tKfje ILibrarp 
 
 of tfje 
 
 Wini\ytt^iiV of iSortl) Carolina 
 
 Collection of i^ortf) Caroliniana 
 C.3 
 
C75 
 
 C.3 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF N C, AT CHAPEL I 
 
 iilllillllilllilil 
 
 00032193750 
 
 THIS NILE HAS BtLiN r/iiCROFILMED 
 
 This book must not 
 be f-aken from the 
 Library building. 
 
 Form No. 471 
 
►^t-'^y 
 
4^' 
 

 

 
SOME ACCOUNT 
 
 LIFE AND SERVICES 
 
 WILLIAM BLOUNT, 
 
 AX OFFICER OF THE REVOLI'TION ARY ARMY, MEMBER OF THE 
 CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, AND OF THE CONVENTION 
 WHICH FRAMED THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 
 STATES, ALSO GOVERNOR OF THE TERRITORY 
 SOUTH OF THE OHIO RIVER, AND SENA- 
 TOR IX CONGRESS U. S. 1783-1797. 
 
 TnCF-TIIKIl WITH A 
 
 FULL ACCOUNT OF HLS IMPEACHMENT AND TRIAL IN CONGRESS, 
 AND HIS EXPULSION FROM THE U. S. SENATE. 
 
 Gen. Marcus J. Wright. 
 
 J . GRAY, PUBLISHER 
 
 W A S H I .V G T O N , U . C . 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1884, 
 
 By E. J. GRAY, 
 
 in the Office of the Librarian of Congress. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Among the pioneer patriots of the territory south of the Ohio, 
 v,-]\o asserted the riglits of its settlers both in council and in the 
 field, none deserve more grateful rcmcmljrance than A\'illiam 
 Blount. 
 
 After a careful study of his life and character, I do not hesitate 
 to say that in breadth of intellect, deep thought, untiring activity, 
 intrepid perseverance, and broad patriotism lie had few equals and 
 no superior among his colleagues. 
 
 lie united in his character the gentleman, the soldier, the states- 
 man and the citizen ; and all in the most perfect harmony of those 
 ■qualities which challenge admiration in both public and private 
 life. Defamed and traduced for a brief time in his life by the fol- 
 lowers of a strong partizan administration under which his service 
 as senator commenced; expelled from his seat in a manner so hasty 
 and on evidence so slight that its reading now excites wonder, he 
 never failed to retain the fullest confidence of the people of Ten- 
 nessee, who demonstrated it by placing liini afterwards in the 
 highest positions of trust in the State. 
 
 The great and unparalleled growtli of the country ; the startling 
 events which have occured, notably among them our great civil 
 war ; and other causes have prevented such examination and pub- 
 lication of the services and sacrificJes of our pioneers, and their 
 great results, as is due to them and to the truth of history. It is 
 with this view that the writer (or rather com[)iler) has undertaken 
 this sketch of the life and services of Governor Blount. A careful 
 perusal of his history has led me to attempt in an humble Avay to 
 do justice to the life and character of a man whose great and divcr- 
 silicd public services were rendered in a field so broad, and at a 
 time so marked with important events, (l)ut succeeded in later years 
 by a civil revolution of such magnitude,) that he and those who 
 served the country with him have been relegated to almost ob- 
 livion. Governor Blount lived in an age when conspicuous merit 
 alone secured commanding influence. It was among the most 
 independent, adventurous, self-reliant individualisms in history. 
 ^ His brilliant qualities pointed to him as one of the leaders in tlic 
 O 
 
 '<^ 
 
grand march of civilization that \Yas grachially unfolding itself in 
 the great valley of the :Mississippi. Tlie race that ha^ ever moved 
 over ocean and mountain had scaled the Alleghanies and taken 
 possession of the fertile plains of the mighty \yest. There it met 
 every privation and ol^struction that isolation and a barbarous foe 
 could oppose. Thrown into new scenes, far from the support and 
 succor of their government, they had to rely upon their own genius 
 for their laws and protection. Thus relieved of all dependence 
 upon old prejudices and methods, they devised institutions suited 
 to their own happiness. Every en(>rgy of body and mind was 
 stimulated into vigorous life. It was auii<l such scenes and such- 
 men that this remarkable man was followed in counsel and the 
 lield, with unfaltering fliith and uul)ending purpose, in pros^xn-ity 
 and adversity. No wond(M- th.it lie sought the happiness and i)ros- 
 perity of his companions of Ww wilderness, whilst he advanced 
 the National l)orders and glory, \vithout reference to the central 
 power. To him and them it was a courageous sacriiiee for 
 National honor and security, as well as for individual hapinness. 
 
 By far the most interesting portion of this narrative, relating to 
 the family and private life of Governor Blount, will be found in an 
 unpublished manuscript, which is entirely authentic, and which 
 has been quoted without change, 
 
 I am also indebted for valuable iutbrmition and st-rviees to 
 Ex-Gov. James D. Porter, Ex-Senator Joseph S. Fowler, and to 
 Rev. Dr. Humes, all of Tennessee, and especially to Mr. W'm. 
 Macon Coleman, of North Carolina, who has rendered me most 
 valuable assistance in the preparation of tliis little volume. 
 
 For whatever it is worth, I herrl.y (h'llicate it to the Tennessee 
 Historical Society, and trust it wdl iiu';'l with the ai)j)roval of its 
 members, Avho I know are desirous of placing the irue history of 
 all of Tennessee's distinguished sons before the world. 
 
 Trusting that not only the people of Tennessee, but all others 
 who arc interested in the truth of history, will appreciate my at- 
 tempt to elucidate it in these pages, I submit it to the candid judg- 
 ment of my readers. 
 
 M.vucus J. WiacHT. 
 Washington, D. C, March, 18S4. 
 
TABLE OF CONTRNTS. 
 
 TIio r.lount family.— St^ttleinrnt in North Carolina. — A Revolu- 
 tionary taiiiily. — Governor r.Iount an ulliccr in the Continental 
 nrniy. — Marries Mary (Irain^er. — A member of the General 
 Assembly at int(>rvals from 1780 to 1700.— ^Fember of the Conti- 
 nental Congress in Us:', and 17S4 and ajrain in 178G and 1787. — 
 A delcjjate from North CaroHna to the Convention which framed 
 the Federal Con.'^titution in 1787.— A ]nend)er of the State Conven- 
 tion whieh ratitied that instrument in 1780. — Favors the cession 
 to tlK- United States of the territory now Tennessee. — Takes great 
 interest in the affairs of the western settlers. — Makes the treaty 
 with the Cherokees at Hopewell. — Also the treaty at the same place 
 with the Choetaws and Chiekasaws. — The State of Frankland. — 
 CJovernor ])lonnt eonimissioned by President Washington as Gov- 
 ernor of the Territory in 170(1.— Appointed also Superintendent of 
 Indian allairs, embracing the Cherokees, Creeks, Chocktaws and 
 Chiekasaws. — His personal character. — The family from Avhich he 
 descended had given birth to tliree distinct races of peers. — Ge- 
 nealogy of the family brought down to Governor Blount. — Gov- 
 ernor Blount organizes the territorial government at his headquar- 
 ters in the fork of the Ilolston and Watauga. — John Sevier and 
 James Robertson commissioned Brigadier-Generals. — Governor 
 Blount visits the settlements and inquires into the condition and 
 wants of the people. — ITis labors in his double office of Governor 
 and Superintendent. — The seat of Government estal)lished at 
 Knoxville. — Domestic life. — Tennessee admitted as a State. — Gov- 
 ernor Blount elected a memlier of the Convention which framed 
 the Constitution. — Chosen President of that body by a unanimous 
 vote. — Elected United States Senator by the first Legislature of the 
 State in 170G. — A full and complete account of his expulsion from 
 the Senate and of his impeachment and trial before that body. — 
 The people of Tennessee resent this treatment to their representa- 
 tive. — His enthusiastic reception at home and new honors con- 
 ferred upon him. — His vindication. — Honors to his memory. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 Gciicalogij of the Blount Family — Battle of Alamance, 1771 — Willie 
 Blount a Judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee and afterwards 
 Governor — Member of Constitutional Convention of Tennessee, 1834. 
 Marriage of William Blount to Mary Grainger — Sketch of Colonel 
 Cabell Grainger — Cession of Territory by Xorth Carolina called the 
 Territory South of the Ohio River — William Bloxnt appointed by 
 President Washington Governor of the Territory, 7th August, 1790, 
 and Superintendent of Indian Affairs — Sketch of the English fi mil y 
 from which he descended. 
 
 WILLIAM nLOUNT. 
 
 " Colonel Jacol) Blount, the son of Thomas Blount and his wifo, 
 Elizabeth Reading, was born in 1726, in Bertie County, Xorth 
 Carolina. lie was married in 1748 to Barbara, daughter of Jolui 
 Gray, a Scottish gentleman who, with his wife, Ann Bryan, (.'anie 
 over in 1734, in the suite of Gabriel Johnston, the Royal G(tvernor 
 of the Province, and settled in Bertie County. Jacob Blount, by 
 his marriage with Barbara Gray, had eight children, of whom 
 William, afterwards Governor, was the oldest. By a subsequent 
 marriage with Hannah Baker, daughter of Edward Salten, he had 
 five other children, one of whom, Willie, was Governor of Tennes- 
 see from 1809 to 1815. 
 
 Jacob Blount died in 1789, at Blount Hall, his country seat in 
 Pitt County, to which he had removed, and which is now the 
 property of his grandson, George Blount. He was a man of promi- 
 nence and popularity in his days, and was a member of the War 
 Congress of North Carolina in 1775 and 177G. 
 
 He and his son William participated in the famous batth- of Al- 
 lamance in 1771. 
 
 Of his thirteen children these nine reached mature age, namely: 
 William, afterwards Governor ; Anne, wife of James Harvey ; Jolm 
 Gray; Louisa, wife of Richard Blackledge; Reading, Thomas, 
 Jacob, Willie, afterwards Governor, and Sharpe. 
 
 William, afterwards Governor, was born in Bertie County, March 
 26, 1749. His brothers, Thomas and Reading, were like himself, 
 leading spirits in the Revolutionary War, and were officers in the 
 
O LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 military service. They and their brother John G. wore all at dif- 
 ferent times members of the General Assembly, or of the War 
 Congress which sat during the early part of the struggle. Thomas 
 was taken prisioner and carried to England, where he underwent 
 a long confinement. He was afterwards and for many years a 
 member of Congress from the Edgecoml") District, up to his death 
 in 1812. John G. and Reading resided in Beaufort County, where 
 they reached influential positions and were held in high estima- 
 tion, and have left many descendents, who honorably represent 
 their names and lienage. Willie became a judge of the Supreme 
 Court in Tennessee, and afterwards Governor. He Avas a member 
 of the Constitutional Convention of 1834, and died soon afterwards 
 at his residence in Clarksville, greatly revered by the community. 
 
 As Jacob Blount, the ftither of this large family, was a man of 
 considerable estate, his children were educated in a manner corres- 
 ponding to his ample means and to his high local position. William- 
 who had already become a rising man, was married Febuary 12, 
 1778, to Mary, the daughter of Colonel Caleb Grainger, of Wil- 
 mington, a member of the General Assembly t-om New Hanover 
 County. William was generally a member of that body from 
 1780 to 1790 and contemporaneously with that service was a mem- 
 ber of the Continental Congress in 1783 and 1784, and again in 
 1786 and 1787. He represented North Carolina in the Convention 
 which framed the Federal Constitution in 1781, and was in the 
 State Convention which ratified that instrument in 1789. He was 
 an ardent friend of the act passed in 1789 for the cession to the 
 United States of the western domain, now Tennessee. L,-During 
 these years of constant and varied public service, he took great 
 interest in the affairs of the Western Settlers, and warmly sympa- 
 thized with them in their difficulties with the Indian tribes. As 
 the special agent of his State he was present in licr behalf at the 
 treaty made with the Cherokees at Hopewell, on the Howe, Xd- 
 vember 28, 1785. In the same capacity he attended at tlie 
 treaties made at the same place in January, 1786, with the Clioc- 
 taws and Chickasaws. 
 
 The generous cession of her territory by North ( "arolina, was made 
 for the three-fold purpose of cementing the Union, of assisting lo 
 pay the public debt, and of ensuring the protection of the inhabit- 
 ants of that portion of the State. The bold pioneers residing in what 
 is now upper East Tennessee had as early as 1795 set up the in- 
 dependent State of Frankland, which for several years was admin- 
 ministered and partially mainlaiucd in open defiance of North 
 
UFi: OK wirj.iAM Hi.orNi-. 9 
 
 Carolina, who assorted l)y force her autlmrity in ami over the 
 same region. Many serious conflicts occurred hctwccn ihi' ad- 
 lierents ot" the two Governments. Happily for all parties the 
 cession Act of 1781), followed hy its acce])tanci; l>y (Jongress, on 
 the 21st of April, 1790, opened the way for {lie speedy cure of 
 all three troui)les. Tiie ceded country, wui(-h had been an in- 
 tegral portion of the State of North Carolina an<l entitled to rep- 
 resentation in its General Assembly, was erected into " TIk^ Ter- 
 ritory South of the Ohio River.'' In compliance with tlu' wishes 
 as well of the western inhabitants as of those ol" the old State, 
 William Blount was commissioned l)y President Washington on 
 the 7th of August, 175)0, as governer of the Territory. He also re- 
 ceived the appointment of Superintendent of Indian Affairs, em- 
 bracing the Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws and Chickasaws. Says 
 Dr. Ramsey, the learned author of the " Aiuials of Tennessee," 
 speaking of Mr. IMount : 
 
 '• He was of an ancient English family of wealth and rank, 
 which at an early day emigrated to North Carolina. Tiie name 
 i< often mentioned in the annals of that State during the Revo- 
 lution. Mr. Blount was remarkable for his address, courtly man- 
 nvis. benignant feelings and a most commanding presence. His 
 urbanity, his personal influence over men of all conditions and 
 ares, his hospitality unostentatiously, but yet elegantly and 
 gracefully extended to all, won upon the affections and regard of 
 the pojiulacc and made him a universal favorite. He was at once 
 the social companion, the well-bred gentleman and the capable 
 ofiicer."' 
 
 The allusion by the historian to the lineage of the Governor, 
 will justify a brief statement of it from authentic records. 
 
 This ancient family has given l)irth to three distinct races of 
 peers — the Lords of (ruisins, in France; the Barons of Ixworth, in 
 Suffolk, and the Barons of Montjoy of Thurveston, County Derby. 
 
 Sir Robert Le Blount and Sir William Le Blount, two sons of 
 Rudolph. Count of Guisins, accompanied William the Norman in 
 his invasion of England X. D. 10()l>. Sir Robert had command 
 of the Conijueror's shi])S (»f war, and is styled •' Dux naviuni uiili- 
 tarium." He was the lir.st feudal Baron of Ixworth. an<l his por- 
 tion of the sp')lia npiiiin embraced thirteen manors in Sulfolk. His 
 wife was Gundreda, daughter of Henry, Earl Ferrers. 
 
 Sir William Le lilount, the other brother, was a general of foot 
 at Hastings, and had grants of seven lordships in Lincolnshire. 
 His great-great-grand-daughter, Maria f^e Blount, married her 
 
10 LIFE OF ^VILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 kinsman, Sir Stephen Le Blount, a descendant of Sir Robert, Baron 
 of Ixworth, in the thirteenth century ; and thus the blood of the 
 two brothers who accompanied the Norman, Avas reunited in the 
 persons of their descendants. Sir Robert Blount, the son of tliis 
 marriage, became the husband of Isabel, daughter of the I'cudal 
 Lord of Odensels ; and their son. Sir William Blount, married the 
 Lady Isabel de Beaumont, daughter of William, Earl of Warwich. 
 Sir W^alter, the son of this marriage, lei't a son, Sir John Blount, 
 who married Iselda, daughter and heiress of Sir Thomas Montjoy. 
 From this Sir John we pass to his lineal descendant, Sir Walter 
 Blount, a baronet in the reign of Charles the First. This gentle- 
 man suflfered much in the cause of that monarch, and was im- 
 prisoned at Oxford and in the Tower of London. The iii-(^sent 
 representative of the family in England is Sir Edward Blount, or 
 his son, Sir W^alter de Sodington, who was 1)orn 19th of December^ 
 1830. 
 
 About the year 16G9 three of Sir Walter lUount's sons emigrated 
 to Virginia. One of them remained there and became the liead of 
 a long line of descendants. The other two, James and Tliomas, 
 crossed over into North Carolina and settled in the country bor- 
 dering on Albermarle Sound. Thomas, the son of this Thomas, 
 married Anne Reading and left a number of cliihh'c n. one of whom 
 was Jacob, already mentioned as the lather of the tvro governors. 
 The family in Eastern North Carolina is large and its blood flows 
 in the veins of many of the worthiest citizens of that honored 
 State. 
 
CHAPTEll II. 
 
 Gov. Blount Eaters on his duties lOtk of Oct., 1700— Headquarters 
 Established at Fork of the Ilolston and Watauga Rivers — Visits the 
 Mero District— On his recommendation John Sevier and James 
 Robertson appointed Brigadier-Generals— Extracts from Ramsey's 
 " History of Tennessee " — Correspondence with Governors of ad- 
 joining States — Negotiations ivith the Indians—The Chiefs of the 
 Various Nations meet him near Knoxvillc and a treaty signed 2d of 
 July, 1791, called the Treaty of Ilolston, which tvas ratified in No- 
 vember following by the U. S. Senate — 2he Seat <f Government estab- 
 lished at Knoxvillc, named in honor of General John Knox, Secre- 
 tary of War — The Governor's IloxpitaUty — His extensive negotia- 
 tions and the respect he had from all persons with whom he came in 
 contact — The Ordnance of 17S7 — Slavery — TJie first Legislative As- 
 sembly meets at Knoxvillc, August 25, 1794, and sat until 30th Sep- 
 tember — Blount College Incorporated — A guard of soldiers escort 
 the Members from the Mero District to protect them from tJte Indians. 
 — Steps taken June 29, 1795, /o/* admission of Territory as a State — 
 Enumeration Act — Proclamation calling Convention at Knoxvillc, 
 11th January, 179G, and Gov. Blount Elected one of the Members, 
 and on Electing of Convention, was unanimously Elected President — 
 Charles McClung, Gen. James White, Gen. Andrew Jackson, Gen. 
 James Robertson, and Archibald Roane also Members — The first 
 Constitution of the State adopted, which stood unchanged for thirty- 
 years. 
 
 We now return to the narrative ; Governor Blount readied tlia 
 theatre of his new duties on the 10th of October, 1790, and estab- 
 lished his headquarters at the house of William Cobb, on the fork 
 of the Ilolston and Watauga. Here he organized his government 
 and proceeded to appoint officers, civil and military, for the east- 
 ern portion of the Territory. Having jjut all things in order, he 
 set out on the 27th of November following for the District of Mero, 
 then composed of Davidson, Sunnier and Tennessee Counties. 
 
 He could not commission officers of the rank of Brigadier-Gen- 
 eral, but on his recommendation the President issued commissions 
 
12 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 for these officers to John Sevier and James Robertson. In this 
 visit to the remote settlements he became acquainted with the 
 people and their condition, and inspired tliem with confidence in 
 his devotion to their interests. 
 
 From thenceforward he was indefatigal)k' in the discharjie of 
 the varied and responsible obligations of his position. The 
 double duties of Governor and Superintendent of Indian A Hairs 
 were performed with an ability of the highest order. 
 
 We quote again from the historian, Ramsey : 
 
 " Some judgment may be formed of the difficult, responsible 
 and delicate duties which the tvv'o offices devolved on the Gov- 
 ernor, by a l)rief reference to the ])osture of affairs when he re- 
 ceived his appointments. -'^ ''' * '•' ''^ '■' 
 
 "To reconcile all these animosities between savages, and to pro- 
 tect the Territory from their injurious effects, required frequent 
 conferences and correspondence imposing a Herculean labor upon 
 ]\Ir. Blount. His correspondence with Governors of adjoining 
 States, with the Secretary of War, and with the authorities of 
 Spain, is extensive and minute. * * -^ * * 
 
 " To keep the Indian tribes quiet, to conciliate their friendship 
 to the United States, to save the Territory from invasion and to 
 neutralize and prevent foreign influence, and at the same time 
 not to jeopard negotiations then pending, required a high degree 
 of administrative capacity and diplomatic talent. In these ardu- 
 ous duties he was aided Ijy his two private secretaries, the late 
 Gov. Willie Blount and the late Honorable Hugh Lawson White." 
 
 The question of boundary with the Cherokees, and the ill blood 
 which grew out of it, demanded the early attention of tlic Go\-- 
 ernor. He prevailed upon them to meet him with their chieftains 
 and head warriors, on his own grounds and around his residence, 
 near the embryo village of Knoxville. Twelve hundred other In- 
 dians, it is said, were in attendance. Here a treaty was signed on 
 the 2d of July, 1701, called the treaty of Holston, which was rati- 
 fied l)y the Senate of the United States in November following. 
 
 Tlie Governor had established the scat of Government at Knox- 
 ville before there was any town there, and named it in honor ot 
 General Knox, the Secretary of War. The lots were laid out for 
 public sale until February, 1702. It was soon resorted to by emi- 
 grants, among whom Avere quite a number of men of education 
 and refinement, with their families. Knoxville throughout his 
 administration was noted for intelligence and a high tone of rciine- 
 ment and moral it v. 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM 15LOUNT. 13 
 
 The niansiou uf the Governor, presided over l)y liis accomplislicd 
 wife, was the home ol' an elegant hosi)itality. J u his intercourse 
 with his own oflicers, with Federal ollicials, with the Executives 
 of the adjacent States, with tlio Spanish Governors, and with the 
 treacherous savages, he coiuinanilcd univt'rsal respect. Clothed 
 with large prerogatives, lie prepared and i)roimdgated his own 
 laws, which were entitled " I'.y William I'.l.niul. ( !(>\ . riiur in ;uid 
 over the Territory." 
 
 His time was much engrossed with IncHan agencies, with the 
 manifold civil and military duties connected with his olliee. and 
 in preparing the Territory for self-government. Cnder the fam- 
 ous '" Ordinance of 1787 " which was made generally applicaldc to 
 this Territory, (except as to slavery, which hy the very terms of 
 the Cession Act the I'ederal Government hound itself never to dis- 
 turb,) the TiTritory was entitle<l to a hegislative .\ssend)ly when it 
 should contain live thousand free male inhahitants. The Ciov- 
 ernor being satisfied that there was the reijuisite number, orderetl 
 an election for members. This l)ody niet in Kno.xville, August 
 2'), 1794, and sat until the 30th of September. At this session was 
 incorporated Blount College at Knoxville, named in honor of the 
 ( rovernor, and which is now l^^ast Tennessee University. Such 
 was the danger from the Indians that the Governor, at the re- 
 (piest of the members from j\Iero District, ordered a guard of sol- 
 diers to escort them home. 
 
 In spite of all adverse circumstances the population muler his 
 fostering care and wise counsels had so increased, that under his 
 l»roclamation the Legislature was assembled on tlu^ 29th of June,' 
 179"), to take steps for the admission oi' the T( rritory into the 
 Union as a State. An Act was ])asscd on the 11th of July Ibr an 
 enumeration of the inhal)itants, and if they should l>e found to be 
 sixty thousand, then the Governor to issue a rei-ouuaendation for 
 the eleeiidii of delegates to meet at Knoxville to form a State Con- 
 stitution. Tlie full number being found, the proclamation was 
 duly issued, and the delegates met at Knoxville on the 11th of 
 .lanuary, 1790. Mr. Blount himself was elected one of the mem- 
 bers, and when the convention met, was unanimously chosen its 
 President. Among the members were Charles ^IcClung, fJeneral 
 .lames "White, Andrew Jackson, General James liobcrtson, and 
 Archiljald Koane, besides many others eminent for wisdom and 
 patriot'lsni. The first of their labors was a con>t^titutioii. wiiich 
 stood unchanged for thirty-eiglit years. 
 
CHAPTER HI. 
 
 John Sevier elected Governor — Electing of General Assembly 2Sth of 
 March, 1796 — William Blount and William Cocke xmanimoushj 
 elected U. S. Senators — Meeting of General Assembly again July 
 30, 1796, and re-election of Blount and Cocke 2d of August, under 
 decision of Congress that former election was premature — Willie 
 Blount elected Supreme Court Judge — Messrs. Blount and Cocke 
 take their seats in the Second Session of the 4th Congress — Andrew 
 Jackson Representative — The First Session of 5th Congress — Presi- 
 dent Adams on July 3, 1797, sends Confidential Message to Con- 
 gress — Copy of letter from Governor Blount to one Carey sub- 
 mitted with Message — Governor Blount absent at the time, but 
 afterwards comes into the Senate — Questions about the Letter in 
 open Senate — Jlis reply — Copy of the Carey Letter. 
 
 At the election for Governor under the Constitution, Mr. Blount 
 Tvas not a candidate, and the clioice of the State fell upon the pop- 
 ular favorite, John Sevier. The Legislature met on the 28th of 
 March, 1796, and at that session William Blount and William 
 Cocke were unanimously elected Senators in Congress. The Leg- 
 islature met again on the 30th of July, 1796, and Congress hav- 
 ing in the meantime decided that tlic March election of Senators 
 was premature, because the State had not then been admitted into 
 the Union, Messrs. Blount and Cocke were again elected on the 2d 
 of August. At this session Willie Blount, then only thirty years 
 of age, was elected a Judge of the Supreme Court. 
 
 The second Session of the Fourth Congress oegan on December 
 5, 1796, and ended March 3, 1797. Governor Blount took his seat; 
 Mr. Cocke was his colleague and Andrew Jackson was Representa- 
 tive in the lower House. 
 
 On July 3, 1797, the President, Mr. Adams, sent in a confiden- 
 tial message to both Houses of Congress, in wliicli he stated that 
 the condition of the country was critical. 
 
 The ground for this alarm seems to have been a letter from Gov- 
 ernor Blount to one Carey, a copy of wliich letter accompanied the 
 President's message. Governor Blount was absent when the letter 
 was first read. He afterwards came into the chamber, and on motion 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 15 
 
 the copy of the letter was again read, and Governor Blount was 
 requested to declare if he had written it. lie replied that he had 
 written a letter to Carey, hut was unahlc to say whether the copy 
 was a correct one or not, without recurrence to his papers; and he 
 desired to have until the next day to answer. Whcrc'U])()U it was 
 ordi'fcd that the message and papers lie for consideration. 
 
 The letter to Carey reads as iblK)ws, vi/ : 
 
 ''CoL. King's Iron Works, 
 
 '' April 2\, 1797. 
 " Dear Carey: 
 
 " I wished to have seen you l)efore I returned to Philadelphia, 
 hut I am obliged to return to the session of Congress which com- 
 mences on the loth of May. 
 
 "'Among other things that I wished to liave soon yiMi ahout was 
 the business Captain Chisholiu moiitiouod lo t!ir Ihitish .Minister 
 last winter at Philadelphia. 
 
 '• I believe, but am not quite sur(\ that the plan tlion t ilkod of 
 will be attempted this fall, and if it is attempted, it will he in a 
 much larger wa}^ than then talked of, and if the Indians act their 
 part, I have no doubt but it will succeed. A man of conse- 
 quence has gone to England about the business ; and if he makes 
 arrangements, I shall myself have a hand in the business, and shall 
 ]>robably be at the head of the business on the part of the British. 
 
 You are, however, to understand that it is not yet quite certain 
 that the plan will be attempted, and to do so will require ;dl your 
 management. I say will require all your management, because 
 you must take care in wliatever you say to Rogers or anybody 
 else, not to let the plan be discovered ])y Hawkins, Dinsmoor, 
 Byers or an}^ other person in the interest of the United States or 
 of Spain. 
 
 "If I attempt this ])lan, I shall expect to have you and all niy 
 Indian friends with me, but you are now in good business I 
 hope, and you are not to risk the loss of it by saying anything 
 that will hurt you until you again hear from me. "Where Captain 
 Chisholm is I do not know. I left home in Phil.idelphia in 
 March, and Kc frequently visited the ]\Iinister and spoke about the 
 'iubject; but I believe he will go into the Creek Nation by way of 
 South Carolina or Georgia. lie gave out that he was going to 
 England, but I do not believe him. Among things that you may 
 safely do, will be to keep up my consequence witli Watts and the 
 Creeks and Cherokecs generally ; and you must l)y no means say 
 nnvthing in favor of Hawkins, but as often as vou can with safetv 
 
IG LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 to yourself, you may teach the Creeks to believe he is no better 
 than he should be. Any power or consequence he gets will be 
 against our plan. Perhaps Rogers, who has no office to lose, is 
 tlie best man to give out talks againgt Hawkins. Read the letter 
 to Rogers, and if you think it best to send it, put a wafer in it and 
 forward it to him by a safe hand ; or perhaps, you had best send 
 for him to come to you, and speak to him yourself respecting the 
 state and prospect of things. 
 
 "I have advised you in whatever you do to take care of yourself 
 I have now to tell you to take care of me too, for a discovery of 
 the plan would prevent the success and much injure all parties 
 concerned. It may be that the Commissioners may not run tlie 
 line as the Indians expect or wish, and in that case it is i:)robable 
 the Indians may be taught to blame me for making the treaty. 
 
 "To such complaints against me, if such there be, it may ])v said 
 by my fi'iends, at proper times and jDlaces, that Doul)lehead con- 
 firmed the treaty with the President at Philadelphia, and received 
 as much as five thousand dollars a year to l)c ])aid to llio Nation 
 over and above the first price; indeed it may with truth \)v said 
 that though I made the treatv, that I made it l)y the instructions 
 of the President, and in fact, it may with truth be said that I was' 
 by the President instructed to purchase much more land than the 
 Indians would agree to sell. This sort of talk will ]:)e throwing all 
 the blame off me upon the late President, and as he is now out of 
 office, it will be of no consequence how much the Indians l)lame 
 him. And among other things that may be said for iiu>. is tliat I 
 was not at the running of the line, and that if 1 had been, it 
 would have been more to their satisfaction. In short, you under- 
 stand the subject, and must take care to give out the proper talks 
 to keep my consequence with tlie Creeks and Cherokees. Can't 
 Rogers contrive to get the Creeks to desire the President to take 
 Hawkins out of the Nation ? for if he stays in {\iv Creek Nation, 
 and gets the good Avill of the Nation, he can and will do great 
 injury to our plan. 
 
 "When 3^ou have read this letter over three times, then bui'u it. 
 I shall be in Knoxville in -luly or August, when I will si'nd tor 
 Watts and give him the whiskey I promised him. 
 " I am, &c, 
 
 '• \VM. r.LolXT." 
 
 The jirececding letter was enclosed in a cover, witli the I'ollow- 
 directions, viz: " Mr. James Carev, TeUieo IMock House."" 
 
OHAPTEU IV. 
 
 Mr. Cudc lays before the Senate a Letter from Mr. Blount— liesolutiona 
 of the Senate on Presentation of this Letter — Report of Mr. Boss — 
 Mr. Blount Ordered by the Vice-President to attend the Senate — 
 Removal of Injunction of Secretary — Farther Report of Mr. Ross — 
 Mr. Blount reads a Resolution — Mr. Blount allowed Counsel — He 
 names as kis counsel Messrs. Jarcd Ingersollf and Alexander G. 
 Dallas — Mr. Blount Declinej to Ansiver to the Authorship of the 
 Carey Letter — Message from the House of Representatives — 
 Mr. Blount enters into recognizance for his appearance icith tu-o 
 sureties, namely Thomas Blount and Pierce Butler. 
 
 On July 4tli, Mr. Cocke, Senator from Tennessee, laid before the 
 Senate a letter from INIr. Blount, stating that it was neeessary for 
 him (Blount) to have furtlier time for recurrence to his papers 
 and other evidence to remove suspicions. 
 
 "Whereujion it was 
 
 " Resolved, That so much of the Message from the President of 
 the United States of the third instant, and the papers accompany- 
 ing the same, as relates to a letter purj^orting to have been written 
 hy William Blount, a Senator from Tennessee, l^c referred to a 
 select Committee, to consider and report what, in their opinion, it 
 is proper for the Senate to do thereon ; and that the said Com- 
 mittee have power to send for persons, papers, and records, relat- 
 ing to the subject committed to them, and that Messrs. Ross, 
 Stockton, Henry, Sedgwick, and Read be the Committee." 
 
 And it was 
 
 " Ordered, That the Senate be, for the i)rcseut, under tlie in- 
 junction of secrecy on the papers referred to in the al)Ove-n)en- 
 tioned Message." 
 
 On July oth, Mr. Ross, from the Conniiittce, made a report and 
 the report Avas read. On the same day Mr. Blount was ordered 
 by the Vice-President to attend the Senate in liis place without 
 delay. It was also ordered that the injunction of secrecy respect- 
 ing the Message and papers be removed. 
 
 On July 7th Mr. Ross made a further report. AA lureupon Mr. 
 Blount read in his place a declaration, purporting tiiat lie should 
 attend in his own seat, from time to time, to answer to any allega- 
 tions that may be brought against him. On motion of Mr. Blount 
 that he be heard by counsel, not exceeding two, it was ordered 
 
18 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 that tlie motion be allowed, and that Mr. Blount be furnished 
 with copies of sucli papers as he might desire. 
 
 On July 7th, agreeably to the order of the day, the Senate pro- 
 ceeded to the consideration of the report of the Committee. Mr, 
 Blount also notified the Senate that Jared IngersoU and Alex- 
 ander J. Dallas were the counsel he had employed. 
 
 The President then requested Mr. Blount to declare whether or 
 not he was the author of a letter, a cop}^ of which was commu- 
 nicated on third instant. 
 
 Mr. Blount declined to answer. 
 
 After debate it was agreed that the question before the Senate 
 be postponed for the purpose of receiving a special message from 
 the House of Representatives. Hereupon the following message 
 was received from the liouse by Mr. Sitgreaves, one of its mem- 
 bers, viz: 
 
 "ilf?-. President, I am commanded in the name of the House of 
 Representatives, and of all the people of the United States, to 
 impeach William Blount, a Senator of the United States, of high 
 crimes and misdemeanors ; and to acquaint the Senate that the 
 House of Representatives will, in due time, exhibit particular 
 articles against him and make good the same. 
 
 " I am further commanded to demand that the said William 
 Blount be sequestered from his seat in the Senate ; and that the 
 Senate do take order for his appearance to answer tlic said im- 
 peachment." 
 
 Whereupon the Senate requestered him from his seat, and 
 ordered that he enter with recognizance in the sum of twenty 
 thousand dollars for himself, with two sufficient sureties in the 
 sum of lifteen thousand dollars each. The condition of the recog- 
 nizance was such that " if the said William Blount shall appear 
 before the Senate of the United States to answer to certain charges 
 of impeachment to be exhibited against liim liy the House of 
 Representatives of the United States, and not depart therefrom 
 without leave, that then the above recognizance shall cease to 
 exist, otherwise be and remain in full force and virtue."' 
 
 The two sureties who signal wiih (lovcriuu- iJlount wore 
 Thomas Blount and Pierce Butler. 
 
 On July 8th, after notifying the House of its arliou in the 
 premises, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the re])ort 
 of the Coiumittee to which the charges against ]Mr. Blount had 
 been referred. 
 
 The full report of the Committee will be found in Chapter \'. 
 
CHAPTER y. 
 
 Full Report of the Committee on charges agai ad Governor Blount, and 
 Resolution that he had been Guilty of High Misdemeanor and 
 recommending his Expulsion from the Senate — 2he Report Adopted 
 by a Vote of-lo to 1 — Mr. Tazewell, of Va., Casting the only Nega- 
 tive Vote — Review of the hade with which the Senate proceeded, 
 and of the Evidence before if. 
 
 '"The L'onnnittce 1<> wliom was referred that ]>art of the Presi- 
 ■dent's Message whicli relates to a letter purporting to have been 
 written by William Blount, Esq., one of the Senators from the 
 Stiite of Tennessee, together with the papers accompanying the 
 same, having had the same under their consideration, beg leave 
 to make a further report : 
 
 " That Mr. Blount having declined an acknowledgement or de- 
 nial of the letter imputed to him, and having fiiiled to appear and 
 irivc any satisfactory explanation respecting it, your Committee 
 sent for the original letter which accompanies this report, and it is 
 in tlie following words, viz:" 
 
 [Here follows the Carey letter above given.] The report then 
 proeeeds : 
 
 '* Two Si'uators now present in the Senate have declared to the 
 Committee that they are well acquainted with the handwriting or 
 Mr. Blount, and have no doubt that this letter was written l)y him. 
 Your Committee have examined many letters from ]\[r. Blount to 
 the Secretary of War, a number of which are herewith submitted, 
 as well as the letter addressed to i\Ir. Cocke, his colleague in the 
 Senate, and to this Committ(;e, respecting the business under cqn- 
 sideration ; and find them all to l)e of the same handwriting with 
 the letter in question. i\Ir. Blount has never denied this letter, 
 but; on the other hand, Avhen the copy transmitted to the Senate 
 was read in his presence, on the third instant, he acknowledged 
 in his place that he had written a letter to Carey, of Avhich he ha<l 
 preserved a copy, but coultl not then decide whether the copy 
 read was a true one. Your Committee are therefore fully jjer- 
 euaded that the original now produced was written and sent to 
 Carey by Blount. They also find that this man Carey, to whom 
 it was addressed, is, to the knowledge of Mr. Blount, in the ^xiy 
 
20 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 and employment of the United States, as their interpreter to the 
 Cherokee Nation of Indians, and an assistant in the the public 
 factory at Tellico Block House. That Hawkins, Avho is s^ often 
 mentioned in this letter as a person who must be brought into 
 suspicion among the Creeks, and if possible driven from hi& 
 station, is the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the United 
 States among the Southern Indians ; Dinsmoor is agent for the 
 United States in the Cherokee Nation ; and Byers one of the 
 agents in the public factory at Tellico Block House. 
 
 " The plan hinted at in this extraordinary letter, to be executed 
 under the auspices of the British, is so capable of different con- 
 structions and conjectures, that your Committee at present forbear 
 giving any decided opinion respecting it, except that to Mr. 
 Blount's own mind, it appeared to be inconsistent with the inter- 
 ests of the United States and of Spain, and he was thereby anxious 
 to conceal it from both. But, when they consider his attempts to 
 seduce Carey from his duty, as a faithful interpreter, and to em- 
 ploy him as an engine to alienate the affections and confidence of 
 the Indians from the public officers of the United States residing 
 among them ; the measures he has proposed to excite a temper 
 wdiich must produce the recall or expulsion of our Superintendent 
 from the Creek Nation; his insidious advice tending to the ad- 
 vancement of his own popularity and consequence, at the expense 
 and hazard of the good opinion which the Indians entertain of 
 this Government, and of the treaties subsisting between us and 
 them, your Committee have no doubt that Mr. Blount's conduct 
 has been inconsistent with his public duty, renders him unworthy 
 of a further continuance of his present public trust in this body, 
 and amounts to a high misdemeanor. They, therefore, unan- 
 imously recommend to the Senate, an adoption of the following 
 resolution : 
 
 ^'Resolved, That William Blount, Esq., one of the Senators of the 
 United States, having been guilty of a high misdemeanor, entirely 
 inconsistent with his public trust and duty as a Senator, be, and 
 he hereby is, expelled from the Senate of the United States." 
 
 The report was adopted by a vote of 25 to 1 ; Mr. Tazewell of 
 Virginia alone voting in the negative. 
 
 This vote expelling Governor Blount was taken July 8th, live 
 days after the attention of the Senate had been called to the mat- 
 ter by Mr. President Adams. There were two sets of proceedings 
 against Governor Blount ; the one, terminating Avith his expulsion 
 
LIFK OF WILLIAM ULolNr. 21 
 
 from tlic Soiuito. which lias just been (letaih'il ; the oUht ]>rooecd- 
 injT: was his iiupeachineut, of this we have yet tu speak. 
 
 With iviiaril to Governor Blount's expulsion, there are two facts 
 which especially attract attention. These are first, the haste with 
 which the matter was pressed to a conclusion ; second, the over- 
 ^vhelming vote sustaininii the report of the Committee. These 
 two tacts appearin;^- upon the face of the record wouhl naturally 
 lead the general reader to conclude without hesitation that Mr. 
 lUount was a dangerous traitor and conspirator and that no time 
 Avas to be lost in rendering him powerless for miscliicf 
 
 The only remark that seems pertinent just in this connection is 
 this ; the Committee relied solely upon the Carey letter as justify- 
 ing their resolution of expulsion. The Committee, however, say 
 ^- The plan hinted at, <tc., is so capable of different constructions and 
 ionjcrtares, that your Committee at present forbear giving any 
 decided opinion respecting it." But Governor Blount's guilt or 
 innocence depended precisely upon what this i>lan was ! All the 
 matter about Hawkins. Dinsmoor, and Bycrs is evidence of guilt 
 only on condition that the " plan " involved guilt. And what this 
 '•plan" was. the Committee did not pretend to know. But while 
 disclaiming this knowledge and " forbearing ■" in consequence to 
 express any opinion concerning it, they did not I'orbear to pro- 
 nounce Governor Blount guilty. A strange inconsistency and one 
 that gives ground to the suspicion, expressed at the time, that the 
 expulsion resolution Avas rushed through under a panic created to 
 subserve some of the political intrigues of the Adams adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 At the period referred to, the intrigues of European courts were 
 more familiar to our public men than to their successors of the 
 present day. The United States were then engaged in delicate 
 diplomatic proceedings with England, France, Spain, and also 
 with the Indian Nations, w^liich required great i>rudence and 
 caution. It is not to be denied that American politicians w'cre 
 then moved by the ordinary motives of interest and ambition. 
 It is worthy of remark, however, that " machine " politics were yet 
 unknown and that railroads, oil companies and other monopolies 
 had not yet opened out their seductions. The higliest fame and 
 power was to be acquired in the successful schemes of diplomacy. 
 That secrecy is the prime condition of success in such enterprises 
 has been w'cll understood, at least since the days of Machiavelli, 
 and the Committee made a long leap and arrived at a conclusion 
 totally illogical when they inferred Governor Blount's guilt from 
 
22 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 the fiict that he wished his purpose (Avhatcver that was) to be kept 
 concealed from the agents of the United States and of Spain, 
 That would be regarded as a strange process of reasoning at the 
 present day which would infer guilt from secrecy in political 
 aflairs or from the circumstances that a Senator should want one 
 man who was not his friend removed from office to make place 
 for a man who was his friend. Governor Blount made no claim 
 to what is known as modern Christian statesmanship ; but he did 
 claim to be a man of honor and to regulate his official life by 
 those principles which were accepted as honorable by the public 
 men both of England and America ; and judged from these 
 standards and the report of the Committee, the Carey letter was 
 very far from being sufficient cause for his expulsion. 
 
CHArTER VI. 
 
 Gorc-mor BlounVs Sureties Surrender Jlinu and hr enters into a new 
 Reeognizanre — The Dis-parity in the Anion nt af the tuo Bonds — 
 lie Forfeit-^ ///.s' h'rrognizdnee — T/ie Finilnr ('(iiisideration of the 
 Impeach uke id Pustponed until the 2\cxt Session, of Congress — The 
 Seaide Adjourned — The House Committee — Mr. Sltgreetres, Chair- 
 man of the Connnittee, Reports a Resolution of Inipeachrncnt — ■ 
 Opinions of the Attorneij-General, Mr. Ranle, and Mr. Lewis — Mr. 
 (fallal in Criticises their Opinions — The Question of the Liability 
 of a Senator to Impeachment — Sequestration of Gov. Blount on de- 
 mand of the House of Representative.'^. 
 
 At'ti'i- tlic adoittion of the- cxpulsinu nsoliitioii, (iovernor 
 Blount's sureties sunvndcred liiui and were disehargcd from their 
 reeognizance. On the same day, July Sth, agreeably to an order 
 of the Senate, Governor Blount entered into a recognizance of one 
 thousand dollars for himself, with two sureties of five hundred 
 dollars each, to make his ajjpearanec on Monday, July lOtli to 
 answer such articles of impeachment as miglit he ])referred against 
 him by the House of Representatives. It will be observed that 
 the first recognizance was in the sum of twenty thousand dollars, 
 witli two sureties in the sum of fifteen thousand dollars each. 
 The small amount of the present bond is significant. Did the 
 Senate really believe that Blount was the conspirator they had 
 declared him to be? If so. they were sadly derelict in their duty 
 in not re(]uiring a ImukI sudicicnl lo i)rovide against his further 
 machinations. 
 
 (i(n-ernor Blount forfeited his recognizance l)y not appearing on 
 tlie 10th instant; and it was ordered that the lurther consideration 
 of the impeachment be ]M)stponed until the next session of Con- 
 gress. The President then adjourned the Senate witliout a day. 
 
 The Message and accompanying papers sent in July 3d, above 
 mentioned, were referred in the House to a committee consisting 
 of Messrs. Sitgreaves, Baldwin, Dana, Davison, and Hindman, "to 
 examine the matter tiiereof, and report the same, with their opin- 
 ion thereupon to the House." 
 
 On July 6th Mr. Sitgreaves reported the following resolution : 
 
 "Resolved, That William Blount, Senator of the United States 
 
24 IJF1-: OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 from Tennessee, be impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors." 
 
 The same day the Honse resolved itseh" into a Committee of the 
 Whole on this resolution. 
 
 Mr. Sitgreaves said the President had taken the opiniou of the 
 Attorney-General, Mr. Rawle, and Mr. Lewis upon the Carey 
 letter, and that these gentlemen concurred in tlirce points, viz: 
 
 1. Tliat tlie letter is evidence of crime. 
 . 2. Tliat tlie crime was of the denomination of a misdemeanor. 
 
 o. That William Blount being a Senator is liable to impeach- 
 ment for the said crime before the Senate. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin criticised pretty sharply tliese opinions and also 
 the course of the President. He said : 
 
 " He thouglit the answer of these legal gentlemen very curious ; 
 viz : that this letter was evidence of crime ; that this crime was a 
 misdemeanor; and that it was liable to impeachment." When the 
 President asked advice, Avhat he should do, the answer seemed to 
 be a direction to tluit House what they should do ; and this was 
 advice unasked." 
 
 There was considerable discussion and a variety of opinion 
 among members, both on the question whether a Senator is liable 
 to impeachment at all, and on the further question as the proper 
 mode of proceeding if he should be liable. Such proceedings, 
 however, were had as resulted in the message of the Plouse to the 
 Senate, above given. It is to be remarked that in this message 
 the House demanded the sequestration of Governor Blount and that 
 the Senate sequestered him, witliout protest to the demand. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Resolution of the House of Representatives to Appoint a CommiUee to 
 Prepare Articles of Impeachment — Assembly of the Second Session 
 of tlie Fifth Congress at Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1707 — Mr. Ander- 
 son Appointed Senator from Tennessee in place of Mr. Blount — 
 Mr. Sit<jreaves Presents his Report o a Dec. 4lh — Captain William 
 Eaton. 
 
 On July 8th the House — 
 
 Rcsolccd, That a committee be appointed to prepare and report 
 articles of impeachment against William Blount, a Senator of the 
 United States, impeached by this House of liigh crimes and mis- 
 demeanors, and that the said committee have power to send for 
 persons, papers, and records. 
 
 Ordered, That Mr. Sitgreaves, Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Dana, Mr. Daw- 
 son, and Mr. Harper be a committee pursuant to said resolution 
 
 On July 10th it was by the House — 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee appointed to prepare and report 
 Articles of Impeachment against William Blount, a Senator of the 
 United States, impeached by this House of high crimes and mis- 
 demeanors, be authorized to sit during the recess of Congress. 
 
 Resolved, That the said Committee be instructed to inquire and, 
 by all lawful means, to discover the whole nature and extent of 
 the. offense whereof the said William Blount stands impeached, 
 and who arc the parties and associates therein. 
 
 Ordered, Tliat Mr, D.ma be excused from serving on the Com- 
 mittee appointed to prepare and report Articles of Impeachment 
 against William Blount, a Senator of the United States, and that 
 Mr. Bayard be of the same Committee in his stead. 
 
 The second session of the Fifth Congress assembled at Philadel- 
 phia Xov. lo, 1797. Mr. Anderson had been appointed from 
 Tennessee to fill Governor Blount's unexpired term. 
 
 On Doccmbcr 4 Mr. Sitgreaves, in the House of Representa- 
 tives, gave notice that he was prepared to make a report from the 
 Committee appointed at the last session to sit during the recess 
 for the purpose of collecting evidence and substantiating charges 
 against Senator Blount. 
 
 The injunction of se( recy was removed, and Mr. Sitgreaves pre- 
 
26 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 sented the report to the Clerk to be read. It is a voluminous doc- 
 ument, occupying fifty pages in the ''Annals of Congress," as given 
 in the Appendix. It embraces papers contained in a trunk of 
 Governor Blount's, seized by order of Congress ; a large number 
 of letters to and from Governor Blount ; a numl)er of depositions 
 and othei' matter. These papers arc all indexed and referred to 
 in letters, figures, and double letters. As t'ue renoi-t ennsists prin- 
 cipally of a reference to these papers and is unintelligible without 
 a knowledge of their contents, these papers will be considered first. 
 
 "We note briefly the contents of these papers seriatim. The more 
 important of them will be given in full. 
 
 Captain William Eaton was tlie officer charged with executing 
 the process of the House. 
 
CHAPTER Ylll. 
 
 2he Testimony — Captain Eaton — LcKcr of Mr. Piclceriny, Secretary of 
 State — Letter from Mr. Pickering to Captain Eaton— Letter from 
 Captain Eaton to Mr. Sitgreaves — Letter Jrom Mr. Harrison to 
 Mr. Pickering — Certificate of Mr. Sitgreaces — Orders of House 
 Committee to Major Thomas Lewis to arrest Major James White, of 
 Tennessee — Summons for John Rogers and James Carey — Sit- 
 greaves and Rogers — IjCtter from Mc Henry to Carey, and also to 
 Colonel David Henly, Agent of the War Department at Knoxvillc — 
 Order frr arrest of James Grant — Report of Lewis to the Committee 
 — Report of David Henly to the Secretary of War— Report of Haw- 
 kins to the Secretary of War — Comment.^ on putting the examina- 
 tion of Carey m the hands of an enemy of Governor Blount. 
 
 Doc. A, commands Captain Eaton to arrest Nicholas Romayno, 
 of New York, practitioner of medicine, and seize his papers. 
 
 Doc. B, instructs Captain Eaton to confer with Mr. Harrison, or, 
 in liis absence, some other person "as he may be addressed to." 
 
 Doc. C, is a letter from ]\Ir. Pickerin;^, Secretary of State, to 
 Captain Eaton, stating that tlierc is presumptive evidence against 
 Romayne of his being connected witli William Blount in a con- 
 spiracy, and instructing him to apply to Richard Harrison, Esq., 
 attorney for the District of New York, or, in liis absence, to Josiah 
 Ogden Hoflman, Esq., Attorney-General of that State, and to do 
 what they, or cither of them, may direct. In the event that he is 
 not able to see either of these gentlemen lie is instructed to take 
 the advice of Colonel Hamilton or Governor Jay. 
 
 Doc. D, is a letter from Mr. Pickering introdu* ing Captain 
 Eaton to Harrison and ITudninn. and asking them to give him 
 assistance. 
 
 Doc. E, is a letter n-om Eaton to Chairman Sitgreaves, stating 
 that he had arrested Romayne and seized some of his papers : 
 that Romayne appeared to be expecting a search ; that he was 
 much confused on the discovery of a letter to him from Mr. Tjis- 
 ton, the British Minister. Eaton thought some recent ami iiniK»r- 
 tant letters had been destroyed. 
 
 Doc. E, is a letter from Harrison to Pickering. Harrison had 
 gone with Eaton to Romayne's house and assisted at the seizure 
 
28 LIFE OF UILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 of his papers. He Joes not seem to think there is much in Ro- 
 mayne's papers, for he says : " I sincerely wish that measures had 
 been taken with regard to this business before the publicity of tlie 
 proceedings against Governor Blount had excited alarm. It is 
 probable that more important discoveries might then have been 
 made. I still hope that they may result ft'om a personal exami- 
 nation of the prisoner, though I do not believe it is to be ex- 
 pected." 
 
 Doc. F, is a certificate from Chairman Sitgreaves that Romayne 
 having been examined and given bond for his appearance at the 
 impeachment trial, is discharged. 
 
 Doc. G, is an order from the House Committee to Major Thomas 
 Lewis to arrest Major James White, of Tennessee, and seize his 
 papers. 
 
 Doc. H, is a summons for John Rogers, resident in the Cherokee 
 Nation, to appear before the committee to testify in the matter 
 and to bring what papers he had in his possession relating thereto. 
 
 Doc. I, is a summons from the Committee to James Carey to 
 the same effect. 
 
 Doc. K, is a personal request from Sitgreaves to Rogers (offi- 
 cially summoned in Doc. H) to comply with the summons. 
 
 Doc. L, appears to be a request of the same nature from James 
 McHenry, Secretary of War, to the same party. 
 
 Doc. M, is a letter from McHenry to James Carey, directing hiin 
 to respect the summons of the Committee. 
 
 Doc. N, is a letter from McHenry to Colonel David Henly, agent 
 of the War Department at Knoxville, directing him to give all 
 the aid in his power to sec the processes of the Committee exe- 
 cuted in Tennessee. 
 
 Doc. 0, is an order from tlie Committee to Lewis to proceed to 
 Knoxville and arrest James Grant and seize his papers. 
 
 Doc. P, i^] a report from Lewis to the Committee, stating that he 
 had arrived at Germ-mtown, September 25, 1707, witli Grant and 
 Carey. 
 
 Doc. Q, is a report from David Henly to the Secretary of War, 
 stating general progress. 
 
 Doc. R, is a report from Hawkins to the Secretary of ^\'ar. 
 Hawkins had examined Carey. He writes : 
 
 " When I first examined Carey, I did it alone ; he Avas much 
 alarmed. I assured him all I wanted was the truth, and that if 
 he was faithful to the Government he had nothing to fear, and the 
 proof I required of his fidelity was a disclosure of all he knew 
 
LTIE or WILLIAM IJLUl'NT. 20 
 
 ivhitivo to the contents of the letter, and that no part of his nar- 
 riitivc should militate against himself, or allect his present stand- 
 ing with the Government, lie communicated to me all that he 
 paid he knew. I replied that as I was not satisfied with his exam- 
 ination, that I gave him until the next day to recollect himself, 
 and then I would examine him again. This I did as detailed to 
 you. Notwithstanding the answers of Carey do not correspond 
 with the expectations which naturally arise from reading the let- 
 ter, I am inclined to think they arc substantially true. 
 
 The impropriety of putting the examination of Carey into the 
 hands of an enemy of Governor Blount, and of allowing that 
 enemy to conduct the examination alone, and to offer pardon and 
 amnesty to the witness, is apparent to everyone. That Hawkins 
 was an eager prosecutor is evident from his metliod with Carey, as 
 above stated by himself; that he was a good hater of Governor 
 Blount is evinced from the voluntary observations which he 
 makes, and with which lie winds up his report. He concludes : 
 
 " That a man who has acted in so high offices as the writer of 
 the letter (Blount) has done, should so commit himself, must be 
 attributed to a long series of base conduct, Avhicli seems to have 
 bouyed him and his followers above shame. For a general idea 
 into his conduct you have only to inspect into the records of your 
 own office." 
 
CHAPTEll IX. 
 
 <Jontinuation of the Testimony — Order of Sitgreaves for Arred of Mr. 
 Mitchell — Letter from Sitgreaves to Mitchell — Denial of charge hy 
 Eaton — Letter from Committee to Eaton, and Eaton's Statement 
 under Oath — Letter from Dr. X. liomayne to Governor Blount. 
 
 Doc. S, is an order from Sitgreaves to LcAvis to arrest a Mr. 
 Mitchell, of Tennessee. The letter containing this order says that 
 Mitchell made an important communication to the Spanish Min- 
 ister, D'Yrujo, that he, Mitchell, had received a letter from Chris- 
 holm. Lewis is instructed to advise with Henly or Hawkins. 
 
 Doc. T, is a letter from Sitgreaves to Eaton, informing him that 
 one John Phillips Ripley had been before the Committee and 
 charged him, Eaton, with withholding information. 
 
 Doc. U, is a denial of the charge by Eaton. 
 
 Doc. V, is a letter from the Committee to Eaton, stating that 
 one Thomas Odiorne had also appeared before the Committee and 
 generally corroborated Ripley's statement. 
 
 The statements of Ripley and Odiorne had been made under 
 oath, and the Committee instructed Eaton to make his statement 
 under oath. He did so, and added the following letter, marked : 
 
 Doc. ^y. Springfield, Sept. 6, 1797. 
 
 Sir : I am this morning honored with your letter of the 1st 
 inst.; mine of the 29th contains my answer to Mr. Ripley's depo- 
 sition, but as it cannot be admitted as evidence, I unite my oath 
 to the statement herewith enclosed. I felt astonished at the in- 
 consistency of the letter signed " Rol)ert Liston," found among 
 Romayne's papers, with the explanation of the British Minister 
 on the subject of the conspiracy presented in a billet to the Secre- 
 tary of State. The letter made the same impression on Messrs. 
 Harrison, Giles, and Benlu'idgc, and, if I discerned accurately, tlic 
 Committee were not otherwise imjiressed. My letter to Mr. Hodg- 
 don on this subject is expressive of my feelings. That letter I 
 read to Ripley and Odiorne, the former of whom had been a lau- 
 didate for an ICxecutive appointment under Government, and lolil 
 me had experienced the friendship of ]Mr. Pickering ; the latter 
 was soliciting a place in some public office — both professedly 
 friends to the Executive measures, and both had jtlighted their 
 faith and honor to keep my confidence. I am informed by my 
 
I.IFK OK WII.I.IAM lU.OlNT. 31 
 
 frinul llyiTs, tluit both, in violation of tiiat laitli and honor, an-l 
 ol" truth also, liavo since agj>ravatc'<l this infoiniatiou to tiu' Span- 
 ish ^linistiT. 1 knew the younu nun in cinliarrassed eireuni- 
 stanees. hiit liclieved their honesty iniprej^nahle. Feelinjjj i'ur the 
 disappoinlinenl ot" Ui|il(y ( I'oi- he had lornied sanj^uine exj)ccta- 
 tions) in not obtaining the eonsulship at Tiipoli. 1 re(|uested that 
 ]ie Would accept a room and lodgings in niy house, and the use of 
 my library, to (jualify hiniselt" for the practice of the law with ar, 
 attorney who lives near nu'. and that he would use niy name to 
 obtain such credit as would be necessary in the }jrosecution of his 
 studies, till the avails of business would enable him to refund his 
 expenses. He did, with seeming gratitude, aecijit the oiler, but 
 has since passed through my neighborhood, 1 am told, without 
 calling on me. 1 can no other way account for this neglect than 
 by a conjecture that iik.vdv money has diverted him from his ri'S- 
 olutit)ns, and this, indeed, is uncharitable; Mr. Odiornc has at 
 least been a s]>ectator in all these transactions, and has not less 
 experienced my friendshiii. I would not, sir, ask your conde- 
 scension to the perusal of these individual concerns, did they not 
 tend to show the relation in wliich these deponents should con- 
 sider themselves with me. and that, to a violation of good faith, 
 they have added ingratitude. 
 
 ■■ With great respect I have the honor to I'emain. sir. your most 
 obedient servant, W'ii.i.i.v.m ]<'.\ton."' 
 
 Hon. Mr. Sitgreaves. 
 
 This letter, togetlier with the three depositions referred to, are 
 entirely collateral to the sul)ject. but this little episode is interest- 
 ing and pertinent as going to show, among other things, that ap- 
 plicants for i)ul»lic oflicc were of ihe opinion that zeal in volun- 
 teering assistance in the prosecution of (iovcrnor lUount was a 
 recommendation to Executive favor. 
 
 Doc. No. 1. is a letter from lilount to Romayne, stating : '"I 
 persever<- in my determination respecting a certain business, as 
 expressed to you in New York," dated February D, 171'7. 
 
 J)or. No. 2, is a letter from Romayneto lilount. It relates prin- 
 cipally to the war in Europe and money matti'rs. It contains this 
 remark : "I have reliected much, since you left me, respecting our 
 ]»lans to the Southward; and tlie more I think on them the more 
 imi")ortant tliey ap})ear to nu' in their consequences." Dated Feb- 
 ruary 10, 1707. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Continuation oj the Testimony — Letters from Romayne to Blount and 
 Blount to Romayne — Note from Anonymous sender of Romayne^s 
 Letter to Blount of March 15, 1797, to Mr. Pickering, ivritten in 
 the Spanish Language. 
 
 The next paper is Doc. No. 3, a letter from Romayne to Blount. 
 
 He writes : " There are letters from Mr. K ; he writes with 
 
 caution. The only thing he says is, that the Minister's mode 
 for a loan is not popular ; but the result shows that Mr. Pitt has 
 gained his object." March 3, 1797. 
 
 Doc. 4, is a letter from Blount to Romayne, in which he ex- 
 presses his purpose of going to England and wished to see Ro- 
 mayne. March 7, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 5, is a letter from Romayne to Blount. He says ; " I 
 have read Mr. Adams' speech. I expect the greatest part of his 
 administration will consist of speeches and orations. I fear much 
 that on Saturday commenced an era not very propitious to our 
 country." March 8, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 6, is a letter from Romayne to Blount. He advises 
 him to leave for England secretly. March 9, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 7, is a letter from Blount to Romayne. He says : " I 
 shall certainly attempt to carry our plan into execution, and shall 
 see 3'ou at New York, or some other convenient place, before my 
 departure for Europe, early in May." March 11, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 8, is a letter from Romayne to Blount. He advises 
 Blount a second time to make his departure for England secretly ; 
 not to appear engaged in any commercial or land speculations in 
 
 , for the reason that it would be " of immense disadvantage 
 
 if known in respect to your other business, as long as that is pend- 
 ing;" and also informs him that Mr. King has a personal di.<like 
 to him (Blount). INIarch 11, 1797. 
 
 Doc, No. 9, is a letter from Romayne to Blount. It was n;- 
 ceived. by Mr. Pickering, from an anonymous liand, on or about 
 July 13. The letter in full is as follows : 
 
 " New York, March 15, 1797. 
 
 " My Dear Sir : I have this day received your letter of the 11th 
 instant. I do not know that I shall write to you after the 23d on 
 the subject we contemplate, because the utmost caution is neces- 
 
LIFK OF WII.MAM niOlNT. 33 
 
 sary for us butli to observe. The great {X)int is now decided, and 
 will corroborate the opinions I gave you, that the war will go on; 
 and you may depend it will, for some years, with a degree of acri- 
 mony and horror not to be described. This, then, is fixing one 
 point in the state of things, if you and I can benefit ourselves and 
 be at the same time of service to our fellow creatures, wc ought to 
 do it. 
 
 " I find that Hamilton and our politicians here are very averse 
 to the French being in our neighborhood, and are equally so that 
 there should be any change; I am very cautious and circumspect, 
 but get all the opinions that I can. In our business wc will have 
 nothing but enemies here; therefore the utmost reserve is required. 
 I shall give out that I mean to visit some of the States, and then 
 sit down and jtractiee physic here. I think that will kill all sus- 
 picion about my being engaged in any political matters. In my 
 last letter I gave you some ideas about King, and of not being 
 seen in any business in a certain j^lace, so as to ajtpear a i)ure, 
 dignified political character. Let me know if these letters have 
 
 reached . I never was so contident of success in my life 
 
 of any business as I am in this of our contemplation. 
 
 " I wish to impress on your mind very much the idea of secrecy 
 in our business, and not confide in any one, for it may be of ma- 
 terial disadvantage to us. This, perhaps, may be of moment for 
 you to consider, that every means should be used in the Tennes- 
 see, Kentucky, (tc, to give every assurance that a certain country 
 is certainly ceded to France. That of course all properties in these 
 countries will be of no value, as it will l)e in the neigh1)orliood of 
 a hostile, warlike people, who will I'avor tlie liberation of all the 
 slaves. As landed pro]>erty must fall in these United States, it is 
 well to give it this turn among the AVestern peoj)le ; it will be well 
 to say that the mouth of a certain river will l)e shut against all 
 Americans. It might answer to get some meetings of the people 
 to instrucf Congress against the I'leneh gi'tting the S](anish ces- 
 sion, etc. You may inllanie the minds of the people in a certain 
 way, so as not to let out any of our plan, and yet put things in 
 such a situation as will make our jilan, when it takes i>lac(>, ap- 
 pear as a salvation of the ]>eople. or, a.s " Common Sense'' was in 
 177G ; for ground must beiirepan-d before seed will bear properly; 
 all the fermentation you can make to the Southward, respecting 
 the change of possession, t^L'c.the better ; when it is in your hands 
 it will be well done. "With respect to the I'nited States, we are to 
 be [ ] upon and degraded, or I am deceived 
 
o4 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUXT. 
 
 If any new ideas should occur, I will Avrite to you again ; in tlie 
 meantime we have no time to lose. You must positively be all 
 expedition ;• I am fearful you will hardly have time to visit the 
 Tennessee, and yet it may be very necessary. 
 
 Adieu : God bless you and preserve you wherever you be. 
 Your afiectionate friend, 
 
 Nicolas Komayne. 
 
 The Hon. ^\'illiam Blount, 
 
 Senate of the U. S., Philadelphia. 
 
 What do you think of my writing certain pieces for the Knox- 
 ■^'ille Gazette, &c.? Burn or destroy my letters. 
 
 Doc. No. 9 A, is a note from the anonymous sender of tlio iore- 
 going letter, in the Spanish language, to Mr. Pickering, stathagtliat 
 the letter enclosed fell into his hands by accident. 
 
 Doc. No. 10, is a letter from Governor Blount, ])resumably to Dr. 
 Eomayne, for the address is wanting. He says : " I can only re- 
 peat to you that it might be well in you to advocate the Spaniards 
 holding their present possession."^, as most advantageous to the 
 Western people, and committees or meetings ought to be held to 
 request Congress to take the business in hand, and remonstrate 
 against the French people, that if they do get i^ossession they will 
 oblige the ^^'estern people to come into all their measures and 
 caprices, or they will shut up the navigation : they will sow dis- 
 cord among the people, and the value of lands and all property 
 will be greatly reduced." The letter goes on to state that the time 
 is short — not more than six weeks — in which something must l)e 
 done. It concludes : "At any event, Ave.must meet the beginning 
 of May, and then determine. Keep yourself prepared to go, and 
 I will do the same." March 17, 1797. 
 
CHAVTEU XI. 
 
 •CuntiitiKitlon of (lie 'hst'ivunni — LctU'r/nDit Ja/m Cri-slidhn (a fluvcr- 
 iior lilovnt, Marvh \1 , 1797 — Letter fr(>m Critfholm to McKee — 
 ('rit<]iohn to ]iO(/ers — Letters from Dr. liomayne to Governor 
 Jilount — Blount to Boyers — Blount to Care)/ — Blouut to IjOnelei/ — 
 Letter fn.w Mr. Listan, the British Minister, to I)r. li'dviaynr, April 
 •2>^. ll\)l—J.,lfcr (fJdwes (irniit to (ionmor JUoiiHl—L'oiiiainic 
 to Jilount— Janus a, -(nit to (Ion mor JUoii,,/. 
 
 Doc No. 11. is ;i Ictlrr rri.iu John Crislioliii t<> ( lovcrnor IMount, 
 (latid Maich 17. 17'.'7, in whicli lie states that lie sails lor l-:iir(.]pc 
 the next (lay. 
 
 Dor. No. 11 A. is a V-tU-v In.iu Crisliolm to Cnl. .|,,l,n .M.k'co, 
 nniKiuncin.ii- the same. 
 
 D.H-. No. 11 ]*>. is a Icttrr I'n.iii Crisliolni to Caiitnin .lohii Kol:- 
 ( Ts. announcing the same. 
 
 ])oi . No. 1-J, is a kttcr IVoni Dr. INunayni' to (lovonior P.louiit, 
 cxpnssin^Z jjixat conlidmcc in tlu' success of the enterprise, and 
 statin^thnt lie ^vas ready to set out ior Europe, if Ciovernor Blount 
 should a})})r()ve of his jioinjr. March 21, 171>7. 
 
 Doc. No. 18, is a duplicate of tlic forcpoin<r, sent for tear the 
 fonner may have miscarried. :\Iareh 22, 1797. 
 
 Doc. Xo. 14, is the Carey letter, already given. 
 
 ])oc. Xo. 1"), is a letter from IMount to John I*o<rcr,'<, te]lin<,' him 
 to •• keej) tiiinjrs in a train hut take care and act wisely.'' Ajtril 
 21. 1707. 
 
 Doc. No. 1(>, is a letter from IMount to Carey, instructing: him to 
 ]»ay James Kin;; the money due iiim (lUount) for some cattle. 
 Ain-il 24, 171)7. 
 
 Doc. No. 17, is a letter from Blount to Major Loneley, instruct- 
 ing: him to pay money to Janus King, his attorney in fact. April 
 24, 17i)7. 
 
 Do<-. No. IS, is the letter from Mr. Liston. the llritish Minister, 
 to Dr. Romayne. The following is a full copy : 
 
 l'im,.vni;i,i'iii.\, April 2S, 17U7. 
 1 am much indehted to y<»u, sir, for your friendly letter of the 
 14th of this month, enclosing one from Mr. Pulteney, whose good 
 opinion gives me high satisfaction. (That letter is now returned.) 
 
36 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 Taking it for granted that I understand to -wliat business you 
 allude, I could Avish to have a full explanation of your sentiments 
 on the subject ; it may be done, I think, in writing ; you may de- 
 pend on sccrec}^ and discretion on my part. 
 
 The general sketch of what has taken place hero is, that a per- 
 son came to me to make certain important propositions of enter- 
 prise, to which I listened, but said I liad no power to act. 
 
 He appeared to be determined and active, thongli illiterate and 
 unfit to assume command. 
 
 He urged to have my consent to go to P^urope, to tell his own 
 story, to which I consented (though with some hesitation), not 
 thinking myself authorized to give a positive refusal. 
 
 It strikes me that if a person of confidence, with proper author- 
 ity from home, were to accompany him to the scene of action,, 
 something might possibh^ be effected. 
 
 Information of every sort will be faithfully received, 
 
 N. B. — I have no intention of sending my secretary anywhere. 
 
 Believe me Avith great truth and regard, sir, your most oljedi- 
 ent, humble servant. Bobert Listox. 
 
 Dr. Bomayne. 
 
 Doc. No. 19, is an extract from a letter of James Grant to Gover- 
 nor Blount. Grant says it is reported and credited (whether true 
 or not) that the British have invaded the Floridas and blocked up 
 the Mississippi. May 8, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 20, is a letter from Dr. Bomayne to Governor Blount,, 
 in which he says that he has two letters from Sir W. Fulteney on 
 the subject of their business, but tbat there is nutbing (U'cisive. 
 May 12, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 21, is a letter from Dr. Bomayne to (iovei-nor Blount. 
 The writer speaks of sailing for Europe tli(> middle of the ensuing 
 week, and expresses an earnest desire to see (iovenior Blount be- 
 fore he sets out. May VI, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 22, is a letter iVom Dr. Bomayne to (iovei'nov lUount. 
 informing him that the vessel had sailed, Imt that tlie writer <lid 
 not go. May 23, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 23, is a letter from James Grant to Governor Blount. 
 The following is a full eopy : 
 
 Knoxville, jSIay 24. 17'-'7. 
 
 Dear Sir : Seven days ago I was with Carey at Tellieo : li;in<led 
 liim your letter No. 1, left with Colonel King, and urged his send- 
 ing for B ; he will certainly do it. 
 
 Tlie chiefs arc callini;- out for their old friend, Governor lUount 
 
LIKE Ol' Wll. 1.1AM ni.(M NT. 37 
 
 uiul :M(Klt; air iiiutli div^ati.-licd ; say the- new inasters treat 
 tliem nijifrartUy. J am a^ssmrd tlicy Avill advi;>c in their towns, 
 and sond on tliroii-h South ("amljna withoutthe knowledge of tlie 
 Commissioners. 
 
 The. IJroomc lias just eomc in iVoiii rciisaeula, and savs he .saw 
 the Ihitish hind in ^\■est Florida with ordnanee, i^c. 
 
 Watts: and Douhlehead wish mueh to see you. ( 'oh.nel Haw- 
 kins is j:one to Cunihcrlaiid. He neither stands well with the eits 
 or Indians. 
 
 I am your humble servant, ,I.\mi:.s Guant. 
 
 Tiie Hon. William Blount, 
 
 Senator, Congress, Philadelphia. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Continuation of the Testimony— Letters from Blount to Romayne, and 
 the latter to Blount— Memoranda of forces on the Mississippi river 
 
 Circular letter from Governor Bloirnt to his friends in the West — 
 
 Letter of Governor Blount referred to in the Carey letter, dated 
 July 26, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 24, is a letter from Governor lilount to ])r. Romayne, 
 in which he acknowledges the receipt of several letters and ex- 
 cuses himself for not replying to them sooner. He expresses the 
 high respect and esteem he has always entertained for Dr. Ro- 
 mayne since his first acquaintance with him. May 29, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 25, is a letter from Governor Blount to Dr. Romayne, 
 in which he says he cannot go to New York, but wishes Romayne 
 to come and see him in Philadelphia. May 31, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 26, is a letter from Dr. Romayne to Governor Rlount, 
 giving his views upon the war in Europe. June 2, 1797. 
 
 Doc. No. 27, is an unfinished letter from Dr. Romayne to (gov- 
 ernor Blount, which contains the following : 
 
 " I think myself very fortunate that I did not go to Europe this 
 spring. I am disposed to think the business is over now." July 
 2, 179^7. 
 
 This is the last letter in the correspondence between Governor 
 Blount and Dr. Romayne. 
 
 Doc. No. 28, is a " Memoranda of forces on the Mississippi 
 river," found among Governor Blount's jxipers, endorsed ''Judge 
 Turner." 
 
 Doc. No. 29, is a circular letter from Governor B'. v. nt to his 
 friends in the West. The " annexed copy of a letter ' referred to 
 is the " Carey " letter. The following L? a full copy ; 
 
 " PiiiLADELriii.v, July 26, 1797. 
 
 "Sir : The annexed is a copy of a letter with which it seems Mr. 
 Byers, of Tellico Blockhouse, came express to this city, and de- 
 livered it about the 20th of June to the President, with whom and 
 his executive council it remained until the 30th instant, when it 
 was laid by him before both houses of Congress, with other 
 papers. 
 
 " It is imputed to me, and has involved me in serious difficulties^ 
 
I. IKK ••!• WILLIAM HLOINT. 39 
 
 the cxtoiit cf which 1 c;iiiii(>t :i( iinsciit fi.rrscc. Tluy will, liow- 
 ever, slu>rtly l)c detailed to you. 
 
 '' 1 ask you to oxauiiuc it with attiutioii, and dcliiiuiiif lor your- 
 self if tho (•out(MU])lati'd i>hin, K t wIkk vcr iii;iy he the author, had 
 gone into cllei-t. what would ha\c hccii the yv<n\{ to the citizens 
 of Tennessee, whose jj;ood it has ever been, and ever will be, my 
 happiness to jjroniote? 1 repeat, read and judge for yourself, re- 
 gardless of popular clamor, Avhicli its i)ublication has raised in 
 this and other i)laccs, much to my injury. {Shortly 1 will be iiii 
 Tennessee. In the meantime, 
 
 " Believe me, very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 " William Blount."" 
 
CHAPTER Xlll. 
 
 Contimiation of the Testimcny — Deposition of Dr. Kicolas Eomayne 
 taken before the House Committee, May 15, 17, 18, 19, and 20, 
 1797. 
 
 Doc. A B, is the deposition of Dr. Nicolas Romayne, '• aged 
 thirty-nine years and upwards," taken before the House Commit- 
 tee, July 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 1797. 
 
 The folloAving is the deposition, the interrogatories, and the an- 
 swers, in full : 
 
 Dr. Nicolas Romayne, being sworn on the Holy Evangelists of 
 Almight}" God, doth depose and say : 
 
 That he has been acquainted with William Blount since the 
 year 1782, Avhen he first came to this city as a member of Con- 
 gress. Some time after he had occasion to correspond with him 
 respecting some property belonging to the deponent in North Car- 
 olina. Upon that and various other subjects the correspondence 
 between them had continued till very lately. AVhile Mr. Blount 
 was Governor of the Territory of the United States south of the 
 Ohio, the deponent was requested by a friend to write to him, and 
 to propose the solution of certain queries respecting the military 
 lands on the Cumberland, in that Territory, for the purchase of 
 which it was contemplated to form a compan}^, and to propose to 
 Mr. Blount to become a party. The proposition was accordingly 
 made to him. Mr. Blount's answer to these queries and proposi- 
 tions was communicated by Captain Chisholm, at that time an en- 
 tire stranger to the deponent, but whom Mr. Blount recom- 
 mended as a proper person to be employed by the company as a, 
 jDurchasing agent. The plan, however, Avas wholly dropped on 
 account of the person who proposed it going to Europe. Some 
 time afterwards the deponent formed a resolution of paying a 
 visit to Europe ; which being known to Mr. Blount, a proposition 
 originated between them that an attempt should be made there to 
 form a company on the principles and for the purposes formerly 
 mentioned, and to include Governor Blount and Captain Chisholm 
 as partners. This happened jirevious to the 12th of July, 1795, 
 on which day the deponent sailed for England. An agreement to 
 this effect was made and formally executed ; but from motives of 
 d'^J'fvty, and apprehensions of the fall of lands on account of the 
 
LIFK OF WILLFAM nLOU.NT. 41 
 
 political events in Europe, no direct attempts were made to carry- 
 it into eftect. The deponent, however, left maps and papers Oi\ 
 tlie subject with certain persons of consideration in England, and 
 was requested by them and some others to procure from the State 
 of Tennessee a law for enabling them, as aliens, to hold lands. 
 These persons contemidated to purchase lands as the price, cir- 
 cumstances, and their own convenience, should dictate. In case 
 of their becoming purcliasers, it was understood that Governor 
 Blount and the deponent might be interested in the purchases, 
 upon terms, however, which were not settled ; and the propriety 
 of the purchases was to depend, in a great measure, upon liis opin- 
 ion. On his arrival in this country he was to keep up a corres- 
 pondence with them, which he has done. 
 
 In October last the deponent arrived in America. He has not 
 been out of the State of New York since, till lie was summoned to 
 this place. Soon after his arrival he wrote to Governor Blount, 
 informing him that he had done notliing in their land business, 
 more tlian has been before mentioned. To this letter he never re- 
 ceived any answer ; but, about the beginning of February last 
 Governor Blount came to New York on business of his own ; at 
 least his coming was not at the instance or Avith the privity of the 
 deponent. During his stay there, he and the deponent frequently 
 met as aeiiuaintances, had much political conversation, and fre- 
 quently c(jnversed on the value of property in the United States, 
 particularly landed property. It seemed to be his wish that depo- 
 nent should urge his friends in Europe to become purchasers of 
 land at that time, which, however, he positively declined, on ac- 
 count of wliat he considered to be the political state of tliis coun- 
 try. He particularly stated to Governor Blount that the French 
 Government was at that time very hostile to the Government of 
 the United States; that in his oi)inion, there was no probability 
 that General Pinckney would be received as Minister of the United 
 States ; that this opinion was founded on a knowledge of what 
 appeared to be the system and temper of France when he came 
 from tlicre in July last : that lie had much reason to believe that 
 Spain had nuule a cession to France of Louisiana and the Flori- 
 das ; that the French, possessing great powers, liad great views in 
 all their operations, and that he thought it not improbable they 
 had in contemplation the acquisition of Canada and the whole 
 Western country ; and that he and his hicnds might be prepared 
 to think of becoming sans cullottcs. 
 
 3Ir. Blount seemed to be much interested l»v this conversation. 
 
42 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOl NT. 
 
 which was very extriisivo, and wliicli In'caino at len<rth more par- 
 licularlv directed to tlie State of Tennessee, and the manner in 
 in wliich it might he effected by these events. He said he had 
 taken great pains to settle that State, and to render it important. 
 He spoke of his being concerned in administering the government 
 there, on the subject of which he said he had l)een treated very ill 
 by the President, or some of the Executive oflicers of the United 
 States. The conversation, indeed, became so affecting to him that 
 he wept ; upon which tlie subject was (h'opped for that time. 
 His stay at New York was several days : lie was out at the house 
 of the deponent one or two nights, and there were frequent con" 
 versations on the same suliject : in tlie cdui-so of Avhieh the depo- 
 nent expressed his opinion that, under present circumstances, the 
 lands in Tennessee and in tlie Western country, in general, would 
 be of little or no value. A remark was made, that in case of a 
 war between the United States and France, the situation of the 
 Western cour.try must be very disagreeable; and that in such an 
 event, those ])eople, in order to relieve themselves Irom the calam- 
 ities which must appear so threatening, would perha])s be im- 
 pelled to separate from the Government of the United States. 
 Speaking of the Genesee lands in the State of New York, and ot 
 some sales of them lately made abroad, and comparing them with 
 the price of lands in Tennessee, the deponent was led to n-mark 
 that it was a i)ity Louisiana also, ;is well ;!s Canada, could not lie 
 in the hands of the Elnglish, as neiglihorhood to tliat (iovernment 
 added so much to the value in the sale of lands. Mr. lUount re- 
 plied that he had no doubt of the justm-ss of the ohservation ; 
 that it was indeed to be regretted that the Ib'itish did not |.ossess 
 Louisiana, and that such an event might \ery easily l)e lirought 
 about. The deponents ex}nvssed some doul.ts of this opinion: 
 having always understood that the j.eople in the Western country 
 Avere much attached to France and unlViendly to the l"'ng]isli. 
 Avhich Avould create great obstacles to such an enterprise. ( iover- 
 nor Blount admitted this, hut remarked thai the Spaniards were 
 very weak, and would niai;e l)ut feeble resistani'c in that country. 
 In conse<iuence of this conversation, lie proposed going to Fng- 
 land on the su1)ject. The deponent t.»l(l him. it' he chose to go. he 
 would give him letters to persons who might introduce him to 
 those in power. He then informed the deponent that Captain 
 Chisholm and several others had a plan of doing something against 
 some parts of Florida, al)out which they had been admitted to 
 some interviews with a person of consequence in Philadelphia. 
 
LIKK or WILLIAM HLor.NT. 43 
 
 This wa:* the lirst \\\c (l.'ix.ncnt lu.'ar.l ..f ( 'liisliulm in this l.usi- 
 nc'ss, nor has lio ever liad any intereourse or eoniniunieation with 
 liim relating to it. On his expressing a desire to know the nature 
 and extent of Chisholm's phui, Ctovernor Blount ohserved that he 
 did not know it in its full extent himself, hecause (lliishohn kcjit 
 himself very much to himself; hut he ajtpreiiended it to he some 
 plundering party or petty enterprise. The deponent ohserved he 
 was very sorry for tiiis aflair of Chisholm, and ohserved that it 
 ought to be prevented. He also expressed mucii surprise that the 
 person of consequence in PhiladeJjiliia, wlio liad heen allu<led to, 
 should see such a man as Chisholui on a l)usiness of that naturt-, 
 and added that Governor Blount ought to see that person of con- 
 sequence, and caution him against listening to such overtures from 
 persons of that description. Mr. Blount observed that he had no 
 acquaintance with that person, as he had never waited on him. 
 The deponent then begged him to take care that Chisholm sliould 
 be prevented from pressing his project ; he replied that he could 
 command Chisholm when near, but could not answer for or (-(Mi- 
 trol him at a distance. 
 
 The conversation then turned, for the first time, on the Floridas, 
 and the deponent observed that it was a matter of regret that they 
 did not belong to the United States — mentioning, among other 
 things, the inconvenience of having such great natural l)oundaries 
 as the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico ; that if he should go 
 to England, he ought to imi)ress this idea upon the people in 
 power, and point out to them the favorable effect that their aiding 
 such an event would have on the United States, to whom Florida 
 was of great importance, wliile it could l)e of little \alue ta 
 England. 
 
 The deponent remarked, generally, that it was understood and 
 agreed by Mr. Blount and hiuLself, tliroughout the whole of 
 their conversations on this subject, that the most favoral)le state 
 of things for the United States was the possession of Louisiana 
 by Spain ; but if it were to pass from their hands, it was deemed 
 by them of great importance that England should i)ossess it rather 
 than France. 
 
 With these general impressions Governor Blount left New York, 
 that he should consult with some persons of importance in Pliila- 
 delphia, both in the Government and out, and learn from them 
 how far such a project might receive their api)robation or counte- 
 nance, or be deemed advisable by them ; that he should also, for 
 the same purpose, sound certain persons in Virginia, the frontiers 
 
44 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUXT. 
 
 of North Carolina, the State of Tennessee, and generally tlirough- 
 out the Southern States, and the people in general in the State of 
 Tennessee ; that he should particularly attend to those persons in 
 the Indian country and eslcwhere who had been engaged in Genet's 
 project. As they were already under operation they must be man- 
 aged ; and that the deponent should forward to Philadelphia sucli 
 letters of hitroduction for Governor Blount, to persons in Eng- 
 land, as might be thought useful. This the deponent engaged to 
 do ; and soon after wrote to a gentleman in England, informing 
 him that a person of consequence would sail from this country, 
 gome time in May, for England, on a business of this kind. 
 
 After Governor Blount returned to Congress, several letters 
 passed between him and the deponent on the same subject. In 
 one of them he expressed the necessity of his standing well with 
 the four Southern nations of Indians, and holding his importance 
 among them. He also, in these letters, expressed his fears about 
 tlie conduct of some persons in this country, who had contem- 
 plated this business and might attempt to execute it in an im- 
 proper and imprudent manner. These considerations united, and 
 some other matters not connected with them, induced the depo- 
 nent to think of sailing for England in the month of May ; before 
 he set out, he exijected to receive from Governor Blount full infor- 
 mation of his opinions and the result of his inquiries, and for that 
 purpose requested an interview, that there might be a full and free 
 conversation on the whole business ; to this he received no answer 
 for some time, but learned from other persons that Mr. Blount 
 was in Philadelphia. His neglect in this respect made the depo- 
 nent hesitate, and the late change of circumstances in Europe 
 made him douljt the success of the application to the British Gov- 
 ernment at this time ; he had also received some further account 
 of the force of the Spaniards in that quarter, and some informa- 
 tion said to have come from a respectable foreigner who had been 
 in that country, that there were in the Southern and Western 
 parts of the United States largenumbersof men, wlio it was likely 
 would aid the French and Spaniards. These circumstances had 
 determined the deponent to abandon this business altogether, 
 when he received a letter from Mr. Blount, expressing his regard 
 for liim, and apologizing for not Avriting ; and soon after another, 
 requesting him to come to Pliiladelphia ; to this tlie deponent did 
 not consent, and then the intercourse on this subject enckHl, except 
 that the deponent wrote a letter to Mr. Blount, expressing his 
 opinion that the business was ended, to whicli he never received 
 an answer. 
 
LTKK OF WILLIAM lU.Ol'NT. 45 
 
 INTHIIIJOGATOUIKS OF Till': COMM ITTKK AM) ANSWERS 
 OF THE DEPO NENT. 
 
 1. M'lio was the frii'iul at whose iv«|uest 3011 wrote to William 
 Blount, while Governor of the Southwestern Ttrritory, ahout the 
 purchase of military lands? 
 
 Anmrr. It was Mr. Edward Griswold, now resident in Paris. 
 
 2. You have said that articles of af^'reement were drawn uj) he- 
 tween you and William Plount, previously to your departure for 
 Europe, in \~\)'k Wvyv they executed, and what was their tenor? 
 
 .1. They were executed, and are, I understand, in the jiosses- 
 sion of the Committee. They related solely to lands, ami their 
 tenor and contents may he discovered from a perusal. 
 
 3. How long did you remain in P]urope, and in what part of it ? 
 A. Something more than a year ; during which time I visited 
 
 tirst England, then Holland, France, and Ik'lgium ; from whence I 
 returned to England, and after a short stay there, embarked for 
 New York. 
 
 4. Who were the persons in whose hands you left (crtain maps 
 and papers on your departure from England? 
 
 A. I left them with different persons. Tlicy wi're wholly of a 
 private nature, and in no manner connected with the object of 
 this examination. 
 
 5. Are you ac(piaintcd with Sir ^^'illianl Pultcney ; and if you 
 are, did your acquaintance with him cojnnicncc ln'ibrcyou visited 
 England in 1705? 
 
 A. It did not. ]My acquaintance witii him aiose from letters 
 from Mr. Williamson, in the Genesee country, to him. with whicli 
 I was particularly charged. The personal delivery of those let- 
 ters, whicli 1 understood to nlate to juivate concerns, gave rise to 
 conver.sition l)et\veen us. and that h d to a further acquaintance. 
 
 G. Were you accpiainted, Avhile in l-higland. in IT^o. with Lord 
 Grenville, or with Mr. Dundas? 
 
 A. Not with Lord Grenville. With Mr. Dun.las 1 had some 
 acquaintance, having been introduced to him by a gentleman at 
 whose house I met him at diini. r. This gentleman afterwards 
 carried me to breakfast with .Mr. hundas, who.^e desire of an ac- 
 quaintance with me might have arisen iVom some sketches which 
 I had written respecting this counlry, ;ind which I believe were 
 seen by him. This was all the ac<juaintance or intercourse I had 
 with Mr. Dundas. 
 
 7. Did not these persons, or some, and which of them, in those 
 conversations, express to you a desire to add Louisiana or the 
 
46 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 Florklas, or both, to the Britisli rrown ; and did yon not hear this 
 desire expressed by some otlier, and what persons of consideration 
 in Enghind? 
 
 A. I never licard such a -wish exi)ressed ))y those or any other 
 persons in England. 
 
 8. Were you, while in Europe, requested by any, and AAdiat per- 
 sons to sound the people of the United States on the subject of a 
 plan to annex Florida or Louisiana, or Ijoth, to the British crown ; 
 or to make some proi)ositions tending that way ? 
 
 ,1. No such request or overtures were ever made to me. The 
 plan originated Ijetween ]\Ir. Blount and myself, as far as I know, 
 in the manner stated by me in my de})osition. 
 
 9. In your conversations in ICngland with persons of considera. 
 lion, was any mention made of a description of people in this 
 country who wished to separate the Western settlements from the 
 Union ? 
 
 A. No mention of such persons was made to me by any per- 
 sons Avhatever. 
 
 10. How long liave you been ac([naiiited with the British ]\Iinis- 
 ter in this country, and by wliat means did you come to know 
 him ? 
 
 A. I was introduced to liim in Loudon, by Mr. Pinckney, soon 
 after his appointment to this country, and 1 paid him a visit and 
 left some letters for America, of wliieli he look charge. I have 
 never seen him since his arrival in America. 
 
 11. On your return to this country, in 171X'), you wrote to Gov- 
 ernor Blount. Did you urge him to meet you in New York? 
 
 A. I did write to him. as stated in my deposition, and spoke 
 of some private l)usiness; l)Ut 1 did Jiol mention this subject, noi 
 did I request liim to come to New York, llis arrival there in 
 February was without my knowledge or ])rivity. and, as I mider- 
 stood, for private l)usincss of liis own. 
 
 12. To what persons in England or .\mcrica have you written on 
 the subject of this impiiry, since your return, and what answers 
 have you received ? 
 
 A. I have written to one ])crson in England, a member of Par- 
 liament, but not of Administration ; from whose answer it does 
 not appear that the business was ever spoken of there liy liim. I 
 I also wrote to Governor lilount, and received answers ; the jmr- 
 port and substance of whicli correspondence I have already ex- 
 ])lained. I likewise wrote to Mr. Liston, and, I believe, to no other 
 person. Mr. Liston gave me an answer, which is now in the pos- 
 session of the Committee. 
 
I.IFK OF WII.I.IAM lil.iir.Nr. 47 
 
 i;;. What Avas the ])Uii.<.rt o{' your Irtt.r lo Mr. Liston ? 
 
 .1. 1 have lu. copy of llic IcttiT, l«ut 1 ncollcct its jjiirport, 
 Avliich Avas to intoiiu Mr. Liston that I liad li.md of a ci-rtain vu- 
 tt r]iii;r ill coiitt iii|>lation. and on whicii he had hecn consulted, 
 and to caution him against it, as a vciy delicate measure, ri'(|uir- 
 inir Lircat ciicunisiiection. and capaMc. if known to he cncoura^fe»l 
 by liim. of iniurin<: {\\v interests, hoth of this countrv and his 
 own. which 1 was jiersuaded it was his wish to promote. 1 also 
 hinted that a plan moi-e extensive was contemi)latc(l l>y litter per- 
 sons : and having understood that he intended to send his secre- 
 tary to sonic place on the husiiiess which liad heen nicnlione<l to 
 him. I stroniily dissuaded him I'rom this step; indeed, to do so 
 hadhc(n one of my chief induei-ments to address him. Jn liis 
 answer, now in the })ossession of the ("ommitti'c, he a.ssured niu 
 that he had no intention t)f scndinjf his secretary anywhere. I 
 was induced to take this lil)crty with Mr. I.iston from the manner 
 in whicii 1 hceanie aetjuaiiitid with him, and the very favorahle 
 li.Liht in which he wr.s i)resintcd in Icttirs which J hail nceivctl 
 from Knjiland. and one of wliich'J enclosed to him. 
 
 14. ANhat was the ].roject a^^ainst which you cautioiud Mr. 
 Liston ? 
 
 A. It was that of Chisholm, of which 1 had hccn iniormed hy 
 (iovei-nor Blount, and which the latter told iiic had heen men- 
 tioned to the Minister. 
 
 1"). What wasthe ])roject to which you alhuhd as \h\u-s in more 
 ])ro]ier hands? Did Mr. Linton know of it, or did vou explain it 
 to him? 
 
 -L Jt was that eontemplated hy (iovernor lUount and myself. 
 Mr. Liston, as far as 1 know, and helieve. had no knowlidue of it, 
 nor was it our intention to-ive him any. 1 did not think it proper 
 for liim to he ae«|Uainted w itii it ; the intention heini: to applv, 
 not to him, hut tt> the British (Jovernment. 
 
 IG. Jn your e(»nversation with Ciovernor Llount, at New York, 
 you expressed your re<:ret lliat Louisiana did not helon;,' to Ku\i- 
 land, since the value of laiids in the ^\'estorn countrv would, in 
 that case. l>e increased ; was this the (irst time you had contem- 
 lilated or expressed that idea? 
 
 A. It was not. 1 had rellected on the idea before, but had 
 never mentioned it verbally to any j)erson ; nor in writin;:, exci]>t 
 once, and that was in u letter to a gentleman in Enjj;land. This 
 letter, however, merely stated the i)ossession of those countries by 
 Eu'dand as a desirable thin''. 
 
48 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 17. What was the nature and object of the business contem- 
 plated between William Blount and you ? 
 
 A. Nothing precise or definite had been agreed on. Much was 
 to depend on the result of Governor Blount's inquiries and obser- 
 vations, upon which I never received any communication from 
 him. But the general object was to prevent Louisiana and the 
 Floridas from passing into the hands of France, pursuant to the 
 supposed cession b}^ Spain ; and to make propositions to the Brit- 
 ish Government in that view. 
 
 18. What were the propositions intended to be made to the Brit- 
 ish Government? 
 
 A. On this head, also, nothing definite had been agreed upon. 
 Had Governor Blount gone to England, he would of course have 
 proposed his own terms ; had I gone, I should have received his 
 instructions. This would have been settled in the interview Avhich 
 I proposed between us, had it taken place. Had I gone without 
 seeing him, I should have waited in England for letters from him 
 on the subject. 
 
 19. Was it not understood that William Blount and yourself 
 were to use your personal efforts and influence to prevent the sup- 
 posed cession of Louisiana by Spain to France from being carried 
 into effect ? 
 
 A. This was certainly our object ; and every means, both in this 
 country and Euroj^e, would, of course, have been employed by us 
 for its accomplishment. 
 
 20. Was it not proposed that Great Britain should send a force 
 into that country for this purpose ? 
 
 A. To ascertain whether they would do this, was the express 
 object of Governor Blount's intended visit to Europe. 
 
 21. Was it understood that, in case circumstances should re- 
 quire it. Governor Blount and his Western friends were to make 
 active efforts in co-operation with the British forces wliicli might 
 be sent there ? 
 
 A. When Governor Blount and mvself parted at New York, 
 the understanding between us was, that he should go to J']ugland. 
 Nothing was then said, or has since passed between us, on the 
 subject of this interrogatory ; nor have I any direct knowledge of 
 his views on that head. 
 
 22. What part were the Indians and AVestern people to act in 
 this business ; and in what manner were they to be used in its ex- 
 ecution? Was a co-operation by force from the territories of the 
 United States contemplated? 
 
LIFE or WILLIA>[ BLOUNT. 49 
 
 A. As to Iiidiiins, tliciv was UDtliiu.ij: particularly said about 
 them, nor had I any idea of their bcinj^ employed. To keep them 
 quiet was all suppt)sed to be intended, or advisable. The West- 
 ern people, aeeording to my view of the subject, were to be ren- 
 dered favorable to the possession of the Floridas and Louisiana 
 by the British, and disposed to emigrate there, and assist in hold- 
 ing the country, should the reduction take place. No co-opera- 
 tion of forces was nientioned by Governor Blount, nor have I any 
 knowledge of his precise intentions as to either tlie Western peo- 
 ple or the Indians. All tliis, as I understood the matter, was de- 
 pendent on his observations and inquiries in the Western coun- 
 try, on which su))ject I have had no inft)rmation from him. 
 
 2.!. What part was William Blount to bear in this business. an<l 
 what advantage or emolument was it understood that he, ami oth- 
 ers who might favor or aid it, were to derive from its accomplish- 
 ment ? 
 
 ^-l. I have no doul)t that Governor Blount had iiigh expecta- 
 tions of emolument and command, in case the project should suc- 
 ceed, but nothing definite on this sultject was spoken of between 
 liim and me ; and, from the nature of the business, every tiling 
 must have dei^cnded on the arrangement to be made in London 
 with the British Government. 
 
 24. Did William Blount ever apply to those i»ersons of import- 
 ance in and out of the Government whom it was agreed he should 
 sound on this subject? 
 
 A. I do not knowthathe ever ilid ;!]tply to any of them. I had 
 no information from him on this point. 
 
 25. In one of your letters to William Blount you urge the pro- 
 priety of his appearing to have no comiection with land schemes 
 
 or commerce in . What i)laee was meant, and why was 
 
 caution recommended ? 
 
 -I. England was the place meant, and the caution proceeded 
 from an opinion in me, that the dignity and imjiortanee (»f char- 
 acter which it was desiralde for Governor Blount to maintain in 
 England, would be lessened l>y his a])pearing to be eoneerned in 
 commerce or the sale of lands. 
 
 2G. In another part of the correspondence between M'illiain 
 Blount and yourself, you tell him that it would be proper to keep 
 his business in England secret iVom Mr. King. What was the rea- 
 son of this caution ? 
 
 A. The reason is explained in the letter itself whicli contains 
 the caution. It is possible that I may have had some further rea- 
 
50 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 sons than are there expressed. But I have no accurate or perfect 
 recollection on the subject. 
 
 27. In one of your letters to William Blount you mention a pa- 
 per which you had draAvn up on the subject of your business, to 
 be left for him, in case you should sail for Europe without a per- 
 sonal interview, and which you wished him to possess, but do not 
 choose to send. Where is that paper, and what were its purport 
 and substance ? 
 
 A. The only copy which now exists was sent l»y me to Eng- 
 land, directed to myself some time in May or June. It contained 
 a variety of notes, reflections, and cautions, relative to the busi- 
 ness coijtemplated between me and Governor Blount, which had 
 occurred to me after he left Philadelphia in the spring, on his re- 
 turn to Tennessee, but I cannot state the particulars. They were 
 reflections which occurred to me at various times, wlien thinking 
 on the subject, and were noted down as they occurred, to stn-ve 
 myself and Governor Blount as hints and memoranda in the i)ro- 
 gress of the business. One copy I sent to England for my own 
 use when I should arrive there. Another I retained for Governor 
 Blount, but afterwards de-troyed when I conceived tlie l)usiness 
 to be at an end. Tliey were never seen by him. 
 
 28. Do you know any other matter or thing wliicli, in your 
 opinion, is material to the objects of this examination? If yea, 
 declare it fully. 
 
 A. The foregoing depositions and answers C(Mitain all that I 
 know on the subject; and, aided by the correspondence now in 
 possession of the Committee, will, I presume, furnish them with 
 every idea respecting it in my power to communicate. 
 
 Nicolas Romayne. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 '0.)ntinaatioa of the Tcdlmony — Deposition of William Davy — Letter 
 from Thomas Da ry, dated London, Sept. l;>, 1707 — Deposition of 
 George Lesher. 
 
 Doc. C D, is the depoisition of William Davy Ix-fore the Com- 
 mittee, July lo, 1797. The following are the i)rineipal jjoints: 
 
 Mr. Davy was interested in a vessel about to sail for London, 
 but, as a security against capture, she was cleared for Hamburg. 
 Of this tact Mr. Davy informed the British Minister, Mr. Liston. 
 A few days after, Mr. Liston's secretary, Mr. Thornton, called on 
 deponent and asked him to take a confidential person to Englaml. 
 Mr. Thornton told deponent that this person would carry de- 
 spatches which would be leaded, so as to be sunk in case of cap- 
 ture ; but he did not state the nature of the despatclies. Mr. Davy 
 consented to take the messenger. Some days after, the messenger 
 arrived. He was a hardy, lusty, brawny, weather-beaten man. 
 He conversed with Mr. Davy with the utmost freedom. He told 
 him without reserve the o])ject of his mission. He said that he 
 was a back-countryman ; that he had lived long among the In- 
 dians, and was with them during the last war; that he was well 
 known to the Spandiards ; that his name was Captain Chisholm ; 
 that he had been an intepreter to the Indians last winter in this 
 city ; that the Spaniards had frequently imprisoned and treated 
 him cruelly in Pensacola ; that they dreaded him, and he hated 
 them, and was now determined to take his full revenge on them. 
 He said that his influence was such with the Indians, that he could 
 do with them as he pleased ; that he knew every part of the Mi.ssis- 
 sii>pi; that there was no man in America who knew the forts and 
 their exact situation so well as himself, and that he was now going 
 to London to accompany and conduct a squadron to the attack of 
 Pensacola. The deponent was afraid of trusting such a person on 
 Ids brig, and stated his fears to Chisholm. Chisholm stated that 
 lie was furnished with other papers to cover his designs, and 
 showed to deponent a number of letters, unsealed, from Mr. Lis- 
 ton to persons in Hamburg, stating him to be a person going there 
 on a land speculation. Chisholm also exhibited a letter from Mr. 
 Liston for a person in London, whom the deponent supposed to 
 be either one of the Under Secretaries of State or Mr. Liston's pri- 
 
52 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 vate agent, calling him " the person of whom I have written to you 
 relative to the land business." The brig was prevented from sail- 
 ing on the day first intended, mnd Sunday, INIarch 19th, was fixed 
 positively for her sailing. Deponent was surprised to learn that 
 Chisholm Avas still in town after the time fixed for sailing. He 
 then went to Mr. Liston, informed him of his apprehensions and 
 stated to him the imprudence of entrusting matters of importance 
 to such a babbler. He also stated to Mr. Liston that Chisholm 
 had shown him his (Liston's) letters. Deponent and Mr. Liston 
 started out to hunt up Chisholm that night. They found him at 
 Lesher's Tavern, corner of Second, and Arch, vociferating among a 
 crowd of Frenchmen. They called him out and expressed their 
 surprise that he had not gone on the brig. Chisholm informed 
 them that the vessel had not sailed. It was now between ton and 
 eleven o'clock. Mr. Liston went home and deponent made fur- 
 ther inquiries and ascertained that the vessel had not sailed. He 
 returned to Mr. Liston with this information, and again Avarned 
 him against Chisholm. Mr. Liston thereupon immediately wi;ote 
 a letter to Mr. George Hammond, Under Secretary of State, which 
 he read to Mr. Davy. It conveyed a caution against Chisholm. 
 Mr. Liston told deponent that Chisholm had come to him with 
 j)ropositions upon which he had no power to act, but thought him- 
 self obliged to refer him to his Government. Soon after the vessel 
 sailed. Mr. Liston paid for Chisholm's passage. Chisholm Avrote 
 letters to the deponent from the Capes. He was " thunderstruck " 
 to receive an open letter from him directed to Governor Blount. 
 Deponent read the letter and took it to Mr. Liston. It contained 
 only in general terms the information that all was going on well. 
 He sealed it and delivered it. 
 
 Doc. C D, No. 2, is an extract from a letter from Thomas Dav}^ 
 London, Sept. 13, 1797, stating that Chisholm had arrived, and 
 that he (Davy) had ascertained by inquiry made at Lord Gren- 
 ville's office that his plan had not been acceded to, but that he 
 had been liberally supplied with money. 
 
 Doc. E F, is tlie deposition before the House Committee of 
 George Lesher, July 19, 1797. 
 
 Lesher was the keeper of the tavern where Mesers. Liston and 
 Davy found Chisholm. Lesher says that Chisholm made the 
 same exposure of his plans to him that he did to Davy. He 
 states further that while Chisholm lodged at his house he was ar- 
 rested for a debt of S400, whicli Cbisholm afterwards paid, as he 
 alleged, by a note wliich he liad received from Mr. Bond, the Brit- 
 ish Consul. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Continuation of the Testimony — Deposition of William Bell — Letter 
 from Mr. Pickering, Secretary oj State, to the House Committee. 
 
 Doc. G H, is the deposition of Willium Bell, July 27, 1707, 
 taken before the Committci!. 
 
 It was at Bell's suit that Chisholm had been arrested for the 
 $400 as stated in the last deposition. Bell says that " he never 
 received from Chisholm any note or bill of Mr. Bond's in pay- 
 ment, nor did Chisholm ever mention Mr. Bond to tlie deponent 
 at all." 
 
 Doc. I K, No. 11, is a letter from Mr. Pickering to the House 
 Committee. It reads in full as follows : 
 
 " Ppiiladelphia, July 26, 1797. 
 
 " Gentlemen : In a note received from Mr. Harper, I was re- 
 quested to put into writing, for the use of the Committee,' the sub- 
 stance of my conversation with Mr. Liston, the British Minister, 
 particularly that part which relates to the correspondence with 
 Dr. Romayne. I give it as follows : 
 
 '• When the Spanish Minister, tlie Chevalier Dynijo, Jiad for- 
 mally expressed to me his suspicion that an expedition was i)re- 
 paring on the I^akes, on the part of the P^nglish, the olyect of 
 which was to attack Upper Louisiana, I mentioned it to Mr. Lis- 
 ton. He instantly answered that he ha<l no knowledge of any 
 such })reparations. I remarked that to me the project suggested 
 did not bear the resemblance of probability ; that very great em- 
 barrassments must be encountered in transporting troops, cannon, 
 stores, and provisions, from Canada to the Mississippi, and besides 
 that the British had not nithat country a force that was adefpiate 
 to the execution of such a plan. 
 
 "At a subsequent period — I am inclined to think it was in the 
 latter part of April, after the Spanish Minister had repeated his 
 suspicion of an expedition intended from Canada against Upper 
 Louisiana, and which I again mentioned to Mr. Liston, the latter 
 again said that he had no knowledge of such a design. But he 
 added that a proposal had been made to him of an expedition to 
 the Southward, against the Spanish possessions, but which he had 
 no power to authorize. And, as to General Clark, of Georgia, to 
 whom the Si)anish Minister said he certainly knew tliat proposi- 
 
54 LIFK OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 tions had been made by the British, rehitive to an attack on tho 
 Floridas, he (Mr. Listen) did not recollect ever to have heard of 
 tlie man, and certainly that he had no knowledge of any such 
 propositions. 
 
 "Mr. Liston has intbnnt'd me that when he objected to the pro- 
 ject of an expedition against the Spanish territories at the South- 
 ward, because, on the plan of the projector, it could not be at- 
 tempted Avithout violating tlie ncntral riglits of the United States, 
 the projector answered, that the men going from the United States- 
 would march unarmed^ and not take arms until they should be 
 within the Spanish territory. When he told the projector that he- 
 (Mr. Liston) had no authority to institute sucli an (.'xpedition, he 
 asked if the Governor or (xeneral commanding in Canada could 
 not authorize it. To this ^Ir. Liston answered that the Governor 
 doubtless possessed certain military powers, l)ut lu; presumed that 
 lie would not think himself authorized to direct the execution ot* 
 a pdan of this kind ; and all that he (Mr. Liston) could do would 
 be to wrirc to the Uritish (lovernmcnt and await its answer. whic.Ii 
 indeed might i)e long in coming, or might not come at all, partly 
 on account of the important objects which eu'i;igcd its attention, 
 and partly on account of the str(mg objections to the i)roject itself. 
 This was al)OUt the beginning of January last. The answer not 
 arriving as soon as the eagerness of the jirojector expected, he l)e- 
 came impatient, and was extremely pressing to go to England to- 
 obtain in person an answer from the British Govermuent, to which^ 
 Mr. Liston said, he with much reluctance consented. 
 
 "I asked Mr. Liston if a trading scheme formed any part of the 
 l)voject Avhich had been i)roposed to him. He answered in the 
 alhrmative. 
 
 "Governor Blount having, in his letter io Carey, expressed his- 
 doubts whether Chisholm was gone to England, I asked ^h: Lis- 
 ton of the fact. He answered that he was certainly gone ; that he 
 had embarked in a vessel for Philadelphia; that lie (Mr. Liston) 
 had paid for his passage : and that he had seen letters brought hy 
 the pilot, received from ("hishobn wlien he was lar down the Del- 
 aware, or at the Ca])es. 
 
 " Having learnt from the Colli luiltee, or some of its members, that 
 they had received information that Chisholm had said that he 
 discharged a deijt for which he had become engaged (I think for 
 Governor Blount) by making some sacrifices on a note or obliga- 
 tion from Mr. liond, the ]iritish Consul, 1 mentioned the circum- 
 stance to Mr. Liston, who answered that he knew of no such 
 
LTFK OK wn.i.iAM uLorvr. r).3 
 
 tllin.L^ and tliat lie never eoTuniunic.ated to Mr. Bond any inl'«>i-iiia- 
 tion of tlu' itroji't't in (iiiestion. Afterwards (J lielieve on the sec- 
 ond day) I met Mr. Liston, when he told me that he lia<l men- 
 tioned to Mr. liond the story of Ids note or ohlij^ation toChis- 
 hohu. Mr. Bonil stud lie hud never jjiven either; tliat he had 
 never paid him any money or even knew the name. .\s thi.s 
 story, however, ti'nded to excite a suspicion that other nmneys 
 miirht have hi'cn paid to Chishohn hy Mr. IJsti.n. <,v hy his di- 
 rections, I asUed him if he had ever |)aid anythinir to ur I'oi- Chis- 
 hohn besides his passajze money. lie answered that he had not ; 
 that even his passa;;e-money was not paid into the hands of Chis- 
 holm. hut to the master or owner of the vessel in whieli lie em- 
 harked. I'.ut as Chisholm, <.n his arrival in Lcnduii ;i p,-rfeet 
 stranixer, would need some money for liis iiiinie(li;ite support, he 
 (Mr. Liston) oave him a draft on his haukn- for twenty pound.s 
 sterliii'j: : hut whether this has het'U actually paid to him or not, 
 .Mr. Liston has not received information. And in his letter to Mr. 
 Hammond concernino; Chishohn's voyaj^^e, Mr. Ijistou said he had 
 intimated the necessity of paying: for his passage hack to .Vnn r- 
 ica : ajiolojiizinj; for i)ermitting him to go to England hy saying 
 that the whole would he an expense of only about a hundred 
 jxiunds. Mr. Liston added that these were all the moneys ever 
 paid or promised hy him to any person or persons conccrnetl in 
 the project in ijuesiion. 
 
 "With respect to Dr. Uomayne. Mr. Liston informed me that atlay 
 or two heibre he left London in March, 17i)<), he breakfasted with 
 the American ^linister, and foinid there Dr. Romayne, of New 
 York, who was introduced to him b\- .Mr. i'inekney. That this 
 circumstance, with the Doctoi-"s civility, and the strain iA' his con- 
 versation, led him to ibrm a lavorable opinion of his character. 
 That he never <au- him before, nor has since seen him. That ho 
 did not know of his return from luu-o])c until towards the latter 
 ])art of last April, and a i'ew days after ("hisholm had eml»arked 
 Ibr Kngland. when wil-i some surprise iie received a letter from 
 the Doctor, dated th<' 1 1th of that month. 
 
 "That in this h-nw the Doctor reminded him of their interview 
 at Mr. Pinekiuy's, expressed his gt)od wislus. and alluding, as it 
 ai)pcared to Mr. Liston, though in covered terms, to the project of 
 an exjiedition to be undertaken with the aid of persons resident 
 within the United Stiites, and to certain matters that had l»een 
 discussed l)etween the British ^linister and some of the ))ar- 
 ties, mentioned the delicacy of Mr. Liston's situation, cautioned 
 
.56 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 liim against interfering in a business tliat could not, with propri- 
 ety, be patronized by a person in a public character, and particu- 
 larly put him upon his guard against certain men who had made 
 application to him upon the subject, and who, the Doctor said, 
 were not to be trusted. That Dr. Komayne named no one, but 
 hinted that, if he had an opportunity of communicating with Mr. 
 Liston, he miglit enter into further particulars. 
 
 " Mr. Liston said that, as he had already reasons to doubt the 
 good faith of some of those Avho had come to talk with him on the 
 business, he was still more apprehensive in consequence of the sus- 
 picion thrown out by Dr. Eomayne, and had become anxious to 
 •draw from him further explanations, especially with regard to 
 individuals. 
 
 " He therefore wrote the Doctor, on the 28th of April, the letter 
 "svhich is in the possession of the Committee, calculated, as he 
 thought, for this purpose, as it was meant to inspire confidence by 
 telling the truth. Tliat the mention in the letter of sending a per- 
 son of consequence to the scene of action, Mr. Liston said, was 
 occasioned by a passage in the Doctor's letter to him, in which he 
 seemed particularly to dissuade from a step of this nature, falsely 
 supposing that Mr. Liston had already taken some resolution in 
 respect to it. Mr. Liston said that, concerning the sending of such 
 a confidential person to be a necessary preliminary in case the 
 project received attention in England, he stated this opinion, in a 
 few words, to the Doctor, in the hope of inducing him to give his 
 sentiments fully on that i)()int. But that ho (Mr. Liston) had 
 been disappointed in the Doctor's answer, which did not give the 
 frank communication which he desired ; that his gtyle was still 
 mysterious; that he seemed to have misunderstood -what was 
 written to him, and avoided entering into any detail. That Mr. 
 Liston did not reply, and that here the correspondence ended. 
 
 " I have been enabled to detail so many particulars on this sub- 
 ject of Dr. Romayne's correspondence by conversing with Mr. Lis- 
 ton again, since the Committee's request was communicated to me 
 by Mr. Harper. On my hinting to him the wish of the Commit- 
 tee, which I did immediately on receiving Mr. Sitgreaves' letter of 
 the 13th instant, to be possessed of Dr. Romayne's letter to which 
 Mr. Liston's was an answer, he said it was destroyed. 
 
 " In the same letter the Committee expressed their desire to see 
 Lord Grenville's letter, which I informed them Mr. Liston had 
 shown me, and intimated that a copy of it would be convenient. 
 I have already shown you the original by Mr. Liston's consent ; 
 
Lll'K ur WILLIAM HLnlNT. 57 
 
 and I now enclose a copy, to;^ctlicr with a copy of the note in 
 W'hicli Mr. Liston sent it to me, to show under what reserve it was 
 suhniitted, viz : That it should not beexhihited to prove the crim- 
 inality of any of the persons concerned in tlie plan in question; 
 for which reason I have left a blank in the copy where the name 
 of one of those persons was introduced. 
 
 "I return the original letter of April 28th, from Mr. Liston to Dr. 
 Romayne, which was found among the papers of the latter. 
 "I am, gentlemen, very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 " Timothy Pickering." 
 Samuel Sitgreaves, &c., 
 
 Commitlee, &c. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Continuation of the Testimony — Note from Mr. Lidon which accompa- 
 nied Lord Grenville's Letter — Lord Greaville's Letter, dated Down- 
 ing Street, London, April 8, 1797 — Depositions of George Turnery 
 Elisha B. Hoplcim, Dr. Charles Buxton, aud John Franklin. 
 
 The following is the note from 'Mr. Liston which aeconipanied 
 Lord Grenville's letter : 
 
 Philadelphia, ,/(//// 15, 1797. 
 
 R. Liston presents his compliments to Col. Pickcrinji, Secretary 
 of State : 
 
 I have the honor of enclosing, according to your desire, Lord 
 Grenville's original despatch to me respecting the proposal for an 
 attack on a part of the Spanish territories in North America ; and 
 you have my leave to show it to the President, and to make what 
 other use of its contents you may, in your discretion, judge expe- 
 dient ; always with the reserve, whicli I am confident you will 
 not think it improper I should ])Ut in, tliat it shall not he exhib- 
 ited to prove the criminality of any of X\iv persons concerned in 
 the plan in question. 
 
 No. 6, is Lord Grenville's letter. It is as follows : 
 
 Downing Strkkt, April S, 1797. 
 
 Sir: In answer to your despatches Nos. 2 ami '!. I liave to in- 
 form j'^ou that the proposal which has been made to you by Mr. 
 
 , as mentioned in these despatches, for endeavoring to 
 
 wrest the two Floridas from Spain, has been taken into considera- 
 tion by His Majesty's confidt'ntial scMwants, but it has not l)een 
 thought expedient to accede to it or to adopt any measures for 
 carrying it into execution. 
 
 Without (>ntering into a detail of t!ic various considerations 
 that have led to this decision, I think it im rely necessary to ob- 
 serve that, exclusively of tlie inadc(|Uaey of the means to the end 
 proposed, the two o1)jections which have oeeun'e(l to yourself, the 
 necessity of employing the Indians, and the impro[iriety of orig- 
 inating within the United States any hostile expedition against a 
 nation with which they are at peace, are of sufiicient magnitude 
 to counterbalance the advantages which are likely to result from 
 the execution of such a plan. 
 
LIKK OK WILLIAM HLor.NT. 5{> 
 
 1 have, tiuT(.'lori', to si^iiily to you tlif KiiiL^'s pk-asurc, that voii 
 
 take an early o|)i)ortunity of infonnin.^ Mr. tliat you have 
 
 submitted his (lesi«rn to His Majesty's (Jovernment, l)Ut that it has 
 not been tliou.uht advisable to all'ord any assistance tVoni this 
 country towards earryinjj it into eflect. 
 
 I am, with jzreat trutli and rejrard, sir, your most obedient, 
 liumble servant, 
 
 (8i«;ned), , Gkknvilli:. 
 
 Robert Listox, Esq. 
 
 Doc. L ^r, is the deposition of George Turner liefon- the Com- 
 nnttee, September 5, 1797. 
 
 Deponent states that Governor IJlount made inquiries of him 
 relative to the Spanish force on the Mississii)pi, and that ])art of 
 the information he gave him is contained in the pa])er marketl 
 '' Memoranda of Force," endorsed " Jud-ze Turner," and in jjosses- 
 sion of the Committee. 
 
 Doc. N O, is the dei)Osition of l-'bsha II. iro|)kins lieforc^ the 
 Committee, July 14, 17U7 : 
 
 The deponent said that he was in the hat>it of being at Gover- 
 nor Blount's boarding house every day. That on one occasion 
 Chisholm took Blount out and they had some private conversa- 
 tion ; that on his returning Governor Blount asked deponent if lie 
 thought such a man as that should have address enough to intro- 
 duce himself to the British Minister. Deponent said he thought 
 his appearance and manners were against him. This took ] dace 
 • luring the last winter. In March, after deponent and Mr. Allison, 
 the proprietor of the house, Avere in a room, when Chisholm and 
 ]Uount came, and linding the room occupied, retired to an oflice 
 in front of the houj^e. Soon after. Governor Blount returned and 
 said to deponent that that man (Chisholm) had so ingratiated 
 himself with the British Minister as to have the ))romise of a liou- 
 tenant-ct)loners commission, and tliat lie was going to England. 
 Deponent was afterwards informed by a friend that the news was 
 that there was going to be an expedition against P^ast Florida. 
 Deponent wished to commmunicate his information to the Span- 
 ish Mini.ster. He expressed this desire to one Hiehard Smyth, 
 who said that he was intimate with the Minister. Nothing came 
 of his eflbrt to sec the Spanish Minister. Deponent suspected 
 Smyth, and also Colonel .lohn M( Intosh, as luing connected with 
 this expedition. 
 
 Doc. P Q, is the deposition before the Connnittee of Dr. Charhg 
 Buxton, July 20, 1797. 
 
60 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 Deponent says that he had read a letter to Dr. Romayne, he 
 thinks from Sir WilHam Pulteney, in which ^Mr. Liston is men- 
 tioned, and the Doctor advised to consult with him, as the name 
 of a ^linister would have more weight in England than that of an 
 individual. Romayne told deponent that he expected to acquire 
 a large amount of land in the Western or Southern country, and 
 promised deponent an advantageous appointment. This was in 
 May. Deponent did not know what Dr. Romayne's plan was. 
 
 Doc. R S, is the deposition of John Franklin before the House 
 Committee, September 2, 1797. 
 
 Deponent says that in December, 1796, he took lodgings at 
 Lesher's Tavern. That at the same time came also to the same 
 house Captain Chisholm, with twenty-two Cherokee Indians ; that 
 Carey and Rogers were at the same house part of the winter. De- 
 ponent did not recollect the Christian names of Chisholm, Carey 
 or Rogers. Chisholm complained that the Indians had been bad- 
 ly treated by the Government, and that he would not be suprised 
 if they commenced hostilities on their return. Chisholm made 
 the same exposure of his plans to deponent that he made to Davy 
 and Lesher. The deponent understood from Chisholm that Gover- 
 nor Blount was in the plan. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Continuation of the Testimony — The Examination of James Carey and 
 the Deposition of James Carey taken before the lion. John Mc- 
 Nairy, Judge of the Didrict of Tennessee. 
 
 Doc. T U, No. 1, is the examination of James Carey, in presence 
 of Benjamin Hawkins, Colonel lienly, Mr. Dinsmoor. and Lieut. 
 Wright, on the intercepted letter. 
 
 Question 1. How came you in possession of the letter from Wil- 
 liam Blount? Narrate the whole. 
 
 Answer 1. Major -James Grant, about the 20th of May, heing at 
 the public store, informed me he had a letter for me from my 
 friend Governor Blount, and he would deliver it to me. We went 
 down to the creek side ; he then delivered the letter, and when I read 
 it I was uneasy. The hand was difficult to read ; he said he would 
 help me, and did so. I must remark that in putting me right he 
 did so without reading after me, which surprised me, as I knew 
 thereby he knew the contents. 
 
 Q. 2. "Among other things that I wislied to see you aljout was 
 the business that Captain Cliisholm mentioned to the British 
 Minister last winter in Philadelphia." What was this business? 
 It appears l)y the manner this is Avritten, you have a knowledge 
 of it. 
 
 .1. 2. Captain Chisholm did for awhile live with me in Philadel- 
 phia, but changed his lodgings ; I was, after this, invited by Col- 
 onel Mentges to dine with him, and to take two Indians with me, 
 which I did, Colonel Watts and Langley. After dinner we walked 
 towards Schuylkill, and were overtaken in the street by Captain 
 Chisholm in a coach ; he invited us to ride with hfm ; Colonel 
 Mentges objected ; but at length being prevailed on, we got into 
 the coach, and road on to Schuylkill ; there we drank a little 
 wine. On the return, Mr. Chisholm pressed us again to go in the 
 coach ; we all did, except Colonel Mentges, who positively refused. 
 
 As we were going in the coach, Chisholm said he had been in- 
 jured by the United States, and now he could have satisliiction ; 
 if they would go with him, he would show them at his lodgings a 
 paper from the Minister of Great Britain. Upon our arrival there 
 he opened a box and took out four or five sheets of gilt letter 
 paper, close and well written, which he said was from the British 
 Minister as he received it. Dick Brown and John Walker were 
 
•62 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 there. Chisholm proposed that we should go to the British Min- 
 ister's ; Carey refused and said the others might go ; Watts refused 
 and said he came to do business with the President of the United 
 States, and not with the British ; if his interpreter refused to, he 
 would not go. 
 
 The paper was read, and it appeared to be a i)lan for the reduc- 
 tion of the Floridas. This was to be sent to England, and tlie re- 
 turn from the Minister, if it arrived at Philadelphia, was to be 
 sent to Knoxville to Captain Chisholm, or, if he was not there, to 
 Ig. Chisholm ; that if the packet arrived to the Southward, it was 
 to be sent up to the Cherokees to Captain Chisholm, and if he 
 should be absent it was to be delivered to John Rogers. The pa- 
 per was not signed, but there were the names of John Pitchlin and 
 John Rogers in it ; that he (Carey) spoke to Pitchlin since about 
 it, and he said he liad not heard anything about it, and Rogers 
 said it was not worth minding Chisholm. 
 
 Q. 3. " I believe the plan then talked of will be atti'iuptcd this 
 fall." What was the plan then talked of? 
 
 ^•1. 3. It appears to be the same as mentioned in the first ques- 
 tion. 
 
 Q. 4. '• If the Indians act their part, I have no doubt it will 
 ■succeed." What part were the Indians to act? 
 
 A. 4. I cannot answer ; but on the road I conjectured that it 
 was to get the Indians to help the British, and I talked with 
 Watts and Brown about it, and told them as much. Watts said 
 Chisholm need not come into his nation with such talks ; he 
 would not take there. Carey said we lost enough already without 
 meddling in such things. Chisholm tried to got Brown, who is 
 his brother-in-law, to go with him to England, but Watts dis- 
 suaded him, and he declined it. Perhaps George Colbert can give 
 some information ; he was with us, and heard us talk the mutter 
 over on the road. 
 
 Q, o. "You are, liowever, to understand that it is not quite cer- 
 tain the i)lan Avill 1)0 attempted, yet you will do well to keep 
 things in a pro}>er train for action, in case it should be attempted; 
 and to do so will require all your management." 
 
 This paragraph shows that you have knowledge of the plan, 
 and are to keep tilings in i)n)per train for action, and that much 
 reliance is had upon your management. 
 
 A. 5. Answered that tiiis subject had never been understood b}' 
 him. 
 
 Q. G. You arc advised to send for Rogers, and to speak to him 
 yourself respecting the state and prospect of things. 
 
I.ll'i: OF WII.I.IAM Hr.dlNT. 63 
 
 Tliis implies a certainty of your knowlcdi^c of (lie j)l:iii. aiiil 
 evidences a coiifi(K'nee in your co-opnation ? 
 
 J. (i. I havi- no knowlc'd-rc of this. 
 
 (I 7. •• In short, you understand the suhjcci, and must <,dve out 
 the proper talks, to keej) up iiiv eonse(|Uenee anion;,' the Creeks 
 and Cherokees." 
 
 In this para.uraph you understand tlic suhjeet. and are relied 
 on to keep U]) the eonsecpienee of the writ.'r ainonuMhe Creeks 
 and ( 'hel-okees ? 
 
 .1.7. (iovernor Hlount re(pi(>steil niejielorc he Irft Kno.wille, 
 to keep up his name anion«j; the Indians, ami not let them foriret 
 him. 
 
 (J. s. After you saw Chisholm's communication, did you see 
 <iovernor lUount and have anv conversation on the suhject with 
 him? 
 
 A. S. Yt's. 1 vi.-^ited the (iovernor. and, after some conversa- 
 tion, I asked him if he knew what Cliishoim was ahout. He 
 started up his head (piiekly and answered, " No ; what vou do 
 mean? Danni tlie fellow, I do not know where hr is : do vou 
 know anything,- ahout him?"' I inf(»i-med him of the ])api>r ; he 
 asked if it was siirned : I told him no; he then said, •• It is not 
 worth mindin.'i him. he is .^ueh a sort of a fellow; sty nothin;,' 
 ahout what you have seen." 
 
 (I U. Did Grant deliver you any messa^re from Mr. lloijers? 
 
 .1. 9. Yes. He advised with me ahout ^'cttiu!^ the letter to Roar- 
 ers; told me to seal it or send for liim, whichever I thou,',dit hest. 
 I replied I would study upon it. 
 
 (I 10. After the discovery of the lett.'r. did any other person 
 ai>ply to you ahout the discovery? 
 
 .1.10. Yes. Colonel John Mi-Lelland eame and ask-d me to 
 walk, and in(iuired after it, and how it was ^'ot. I told him it 
 Avas true it was ^'ot ; he inrpiired after the <"over ; that, 1 told him, 
 was safe. He said that the discovery was a terrihle affair ; you 
 ou^ht to have destroyed it. Charles ^leClun^', Ceneral White, 
 John and Samuel MclA-lland. eame here prohahly on the same 
 sul)ject; hut Lieutenant Wri-ht h;id enjoined it upon me to liold 
 no conversation with any oin', hut in his presence. This I oheved, 
 and told McLelland of this order; that I was ^rhid to see my 
 friends, hut could have no ])rivate conversation with them. I was 
 ordered either to f^o over the river while they stayed, or he con- 
 lined to the garrison; I oheyed, and went over the river. 
 
 Q. 11. What did you understand al>out the oIV.m- of whiskey to 
 \Vatts from Governor Blount? 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 64 
 
 A. 11. The Quakers had spoken to Watts against drinking 
 whiskey, and he disliked it and complained to the Secretary of 
 War, The Secretary replied that this now depended with Colonel 
 Hawkins; that afterwards we were at Governor Blount's, and 
 Watts mentioned the subject to him in a style of complaint. 
 Blount laughed and said, " Never mind it ; when I come to Knox- 
 ville I will give you two kegs of whiskey." 
 
 Received the 3rd of August, 1797. 
 
 James McHexry. 
 
 Doc. T U, No. 2, is the deposition of James Carey, taken by the 
 Hon. John McNairy, Judge of the District of Tennessee, in pres- 
 ence of David Henly, Benjamin Hawkins, Silas Dinsmoor, and 
 James Byers, at Tellico, July 8th, 1797. 
 
 The deponent being duly sworn to make true answers to such 
 questions as might be put to him relative to a letter signed " Wil- 
 liam Blount," and dated Col. King's Iron Works, April 21st, 1797, 
 deposeth as follows : 
 
 Question 1. The letter being read, it was asked : How came you 
 in possession of that letter from William Blount, addressed to 
 you ? Narrate the whole. 
 
 Answer. James Grant (called Major Grant), about the 20th of 
 May, being at the public store, informed me he had a letter for me 
 from my old friend. Governor Blount, and he would deliver it to 
 me. We walked down to the creek side, and there he delivered to 
 me the letter. The hand was difficult to read, and my eyesight is 
 defective ; he said he would help me to read it, and did so, with- 
 out looking at the letter, which made mc know that he knew the 
 contents. 
 
 Q. 2. Did Major Grant deliver you any message from Governor 
 Blount ? 
 
 A. Yes. He told me he was to advise Avith me about getting 
 this letter to Rogers ; told me to be cautious, to seal it, or send for 
 him, whichever I thought best, He said people about here 
 thought it was all over with Governor Blount, but he would rise 
 yet; and if the plan in the letter took place, it would be a great 
 thing for his friends. He added, I should get anotlier letter from 
 Governor Blount. 
 
 Q. 3. Did Major Grant say he would visit you again on the .sub- 
 ject? 
 
 A. He said he would visit me again, I understood, on tliis sub- 
 ject, and he did come down here again. 
 
LIFE OV WILLIAM HLOINT. 65 
 
 Q. 4. Did Major Grant say anytliiim (o yuu relative to tlic con- 
 tents of the letter on this visit ? 
 
 -1. Yes. He handed nie a newspaper from Phihidelphia, eon- 
 taininj; the speech of Doublehead, on receiving 65,000 a year ; I 
 supposed for the purpose of circulating it through the nation. 
 Major Grant and Lieutenant Davidson had some conversation rel- 
 ative to the speech, the purport not recollected. They two came 
 over to the field where I was hoeing corn. I asked them to sit 
 down under the shade , we remained there a short time, and re- 
 turned — they on the horse-path and I on the foot-path, which was 
 a small distance from each other. Lieutenant Wright arrived at 
 the garrison while we Avere on the other side of the river, and sent 
 two soldiers after Lieutenant Davidson. On 'our return, the two 
 officers were talking together, and Mr. Grant asked me what this 
 bustle meant ? He answered himself : I know ; it was known at 
 Knoxvillc I was going into the Indian Territory, and it is about 
 me. What has become of the letter I gave you from Governor 
 Blount? It is destroyed, I answered him. He then left the gar- 
 rison, and has not since been here, or sent any message to me. I 
 recollect he said Mr. Byers was gone to Philadeljihia, and that 
 there was some stir or bustle about Knoxville, but he could not 
 make head or tail of it ; liut it must be about his going into the 
 nation. And he allowed tluit brought Mr. Wright, the lieutenant, 
 down. 
 
 Q. 5. This is an extract from tlie intercepted letter : "Among 
 other things I wished to have seen you about, was the business 
 Captain Chisholm mentioned to the British Minister last winter, 
 at Philadelphia." What Avas this business? It ajipears l»y the 
 manner this is Avritten, you have a knowledge of it. 
 
 A. Captain Chisholm did for aAvhile live Avith me in Philadel- 
 phia, but changed his lodgings. I Avas after this invited l)y Col- 
 onel Mentges to dine Avith him and take tAvo Indians Avith me, 
 which I did. Colonel John Watts and Langley. After dinner Ave 
 Avalked toAvards Schuylkill, and were overtaken on the street by 
 Captain Chisholm in a coach ; lie invited us to ride with him. 
 Colonel Mentges oljjected, but at length, being prevailed on, avo 
 got into the coach and rode on towards Schuylkill, and turned 
 round to a tavern ; there Ave drank a ])ottle of Avine, and ii tunieil. 
 Mr. Chisholm pressed us again to go into the coaeh ; we all did 
 except Colonel Mentges, who positively declined. As Ave Avere re- 
 turning in the coach, Chisholm said he had been injured in the 
 non-settlement of his accounts, or his business; and miw. if it 
 
66 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUXT. 
 
 cost him the last drop of blood, he would have satisfaction ; it was 
 now in his power. If they would go with him, he would show 
 them at his lodgings a paper from the British Minister. Upon 
 our arrival there, he opened a box and took out four or five sheets 
 •of gilt paper, close and well written, which he said was from the 
 British Minister ; he read it. Dick Brown and John Walker were 
 there. Chisholm proposed that we should go to the British Min- 
 ister's. I refused, and said I had no business with him ; that the 
 Indians might go, if they chose. Watts refused, and said he came 
 to do business with the President, and not with the British. If 
 his interpreter refused to go, he would not go. The paper was 
 read, and it appeared to be a plan for the reduction of the Flori- 
 das. This was to be sent to England to the British INIinistry there 
 and to whom from the Ministry, if it arrived at Philadelphia, was 
 to be sent to Knoxville to Captain Chisholm, or, if he was not 
 there, to Ig. Chisholm, the Captain's son. That if the packet ar- 
 rived to the Southward, in the Floridas, it was to be sent up»to 
 the Cherokees, to Captain Chisholm, and if he be absent, it was to 
 be delivered to John Rogers. The bearer was to say he was going 
 into the nation for his health. The paper was not signed, but 
 there were the names of John Rogers, John Pitchlin, Captain Chis- 
 holm, and Ig. Chisholm in it. That I spoke to Pitchlin since on 
 the road about it, and he said he had not heard anything of it. I 
 spoke also to Rogers ; he said it was not worth minding Chisholm. 
 
 Q. 6. " If the Indians act their part, I have no doubt it will suc- 
 ceed." What part Avere the Indians to act? 
 
 A. I cannot say; but on the road I conjectured it was to get 
 the Indians to help the British ; and I talked with Watts and 
 Brown about it, and told them as much. Watts said Chisholm 
 need not come into the nation with such talks — he would not take 
 there. I said we had lost enough already, without meddling in 
 such things. ChisKolm tried to got Brown, wlio is the brotlicr of 
 his Indian wife, to go with him to England. But Watts dis.^uailod 
 him, and he declined it. 
 
 Q. 7. " I believe the plan then talked of will be attempted next 
 fall. You are, however, to understand that it is not quite certain 
 the plan will be attempted, yet you will do avoII to keep things in 
 a proper train for action, in case it should be ;itt('ni})tcd, and to do 
 so will require all your management." 
 
 Tiiis paragraph shows that you have knowledge of the ])lan.and 
 are to keep things in proper train for action ; this shows that vimi 
 are a confidant in the business, and that much reliance is had on 
 your management. 
 
LIFE OF WII.MAM lU.OUNT. 67 
 
 ,1. This sul)Jrct lias never been inentiDiied to me, except as 
 answered in tlie .")tli (question, and the answer to that iiuestioii 
 discloses what 1 know. 
 
 Q. 8. You were advised to send for Ko-^'ers, and speak to him 
 yourself respecting tlie state and prospect of tliin/^'s. This implies 
 a certainty of your knowledge of the i)lan an<l cvi.lcnccs a confi- 
 dence in your co-operation. 
 
 .1. 1 liave no other knowledge of the plan tlian what 1 have 
 comuiunicated. 
 
 Q. 9. '' In short, you understand the subject, and must give out 
 the proper talks, to keep up my consequence with the Creeks and 
 Cherokees." Have you any knowledge of the meaning of this 
 paragraph, and have you ever been applied to, to keep up the 
 consequence of Gov. Blount among the Indians? 
 
 A. Gov. Blount requested me before he left Knoxville to keep 
 oip his name among the Indians and not let tlicm forget him. 
 
 Q. 10. After you saw Captain Chisliolm's communication, did 
 you see Gov. Blount and have any conversation with him on the 
 subject? 
 
 A. Yes. I visited the Governor, and after some conversation, 
 he asked me if I knew what Chisholm was about; damn the fel- 
 low. I do not know where he is. Do you know anything about 
 him ? I answered, yes; and told him he had changed his lodg- 
 ings, and where he then lived. I then asked Gov. Blount what it 
 Avas that Chisholm was upon with the British Minister. He 
 started up his head quickly, and answered, no; Avhat do you 
 mean ? I informed him of the paper shown to me by Chisholm. 
 He asked me if it was signed? I told him, no. He said it was 
 not worth minding him, he is such a sort of a fellow ; say iiothini: 
 about what you have seen. 
 
 Q. 11. After the discovery of the letter, did any person a]>ply to 
 you about the discovery ? 
 
 A. Yes. Col. John ]\IcLellan came here, and asked me to walk, 
 and inquired after the letter I had received from Gov. Blount, and 
 whether it was got? lie then in.piired after the cover, wiiether 
 they got that? I told him the cover was safe. He said, " the 
 discovery was a terrible all'air. You ought to have destroyed tiiC 
 letter. It was, or would be, the best plan that ever was adopted 
 for the benefit of the country. I will try to supi)ort Gov. lilount's 
 character in this country. I have heard Byers and the letter were 
 gone to Philadelphia." Charles McCluug,'Gen. ^^'hite, John and 
 :Samuel McLellan, and AMllie Blount came here some days after 
 
68 LIFE OF AVILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 the foregoing conversation with Col. Jolni ]\IcLellan, probabl}- on 
 the same subject. But Lieutenant Wright had enjoined it on me 
 to hold no conversation with any one, but in his presence. This 
 order I obeyed, and told Col. John McLellan of this order ; that I 
 was glad to see my friends, but could have no private conversa- 
 tion with them. I was ordered also by Lieutenant Wright, either 
 to go over the river while the gentlemen stayed, or be confined ta 
 the garrison. I obeyed, and went, by permission, over the river. 
 
 Q. 12. What did you understand by the offer of Avhiskey to 
 Col. Watts by Gov. Blount ? 
 
 A. The Quakers had spoken to Watts against drinking, and he 
 disliked it, and complained to the Secretary of War. The Secre- 
 tary replied, this now depended with Col. Hawkins. That after 
 this we were at Gov. Blounts, and Watts mentioned the suljject to 
 him in a style of complaint. Gov. Blount laughed and said never 
 mind it; when I come to Knoxville I will send for you, and give 
 you two kegs of whiskey. 
 
 James Carey. 
 
 Sworn before me on the 8th day of July, 1797. 
 
 John McNairy, 
 Judge of the District of Tennessee. 
 
CHAPTER XVIIL 
 
 KJontinuation of the Tediinony — Di'position>> nf Wm. L. Lovclcy — Depo- 
 sition of James Caret/, taken before the Ilontte Cotvmittee, September 
 20, 1797. 
 
 Doe. T. W., No. :>, is tlie Deposition ..f \\'illi;iiii L. I.ovcley, takni 
 at Tellico, before Judge McNairy, July <S, 1797. 
 
 He says that Avlien Carey showed him the letter before he de- 
 livered it up he seemed uneasy about it. He says that Carey had 
 told him before the receipt of the letter from Gov. Blount, that 
 Chisholm had been with the British Minister while in Philadel- 
 phia, on a plan for the reduction of the Floridas, and wanted to 
 get the co-operation of the Indians. 
 
 Doc. T. U., No. 4, is the Dei)osition of James Carey, taken be- 
 fore the House Committee, September 29, 1797. 
 
 Carey d(?poses : 
 
 I am interpreter for the United States to the Cherokee Nation of 
 Indians, and assistant at the public store established at the 
 Tellico Blockhouse, and I reside there at i)resent. For these 
 offices I receive the annual salary of three hundred dollars, besides 
 my board, from the Government of the United States. 
 
 I attended the Cherokees on their visit to Philadelhia last winter. 
 and one day, al)out the last of December, or beginning of Januarv, 
 was invited, with two of the chiefs, John AVatts and John Lang- 
 ley, to dine with Col. Mentges. After dinner, Col. Mentges pro- 
 posed to us to take a walk to the Schuylkill ; Captain Chisholm 
 overtook us in a coach, and invited us to ride with him, which in" 
 vitation we acce})ted after a little hesitation. We stopped at a 
 tavern in the neighl)orhood of the city, and, after taking some 
 wine, we all returned in the carriage with Captain Chisholm, ex- 
 cept Col. Mentges, who preferred walking. After Col. ^lentgcs 
 left us, and on our way home, Chisholm Ix'gaiia conversation nitli 
 me, which, at his request, I rcpeatcil to the Indians who wcr.- with 
 us. He said that he had great jxiwer in liis hand.;, that he was 
 going to England, and sliould return and take the Floridas. As T 
 knew him to l)e a rattling, boasting kind of a man, I laughed at 
 him, and did not much regard what he said. He then told me, 
 if I would not believe him, he would show it to me in writing. 
 Accordingly, when we returned to our lodgings, he took out of 
 
70 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 his trunk four, or five, or six sheets of ^^ilt paper, the whole of 
 which Avas filled with writing in a very pretty hand ; this he said 
 he had leceived from the British Minister, and read to me with 
 such rapidity that I could not distinctly imderstand it. It had 
 neither signature, direction, or address, but purported to be apian 
 for the reduction of the Floridas by a British and Indian force, of 
 which, however, I do not recollect the particulars. It did not 
 specify the number of men or ships that were to be engaged in 
 the expedition ; Gov. Blount's name was nowhere mentioned in 
 it, nor did it contain the names of any persons or parties or asso- 
 ciates in the project, or who were to be desired to join in it ; nor 
 do I remember that it proposed at all to engage any citizens of 
 the United States in the enterprise, or to raise any force for the 
 purpose within the United States. Chisholm was styled " Cap- 
 tain " in the paper, and was to go to England to the British Min- 
 istry with it, or, if he did not go himself, the paper Avas to be sent 
 there, and the answer Avas to be returned to the British Minister 
 at Philadelphia. If Chisholm should not be in Philadelphia 
 Avhen the answer was received, it was to be forwarded by land to 
 Knoxville to him, or, in his absence, to his son, Ig. Chisholm, who 
 was to send it to the Cherokee Nation to his fLither ; or, if his 
 fiither should not l)e there, to deliver it to John Rogers. If the 
 answer should be sent round by the Floridas, it Avas, in like man- 
 ner, to be forwarded to the Cherokee country to Captain Chisholm, 
 or, in his absence, to John Pvogers. This arrangement Avas con- 
 tained in the paper. Chisholm himself said that he Avas going to 
 England to get everything in preparation, and to procure from the 
 Ministry, men and a naval armament ; that the expedition Avas to- 
 come out in a large privateer ; and that on their arrival in the 
 Floridas, he Avas to obtain the assistance of the Indians, and then 
 attack the Spanisli. After Chisholm had read his j^aprr and fin- 
 ished his story. I continued to laugh at him, and express my in- 
 credulity; wlKM-cui)on he said if I still Avould not belieA'e him, I 
 should go Avith him to the British Minister the next morning, and 
 take the Indians Avith me. I told him I had no business Avith the 
 British Minister, and declined going, and so did the Indians. 
 
 Two or three days afterwards, at the request of the widoAV of 
 the Hanging Maw, I Avent to Gov. Blount's lodgings to ask for 
 some money that he owed her. I found him engaged in Avriting,- 
 and alone. On my entrance, he said to me, " Carey, Avhat in the 
 devil has become of Chisholm ; damn the fellow, where is he ?" 
 I replied that he had changed his lodgi%'S. Being thus reminded 
 
LIFK OF Wll.I.IAM lU.Of.NT. 71 
 
 of niishohn. T conchKlcl t<i tell (lov. Hloiiiit wli.it I Ii;i.l li(;ir.l 
 nvul seen. I said to liini, tlu'rct'oiT, "' ( iovfriun'. do Vdu know 
 what this l)usiness is that Carey is updii ■/"" lie instantly raised 
 Ins head eair<'rly iVoni the iiapei- on which lie was writ inii. and 
 h>(»kinii at nie said. •" No, no ; what do yon nu'an. Carey ?"" 1 then 
 tohl him of my eonversati<.n with Chisholm. and of what ( his- 
 liohn had shown me. \\'hen I mmtioned the writin-- I had seen 
 he airain raised his head snddenly. and lookinji at nie as heforo, 
 asked me eauei-ly w lielher that \\ rit in^ was siuned ? I told liim 
 it was not. and then he said. " Pooh, pooh, Carey; you know what 
 a windy. l>lasty fellow Chisholm is, and it is not worth while to 
 take any nu)re notice of it, or say anythin;j; aI)out it."' 
 
 I liad at no time, hel'oi-e or afterwards, any other connnuniea- 
 tion of any kind with Gov. Blount rcdative to this suhject or anv 
 political plan or scheme, until I received frcnn him the letter 
 dated at Col. Kind's Iron Works, April 21, 1797, except that once, 
 in the city of Philadeljihia, last winter, he advised me not to he 
 present at the runnini:- of the line, nor to have anythinfr to do 
 ■with it, as he said it would he a troublesome business, and might 
 occasion the Indians to reflect on me. 
 
 In a short time after these occurrences. I left the city of Phila- 
 delphia with the Indians. At Tellico I mentioned without re- 
 serve to Mr. layers and other gentlemen there what Chisholm 
 had said to me and shown me ; they all seemed to treat the thing 
 very lightly, and to consider Chisholm and his communications as 
 efpially unworthy of attention. I mentioned them also to John 
 Rogers; told him how he was mentioned in the paper, and asked 
 if he knew anything about it : he .said he did not, and that such a 
 fellow as Chisholm was not woith minding. 
 
 After my return to Tellico, on or about the 20tli of May. I wa.? 
 told that James Grant, connnonly called xMajor Grant, wanted to 
 see me. When I met him, he told me he had a letter for me 
 which he wished to deliver to me when we were by ourselves. Wq 
 walked away together some distance, and then he said he had a 
 letter for me from my old friend Gov. P)lount. He delivered it to 
 me, and, on opening it. i fonnil within the same cover, twolettors, 
 one for John Rogers, dated. " Tennessee, Sullivan County. April 
 21, 1797, (Col. King's Iron Works)" the other for me. dated " Col. 
 King's Iron Works, April 21, 1797," both of which letters are 
 now in the possession of the committee. Without attending to 
 the direction, I first opened that whicli was addressed to Rotrers 
 and read down one side, which related to a runaway negi-o fellow, 
 
72 lifp: of william blount. 
 
 before I discovered my mistake. I then began the letter which 
 was directed to me. Major Grant and I were sitting within two 
 or three feet of each other. I read loud enough to be heard by 
 him, and, as I was sometimes at a loss to make out a word, being 
 a poor scholar, he told me what it was, and explained to me and 
 corrected me whenever I blundered as I went on. Wlien I had 
 finished reading it he said to me : " Now, Carey, you must be very 
 careful, as your friend, Gov. Blount puts great confidence in you ; 
 you must observe what he tells you, that when you have read the 
 letter two or three times you are to burn it." He then asked me 
 what I intended to do ; whether I would send the letter to Rogers, 
 or send for Rogers to come to me. I told him I did not know ; 
 perhaps I might write to -Rogers, and if I did I would let him 
 know. He said that people thereabouts thought it all over with 
 Gov. Blount, but he would rise yet ; that if his plan should take 
 place, it would be a great thing for the friends of the business and 
 for the country ; that Gov. Blount would entrust nobody with the 
 letter but him, and that he came to Tellico on purpose to deliver 
 it to me ; that I should receive another letter from Gov. Blount, 
 and that he. Major Grant, would come down again to see me on 
 the subject. I tlien told him that I could not tarry there any lon- 
 ger, as I was wanted at the store. As we returned, he repeated to 
 me that I should be careful, that the business was of great conse- 
 quence, that it would be of much service to his friend, and that 
 Gov. Blount placed great confidence in me. He then returned to 
 Knoxville. 
 
 I kept the letter, Ijut did not know what to do with it or think 
 about it. I had, a few days before, been sworn by Mr. Dinsmoor, 
 to execute my appointments with fidelity to the United States; 
 and I was much embarrassed between my regard for Gov. Blount 
 and what might possibly be my duty in respect to the letter. I 
 consulted jNIayor Lewis Loveley, who is clerk at the store, and 
 showed him the letter. He told me he did not know what to ad- 
 vise, but that I should consider my oath. I took occasion, a few 
 days afterwards, when I was alone with Mr. Byers, to tell liim that 
 I had a strange letter in my possession whicli I did not know 
 what to do al^out. He asked me who it was frou). 1 told him, 
 and promised to sliow it to him the next morning, wliidi I did 
 accordingly; and, on his assurance that it was of ini|M)itanee to 
 the public that it should be disclosed, I gave it to liiin. 
 
 After Byers had brought the letter to Philadelphia, Major Grant 
 came again to Tellico. I was planting corn on the other side of 
 
LIFK OF WILLIAM liLdfNT. 73 
 
 tlie river; lie ami Lieutenant Davidson came over to me. Major 
 Grant took a newsi)aper out of liis i)oeket, read it for me and gave 
 it to me. It contained sometliing about Doublehcad's having been 
 at Philadelphia with Gen. Knox and obtaining a greater indemnity 
 for the Indian country than had ever been sti])ulated. Davidson 
 and Grant entered into an argument abdut it; and then we re 
 turned to the Blockhouse, whither I want<'(l them to take a drink 
 They pursued the horse path and I went on the footpath at some 
 distance from them. In a little while I was met by a soldier, who 
 said there was an express come to the Blockhouse for Lieutenant 
 Davidson and me, and then passed on to inform Davidson. A 
 little furthur on I met another soldier, with a paper for Lieutenant 
 Davidson, which was delivered to him as soon as he came up ; 
 and he then told us that Lieutenant Wright had come to the gar- 
 rison. We crossed the river, and the two Lieutenants entered 
 into discourse, and walked away by themselves. Grant then said 
 to me , he believed he knew what all this bustle was about ; that 
 he had said at Knoxville that he was going into the Indian coun- 
 try, and he supposed Wright had come to stop him. He said also 
 that there was a great stir at Knoxville about something, but he 
 could not make out what. He asked me what I had done with 
 the letter from Mr. Blount. I said it was (/ovr, but did not tell 
 him where, nor did he pursue the question further, but I thought 
 looked very cool upon me. The officers soon returned, and Lieu- 
 tenant Wright continued with me and Major Grant ; and I after- 
 wards understood that his business at Tellico was to follow Major 
 Grant, and prevent him from having any private intercourse with 
 me. Grant, immediately alter taking a drink, left us and returned 
 to Knoxville. 
 
 A few days afterwards, a Col. John ]\IcLellan, of Knoxville, 
 came to Tellico, and called me out, and asked me if I Jiad not re- 
 ceived a letter from Gov, lilount. I said I had. He asked me 
 what were the content.s, and said there was a terrilde to-do aliout 
 it at Knoxville, and that it was rei)orted that Byershad got it from 
 me when I was drunk. I told him it was true that Byers had got 
 it. He repeated his (luestion about the contents. I told him I 
 could not recollect them all. He said it was a damned bad thing that 
 I had let it go. He then asked me if the cover was gone; I said I be- 
 lieved not. He then observed, that he sui)i)Osed the letter was 
 about something relative to Florida. I rei)lied, I supposed it was. 
 He said, he imagined it was to the same purpose as one which he 
 had himself received from Gov. Blount ; but that, by God ! they 
 
<4 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 should not get that from liim ; that he was determined to support 
 Gov. Blount, and so were many others in that country. 
 
 Some days afterwards Charles McClure, General White, Willie 
 Blount, and Colonel McLellan's hrother came to Tellico also along 
 with the Colonel ; but I was desired by Lieutenant \\'right not to 
 hold conversation with any of them except in liis presence. I 
 took, therefore, an early opportunity to mention to Colonel 
 McLellan that I was glad to see my friends, but tliat I Avas not 
 permitted to have any private discourse Avith them. Afterwards, 
 they wanted me to go over the river Avitli them to get fruit ; but I 
 declined, telling them that I Avould go ovct and send them some 
 by the Indians, but that I would not go with them. 
 
 The letter for John Rogers, which was indorsed in the same 
 cover with that I received from Gov. Blount, 1 delivered to Col. 
 Hawkins. 
 
 I never received the letter Avhich is non- produced to me, signed 
 "William Blount," dated Ajml 24, 17U7, and in the handwriting 
 of Gov. Blount and directed to "James Carey, Tellico Blockhouse — 
 Col. King." 
 
 James Carey. 
 
CHArXEll XIX. 
 
 Continuation of the Tctstimonij — Deposition of John lioyers — Deposition 
 of James Grant — Declaration made to the Minister of his Catholic 
 Majesty the King of Spain, by Citizen Mitchell, a resident <f Ten- 
 nessee — Letter from Chisholm to MitehcU. 
 
 Doe. v. W. is tlie Deposition of Jolm Kofiors, taken before the 
 House Committee' September 2U, 17U7. 
 
 lie never received the letter mentioned by Carey as inclosed to 
 liim. He resided in the Creek and Cherokee nations, but held no 
 office or employment of any kind under the United States. Last 
 winter at Philadelphia Chisholm told him he might make his for- 
 tune by going to England. Deponent asked how? Chisholm re- 
 plied that England and Spain were about to be engaged in a war 
 with each other and that P^ngland wished to engage the Southern 
 Indians. I learned afterwards he had been speaking to some of 
 the Indians on the same subject. He made no secret of his pro- 
 ject, but talked of it in a very public manner. He never men- 
 tioned Gov. Blount's name in my liearing. His plan Avas, accord- 
 ing to his own statement, to induce the Britisli Government to 
 send a force into Florida sufficient to garrison Pensacola, New 
 Orleans, &c., and to protect the country against the Spaniards, 
 after the people, assisted perhaps by the Indians, should have 
 risen against them and thrown off' their government. D(|)(inent 
 was little more than an absolute stranger to Gov. Blount. ( )u one 
 occasion the last winter was at Gov. Blount's house, and tlu' Gov- 
 ernor asked him what he thought of Chisholm's going to England. 
 Deponent said he thought it idle talk and that Gov. Blount by his 
 manner seemed to think the same. This was the only mention 
 Gov. Blount ever made to liim of Chisholm. 
 
 The Committee had read to Rogers the following ]>assage from 
 the letter entrusted to Care}' for him. viz : 
 
 "I suppose you know that Cai^tain Cliislioiui iiirormcd me of 
 yours and his objects last winter at Philadelphia. I now tell you 
 that I am induced to believe that plan will go into operation ; and 
 if it was, it will be attended with great success. You will do well 
 to keep things in a train ; but take care and act wisely." 
 
 The foregoing deposition was in answer to the question, what 
 thedeponent knew about this matter. 
 
76 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 Doc. X. Y. is the Depositiou of James Grant, taken liefore the 
 House Committee, September 29, 1797. 
 
 In April last deponent met Governor Blount in Washington 
 County, Virginia, deponent was returning to his home in Knoxville 
 from Hillsboro, N. C. Among other matters talked of Gov. 
 Blount told deponent there was a plan respecting which Chisholm 
 and several of the chiefs had been to see the British ISIinister last 
 winter in Philadelphia." He (Blount) stated this plan to be " a 
 co-operation of the Indians with the British in taking the Floridas, 
 and establishing a British government in the Spanish dominions 
 on the Mississippi, which, he conceived, would be of great utility 
 to the Western country. He said if the plan should go forward, 
 he should be engaged in it ; that he was to use his influence to 
 bring the Indians to act their part, and to conduct them as their 
 military leader on the expedition ; and that he was to be rewarded 
 by some high official situation in the government of the conquered 
 country. He made no direct overture for me to join in the enter- 
 prise ; but said, that if he succeeded, he should have it in his 
 power to handsomely reward his friends." Deponent says, " I 
 understood generally from him that any citizens of the United 
 States who would engage in the enterprise as volunteers should be 
 received and employed." With regard to details, the Governor 
 told deponent no more than that " a naval armament was to be 
 sent from Great Britain, which was to bring out the materials for 
 the enterprise, and which was to be co-operated Avith on the land 
 side, under his direction, by the Indians and such other force as 
 he could engage for the purpose. He spoke of it as an affair not 
 yet matured, but which depended on preliminary circunistances 
 yet to be arranged." On or about May 15, following, as deponent 
 was going from Knoxville to Tollico, Col. James King requested 
 him to take down some letters. Gnc of these was the " Carey let- 
 ter." He delivered the letter and was ))resent when it was read, 
 but did not read it or liear it read ; be lielped Carey when at a los.s 
 about a word. When Carey had iinished reading it lie said, " Yes, 
 I understand it, and will pay attention to it." 
 
 Doc. A B C is '-A eoi)y of a declaration made to the Minister 
 of his Catholic Majesty liy Citizen Mitehel, resident in Tennessee." 
 
 The declaration states that Chisholm had enrolhd a thousand 
 Tennesseans for the descent on the Spanish ])ossessions ; that lie 
 had made a trip through Louisiana and the Floridas and was en- 
 gaging the Creeks and Cherokees in his enterprise ; that he had a 
 list of 1,500 English royalists of the Natchez who would take up 
 
LIFK OF WILLIAM ULolNT. 77 
 
 arms in the enterprise; tliat there was an ex|tc(liti<>n litlin,L' out 
 (.in the hikes of 5UU troops of the line, TOO Canadian mil- 
 itia, and 2,000 Indians under the Chief Brent; that this expedi- 
 tion would descend the Illinois, attack St. Louis, New Madrid, 
 and niarrli upon Santa Fe ; tlial Chisliolni had procured six field 
 pieees, which were i)laeed on the Ti-nnessee river in the hands of 
 one of his agents ; that the Americans were to rendezvous at 
 Knoxville, Jul)' 1st; that Chisholm had gone to London under the 
 authority of Mr. Liston to ask for money and vessels to execute 
 this plan. This declaration was made at Philadcli)hia, July 12, 
 17U7. 
 
 Doc. D E F is a letter from Chisholm to Messrs. Mitchel and 
 Craig, as follows : 
 
 " PiiiLAi>ELi'iiiA, March 17, 175'7. 
 ^'Messrs. Mitchel and CraUj : 
 
 "You will observe that it will he neci'ssary for you lo be in the 
 State of Tennessee on the first day of July next, in order to per- 
 form Avhat we have agreed upon. You may rely on every atten- 
 tion on my part, and everything that Ave have talked of shall be 
 performed agreeable to the existing plan. 
 
 "I am, gentlemen, your very humble servant, 
 
 " John Chisholm." 
 
 The foregoing letter was enclosed with the •' declaration " as an 
 evidence that the declaration was true. The declaration is in the 
 French language, and was made to the Chevalier D'Yrujo. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 ■Continuation of the Testimony — Depositions of John Phillips Ripley — 
 Thomas Odeone and Capt. Eaton — Note from the Spanish Minister 
 indorsing statement of Gen. Elijah Clark, of Georgia, dated No- 
 vember 23, 1797 — Comments on ^^ Citizen MitcheVs " statement — • 
 Statement of Gen. Clarh — Letter from Attorney Harrison to Mr. 
 Pinckney — Letter from N. Webster to Mr. Pinckncy — Anonymous 
 Letter signed H. M. — Letter from Mr. Sitgrcaves to Mr. Pickering 
 — Anonymous Letter from G. II. to Mr. Sitgreaves — Letter from 
 Capt. Eaton — Letter from Wm. Wilcocks to Mr. Pickering — Anon- 
 ymous letter from the ^^ Argus'''' — Letter from Mr. Sitgreaves to Mr. 
 Pickering, andreply — Letter from Mr. Pickering to Mr. Harrison and 
 from Mr. Sitgreaves to Mr. Harrison — Letter from Mr. Harrison to 
 Sitgreaves — Deposition of Abel Holden — Deposition of Gen. Clark — 
 Continuation of the testimony — Letter from the Spanish Minister, 
 the Chevalier D' Yrugo, to Mr. Sitgreaves — Letter from Mr. Ripley 
 to Mr. Sitgrcaves. 
 
 Doc. G H T is the deposition of John Phillips Ripley touch- 
 ing the collateral matter of Captain Eaton withholding informa- 
 tion before alluded to. It is irrelevant, and no importance was 
 attached to it by the Committee. 
 
 Doc. K L M is the deposition of Thomas Odeone u}^on the 
 same matter, upon which the same remark is to l)e made. 
 
 Doc. N P is the deposition of Captain Eaton, exonerating 
 himself from these charges. 
 
 Doc. Q R S is a note from tlie Spanish Minister inclosing a 
 statement made by Gov. Elijah Clark, of (u'orgia, November 28, 
 1797. 
 
 [To judge from the face of the record alone it woidd api)ear 
 that the " declaration of citizen Mitchcl," waK cither a lioax i)ra<- 
 tised upon the credulity of the Spanish iNIinister or a sclieme to 
 get money from him — for it seems he helped Riiiley to money. 
 Nol)ody could ever find out anything about IMitchel's wlicreaboiits, 
 although he was partner in a commercial house. Not one of the 
 '• 1,000 inhabitants of Tennessee " who had been enrolled could 
 be discovered by Mr. Sitgreaves. The " 1,500 English royalists of 
 
LIFK »»1' WILLIAM HLorNT. 79 
 
 NiK'lu'//" were (in(> and all, alike invisible. Nul'o.ly cxcr saw (he 
 *• six iiiehl pii't'es on the Tennessee lliver." No lurlhii' li.^iit was 
 ever thrown upon the expedition of " ")0() Knjilish troojts of the 
 line, 7<)!> Canadian militia, and 2,000 Indians, muler lirent," 
 That the Spanish MinistiT was a man of I'rchlc jud^nient and 
 easy to l)e imposed upon, ajipears iVoin his eonversation with 
 ^Ir. Pickering about a hostile invasion of Louisiana from ("anaila.] 
 
 Doc. Q R S, No 2, is tlu; statement of (lenerul Clark, that a 
 proposition was made to him asking him if he would accept a sal- 
 ary often thousand dollars a year and join the British? This 
 proposition was made " through a ehanml wliieh bound nic (him) 
 to silence if not acquiesced in." lie refused. August *.), 1797. 
 
 Doc. A a is a letter from Attorney Harrison to Mr. Pickering, 
 the principal ])oint in which iscontained in the following sentence: 
 "' I am this moment informed that William Duer, formerly Assist- 
 ant Secretary, is suspected of being privy to this transaction." 
 
 Doc. A b is a letter from N. Webster, Jr.. to Mr. Pickering, in 
 which he informs him that one Dr. Ilieks told him that some 
 person (not named) had told him (Hicks) that he f Hicks' infor- 
 mant) had conveyed letters from Ilomayne to the British Minister. 
 
 Doc. A c is an anonymous letter, signed H. M., written by some 
 illiterate person (to judge from the incorrect spelling of common 
 words) to Mr. Pickering, informing him that Col. Stevenson, of 
 New York, is a bad man and a dangerous character. H. M. says 
 he abuses Mr. Pickering and many other public officers, calling 
 them rascals, scoundrels, and '" vcloas this man is desparty 
 
 Doc. A d is a letter from Chairman Sitgreaves to Mr. Pickering, 
 in which the " suspicion arising from H. M's letter against Col. 
 Stevenson ought to be traced," also that " there are other names 
 besides Mr. Harrison'^5 letter to suppose that Mr. Duer had a pretty 
 full knowledge of the project." He requests that Lord Granville's 
 letter be sent to the Committee. July 13, 1797. 
 
 Doc. A e is an anonymous letter from G. H. to Mr. Sitgreaves, in 
 Avhich the writer says, "One Mitchel to]<l me last winter that his 
 partner knew everything, more than he did." 
 
 Doc. A fis a letter from Captain Eaton to Sitgreaves, stating that 
 he had heard it remarked by a gentleman crossing the ferry at 
 New York, that Dr. Romayne had said " the government of the 
 United States was foundecl in rebellion an<l supi)orted by faction, 
 and that a .s7to/7 tunc would restore things in this country to the 
 political order which existed before; the Revolution." Also that it 
 had transpired from some of B"s confidants that he had said: 
 *•■ One year would make hinj governor of the Natchez." 
 
80 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 Doc. A g is a letter from AVm. Wilcocks to Mr. Pickering, inform- 
 ing him that one Munson Day (or Dey) had told him that there 
 Avas going to be an invasion of the Spanish territories ; that a per- 
 son had gone to England on the business ; that he had his infor- 
 mation from one Mitch el, and that Mitchel had authorized and 
 pressed him to raise forty or fifty young men, all of Avhom would 
 be rewarded. 
 
 Doc. Ah is an anonymous letter in the " Argus " against Dr. 
 Romayne asking him questions, which implied a conspiracy, but 
 making no specific charges and stating no facts. 
 
 Doc. A i is a letter from Sitgreaves to Mr. Pickering stating that 
 the anonymous newspaper article in the Argus ought to be tracked 
 up. 
 
 Doc. A k is a letter from Pickering to Sitgreaves stating that he 
 had written to Attorney Harrison relating to the suspicions against 
 Duer and Stevenson but had not heard from him on the subject. 
 
 Doc. A. 1 is the copy of a letter from Mr. Pickering to Mr. Har- 
 rison upon the same subject. 
 
 Doc. A m is a letter from Sitgreaves to Harrison instructing him 
 to make inquiries of the printer of the " Argus " relative to the 
 author of the anonymous letter in that paper, with a view to ob- 
 taining further information. 
 
 Doc. A n is a letter from Harrison to Sitgreaves, stating that he 
 made inquiries resepecting the anonymous publication, and had 
 " no great authority upon which this communication rests." 
 
 Here follows a document not marked. It is the deposition of 
 Abel Holden, Jr. He says that John Phillips Ripley, nephew to 
 the President of Dartmouth College, had told liim that he had re- 
 ceived two hundred dollars from the Spanish Minister and ex- 
 pected to receive more ; that Ripley had also said that lie was to 
 have had the consulship to Algiers, but that Captain Eaton inler- 
 ferred and prevented it. 
 
 The next document is the deposition of General Clark, of Georgia? 
 March 27, 1798. He says: 
 
 In the month of May, 1797, William Carrick came to his house 
 in Wilkes County, and talked of the existing war between France, 
 Spain and England ; that the day after his arrival he informed 
 deponent that he was a British captain, then from Charleston, 
 Avhere he intended soon to return, by way of Savannah, and see 
 Col. John Mcintosh, and that he Avas authori/x'd by the British 
 Government to offer the deponent a salary of S10,000 a year if he 
 would engage in the British service against the Spaniards and 
 
LIFK OF WILLIAM lU.OrNT. 81 
 
 Frencli. The proposition was oral. TIic scheme was not disdos cd 
 The (,k'i)onent declined the offer. 
 
 Doc. 1 is a letter from the Spanish Minister, D'Yru^'o, to Mr. 
 Sitgreaves, statini; that hehad^never directly orindirectly given orof- 
 fered to give in any way any money or other reward to John Phil- 
 lips Ripley, January 19, 1798. 
 
 Doc. 2 is a letter from Ripley to Sitgreaves, dated .January 10. 
 1798, stating that he applied to the Spanish Minister for moncy^ 
 who recommended him to Mr. Stoughton,the Spanish consul, who, 
 loaned him sufficient money to relieve him from a pressing em- 
 barrassment. 
 
OHAPTEK XXI 
 
 Comments on the Testimony — Report of the Committee on the Testimony. 
 
 The reader has now before him all the evidence taken by the 
 committee relative to the suspicions and charges against Gov. 
 Blount. 
 
 It will be observed that the prosecution was of the most vigor- 
 ous character. It was instituted by Mr. President Adams. The 
 Attorney-General lent active assistance ; the Secretary of War was 
 no less energetic; and Mr. Pickering, Secretary of State, was es- 
 pecially vigilant. Mr. Harrison, United States Attorney for New 
 York, and Mr. Hoffman, Attorney General for that State, assisted; 
 as did Col. Hamilton and Governor Jay. The Chevalier D'Yrugo 
 supplemented their evidences with the arts peculiar to Spanish in- 
 trigue. Not only were all the officials of the Government on the 
 side of the prosecution, but all who hoped for office under Execu- 
 tive favor, contributed to swell the volume of popular clamor. 
 And, finally, the watchful Sitgreaves did not suffer even an anony- 
 mous communication or an abusive newspaper article to remain 
 nntraced. No one will doubt for a moment that the committee 
 prosecuted with vigor — with remarkable vigor. 
 
 Upon this evidence the committee made the following report to 
 the House of Representatives, December 4,-5, 1797. 
 
 House of Repeesextatives, November 30, 1797. 
 
 The Committee, appointed on the 8th day of July last, to pre- 
 pare and report articles of impeachment against William Blount, 
 a Senator of the United States, impeached by this House, of high 
 crimes and misdemeanors ; which Committee, by a resolution of 
 the 10th day of July last, were authorized to sit during the recess 
 of Congress, and were instructed to inquire, and, by all lawful 
 means, to discover the whole nature and extent of the offence 
 whereof the said William Blount stands impeached, and who are 
 the parties and associates therein, make, in pursuance of the lat- 
 ter resolution, the following report : 
 
 The committee having charged themselves with tlu* business to 
 which they were appointed by this House, received, on the 8th 
 day of July, from James Ross, Esq., chairman of a committee of 
 the Senate, a trunk belonging to William Blount, containing a 
 number of papers, Avhich had been seized in pursuance of a reso- 
 lution of the Senate, authorizing its committee to send for persons 
 
LIFK OK WILIJAM HLoUNT. 83 
 
 ■nnd for pajiers. From those j)ai)ers a selection has l)een inade l>y 
 the committee of tlie Seiuite; and the House, having made a fur- 
 ther selection of such as appeared to them to he connected with 
 the oliject of their appointment, returned the residue to the order 
 of William ])lount. The pa})ers retained hy the committee are 
 in the Appendix to this report marked, Nos. 2, 3, 5, G, 7, 8, 10, 11, 
 12, 13, v.), 20, 21, 22, 23, 2G, 28. 
 
 A violent presumjjtion having arisen, from the inspection of the 
 papers referred to, that Nicolas Romayne, of the State of New 
 York, was intimately connected with ^\'illianl lUount in liis crim- 
 inal designs, the committee conceived it to he their (hity to exercise 
 the powers vested in them hy this House, in such manner as to 
 l)revcnt the escape of the said Nicolas Romayne, and efiiectually 
 to secure his person and ]»ai>ers for examination ; they issued, 
 therefore, on the 9th day of July, the warrant in the Api)endix, 
 marked (A ;) and, as it was deemed important to commit the exe- 
 cution of this warrant to a person of intelligence, discretion, and 
 fidelity, the Secretary of State was requested to provide a messen- 
 ger of competent character for the occasion. With a very prompt 
 attention to the wishes of the committee, he assigned this service 
 to Captain AVilliam Eaton, to whom the instructions in the Appen- 
 dix marked (B; were given by the committee ; and the Secretary 
 of State added to them the letters marked (C) and (D). On the 
 12th day of July Captain Eaton returned to Philadeli)hia, 
 with Nicolas Romayne in his custody, and made the rejoort of his 
 proceedings marked (E.) He delivered also to the committee, 
 under seal, a number of papers found by him in the possession 
 of said Romayne, of which such as are supposed to be material 
 are contained in the Appendix, and marked Nos. 1, 4, 18. 24, 2-"), 
 27. The examination of Nicolas Romayne engaged much of the 
 attention of the committee until the 22d of July, when he sub- 
 scribed his deposition (A B,) and, having given bond for liis ap- 
 pearance l)c{bre the Senate on the trial of the impeachment of 
 William Blount, was dismissed from further attendance, and re- 
 ceived, at his i^articular request, the certificate marked (F. ) 
 
 TIk; letter No. 23, found among the jiapers of William IMount, 
 signed James Grant, and dated Knoxville, May 24th, 1797, being 
 supposed to contain the proof that the said James (irant had l>een 
 the confidential bearer of the letter from William Blount to James 
 Carey, communicated to Congress by the President of the United 
 States, on the 3d of July ; it was deemed expedient to adopt the 
 same measures for the seizure of his person and papers, as had 
 
84 ' LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUXT. 
 
 been taken in the case of Nicolas Romayne. Major Thomas Lewis 
 was employed for this puri^osc by the committee, who charged 
 him, on the 11th of July, with tho execution of the warrant 
 marked (G) Pie was further directed to serve on John Rogers 
 and James Carey, respectively, the precepts (H) and (I) requiring 
 their appearance before the committee for examination; which 
 precepts were accompanied with the letter marked (K) from the 
 committee to John Rogers, who resided beyond the jurisdiction of 
 the United States, and with the letters marked (L), (M,) and (N) 
 from the Secretary of War, who readily, at the desire of the com- 
 mittee, co-operated with them in their endeavor to obtain the tes- 
 timony of these witnesses. The instructions to Major Lewis are 
 in the Appendix marked (0.) In the interim, between the de- 
 parture and the return of j\Iajor Lewis, the Secretary of War com- 
 municated to the committee the letters marked (Q) and (R) from 
 Col. David Henly and Benjamin Hawkins, Esq., covering the ex- 
 aminations of James Carey, marked (T U, No. l,)and (TU, No. 2,) 
 taken at Tellico, by directions from the Executive, together with 
 the examination of William M. Loveloy, marked (T U, No. 3,) and 
 the original letter mai-ked in tho Appendix (No. 15.) On the 25th 
 of September, Major Lewis having arrived at Germantown. in the 
 State of Pennsylvania, with James Grant in his custody, and ac- 
 companied by John Rogers and James Carey, made liis report 
 marked (P;) and the depositions of tlie said James Carey, John 
 Rogers and James Grant were, immediately thereafter, taken by 
 the committee, and are hereunto annexed, marked (T U, No. 4,) 
 (V W) and (X Y,) respectivel3^ Before the discharge of Major 
 Grant, he gave bond for his appearance before the Senate on the 
 trial of the impeachment of William Blount. Tlie letters referred 
 to in his deposition, from William Blount to James Carey and 
 Major Loveley, dated April 24, 1797, are marked (No. KV) and 
 (No. 17.) 
 
 To complete the scries of the correspondence between William 
 Blount and Nicolas Romayne, as disclosed by the letters found in 
 their posession, respectivel.y, the letter (No. (1) from Wiv latter to 
 the former, appeared alone to be wanting. Tliis letter, on or about 
 the 13th of July, was received l.y the SecntMry of State in an 
 anonymous letter, which had l)een transmitted by mail, but with- 
 out any post mark otlier than the word " Free."' The anonymous 
 letter and a translation of it are subjoined to the Api)endix, 
 marked (No. 9, A.) 
 
LTFK OF WILLIAM lU.OUXT. 85 
 
 The committoe luiviiv^ received infonnation tliat John Chisliolin, 
 named in the letter from Williiuu Blount to Jiimes Carey, whieii 
 gave rise to the present inquiry, liail sailed tVoni Philadelj)hia in a 
 vessel belontjinsj: to or chartered hy Mr. \\'illiaiii Davy, a mcrcliant 
 of that city, requested the attendance of Mr. Davy for examina- 
 tion, lie waited on the conunittee agreealily to their desire ; and, 
 iifter expressing consideraMe t mharrassmcnt from ]ieculiar cir- 
 cumstances attendant on Ids situation, with some reluctance, made 
 the deposition (C. D.) Mr. Davy has since communicated to the 
 committee the extract of a letter from his brother in London, 
 which is subjoined to his deposition, and marked (C D, No. 2.) 
 
 The disclosure made by Davy led to the examination of George 
 Fisher, contained in his deposition' (E F.) The suspicion, excited 
 by the latter part of this deposition, was traced liy the committee, 
 and satisfactorily removed by tlie testimony of William Ik'll, Ap- 
 pendix (G II.) The communication from the h^ecretary of State, 
 of the 20th July, marked (I K) is connected with, and explana- 
 tory of, the subject matter of their depositions, and of the letter 
 from Robert Liston, Esq., the Minister Plenipotentiary of his 
 Britanic Majesty, to Nicolas Romayne. found among the papers o^ 
 the latter, dated Philadelphia, 28th April. 17'.»7. Appendix (No. 
 
 IS.) 
 
 With relation to the i^aper (No. 2S) found in the possession of 
 "William Blount, endorsed by him, " Judge Turner, Memo, of forcC) 
 etc." GeorgeTurner, Esq., late one of the Judges of the territory of 
 the United States Northwest of the River Ohio, was interrogated 
 by the committee, and the result is contained in his deposition, 
 Appendix ( L M. ) 
 
 In the course of the investigation entrusted to the eomniittee, a 
 number of persons were examineil. whose testimony in many 
 instances proved to be immaterial. It was thought proper to take 
 the depositions of Elisha B. Hopkins, Charles Buxton, and John 
 Franklin, which arc herewith rej^orted — Ap|)endix (N O.) (P Qj 
 iind ( R S. ) 
 
 On the 13th of July, the Chevalier D'Vrujo, the Minister Pleni- 
 potentiary of his Catholic Majesty, called on the committee and 
 made the communications, in the A|)i)endix marked fA B C) (D 
 E F. ) In consequence of these communications the committee 
 immediately dispatched, by mail, to Major Lewis, their messenger 
 to the State of Tennessee, the letter. Appendix (S,) covering a 
 Bubpcena for Mitchel, named in the said communication. Ma- 
 jor Lewis has informed the committee, since his return, that lie 
 
Ob LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 received the letter and subpoena, but that his most diligent inqui- 
 ries were unavailing to discover the person described in them. 
 
 On the 24th of July, the Chevalier D'Yrujo again called up- 
 on the committee, and introduced to them John Phillips Ripley, 
 Avho delivered a paper containing the information afterwards in- 
 cluded in his deposition (G H I.) On the succeeding day, the 
 Chevalier D'Yrujo presented to the committee, Thomas Odiorne, 
 Avho afterwards made the deposition, (K L M.) Although there 
 was an appearance of irregularity in the medium adopted by these 
 persons for making their communications to the committee ; and al- 
 though the committee at that time possessed satisfactory evidence 
 that the statement made in these depositions were incorrect, so far 
 as related to the essential objects of investigation and inquiry, 
 and although it was not very material whether the mistake pro- 
 ceeded from the misrepresentation of Captain Eaton, or the mis- 
 apprehension of the witnesses, or from worse motives, it was 
 nevertheless conceived to be the duty of the committee, in justice 
 to the persons named in these depositions, to ol)tain an explana- 
 tion from Captain Eaton, of the facts asserted in them. On this 
 subject the House is referred to the letters marked in the Appen- 
 dix (T,) (U,) CV), (W) and to the deposition (N P) and for fur- 
 ther evidence connected lierewith, to the report of Captain Eaton, 
 before mentioned (E,) and the letter from Richard Harrison, Esq., 
 Attorney of the United States for the District of New York, to tlie 
 Secretary of State, (E, No. 2.) It is proper to add that the cau- 
 tion given by Col. Pickering to Captain Eaton, was intimated to 
 him by request of the committee, who were apprehensive that an 
 indiscreet and premature disclosure of evidence might increase 
 the difficulty of further discovery. 
 
 The letter from Captain Eaton to Col. Hogdon, alluded to in 
 the deposition of the former, is on the files of the committee, and 
 corroborated his narrative. 
 
 On or about the 6th of Octoljcr the Secretary of ^\'ar trans- 
 mitted to the committee the letters in the Appendix (No. 11, A) 
 and (No. 11, B) from Jobn Chisholm to Col. John McKee and 
 John Rogers, respectively, dated March 17, 171>7. 
 
 On the 23d of November the Minister Plenipotentiary of His 
 Catholic jNIajesty sent to the committee the note of that date (Q 
 R S) covering the letter (Q R S, No. 2) from Elijah Clark to the 
 Spanish consul, at Charleston, South Carolina, dated August 9,. 
 1797. It is obvious that this communication has been made too late- 
 to enable the committee to pursue the investigation of its contents^ 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM RLOINT. 87 
 
 A larjie package of the circular letters (No. 2U) was intercepted 
 aiul delivered to tiie coiuinittee ; some of these letters were directed 
 to various persons in Teiniessee; others were Inldrd without any 
 address. 
 
 The committee have supposed it to he their duty to sul^mit to 
 the House, in addition to the exhihits hereinheforc referred to, the 
 correspondence contained in the Appendix (A n) to (A U) inclu- 
 sive, on account of its connection with the ohject of their appoint- 
 ment ; althou<i;h a i)art of these communications, heing anony- 
 mous, could not form the basis of any further proceedings ; and 
 altiiough where further investigation was attempted, it failed of 
 producing satisfactory information. The letters (A a,) (A b,) (A 
 c), (A g) appear to be addressed to the Secretary of State, and 
 were delivered by him to the committee. 
 
 The committee in presenting to the consideration of the House 
 this succinct narrative of their proceedings, together with the 
 evidence collected by tluin and the correspondence annexed, be- 
 lieve that they suflicicntly lullill the duty assigned to them, with- 
 out anticipating, by their own inferences or observations, the 
 judgment of the House on the whole matter. It is to be regretted 
 that some suggestions still remain unexplained, or that any part 
 of the subject should continue in obscurity ; but the committee 
 have done all in their power for the discovery of the truth, with- 
 out incurring a greater expense than the probability of success 
 was deemed to warrant. And this report is respectfully submitted 
 as the best practicable result of their earnest endeavors. 
 November 30, 1797. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Mr. Sltgreavei' motion — Mr. McDowell, of North Carolina, on the Sth 
 of January calls up the matter, but Mr. Sitgreaves being absent it 
 was further postponed — Mr. McDowell renews his motion on Jan- 
 uary IQth, but Mr. Sitgreaves being absent, no action is taken — On 
 the nth Mr. Sitgreaves appeared — The Articles of Impeachment 
 read on the 29th of January — Iheir full text. 
 
 After the report and documents had been read, Mr. Sitgreaves 
 said : " It had been usual upon extraordinary and important oc- 
 casions, to have printed more copies of papers than the usual 
 number ; he thought this was one of those occasions and moved 
 that six hundred copies might be printed." 
 
 The motion ^vas agreed to, and the report and documents were 
 ordered to lie on the table. 
 
 The matter lay over until the Sth of January, when Mr. Mc- 
 Dowell, of North Carolina, called it up, stating that there was 
 great agitation of the public mind respecting it, and concluded by 
 introducing a resolution directing the committee to report articles 
 of impeachment. 
 
 It appearing from the journals, however, that ISIr. Sitgreaves 
 had leave of absence, the resolution of Mr. McDowell was ordered 
 to lie on the table. 
 
 Again, on Tuesday, January 16, Mr. jMcDowell rose and renewed 
 his motion. He would not agree to any further delay. He spoke 
 of the promptness with which the House had acted at the com- 
 mencement of this business. No sooner had Mr. Blount's letter 
 been laid before them Ihan he was impeached. That committee 
 had made a report, but no further step had yet been taken. What 
 were the motives of the ccmmittee he could not tell ; they per- 
 haps tliought they had done their duty. He thought the House 
 was bound to the country to proceed with the business, and that 
 they were incurring censure every hour which they neglected it. 
 
 Mr. Sitgreaves still being absent, the decision of the question 
 was postponed till the following Thursday. On Wednesday, the 
 17th, Mr. Sitgreaves was present, and said he would not go into 
 the reasons for the delay, but would state that the committee 
 would report the Articles of Impeachment in two or three days. 
 
LIKE OF WILLIAM BLulNT. 89 
 
 On ^londay, the 29th of January, 1790, tlic Arlick'S of Impeach- 
 ment were presented to the House. 
 
 In moving to take up the Articles, Mr. Sitgreavcs made tlie fol- 
 lowing important statement, to wit: 
 
 '' It would be seen that the Articles were predicated upon the 
 single letter of William Blount to James Carey, which was com- 
 municated to the House by the President of the United States." 
 
 The Articles of Impeachment are tlie following, viz : 
 
 Articles exhibited by tlie Iluu.se of Ixeprescatativcfs of the Vnitcd Slates, 
 in the name of themselves and of all the people of the United States, 
 against William Blount, in the maintenance of their impeachment 
 against him for high crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 Article 1. That, whereas, the United States, in the months of 
 February, March, April, May and June, in the year of our Lord 
 one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and for many 
 years then past, were at peace with His Catholic Majesty, the 
 King of Spain ; and, whereas, during the months aforesaid, His 
 said Catholic Majesty and the King of Great Britain were at war 
 with each other; yet, the said William Blount, on or about 
 the months aforesaid, then being a Senator of the United States, 
 and well knowing the premises, but disregarding the duties and 
 obligations of his high station, and designing and intending to 
 disturb the peace and tranquility of the United States, and to 
 violate and infringe the neutrality thereof, and conspire, and con- 
 trive to create, promote, and set on foot within the jurisdiction 
 and territory of the United States, and to conduct and carry on 
 from thence, a military hostile expedition against the territories 
 and dominions of His said Catholic Majesty in the Floridas and 
 Lousiana, or a part thereof, for the purpose of wresting the same 
 from His Catholic Majesty, and of conquering the same for the 
 King of Great Britain, with whom His said Catholic Majesty was 
 then at war as aforesaid, contrary to the duty of his trust and 
 station as a Senator of the United States, in violation of the obli- 
 gations of neutrality, and against the laws of the United States, 
 xmd the peace and interests thereof. 
 
 Article 2. That, whereas, on the twenty-seventh day of October, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand seven liundrcd and ninety- 
 five, a Treaty of Friendship, Limits, and Navigation had been 
 made and concluded between the United States and His 
 Catholic Majesty, l)y the Fifth Article whereof it is stipu- 
 
90 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 lated and agreed, " that the two liigh contracting parties 
 shall, by all the means in their poAver, maintain peace and har- 
 mony among the several Indian nations who inhabit the coun- 
 try adjacent to the lines and rivers, Avhicli. hy the preceding arti- 
 cles, form the boundaries of the two Floridas ; and the better to 
 obtain this effect, both parties oblige themselves expressly to re- 
 strain by force all hostilities on the part of the Indian nations 
 living within their boundary, so that Spain will not suffer her In- 
 dians to attack the colrmics of tlic United States, nor the Indians 
 inhabiting her territory ; nor will the United States permit these 
 last-mentioned Indians to commence liostilities against subjects of 
 His Catholic ^lajesty or iiis Indians, in any manner whatever ;"' 
 yet, the said William Blount, onor aliout tlic months of February, 
 March, April, May and Jum'. in tlic year of our Lord one thou- 
 sand seven hundred and ninety-seven, then being a Senator of the- 
 United States, and well knowing the ])remises, and that the United 
 States were then at peace with His said Catholic Majesty, and that His 
 Catholic Majesty was at war with the King of (Jrcat Britain, but 
 disregarding the duties of his high station, and tlie stipulations of 
 the said treaty, and the obligations of neutrality, did conspire and 
 contrive to excite the Creek and Cherokee Nations of Indians, then 
 inhabiting within the territorial boundai-y of the United States,, 
 to commence hostilities against the sul)jects and ]>ossessions of His 
 Catholic Majesty, in the Floridas and Lousiana, ibr the purpose of 
 reducing the same to the dominion of the King of Great Britain^ 
 Avith whom His Catholic Majesty was then at War as aforesaid; 
 contrary to the duty of his trust and station as a Senator of the 
 United States, in violation of the said treaty of Friendship, Limits, 
 and Navigation, and of the obligations of neutrality, and against 
 the laws of the United States, an<l the peace and interests 
 thereof: 
 
 Akticlk .3. That, whereas, by the ordinances and acts of Con- 
 gress for regulating tratlc and intercourse with the Indian trilies, 
 and for preserving ])cace in the ii( nti( is. it 1:; s lien made lawful 
 for the President of the United Stat( s. in order to secure the con- 
 tinuance of the friendshi|i of the said Indian irihes, to appoint 
 such persons, from time to time, as tt inpoiaiy. agents, to reside 
 among the Indians, as he shall think lit : ainl ^\h(reas, in pursu- 
 ance of the said authority, the President of the I'nittd States, on 
 or about the eighth day of Se])teniber, in the year of our Lord 
 one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, did ai)point Benja- 
 
LIFK OF WH.I.IAM r,I,()UNT. 91 
 
 mill Hawkins, to be the priiuipal tciuitoraiy af^ent for Indian af- 
 fairs, within tlie nations sonth of the river Oliio, and north of the 
 territorial line of the Initcd States; and whereas the said Benja- 
 min Hawkins aeeri>tcd tin- said aii].(iiutment, and on the 21st 
 day t>f Ai)ril, in the year of onr Lord one thousand seven hun- 
 dred and ninety-si'ven, and for a long time Ijefore and afterwards, 
 did exi-reise the funetions, powers and duties attached to the 
 same ; yet the said William Bhnmt, on or al^out tlie said twenty- 
 first day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
 hundred and ninety-seven; then being a Senator of the United 
 States, and well knowing the premises, did, in the prosecution of 
 his criminal designs and of his conspiracies aforesaid, and the 
 more etlectually to accomplish his intention of exciting the Creek 
 and Cherokee Nations of Indians to commence hostilities against 
 the subjects of His Catholic Majesty, further conspire and contrive 
 to alienate and divert the confidence of the said Indian tribes or 
 nations from the said Benjamin Hawkins, the principal temporary 
 agent aforesaid, and to diminish, impair, and destroy the influ- 
 ence of the said Benjamin Hawkins with the said Indian tribes, 
 and their friendl}' intercourse and understanding with him, con- 
 trary to the duty of his trust and station as a Senator of the 
 United States, and tlu' jicacc and inte-rcsts thereof. 
 
 Article 4. That, whereas, by the ordinances and acts of Con- 
 gress aforesaid, it is made lawful for the President of the United 
 States to establish trading houses at such places and posts on the 
 ■western frontiers, or in the Indian country, as he shall judge most 
 convenient, for the purpose of carrying on a liberal trade with the 
 several Indian nations within the limits of the United States, and 
 to appoint an agent at each trading house established as aforesaid^ 
 with such clerks and assistants as maybe necessary for the execu- 
 tion of the said acts : And. wlioicas, by a treaty made and conclu- 
 ded on the second "lay of -luly. iu the year of our Lord, one thou- 
 sand seven hunelred and ninety-one, l)etwecn the United States 
 and the Cherokee Nation of Indians, inhal)iting within the limits 
 of the United States, it is stipulated and agreed, tlnit '* the United 
 States will send such, and so many persons to reside in said na- 
 tion, as they may judge proper, not exceeding four, who shall 
 qualify themselves to act as interpreters." And, whereas, the 
 the President of the United States, as well in pursuance of the 
 authorities in this article mentioned, as of the acts of Congress 
 referred to in the third article, did ai)point James Carey to be in- 
 terpreter of the United States to tlie Cherokee nation of Indians, 
 
92 LIFK OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 to assist at the public trading house estabhshed at the Tellico 
 Blockhouse in the State of Tennessee. And, whereas, the said 
 James Carey did accept the said appointments, and on the twenty 
 first day of April, in the year last aforesaid, the said William Blount 
 then being a Senator of the United States, and well-knowing the prem- 
 ises, did, in prosecution of his criminal designs, and in furtherance of 
 his conspiracies aforesaid, conspire and contrive to induce the said 
 James Carey from the duty and trust of his said appointments, and to 
 engage the said James Carey to assist in the promotion and exe- 
 cution of his said criminal intentions and conspiracies aforesaid, 
 contrary to the duty of his trust and station as a Senator of the 
 United States, and against the laws and treaties of the United 
 States, and the peace and interests thereof. 
 
 Article 5. That, whereas, certain tribes or nations of Indians 
 inhabit within the territorial limits of the United States, between 
 whom, or many of them, and the settlements of the United States cer- 
 tain boundary lines have, by successive treaties, been stipulated and 
 agreed upon, to separate the lands and possessions of the United 
 States, and the citizens thereof; and, whereas, particularly, by 
 the treaty in the last article mentioned, to have been made with 
 the Cherokee Nation, on the second day of July, in the year of 
 our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, the boun- 
 dary line between the United States and the Cherokee Nation was 
 agreed and defined ; and it was further stipulated, that the same 
 should be ascertained and marked plainly by three persons ap- 
 pointed on the part of the United States, and three Cherokecs on 
 the part of that nation ; and, whereas, by another treaty made 
 with the said Cherokee Nation, on the 26th day of June, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, 
 the said hereinbefore recited treaty of the second day of July, in 
 the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, 
 was confirmed and establislied, and it was mutually agreed that 
 the said boundary line should be actually ascertained and marked 
 in the manner prescribed by the said last mentioned treaty ; and. 
 whereas, in pursuance of the said treaties, Commissioners Avere 
 duly nominated and appointed on tbe part of the United States, 
 to ascertain and mark ihe said boundary line : yet the said Wil- 
 liam Blount, on or about the said twciity-lirst •lay of April, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousand seven hundiH^l and ninety-seven, 
 then being a Senator of the United Stati's, and well knowing the 
 premises, in further pro.seeution of his said criminal designs and 
 
LIFE OF \VII.I.T.\>[ ISLOUNT. 
 
 93 
 
 of liis conspiracies aforesaid, and ihc more eflVctually to accom- 
 plish his intention of exciting the said Indians to commence hos- 
 tilities against the subjects of His Catholic Majesty, did further 
 conspire and contrive to diminish and impair the confidence of 
 the said Cherokee Nation in the Government of the United States, 
 and to create and foment discontents and disaffection amongst the 
 said Indians towards the Government of tlie United States, in re- 
 lation to the ascertainment and making of the said boundary 
 line, contrary to the duty and trust of his station as a Senator of 
 the United States, and against the peace and interests thereof. 
 
 And the House of Representatives, by protestation, saving to 
 themselves the liberty of exhibiting, at any time hereafter, any 
 further articles, or other accusation or impeachment against the 
 said William Blount, and also of replying to his answers which 
 he shall make unto the said Articles, or any of them, and of offer- 
 ing proof to all and every of the aforesaid Articles, and to all and 
 every other Articles, impeachment or accusation, which shall be 
 exhibited by them, as the case shall require, to demand that the 
 said ^^'illiam Blount may be put to answer the said crimes and 
 misdemeanors, and that such proceedings, examinations, trials, 
 and judgments, may be thereupon had and given as are agreea- 
 ble to law and justice. 
 
 The Articles were agreed to. 
 
CHAPTER XXIIl. 
 
 luimes of the managers of the Impeachment — The managers present 
 the Articles of Impeachment on February 7th — Debate on Mode of 
 Procedure^ and resolutions adopted — Mr. Livermore^s resolutions — 
 Committeeappointed to report on Mode of Procedure — Report adop- 
 ted, by a vote of 22 to 5 — Mr. Sitgreaves' remarks on receipt of 
 Senate proceedings — A conference between the two Houses — Mr. 
 Ross reports from the Managers. 
 
 The managers of the Impeachment on the part of the House 
 were elected by ballot, and consisted of Messrs. Sitgreaves, Bay- 
 ard, Harper, Gordon, Pinckney, Dana, Sewall, Hosmer, Dennis, 
 Evans and Tenlay. Mr. Baldwin was elected, but declined to 
 serve. 
 
 On Wednesday, February 7th, the Managers were introduced to 
 the Senate and presented the Articles. 
 
 After some debate as to the mode of proceeding in cases of im- 
 peachment generally, it was, on Friday, Dth, 
 
 Resolved, That the Senate should l)e constituted a Court for the 
 trial of impeachments by taking the following oath, viz : 
 
 I, , solemnly swear (or affirm, as the case may be) that 
 
 in all things appertaining to the trial of the impeachment of 
 
 , I will do impartial justice according to law. 
 
 This oath or aflinnation was to 1)0 adininisteved by the Secretary 
 to the President of the Senate, and by the Pi'esiJent to each mem- 
 ber of the Senate. 
 
 On Tuesday, February 15, Mr. Livermore moved in the Senate 
 that a committee be appointed to consider and report what mea- 
 sures ought to be taken in regard to said impeachment preferred 
 by the House of Representatives against ^Mlliam Blount. It Avas 
 agreed that the motion lie for consideration. 
 
 On Tuesday, February 20th, the Senate took up the motion made 
 by Mr. Livermore on the lotli. 
 
 Whereupon, Ordered, That Messrs. Livermore, Poss, and Stock- 
 ton, be a committee to consider and report the same. 
 ' On Thursday, February 22d, the committee reported in part ; 
 and the report, which, being amended, reads as follows : 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM IILOUXT. 95 
 
 " The committee to whom was recommitted the rci)ort of the 
 ■committee appointed to jn-epare rules of proceeding'in the case 
 of the impeachment against William jilount, report, in part, that 
 a writ of summons issue, directed to the said William Blount, in 
 the form following : 
 " United States of America : 
 
 " The Senate of the United States of Anurica to William Blount, 
 late a Senator of the United States for the State of Tennessee, 
 greeting : Whereas, the House of Representatives of the United 
 States of America did, on the 7th day of July last ])ast, in their 
 own name and in the name of all the people of the United States, 
 impeach you, tiie said William Blount, charging you with high 
 crimes and misdemeanors hefore the Senate of the United States: 
 And, whereas, the said House of Representatives did, on the 7th 
 day of Fobruary, of the present, year, exhibit to the Senate their 
 Articles of Impeachment against you, the said William Blount, 
 charging you with crimes and misdemeanors, therein specially 
 set forth, (a true copy of which Articles of Impeachment is an- 
 nexed to this writ) and did demand that you, the said William 
 Blount, should be put to answer the said crimes and misdemean- 
 ors ; and that sucii i)roceedings, examinations, trials and judg- 
 ments might be thereiore had, as are agreeable to law and justice, 
 j'ou, the said William Blount, are, therefore, summoned to be and 
 appear before the Senate of the United States of America, at their 
 Chamber, in the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylva- 
 nia, on the third Monday of December next, at the hour of eleven 
 of that day, then and there to answer the said Articles of Im- 
 peachment, and then and thereto abide by, obey and perform, such 
 orders and judgments as the Senate of the United States shall 
 make in the premises, according to the Constitution and Laws of 
 the said United States. And herein you are no wise to fail. AVit- 
 ness, the Hon. Thomas Jefferson, Esq., Vice Presidentof the United 
 States of America, and President of the Senate thereof, at the 
 city of Philadelphia, the first day of March, in the year of our 
 Lurd 179S, and of the indcpondencc of the United States, the 
 twenty-second. 
 
 " Which summons shall be signed by the Secretary of the 
 Senate. 
 
 " That the said summons shall be served on the said William 
 Blount by the Sergeant-at-Arms of this House, or a special mes- 
 senger, who shall leave a true copy of the writ and the Articles 
 annexed with the said William Blount, il he can be found, show- 
 
96 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 ing him the original ; or at the several places of residence of the 
 said William Blount, if he cannot be found. Which messenger 
 shall make return of the writ of summons, and of his proceedings 
 in virtue thereof, to the Senate, on the appearance day therein 
 mentioned. 
 
 "And that a message be sent to the House of Representatives, 
 giving information that the Senate have directed the said writ to 
 be issued, and of the day mentioned therein for the appearance of 
 the said William Blount." 
 
 The report was agreed to; yeas, 22, nays 5. Messrs. Anderson 
 and Jackson, Senators from Tennessee, both voted in the nega- 
 tive. 
 
 On March 2d these proceedings were reported to the House. 
 Whereupon, Mr. Sitgreaves gave his reasons for thinking, that the 
 return day of the writ of summons should be made to the jDresent 
 session. He said: ''He did not know how the demand from this 
 House ought to be made for the appointment of an earlier day in 
 the summons ; but he thought it would be well to commit the 
 message to a select committee ; which committee, if the House 
 thought proper, might be. the managers of the Impeachment." 
 
 On April 6th, Mr. Sitgreaves, on behalf of the managers, intro- 
 duced a resolution that a conference be desired Avith the Senate, 
 and that the managers of the Impeachment be the managers for 
 the House at the j)roposed conference ; that the object of this con- 
 ference was to request the Senate to make the return day of the 
 summons to fall during the present session of Congress. 
 
 The resolutions were adopted. 
 
 On April 16th, Mr. Ross, from the managers ai)pointed l)y the 
 Senate, reported a resolution : 
 
 " That it is not, at this time, expedient to alter the return day of 
 the summons." 
 
 Which was agreed to. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 The Senate^ on December 17, 1798, resolved itself into a Ilit/h Court of 
 Impeachment for the trial of William Blount — Mr. Blount was 
 called, and did not answer — On the next day Jared Lujersol and 
 A. J. Dallas ivere admitted by the Court as Counsel for Mr. Blount 
 — Mr. Ingcrsol malrs his plea — Its full text — Mr. Bayard's rcpli- 
 catiua — Its fall tc.ct. 
 
 On Docombcr 17, 1798, the Senate of the United States fuiniecl 
 itself into a High Court of Impeachment for the trial of William 
 Blount. 
 
 James Mathers, Sergeant-at-arms of the Senate, made return 
 under oath that he had executed his process by reading a copy of 
 the writ of summons to William Blount and also by leaving a 
 copy at his place of residence of Avhich he informed the said Wil- 
 liam Blount. 
 
 By order of the President tlie Sergeant-at-arms of the Senate 
 made proclamation in the following words : 
 
 " Hear ye ! Hear ye ! Hear ye ! William Blount, late a Sen- 
 ator from the State of Tennessee, come forward and answer the 
 Articles of Impeachment exhibited against you l>y the House of 
 Ixe[)resentatives." 
 
 William Blount not ai)pearing, tlic Court adjourned to 12 o'clock 
 the next day. 
 
 December IStli Jared Ingerscd and A. J. Dallius wereadjnitted by 
 the Court to appear as the defendant's counsel. 
 
 On motion, the managers of the Impeaclimcnt were allowed 
 until the 24th to make further preparations. 
 
 .Deceml)er 24th, the managers of the Impeachment moved that 
 the counsel for the deponent be required to produce their powers 
 of attorney to appear for tlie defence. 
 
 The Court ruled that it was not necessary to i)roduce any sucli 
 authority, as the counsel had already been admitted. 
 
 Whereupon Mr. Ingcrsol made the following jilca, which was 
 read by the Secretary : 
 
 " Lv THK SkNATK of the r.MTKD StATKS, 
 
 •• December 24, 1798. 
 " The aforesaid William Blount, saving and reserving to him- 
 self all exceptions to the imperfections and uncertainty of the Ar- 
 
98 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 tides of Impeachment, by Jared Ingersol and A. J. Dallas, bis 
 attorneys, comes and defends tbe force and injury, and says that 
 he, to the said Articles of Impeachment preferred against him by 
 the House of Representatives of the United States, ought not to 
 be compelled to answer, because he says, that the eighth article of 
 certain amendments of the Constitution of the United States, having 
 been ratified by nine States, after the same was, in a Constitutional 
 manner, proposed to the consideration of the several States in the 
 Union, is of equal obligation wdth the original Constitution, and 
 now forms a part thereof, and that by the same article it is de- 
 clared and provided that "In all criminal prosecutions, the ac- 
 cused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an im- 
 partial jury of the State and District wherein the crime shall 
 have been committed, which district shall have been previously 
 ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of 
 the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, 
 to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
 and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. 
 
 " That proceedings by impeachment are provided and per- 
 mitted by the Constitution of the United States, only on charges 
 of bribery, treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanors, al- 
 leged to have been committed by the President, Vice President, 
 and other civil officers of the United States, in the 
 execution of their offices held under the United States, as appears 
 by the fourth section of the second article, and by the seventh 
 clause of the third section of the first article, and other articles 
 and clauses contained in the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 " That although true it is, that he, the said William Blount, was 
 a Senator of the United States from the State of Tennessee, at the 
 several periods in the said Articles of Impeaciiment referred to ; 
 vet, that he, the said William Blount, is not now a Senator, and is 
 not, nor was at the several periods, so as aforesaid referred to, an 
 officer of the United States ; nor is he, the said William Blount, in and 
 by the said articles charged with having connnitted any crime or 
 misdem6anor, in the execution of any civil officp held under the 
 United States, or with any malconduct in civil office, or abuse of 
 any public trust, in the execution thereof. 
 
 "That the Courts of Common Law, of a criminal jurisdictioii. 
 of the States, wherein the offences in the said articles recited are 
 said to have been committed, as well as those of the United States, 
 are competent to the cognizance prosecution, and punishment, of 
 the said crimes and misdemeanors, if the same have been perpe - 
 
LIKK Ol' WILLIAM lU.or.NT. 99 
 
 trated, as is sujri^estctl and cliarircd hy tlif said artidrs, wliidi, 
 however, he utterly denies. All whieli the said William is ready 
 to verify, and i)rays jud^nnent whether this Ilijih Court will have 
 further eoij;nizanee of this suit, and of the said impeachment, and 
 whether he, the said William, to the said Articles of Impeach- 
 ment, so as aforesaid preferred by the House of llepresentatives of 
 the United States, ought to be compelled to answer. 
 
 "Jaukd Ingkrsol, 
 
 ''A. J. Dallas." 
 Jamaky 3, 1799. 
 
 To the foregoinof plea Mr. Bayard, chairman of the managers on 
 the part of the House, made replication as follows : 
 
 "The House of Representatives of the United States, prosecuting, 
 on behalf of themselves and the people of the United States, the 
 Articles ot Impeachment exhil)ited ])y them to the Senate of the 
 United States against the said William Blount, reply to the plea 
 •of the said William Blount, and say. that the niatlrrs alleged in 
 the said plea are not sufficient to exempt the said \\'illiam Blount 
 from answering the said Articles of Impeachment, because they 
 say that, by the Constitution of the United States, the House of 
 Representatives had power to i)refer the said Articles of Impeach- 
 ment, and that the Senate have full and the sole power to try the 
 same. Whereupon they demand that the plea aforesaid, of the 
 said William Blount, be not allowed, but that the said William 
 Blount be compelled to answer the said Articles of Impeachment. 
 Signed by order and on 1)clialf of the House, 
 
 '' JoNATirAN D.^YTON, Speaker.'^ 
 
 Mr. Ingersoll rejoined as follows : 
 
 " And the aforesaid William Blount, by Jared Ingersol and A. 
 J. Dallas, his attorneys, says that the matter by him betbre alleged, 
 Avhich he is ready to verify, is sufficient reason in law to show that 
 this Court ought not to hold jurisdiction of the said impeach- 
 ment and the Articles therein set fortli ; which said matter so as 
 aforesaid by him alleged, the said House of Representatives not 
 having denied or made answer thereto, he prays the judgment of 
 this honorable Court, whether they will hold ftirther jurisdiction 
 of the said impeachment, or take cognizance thereof, and whether 
 the said William Blount shall make further ansv/er thereto. 
 
 ''Jaukd Ingkrsoll, 
 
 "A. J. Dallas." 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Comments—Sijnopsis of Mr. Bayard's Argument— Mr. Dallas replies 
 to Mr. Bayard — Synojms of his Argument — Mr. IngersoVs Argu- 
 ment — Mr. Harper's Argument. 
 
 It will be seen from the pleadings that the plea went to the jud- 
 isdiction of the Court ; that issue was joined on a pure question 
 of law, and that the merits of the ease were in no wise rclavant 
 to the decision. 
 
 By agreement, Mr. Bayard first addressed the Court. 
 
 Mr. Bayard first took up the question of the right to a trial by 
 jury, which was raised in the plea. He argued that, even allow- 
 ing that objection the utmost latitude, it was not pertinent in a 
 plea to the jurisdiction ; because, before anything could be found 
 for a jury to try, the articles must be answered, the facts put in 
 issue, and then, indeed, the question niight be proper, whether the 
 Court were bound to award a process in the nature of a venire fa- 
 cias, to bring a jury to the bar. Admitting, then, that it belonged 
 to a jury to try the facts, this in itself would be a weighty reason 
 to show that the articles ought to be answered for the purpose of 
 forming the issues, which alone could be the objects of the trial 
 by jury. He argued further, that if the objection Avent to the ju- 
 risdiction of the Senate, that this would extinguish its judicial 
 character entirely and utterly defeat the impeachment provision 
 in the Constitution. He thought that while it was the genera^ 
 rule that a trial by jury was guaranteed in criminal prosecutions, 
 that there were exceptions in the cases of impeachments and 
 courts martial. 
 
 Having disposed of this objection, Mr. Bayard maintained : 
 
 1. That impeachment is not confined to officers, but exti'uds to 
 every citizen. 
 
 2. That a Senator is an oflicer of tlie United States, and as such 
 officer is lialde to impeachment l)y express constitutional provi- 
 sion. 
 
 To establish the first point, he urged, that the Constitution em- 
 ployed terms in their common law signification, and hence, must 
 be interpreted and construed under the rules of the common law 
 Thus, the Constitution in a multitude of instances emi)loys terms 
 wliicli it does not define, but the meaning of which we must seels 
 
LIFK OF WII.I.IAM lU.oCNT. lOl 
 
 in tlic coininon hnv ; o. q., avIhh it is saiil that attainder shall not 
 •work corruption of the blood, wc must have recourse to the com- 
 mon law to know what "corruption of blood" is. So with 
 regard to impeachment. What was impeachment at common 
 law ? For what otlences did it lie ? What class of persons were 
 liable to impeachment? Mr. Bayard endeavoreil to show that the 
 question of impeachal)ility was a question of discretion, only, with 
 the Commons and Lords and would lie for whatever they con- 
 ceived a high crime or misdemeanor, and that every individual 
 was liable on an impeachment. This bein*;: the common law, the 
 impeachment provision of the Constitution must l)e construed in 
 accordance with it. 
 
 To establish the second ]ioint — that a Senator is an olfieer — Mr. 
 Bayard made a lont: ami lalxired argument, wiiidi cannot wvW be 
 abridged, and whieh is too tedious and techuieal to l)e triven here. 
 
 With regard to the objection that William Blount was not an 
 officer of the United States, ]\Ir. IJayard says the objection falls if 
 either of the two propositions set out can be maintained ; the ob- 
 jection that he is not now a Senator is not well taken, if he was 
 such when the impeachment was instituted ; the objection that 
 the acts charged were not connected with the execution of the du- 
 ties of his office, is not well taken, because there is nothing in the 
 Constitution which confines impeachment to official acts and such 
 restriction is contrary to the plain dictates of common sense; 
 finally, with regard to the suggestion that the courts of common 
 law had competent jurisdiction, it was not true, because those 
 courts could not disipialify. which power belonge<l exclusively to 
 this court (the Senate, i 
 
 January 4th, Mr. Dallas follow(Ml for the defendant. He stated 
 that he thought the condsideration of two propositions would 
 embrace all that was necessary to 1)e said, either in maintenance 
 of the idea to the jurisdiction of the Senate, or in answer to the 
 adverse arguments. lie should, therefore, endeavor to establish, 
 
 1. That only civil officers of the United States are impeachable ; 
 and that the offences for which an inipeachment lies, must i»e 
 committed in the executi(.)n of a ])ulilic ollice. 
 
 2. Tiiat a Senator is not a civil officer impeachable within the 
 meaning of the Constitution ; and that, in the i)resent instance, 
 no crime or misdemeanor is charged to have l>een connnitted by 
 William Blount in the character of a Senator. 
 
 Mr. Dallas would not have thought it necessary to discuss the 
 first branch of the first proposition had it not been for there- 
 
102 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT, 
 
 markable position taken by the manager, that impeachment lies- 
 against all persons and for every species of office, to be determined 
 by the discretion of Congress. Mr. Dallas said, " A claim of juris- 
 diction so unlimited, embracing every object of the penal code, 
 annihilating all discriminations between civil and military cases, 
 and overthrowing the boundaries of Federal and State authority, 
 ought surely to have been supported by an express and unequivo- 
 cal obligation : but, behold, it rests entirely on an arbitrary impli- 
 cation from the use of a single word. 
 Mr. Dallas insisted : 
 
 1. That " the doctrine is contrary to the j>'>'^nci'ples of our Fed- 
 eral compact," under which " all the powers and attributes of the 
 National Government are matters of express and positive grant 
 and transfer ; whatever is not expressly granted and transferred^ 
 must be deemed to remain with the people, or with the respective 
 States." 
 
 2. That the doctrine is inconsistent with the general policy of 
 tlie law of impeachments. He quotes Woodeson to show that im- 
 peachment w^as intended to reach that kind of offences and that 
 that class of delinquents, when, from the nature of the offence 
 and the influence of the person the ordinany courts could not give 
 adequate redress or secure the necessary protection. He also 
 stated that all the instances specified in Woodeson are of an offi- 
 cial nature ; and no other description of impeachment by the 
 Commons can be traced in the English books. 
 
 3. The doctrine is inconsistent with a fair construction of the 
 the terms of the Constitution. In arguing this jioint Mr. Dallas 
 remarked in conclusion : " The power, as it relates to the civil offi- 
 cers of the United States, is expressly given ; it is not expressly 
 given as relates to any other description of citizens ; and, there- 
 fore, it is cnougli to ol>serve that it cannot be assumed or im- 
 plied." 
 
 Upon the second branch of the first general proposition, (tiiat 
 the offence for which an impeachment lies must be committed in 
 the execution of an oflicial trust) JNfr. Dallas remarked, that the 
 courts of the country had power to punish for the common of- 
 fences, but not for all official offences ; hence the necessity of im- 
 peachment, and its restriction to this sphere. He fortified this 
 position by reading express provisions to this effect from the Con- 
 stitutions of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsyl- 
 vania, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Vermont, Ken- 
 tucky and Tennessee, and argued that, this being the sense of the- 
 
LIFE OV WILLIAM HLoUNT. 103 
 
 States imlivRlually, it iniglit be lairly iHTsuim'd to Ix- their sense 
 collectively. 
 
 Upon the second general proposition, the argument is technical 
 and very elaborate — too much so to be reprotlucetl here. Mr. 
 Dallas argued in general that " the Legislative Department is, in 
 all free governments, regarded as the sovereign ; and those who 
 compose it cannot be properly classed as civil oflicers, or the subor- 
 dinate functionaries of the State." He urged the great inconve- 
 nience Avliich would arise from an opposite construction l)y de- 
 stroying the independence of the two branches of the Legislature, 
 by enabling the House of Representatives to drive a Senator from 
 his seat, by arming a majority with the instruments of personal 
 vengeance against their political opponents, and by ren- 
 dering Senators the judges in the description of " civil officers " 
 would generate endless absurdity and inconsistency in the Consti- 
 tution itself. He said, in conclusion, that the the Honorable man- 
 ager has misunderstood his plea in supposing it to assert a right 
 of trial by jury in cases properly impcachaljlc. 
 
 Mr. Ingersoll followed Mr. Dallas, and in the same line of argu- 
 ment, considei'ing in succession tlie nature, the extent and the ob- 
 jects of the power of impeachment, and arriving at the general 
 propositions upon which the argument hinged, and which had 
 been stated by Mr. Dallas. We make one quotation from his 
 speech. He says : " As a further indication how little analogy 
 there is between the character of a Senator and that of an officer 
 of the Executive of the United States, let it be recollected that if 
 a Senator resigns, or dies, in the recess of the State Legislature, 
 the Executive of the State, not of the United States, supplies the 
 vacancy. Tlie small State of Delaware has the same number of 
 Senators as the large State of Massachusetts. Wliy? Because 
 the Senators are the representatives of soveriegnty. Refine as we 
 please, this proceeding aims at tiie Legislative character of the 
 Senator. The impeachment destroys his influence as such. Com- 
 mon fame is a sufficient foundation for this mode of proceeding ; 
 its immediate effect, let the opinion of tlie House of Representa- 
 tives determine who, on this occasion, even before the articles 
 were presented or prepared, requested^'' that the accused, merely 
 
 *They demanded it. — Eu. 
 on an intimation from them that they had resolved to impeach 
 him, might be suspended from his seat in this House." 
 
 Mr. Henper, on the part of the managers, concluded the argu- 
 ment. 
 
104 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT 
 
 He maintained the same two general propositions that had been 
 laid down by Mr. Bayard. Upon the first proposition, insisting 
 that every person for every crime is liable to impeachment under 
 the discretion of the House, in conformity Avith what he alleged 
 to be the English doctrine on this point, he asks : " if, therefore, 
 it be proper and necessary to recur to every art and science for the 
 explanation of terms which have been borrowed from it, where 
 shall Ave search, but in the common law of England, for the nature 
 and extent of the poAver of impeachment Avhich our Constitution 
 has borroAved from that laAV ? It is answered, that Ave must recur 
 to the Constitution itself. This, Mr. President, I would most 
 readily admit — nay, most earnestly contend for — did the Consti- 
 tioji contain any explanation on this subject. But is that the 
 case? Let the Constitution answer." Not finding any exposition 
 of the nature and extent of impeachment in the Constitution, he 
 concludes that its nature and extent are to be determined by the 
 Common Law of England. " It cannot be doubted," he says, 
 '' that the term 'impeachment ' " in our Constitution has, and Avas 
 intended by the framers of the Constitution to have pi*ecisely the same 
 meaning, force, and extent, as in the English law. And it being 
 perfectly clear that in the English laAv the poAA'er of impeachment 
 is unlimited, and extends to CA'ery person and to every offence, it 
 folloAvs undeniably that the positions of m}' learned colleague re- 
 mains unshaken, and that the defendant in the present case is 
 liable to impeachment for the offences charged against him by the 
 House of Representatives." 
 
 Upon the second general proposition (that a Senator is a civil 
 officer of the United States Avithin the meaning of the Constitution) 
 the argument of Mr. Henper is more elaborate than that of his 
 colleague, Mr. Bayard, and its character is such that to make an 
 abridgment of it, Avhich Avould fairly outline it, and Avould be 
 for this Avork impracticable. Those wisljing to pursue this question 
 further arc referred to the document itself. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Comments on the Arguments of Counsel — The Resolutions submitted on 
 the 7th of January, on Liability to Impeachment — The debate— The 
 vote taken January 10th and determined in the negative by a vote 
 of yeas 11, nays 14 — On motion to dismiss proceeding there are 14 
 ayes and 11 nays — The Vice-President announces the result and 
 the Court adjourned without day. 
 
 In regard to all these arguments it may be remarked in general, 
 tliat they are learned, lengthy, and able, but have no bearing 
 Avhatever upon the historical facts of the alleged conspiracy. They 
 are interesting to the lawyer, as monuments of Constitutional law, 
 coming down from the first decade of our national existence ; to 
 the historian they are interesting, as showing what progress had 
 been made in settling the construction of the Constitution; 
 they are interesting to the statesman and the philosopher as throw- 
 ing light upon the nature of the government, and as evidences of 
 the inherent defects of a written Constitution, which made such 
 argument loossiblc. 
 
 January 7th. On motion to agree to the following resolutions : 
 
 That William Blount was a civil officer of the United States, 
 within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, and, 
 therefore, liable to impeachment by the House of Representatives ; 
 
 That, as the Articles of Impeaclnnent charge liim with high 
 crimes and misdemeanors, supposed to have been committed while 
 he was a Senator of the United States, liis pleaouglit to be over- 
 ruled. 
 
 After debate, on motion, tlie Court adjourned till 12 o'clock the 
 next day. 
 
 January 8th, the Senate resumed consideration of the motion, 
 and, after debate, tlie Court adjourned till the next day, 12 o'clock. 
 
 January 9th, the Senate resumed consideration of the motion, 
 and after debate adjourned till 12 o'clock the next day. 
 
 January 10th, the Court proceeded in the debate on the motion, 
 and on the question to agree thereto it was determined in the nega- 
 tive — yeas 11 ; nays 14, as follows: 
 
106 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 Yeas. — Messrs. Chipman, Davenport, Goodhue, Latimer, Liver- 
 more, Lloyd, Paine, Ross, Stockton, Sedgwick and Tracy. 
 
 Nays. — Messrs. Anderson, Bingham, Bloodworth, Brown, Foster, 
 Greene, Gunn, Hillhouse, Howard, Langdon, Marshall, Martin, 
 Mason and Read. 
 
 On motion, the Court adjourned till 12 o'clock the next day. 
 
 January 11th, on motion, it was determined that — 
 
 The Court is of o])inion that the matter alleged in the plea of 
 the defendant is sufficient in law to show that this Court ought 
 not to hold jurisdiction of the said impeachment, and that the 
 said impeachment is dismissed. 
 
 Yeas 14, nays IL 
 
 The yeas and nays on this question were exactly the reverse of 
 what they were on the last. 
 
 On motion, Ordered that the Secretary notify the House of Rep- 
 resentatives that the Senate will be read}^ to receive the managers 
 of the House of Representatives and the counsel on ^Iond;iy next,. 
 January 14, at 12 o'clock, to render judgment on the impeach- 
 ment against William Blount. 
 
 The Court then adjourned. 
 
 January 14th, the Court was opened and the parties were in at- 
 tendance. The Vice President pronounced the judgment of the 
 Court as follows : 
 
 Gentlemen, Managers of the House of Rcpresentctivcs, and Gentlemen^ 
 Counsel for WUliam Blount: 
 
 The Court, after having given the most mature and serious con- 
 sideration to the question, and to the full and able arguments 
 urged on both sides, has come to the decision whicli I am now 
 about to deliver. 
 
 "The Court is of opinion that the matter alleged in the plea of 
 the defendant is sufficient in law to show that this Court ought 
 not to hold jurisdiction of the said impeaehrnent, and that the 
 said impeachment is dismised." 
 
 Copies of the judgment were delivered to the managers and to 
 the counsel for the defendant, respectively. 
 
 After which they withdrew; and, on motion, the Court ad- 
 journed without a day. 
 
CHAPTER XXYll. 
 
 Observations on the testimony — Political Excitement and Influences — 
 Calm Judgment after nearly a Century, and a review of all tlie 
 facts and circumstances — Quotations from Dr. Ramsey''s and Put- 
 nam's Histories. 
 
 After the lapse of almost a century from the time wlien these 
 proceedings were had, we are able to form a better judgment re- 
 specting them than could be formed at the time, when political 
 excitement was at a high pitch and when the public mind was 
 agitated and alarmed by all sorts of rumors and treasons, conspi- 
 racies, and civil wars. Viewed under the light we now have, the 
 expulsion of Gen. Blount from the Senate and his impeachment 
 must be pronounced hasty, ill-advised, and unjust. 
 
 Fortunately, the statement of Mr. Sitgreaves, ciiairman of com- 
 mittee to prepare the articles, that the articles were i)redicated 
 solely upon the Carey letter, confnies the examination of the question 
 of Gov. Blount's legal guilt or innocence within a narrow compass. 
 There are only two points to be inquired into : First, does the 
 Carey letter justify tlic articles; second, is the letter itself evidence 
 of guilt. 
 
 First : The charge in the first article is that Gov. Blount " con- 
 spired and contrived " to organize a military expedition " within 
 the jurisdiction and territory of the United States and to conduct 
 and carry on from thence a hostile, military expedition, &c." 
 
 It is not charged that Gov. Blount actually did set on foot such 
 an expedition or even undertook to do so. The charge in this 
 article is the conspiracy. Now it is true, that to constitute the 
 crime of conspiracy, no overt act is necessary. But it is equally 
 true, that there must be a positive and definite agreement and 
 confederacy to do some particular unlawful thing. A consulta- 
 tion about the practicability of doing an unlawful thing, or even 
 an agreement to do an unlawful thing upon contingencies, which 
 contingencies never happen is not a conspiracy. It is equally 
 true that one person alone cannot be guilty of conspiracy. With 
 whom, then, does it appear from the Carey letter that Gov. Blount 
 
108 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 conspired? So far is tlie letter from proving that C4ov. Blount 
 had conspired to do some jDarticular unlawful thing, that it states 
 the contrary in express language, no less than three distinct times. 
 He says : " I believe, hut amnot quite sure, that the plan then talked 
 of will be attempted this fall, &c." Again : " You are, however, 
 to understand that it is not yet quite certain that the plan will be at- 
 tempted." Finally : " if I attempt this plan, &c." Could an in- 
 telligent jury be found in the United States Avhich would convict 
 for conspiracy upon evidence which established the fact that the 
 very object that the alleged conspiracy was designed to effect 
 had not yet been agreed upon ? If there was a conspiracy at all, 
 the British Government was a party. But the British Govern- 
 ment had not yet acceded to any arrangement, and what Gov. 
 Blount should do depended entirely upon what that Government 
 should do. So the charge of conspiracy falls, The charge in this 
 article that he conspired and contrived to set on foot within the 
 United States and carry on from thence a military expedition 
 against Spain is utterly without ground of support in the Carey 
 letter. On the contrary, it appears from the letter that no action 
 whatever was to he taken unless satisfactory arragements were 
 made in England ; and even had these arrangements been made, 
 it was an arbitrary and unwarranted proceeding on the part of 
 the committee to assume and charge that the expedition would be 
 arranged within the jurisdiction of the United States, and its neu- 
 trality be thereby violated. 
 
 The charge in the second article must fall with that in the first, 
 .and for the same reasons. Gov. Blount did not, in fact, incite the 
 Indians to war against Spain, nor did he, in fact, conspire so to do. 
 While writing Carey that he expects to have his Indian friends 
 with him, he tells him over and over again that there is nothing 
 certain, and that lie does not know whetlier he will engage in tlie 
 enterjarise or not. 
 
 With respect to the third article, the committee must have been 
 quite sensible of the weakness of the material out of which they 
 were laboring to bring forth an impeachment, when they had re- 
 course to this accusation. The charge in substance is, that Gov. 
 Blount was trying to get Hawkins out of office, because he was 
 against his plan. Now, if tlie plan could be shown to be criminal 
 tlien, indeed, there would be a propriety in showing that lie wished 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM I5LOUNT. 109 
 
 to remove Hawkins, the better to accomplish it ; but until this 
 coukl be shown, the charge that Gov. Blount desired Hawkins' 
 removal is irrelevant, if not ridiculous. 
 
 With regard to the fourth article, that he attempted to seduce 
 James Carey from his duty and trust as a servant of the United 
 States and engage him in " his said criminal intentions and con- 
 spiracies " the same remark is to be repeated, that if the " said 
 conspiracy " had been established, then the charge would have 
 been pertinent. But the tact is, Gov. Blount did not know 
 whether he Avould attempt anything or not, and distinctly told 
 Carey that he did not know whether his services would be required 
 or not. 
 
 Witli regard to the iiftli article, the same remark is in place. 
 That Gov. Blount, in order to keep up liis consequence among the 
 Indians, should tell the Indians that the government of the 
 United States had swindled them, is not in itself a crime. To 
 judge from the general conduct of the government and government 
 agents towards the Indians, it is reasonable to conclude that the 
 Indians had been over-reached and cheated. 
 
 The fatal defect in all the articles is this : They each and every 
 one assume the precise thing which it was incumbent on the com- 
 mittee to establish by jyroof. Assuming the fact of a criminal con- 
 spiracy they make charges, which, if true, do not in themselves 
 amount to criminal charges, but can only be construed as such 
 on the assumption of a previous conspiracy, which is the very gist 
 of the whole matter, and which they never troubled themselves 
 to prove, but simply took for granted. If Gov. Blount Avas guilty 
 at all, he was guilty either of a conspiracy, technically understood, 
 or of an overt act, or of both. That he w'as not guilty of a con- 
 spiracy, we have already attempted to show, we have also en- 
 deavored to show that his efforts were only criminal on the condi- 
 tion that they were put forth in the endeavor to accomplish some 
 particular and definite object, criminal in itself. Now if it appears 
 from the Carey letter (and it certainly does appear) that Gov. 
 Blount had not yet formed any intention or purpose whatever, the 
 foundation of the whole impeachment fails. 
 
 Second : Is the letter itself evidence of guilt? 
 
 After what has been said it will not be necessary to dwell upon 
 
110 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 this point. A careful reading and fair construction of the letter 
 shows the following facts, viz : 
 
 A plan of some kind had been talked over in Philadelphia the 
 winter before ; Captain Chisholm mentioned the subject to 
 the British Minister ; Gov. Blount was interested in the plan ; a 
 person had gone to England to see if the necessary preliminary 
 •arrangements could be made ; the Indians were expected to take 
 a part if the plan should be attempted ; it was to be kept secret 
 from all persons in the interest of the United States or of Spain ; 
 Gov. Blount's consequence was to be kept up among the Indians ; 
 Hawkins, who would oppose the plan, is to be removed from 
 oflSce, if practicable ; the letter w^as to be burned when read. 
 
 A very suspicious letter, indeed, if we assume, as the com- 
 mittee did, a criminal plan; but entirely innocent in the absence 
 ■of such assumption. Now, as a man is not to be presumed guilty, 
 at the outset, and as Gov. Blount's guilt or innocence depended 
 "upon the nature of his plan, and as this letter throws no light 
 upon the nature of the plan — which in fact is not a pk?i, but the 
 possibility of a plan, it would follow that no evidence of Gov. 
 Blount's guilt is furnished by the letter. In truth, the fact that 
 the Argus-eyed Sitgreaves squeezed the letter for the articles, is 
 sufficient to show that there was no ground for a charge in the 
 "letter which had not been brought forward in the articles. 
 
 The foregoing review of the articles of impeachment has been 
 made from a technical, legal stand-point. Such a view is neces- 
 sarily narrow, it is special pleading; but it is precisely the kind of 
 pleading that is requisite and necessary to employ against the in- 
 dictment in the articles. It has been our purpose to attempt to 
 show that the charges could not be substantiated either in law or 
 in fact. If this should ai)pear then Gov. Blount is vindicated in 
 law. 
 
 But there is a much higher, and by far a more interesting considera- 
 tion, and that is: Was Gov. Blount morally guilty of any crim- 
 inal transaction? 
 
 It is a matter of deep regret that much valuable material relat- 
 ing to this subject has been hopelessly lost or destroyed. Judge 
 John B. Robertson, of New Orleans, Avrites to Gov. James D. 
 Porter, of Tennessee, unde^ date of February 6, 1876, as follows : 
 
 " I have spent two days in the Louisiana State Library trying to 
 
LIFK OK WII.I.IAM HI.Or.NT. Ill 
 
 find material upon which to iVauii' an answer and rcfntation to 
 the charges against the pioneers of TLinusscc, l)Ut the seareh was 
 vain; as the library of the State, once so rich in In.storic material, 
 lias been robbed and plundered of most of its standard matter. 
 
 " With the scanty records obtainable here, I would not attempt 
 a i)artial answer to these old slanders, when I know that the ma- 
 terial and records may be found in Tennessee for a full and com- 
 ]detc vindication of William lilount and his co-patriots in 
 Trnnessee." 
 
 ]5ut the AYork of destruction had not been conliiicd to the 
 Louisiana State Library. Dr. Ramsay, the liisi(.ri:in of 'l'( iniessee, 
 writes to Gov. Porter, February 14, 187(5, as follows: 
 
 ■"Every one knows that William Blount, one of the L'nited 
 States Senators from TcMincsseo, was iin]ieaclu'(l ])efore that body 
 and expelled from it. .Inly S. IT-'T. In your letter you allude to 
 his vindication as made in I800 l)y his l)r<)ther, Willie Blount, 
 formerly Governor of Tennessee, and referred to in my history ot 
 the State, page 702. Unfortunately that able and impartial vindi- 
 cation, together with all the other Blount papers, executive journal 
 and corresi)on(lence Avith which the executor of Governor Willie 
 Blount had generously enriched my large collection of historical 
 and biogra])hical and other material for my second volume, were 
 all in my ollice, when in ISii:;, my private residence, oflice, 
 extensive historical library, corresi)ondence, and museum, man" 
 iiscripts, all became a prey to the rapacity and incendiarism 
 of a Federal soldier, and w'ere all consumed together." 
 Doctor Ramsay says of this document: 
 
 "Governor AVillie Blount, the writer of it, was a young'Cr brothc 
 of Senator Blount, was his private and official secretary, and was 
 thus associated intimately with hiiu in most of the transactions 
 •of his public and privatelife, and wlio succeeded liim in the ad- 
 ministration of the duties of Governor over the same people for 
 many years. His character for candor and truth and impartiality 
 Avill be no where questioned, and the position of no one could 
 have been more favoralde for the ascertainment of all the facts he 
 mentions, or the purposes to which he alludes in his vindi- 
 cation of William Blount. At the time I read it (1862) the docu- 
 ment was closely examined, even analyzed in all ins bearings — its 
 arguments and its conditions. It was supported by the most ir- 
 refragable testimony. I have had some opportunity in my i)ast 
 life of sifting and comparing contemporary testimony, from wiiich 
 •to illuminate historical truth, and I here declare the vindication 
 
112 
 
 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 by Gov. Willie Blount of Senator Blount to have been full and 
 complete, not only explanatory and exculpatory in every particu- 
 lar, but perfectly satisfactory to myself at the time it was before 
 me." 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 mud the ecidencc showed to have been Gova-nor BlounCs object — He 
 took no unlawftd steps — An examination of the testimony of Dr. 
 Romaijne — Colonel McClellan and the Blount letter — Chishohn — 
 No evidence that Gov. Blount had any connection xoith him — Chis- 
 hohis influence with the Indians. 
 
 The cvitlence beforo the committee shows, and it is I'liirly ad- 
 mitted, that the ostensible phm of Gov. Blount was to co-operate 
 with England inconc|ueringfor that power the Spanish possessions 
 in the Floridas and Louisiana. We say "ostensible plan, be- 
 cause it may be that he conceived the ulterior design of securing 
 this territory for the United States afterwards. But let this pass 
 as conjecture. There was nothing criminal in the wish that Great 
 Britain should possess this country in preference to Spain, nor 
 was there anything criminal in his purpose of aiding the enter- 
 prise, provided he took no unlawful steps in so doing, such as 
 organizing an expedition within the territory of the United States^ 
 of which purpose there is no where au}^ show of evidence. 
 
 How did this plan originate in the mind of Gov. Blount? 
 
 Doctor Nicholas Romayne was a gentleman of fine culture and 
 a man of the world. He was acquainted with Mr. Pinckney, Sir 
 AV. Pulteney, and Mr. Liston. He was at ease in this society ; 
 he had travelled much and was familiar, as his letters indicate, 
 Avith the policies of the different courts of Europe. He was un- 
 doubterlly fond of political intrigue. He owned some land in 
 Xortli Carolina, and had occasion to correspond with (iov. I'louiit 
 al)Out it. Tiius they l)ecame acquainted. The scheme lor a land 
 speculation followed, but was not carried out, owing to tlie small 
 value of the Western lands. Genesee lands were high. Tennessee 
 lands were comparatively valueless. Wiiy was tliis '' The Genes- 
 see country was in the neighborhood of Canada : Tiiiiiessee was in 
 the neigliborhood of the S])anis]i. With England in j)ossession 
 of Louisiana, tlie hauls in Tennessee would be as valuable as 
 those of the Genessee. It seems to have here and under these 
 circumstances that Gov. Blount first conceived the idea of seeing 
 what could be done to put Great Britain in the ])ossession of 
 Louisiana. No one who reads Dr. Romayne's deposition can 
 
114 LIFE OF WILLI A:M BLOUNT. 
 
 doubt its sincerity imd truth. And the account he gives of the 
 deep feehng exhibited by Gov. Blount, when speaking of the un- 
 fortunate situation of the Western people, shows clcarl}' enough 
 that it was his regard for the welfare of Tennessee — for the happi- 
 ness and prosperity of her citizans — tliat effected him even to 
 tears ; tears which it Avas never dreamed would be exposed to the 
 public gaze, but which were shed in secret and in the presence of 
 a single friend. 
 
 With how much energy Gov. Blount })r()SL'Cutcd Ins plan, with 
 what persons he conferred about it, with whom he corresponded 
 we have no means of knowing. ^Yo may suppose, however, that 
 he had been active, and esjDecially in Tennessee. Carey swore 
 before the committee that Col. John McClellan, of Knoxville, 
 speaking of the letter he (Carey) had given, up, had declared, that 
 he had himself recived a lettei* from Gov. Blount wdiich he pre- 
 sumed was of the same purport " but, by G — d, they Avould not 
 get that from him." It may be remarked here in passing that it 
 Avas a little inconsistent in an honorable committee to follow up 
 anonymous communications, and to omit to send for such a gen- 
 tleman as Col. McClellan. If Col. McClellan had received a letter 
 from Gov. Blount it is to be supposed that many other persons 
 had also received similar letters ; at all events, Tennessee Avas 
 ready for Blount's plan, as apj^ears from the conduct of the people 
 on the impeachment of their favorite. 
 
 It does not appear that Gov. Blount had any connection Avhat- 
 ever Avith the brawling Chisholm. Blount told Romayne that 
 Chisholm had an afitiir of his OAvn on hand Avhich he (Blount) 
 judged to be some petty plundering enterprise. This Avas not the 
 kind of an enterprise that Gov. Blount contemplated. Gov. 
 Blount's remarks about Chisholm, as they appear in the deposi- 
 tions, all go to shoAV the same, and that Gov. Blount regarded him 
 as a marplot. The allusion to the business of Captain Chisholm 
 in the opening of the letter to Carey shoAvs no connection between 
 them, further than that, Blount kncAV his plans, as did every one 
 else Avho Avould letCinsholm talk to them. CJov. Blount means to 
 say to Carey, to Avhom Chisholm had told liis own plan : " You knoAv 
 Avhat Chisholm Avas after ; Avell, I have to tell you that something 
 of that kind may possibly be attempted this fall." It is not rea- 
 sonable to suppose that a man of Gov. Blount's experience, and 
 knowing Chisholm as he did, should entrust any secret of impor- 
 tance to his keeping or run the risk of being compromised by him. 
 Chisholm doubtless had some influence Avith the Indians and 
 
lAVK Ol- W 11,1.1AM Itl.nl M\ 1 IT) 
 
 3uiglit have Ihtii a usi'Tul man in the |.i(.|iri- place, Init tlial {(lace 
 Avas a very sulxinlinate (»iic. It was alxnit ilic 'JOtli of March, 
 17i)7, when Chisliolni sailed lor l^n-land. In a letli-r iVoin Thomas 
 Davytt. Jiis l.n.ther William, the reader will ree.. licet that the 
 writer informs him that Chishohn had ae.Mm|»lished nothing. 
 This k'tter is dated S.'ptemher l-l, 17!>7. Hut Lord ( Ireiivilh^s 
 letter to Mr. fiiston, derliniu;j; toaec(;deto tln' plan, hearsdate April 
 8th, 17U7. The lust of May (lov. IJlouut seems to haveahandoiiecl 
 the husinei^s and wrote to Doctor lioniayne, ap()lo;,d/.in«r for not 
 ■writing;, ami ex[iressin'^' his esteem, all of which seem to indicate 
 that lie regarded the affair at an end. On the 2d of June, Ko- 
 mayne writes Gov. Bh)unt that he considers the project " more un- 
 certain than he diil/' and this letter ends the correspondence 
 between them. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 A view of Affairs in Tennessee previous to the period of Gov. Blount^s 
 Impeachment — The first settlers from North Carolina — These made 
 the first resistance to British Ojypression — Defeat of Insurgents at 
 Alamance — The people of the Tcrrihrry in a state of Political 
 Orphanage — Robertson and Shelb)/ — T/w '■ Volunteer State showed 
 its pluck as early as October 10, 1774 — Action of tlie Watauga 
 Convention, In J) etltioning the Prorisional ('unncil of North Caro- 
 lina to Annex them to that District — Patriotism of tJic early Settleis 
 Sevier, Shelby and Marion — The Services of tJte 2'ennexsec Soldiers — 
 Col. Robertson'' s Settlement on the Lower Cumberland Valley — Nash- 
 ville — Relations to Spain — Gen. Wilkinson — Sjiaiilsh /ntrif/iics to 
 Destroy Western Settlements. 
 
 A preliminaryview of the condition of afltiirs in Tennessee })re- 
 vious to this period will be of much assistance in the effort tolonu 
 a just conception of Gov. Bloiinfs proposed enterprise. 
 
 The first settlers of Tennessee were the insurLiciits of North 
 Carolina, who made the first armed n^sistanct^ to British u]»i)ri's- 
 Bion on this continent, and shed tlie hi-st lilood in the cause of 
 American liberty, at the battle of Alamance, Mn y IC). 1771. S[)cak- 
 ing of these men, Dr. Ramsey says, in the letter Ix'fore referred to" 
 
 " This defeat of the insurgents at Alamance ([Uelled for a time 
 the S]>irit of resistance, l)ut the disatfeetion remaineil and caused 
 the voluntary exile of thousands of indiLiiiaiit and iii(le]icndent 
 freemen to the Western wilds, remote fiom the sent ol" powei- 
 and free from the opi)ressions of royal oH'km rs. Wataiiua Liavc its 
 cordial welcome to these honest lieailed and xiiluous ])atriot>. and 
 here was the cradle of the infant Hercules. 'I'cnnessee. lUit follow 
 these pioneers further. In the midst of the scchisions of their 
 quiet homes in the wilderness, the refugees iind themsi'lves iso- 
 lated from all contact with any organized go\-enniiciit — willi no 
 allegiance to any human ])ower or law, and without any protec- 
 tion ; in a Avord, in a stale of [lolitical orphauage. Without rulers 
 or political authority amongst themselves, they instinctively, as it 
 were, form an organization of their own and call themselvt's t he 
 Watauga Association, which is even now considered a nu>del of 
 
LIFK OF WII.I.IAM lU.OlNT. 117 
 
 solf-govcruimnt. ami I'idiu its |iartii:ii(lial character is admitted 
 to be "Well a(lai)kd to the wt-lfare and interests of a primitive peo- 
 l»le. Scarcely is this simple organization completed and in opera- 
 tion when a rumor reaches tliem that an invasion of an adjoining 
 ■colony is threatened by a distant hostile tribe, instigated, as was 
 believed, by British connnissaries. At once Alamance was re- 
 membered and a si)irit of manly resistance to British oppression 
 burns in the bosom of every frontiersman. The military force of 
 the infant settlement is armed, and under theconnnand of Captain 
 Robertson and Isaac »Shelby, and their comrades in arms, pene- 
 trated the rugged and trackless wilderness, and made the first 
 iirmed resistance to arbitrary power in the West. This was in the 
 sanguinary liattle at the mouth of the Kanawa, fought October 
 10, 1774. Thus early divl the '• Volunteer State "commence lier 
 novitiate in arms. A year later the pioneer fathers of Tennessee 
 in full convention assembled at Watauga and petitioned the " Pro- 
 visional Council of North Carolina " to annex their District to 
 that province, informing the Council of their resolves to adhere 
 strictly to the rules and orders of the Continental Congress, and in 
 open committee acknowledged themselves indel)ted to the United 
 Colonies, their full proportion of the continental expense, and of 
 tlieir earnest wish to share in tlie glorious cause of liberty," such 
 are their earnest words, and '' oflfering for its advancement the 
 services of a military force already organized under Captain Rob- 
 ertson, to act in the common cause on the sea-shore." How were 
 the pledges and resolves of Watauga carried out ? Time does not 
 permit a detailed account of their several camj^aigns again^^t the 
 t'nemy and their tory allies at the P^nore, Pacolet, King's .Moun- 
 tain or aftei wards at Wappetaw, where Sevier and Sht'lby jdincd 
 the camp of Marion with five hundred rifiemen from the present 
 Tennessee and drove the British to the very gates of Charlestown. 
 It must be sufficient here to say that tlie soldiery of what is now 
 upper East Tennessee had rni<Jr:r<)ii.se(l at the base of tlic Appa- 
 lachian Range. They had ascended its summit and, precipitating 
 themselves from these heights upon the plain bt-low. had pursued 
 the enemy to the coasts of the Atlantic." 
 
 Emigration continued and the settlements were extended. In 
 1780 Col. Robertson led a colony of forty families to the remote 
 Avilderness upon the hjwer Cumberland Valley. A location was 
 made not far from the present site of Nashville. This was the 
 nucleus of the Cuml»erland settlements. Adventurers fiocked 
 thither: antl three vears afterwards the llood-^ates of (.'migra- 
 
118 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 tion were opened, when North Carohna estabhshed in the vicinity 
 a military land district. 
 
 The War af the Revolution ended and the treaty of 1783 was^ 
 made. Spain had, from political motives, sympathized with the 
 Americans in the struggle for independence. But now, Avhen in- 
 dependence had been achieved, and the restless vigor and energy 
 of the American people was displajing itself in pushing towards- 
 the Westward, Spain began to be alarmed for the safety of her pos- 
 sessions on the gulf and along the MississipjDi. 
 
 Spain possessed and occupied the whole of Louisiana and West 
 Florida, embracing all the region west of the Mississippi, as well' 
 as its eastern bank for five hundred miles above its mouth. Be- 
 sides this, she had asserted a claim to the whole eastern bank up- 
 to the mouth of the Ohio, and had taken posiscssion of the same 
 by virtue of her Indian treaties. 
 
 The first step taken by Spain to accomplish her purpose was in- 
 tended to be conciliatory. She offered, through Gen. Wilkinson, a 
 liberal grant of land to each lamily settling within her jurisdiction 
 and the privilege of trade with Louisiana and New Orleans. Those- 
 who did not avail themselves of this offer were prohibited from 
 the navigation of the Mississippi. Some settlements were made 
 under this arrangement, but the scheme was not fruitful in results. 
 In Butler and Monette may be seen a full account of the English,. 
 French, and Spanish intrigues with the Western people. They 
 are too remote in their bearing upon our subject to be given here. 
 It is sufficient to say that it was the abiding purpose of Spain to- 
 destroy our Western settlements. First, she hoped and intrigued 
 to separate them from the Federal Government. Failing in that, 
 there remained two reserves, to set the Indians upon them and to 
 close the Mississippi against them. She did both. 
 
CHAPTFJl \XX. 
 
 Want of Protedion of the Old Confederation hij the People of Tennes- 
 see — Rejection of Kew Federal Comtitidion — Aftet-wards aceepted 
 it — Quotation from Monettcand Putnam — Gen. Robcrliion''.i Proted 
 againd the Polieij of the Governmeid — GaardoquVti report on his 
 Return to Spain — Measures Proposed in the East to Discourage 
 Emigration to the West — Gov. Morris, Dr. Ramsey, Gov. BlounVs 
 Letter to the People of Tennessee, Jalg 5, 1795. 
 
 Under the old Confederation tJic people of Tennessee had lieen 
 unaided and unprotected in all their Indian wars. They luid re- 
 ceived neither troops nor money. Tliey Avere isolated and cut off 
 from trade with the East by mountain rangers, and cut ofl" from 
 New Orleans by Spanish prohibition ; the United States was either 
 unable or unwilling to secure for them the free navigation of the 
 ]\Iississippi river and, in general, were little disposed to take 
 notice of their grievances. They entertained no strong aflcction 
 for the old Confederation, and when the new Federal Constitution 
 ■was submitted to them the first time they rejected it by an almost 
 unanimous vote. Afterwards, th(\y did accept it, in the hope that 
 the General Government would extend them relief. The hope was 
 vain. Monette says:^ 
 
 "The prevadence of Eastern inlluence in Congress and in tlie 
 Cabinet of the United States Avas strong, and swayed the national 
 policy as to measures affecting the Eastern people, and these meas- 
 ures operated no less perniciously upon tlnni than if they had 
 beed prompted by interested jealousy in ibr Atlantic States."' 
 
 Putnam says:t "The politicians in the Eastern States said, 
 let us secure the fisheries ; what matters it if the navigation of the 
 Mississippi is yielded for five and twenty years or forever!" 
 
 Not only did the General Government afford tliem no aid against 
 the Indians, Ijut refused to allow them to pursue and chastise tlieni 
 for their murderous incursions, when Spanish traders had been 
 offering pay for American scalps. Speaking of this proiiibition, 
 Putnam says : " The people had long complained, and they had a 
 thousand causes for complaint, one for every life taken or body 
 maimed among them. When is this to end ? Where are the 
 * Vol. II, p. 202. t History Middle TeQLessee.aee p. 324. 
 
120 LIFK OF WJLLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 benefits of the Union ? Is every ear deaf to our complaints and 
 every heart callous to our sufiering ? This prohibition sounded like 
 <i death knell. What now cares the Government for us ; what care 
 we for the Govermnent and its prohibitions ?"* 
 
 Gen. Robertson protested against the forbearing policy of the 
 Government, but in vain. Speaking of the Spanish influence he 
 said : "Thevhave tempted us to abandon our settlements; failing 
 to accomplish by their specious object, their sinister designs, they 
 have backed our savage neighbors to a war of extermination upon 
 us, "We dispise them for their duplicity, and scorn their allure- 
 ments, and we abhor and curse their savage cruelties." f 
 
 Putnan writing of the results of 1793, says: "During the last 
 ten years there was no moment in which an authoritative word 
 from the Spanish Government ' to be at peace with their settle- 
 ments,' would have been disregarded by the Creeks and Cherokees, 
 and her offlcers and traders well knew it.";}: 
 
 The able Guardoqui, after his return to Spain from the United 
 States, said : " He had conversed with some individuals in Amer- 
 ica Avho expressed their wishes to see the navigation of the Mis- 
 sissippi prohibited and our limits narrowed in order to have the pro- 
 ductions of the Western country brought through the Atlantic 
 States and to have our population concentrated." § 
 
 It is a fact that measures were proposed in the East to discour- 
 age emigration to the West. Gov. Morris himself expressed his 
 opposition to encouraging settlements in the West, which would in 
 time grow into such population as would control the parent States 
 One scheme was "so to fix and settle the ratio of representation in 
 Congress, that the old States could, in all coming time; preserve 
 and enjoy the political ascendency.'''' There was a disposition in the 
 East to yield for a number of years, if not to sacrifice entirely, the 
 navigation of the Mississippi. The Western people, in general, 
 believed that the purpose of those who had political power was to 
 secure their own commercial advantages on the Atlantic Ocean, 
 wholly regardless of the interests of the settlers in the Western 
 •wilds.ll 
 
 It Avas this si)irit which ])ro(hiC('d tlic insurrection in Western 
 Pennsylvania, and had nearly lost both Tennessee and Kentucky 
 to the Federal Union. 
 
 In this connection we quote IVom tlie letter of Dr. Kamsey be- 
 fore mentioned. He says : 
 
 *p. 418. 
 
 t Putnam, p. 426. J p. 32iJ. ^Putnam, p. 441. l|Putnam, p. 453. 
 
LIFE OF Wll. 1.1AM lU.oi.M. 121 
 
 '• To estimate properly the virtue, the patriotism, the loyalty ami 
 the repuhlicanism of the Western people, when, with a noble dis- 
 interestedness and selt-sacrilieing devotion to the Union, they re- 
 sisted those artful and powerful ai)i)eals to their loeal and sectional 
 interests, let it be remembered that the several communities to 
 whom these appeals were made, had penetrated throujrji a vast 
 desert of wilderness and mountain; tliat their own eouraj^'c had 
 expelled a savage enemy: their own rifles had achieved the con- 
 quest; their own enterprise had planted and defended their set- 
 tlements; their own efforts had made their fortunes, i)rovided 
 them a home and the benefit of a simple but stable government, 
 that with little assistance from the older States, almost none from 
 the General Government, the wilderness under their own industry 
 and culture, blossomed as the rose, and that the fertile banks of 
 the navigable streams, in the distant valleys, in whose bosoms 
 they dwelt, were rewarding them with a luxuriant harvest of rich 
 fruits — their own lalior upon their own fields ; that the interven- 
 tion of hundreds of miles and great mountain ranges isolated 
 them from the commands of their Atlantic countrymen, and that 
 for the products of the whole West there was but one great outlet 
 to the Atlantic Ocean and the markets of the world— the Missis- 
 sippi River, and that the right of freely navigating that stream, 
 thougli guaranteed to them as a result of that llevolution which 
 they had assisted to efiect, and of those victories, achieved in part 
 by their valor, was still withheld from them under the vexatious 
 delay of Federal negotiation, under such circumstances of admitted 
 neglect, disappointed expectation, deferred hope, and accumulated 
 wrong, that to remain constant and faithful and loyal to the Union 
 is alike a rare instance and evitlcnce of all that is heroic in for- 
 bearance, lofty in patriotism, and majestic in national virtue." 
 
 If no redress could be had during Washington's administration, 
 still less could any be hoped for under the succeeding administra- 
 tion, which was alike characterized by its tame submission to for- 
 eign insults as by tlie ferocity of its alien and sedition laws. There 
 was no hope from the Government ; tlie peoi)le of the West must 
 help themselves or be irretreivably ruined, as they were justitied 
 at tlie time in supposing. Gov. Blount planned an enterprise for 
 their relief. We have seen what that i)lan was. Jt was to secure 
 to them the free navigation of the Mi.ssissippi ; a right which had 
 been declared in the 29th Section of the liill of JJights of Tennes- 
 see to be '-one of the inherent rights of the citizens of this State." 
 This provi^;i(,n was inserterl at the instance an. 1 bv the efTorts of 
 
122 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 Gov. Blount in 1796, two years before he was impeached for mak- 
 ing an arrangement to carry it into effect. The people of Tennes- 
 see looked to Gov. Blount for relief; he had been identified with 
 the early history and government of the State, and felt it to be his 
 duty to attempt to secure relief. He made the effort and failed. 
 For making this effort he was expelled from the Senate of the 
 United States and impeached. But those Avho sought to disgrace 
 him were disai")pbinted. What was intended for his humiliation 
 redounded in his greater honor. If he had been a popular favor- 
 ite before, he was now regarded as a victim of Eastern selfishness 
 and as a martyr to the cause of the Western people. 
 
(^HAPTEll XXXI. 
 
 Correspondence between Mr. Pichcriiuj and the ('lievalier D^Vrugn, the 
 Spa n <V^ Mln ii<tcr. 
 
 In March, 1707, the Spanish minister, the ('hcvalicr DYrujo, 
 conceived tlie opinion, or at least so gave out, that the Jiritisli were 
 prej^aring an expedition in Canada for the i)Urpose of making a 
 descent on the Spanish possessions on tlie j\Iississij»pi and the 
 Gulf. lie communicated this opinion to Mr. Pickering, Secretary 
 of State, 10 put liim on his guard against the alleged danger of 
 a violation of the neutral territory of the United States. Mr. 
 Pickering did not believe that any such invasion was contempla- 
 ted, and communicated with Mr. Liston, the British minister, on 
 the subject. Mr. Liston replied that there was no such expedi- 
 tion being fitted out. But the Spanish minister was not satisfied, 
 and continued to profess at least to believe that there was a secret 
 plan on foot to invade the Spanish possessions. He kept his de- 
 tective agents at work and his investigations in this direction very 
 naturally led him to take an active part in the Blount affair. 
 
 It appears from the correspond-ence that passed between ]Mr. 
 Pickering and the Spanish minister, that Mr. Pickering did not 
 believe the Chevalier was in good faith in the declaration of liis 
 opinion. In fact, Mr. Pickering declared in a communication to 
 him that he regarded his statement as a pretext, and in a letter to 
 him, dated August 8, 1797, he reiterates the charge and says : 
 
 ** I return to your letter. You mention your communications 
 to the Baron de Carondelet respecting the intended exi)edition 
 from Canada. From that moment, you say, " imperious necessity and 
 the great principle of self-defence, made his Catholic ]\Iajesty's 
 officers turn their thoughts to objects of a more urgent nature 
 than running the boundary line." And liere you introduce Mr. 
 Blount's letter, and the late detected consi)iraey as evincing how 
 far their conduct in this respect was necessary." It is wonderful, 
 sir, that you should attempt to make it lie believed that Mr. 
 Blount's letter and the late detected conspiracy had any connec- 
 tion with the expedition which you suggested was preparing on 
 the lakes of Canada, against Upper Louisiana. AH that is yet 
 discovered of Mr. Blount's project or conspiracy, i^roves that it 
 was to have been formed in one of the States Sonl/i of the River 
 
124 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUXT. 
 
 Ohio^ and tliat it was destined against the Floridas, and perhaps 
 Lower Louisiana. I therefore feel m^-self, for this and the other 
 reasons before exhibited, still warranted in conoidering the sus- 
 pected Canada expedition among the pretexts for delaying to evac- 
 uate the posts, and to run the boundary line ; and, consequently, 
 that your charge, that I have in this instance ' palpably attempted 
 to make groundless and unfair impressions on the public mind,' is 
 alike unfounded and unbecoming your public cluiracter to sug- 
 gest." 
 
 Wherever Mr. Pickering says anything which has a bearing in 
 favor of Gov. Blount it may be relied upon, for he was among his 
 most inveterate enemies. And there are two things in the passage 
 above quoted that are worthy of note. The first of these is tha 
 modified manner in which Mr. Pickering speaks of Governor 
 Blount's enterprise ; it is not unqualifiedly a co^-^pimci/, but a^^ pro- 
 ject or conspiracy." The second is, that Gov. Blount had no con- 
 nection with any expedition being fitted out on the lakes. He 
 stamps with falsehood the declaration of " citizen Mitchel " fur- 
 nished the House Committee l)y the kindness of the officious 
 Chevalier. 
 
 But more important than this is another passage from the same 
 communication, which is as follows : 
 
 "You say that Mr. Blount acted in this matter with the knowl- 
 edge and intelligence of the British minister. This is not likely 
 to be true. It is in proof, by other evidence than tlie British 
 minister's notes, that he did not, and could not, autliori/.e the pro- 
 jected expedition against tiie Floridas ; and particularly, that one 
 of his strong objections against it was, that it contemplated the 
 employing of the Indians. Althou-h lie thought it proper to sub- 
 mit the project to the consideration and decision of bis govern- 
 ment, nobody, therefore, will l»elieve that lie authorized Mr. 
 Blount, or was even privy to his measures of preparing the In- 
 dians for War. Besides, Dr. Romayne, who may be presumed to 
 be well acquainted with Mr. Blount's i)lot, suggests that it is not 
 the project offered to Mr. Liston l)y Chisholm. These are his 
 words: "Mr. Bloinit is totally unknown 1o ^Ii'. Liston. (ind so arc 
 alllmviewsy And there is a passage in .Mr. I'.lountV letter which 
 countenances the Doctor's assertion, and indieates that, although 
 Chisholm and Blount had some connniniieations witli eaeh other, 
 yet their views were not precisely tlu' same. Mr. J'.lount, in his 
 letter to Carey, says: " Where Captain Cliisholin is 1 do not know. 
 I left him in Philadelphia, in March, and he frcMpiently visited the 
 
LIFE OF AVILLIAM HLOUNT. !-•-> 
 
 Minister and spoke upon tl.e sul.jeet; l.ut I believe he will .^o nito 
 the Creek Nation, by ^vay of South Carolina or Georgia He gave 
 out he was going to England, bnt I did not believe Imn. These last 
 words aflbrd a pretty strong proof that they were not actnig wholly 
 in concert. Probably Mr. Blount endeavored to persuade this- 
 holm that he would co-operate in the prosecution of his scheme; 
 while at the same time he might have another of his own, or m 
 concert with Dr. Romavne,and stand ready, in the event of things, 
 to make his advantage of either-whichever should offer the best 
 i.rospect of success. Doctor Roy mane, you see, says that Mr 
 Blount is totallv unknown to Mr. Liston. But is well known that 
 Mr Blount was vour frequent guest, and intimate companion ; 
 and that he was' on this intimate footing with you during the 
 whole time that you were representing to the government your 
 suspicions of British expeditions. After the discovery of the con- 
 ^spiracv was made puldic, vou formally requested the American 
 Government to punish him for so scandalous a crime. But seeing 
 that Mr. Blount was a citizen of the United States, and not a sub- 
 ject of Spain, it would have been decent in you to have left him 
 with his own government, without interposing your advice. But 
 especially when vou knew that the President had laid his letter 
 before Congress; and the two Houses were deliberating on the 
 modes of punishing him; when the investigation had proceeded 
 so far that a committee of the Senate had reported a resolution 
 that he should be impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors ; 
 for you then to interfere was singularly improper; and it was such 
 an ostentatious display of zeal as, under all the known circum- 
 stances, suggests more than one interpretation." 
 
 This extract from ]\Ir. Pickering's letter shows several very im- 
 portant things. It shows first, that :\Ir. Pickering did not believe 
 that Gov. Blount was in conspiracy with the British minister to 
 seize the Spanish possessions and transfer them to Great Britain 
 to the prejudice of the United States. And it is precisely in this 
 intent that the grievance of Gov. 151ount"s alleged ofiencc was taken 
 to consist. 
 
 It shows in the second i.lace that Mr. Pickering believed Doctor 
 Bomavne's testimonv, and if that testimony be accepted, then 
 ( lov Blount had committed no crime, for the Doctor's evidence clears 
 up the mvsterv of the Carey letter by showing tliat no determina- 
 tion—much less steps— had been taken to do anything at all in 
 the premises. 
 
126 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 It sliou's, tliinl, that Mr. Pickering did not believe that Gov 
 Blount was acting in concert with Chisholm, so that all the evidence 
 -against Chisholm has no relation whatever to Gov. Blount. 
 
 It shows, fourth, that Mr. Pickering believed that the Spanish 
 minister was treacherous and wholl}' destitute of truth and honor. 
 
 It shows, lastly, that Mr. Pickering did not know what Gov. 
 Blount's purpose was. and, consequently, could not honestly pro- 
 nounce him guilty. 
 
 Now, Mr. Pickering, as has Ijcen stated, was one of the most ac- 
 tive prosecutors of Gov. Blount. If he thought as he said, then 
 there was no other evidence against him than the Carey letter. 
 But Romayne's testimony explains this letter. Besides, from the 
 letter itself, as we have already. seen, there was no plan, no pur- 
 pose to do anything at all, much less to do a criminal act. That 
 ■Governor Blount was expelled from the Senate and impeached by 
 the House under these circumstances can only be accounted for 
 by the feverish state of the public mind, the violence of party 
 spirit, and, perhaps, too, on less excusable grounds, which may 
 some day come to light, but which at present must remain matter 
 •of mere conjecture. 
 
CHAITKU WXII. 
 
 Tlic Xavigatlon of the Mi^sissij,p! Juicer — D!.-<pt).si(ion of CoDi/rrns to 
 to i<unrndcr it — Hldorii (f ^J<<j<)ti(itioiis in nnnnl la the mine. 
 
 The question of tlic ii;ivi.u;iti(>ii <>(' tlic Mississij^pi river first arose 
 in 1779-80. At tli;it timr tii( rnil.d States had no (lii)!()iiiatic 
 relations with Sjiain, ami tlic matter was lirou,iiht up hy tlic French 
 cmhassador, the Chi\ali( r ^r la Luzerne. In a sei-rct coinninniea- 
 tion to Congress he inlornic(i that Ixuly, that l>y the eomniand of 
 tlic King of France the King ol" Sjiain would join tlu; I'nited 
 States against England on certain conditions. ( »nc of these con- 
 ditions Avas, that th(> exclusive navigatioi, of the Mississipjn river 
 should helong to Spain. The conditions pro)iosed were rejected 
 I'V Congress. 
 
 In August, 1781, it was proposed in Congress to vest in the Min- 
 ister at Madrid dist retinnai-y jiowers over the naviiiatinii of the 
 Alississippi. The projiosition was unaninK)Usly rejecteil. 
 
 The ciuestion was not again ojiened until 1785, Avheii the Span- 
 ish minister. Don (iardouqui, arrived with jiowers to negotiate a 
 treaty. Mr. Jay, Secretary of State lor Foreign Affairs, was ap- 
 jjointed to treat with Ijim, and one clause of his instructions made 
 the free navigation of the Mississi])pi and the use of a j)ort near its 
 JTiouth, an indispensahle condition to the conclusion of the 
 treaty. 
 
 On the 29th of May, 178G, Mr. Jay addressed a letter to the 
 President of Congress, suggesting the advisahility of appointing a 
 <'ommittee with power to instruct, and direct him on evi ry point 
 of the proposed treaty. The letter was referred to committee. 
 The committee required Mr. Jay to give a specific statement of the 
 difficulties. He did so, in a written statem(>nt. He advised that 
 the United States should al>andon to Spain the exclusive naviga- 
 tion of the Mississippi river for tweny-tive to thirty years, hut 
 that Spain should jiurchase many articles from the United States, 
 <»f which whale oil and cod fish w^Te especially insisted U))on.* 
 
 *Jourual, vol. 4, pp. 45-63. 
 ^' From this instant," says Mr. Benton in his speich in the Senate, 
 February 2, 1830, ''the division between the North and the South, 
 on the subject of the West, sprung into existence. A series of 
 motions and votes ensued, and a struggle, which continued two 
 
128 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUXT 
 
 years, in which Maryland and all South voted one way, and New 
 Jersey and all North voted the other." Mr. King, of New York, 
 moved to repeal the clause in the instructions given to Mr. Jay, 
 making the free navigation of the Mississippi a sine qua non ; and 
 the motion was carried by the votes of the seven Northern States 
 against the others. Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, moved to re- 
 voke the instructions and put a stop to the whole negotiation, 
 which was lost by the same vote. Mr. Pinckney afterwards moved, 
 to declare it a violation of the Articles of the Confederation for 
 seven States to alter the instructions for negotiating a treaty, 
 those articles requiring the consent of nine States. This motion 
 was lost by the same vote. Thus it appears that these gentle- 
 men were not only willing to surrender the free navigation, but 
 were further ready to violate the solemn Articles to do so. See- 
 ing no hope of securing anything more, the delegates from Vir- 
 ginia then moved to make it a sine qua non that citizens of 
 the United States be allowed to export their produce on paying 
 a small export duty. But even this was lost, and l)y tlie same 
 vote. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connec- 
 ticut, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania — seven, against 
 Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, 
 five, Delaware not being present. 
 
 The navigation of the Misssssipi)i was saved at this time only 
 by a lucky accident. In 1787 a citizen of North Carolina was ar- 
 rested at Natchez and his vessel and cargo confiscated l)y order of 
 the Spanish Governor, Grandpre. Mr. Madison took advantage of 
 the incident in 1788. In 1788 the Governor of North Carolina, 
 its Legislature, and all its delegates in Congress made pressing ap- 
 peals, and Mr. Madison was thus able to carry a resolution providing 
 that the whole sucject be referred to the new Federal Government, 
 Avhich was to go into operation the following year. The ( juestion was 
 fortunately settled for the time, l;)Ut the spirit in wliieh tlie ]>ur- 
 pose to give up the ;Mississip])i originated, had lost none of its 
 characteristic enterprise. Tlie notion that the growth of the West 
 was incompatible with the supremacy of the Northeast, and that 
 its rivers were to be exj^lored for their special benefit, was, as Mr, 
 Benton savs, still stronglv rooted in tht'ir minds. 
 
CHAPTEll XXXIII. 
 
 TJie Indian Wars — Fcfusal of Congress to extend aid to the Western 
 Pioneers — Pioneers, without hope of aid from the General Govern- 
 ment, rely upon themselves. 
 
 "With regard to tlie sufTerings of the young Wv^i under its In- 
 dian wars, and its vain appeals for so nian}'^ years to the Federal 
 Government for suceor and relief, Mr. Benton, in the speech before 
 referred to, presents the following startling but true picture. lie 
 says : 
 
 "The history of twelve years' suffering in Tennessee, from 1780 
 to 1792, when the inhabitants succeeded in conquering peace with- 
 out the aid of Federal troops ; and of sixteen years' carnage in 
 Kentucky, from 1774 to 1790, when the first effectual relief began 
 to be extended, would require volumes of detail for which we have 
 no time, and powers of description for which I have no talent. 
 Then was witnessed the scenes of woe and death, of carnage and 
 destruction, which no words of mine can ever paint; instances of 
 heroism in men, of fortitude, and devotcdncss in women, of in- 
 stinctive courage in little children, which the annals of the most 
 celebrated nations can never surpass. Then was seen tlie Indian 
 warfare in all its horrors — that warfare which spares neither de- 
 crepit age, nor blooming youth, nor manly strengtli, nor infant 
 Aveakness; in which the sleeping family awoke from their beds in 
 the midst of flames and slaughter; when virgins were led off cap- 
 tive by savage monsters ; when mothers were loaded with their 
 cliildren and compelled to march ; and when, unable to keep ui"*, 
 were relieved of their burthen l)y seeing the brains of infants beat 
 out on a tree; when the slow consuming fire of the stake devoured 
 its victim in the presence of pitying friends, and in the midst of 
 exulting demons ; when the corn was planted, the fields were 
 ploughed, the crops were gathered, tlie cows were milked, water 
 was brought from the spring, and (iod was worsliiped under the 
 guard and protection of arnjed nun ; when the night was the sea 
 son for traveling, the im])ervious forest the highway,^ni(l the place 
 of safety most remote from the habitation of man ; whei\ every 
 house was a fort, and every fort subject to seige and as.sault. Such 
 was the warfare in the infant settlements of Kentucky and Ten- 
 nesee, and which the aged men, actors in the dread ful scenes, 
 have related to me so manv times." 
 
130 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 What was the response of. Congress to the pitious appeal that 
 came up to them from these sorely tried pioneers ? Let one in- 
 stance serve for all. 
 
 On June 21, 1786, when this warefare was at its height, a reso- 
 tion introduced by Mr. Grayson, of Virginia, was reported, provid- 
 ing that ; " The Secretary of War direct the commanding officer 
 of the troops to detach two companies to the Rapids of the Ohio, 
 to protect the inhabitants from the depredations and incursions 
 of the Indians." 
 
 This request was not made while the colonies were collecting all 
 their energies in the struggle for independence, but after peace 
 had been declared; it did not ask for the levy of new troops, but 
 only that those already in service should be moved to their assis- 
 tance ; it asked for them not for aggressive operations, but for de- 
 fence; finally, it asked for but the companies. The request was 
 not merely reasonable, it was most modest. But it was refused. 
 After speaking of a second failure in this direction, Mr. Benton 
 said further, as follows : 
 
 " Defeated, but not subdued — repulsed, but not vanquished — 
 invincible in the work of justice and humanity, the Virginia dele- 
 gation immediately commenced new operations and devised new 
 plans for the relief of the West. On the very next day, June 30th, 
 a motion was made by Mr. Lee, seconded by Mr. Monroe, to have 
 one thousand men of the Virginia militia held in readiness, and 
 called out in case of necessity, for the protection of the West. 
 Even this was resisted ! A motion was made by Mr. King, of 
 Massachusetts, seconded by Mr. Long of New Hampshire, to strike out 
 thenumber " onethousand." It was struck out accordingly, there be- 
 ingbut five States, to wit : Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
 Carohna and Georgia in favor of retaining it. The resolution, eviscer- 
 ated of this essential part, w?s allowed to pass; and thus, on the 
 30th day of June, in the year 1786, the Govornor of Virginia ob- 
 tained the privilege from the Continental Congi*ess to order some 
 militia in Kentucky to hold themselves in readiness to protect the 
 country in case of necessity ! Thus, at the end of twelve years 
 from the commencement of the Indian Avars, Kentucky obtained 
 that much ! She fought out the Avar from 1780 to 1792 upon her 
 own bottom, Avithout the assent, and against the commands of Con- 
 gress. Expresses Avere often despatched to recall her expeditions 
 going in pursuit of Indians Avho had invaded her settlements. 
 The decisive expedition to the toAvn of Nicojack, Avhich Avas formed 
 upon the plan of Mr. Grayson, Avas, in legal acceptation, a huvless 
 
LIFE OV WILLIAM I'.LOUNT. 131 
 
 invasion of a iViendly trihe. The hravc and patiiotic. men, who 
 swam tlie Tennessee river, three quarters of a mile wide, shoving 
 their arms before them on rafts, and stormed the town, and drove 
 the Indians from the gap in tiie mountain — the Thermopyla) of 
 the country — and gave peace to the Cumberland settlements, did 
 it with Federal halters round tln'ir necks ; for (he expedition was 
 contrary to law." 
 
 In addition to what has been adduced to show the desire of the 
 Xortheast to prevent the growtli of the West, by attempting to sur- 
 render the Mississippi and by delivering the inhaljitants into the 
 hands oi' the savagc^s, may l>e mentioned those measures si)ecially 
 designed to cheek emigi-ation, such as the restrictions placed upon 
 the sale of the pulilic lands and the refusal to treat for the cession 
 of Indian lands. 
 
 The pioneers of Tennessee had nothing to exi)ect from the gen- 
 eral government. The treatment tbey had received from this 
 quarter had taught them to rely upon themselves and upon them- 
 selves alone. It sliould lie no more a matter of surprise that they 
 wished to acquire the free navigation of the Mississipjn without 
 the consent of the general government, than that they should 
 make war upon the Indians witliout that consent. Xor is it sur- 
 prising tiiat they should crown (lov. Hlount with iresh honors, after 
 his expulsion and imi)eachnKnt. for his patriotism and his devo- 
 tion to their welfare. 
 
 On July 5, 1797, Gov. Blount wrote from Philadelphia to the 
 people of Tennessee the following letter : 
 
 " In a few days you will see published by order of Congress a 
 letter said to have been written by me to James Carey. It makes 
 <|uite a fuss here. The people upon the Western Avaters will see 
 nothing but good in it, for so I intended it, especially for Ten- 
 iiesse." 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Further continuation of Gov. Blottnfs History from the unpublished 
 Manuscript — Dangers uhich environed the Settlers in Tennessee — 
 Territory owned by the Spanish Government — Holding the Mouth 
 of the Mississippi River — 2he Indians — Ihe Unfriendly Restric- 
 tions of the Spaniards on the Navigation of the Mississippi River — 
 The Treaty of October^ 1795 — Spahi's Treaty icith France excites 
 alarm — Ihefree Navagation of tlie Mississippi River put in Jeop- 
 ardy by Spain''s Treaty uith Fiance — TJie Fopvl&ion (f our Minis- 
 ter from France — Gov. Bhnmt, idio supjported the idea of the 
 command of the Navigation of the Mississippi River by the Western 
 people, teas their Champion- — His uelcome on his return to Tennes- 
 see — Made Speaher of the State Senate — Aoi account of his recep-^ 
 tion. 
 
 The following accurate and succinct extract from the MSB, here- 
 tofore referred to, will serve to supplement and explain what has 
 been said in regard to the relation of the people of Tennessee to 
 their foreign neighbors. 
 
 It seemed impossible for Congress to realize the dangers and 
 trials which environed and harrassed the frontier settlements, or 
 to comprehend the causes and extent of the exasperation between 
 the Indians and Spaniards on the one side, and the people of Ten- 
 nessee and Kentucky on the other. The Spanish Government 
 owned the Floridas and Louisiana, holding themouth of the Miss- 
 issippi and the west side of that stream up, to latitude 42°. Many 
 of the hostile incursions and savage atrocities committed by the 
 Indians were tracable to the Spaniards. Their unfriendly restric- 
 tions upon the navigation of the Mississippi had been the source of 
 constant annoyance and injustice to the inhabitants, and the occa- 
 sion of warm remonstrances by Governor ]>lount. But by the 
 treaty of October, 1795, Spain had agreed that the navigation 
 should be free to the citizens of the United States. A more friendly 
 feeling had begun to be cultivated. The savages had received 
 such a wholesome chastisement at Nickajack, in 1794, that they 
 were in no condition to renew hostilities. Under these circum- 
 stances the Spanish authorities ofiered great inducements to our 
 
LIFE or WII.I.IAM lU.nlNl'. 133 
 
 AVcstorn people to accept V\])vva\ -rants of laiul on the west side 
 of the jii-cat river, and to colonize that distant ri-gion. 
 
 In the midst of these ncLjotiations, early in 1797, the report 
 became i-ul-lic and was uvncvally helieved, that Spain, in a treaty 
 which she had I'ccn compelled to make -with France, had l)y a 
 secret clause retroceded to her the Floridas and J.onisiana, inclnd- 
 ing the vast territory west of the Mississii)pi. France had for 
 several years occupied a menacing attitude towards the United 
 States, and lia<l conducted herst'lf with insuflerable arrogance to- 
 wards our Government. It was easy to believe that if slie suc- 
 ceeded in getting the control of the :\Iississippi she Avould close its 
 navigation against us, except uj-on the most exacting and oppres- 
 sive conditions. Tn our treaty with I'ji-land. in 17S;;, it was 
 agreed as lietwceu us and her. that its navigation should he free 
 to both nations. \Ve had just made a similar contra.t wilh Spain. 
 Ko such comi)act existed Avith France, and in her well known at- 
 titude of hostility none could then he hoped for. She had settled 
 and formerly owned i.ouisiana. Many of its inhabitants iidierit- 
 inghcr blooil and language and shared her angry feeling towards our 
 Government. The prospect of losing the free navigation of the 
 Mississip].i. the dread of the inlluence of the French upon the 
 Indians on our horders. and the defeat of the colonization scheme, 
 already in process of fullillment. j.rompted those who fore sawthe 
 danger, to contemplate the i.roject of seizing the Spanish posses- 
 sions before they were surrendered to France. :Mr. Blount, then 
 Senator, espousi'd the enterprise, and undertook to prepare the 
 Indian tribes to join in it. or at least to remain neutral. Thns a 
 scheme which the learned Hugh Williamson (hclare.l was origi- 
 nally a mere land speculation, or a ].lau tor estahlishing a colony 
 beyond the Mississippi, became the nucl.'us for a eond.ination to 
 resist the establishment of French Suitremacy on the Gulf of 
 Mexico, and on our Southern and Western lioundaries. together 
 with the command of the Missi.ssippi. from its mouth t.) theFalls 
 of St. Anthony. The long ibrbearance of our government in 
 hopes that the French Directory would listen to reason, (inally cul- 
 minated in the expulsion of our ministers. Finckney and ^hu-shall, 
 from France. The desire of our governnu-nt for peace with that 
 nation must have been so intense as to lead the Western people to 
 believe that the cession of h<r Territories by S])ain would not be 
 treated as a cause of war. And accordingly, when it came to the 
 knowledge of President Adams that Mr. JMount was engaged in 
 the scheme, he took immediate steps, in accordance witli his gen- 
 
184 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 eral policy of forbearance, to arrest a measure which threatened 
 to complicate still more our foreign relations. He communicated 
 his information to the Senate, and that body with great haste ex- 
 pelled Mr. Blount, in July, 1797. His error consisted in attempt- 
 ing byasensational coup de main, what the government would have 
 been compelled to do sooner or later, if a change in the policy ol 
 the French nation had not made a settlement possible by the pur- 
 chase of Louisiana. 
 
 The suppression of this entersi^rise did not settle the vexed 
 question. It continued for years to cause anxiety to our govern- 
 ment, and gloomy apprehensions to our people. In 1797 the 
 secret cession of the country to France Avas believed to have been 
 already made. The only one now known certainly to have been 
 made was agreed on in the year 1800, but was not made public 
 until 1802. As soon as it became known, President Jeflerson wrote 
 to Mr. Livingston, our minister to France, that if that government, 
 under the treaty with Spain, should take possession of New Orleans, 
 the United States must become allies of Great Britain and antago- 
 nists of France. The matter created great excitement throughout 
 the country, and in Congress, where a bill was introduced to raise 
 an army to meet the possible contingencies. As a final effort to- 
 escape a war, James Monroe was commissioned to join Mr. Living- 
 ston, our minister at Paris, and the purchase of Louisiana was 
 made in 1803. 
 
 So important was it to hurry this purchase that both of the con- 
 tracting parties concurred in a violation of the rights of Spain, 
 who had stipulated in her act of cession to France, that if ever 
 that nation should wish to dispose of the Territory, Spain was to 
 have the preference as a purchaser. Thus was accomplished with- 
 out war what Mr. Blount and his people so ardently desired, the 
 extinction of the French dominion on our borders, and over our 
 greatest highway. 
 
 The Western people had presevered in their determination sooner 
 or later to secure the command of the Mississippi. IMr. Blount, 
 who lost his seat in the Senate for entering prematurely upon that 
 enterprise, was still their ideal of a fervid patriot and a great states- 
 man. On his return to Tennessee he was welcomed every where 
 by the people as a martyrto their cause. His friend. General James 
 White, who was Speaker of the State Senate, resigned his member- 
 ship to enable his constituents to testify their regard lor Mr. Blount, 
 who was promptly elected to the Senate and to the vacant Speaker- 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 135 
 
 slii}). If lie did anything wrong, snys the liistorian Ramsey, it 
 was in ovcr-dcvotion to North Carolina and Tennessee. 
 
 Cohbett's Porcupine, a celebrated political journal opposed to 
 Blount, in its issue of October 10, 1797, contained the following 
 letter from Knoxville, dated 18th September : 
 
 " On Saturday last returned to this town the Hon. William 
 Blount. As soon as his approach was made known the volunteer 
 troop of cavalry, commanded by John Lavender, Esq., and a large 
 concourse of citizens, hastened to recieve him, and met him eight 
 miles from this place, where, after refreshments, he Avas conducted 
 into town in the following order, viz : 
 
 " A detachment of the troop of cavalry. The Hon. Wm. Blount, 
 accompanied by General White and the Hon. William Stuart, 
 late Speaker of the House of Representatives ; the troop of cav- 
 alry ; citizens in tiles. 
 
 " We are happy to say that ]\Ir. Blount has received on his jour- 
 ney through this State the most flattering and hearty welcome from 
 every description of citizens, a welcome justly due from a grate- 
 ful people to the father, friend, and protector of their State." 
 
 Another Avriter, evidently a political opponent, said of him : 
 
 " In the new State his influence was overwhelming. On his 
 return to Tennessee, so far from being shunned as a disgraced man, 
 he wafc received with.triumph ; was elected to the State Senate, it 
 is said, and made Speaker thereof, and was only prevented by his 
 sudden death from mounting, as if in defiance to the Federal Gov- 
 ernment, the gubernatorial chair." 
 
CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Dr. liamsay^s account of the visit of James Mathers, Sergeant-atAmis 
 of the United States Senate to arrest Gov. Blount — Dr. Ramsay^ s 
 answer to Traducers of Gov. Blount — Judge Robertson's Letter to 
 Gov. James D. I^orter— Letter of Hon. JIu. Williamson to Hon. 
 Thos. Blount, March 3, 1801, with copy of Memo, accompanying 
 this Letter, giving an Accowit of the Origin and Progress of a Specu- 
 lation that terminated in a project thai loas called " Blount^s Con- 
 spiracy " — Continuation of Account of Life of Gov. Blount. 
 
 Another instance of the attachment of the people of Tennessee 
 for Gov. Blount is the following, from the letter of Dr. Ramsay, 
 already referred to. Dr. Ramsay says : 
 
 " The sergeant-at-arms of the United States Senate, James 
 Mathers, soon after repaired to Knoxville, with the purpose of ar- 
 resting the ex-Senator, and of taking him in custody to the seat 
 of government After the service of process upon Blount, the ser- 
 geant-at-arms found it impossible to execute tiiat part of his official 
 duty which required him to take the accused to Philadelphia. He 
 refused to go. Mathers was treated by the citizens of Knoxville 
 with marked civilty and attention. He became for several days 
 the guest of Gov. Blount, and was hospitably entertained by the 
 ♦State authorities. After some days, wishing to return with his 
 prisoner to Philadelphia, he summoned a ^o-sse to his assistance. 
 But not a man could be found willing to accompany him. What- 
 ever foundation there may have been in the charge preferred against 
 liim, there was no one in Tennessee who viewed his conduct as 
 criminal, unpatriotic, or unfriendly to the true interests of the State 
 or the West; and all refused to sanction the proceedings against 
 liim. The influence of the district marshal was cither withheld or 
 was impotent amongst the countrymen of Blount. Tiic sergcant- 
 nt-arms, convinced of the fruitlessncss of further attempt to exe- 
 cute one part of his mission, started home, and some of the citizens 
 accompanied him a few miles from town, when, assuring him that 
 William Blount could not be taken from Tennessee as a prisoner, 
 bade him a polite adieu." Dr. Ramsay continued : " Had he lived 
 longer, the State would still have confided in, and rewarded him 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. lo7 
 
 further. Ilis services and his abilities were never more higlily 
 appreciated than at the time of his death." 
 
 "With regard to the aspersions cast upon the niLmory of Gov. 
 Blount by non-critical writers, Dr. Ramsay continues : 
 
 "Was he ever traduced at home, or repudiated in Tennessee? 
 The very name, Blount, has always carried with it a talismanic 
 potency at our hustings and at our jjolls and before our voters. A 
 brother of tlie accused Senator was a few years after his expulsion 
 from the Senate, elected to the position of Governor of the State, 
 and re-elected to the same office with singular unanimity. This 
 was Willie Blount, whose popularity with our masses has rarely 
 been equalled. A son, Hon. Wm. G. Blount, during the admin- 
 istration of his uncle, Willie Blount, l)ecame Secretary of State by 
 the vote of the Tennessee Legislature. During this time a vacancy 
 occurred in a Congressional District, by the lamented death of 
 John Sevier — the most popular man unquestionably in the State, 
 then or since. Who succeeded him ? The son, Wm. G. Blount. 
 His domicil was at Knoxville, the home of his deceased father. 
 Keturning from Nashville after the resignation of his Secretaryship 
 office, he became a candidate for Congress, was elected and became 
 the successor of Sevier. A son-in-law of William Blount, the 
 expelled Senator, Hon. Pleasant M. Miller, had also been elected 
 a member of Congress at a previous session, succeeding Hon. 
 George Washington Campbell, formerly Secretary of the United 
 States Treasury and jNIinister to Russia. Mr. Miller was also 
 frequently a member of the Legislature. Another son-in-law, 
 Edwin \\'yatt, ^L D., failed only b}'^ a few votes of becoming a mem- 
 ber of the Tennessee Legislature, in ]82o; and he almost a stran- 
 ger. I need not mention another son-in-law, Gen. Edward Pendle- 
 ton Gaines, late of the United States Army. And here I aver that 
 in all these political races for offices. State and Congressional, and 
 for places of honor and distinction, involving personal and political 
 antagonisms of every degree of virulence and earnest opposition, 
 and invective on the stump and in the public journals of the da}', 
 I never heard the conduct of Senator Blount alluded to, his honor 
 impugned, or his personal or political integrity and virtue ma- 
 ligned." 
 
 To show something of the character of the class of men who 
 delighted to know Gov. Blount after his expulsion from the Senate, 
 we quote from Judge Robertson's letter to Gov. Porter, before men- 
 tioned : 
 
 "The State, whose new honors were heaped upon Gov. Blount, 
 
138 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 contained at that time, tliat same Jackson, and those heroic Ten- 
 nesseeans, Blount's friends, who conquered the Creeks and Semi- 
 noles and did not "deliver New Orleans into," but from the hands 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 " The people of Tennessee were greatly indignant at the attempted 
 dishonor and indignity put upon themselves and their represen- 
 tative, and, as they were neither moral nor physical cowards, they 
 had the manliness to stand by Blount in his troubles, and resented 
 his treatment by heaping fresh honors upon him, and they were 
 ever ready to vindicate, as they did, their own good name and 
 lionor in battle against Indians and English, not only at New Or- 
 leans, but at Queenstown and Lundy's Lane. It is not so well 
 known as it should be, that Scott's best troops at Queenstown and 
 Lundy's Lane were recruited in Tennessee. Gen. Scott was ever 
 prompt to acknowledge it." 
 
 We conclude our account with tlie following letter from Hon. 
 Hu. Williamson to Hon. Thomas Blount, with accompanying 
 statement, marked "A." 
 
 "Ni:w YoiJK, March, 3, 1808. 
 
 " Dear Sir : Some weeks ago a gentleman from tlie Westerni 
 country called upon me with a letter from an old acquaintance in 
 his neighborhood. In that letter I was requested to call upon Dr. 
 Romayne and ask him to hand me certain letters that had been 
 written by a Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, to tlie late Gov. Blount — 
 on a subject that made much noise. The bearer of the letter to 
 me, being acquainted with Marshall's handwriting, would be able- 
 to swear to it in some action for defamation that is now pending. 
 Dr. Romayne assured me that he never had seen nv heard of any 
 such letters, but he wished to see the gentlemen who brought me 
 the letter. I introduced the gentlemen, tti whom the doctor gave 
 a detailed account of the whole Inisiness thnt liad becMi called a 
 conspiracy. 
 
 " It was a ])ure land sjH'cuhition in which some men of rank in 
 Europe were principals. But the situation of those men and cir- 
 cumstances of the time made it impro])er for Dr. Romayne, when 
 sent for to rinladelphia, to exi)lain the .^toiy. lie now Undshin^i- 
 self at liberty. I am told that by order of the S* nate there was a 
 pamphlet printed giving an account of tlie sundiy examinations 
 of witnesses, or of the i)roofs that Avere adduced on that trial for 
 expulsion. The object of this is to re(iuesl that if you can lay 
 your hands on a copy of that panqihlet, you will send it to me. 
 
I.IKK OK WII.I.IAM lil.oLNT. 139- 
 
 " My r<.'('lin,i:s have Ik th liuit (Uicc,;!!!*! a^;iiii, within a few iiKHitlis 
 viz: Since lUirr's trial cainc on, liy s(|iiilis in llic nfAvs])iii)crs in 
 this city. Jt lia.s hccn alii',i:c(l that il' two ^icntU'nicn liad l)eoa 
 hiiniiod, on a former occasion, we should not have been troubled 
 at this lime with Burr's conspiracy. As those jrentlenicn were 
 niinu'd 1 wished to discover tlui authors or authoresses of such 
 malignant observations, and from jirintcrs who refused to ])ublish 
 I traced the writers. 
 
 "My wish is now (having the correct key to o].en that obscure- 
 project,) to ilruw up ii full iind clear account of a projecte<l lantl 
 speculation ignorantly called a conspiracy. 
 
 "Time and circumstances may come in wliich it may be i>ro})er 
 to give it to the world. At any rate it should l)e taken Avhile it 
 may be had. 
 
 " It will be clear that, as our alfairs then stood, the I'nited Statics 
 would have been essentially prolite(l by the contemplated specu- 
 lation. Hut I have forgotten so uiany of t\\c old alleged facts 
 that I need the pamjihlet to refresh my memory. 
 
 "The Jersey membt'r having to relVi'sh himself laid down 
 the Capitol for a few' months from his shouldeis. Congress seems 
 at present to be seriously entering upon the usual duties of the 
 session. I wish them a good deliverance, and am. with lln' sin- 
 cerest esteem, your obedient servant, 
 
 " Ilr. Williamson. 
 "Honorable Tiios. Blouxt." 
 
 (This is in handwriting of Dr. llu. \Mllianison.) 
 
 A 
 
 A Short Account of the Origin and Progress of a Speculation llud Termi- 
 nated in a Project that wa-s called Blount's Con.spiracj/.'-'' 
 
 " In the year 17'.)"), sundry gt'ntlenien in London, wishing to in- 
 crease their fortunes, (soniL" of them having court interest,) projected 
 
 *Thu above is u copy of an unsigned paper whieli acuoinpaiiied an original 
 letter written by Hugh AVilliam.son to Gen. Thomas Blount, diitcd Msueh 3, 
 1808, and whicli letter is copied herewith some eight or ten years ago. exact 
 time not remembered. The Honorable Supreme. I udge, Wm il Kudman of Wash- 
 ington, X. C, who was a nephew of Gov. Wm. Ijlount. .-nd named for him, 
 .since had the original letter addre.s.sed to Gen. 'J'homas Blount, of Tarborough, 
 N. C, at Washington city by Dr. Hugh Williamson, then of New York — wliich 
 letter was dated od of March, ISOH. and was mailed to (Jen. Hlount on the4lh, 
 and marked free. Gen. Thomas Blount died at Washington in 1812, wjiiie at- 
 tending Congress. This origiiial letter was accompanied by a '• statement,'' 
 evidently in Dr. Williamson's handwriting, and though not signed by William- 
 son, was intended to be connected with the letter. 
 
140 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 
 
 a plan for obtaiuinji; and settling a province on the Mississippi. 
 
 " It was known to those gentlemen that in the year 1787, when 
 ]\Ir. Gardoquin was minister to the United States from the Court of 
 Spain, that court was very desirous to cause tlie citizens of the 
 United States, especially the inhabitants of Kentucky, to remove 
 and settle on the western side of the Mississippi, in the territory 
 of Spain. B}^ that measure they expected to draw off the people 
 Avho were very clamorous and nearly riotious al)Out getting pos- 
 session of the navigation of the Mississippi. 
 
 " The whole course of that business being known to the gentlemen 
 in question, they had a right to suppose that Spain would not 
 luive any objection to making a grant of land on the west side of 
 the Mississippi to be settled by people from the United States. 
 
 " The Marquis cle las Casas, Count Montier, and Dr. Romayne, 
 Avere the original projectors of the speculatioiL The Marquis de 
 las Casas was at that time ambassador from Spain to the Court 
 of London. Count Montier, before the French revolution, had 
 been minister to the United States from the King of France, but 
 was out of favor, under the French republic, etc., was in London. 
 Spain at that period was at peace with England, but she had lately 
 been at war with the French republic. 
 
 " The plan of this triumvirate was to obtain the grant of a tract 
 of land bounded to the eastward by the Mississippi, to the south- 
 ward and westward by the Missouri, and to the northward by a 
 parallel of latitude, the 42d degree ; to be a province called the 
 Delta. It would have contained about fourteen millions of acres. 
 
 " A form of government was prepared and a charti'r was made 
 out, in whicli were inserted the names of the aliove stated three 
 adventurers, with a blank to be tilled in Madrid by such other 
 names as might be necessary to obtaining tlie royal signature. 
 
 " In the form of government it was jn-ovided, among other things, 
 that the inhabitants should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, 
 but the i)roi)rietors were, at their own expense, 1o keep schools in 
 €very townsliif) or i)arish, for teaching the Spanish language. 
 Thus it would foHow that in time Spanish would l>e the language 
 of the province. Things went on prospei'ousiy, and tlu' company, 
 according to accounts from S[)ain, were eon (ident of success ; but 
 on the next summer, viz: in 17i)(t, they werc> infornie(l that the 
 grant could not pass. This was, to the S[)anisli enii.assador him- 
 self, asul)joctof surprise, buthe learned the cause. Spain liad been 
 compelled to make peace with France, and tiiere was a secret 
 
LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. 141 
 
 article in the treaty by whi^-li slie had^iveii up all rvouisiana. The 
 projected province was included in that cession. 
 
 "Spain continued for some time at peace with England, hut in 
 1797, at the time of the interview between Gov. Blount and Dr. 
 Romayne, England was at war with both those nations — Franco 
 and Spain. 
 
 " When it was fully ascertained that Spain had yielded Louisiana 
 to France, the only question that presented itself to Dr. Romayne 
 was, whether it would be safe^St and best for the citizens of the 
 United States on the western waters to have an English or a 
 French colony settled near the mouth of the Mississippi. In case 
 of an English colony, the navigation of the Mississippi was secured 
 to the Western States, for England had expressly given it to us by 
 treaty, and this was the great desideratum of the Western people. 
 
 " It was also clear that the English, being a commercial nation, 
 would accommodate the settlers in the "Western States ; nor could 
 there be any danger of a territorial war with the English in that 
 province. On the other hand, if the French should take posses- 
 sion of New Orleans and the Mississippi, it was very questionable 
 whether our people could ever obtain the free navigation of that 
 river, except by becoming French subjects. But one thing might 
 be counted on, if we had French neighbors, viz ; that we should 
 have a constant recurrence of broils and quarrels. 
 
 " It was clear that England with a very small exertion might pos- 
 sess herself of New Orleans, and whether that province, when 
 peace should be made, was claimed by France or by Spain, Eng- 
 land Avould doubtless keep it, for West Florida had formerly 
 belonged to her. 
 
 " Such was the detail that Dr. Romayne stated to Gov. Blount, 
 and he alleged that if he could by any means be aiding to Great 
 Britain in getting possession of New Orleans he would render the 
 most essential service to his fellow citizens on the western waters. 
 He would secure to them, what otherwise they had little hope of 
 getting, the free navigation of the Mississippi, and he would obviate 
 the arrival of a powerful and dangerous neighbor. 
 
 " Gov. Blount approved of those reasonings, ami with motives 
 truly patriotic he resolved to ]n-omote the measure. His fault was 
 a misfortune that is too connnon. He trusted to an intemperate 
 and unqualilied agent. 
 
 ''The plan that was to have been executed by the English gov- 
 ernment, as will appear by the detail, was by no means dillicult." 
 
 In the full enjoyment of power and popularity, Gov. Blount 
 
 SOLIi 
 
142 LIFE OF WILLIAM BLOUXT. 
 
 died on the 21st of March, 1800, at Knoxville, after a short iUness, 
 lamented b\' a community who reverenced him with filial affection. 
 A marble slab in the First Presbyterian Church-yard covers his 
 Temains. On one side of him lies his wife, who died October 7, 1802, 
 and on the other, his sister, Mrs. Ann Harvey, who died June 3, 1805. 
 In respect to his merits and services, the county of Blount, and 
 Blountville were named after him by the Legislature ; and as a 
 comiDliment to Mrs. Blount, the Legislature gave her name to 
 Granger county and the town of Mary ville ; her maiden namebeing 
 Mary Grainger. His six children who survived him, were : 
 
 First. Ann, who married Henry I. Toole, and on his death, 
 Hadley, both of North Carolina. 
 
 Second. Mary Louisa, who married Pleasant M. Miller, of Knox- 
 ville, in April, 1801, and became the mother of Major Albert S. 
 Miller, of the United States Army ; Gen. Wm. B. MiUer ; Malvina, 
 wife of Charles ^McClung, of Knoxville ; Dorthula, wife of Gen. 
 Alexander B. Bradford, a distinguished lawyer and soldier ; Susan, 
 wife of Joel H. Dyer, a lawyer; Barbara, Avife of Col. William H. 
 Stephens, a lawyer, formerly of Tennessee, now of California ; Mar- 
 tha Grainger ]\liller ; Mary Ann Miller, and John Jacob Miller. 
 
 Third. William Grainger Blount, a gentleman of ability and 
 merit, who twice represented the Knoxville district in Congress, 
 and died in 1827; unmarried. 
 
 Fourth, Richard Blackledge Blount, who married Catherine 
 Miner, of Montgomery county, and died about the year 1861, leav- 
 ing issue. 
 
 Fifth, Barbara Blount, born in 1792, and married to that ac- 
 complished gentleman and distinguished soldier, Major-General 
 Edmund P. Gaines. She died in 183G, leaving one son, Edmund 
 P., who resides in Washington City. 
 
 Sixth. Eliza Blount, who married Dr. Edward Wyatt, a surgeon 
 in the United States Arm.)', and died leaving children, of whom 
 the only surviving is Mary, the widow of Josiah Ayres, now living 
 in Colorado Territory. 
 
4 
 
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