect in the father. He had already settled on him a sum of money in the funds, but would do no more and probably would have undone that if he could. When remittances from Virginia were for- bidden the profits of the Virginia estate were carried into our loan office. Paradise was then obliged to begin to eat his capital in England; from that to part with conveniences and to run in debt. His situation is now distressing and would be com- pletely relieved could he receive what is due him from our state. He is coming over to settle there. His wife and family will follow him. I never ask unjust preferences for anybody ; but if by any just means he can be helped to his money, I own I would be much gratified. The goodness of his heart, his kindness to Americans before, during and since the war, the Jefferson's Works purity of his political and moral character, interest me in the events pending over him and which will infallibly be ruinous if he fails to receive his money. I ask of you on his behalf that in pursuing the path of right you will become active for him instead of being merely quiescent were his merit and his mis- fortunes unknown to you. I have put into the hands of Mr. Fulwar Skipwith for you a packet containing some catalogues which he will forward. I am with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. TO PHILIP MAZZEI. Marseilles, April 4, 1787. Dear Sir, — I have had the pleasure of finding your friend Soria alive, and one of the most considerable merchants here. I delivered him your letter and he has shown me all the attentions which the state of his mind would permit. A few days before my arrival his only son had eloped with jewels and money to the value of 40,000 livres and I believe is not yet heard of. He speaks of you with friend- ship and will be happy to see you on your way south- wardly. He has promised to make me acquainted with a well-informed gardener whom I expect to find among the most precious of my acquaintances. From men of that class I have derived the most satisfactory information in the course of my journey and have sought their acquaintance with as much industry as Supplementary Manuscripts 33 I have avoided that of others who would have made me waste my time [illegible] good society. For these objects one need not leave Paris. I find here several interesting articles of culture; the best [illegible] the best grapes for drying, a smaller [illegible] the same purposes without a seed, from Smyrna, olives, capers, pistachio nuts, almonds. All these articles may succeed on or southward of the Chesapeake. From hence my inclination would lead me no further [illegible] as I am to see little more than a rocky coast. But I am [illegible] here with the hopes of finding something useful in the rice-fields of Pied- mont, which are said to be but a little way beyond the Alps. It will probably be the middle of June before I get back to Paris. In the meantime I wish to observe that if this absence, longer than you had calculated, should render an earlier pecuniary supply necessary, lodge a line for me at Aix poste restant where I shall find it about the last of this month and I shall with great pleasure do what may be needful for you. Be so good as to present my respects to the Maison de la Rochefoucault and accept yourself my sincere assurances of esteem and regard from, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant. YOL. XIX — 3 34 Jefferson's Works to l'abbe d'arnal. Paris, July 9, 1787. Dear Sir, — I had the honor of informing you when at Nismes that we had adopted in America a method of hanging the upper stone of a grist mill which had been found so much more convenient than the ancient as to have brought it into general use. Whether we derive the invention from Europe or have made it ourselves I am unable to say. The difference consists only in the spindle and horns. On the former plan the horns were of a single piece of iron in the form of a cross with a square hole in the middle, which square hole fitted on the upper end of the spindle. The horns were then fixed in cross grooves in the bottom of the upper stone which was to be laid on the spindle so as that the place of its grinding surface would be perfectly perpendicular to the spindles. This was a difficult and tedious operation and was to be repeated every time the stones were dressed. According to our method two distinct pieces of iron are substituted for the horns. The one in this form of such breadth and thickness as to support the whole weight of the stone. Its straight ends are to be firmly fixed in one of the cross grooves of the stone, the circular part should rise through the hole in the center of the stone so as to be near its upper surface ; in the middle of this semicircular part and on the under surface — Supplementary Manuscripts 35 at "V — should be a dimple to which the upper end of the spindle should be adjusted by giving it a convexity fitted to the concavity of the dimple. The other piece of iron is only a straight bar to be firmly fixed in the other of the cross grooves of the stone and to have a square hole in its center, thus : t- the corresponding part of the spindle must be squared to fit this hole. The office of the first piece of iron is to suspend the stone, that of the last is to give and continue its motion. The stones being dressed and these pieces firmly fixed in it, it is turned over on the spindle so that the point of the spindle may enter the dimple of the semicircular iron, and the stone be suspended on it freely. It will probably not take at first its true position, which is that of the plane of its grinding surface being truly perpendicular to the spindle. The workman must, therefore, chip it at the top with a chisel till it hangs in that just position. This being once done it is done forever ; for whenever they dress the stone afterwards they have only to return the upper one to its point and it will resume its equilibrium. It sometimes happens that one side of the stone being softer than the other wears faster and so the equilibrium is lost in time. Experience has shown that a small departure from the equili- brium will be rectified by the bed stone which serves as a guide to the running stone till it assumes its motion in a true plane which it will afterwards keep. 3 6 Jefferson's Works But should a defect of the stone render this departure from the equilibrium too considerable it may be necessary to set it to rights at certain periods by chipping it again on the top. I had promised, when I had the honor of seeing you at Nismes, to send you a model of this manner of fixing the mill-stones, but the expense of sending a model by post, the danger of its being lost or destroyed by the messagerie, and the hope that I could render it intelligible by a description and figures, have induced me to prefer the latter method. I shall with great pleasure give any further explanations which may be necessary for your perfect comprehension of it, and the more so as it will furnish me with new occasions of assuring you of those sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, July 23, 1787. Dear Sir, — Frouille, the bookseller here who is engaged in having your book translated and printed, understanding that you are about publishing a sequel to it, has engaged me to be the channel of his prayers to you to favor his operation by transmitting hither the sheets of the sequel as they shall be printed ; and he will have them translated by the same hand, which is a good one. It is necessary for one to explain the passage in Supplementary Manuscripts 37 Mr. Barclay's letter of July 13 of which he writes me he had sent you a duplicate wherein he mentions that I had given him a full dispensation from waiting on you in London. Mr. Barclay was arrested in Bor- deaux for debt and put into prison. The Parliament released him after five days on the footing of his being consul and minister from the United States to Morocco. His adversaries applied here to deprive him of his privilege. I spoke on the subject to the minister. He told me that the character of consul was no protection at all from private arrest, but that he would try to avail him of the other character. I found, however, that the event might be doubtful and stated the whole in a letter to Mr. Barclay, observing at the same time that I knew of nothing which rendered it necessary for him to come to Paris before his departure for America. He determined, therefore, to go to America immediately, which indeed was his wisest course as he would have been harassed immediately by his creditors. Our funds here have been out some time and Mr. Grand is at the length of his tether in advancing for us. He has refused very small demands for current occasions and I am not clear he will not refuse my usual one for salary. He has not told me so, but I am a little diffident of it. I shall know in a few days whether he does or not. I cannot approve of his protesting small and current calls. Having had nothing to do with any other banker I cannot say what their practice is, but I suppose it their practice 3 8 Jefferson's Works to advance for their customers when their funds happen to be out in proportion to the sums which they pass through their hands. Mr. Grand is a very sure banker, but a very timid one, and I fear he thinks it possible that he may lose his advances for the United States. Should he reject my draught, would there be any prospect of its being answered in Hol- land? Merely for my own and Mr. Short's salaries, say 4,500 livres a month? You will have heard that the Emperor has put troops into march on account of the disturbances in Brabant. The situation of affairs in Holland you know better than I do. How will they end? I have the honor to be, with senti- ments of the most profound esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. Paris, August 6, 1787. Dear Sir, — This will be handed you by Doctor Gibbons, a young gentleman who after studying physic and taking his degrees at Edinburgh has passed some time here. He has desired the honor of being known to you, and I find a pleasure in being the instrument of making him so. It is a tax to which your celebrity submits you. Every man of the present age will wish to have the honor of having known, and being known to you. You will find Doctor Gibbons to possess learning, genius and merit. As such I ask leave to present him to you, and of Supplementary Manuscripts 39 assuring you at the same time of the sentiments of profound respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant. TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, December 31, 1787. Dear Sir, — Mr. Parker furnishes me an oppor- tunity of acknowledging the receipt of your favors of November 10, December 6, 10, 18, and 25, which I avoid doing through post. The orders on the sub- ject of our captives at Algiers have come to me by the last packet. They are to be kept secret even from the captives themselves lest a knowledge of the interference of government should excite to extravagant demands. The settlement of the prices in the first instance is important as a precedent. Willincks and Van Staphorsts answered that they had money enough to pay the February interest and our draughts for salary for some time, but that the payment of Fiseaux's capital would oblige them to advance of their own money. They observed, too, that the payment of such a sum without the orders of the treasury would lay them under an unnecessary responsibility. I therefore concluded the business by desiring them to pay the year's interest becoming due to-morrow and paying Mr. Fiseaux to quiet the lenders with that till I could procure the orders of the treasury to whom I wrote immediately an account 40 Jefferson's Works of the whole transaction. I was the better satisfied with this on receiving your letter of the 2 5th by which I find it your opinion that our credit may not suffer so materially. The declining the payment came from the Willincks, the Van Staphorsts having offered to advance their money. I enclose you a letter I have received from the Comptroller General and an asset on the subject of our commerce. They are the proof sheets, as, at the moment of my writing my letter I have not yet received the fair ones, but the French columns are correct enough to be under- stood. I would wish them not to be public till they are made so on the other side of the water. I think the alliance of this court with the two imperial ones is going on well. You will have heard of the Em- peror's having attempted to surprise Belgrade and failed in the attempt. This necessarily engaged him in the war and so tends to continue it. I think it settled that this court abandons the Turks. Mr. Parker takes charge of the ten ounces of double Florence for Mrs. Adams, the silk stockings are not yet ready. I had ordered them to be made by the hermits of Mont Calvaire who are famous for the excellence and honesty of their work -and prices. They will come by the first good opportunity. Be so good as to present my respects to her and to be assured of the sincere attachment and respect of, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 41 TO EDWARD BANCROFT. Paris, January 26, 1788. Dear Sir, — I have deferred answering your letter on the subject of slaves because you permitted me to do it till a moment of leisure, and that moment rarely comes, and because, too, I could not answer you with such a degree of certainty as to merit any notice. I do not recollect the conversation at Vincennes to which you allude, but can repeat still on the same ground on which I must have done then that as far as I can judge from the experiments which have been made to give liberty to, or rather abandon, persons whose habits have been formed in slavery is like abandoning children. Many Quakers in Virginia seated their slaves on their lands as ten- ants; they were distant from me, and therefore I cannot be particular in the details because I never had very particular information. I cannot say whether they were to pay a rent in money or a share of the produce, but I remember that the landlord was obliged to plan their crops for them, to direct all their operations during every season and according to the weather ; but what is more afflicting, he was obliged to watch them daily and almost constantly to make them work and even to whip them. A man's moral sense must be unusually strong if slavery does not make him a thief. He who is permitted by law to have no property of his own can with difficulty con- ceive that property is founded in anything but force. 42 Jefferson's Works These slaves chose to steal from their neighbors rather than work ; they became public nuisances and in most instances were reduced to slavery again. But I will beg of you to make no use of this imperfect information (unless in common conversation). I shall go to America in the spring and return in the fall. During my stay in Virginia I shall be in the neighborhood where many of these trials were made. I will inform myself very particularly of them and communicate the information to you. Besides these there is an instance since I came away of a young man (Mr. Mays) who died and gave freedom tD all his slaves, about 200; this is about a year ago. I shall know how they have turned out. Notwithstanding the discouraging re- sult of these experiments I am decided on my final return to America to try this one. I shall endeavor to import as many Germans as I have grown slaves. I will settle them and my slaves on farms of fifty acres each, intermingled, and place all on the footing of the Metayers (Medictani) of Europe. Their chil- dren shall be brought up as others are in habits of property and foresight, and I have no doubt but that they will be good citizens. Some of their fathers will be so, others I suppose will need government; with these all that can be done is to oblige them to labor as the laboring poor of Europe do, and to apply to their comfortable subsistence the produce of their labor, retaining such a moderate portion of it as may be a just equivalent for the use of the Supplementary Manuscripts 43 lands they labor and the stocks and other necessary advances. A word now on Mr. Paradise's affairs. You were informed at the time of the arrangement they had established in their affairs, to wit, reserving four hun- dred pounds a year for their subsistence, abandoning the rest of their income, about four hundred pounds more, all their credits (one which is eight hundred pounds from an individual and another is one thou- sand pounds from the State), and the cutting of a valuable wood, to their creditors. Their whole debts amounting but to two thousand three hundred pounds, the term of payment cannot be long if this arrangement can be preserved. I had hoped that the journey to Italy would have fixed Mrs. Paradise with her daughter and left him free to travel or tarry where he liked best, but this journey has been a bur- den instead of a relief to their affairs. In fact it is evident to me that the society of England is neces- sary for the happiness of Mrs. Paradise and is perhaps the most agreeable to Mr. Paradise also; it is an object, therefore, to obtain the concurrence of their creditors in the arrangements taken. The induce- ment to be proposed to them is Miss Paradise joining in a deed in which these dispositions shall be stipu- lated (which by the laws of Virginia will bind her property there) so that the creditors would be secured of their debts in the event of Mr. Para- dise's death. The inducement to Mr. and Mrs. Paradise is that their persons and property shall 44 Jefferson's Works be free from molestation and their substance not consumed at law. We suppose that the creditors will name one trus- tee and Mr. Paradise another (yourself), fully and solely authorized to receive all remittances from America, to pay to them first their subsistence money and the rest to the creditors till they are fully paid. Miss Paradise will set out in a few days for London to set her hand to this accommodation ; in the mean- time they hope you will prepare the ground by nego- tiating the settlement with the creditors; as far as I have any influence with Mr. or Mrs. Paradise I used it and shall use it for the joint interests of their creditors and themselves, for I view it was clearly their interest to reduce themselves to as moderate an expense as possible till their debts are paid; if this can be effected before my departure in April I will not only aid it here, but have anything done which may be necessary in Virginia when I go there, such as the recording the deed, etc. This journey of Mr. Paradise's will also be an experiment whether their distresses will not be lighter when separated than while together. I shall always be glad to hear from you. Since Mr. Adams' departure I have need of information from that country and should rely much on yours; it will always therefore be acceptable. I am with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 45 TO THE COUNTESS BARZIZA. Paris, July 8, 1788. Madam, — The letter of March 15, which you did me the honor to address me, came during my absence on a journey through Holland and Germany, and my first attentions after my return were necessarily called to some objects of business of too pressing a nature to be postponed. This has prevented my acknowledging as soon as I could have wished the honor of receiving your letter. The welcome recep- tion which Mr. and Mrs. Paradise met with in Vir- ginia was due to their own merit which had been well known there before their arrival, and to the esteem for your family entertained in that country. You would experience the same, Madam, were any consideration to tempt you to leave for a while your present situation to visit the transatlantic seat of your ancestors. Heaven has already blessed you with one child, for which accept my sincere congratu- lations. It may perhaps multiply these blessings on you and in that event your family estate in Vir- ginia may become a handsome and happy establish- ment for a younger child. It will be a welcome present to a country which will continue to think it has some claims on you. I felicitate you on the prospect of seeing Mr. and Mrs. Paradise at Venice. The happiness of your situation, your virtues and those of the Count Barziza will contribute to re-estab- lish that tranquillity of mind which an unhappy loss 46 Jefferson's Works has disturbed and continues to disturb. Sensibility of mind is indeed the parent of every virtue, but it is the parent of much misery too. Nobody is more its victim than Mr. Paradise. Your happiness, your affection and your attentions can alone restore his serenity of mind. I am sure it will find repose in these sources, and that your virtues and those of the Count Barziza will occupy his mind in thinking on what he possesses rather than on what he has lost, and in due time to deliver him up fully to ^our affections. I wish to you, Madam, a continuance of all those circumstances of happiness which surround you, and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Madam, your most obe- dient and most humble servant. TO C. W. F. DUMAS. Paris, July 30, 1788. Sir, — Your favor of the 24th has just come to hand and that of the 20th June had never been acknowl- edged. I congratulate you on the news just received of the accession of New Hampshire to the new Con- stitution, which suffices to establish it. I have the honor to inclose you details on that subject, as also on the reception of Mr. Adams, which you will be so good as to reduce to such a size as may gain admis- sion into the Ley den gazette. We may take a little glory to ourselves, too, on the victory of our Paul Supplementary Manuscripts 47 Jones over the Turks commanded by the Captain Pacha, and we may be assured, if it has been as signal as the Russians say, that Constantinople will be bom- barded by that officer. Why did the Swedish fleet salute the Russian instead of attacking it ? It would make one suspect that their whole movements had in view to divert the Russian fleet from going round if it could be done by hectoring without engaging in the war, well understood that Turkey pays and England guarantees them against all events. It is scarcely possible, however, that all these things can pass over without a war. I think the internal affairs of this country will be settled without bloodshed. I have the honor to be, with very great esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. TO JOHN JAY. Paris, September 5, 1788. Sir, — I wrote you the 3d instant and have this day received Mr. Remsen's favor of July 25, written during your absence at Poughkeepsie, and enclosing the ratification of the loan of a million florins for which Mr. Adams had executed bonds at Amsterdam in March last. The expediency of that loan resulting from an estimate made by Mr. Adams and myself, and that estimate having been laid before Congress, their ratification of the loan induces a presumption that they will appropriate the money to the objects of the estimate. I am in hopes, therefore, that orders are 48 Jefferson's Works given by the Treasury Board to the commissioners of loans at Amsterdam to apply these moneys accord- ingly and especially to furnish as soon as they shall have it what may be necessary for the redemption of our captives at Algiers, which is a pressing call. I am not without anxiety however or this subject, because in a letter of July 2 2d, received this day from the Treasury Board, they say nothing on that subject nor on the arrearages of the foreign officers. They indorse me the order of Congress of the iSth of July for sending to the Treasury Board the books and papers of the office of foreign accounts. I shall accordingly put them into the hands of a person who goes from Paris to-morrow morning by the way of Havre to America and shall endeavor to prevail on him to attend them from the place of his landing to Xew York that the board may receive them from the hand which receives them from me. The re-establishment of the parliament and revo- cation of everything which was done on the 8th of May is expected to take place in three or four days. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect. Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO FRANCIS H0PKINS0N. Paris. December 21. 1788. Dear Sir. — My last to you was of May 8 and July 6. that of the latter date was only to enclose a book- Supplementary Manuscripts 49 seller's proposals for sending books to America. The one of May 8 acknowledged the receipt of yours of Dec. 1 6. I informed you also in the letter of May 8 that the vinegar was at length lodged for you in the hands of M. Limousin at Havre to be forwarded to the first vessel to Philadelphia. He has never sent it till the last month and then by a vessel bound to Baltimore as you will see by the enclosed bill of lading. However it was in the care of a Mr. Vanet who was to go on to New York and who I hope would give you notice of it. The books also which were lodged with M. Limousin for yourself, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Rittenhouse remained the whole winter at Havre. However, I hope you have long ago received them safe. I sent you as far as the 2 2d livraison of the Encyclopedic We are now at the 29th. To that number, therefore, and what more may come out before April 1, I shall bring to you, for I have asked of Congress a leave of five or six months' absence of the next year to carry my family home and to arrange my affairs there which were left at sixes and sevens under the idea of soon return- ing to them. I shall hope therefore to see you in the course of the summer. I have no doubt about continuing to take out your encyclopaedia because I have had your express approbation cf doing it and you would expressly desire me to cease if you meant to discon- tinue. But I am more doubtful as to Dr. Franklin's because my first doing it for him was without orders VOL. XIX — 4 Jefferson's Works and he has never intimated to me a wish to continue. However I shall bring his also, unless he expressly desires the contrary for which he will still have time as I shall not sail till the middle of April. Be so good as to mention these things to him with my sincere respects. Not having one scrap of news in literature or the arts I must be contented to give you those of the political world. This country is proceeding steadily to form a constitution. The noise in the earlier part of it threatened violence, but as yet not a life has been lost. All hands are employed in drawing plans of bills of rights. Their States-General will probably meet in March. They will obtain with little or no opposition from the court their own periodical meet- ing, their exclusive right to tax, and a share in the legislation. Some will aim at a habeas corpus law and free press. These will not be so sure in the first session. These occupations render this country very desirous of peace. The insanity of the King of England leaves them tolerably sure of it, as regencies are generally peaceable and there is no other quarter from which they feared being forced into a war. We had supposed the war in the North in a fair way of being stopped when all of a sudden disturbances in Poland seem to threaten a rupture between Russia and Poland. In this case the former must make her peace with the Turks by the cession of the Crimea and the scene of war will be changed. As yet, however, the symptoms are not decisive enough to say that it Supplementary Manuscripts 5* will take that turn. I am happy to find our new Constitution is accepted and our government likely to answer its purposes better. I hope that the addition of a bill of rights will bring over to it a greater part of those now opposed to it; and that this may be added without submitting the whole to the risk of a new convention. It would still have one fault in my eye, that of perpetual re-eligibility of the Presi- dent. But if my fears on that should be verified in the experiment I trust to the good sense of our chil- dren that they will apply the remedy which shall suit the circumstances then existing. Remember me affectionately to Mr. Rittenhouse and his family. Join my daughter in the same greetings as well as in those I desire you to present to your mother. Be assured yourself of the sentiments of esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. P. S. Jan. i, 1789. My letter having waited a conveyance till this date I will add a word on the rigors of the winter in which we are. They have been excessive since the middle of November and are likely to continue. The mercury has been here as low as 9^° of Fahrenheit below nought, that is to say 41^° below the freezing point, which is more than was ever known before. I received letters from Marseilles this morning informing me the winter is more severe there than it was in 1709, when they lost all their olive trees. They apprehend the same 5 2 Jefferson's Works calamity now; and it will take twenty years to replace them. Jan. 12. After sealing my letter yours of Oct. 23d came to hand. I am glad to hear of Dr. Frank- lin's health; having had no news of him since July we were in quiet. I have seen Mr. and Mrs. Tellier the vinegar you find is on its way. You will have the enjoyment the longer. I have not had time to read your vagary as you call it because I opened the letter only in the moment this is going off. I am sure it will please me as all your vagaries do. Adieu. TO JOHN JAY. Paris, March 1, 1789. Sir, — My last letters have been of the nth, 12th and 2 1 st of January. The present conveyance being through the post to Havre, from whence a vessel is to sail for New York, I avail myself of it principally to send you the newspapers. That of Leyden of the 24th contains a note of the Charge des Affaires of France at Warsaw which is interesting. It shows a concert between France and Russia ; it is a prognosti- cation that Russia will interfere in the affairs of Poland, and if she does it is most probable that the King of Poland must be drawn into the war. The revolution which has taken place in Geneva is a remarkable and late event. With the loss of only two or three lives, and in the course of one week, riots Supplementary Manuscripts 53 begun at first on account of a rise in the price of bread were improved and pointed to a reformation of their constitution, and their ancient constitution has been almost completely re-established. Nor do I see any reason to doubt of the permanence of the re-establishment. The King of England has shown such marks of returning reason that the regency bill was postponed in the House of Lords on the 19th inst. It seems now probable there may be no change of the minis- try, perhaps no regent. We may be sure, however, that the present ministry make the most of those favorable symptoms. There has been a riot in Brit- tany begun on account of the price of bread but con- verted into a quarrel between the noblesse and Tiers- Etat. Some few lives were lost in it. All is quieted for the present moment. In Burgundy and Franche- cornpte the opposition of the nobles to the views of government is very warm. Everywhere else, however, the revolution is going on quietly and steadily and the public mind ripening so fast that there is great reason to hope a good result from the States-General. Their numbers — about twelve hundred — give room to fear, indeed, that they may be turbulent. Having never heard of Admiral Paul Jones since the action in which he took part before Oczahow, I began to be a little uneasy. But I have now received a letter from him dated at St. Petersburg, the 31st of January, where he had just arrived at the desire 54 * Jefferson's Works of the Empress. He has hitherto commanded on the Black Sea. He does not know whether he shall be employed there, or where, the ensuing campaign. I have no other intelligence which would not lead me into details improper for the present mode of convey- ance. After observing, therefore, that the gazettes of France and Leyden to the present date accompany this I shall only add assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO JOHN PAUL JONES. Paris, March 23, 1789. (By courier of France.) Dear Sir, — Your favor of January 20/31 from St. Petersburg came safe to hand and is the only proof we have received of your existence since you left Copenhagen. I mention this that reflecting how and what you have written heretofore you may know how and what you may write hereafter. I shall put noth- ing into this letter but what is important to you and unimportant to any government through which it may pass. To begin with your private affairs. I received three days ago from M. Amoureux a bill for 1,900 louis payable at three (usances?), which I have deliv- ered to Messrs. Grand and Co., and desired them to receive it when due and hold it subject to your order. Supplementary Manuscripts 55 This Amoureux mentions as forming a une bagatelle pres, the balance due you. Having been * * * * to carry into execution the orders for the medals, I have contracted with the workmen for them and they are all in hand. Yours is to be executed by Dupre who is, I think, the best among them ; and it will be done in the course of the summer. My instructions as to these medals are general, to wit : I am to deliver one of gold or silver — as the case may be — to the person who is the subject ; to send one of silver to every sovereign and one of copper to every University of Europe (Great Britain excepted), two hundred copies to Congress and one apiece to Lafayette, Rochambeau, Destaing and Degrasse. I am at liberty to deliver no others. Not even at the orders and expense of the persons who are the subjects of the medals. But your wish will be fulfilled as to the Empress, because I shall send her ( a suite of the whole medals under the general order. I had lately presented to me a demand for about ^4,000 from the French consul at Bergen, without being told for what. My answer was tlvA I knew of no cause for such an application and could not pay it. I suspect this demand has some connection with a very large packet of official papers I received addressed to you from Denmark or Norway in the Danish lan- guage. By the bye, that business makes no way; though I have written to Count Bernstorff pressing a settlement, and often spoken to their envoy here, I cannot obtain one word of an answer of any kind. 5 6 Jefferson's Works Another word on the subject of your medal. Immediately on the receipt of your letter I wrote to the medallist, cul-de-sac Tetebout (his name is Renaud), and bought a copy of the medal he had made, which I gave to Dupre with the observations of your letter on it. He will avail himself of so much of the design as is good and as is permitted by the resolution of the Academie, to whom I applied for devices for all the medals. Gordon's history fur- nished me a good relation of your engagement though the author has permitted himself an impertinence or two relative to you. Renaud 's account is 852, as you will see by the inclosed state of it. Mr. Grand will pay him on your order so much of it as you find just. Houdon has promised to have the eight busts ready as soon as possible, and I shall have him paid out of the same fund. They will be ready packed against your orders arrived as to the persons to whom they were destined. For you will please to observe that neither your letter of January 20/31 nor the extracts forwarded in that of * * * and September 16/23 mention the names of the persons they are to be sent to. In like manner your letter of January 20/31 says it incloses an extract of the journal of your campaign in 1779. But none such was inclosed. Mr. Short, now in Italy, will be here to receive your orders for the distribution of the busts. I shall be absent in America from the first of May to the end of Novem- ber, as I have asked leave to go and carry my family Supplementary Manuscripts 57 home and arrange my affairs, and shall return before the winter sets in. But the busts will be finished and paid for before I go, so that nothing will remain for Mr. Short but to forward them. ***** m y senti- ments respecting the Algerines. I shall certainly make them a subject of consultation with our gov- ernment while I shall be in America. My favorite project is still to procure a concurrence of the powers at war with them; that that concurrence continue till the strength of those barbarians at sea be totally annihilated and that the combined force employed in effecting this shall not be disturbed in its operation by wars or other incidents occurring between the powers composing it. Our new Constitution was acceded to in the course of the last summer by all the states except North Carolina and Rhode Island. Massachusetts, Vir- ginia and New York though they accepted uncon- ditionally yet gave it as a perpetual instruction to their future delegates never to cease urging certain amendments. North Carolina insisted that the amendments should be made before she would accede. The more important of these amendments will be effected by adding a bill of rights ; and even the friends of the Constitution are become sensible of the expediency of such an addition were it only to conciliate the opposition. In fact this security for liberty seems to be demanded by the general voice of America and we may conclude it will unquestion- ably be added. New York, Virginia and North Caro- 5 8 Jefferson's Works lina have also demanded that a term be fixed after which the President shall be no longer eligible. But the public has been silent on this demand ; so we may doubt its success. In the meantime the elections for the new government were going on quietly at the date of our last letters. We have the names of most of the Senators but not of the representatives. There was no question but General Washington would be elected President ; and we know that he would accept it, though with vast reluctance. The new Congress was to meet the first Wednesday in this month, at New York. The tickets of election of the President would then be opened, and I presume that General Washington is now at New York and the new legisla- ture in a course of business. The only competitions for the Vice-Presidentship were Mr. J. Adams and Mr. Hancock. It was thought the former would be chosen. Though the new Constitution was adopted in eleven states, yet in those of Massachusetts, Virginia and New York it was by very small majorities; and the minorities in the two last are far from the laud- able acquiescence of that of Massachusetts. Gov- ernor Clinton in New York and Mr. Henry in Vir- ginia are moving heaven and earth to have a new convention to make capital changes. But they will not succeed. There has been just opposition enough to produce probably further guards to liberty with- out touching the energy of the government and this will bring over the bulk of the opposition to the side of the new government. Supplementary Manuscripts 59 In this country things go on well. The States- General are to meet the 27th of April. The report of Mr. Necker to the King seems to promise the public : 1. That the King will pretend in future to no power of laying a new tax or continuing an old one. 2. That he will not take upon him to appropriate public moneys to be given by the States. Of course they are to appropriate. 3. That the States shall con- vene at fixed epochs. 4. That the King will concur with them in modifying lettres de cachet. 5. And in giving a wholesome liberty to the press. 6. That ministers shall be responsible, and 7. That all this shall be so solemnly fixed that the King nor his suc- cessors will have any power to change it. Nothing has been said about giving to the States a participa- tion in legislation, but it will be insisted on. The -States will be composed of about three hundred clergy, three hundred nobles, and six hundred com- moners, and their first question will be whether they will vote by orders or persons. I think the latter will be decided. If this difficulty be got over I see no other to a very happy settlement of their affairs. They will consolidate and fund their debts and this circumstance, as well as the stability which the changes will give to the proceedings of their govern- ment, will enable them after the present year to take any part they please in the settlement of its affairs. You have heard of the insanity of the King of Eng- land. His ministers pretend he is recovered. In truth he is better, but not well. Time will be neces- 1 6o Jefferson's Works sary for his perfect recovery and to produce a con- fidence that it is not merely a lucid interval. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as possible, and have the honor to be, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO JOHN ADAMS. Paris, May 10, 1789. Dear Sir, — Since mine of January 14 yours of Jan. 20, March 1 have been handed to me; the former by Mr. Jones, whom I am glad to know on your recommendation and to make him the channel of evidencing to you how much I esteem whatever comes from you. The internal agitations of this country and the inactivities to which England is reduced by the state of imbecility in which the mad- ness of the King has terminated, will leave the south- western parts of Europe in peace for the present year. Denmark will probably continue to furnish only its stipulated succors to Russia, without engaging in the war as a principal. Perhaps a pacification may be effected between Sweden and Russia; though at present there is little appearance of it and that we may expect that the war will go on this year between the two empires, the Turks and Swedes, without extending any further. Even the death of the Em- peror, should it take place, would hardly withdraw his dominions from the war this summer. Supplementary Manuscripts 61 The revolution in this country has gone on hitherto with a quickness, a steadiness and a progress unex- ampled, but there is danger of a balk now. The three orders which compose the States-General seem likely to stumble at the threshold on the great par- liamentary question, How shall they vote, by orders or persons? If they get well over this question there will be no difficulty afterwards, there is so general concurrence in the great points of constitu- tional reformation. If they do not get over this question — and this seems possible — it cannot be foreseen what issue this matter will take. As yet, however, no business being begun, no votes taken, we cannot pronounce with certainty the exact status of parties. This is a summary view of European affairs. Though I have not official information of your election to the Presidency of the Senate, yet I have such information as renders it certain. Accept, I pray you, my sincere congratulations. No man on earth pays more cordial homage to your work, nor wishes more fervently your happiness. Though I detest the appearance even of flattery, I cannot always suppress the effusiveness of my heart. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Adams, Colonel and Mrs. Smith. I hope to see you all this summer and to return this fall to my prison, for all Europe would be a prison to me were it ten times as big. Adieu, my dear friend. Your affectionate hum- ble servant. 6 2 Jefferson's Works TO NATHANIEL CUTTING. Paris, June 7, 1789. Dear Sir, — Though your last letter — received yesterday — supposes you will be setting out for Paris before this can reach you, yet on the bare pos- sibility of your being delayed I just write a line to acknowledge the receipt of that letter and of one of May 22, and to thank you particularly for the one received yesterday, which conveyed very interesting intelligence which I had not before. The latest letters here from America are of April 10; since the discontinuance of the Havre packet my intelligence from America has been miserably defective. I had high hopes of a favorable issue to the revo- lution of this country till about ten days ago there began to be room to fear. The aspect even at this time is discouraging though not quite as much as it was a week ago. By the time of your arrival here things will probably take some evident correction. Mr. Rutledge lodges Hotelle d'Angleterre, rue St. Honore. There are in the same hotel Mr. Paradise, Colonel and Mrs. Blackden and Mr. Barlow, all Ameri- cans, so that you might like to lodge there. I sent to Mr. Rutledge the paragraph letter respecting him. In hopes of seeing you here before I depart and doubting whether this will find you at London, I will only add assurances of esteem and attachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. Thomas Paine (1737-1809.) Reproduction from the Original Painting by George Jlomney. Thomas Paine was horn in the village of Thetford, England. After engaging in his father's trade of staymaker, for some time in London, he secured a place in the Excise. About the year 1761 he became a school teacher, but later relinquished the position to re-enter the Excise. Here he drew up a statement of grievances under which he and his fellow-workers labored. Its style attracted the attention of one of the commissioners who was induced thereby to give Paine a letter of introduction to. Benjamin Franklin. Upon the latter's advice he emigrated o America where he began contributing articles to various periodicals. In 1775 he assumed editorship of the "Phila- delphia Magazine." A year later he published -his book, "Common Sense" which won him high honors and an award from the Legislature of Pennsylvania of £500. Burke referred to this work as "that cele- brated pamphlet which prepared the minds of the people for independ- ence." In 1 78 1 he was chosen to accompany Col. Lawrence to France to negotiate a loan. On his return to America, in acknowledgment of his services to the cause of the War of Independence, he was given an official appointment, a gift of three thousand dollars and a small estate near New Rochelle, N. Y. After the Revolution ended he went to London to pursue mechanical studies in which he had always excelled. While there he published his "Rights of Man" in answer to Burke's "Reflections on the French Revolution." This work was condemned as seditious. Its author was brought to trial and found guilty. Paine, however, escaped and went to France where he became a member of the National Convention. His pamphlet pleading for the life of Louis XVI caused Robespierre to throw him in prison where he remained up to the time of.. Robespierre's downfall. In 1795, appeared his famous "Age of Reason " which though denounced as atheistic in its doctrines, expressly inculcates a belief in God. He lived in France until the year 1802, producing a volu- minous amount of work upon social, political and theological- subjects. In 1802 Jefferson, then President of the United States, offered Paine an opportunity to return to America which he accepted. He spent the latter years of his life in writing about the building of war-ships, iron -bridges and kindred matters. Eleven years after Paine's death, in New York, in. 1809, Cobbett removed his bones and relics to Eng- land. A monument was erected to his memory in 1839, near his birthplace. There is also a fine statue of Paine in the vicinity of New Rochelle. New York. ' Supplementary Manuscripts 6 3 TO THOMAS PAINE. Paris, July 13, 1789. Dear Sir, — I wrote you the day before yesterday by Mr. Paradise. I write now by post. The case described in that letter, page three, line four to eleven, has happened. Mr. Necker was dismissed from office the evening of the nth and set out for Geneva. This was not generally known in Paris till yesterday afternoon. The mobs immediately shut up all the playhouses. The foreign troops were advanced into the city, engagements took place between some of them and the people. The first was in the Place St. Louis XV, where a body of Ger- man cavalry being drawn up the people posted them- selves upon and behind the piles of stones collected there for bridges, attacked and drove off the cavalry with stones. I suspect the cavalry rallied and returned, as I heard shortly after in the same spot a considerable firing. This was a little before dusk and it is now early in the morning, so I have not ascertained any particulars. Monsieur de Mont- morin has resigned. It is said Baron de Breteuil is taken into the ministry, but I cannot affirm this. The progress of things here will be subject to checks from time to time of course. Whether they will be great or small will depend on the army. But they will be only checks. I am, dear Sir, with great esteem, your most obedient humble servant. 6 4 Jefferson's Works TO JOHN BONDFIELD. Paris, July 16, 1789. Dear Sir, — I am honored with yours of the 1 ith inst. and lament much that I cannot avail myself of so excellent an opportunity of going to America as the Washington offers. But not having yet received my permission I am not at liberty to go. The tumults in Paris which took place on the change of the ministry, the slaughter of the people in the assault of the Bastile, the beheading the Gov- ernor and Lieutenant-Governor of it and the Prevost de Merchands, excited in the King so much concern that, bursting from the shackles of his ministers and advisers, he went yesterday morning to the States- General with only his two brothers, opened his heart to them, asked them what he could do to restore peace and happiness to his people and showed him- self ready to do everything for that purpose, prom- ising particularly to send away the troops. The heat of the city is as yet too great to give entire credit to this and they continue to arm and organize hour- geoisie. But I think you may be assured of the honest sincerity of the King in this last transaction which came from himself, and that no other act of violence will come from him. He returned to the chateau afoot and the whole States-General with him. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 65 TO JOHN JAY. Paris, August 5, 1789. Sir, — I wrote you the 19th of the last month with a postscript of the 21st and again on the 23d and 29th. Those letters went by private conveyance; this goes by the London post. Since my last some small and momentary tumults have taken place in this city in one of which a few of the rioters were killed by the city militia. No more popular executions have taken place. The capture of the Baron de Besenval, commandant of the Swiss troops, as he was flying to Switzerland, and of the Duke de la Vanguger endeavoring to escape by sea, would endanger new interposition of the popular arm were they to be brought to Paris. They are, therefore, confined where they were taken. The former of these being unpopular with the troops under his command, on account of oppressions, occa- sioned a deputation from their body to demand jus- tice to be done on him and to avow the devotion of the Swiss troops to the cause of the nation. They had before taken side in part only. Mr. Necker's return contributed much to establish tranquillity, though not quite as much as was ex- pected. His just intercessions for the Baron de Besenval and other fugitives dampened very sensibly the popular ardor towards him. Their hatred is stronger than their love. Yesterday the other min- isters were named. The Archbishop of Bordeaux is VOL. XIX — 5 66 Jefferson's Works Garde des Sceaux; M. de la Tourdepin, minister of war ; the Prince of Beauvon is taken into the council and the jeuille des benefices given to the Archbishop of Bordeaux. These are all of the popular party; so that the ministry (M. de la Luzerne excepted) and the council, being all in reformation principles, no further opposition maybe expected from that quarter. The national assembly now seriously set their hands to the work of the constitution. They decided a day or two ago the question whether they should begin by a declaration of rights, by a great majority in the affirmative. The negatives were of the clergy who fear to trust the people with the whole truth. The declaration itself is now on the carpet. By way of corollory to it they last night mowed down a whole legion of abuses, as you will see by the arrette which I have the honor to inclose you. This will stop the burning of chateaux and tranquillize the country more than all the addresses they could send them. I expressed to you my fears of the imprac- ticability of debate and decision in a room of twelve hundred persons as soon as Mr. Necker's determina- tion to call that number was known. The incon- veniences of their number have been distressing to the last degree, though as yet they have been em- ployed in work which could be done in the lump. They are now proceeding to instruments every word of which must be weighed with precision. Hereto- fore, too, they were hooped together by a common enemy. This is no longer the case. Yet a thorough Supplementary Manuscripts 67 view of the wisdom and rectitude of this assembly disposes me more to hope they will find some means of surmounting the difficulty of their numbers, than to fear that yielding to the unmanageableness of debate in such a crowd, and to the fatigue of the experiment, they may be driven to adopt in gross some one of the many projects which will be pro- posed. There is a germ of schism in the pretensions of Paris to form its municipal establishment inde- pendently of the authority of the nation. It is not yet proceeded so far as to threaten danger. The occasion does not permit me to send the public papers; but nothing remarkable has taken place in the other parts of Europe. I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO GENERAL HENRY KNOX. Paris, September 12, 1789. Sir, — In a letter which I had the honor of writ- ing to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs some three or four years ago I informed him that a workman had undertaken by the help of moulds and other means to make all the parts of the musket so exactly alike as that mixed together promiscu- ously any one part would serve equally for every musket. He had then succeeded as to the lock both of the officers ' fusil and the soldiers' musket, from a promiscuous collection of parts. I put 68 Jefferson's Works together myself half a dozen locks taking the first pieces which came to hand. He has now completed the barrels, stock and mounting of the officers ' fusil and is proceeding on those of the soldiers' musket. This method of forming the fire-arm appears to me so advantageous when repairs become necessary that I have thought it my duty not only to mention to you the progress of this artist but to purchase and send you a half dozen of his officers' fusils. They are packed in a box marked TI no. 36, are sent to Havre, from whence they shall be forwarded to New York. The barrels and furni- ture are to their stocks, to protect the warping of the wood. The locks are in pieces. You will find them, tools for putting them together, also a single specimen of his soldiers' lock. He formerly told me, and still tells me, that he will be able, after a while, to furnish them cheaper than the common musket of the same quality, but at first they will not be so cheap in the first cost though econ- omy in repairs will make them so in the end. He cannot tell me exactly at what price he can furnish them, nor will he be able immediately to furnish any great quantity annually; but with the aid of the government he expects to enlarge his estab- lishment greatly. If the situation of the finances of this country should oblige the government to abandon him he would prefer removing with all his people and implements to America, if we should desire to Supplementary Manuscripts 6 9 establish such a manufacture, and he would expect our government to take all his implements on their own account on what they have cost him. He talks of about 3,000 guineas. I trouble you with these details and with the samples: 1. That you may give the idea of such an improvement to our own workmen, if you think it might answer any good end. 2. That all the arms he shall have for sale may be engaged for our government if he continues here and you think it important to engage them. That you may consider and do me the honor of communicating your determi- nation, whether in the event of his establishment being abandoned by this government, it might be thought worth while to transfer it to the United States on conditions somewhat like those he has talked of. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. TO WILLIAM BINGHAM. Paris, September 25, 1789. Dear Sir, — Your favor of April 16 came to my hands but a few days ago and found me much occupied with preparations for my visit to America on which I set out to-morrow. It was not till yesterday, therefore, that I could go to la Muette where the shops are established for making the carding and spinning apparatus. I enclose you lo Jefferson's Works a note from Mr. Milne who is at the head of the work. To the details contained in that I need only add that a complete set of machines can be delivered within five weeks from the date of the order. I say nothing about models of them because they would cost near as much as machines and would be much less perfect. On this view of the matter you will be able to give your orders either for one of each kind of machine or for a complete set which would comprehend four of the spinning machines because one of the other kinds employs fully four of that. Should you desire only one of each kind it will cost less than half of the sum named in the memorandum. Mr. Short, who remains here during my absence, will receive and execute any order you will be pleased to give; but as the sum to be paid is considerable it would be necessary to him to be furnished with it. One- half is to be paid in advance and the other half after a very short interval. I shall be happy on my return to render every service I can to the society for encouraging manu- factures. I have not yet been honored with the commands of Mrs. Bingham announced in your letter. I can only, therefore, at this moment, give her assurances of my readiness to serve her and add to yourself those sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 7* TO THE BARON DE GEISMER. Paris, November 20, 1789. You have had great reason, my dear Sir, to wonder that you have been so long receiving an answer to your request relative to the drawing of a cabriolet and phaeton. Your object was to have such drawings as that a workman could work by them. A painter's eye draught would not have answered this purpose, and, indeed, to be sure of having them done with the accuracy necessary to guide a workman, I could depend on nobody but myself. But the work was to be done prin- cipally in an open court and there came on between two and three months of such intense cold as rendered this impossible. Since the season has become milder I have devoted such little scraps of time to this object as I was master of, and I now enclose you the drawings. They are made with such scrupulous exactness in every part that your workman may safely rely on them. I must except from this the drawing of the carriage — la train — of the phaeton. I took less pains about this because I did not like it. They make light crans-necks which are preferable. This drawing was made for the sake of the body — la caisse — the circular ribs of that are round rods of iron about a half inch diameter. If you would have the body of the cabriolet higher it is made so by raising the 7 2 Jefferson's Works lock between the shaft and axle, or by putting in its place an iron in this form, I must return you many thanks for your very great attentions ****** * * * * Our late informations from America are that our new Constitution will begin [in] March and with an almost universal approbation. In order to recon- cile those who still remain opposed to it a declaration of rights will be added. General Washington will undoubtedly be President. I have asked leave to pay a short visit to my own country. I expect to go out in the ensuing spring and to return in autumn. I shall pass two months at Monticello. The revolution in this country — for such we may call it — is going on smoothly and will, I think, end in rendering the nation more free and more powerful. Their public stocks have been rising slowly but steadily ever since the accession of Mr. Necker. I forget whether I mentioned to you that my wines from Hocheim succeed to admiration. I enclose you a pretty little popular tune which will amuse you for a day or so. I am, with the most perfect esteem and attach- ment, dear Sir, your sincere friend and humble servant. Supplementary Manuscripts 73 TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE. New York, June 12, 1790. Dear Sir, — I know not what apology to make for the trouble I am about to give you. I am sure I must call your public spirit in aid of your private friendship to me. You will see by the head of the enclosed report that the House of Representatives have instructed me to lay before them a plan for establishing uniform weights, measures and coins. Five and twenty years ago I should have undertaken such a task with pleasure because the sciences on which it rests were then familiar to my mind and the delight of it. But taken from them through so great a length of time and forced by circumstances into contemplations of a very different nature and much less pleasing, I have grown rusty in my former duties. To render me more unequal to the task it comes on me in the moment when I am separated from all my books and papers, which had been left in Paris and Virginia; and this place yields fewer resources in the way of books than could have been imagined. Thus situated I have done what I could toward fulfilling the object of the House of Representatives and I think myself happy in having such a resource as your friendship and your learning to correct what I have prepared for them. The necessity I am under must be my apology. It is desirable for the public that the 74 Jefferson's Works plan should be free from errors; it is desirable for me that they should be corrected privately by a friend rather than before the world at large by the unfeeling hand of criticism. Do then, my dear Sir, read it over with all that attention of which you are so much the master and correct with severity everything you find in it which is not mathematically just, and while I ask your attention to every part of it I will make some notes on particular things. It was not till I had got through the work that I was able to get a sight of Whitehurst's on the same subject. Mr. Madison procured it for me from a library in Phila- delphia, but on perusal of it his plan of two pendulums appeared to me on the whole less eligible than Leslie's of the vibrating rod. How has it been inferred that Sir Isaac Newton's calculation of the length of the pendulum for the latitude of London is 39.2 inches? From his general table in the Principia, book 3, I deduce 39.1682. Am I wrong? If so, I may be equally wrong in the calculation of 39.1285 miles for latitude 3 8°, in which an error would be fundamentally important, and, therefore, I ask your peculiar attention to that. What do you think of the vibrating rod? Is it not clear of some objections which lie against the pendulum? and is it liable to any of which that is clear? and which is the best on the whole? I am too little familiar with the mechanism of the clock to know how the rod can be adapted to a machinery which Supplementary Manuscripts 75 shall maintain and count its vibrations, without accelerating them by its power or retarding them by its friction, in short, which shall leave the rod free to make its vibrations uninfluenced by any circumstance but its own length. On this point no man in the world can judge or contrive better than yourself. On this, then, and all the other points of the report, pray give me the full benefit of your assistance. In the trouble I am giving you I feel it as a circumstance of additional mis- fortune that I am pressed in time. The session of Congress is drawing to a close. Nothing will keep them together after the money bills are got through, and this will be pretty soon. I am obliged, therefore, to ask your immediate attention to this subject as I must give in the report before they rise. I suppose they will have it printed for con- sideration to be taken up at their next meeting. I will not weary you with apologies though I feel powerfully the necessity of them. I am, in all times and places, your sincere friend and hvlmble servant. TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY (ALEXANDER HAMILTON) Philadelphia, June 25, 1791. Sir, — Your favor of the 8th inst. could only be received on my return here and I have this morning been considering its contents. I think with you 76 Jefferson's Works that it will be interesting to receive from different countries the details it enumerates. Some of these I am already in a regular course of receiving. Others * * * * we n executed will scarcely need to be repeated. As to these I already possess what may answer your views in part. I must therefore give you the trouble to call on me in some * * * * in order that after seeing what I possess you may decide on the proper supplement. I think it advisable not to trouble gentlemen abroad with sending what we have already, because the less we give them to do the more secure we shall be of having it done. I am, with most respectful esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO T. M. RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, July 3, 1791. Dear Sir, — I wrote to Maria this day sennight and to Martha three days before, to wit, June 23. In this letter I asked information to be obtained from Colonel Lewis relative to my tobacco of which I had heard nothing. But having received the day after a letter from him giving me full infor- mation, I mentioned in mine to Maria that no notice should be taken of my desire expressed in the letter to her sister ; lest any accident should have happened to the letter to Maria I repeat here that no enquiry of Colonel Lewis is necessary. Supplementary Manuscripts 77 The President is not yet arrived, but we expect him the day after to-rnorrow. He has probably pro- tracted his journey so as to avoid the ceremonies of to-morrow. We expect daily to hear the events of the expedition under General Scott into the Indian country. Perhaps you will hear it sooner than we shall. Having nothing to communicate in the line of public news I will state something personal. You will observe by the enclosed and preceding papers that I am mentioned on the subject of Paine 's pamphlet on the Rights of Man; and you will have seen a note of mine prefixed to that pamphlet whence it has been inferred that I furnished the pamphlet to the printer and pro- cured its publication. This is not true. The fact was this : Mr. Beckley had the only copy of that pamphlet in town. He lent it to Mr. Madison, who lent it to me under the injunction to return it to Mr. Beckley within the day. Beckley came for it before I had finished reading it and desired as soon as I had done I would send it to a Mr. Jonathan B. Smith whose brother was to reprint it. Being an utter stranger to Mr. J. B. Smith I explained to him in a note that I sent the pamphlet to him by order of Mr. Beckley, and to take off somewhat of the dryness of the note I added that I was glad to find it was to be reprinted here, etc., as you have seen in the printed note. I thought so little of this note that I did not even retain a copy of it; and without the least information or suspicion that 7 8 Jefferson's Works it would be published, out it comes the next week at the head of the pamphlet. I knew immediately that it would give displeasure to some gentlemen just by the chair of government who were in senti- ment with Burke and as much opposed to the sentiments of Paine. I could not disavow my note, because I had written it. I could not disavow my approbation of the pamphlet, because I was fully in sentiment with it, and it would have been trifling to have disavowed merely the publication of the note approving at the same time of the pamphlet. I determined, therefore, to be utterly silent except so far as verbal explanations could be made. The Vice-President, who is at Boston, took up the cudgels under the name of Publicola. He is in turn assailed by a host of republican champions. I think it probable he will be aided by some of his compeers, but, more cautious than he, they will mask themselves better. For my part I am deter- mined to let them write and wrangle as they please without intermeddling in word or deed. I am unable as yet to fix a time for my trip to Virginia. It must depend on the movements of the President. I foresee nothing in the public affairs which threatens impediment. Present me affectionately to my daughters, and believe me to be, dear Sir, yours sincerely. Supplementary Manuscripts 79 TO JAMES MADISON. Philadelphia, July 21, 1791. My dear Sir, — Your favors of July 10 and 13 have been duly received and I now return the pam- phlet enclosed in the latter with thanks for the perusal. The author has the appearance of knowing better what has passed in England than in America. As to the latter, to be sure, he has been ignorant enough. I am sincerely sorry that Freneau has declined coming here. Though the printing business be sufficiently full here, yet I think he would have set out on such advantageous ground as to have been sure of success. His own genius in the first place is so superior to that of his competitors. I should have given him the perusal of all my letters of foreign intelligence and all foreign newspapers; the publication of all proclamations and other public notices within my department and the printing of the laws, which, added to his salary, would have been a considerable aid. Besides this, Fenno's being the only weekly or semi- weekly newspaper and under general condemnation for its toryism and its incessant efforts to overturn the government, Freneau would have found that ground as good as unoccupied. P*** e will not be arppointed to the place I had recommended him for. I have a letter from Mazzei asking informa- tion of his affairs. I must, therefore, ask from you the letter you were to write me as to Dohrman; he So Jefferson's Works desires to be affectionately remembered to you. He is declared, with the consent of the Diet, charge des affaires of the King of the nation. No news yet from General Scott. Mr. Randolph writes me that our harvest is safely in, in general. That the quantity will be one-half as much again as the acre usually yields and the quality of first rate. The price offered is 5/6 at Richmond. Tobacco there is still 18 / to 20/. I have European letters and papers to the 8th of May. The Empress has notified the English factory in Russia that the peace between her and Great Britain is likely to be broken, but knowing their good conduct they shall be welcome to remain in her dominions. She pays a compliment to the British nation and says she considers it only a war with their ministers. Denmark has made a warm offer of mediating alone. Prussia has notified the Porte that they are free to conclude a peace with Russia without any medi- ation and that it will not be disagreeable to them. But the Porte has refused to relinquish the mediation of Prussia and England, and has also declined accepting that offered by Spain. France is going on steadily with its work. On the 7th of May a report of a committee was given in to the assembly confirming their former plan as to the mode of the settling the constitution of their colonies, adding further that the colonies should have the initiative (exclusively) as to the condition of the people of color, and that each colony should send deputies Supplementary Manuscripts 81 to the French port of St. Martins to a Congress which should propose a general form of constitution. This was ordered to be printed and taken up at a future day, and there was some symptom of a disposition in the assembly to overrule the report, so far as it is related to the condition of people of color. Comparing the date of this with the news said by the gazettes to have arrived at St. Domingo July 1 st I cannot help suspending my belief of the latter. I hope your health is better established. Your friends here anxiously enquire after it. Your letters now, therefore, are doubly interesting and very feelingly so to, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant. TO GOVERNOR WILLIAM BLOUNT. Philadelphia, August 12, 1791. Sir, — Your letter of July 17th to General Knox having been referred to me by the President as relating to a subject merely civil, I have the pleasure to inform you of his consent to the absence you there ask from the 15 th of September to the 20th of November. As it imports highly to the people within your government to conform to the articles of the treaty against hunting or settling on the Indian lands, I have no doubt you will see the necessity of duly promulgating before your departure VOL XIX 6 Jefferson's Works these and such other parts of the treaty as are immediately interesting to them. I avail myself of this occasion of acknowledging the receipt of your favor of July 17 addressed to myself, and of expressing my anxiety to receive the ulterior information on the subject of the lands of the United States which you are so good as to promise me. Among other things it will be inter- esting to know whereabouts the southern boundary of North Carolina will be intersected by the north line of the Cherokees which is to go on till it meets the line crossing Houlston. Also to know what and where is Campbell's line spoken in the treaties of Hoylston and Hopwell, so that they may be delineated on the map. I enclose you a paragraph from a newspaper on the subject of a Zackariah Coxe and others which we hope to be without foundation. I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. TO GEORGE HAMMOND (BRITISH MINISTER). Philadelphia, December 15, 1791. Sir, — I am to acknowledge the honor of your letter of November 30 and to express the satis- faction with which we learn that you are instructed to discuss with us the measures which reason and practicability may dictate for giving effect to the Supplementary Manuscripts 83 stipulations of our treaty yet remaining to be executed. I can assure you, on the part of the United States, of every disposition to lessen difficulties by passing over whatever is of smaller concern and insisting on those matters only which either justice to individuals or public policy renders indispensable. And in order to simplify our discussions by defining precisely their objects I have the honor to propose that we shall begin by specifying on each side the particular acts which each considers to have been done by the other in contravention of the treaty. I shall set the example. The provisional and definitive treaties in their vii article stipulated that ' 'his British Majesty should, with all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any negroes or other property of the American inhab- itants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons and fleets from the said United States and from every port, place and harbor within the same." But 1. The British garrisons were not with- drawn with all convenient speed, nor have they yet been withdrawn from Michillimachinac, on Lake Michigan. Detroit, on Lake Erie. Niagara and Oswego, on Lake Ontario Oswegatchie, on the river St. Lawrence. Point au fer and Dutchman's Point, on Lake Champlain. 2. The British officers have undertaken to exer- 8 4 Jefferson's Works cise a jurisdiction over the country and inhabitants in the vicinities of the forts; and 3. They have excluded the citizens of the United States from navigating even on our side of the middle line of the rivers and lakes established as the boundary between the two nations. By these proceedings we have been intercepted entirely from the commerce of furs with the Indians to the northward, a commerce which had ever been of great importance to the United States, not only for its intrinsic value but as it was a means of cherishing peace with those Indians and of superseding the necessity of that expensive war- fare we have been obliged to carry on with them, during the time that those posts have been in other hands. On withdrawing the troops from New York, 1. A large embarkation of negroes, of the property of the inhabitants of the United States, took place, before the commissioners, on our part, for inspecting and superintending embarkations had arrived there, and without any account ever rendered thereof. 2. Near three thousand others were publicly carried away by the avowed order of the British commanding officer, and under the view and against the remonstrance of our commissioners. 3. A very general number were carried off in private vessels, if not by express permission, yet certainly without opposition on the part of the commanding officer, who alone had the means of Supplementary Manuscripts 8 5 preventing it, and without admitting the inspection of the American commissioners; and 4. Of other species of property carried away, the commanding officer permitted no examination at all. In support of these facts I have the honor to enclose you documents, 1 the list of which will be subjoined; and in addition to them, I beg leave to refer to a roll, signed by the joint commissioners and delivered to your commanding officer for trans- mission to his court, containing a description of the negroes publicly carried away by his order as before mentioned, with a copy of which you have doubtless been furnished. A difference of opinion, too, having arisen as to the river intended by the plenipotentiaries, to be the boundary between us and the dominion of Great Britain, and by them called the St. Croix, which name, it seems, is given to two different rivers, the ascertaining of this point becomes a matter of present urgency. It has therefore been 1 Documents referred to and enclosed : Extract of a letter of May 12, 1783, from Sir Guy Carleton to General Washington. Letter of May 29, 1783, from Mr. Morgan. From Sir G. Carleton to the American Commissioners. Remonstrance of June 9, 1783, from the American Commissioners to Sir Guy Carleton. Letter of June 14, 1783, from the American Commissioners to General Washington. Extract of a remonstrance of June 17, 1783, from the American Commissioners to Sir Guy Carleton. Letter of Jan. 18, 1784, from the American Commissioners to General Washington. Jefferson's Works the subject of applications from us to the govern- ment of Great Britain. There are other smaller matters between the two nations which remain to be adjusted. But I think it would be better to refer these for settlement through the ordinary channels of our ministers than to embargo the present important discussions with them. They can never be obstacles to friend- ship and harmony. Permit me now, Sir, to ask from you a specification of the particular acts, which, being considered by his British Majesty as a non-compliance on our part with engagements contained in the iv, v, and vi articles of the treaty, induced him to suspend the execution of the vii and render a separate discussion of them inadmissible. And accept assurances of the high respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, January 10, 1792. The Secretary of State having received information that the merchants and merchandize of the United States were subject in Copenhagen and other points in Denmark to considerable extra duties from which they might be released by the presence of a consul there, Reports to the President of the United States: Supplementary Manuscripts 8 7 that it would be expedient to have a consul to be a resident in the port of Copenhagen. That he has not been able to find that there is any citizen of the United States residing there. That there is a certain Hans Rudolph Saabye, a Danish subject and merchant of that place, of good character, of wealth and distinction and well qualified and dis- posed to act for the United States, who would probably accept the commission of consul, but that that of vice-consul hitherto given by the President to foreigners in ports where there was no proper American citizen, would probably not be accepted, because in this, as in some other ports of Europe, usage has established it as a subordinate grade. And that he is therefore of opinion that the said Hans Rudolph Saabye should be nominated consul of the United States of America for the port of Copenhagen and such other places within the allegiance of his Danish Majesty as shall be nearer to the said port than to the residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the United States withi?; the same allegiance. TO PETER CHARLES L 'ENFANT. Philadelphia, February 27, 1792. Sir, — From your letter received yesterday in answer to my last and your declaration in conversa- tion with Mr. Lear, it is understood that you abso- 88 Jefferson's Works lutely decline acting tinder the authority of the present commissioners. If this understanding of your meaning be right, I am instructed by the President to inform you that, notwithstanding the desire he has entertained to preserve your agency in the business, the condition upon which it is to be done is inadmissible and your services must be at an end. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. TO THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART AND DANIEL CARROLL. Philadelphia, March 8, 1792. Dear Sirs, — I received your favor of February 29 the day after I had written a public letter to the commissioners which touched on some of the subjects of yours. I may say in this private letter what could not be so well said in a public one that there never was a moment's doubt about the parting with Major L 'Enfant rather than with a single commissioner. I must correct an error in my public letter. I said there that the engraving would be done in three or four weeks; this idea had been given, but on further enquiry I find we cannot have it these two months. You formerly hinted the expectancy of bringing the navigable canal from the little falls down to Washington. The President thinks the practicability of this Supplementary Manuscripts 8 9 should be properly examined into, as it would undoubtedly be useful. In my public letter I sent you the outlines of a proposed loan. I now enclose you a calculation somewhat on the plan of yours. I think there is no doubt but that the lots will sell better after the employment of the money than before it. Con- sequently that it is better to raise money by a loan and to sell for repayment after that money shall have been employed to raise the value of what is to be sold. The mortgages on this plan are put on the best footing possible. No doubt it will be well to be making sales for repayment as fast as they may be advantageously made, even before the lapse of the eight years. We have questioned Mr. Ellicot very particularly whether the plan now in hand is exact. He says the original one mixed conjecture with fact; but that the conjectural parts are since ascertained by exact survey and that this plan is corrected from the survey and may be relied on to the utmost minute- ness. We see in fact that some whole squares of lots in the original plan are occupied by the channel of the creek in the corrected one. I fear your other apprehension is better founded, to wit: that the avenues are made to converge to the ends of a building of supposed extent, that the building may very possibly be of less extent, and consequently not reach the points of view created for its use. I believe the only remedy is acquiescence for the 9° Jefferson's Works present and hope for the future that our building may extend with the fortunes of our govern- ment. The angular buildings at the commence- ment of the avenues may probably be offensive to the eye, if not well managed. I have seen this deformity obviated by terminating the house at that end with a bow window, with a semicircular portico and with other fancies. Should not rows of trees in the avenues and tracts be an object of early attention? Major L 'Enfant had no plans prepared for the Capitol or Government House. He said he had them in his head. I do not believe he will produce them for concurrence. On speaking with the Presi- dent on Mr. Stewart of Baltimore's idea of facing the buildings with stone of different colors, he seemed rather to question whether from the water- table, perhaps from the ground upwards., brick facings with stone ornaments would not have a better effect, but he does not decide this. The remains of antiquity in Europe prove brick more durable than stone. The Roman brick appears in these remains to have been 22 inches long, 11 inches wide and 2 inches or 2\ inches thick. The grain is as fine as that of our best earthenware. Before I conclude I will mention that in bringing the canal from the little falls into the city it is worth while to consider whether it should not be delivered into the canal of the Tyber to ensure the due cleansing of that by its current. I am with Supplementary Manuscripts 9 1 great and sincere esteem, dear Sirs, your friend and servant. P. S. You seem to suppose the commissioners liable in their private fortunes on the plan of the loan you had seen. Ours is certainly clear on that. In its plan nothing could make the commissioners liable but fraud, or such gross negligence as is as impossible as fraud, and then, I presume, it could only be each for his own individual act. Dates of instalments. 1792. May i5- • Nov. i5- 1793- May i5- • Nov. i5- • 1794. May iS- Nov. iS- • 1795- May iS- • Nov. i5- • 1796. May iS - Nov. i5- 1797. May iS- • Nov. iS- • 1798. May iS- Nov. iS- 1799. May iS- Nov. iS- ■ 1800. May i5- • Amount of each instalment. Aggregate sum of the interest of which is to be deduct- ed from each pay- ment. Amount of the inter- est to be deducted from each instalment Sum actually re- ceived by the borrowers. Sums of interest to be paid by sales or otherwise. $50,000 50,000 100,000 100,000 100,000 100,000 $50 IOO 200 300 400 OOO OOO OOO OOO OOO 500 OOO OOO OOO OOO $50 48 97 94 9i 88 OOO 500 OOO OOO OOO OOO $500,000 165,000 $468,500 $665,000 $15,000 1 5,000 15,000 15,000 15,000 15,000 15,000 15,000 15,000 15,000 15,000 $165,000 92 Jefferson's Works It appears from the above that the commissioner© will receive $468,500, and have to pay after four considerable intervals $665,000. Now 468,000 : 665- 000 :: 100 : 142, that is for every 100 dollars they receive they will have to pay in the long run 142 dollars, but we may certainly hope that the effect of the $468,000, if judiciously employed, will be to raise the value of the lots more than .42 per cent. Suppose the interest, after 1794, is kept down by the sale of lots to raise it, 100 lots a year, at $300 each, will pay the annual interest of $30,000, say 550 lots; 1666 lots a year, at $300 each, will pay the principal $500,000. The whole loan then will absorb from beginning to end, at $300 each, 2216 lots. TO LOUIS xvi. 1 Philadelphia, March 14, 1792. Very great, good and dear Friend and Ally, — I receive as a new proof of friendship to the United States the letter wherein you inform me that you have accepted the Constitution presented to you in the name of your nation and according to which it is henceforth to be governed. On an event so important to your kingdom and so honorable to yourself accept the offering of my sincere con- gratulations and of the sentiments of the Senate 1 Written by Thomas Jefferson at the order of George Washington and signed by the latter. Supplementary Manuscripts 93 and Representatives of the United States expressed in their resolutions now enclosed. We have watched with utmost friendly solicitude the movements of your nation for the advancement of their happiness; we have regarded this great spectacle with the feelings natural to those who have themselves passed through like perils, and with sincere satisfaction, we have seen this second occasion proclaim your Majesty a second time a friend and patron of the rights of mankind. That yourself, your family and people, under the edifice which you have now completed, may repose at length in freedom, happiness and safety, shall be our constant prayer and that God may ever have you, great and dear friend and ally, in His safe and holy keeping. Written at Philadelphia, this fourteenth day of March, 1792, and of our Independence the sixteenth. Your faithful friend and ally. TO BENJAMIN HAWKINS. Philadelphia, April 1, 1792. Dear Sir, — At Mrs. Trist's desire I forward to you about a dozen beans of three different kinds, having first taken toll of them as she had done before. They are of the scarlet flowering kind. This is all I know of them. The most beautiful bean in the world is the Caracalla bean which, though in England a green -house plant, will grow in the 94 Jefferson's Works open air in Virginia and Carolina. I never could get one of these in my life. They are worth your enquiry. Some friendly Indians have been killed near Fort Pitt lately, on a trading visit, by a party of Virginians. This will not only defeat the measures set on foot for peace, but spread the war order. There has been also a small fracas on our disputed territory to the eastward, by our sheriffs levying taxes on the inhabitants of Moose Island, who as to that article wished to be neutrals. A sale of 1,200,000 acres of land by Mr. R. M. in Europe and the purchase of five millions more is the report of the day. Things are going on well in France by the last authentic accounts. The English papers have since killed the Duke of Orleans. It seems to be thought that the affairs of Europe are by no means settled, and that the late pacification has only covered a fire which will burst out again immediately. Adieu. Yours affectionately. TO THOMAS JOHNSON, DAVID STUART AND DANIEL CARROLL. Philadelphia, April 20, 1792. Gentlemen, — Your favor of the nth has been duly received, and laid before the President. He thinks it best to delay making any alteration in the plan of the city. The considerations which weigh with him are the expediency of fixing the Supplementary Manuscripts 95 public opinion on the thing as stable and unalter- able, the loss of the work done if altered, the closing all the avenues which point to the Capitol, removing the two Houses to a still greater distance, change in the engraving and that it will not be necessary to dig away the hill to the eastward, since, were it to be dug away, the private buildings would as effectually exclude prospect from the Capitol, except merely along the avenues. He thinks that the obstruction given by Mr. Young's house need not bring in any question for years to come. The warrants are received and your desire shall be attended to for releasing the lots mortgaged pari passu with the redemption, but I do not know that that can now be effected. You have continually heard of the extraordinary crash which has taken place here, at New York and Boston, of persons dealing in paper and of good merchants and others who had dealings with the paper; well, it has pro- duced a general stagnation of money contracts which will continue till it is known who stands and who falls, during this crisis, and Blodget thinks it prudent to suspend preparing our loan and, indeed, we think so too. This will oblige you to keep, Messrs. Johnson, Stuart and Carroll, back some of your operations; perhaps proper offers to workmen and laborers without being addressed to any place in particular might at this moment draw great numbers from New York, Boston, and this place. The procuring of workmen from Scotland 96 Jefferson's Works is an object of importance, and it may be doubted whether the importation of some Germans might not be a good experiment as well in economy as to have a certain dependence. They are distin- guished for their industry and sobriety and might be good as an example and model to be referred to. I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO HIS MAJESTY GEORGE III OF ENGLAND. 1 Philadelphia, June 6, 1792. Great and good Friend, — I have made choice of Thomas Pinckney, one of our distinguished citizens, to reside near your Majesty in the quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. He is well apprised of the friendship our Republic bears to you and of our desire to cultivate the harmony and good correspondence so happily subsisting between us. From a knowledge of his fidelity, probity and good conduct, I have entire confidence that he will render himself accept- able to your Majesty, and give effort to our desire of preserving and advancing, on all occasions, the interest and happiness of the two nations. I beseech you, therefore, to give full confidence to whatever he shall say to you on the part of the ^his and the following letter are copies of those enclosed to Thomas Pinckney. See Volume VIII, page 368. Supplementary Manuscripts 07 United States, and most of all when he shall assure you of their friendship and wishes for your pros- perity, and I pray God to have your Majesty in safe and holy keeping. Written at Philadelphia this [sixth] day of June, 1792. TO THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND. Philadelphia, June 6, 1792. Madam, our good Friend, — This letter will be delivered to you by Thomas Pinckney, one of our distinguished citizens, whom I have named Minister Plenipotentiary to reside near the person of the King, your husband. My knowledge of his good qualities gives me full confidence that he will so conduct himself as to merit your esteem, and I pray that you will yield entire confidence to the assurances he will give you of our friendship, and that God will have you always, Madam, our good friend, in His holy keeping. Written at Philadelphia this [sixth] day of June, 1792. (To our good friend, the Queen of Great Britain. It will be better to leave the superscription blank to be properly filled by Mr. Pinckney on the spot, if he find it necessary to deliver the letter.) VOL. XIX — 7 9$ Jefferson's Works TO STEPHEN CATHALAN. Philadelphia, December 2, 1792. Dear Sir, — The small essay which has been commenced under your kind assistance for colon- izing the olive tree to South Carolina has induced some patriotic gentlemen of that country to turn their attention further toward its importance, and to give to their efforts a more steady and permanent form. I gave it as my opinion to them that the best plan which could be pursued at a moderate expense, would be to rent, near Marseilles, an acre of ground, or say your quarterelle, which is something less than an acre, to employ by the year a laboring man who understands engrafting, to make it his business to sow olives in this ground, to engraft on them cuttings from the best kinds, and to send to Carolina in the winter of every year all the plants he could have in readiness, together with a quantity of the olive berries to be sown in Carolina in order to be engrafted on them. If before a given day in winter, say the first of January, any ship should be sailing from Marseilles to Charleston, it should be his business to pack properly his olive berries and young plants and put them on board ; if no vessel should occur before that, or any more convenient day, it should be his business to proceed himself with his olive berries and plants, through the canal of Languedoc to Bordeaux, there to remain (under the patronage Supplementary Manuscripts 99 of Fenwick) till a vessel should sail from thence to Charleston, on board of which he should put his cargo and then return to Marseilles to recom- mence for the next year the same operation of sowing, engrafting, packing and dispatching in the same way to Charleston, the olive berries and plants which he could prepare for that year, and so to continue for a number of years. The first question occurring was to how small a sum can we reduce this expense annually, so as that it may be effected and yet not too sensible a burden on the gentlemen. I recollect that the price of a quarterelle of the best lands close to Marseilles was one hundred louis, consequently its rent five louis a year. The hire of a laboring man six louis a year, his subsistence, considering he may have to move from Marseilles to Bordeaux, will be more than if he were always stationary, but still, if he uses the economy which a man of his condition well understands, it need not exceed fourteen louis a year, and all together twenty-five louis. Therefore, to cover all errors of calculation, accidents and contingencies, I pro- posed double that sum, to wit: fifty louis. The gentlemen have accordingly appropriated that sum annually. The second question arising was whom we should engage to manage this business at Marseilles? On this there could be but one opinion, your exertions heretofore, your goodness and your relations to this country marked you as the person whom we must IO ° Jefferson's Works engage to act there, and to their entreaties I must add mine in the most earnest degree. After you shall have put the business under way, that is to say, after you shall have engaged a proper laborer and piece of ground, I hope you will have no other trouble than to receive and pay the wages and rent, and to see the nursery now and then and that the person does his duty. Your reward will be the consciousness of doing good, our thanks, and those of a grateful posterity, nor can any objections arise from the circumstances of your own country, as that imports more oil than it exports, and consequently is interested to increase the quantity produced abroad as well as at home. I will take it for granted, then, that you will become the father of our olive colony by superintending whatever is necessary to be done on that side the water. The plants will be received and their freight paid at their port of delivery here, which we must entreat to make, in every possible case, the port of Charleston. Great injury and loss happen in shipping and unshipping in warehouses, etc., but when a conveyance to Charleston direct cannot be had without danger of losing the season, then New York or Philadelphia are the next best ports. Baltimore is too uncertain and Norfolk still more so. I enclose you a letter from Charles Cotes- worth Pinckney, Esquire, of Charleston, who is chair- man of the agricultural society there, which will inform you of the arrangements taken to have the Supplementary Manuscripts 1°* sum of money destined to this object, always under your order. To his correspondence on the subject I must refer you for the future and to such alterations in my plan as he shall please to direct. It may not be amiss to add annually a few plants of the best figs for drying as also of the best grapes for making what we call " dried raisins," and you, I believe, "des panses; " only taking care that these be really few, so that they may in no wise abridge or interfere with the olives which are the main object. We will take care to procure the patronage of Mr. Fenwick at Bordeaux for so much of the business as must be transacted there. I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant. TO GOVERNOR JOHN HANCOCK. 1 [1793?] Sir, — Your favor of July 20th came safely to hand together with the memorial of Monsieur de Latombe of the 7th of June and the resolve of the Legislature of Massachusetts of the 24th of the same month. On considering the nature of the difficulties which have occurred in the execution of 1 Written by Jefferson at Washington's order. At the bottom of the original letter, in the former's handwriting, is indited : Governor Han- cock, from the President of the United States, Jefferson's Works the Consular Convention, they appeared to be such as could not be removed but by a legislative act. When these papers were received the session of Congress was already drawn so near to a close that it was not thought expedient to propose to them the taking up at that time a subject which was new and might be found difficult. It will remain, therefore, for their consideration at their next meeting in December. TO DAVID HUMPHREYS. Philadelphia, January 3, 1793. Dear Sir, — My last to you was of the 6th of November. Since that the papers have been for- warded to you by every opportunity from my office as Mr. Taylor assures me, to whom I am obliged to confide that duty. Your last received was number 59 as acknowl- edged in mine. With the present you will receive newspapers for yourself, Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Short, whom we expect by this time to be at Madrid, also half a dozen plans of the city of Washington, in the District of Columbia, to be displayed wher- ever they will be most likely to be seen by that class of people who might be attracted to it. Congress is in session as you will see by the papers, which will give you the details of their proceedings. The western Indians have proposed to meet us in the spring, in the neighborhood of Sandusky, to Supplementary Manuscripts io 3 treat of peace. The result is far from being certain. The late election of President and Vice-President has given us the former unanimously, the latter by a great majority. We have now been a con- siderable time without hearing from Mr. Barclay, and shall always be glad to be informed by you on this subject, as he may be in a situation not to find means of conveying letters to us. We are anxious to know, too, whether the monopoly of grain mentioned in your letter threatens really to take place. Remember we hear nothing of the Minister of Portugal, who has been in great demand here lately. The price has been consequently high and will be so again. The French West Indies become more and more dependent on us for subsistence ; there is at present some glimmering of hope that the efforts of the free inhabitants will be directed with more efficiency to the reduction of the common enemy. However, we are far from certainty on that subject, referring you for details on these subjects to the papers which accompany this. I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant. TO JOHN GARLAND JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, April 14, 1793. Dear Sir, — Your letter of March 31 came duly to hand on the 9th instant, having been induced, i°4 Jefferson's Works for particular reasons, to continue a while longer in my office. I should have written to you but that I have been occupied with removing from the town a little way into the country. I am much pleased to see that you are so nearly through the course of reading I had proposed to you. It proves your industry, because I know that that course requires three years' industrious reading. With respect to the Roman history, if you have read Suetonius and Tacitus, Gibbon's will be suf- ficient to conduct you down to the time when that empire broke to pieces and the modern states of Europe arose out of them. As I do not suppose you can get a copy of Gibbon you may leave him for the next winter when I shall have mine in Virginia. In the meanwhile study well Blair, Mason, Quintilian, and endeavor to catch the oratorical style of Bolingbroke. I should imagine that at the courts of the next fall you might venture to take your stand at the bar of such of them as you conclude to enter into, and argue some cause, judiciously selected for you by some friendly gentle- man of the bar. This will present you to the view of clients and bring in something perhaps during the winter to begin on in the spring. In the mean- time the winter may be employed in finishing your course of reading and studying the forms of pleading. My expectation was to have been in Virginia in time to have provided a resource for the supply of the seventy-five dollars for the spring. Having Supplementary Manuscripts io 5 no means of doing it, and no friend in Richmond on whom I could rely with certainty, I am obliged to take the only measure which remains in my power, that of referring you to Colonel Bell in Charlottes- ville. This I know cannot be as desirable to you, because you cannot have such a choice of supplies there and because they are dearer. The latter objection, therefore, I get you over by desiring you to consider yourself free to go beyond the sum as far as the difference of prices between Richmond and Charlottesville. The former objection will remain, and as to that, I must only pray you to take the will for the deed. In or before the fall I shall certainly see you. I shall recommend to Dabney Carr to begin a course of law and reading at his mother's immediately, so that you may deliver my books to him as you finish them. I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate kinsman. P. S. I enclose you a letter of credit to Colonel Bell. TO EDMOND C. GENET. Philadelphia, August 16, 1793. Sir, — The President of the United States has received the letter which you addressed to him from New York on the 13th inst. and I am desired to observe to you that it is not the established course Jefferson's Works for the diplomatic ***** residing here to have any direct correspondence with him. The Secretary of State is the organ through which their communi- cations should pass. The President does not conceive it to be within the line of propriety or duty for him to bear evidence against the declarations which, whether made to him or to others, is perhaps immaterial. He therefore declines interfering in the case. I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. TO MARIA JEFFERSON. Germantown, November 17, 1793. No letter yet from my dear Marie, who is so fond of writing, so punctual in her correspondence! I enjoin as a penalty that the next be written in French. Now for news. The fever is entirely vanished from Philadelphia. Not a single person has taken infection since the great rains about the first of the month, and those who had it before are either dead or recovered. All the inhabitants who had fled are returning into the city, probably will all be returned in the course of the ensuing week. The President has been into the city, but will prob- ably remain here till the meeting of Congress to form a point of union for them before they will have had time to gather knowledge and courage. I have not yet been in, not because there is a shadow of danger, Supplementary Manuscripts io 7 but because I am afoot. Thomas is returned into my service. His wife and child went into town the day we left. They then had the infection of the yellow fever, were taken two or three days after and both died. Had we staid there two or three days longer they would have been taken at our house. I have heard nothing of Miss Cropper, her trunk remains at our house. Mrs. Fullarton left Phila- delphia. Mr. and Mrs. Rittenhouse remained there, but have escaped the fever. Follow closely your music, reading, sewing, housekeeping, and love me as I do you. Most affectionately. P. S. Tell Mr. Randolph that General Wayne has had a convoy of twenty-two wagons of provisions and seventy men cut off in his rear by Indians. TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, December 12, 1793. Sir, — Colonel Humphreys having charged Mr. Church, our consul at Lisbon, to send us information of the truce between Algiers and Portugal by an express vessel, he engaged one under Swedish colors to come here with his letters. She is now lying at New York at our expense. Thinking it material to save as much of the expense as we can by permitting her to be freighted back to Lisbon, to which place she is to return, I mentioned to the President that the officer at the head of the customs at New York would J oS Jefferson's Works be the most proper person to take charge of her. It is with his approbation that I enclose you the charter- party, stating the terms on which she has been engaged, with a desire that you will give the neces- sary orders to that officer to do with the vesssel what is best for the public interest. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant. TO THE PRESIDENT OF BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. Philadelphia, January — , 1794. Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that I have resigned the office of Secretary of State and that Mr. Randolph, late Attorney-General of the United States, is appointed by the President and approved by the Senate, as Secretary of State. You will, therefore, be pleased to consider all authority hereto- fore held by me over any funds in the bank belong- ing to the Department of State as now transferred to him. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient servant. TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Monticello, February 23, 1795. Dear Sir, — You were formerly deliberating on the purpose to which you should apply the shares in the Potomac and James River companies presented to you by our Assembly and you did me the honor of asking me to think on the subject. As well as I Supplementary Manuscripts io 9 remember some academical institution was thought to offer the best application of the money. Should you have finally decided in favor of this, a circum- stance has taken place which would render the present moment the most advantageous to carry it into execution, by giving to it in the onset such an eclat and such solid advantages as would ensure a very general concourse to it of the youth from all our states and probably from the other parts of America which are free enough to adopt it. The revolution which has taken place at Geneva has demolished the college of that place which was in a great measure supported by the former government. The colleges of Geneva and Edinburgh were considered as the two eyes of Europe in matters of science, insomuch that no other pretended to any rivalship with either. Edinburgh has been the most famous in medicine during the life of Cullen, but Geneva most so in the other branches of science and much the most resorted to from the continent of Europe because the French language was that which was used. A M. DTver- nois, a Genevan, a man of science, known as the author of a history of that republic, has proposed the transplanting that college in a body to America. He has written to me on the subject as he has also done to Mr. Adams, as he was formerly known to us both, giving us the details of his views for effecting it. Probably these have been communicated to you by Mr. Adams, as DTvernois desired should be done, but lest they should not have been communicated I will 110 Jefferson's Works take the liberty of doing it. His plan, I think, would go to about ten or twelve professorships. He names to me the following professors as likely if not certain to embrace the plan. Monchon, the present President, who wrote the analytical table for the Encyclopaedists, and which sufficiently proves his comprehensive science. Pic- tet, known from his admeasurements of a degree and other works, professor of natural philosophy. His brother, said by M. D'lvernois to be also great. Serebier, an author of commentaries on Spallarrani and of other works in natural philosophy and meteorology, also the translator of the Greek trage- dies. * * * and L'Huillier, both mathematicians, and said to be inferior to nobody in that line except La Grange, who is without an equal. Prevost, highly spoken of by D'lvernois. De Saussure and his son, formerly a professor, but who left the college to have more leisure to pursue his geological researches into the Alps by which work he is very advantage- ously known. Most of these are said to speak our language well. Of these professors the names of Monchon, Pictet, de Saussure and Serebier are well known to me, as stand- ing foremost among the literati of Europe. Secrecy having been necessary this plan had as yet been con- certed only with Pictet, his brother and Prevost, who knew, however, from circumstances that the others would join them, and I think it very possible that the revolution in France may have put it in our power Supplementary Manuscripts 111 to associate La Grange with them, whose modest and diffident character will probably have kept him in the rear of the revolutionist principles, which has been the ground on which the revolutionists of Geneva have discarded their professors. Most of these are men having families and, therefore, M. D'lvernois observes they cannot come over but on sure grounds. In proposing a revenue of 15,000 dollars for the whole institution and supposing lands could be appropriated to this object, he says that one hundred Geneva families can readily be found who will purchase and settle on the lands and deposit for them the capital of which fifteen thousand would be the interest. In this revenue he means to com- prehend a college of languages preparatory to the principal one of sciences and also a third college for the gratuitous teaching of the * * * reading and writing. It could not be expected that any propositions from strangers unacquainted with our means and our wants could jump at once into a perfect accommo- dation with these. But those presented * * * would serve to treat on, and are capable of modification * * * leable perhaps to the views of both parties. 1. We can well dispose with his 2d and 3d col- leges as not being too partial for an extensive country and the * * * sufficiently and better provided for already by our public and private grammar schools. I should conjecture that this would reduce one-third of his demand for revenue, and that 10,000 d. would 112 Jefferson's Works then probably answer their remaining views, which are the only important ones to us. 2. We are not to count on raising the money from lands, and consequently we must give up the pro- posal of the colony of Geneva farmers. But the wealth of Geneva in money being notorious and the class of moneyed men being that which the new gov- ernment is trying to get rid of, it is probable that the capital sums could be borrowed on the credit of the funds under consideration sufficient to meet the first expenses of the transplantation and establishment and to supply also the deficiency of revenue till the profits of the shares shall become sufficiently superior to the annual support of the college as to repay the sums borrowed. 3. The composition of the academy cannot be set- tled there. It must be adapted to our circumstances, and can, therefore, only be fixed between them and persons here acquainted with those circumstances and conferring for the purpose after their arrival here. For a country so marked for agriculture as ours I should think no professorship so important as one not mentioned by them, a professor of agriculture, who, before the students should leave college, should carry them through a course of lectures on the prin- ciples and practice of agriculture, and that this pro- fessor should come from no country but England. Indeed, I should mark Young as the man to be obtained. These, however, are modifications to be left till after their arrival here. Supplementary Manuscripts i*3 M. D'lvernois observes that the professors keep themselves disengaged till the ensuing spring attend- ing an answer, as he had desired his proposition to be made to our legislature, and accordingly got a mem- ber to sound as many of his brethren on the subject as he could, desiring if he found it would be desperate that he would not commit the honor either of that body or the college of Geneva, by forcing an open act of rejection. I received his information only a fort- night ago, that the thing was evidently impracticable. I immediately forwarded this information to D'lver- nois, not giving him an idea that there was any other resource. Thinking, however, that if you should conclude to apply the revenues of the canal shares to any institution of this kind, so fortunate an outset would render * * * be obtained. I have supposed it my duty both to you and them to * * * the cir- cumstance to your consideration. A question would arise as to the place of the estab- lishment; as far as I can learn, it is thought just that the State which * * * the revenue should be most considered in the uses to which it * * * appropri- ated. But I suppose that their expectation would be satisfied by a location within their limits and that this only * * * be so far from the federal city as moral considerations would recommend and yet near enough to it to be viewed as an appendix of that, and that the splendor of the two objects would reflect usefully on each other. Circumstances have already consumed much of the VOL. XIX — 8 n 4 Jefferson's Works * * * allotted us. Should you think the proposition can be brought at all within your views, your deter- mination, as soon as * * * important occupations will admit it, would require to be conveyed as early as possible to M. D'lvernois, now in London. Lest my last letter should throw the parties into other engage- ments, I will not trespass on your time and attention by adding to this lengthy letter anything further than by assurances of the high esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your sincere friend and humble servant. TO AARON BURR. Philadelphia, January 7, 1797. Dear Sir, — I wrote you some time before I left home on the subject of my friend Currie's affair, but lest that letter should not have been at hand I trouble you with this merely to inquire in what state his suit against Morris is, and I should not have done it but that you had supposed that if terminated favorably at all it would be before this time ; a line of informa- tion will be acceptable. A want of confidence in the posts prevents my saying anything on political subjects further than that it is proposed (and no doubt will be agreed) to commence a great naval power by building ***** 12 frigates from 28 tons * * * * vessels, say a fleet of 50 ships, the first cost ten, fifty or ninety millions of dollars. The annual expenses between five and Supplementary Manuscripts "5 six millions. These alone will cost us annually one and one-half dollars * * * * besides the great cost add the army, civil list and interest of the debt and * * * the amount. I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. TO LOUIS, PRINCE OF PARMA. Philadelphia, May 23, 1797. I received from your Royal Highness the letter with which you were pleased to honor me, through the channel of Mr. Pinckney, then our envoy extraor- dinary at the court of Spain, in which you expressed your wish to establish a correspondence with some person in the United States of America, who might be able to furnish subjects of natural history from this country in exchange for those of Europe. I have never myself undertaken to form a cabinet of natural history, nor consequently to make myself acquainted with the methods of preparing and preserving the different subjects. My occupa- tions in public life have been and still continue inconsistent with the attentions which would have been requisite to such an undertaking. However ardently, then, I wished I could myself have been the person who should gratify the laudable desires of your Royal Highness to enrich your cabinet with American subjects, yet was sensible that the way to serve you was not to undertake what I should have executed very defectively, but to 116 Jefferson's Works engage some person whose habits and occupations would enable him more completely to fulfill your wishes. As to the person to whom I should address myself, there is no doubt. Mr. Charles Wilson Peale, a member of our Philosophical Society and inhabitant of this city, has for many years been engaged in forming a cabinet of natural history, is constantly occupied in collecting and preparing new subjects and does this with a skill unequalled by any other among us. To him, therefore, I ventured on behalf of your Royal Highness to propose that he should enter into correspondence with the keeper of your cabinet, furnish you with such subjects of the three kingdoms as should be called for from this region and receive from yours in exchange such as your keeper could procure or spare. Mr. Peale readily acceded to the proposition, limiting his undertaking very candidly by the following expressions in his letter. "I have it in my power," says he, "to make an exchange of animal subjects generally, of minerals a small number, but as to vegetables I have not had time to pay much attention to them as yet. However, by the help of Mr. Bartram and some others of my acquaintance in that line, the subjects wished for may be obtained." In addition to Mr. Peale, I would observe that Mr. Bartram he mentions is the owner and keeper of a botanical garden in the neighborhood of this city, who provides and furnishes with great skill Supplementary Manuscripts JI 7 and at moderate prices such trees and shrubs of this country as the curious call for, and packs them so carefully as to preserve their vegetable powers through any length of voyage, within ordinary limits, and that should you wish to enrich your gardens as well as your cabinet with American subjects, you may be well served through the medium of Mr. Peale as the single correspondent who can conveniently transact with Mr. Bartram whatever calls may be made on him. To relieve your Royal Highness from all doubt and embarrass- ment as to the expectations of Mr. Peale with respect to compensation, I will observe that he is a private citizen having no other fortune than his cabinet and deriving the support of that as well as of his family from the profits made by showing it to the curious, that by increasing its subjects he increases the desire of seeing it and consequently his profits arising therefrom and hence will consider the subjects received in exchange delivered here clear of expense as full compensation for those he will deliver here properly packed to the Minister of Spain, or any other agent you shall appoint. This throws on your Royal Highness the expense of transportation both of the subjects received and given in exchange, but he observes that neither his profits nor circumstances enable him to meet any pecuniary expenses. You will be pleased, therefore, to decide for yourself whether the con- dition is more onerous than the object merits. IX 8 Jefferson's Works Should the channel which I have opened for the fulfilment of your wishes meet your approbation the person entrusted with the keeping of your cabinet may immediately commence his corre- spondence with Mr. Peale by sending a list of his wants in every line, which, to the extent of Mr. Peale 's opportunities, will be speedily complied with. I willingly offer to your Royal Highness the con- tinuance of my attentions to the fulfilment of your wishes whenever I can be useful to you. Perhaps when we see how far your wants go beyond the faculties of Mr. Peale, I may be able to find some other who may make up his deficiencies. In the meantime permit me to pay my personal tribute to science and to your Royal Highness 's dispositions to promote it, by depositing in your cabinet a tooth of the great animal called in Europe the mammoth, of which we find remains in the interior and uninhabited parts of this country; their great distance from us renders them rare and difficult to be obtained. This curiosity is now on its way to this place and will be put into the hands of the Minister of his Catholic Majesty for you, to be forwarded as you direct. It is now encumbent on me to make some apology for the delay in this answer. I live far hence in the interior country and therefore was late in receiving your letter. The circumstance of distance, too, lengthened the negotiations with Mr. Peale. I then wished to accompany my answer with the Supplementary Manuscripts ^9 tooth before mentioned of the enormous quadruped which once inhabited this country, and with an account of a recent discovery of the remains of a carnivorous animal four or five times as large as a lion, found in the western parts of Virginia; this account will make part of a volume of our philosophical transactions now in the press, but not being yet printed and returning myself shortly from hence to my ordinary residence in Virginia, I have determined to make a subsequent mission of that and no longer to withhold acknowledg- ments I owe, and the homage of those sentiments of respect and attachment with which I have the honor to be your Royal Highness 's most obedient and most humble servant. TO GOVERNOR JAMES MONROE. Philadelphia, April 13, 1800. Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 6th came to hand last night. Mr. Erving had left town two days before. However, it will go to-morrow morning by a private hand ; it will much more than satisfy him ; I am persuaded he will receive it with extreme pleasure. I either expressed myself badly in my letter, or you have understood expressions too generally. I never doubted the propriety of our adopting as a system that of pomp and fulsome attentions by our citizens to their functionaries. I am decidedly Jefferson's Works against it, as it makes the citizen in his own eye exalting his functionary and creating a distance between the two, which does not tend to aid the morals of either. I think it a practice which we ought to destroy and must destroy and, therefore, must not adopt as a general thing even for a short time. My query was meant for the single spot of Richmond, where I understood was a great deal of federation and Marshallism, and this latter spirit I thought nothing should be spared to eradicate. I did not know whether [at] every reiteration of repub- licanism, demonstration might not be a service toward drawing over his less inveterate supporters. However, I own to you the letter had hardly gone out of my hand before I convinced myself that it was more in our spirit to let things come to rights by the plain dictates of common sense than by the practice of any artifices; and that at any rate I ought not to take a part in them, as therefore I had never suggested the thought but to you at that time, as I have done it to no one since. You have seen the bills lately rejected by the Senate; they have brought in a bill leaving all the states tolerably free to model the federal as well as the state juries, but whether they will pass it is another question. It is believed the bill for electing the President and Vice-President will pass the lower House in its caucus form. I think we shall rise the first or second week in May. We have no news from Europe at all interesting. The elections of Supplementary Manuscripts 121 Massachusetts will be known in a few days and that of the city of New York soon after it. I am of the opinion the republicans there have been much too sanguine as to the issue of this last. Pre- sent my salutations and esteem and respect to Mrs. Monroe and accept my assurance of my constant affection to yourself. Adieu. TO ANDREW ELLICOTT. Washington, December 18, 1800. Dear Sir, — I received a letter before I left home — your favor of Oct. 17 — as I had in due time the preceding one. Attractive nature and the country employments are my apology to my friends for being a very unpunctual correspondent while at home; having no refuge here from my room and writing-table, it is here that I fetch the less easy of my correspondence. I am glad to hear you are for printing your journal. It will be a great grati- fication to see it. I cannot suppose the adminis- tration can have any objection to the publication of the charts, etc. My own opinion is that govern- ment should by all means in their power deal out the material of information to the public in order that it may be reflected back on themselves in the various forms into which public ingenuity may throw it. Mr. Dunbar has been so kind as to pass through 122 Jefferson's Works my hand a copy of his journal made for the use of a friend of his in London. He sent it open for my perusal with a request to read and forward it. I am happy to see that the location of the boundary has been so scientifically executed. He gives a physical account of the country which is interesting. I think you had it in contemplation to establish an accurate meridian at this place, but whether in one of the public buildings or where else I do not recollect; was it done, or is there anything here which will procure the meridian as found and worked on by you? The election is under dilemma ; the two republican candidates are probably even, and the states in Congress which are federal are disposed to take advantage of that circumstance to prevent an election by Congress and permit the government of the Union to be suspended for want of a head. This tells us who are entitled to the appellation of anarchists with which they have so liberally branded others. Accept assurances of perfect esteem. TO GENERAL THADDEUS KOSCIUSKO. Washington, March 14, 1801. Dear General, — I enclose you a letter from Mr. Barnes on the subject of your affairs here. A loan at interest of 8 per cent having been proposed by Supplementary Manuscripts 12 3 our government, I thought it better to convert a part of your bank stock into that, which was done to advantage. All the details are in the hands of Mr. Barnes, who is worthy of all confidence. This will be handed you by our friend, Mr. Dawson. I cannot hail you with confidence on the return of our fellow- citizens to the principles of '76 and to their thorough understanding of the artifices which have been played off on them and under the operation of which they were while you were here. They are sensible of the dangers into which they were suffering themselves to be meshed and see the burdens of debt which they have imposed on them. The people have come over in a body to the republican side and have left such of their leaders as were incurable to stand by them- selves; so that there is every reason to hope that that love of party division which so counts here will be totally obliterated. It would give me exquisite pleasure to have you here a witness to our country and to recognize the people whom you knew during the war. For all particulars I refer you to Mr. Daw- son, who, being an actor in the scene, can give you all the details. I have not been able to learn your exact situation since you were here. Your letters are too barren of what I wish most to hear, I mean of things relating to yourself. I am in constant expectation of receiv- ing your commission to buy the one hundred acres of land for you in my neighborhood. I am fixed here, however, for some time. Continue to preserve 12 a Jefferson's Works my place in your esteem and accept assurances of my constant and affectionate friendship. P. S. At this moment Mr. R appears and delivers me your letter of which he is the bearer. TO JAMES MADISON. Washington, April 30, 1801. I hasten the return of the bearer that he may meet you at Brown's and convey you information as to the road. From Songster's I tried the road by Ravens- worth, which comes into the turnpike road four and a half miles below Fairfax courthouse. There are about two miles of it which, I think, cannot be passed by your carriage without oversetting ; and consulting with Colonel Wren, who knows both roads, he says there is no comparison, that you must absolutely come by Fairfax courthouse, all that road being practicable till you come to Little's lane, which you have to encounter whatever way you come. I passed it yesterday, a wagon being then stuck fast in it, nor do I suppose any four-wheeled carriage could then have got through the spot where the wagon was without stalling. But two days of wind and sun will by to-morrow make immense odds in it, so that I hope you will be able to pass it. I met with Mr. Gaines and a Mr. Beauspoke at Brown's. They live near. I spoke of the difficulty of your getting up the Bull-Run hill. They agreed Supplementary Manuscripts 12 5 to take each a horse and draw your carriage up. Accept their offer by all means, as however steady your horses they will be in the utmost peril of balking, and should they once begin there are other hills suf- ficient to make them give you a great deal of vexation. The Bull-Run hill is really the worst I ever saw on a public road. Still, let nothing tempt you to go by Centersville, as on that route the whole is cut by wagons into mud holes. From Brown's to Fairfax courthouse you have fourteen miles of very firm road, only hilly in the beginning. You had better start as soon as you can see to drive, breakfast at Colonel Wren's and come on here to dinner. We shall wait for you till 4 o'clock. My respects to Mrs. Madison, and affectionate esteem to yourself. P. S. I before mentioned to you what I had written to Leiper on the subject of our letter. I have received no answer. The same letter said something of his disappointment of office. I suspect it has not pleased him. I own I have thought something of his silence, were it only on account of the use Callender is making of his name. TO JOHN LANGDON. Washington, May 23, 1801. My Dear Sir, — After your refusal of the office of Secretary of the Navy, it was proposed to Captain Jones, of Philadelphia, who in like manner declined I2 6 Jefferson's Works it. General Smith then agreed to perform the duties without being appointed or receiving any reward. He has nearly completed the requisitions of the law on a surmise that Captain Jones might give a different answer on a second application. I proposed it to him again, and he again declined it. I now learn that it is thought possible that you might be induced to relieve our distress by undertaking it. I lose not a moment, therefore, in proposing it to you. The labors of reformation and of ultimately disposing of the vessels will all be over to your hand. The resi- dence here is very pleasant, indeed a charming society and not too much of it, all living on affectionate and unceremonious terms. It is impossible to be associated with more agreeable colleagues. I hope, therefore, that you w T ill undertake the office, and so say by return of post. The commission shall be forwarded on receiving your answer; and we shall entertain the hope of seeing Mrs. Langdon and yourself as soon after as your convenience will admit. Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration. § TO JAMES MONROE. Washington, March 31, 1802. Dear Sir, — Yours of the 21st is duly received. Chisolm is now engaged in running up for me twenty brick pilasters to my offices, w T hich take about four thousand bricks, and I remember it was very doubt- Supplementary Manuscripts * 2 7 ful whether we had that number. But if there be as many over it as you need, they are at your service, and I will give orders accordingly by the next post. I expect to be there myself within ten days after the rising of Congress, and to remain a fortnight. Per- haps one of your plantation visits may be so timed as to fall in with mine, say the first week in May. I have not written to you on the resolutions of the assembly respecting slaves, because it does not press, and the issue of the affairs of St. Domingo may influ- ence the question. I would rather, too, defer it till we can have a conversation and concur in the trail to be pursued. I have received a statement from Gouverneur Morris on the case of Houdon. It gives us little insight into it. I have papers at Monticello which I think will throw some light on the subject. I suspend answering your letter, therefore, respecting this until I shall have visited Monticello. The British convention is before the Senate. It commutes the sixth article 4,600,000 pounds sterling payable in three annual instalments. It will meet opposition there, and in the other House when an appropriation is asked. It would be very ill judged not to close, for it would revive their claim of twenty odd millions of dollars awarded by the commissioners, which they would hold as a rod forever over our heads, *to operate on our seaport towns and even on Congress at will. It is now settled by our predecessors ; if the bargain be hard, it is their work. That it is not more hard has been the effect of our measures. If this be 128 Jefferson's Works given up it can never be settled but by war. Affec- tionate and respectful salutations to Mrs. Monroe and yourself. TO ABRAHAM BALDWIN. Washington, April 14, 1802. Dear Sir, — I have prepared a catalogue for the Library of Congress in conformity with your ideas that books of entertainment are not within the scope of it, and that books in other languages, where there are not translations of them, are to be admitted freely. I have confined the catalogue to those branches of science which belong to the delibera- tions of the members as statesmen, and in these have omitted those desirable books, ancient and modern, which gentlemen generally have in their private libraries, but which cannot properly claim a place in a collection made merely for the purposes of reference. In history I have confined the histories to the chronological works which give facts and dates with a minuteness not to be found in narrations composed for agreeable reading. Under the laws of nature and nations I have put down everything I know of worth possessing, because this is a branch of science often under the discussion of Congress, and the books written on it not to be found in private libraries. In law I set down only general treatises for the purpose of reference. The discussions under this head in Supplementary Manuscripts I2 9 Congress are rarely so minute as to require or admit that reports and special treatises should be intro- duced. The Parliamentary section I have imagined should be complete. It is only by having a law of proceeding, and by every member having the means of understanding it for himself and appealing to it, that he can be protected against caprice and despot- ism in the chair. The two great encyclopaedias form a complete supplement for the sciences omitted in the general collection, should occasion happen to arise for recurring to them. I have added a set of dictionaries in the different languages, which may be often wanting. This catalogue, combined with what you may approve in those offered by others, will enable you to form your general plan and to select from it every year to the amount of the annual fund of those most wanting. I have omitted on it those which, by the printed catalogue, I find you already possess. In estimating the amount of an annual selection, folios may be stated as costing one and a half guineas, quartos a guinea, octavos 12 / - twelvemos 4/- in England, and in France three- fourths of those prices, in neat but not splendid bindings. Accept assurances of my respect and friendly consideration. VOL. XIX — 9 *3° Jefferson's Works TO THOMAS LAW. Washington, May 31, 1802. Dear Sir, — I received, yesterday evening, your letter of the 23d inst. informing me of the death of Mrs. Washington, and I received it with great and sincere concern. An acquaintance of five and twenty years, in times and circumstances of great and trying aspect, had made me a witness of her constant course in whatsoever was benevolent and virtuous in life, had marked her in my judgment as one of the most estimable of women, and had inspired me with an affectionate and respectful attachment to her. This lesson is more felt, too, as it renews the memory of a preceding one of a worthy, of that degree which Providence with its divine dispensations sees fit rarely to bestow on us, whose services in the cause of man had justly endeared him to the world and whose name still is among the latest monuments of the age wherein he lived, which time will extinguish. My own sense of these losses enables me to sym- pathize sincerely in the afflictions of the family, to whom I pray you to tender assurances, and to accept them yourself, of my highest esteem and respect. Supplementary Manuscripts I 3 I TO WILLIAM DUNBAR. Washington, March 3, 1803. Sir, — Your favor of the 8th of January has been received and I have to return you thanks for the two vocabularies. The memoir of Mr. Durald has been forwarded to the Philosophical Society. We shall be happy to see your history of the Mississippi completed, as it is becoming one of the most interesting parts of our country. The only one where some of the tropical productions can be mantained (?) among us. * * * * had only a little mistaken the information I gave him * #. * * was not that you were removing altogether, but that you meant shortly to take a trip to Europe which I had understood from some other person * * * * yourself. The late interruption of our commerce at New Orleans by the Spanish Intendant, combined with the change of proprietors which Louisiana certainly, and the Floridas possibly, are immediately to under- go have produced a great sensation here; while some have wished to make it the immediate cause of war which might damage our finances and embarrass the administration of our government, which, in the state of their political passions, would be a countervail for the most serious public extrem- ities, we have pursued what we believe a more certain and more speedy means of restoring per- manently the rights and conveniences of our 13 2 Jefferson's Works commerce, v/hether we may succeed in the acqui- sition of the island of New Orleans and the Floridas peaceably for a price far short of the expense of a war, we cannot say. But that we shall obtain peaceably an immediate and firm re-establishment of all our rights under the Spanish treaty every circumstance known to us leads us to believe. If contrary to expectations war should be necessary to restore our rights, it is surely prudent to take a little time for availing ourselves of the division of Europe to strengthen ourselves for that war. Nothing but the failure of every peaceable mode of redress, nothing but dire necessity, should force us from the path of peace which would be our wisest pursuit, to embark in the broils and con- tentions of Europe and become a satellite to any power there. Yet this must be the consequence if we fail in all possible means of re-establishing our rights were we to enter into the war alone. The Mississippi would be blockaded at least during the continuance of that war by a superior naval power, and all our Western States be deprived of their commerce unless they would surrender them- selves to the blockading power. Great endeavors have been used from this quarter to inflame the western people to take possession of New Orleans without looking forward to the use they could make of it with a blockaded river, but I trust they will be unable, that a peaceable redress will be quickest and most for their interests. Supplementary Manuscripts 1 33 We shall endeavor to procure the Indian right of soil, as soon as they can be prevailed on to part with it, the whole left bank of the Mississippi to a respectable breadth, and encourage a prompt settlement, and thereby plant on the Mississippi itself the means of its own defense and present as strong a frontier as that on our Eastern border. I pray you to accept assurances of my great esteem and respect. TO DR. BENJAMIN RUSH. Washington, April 23, 1803. Dear Sir, — Your friendly letter of March 12 was received in due time and with a due sense of its value. I shall with confidence avail myself of its general prescriptions and of the special should the state of my health alter for the worse. At present it wears a promising aspect. At length I send you a letter long due and even now but a sketch of what I wished to make it. But your candor will find my just excuse in the indispensable occupations of my public duties. I communicate a copy of the syllabus to Dr. Priestley in hope he will extend his work of Socrates and Jesus compared. He views a part of the subject differently from myself, but in the main object of my syllabus we go perfectly together. Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of great respect. *34 Jefferson's Works TO HENRY DEARBORN. MONTICELLO, AugUSt 23, 1803. Dear Sir, — I enclose you a letter from Mr. Simpson to Mr. Madison showing very clearly that our plan of having the gun carriages for the Emperor of Morocco made in Europe cannot take place. To cut short still further delay on this subject I think we must furnish them from home. You observe they must be of the very best and fitted for land service. If we have such really good, though wanting for our own service, it will be better to send them and immediately replace them here by new ones. Otherwise they should be made and sent without delay. I think it had been agreed that you would see to the execution of the business. There is reason to apprehend that the govern- ment of France, perhaps not well satisfied with its bargain with us, will seize any pretext which can be laid hold of to annul the treaty. They have exacted from our minister a rigorous regard for dates which will render it necessary for both Houses of Congress to perform their respective parts without a day's delay, and with as little debate as possible, and that we have a public armed ship ready to sail on the 31st day of October to carry the ratification and if possible the stock to France. Perhaps the last of your small vessels which shall go to the Mediterranean this season Supplementary Manuscripts I 35 may perform this office. But whether this or any other will be best you will be so good as to consider and have in readiness. It is best that as little as possible be said as to the constitutional difficulty and that on that Congress * * * * is necessary without any explanation. An investigation of the subject here among my books satisfies me that our right to the river Perdido is solid, and to the bay of St. Bernard very susceptible of being * * * * Livingston and Morse express a clear opinion as to the Perdido and advise us to act on it. Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of great esteem and regard. P. S. When you shall have read Simpson's letter be so good as to return it to me with your con- clusion as to the carriages. TO THE EMPEROR OF MOROCCO. Washington, December 20, 1803. Great and Good Friend, — I learn with great concern the acts of violence which took place between some vessels of your Majesty and of the United States, and with equal pleasure that you had promptly interposed and arrested the progress of the misunderstanding. This proof of your dis- position to remain in friendship with the United States is duly estimated on my part and will be reciprocated on all occasions by corresponding J 3<5 Jefferson's Works endeavors to preserve the peace and good under- standing so happily subsisting between us. Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe, and under circumstances peculiar to our- selves, our practices and principles of intercourse are not always the same with theirs. All religions are equally independent here, our laws knowing no distinction of country, of classes among indi- viduals and with nations, our * * * * is justice and reciprocity. In these principles of justice and reciprocity was founded the treaty of peace and friendship concluded with your Imperial father and recently recognized by your Majesty. In this recognition I willingly concur, promising that the stipulations of that treaty shall be faithfully observed on our part. We shall, moreover, avail ourselves of every occasion of performing good offices to your people and of manifesting the cordial friendship and respect we bear to the person and character of your Imperial Majesty and I pray God to have you, great and good friend, in His safe and holy keeping. Done at Washington in the United States of America, etc. TO JOHN LANGDON. Washington, December 22, 1803. My dear Sir, — The enclosed commission was made out immediately on the receipt of your recom- mendation as its date will show; but as I wished Supplementary Manuscripts *37 to accompany it with a line to you, it has lain by me ever since waiting a moment of leisure to drop you one. In the meantime the law is repealed: but this commission will still do for existing cases. I have the happiness to assure you that we shall receive Louisiana without opposition, or rather that we have received it, as we know that our troops embarked for Natchez the ist and 2d instant, and would arrive at New Orleans on the 7 th, where possession would be instantly delivered, according to arrangements agreed to between General Wil- kinson and the French prefect. This matter quietly finished, and peace made with the Emperor of Morocco dictated by ourselves, leaves nothing in our horizon but the little speck of Tripoli, where the substitution of Preble for Morris will probably soon enforce peace also. From both the contending powers of Europe we have equal proofs of friend- ship, but most especially Great Britain; we shall, therefore, I hope, be able to.mantain an impartial and honorable neutrality. At home we learn from all quarters that these measures have brought over to us nearly the whole of our candid opponents, except in three of the New England States, and in Delaware; these we trust will in time be con- vinced also. This, my friend, is a rapid view of our affairs, and is as much as incessant interruption and business will permit me to put on paper. Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of con- stant esteem. J 3S Jefferson's Works TO GOVERNOR JOHN PAGE. Washington, December 23, 1803. Dear Sir, — Your favor of November 16, received November 26, is now before me, and I enclose you a letter of Mr. Gore which I presume we may consider as the final result of our endeavor to procure an asylum in the colony of Sierra Leone for such persons of the description composing that colony as we might find it expedient to send there. Since the date of the resolution, which has been the subject of this correspondence, the aspect of affairs has undergone important changes. You can judge of the probability of their settling down in a form which may furnish that opening which the resolution desired. As yet, however, direct pro- positions for that purpose would be permature. The acquisition of Louisiana may also procure the opportunity desired. This will depend on the manner in which the Legislature of the Union will dispose of that country. An expectation of some decision as to this had induced me to delay answering your letter earlier; but no progress being yet made in it, and a fear that the Legislature of Virginia might rise before definite arrangements are taken here, I do not venture on a further delay. On the whole it appears probable that St. Dom- inique or Louisiana may open to the Legislature of Virginia the resource which their resolution contemplated. Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of great consideration and respect. Supplementary Manuscripts *39 TO THE DEY OF ALGIERS. Washington, March 27, 1804. Great and Good Friend, — I have received your letter of the 14th of October last and in it assur- ances of the continuance of your friendly disposi- tions toward the United States and of your attach- ment to the treaty which binds us together. These assurances are- the more satisfactory as we also are disposed to a faithful observance of our treaty, which, settling, as between friends, a fixed measure of what the one is bound to yield and the other has a right to receive, prevents requisitions out of the provisions of the treaty which sometimes it is inconvenient and sometimes impracticable to com- ply with. Of the latter kind is your request of brass field- pieces from us. The materials of which that metal are compounded do not exist in this country, as far as has been yet discovered. When we have occasion for anything of brass, we seek it in the countries of your neighborhood. We have, however, a mine of iron, the only one perhaps which is known, of such quality as to admit of field-pieces to be cast as light and as strong as brass, more durable, and less costly. This we use for field-pieces, and knowing from our own experience its superior nature I shall immediately order and send to you those you request, instead of other articles of the annual supplies stipulated in our treaty. I am persuaded I 4° Jefferson's Works that in so doing I shall execute your intentions to your greater satisfaction. Adhering substantially to our mutual stipulations, I shall, nevertheless, take a pleasure in any occasional modification of that which may suit your convenience and prove our friendship to you. I have just learned with great regret the loss of the ship off Cadiz, laden by us with naval stores for you. I regret it, not so much for the value to us as the delay which our great distance from you will necessarily occasion in supplying the loss. Orders, however, are already given to forward others without loss of time. I pray God, great and good friend, to have you in His holy keeping. TO F. H. ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT. Washington, May 28, 1804. Sir, — I received last night your favor of the 24th, and offer you my congratulations on your arrival here in good health, after a tour in the course of which you have been exposed to so many hardships and hazards. The countries you have visited are of those least known and most interesting, and a lively desire will be felt generally to receive the information you will be able to give. No one will feel it more strongly than myself, because no one, perhaps, views this new world with more partial hopes of its exhibiting an ameliorated Supplementary Manuscripts 141 state of the human condition. In the new position in which the seat of our government is fixed, we have nothing curious to attract the observations of a traveller, and can only substitute in its place the welcome with which we should receive your visit, should you find it convenient to add so much to your journey. Accept, I pray you, my respectful salutations and assurances of great respect and consideration. to the secretary of war (henry dearborn). Washington, June 6, 1804. The division of Louisiana into districts relating to the military as much as to the civil administration, will you be so good as to consider those proposed by Governor Harrison, and we will then consider the subject. My idea would be not to fix precisely the dividing line between the districts, as we have not information enough for that, but to use such a mode of designation for these as we do for the consular districts in foreign countries where we are equally uninformed. I would say, for example, "the post of St. Louis shall be the seat of admin- istration for its district, which district shall be composed of all those parts of Louisiana, south of the Missouri, which are nearer to St. Louis than to any other district seat." This lays off the whole country at once on the principle of distance, which J 42 Jefferson's Works is the chief ingredient in convenience, modified by the division of a river where that is material. I think the purchases of the Delawares and Pian- kishaws, proposed by Governor Harrison, very interesting and that the Delawares might at once be informed that we will purchase, with an annuity to be paid to them whenever they shall settle; but before we can offer lands on the other side the Mississippi to any tribe, we should be well informed of the title to lands there. Should it not be well to charge Governors Harrison and Claiborne generally with this inquiry, and the commander of each station specially, as far as his opportunity extends, and that this be done and reported to us without delay? Affectionate salutations. TO ALEXANDER, EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. Washington, June 15, 1804. Great and Good Friend, — Your friendly inter- position for the relief of the crew of an American frigate stranded on the coast of Tripoli has been recently made known to me. For this act of benevolence and proof of your disposition to befriend our young Republic its Secretary of State conveys the official expression of its sensibility. But I should illy satisfy my own feelings did I not add my individual acknowledgments for a favor directly tending to facilitate the administration of affairs of my country with which I am personally charged. Supplementary Manuscripts x 43 To the barbarians whose habitual violations of the laws of nature have produced the occasion of this friendly office, we have sent expressions of very different feelings by the squadron which has just left our ports destined for theirs. Should the Commodore find that in consequence of your Imperial Majesty's interposition, they shall already have done us voluntary justice, he will let them owe to your favor his abstinence from every act of force. Otherwise he will endeavor, by the means he is furnished with, to convince them it will be their interest to injure us no more. I see with great pleasure the rising commerce between our two countries. We have not gone into the policy which the European nations have so long tried and to so little effect of multiplying commercial treaties. In national as in individual dealings, more liberality will, perhaps, be found . in voluntary regulations than in those which are measured out by the strict letter of a treaty, which, whenever it becomes onerous, is made by forced construction to mean anything or nothing, engenders disputes and brings on war. But your flag will find in our harbors hospitality, freedom and pro- tection and your subjects enjoy all the privileges of the most favored nation. The favorable reception of our consul at St. Petersburg, and the friendly sentiments conveyed through your minister of foreign affairs, is an earnest that our merchants also will meet due favor in your ports. i44 Jefferson's Works I avail myself of this occasion of expressing the exalted pleasure I have felt in observing the various acts of your administration during the short time you have yet been on the throne of your country, and seeing in them manifestations of the virtue and wisdom from which they flow. What has not your country to hope from a career which has begun from such auspicious developments! Sound principles, pursued with a steady step, dealing out good progressively as your people are prepared to receive and to hold it fast, cannot fail to carry them and yourself far in the improve- ment of their condition during the course of your life. I pray to God that it may long continue for their happiness and your glory, and that too He may always have you in His safe and holy keeping. TO THE BROTHERS OF THE CHOCTAW NATION. Washington, March 13, 1805. My Children, — I learn with great satisfaction that you have leased to us three stations of one mile square each on the road from Chickesaws to Natchez, and one on the Pearl river; and you desire me to send you a paper under my own hand to show to your warriors that these lands are not sold but lent. I now accordingly declare that the property in those lands remains in your nation, that they are lent to us for a rent of four hundred Supplementary Manuscripts x 45 pounds weight of powder annually, and that your nation has a right to take them back at their pleasure ; and this paper now signed by my own hand will be evidence of these things to future generations. We will, according to your desire, settle but one white family on each section, and take care that they,., conduct themselves peaceably and friendly toward you; or being made known to me that they do otherwise they shall be removed. They will be placed there merely for the accommodation of our paper carriers and travellers. My children, you have asked whether I did not promise to send you ploughs to enable you to improve in husbandry? I did promise it and immediately sent the ploughs; but by a mistake in forwarding them, they were delayed some time before we knew of it. You must, however, have received them before this time. You ask if I did not promise to send your deputa- tion ten rifles for yourselves and other deserving warriors? I did not promise it. You said they would be acceptable, but I said nothing in reply. But although I did not promise, yet to show my good will to you, I will send you the rifles. You ask if we will allow commissions to you according to your rank and medals and commis- sions to such chiefs as you may appoint to^ assist in the government of your country? It has not been a custom with us to give commissions to our friends among the red men; and it is a new thing. VOL. XIX IO *4