UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA BOOK CARD Please keep this card in • book pocket THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA ENDOWED BY THE DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETIES APR l""*" 1973 \ m 1 J97S I UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 00012127110 This book is due at the LOUIS R. WILSON LIBRARY on the last date stamped under "Date Due." If not on hold it may be ,; renewed by bringing it to the library. I DATE DUE "^^ DATE DUE I- ' - ' FEB 7 KG'! 2 - JUL 1 2! )03 1 2 7 §66i r - AP }> ) THE HISTORY OF ROME THE HISTORY OF ROME BY THEODOR MOMMSEN TRANSLATED WITH TEE AUTHORS SANCTION AND ADDITIONS BY WILLIAM P. DICKSON, D.D, LL.D. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW THE PROVINCES, FROM CAESAR TO DIOCLETIAN PART n WITH TWO MAPS BY PROFESSOR KIEPERT NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1899 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013, http://archive.org/details/provincesofroman2097momm_0 THE PROVINCES OF THE ROMAlSr EMPIRE FEOM CAESAK TO DIOCLETIAN BY THEODOR MOMMSEN TRANSLATED WITH THE AUTHORS SANCTION AND ADDITIONS BY WILLIAM P. DICKSON, D.D., LL.D. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW OOIsrTENTS. BOOK EIGHTH. THE PROVINCES AND PEOPLE FROM CAESAR TO DIOCLETIAN CHAPTER IX. PAGE The Euphrates Frontier and the Parthians, . . 1 CHAPTER X. Syria and the Land of the Nabataeans, . . . 127 CHAPTER XL Judaea and the Jews, . . . . , . . 174 CHAPTER XII. Egypt, 252 CHAPTER XIII. The African Provinces, . . ... . 330 CHAPTER IX. THE EUPHRATES FRONTIER AND THE PARTHIANS. The only great state with which the Koman empire bor- dered was the empire of Iran,^ based upon iranf"^^^'^^ that nationaHtj which was best known in antiquity, as it is in the present day, under the name of the Persians, consoHdated politically by the old Persian royal family of the Achaemenids and its first great-king Cyrus, united religiously by the faith of Ahura Mazda and of Mithra. No one of the ancient peoples of culture solved the problem of national union equally early and with equal completeness. The Iranian tribes reached on the south as far as the Indian Ocean, on the north as far as the Caspian Sea ; on the north-east the steppes of inland Asia formed the constant battle-ground between the settled Persians and the nomadic tribes of Turan. On the east mighty mountains formed a boundary separat- ing them from the Indians. In western Asia three great nations early encountered one another, each pushing for- ^ The conception that the Roman and the Parthian empires were two great states standing side by side, and indeed the only ones in existence, dominated the whole Roman East, particularly the frontier-provinces. It meets us palpably in the Apocalypse of John, in which there is a juxtaposition as well of the rider on the white horse with the bow and of the rider on the red horse with the 6word (vi. 2, 3) as of the Megistanes and the Chiliarchs (vi. 15, comp. xviii. 23, xix. 18). The closing catastrophe, too, is conceived as a subduing of the Romans by the Parthians bringing back the emperor Nero (ix. 14, xvi. 12) and Armageddon, whatever may be meant by it, as the rendezvous of the Orientals for the collective attack on the West. Certainly the author, writing in the Roman empire, hints these far from patriotic hopes more than he expresses them. 2 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book vnl. ward on its own account : the Hellenes, who from Europe grasped at the coast of Asia Minor, the Aramaean peoples, who from Arabia and Syria advanced in a northern and north-eastern direction and substantially filled the valley of the Euphrates, and lastly, the stocks of Iran not merely inhabiting the country as far as the Tigris, but even pene- trating to Armenia and Cappadocia, while primitive in- habitants of another type in these far-extending regions succumbed under these leading powers and disappeared. In the epoch of the Achaemenids, the culminating point of the glory of Iran, the Iranian rule went far beyond this wide domain proper to the stock on all sides, but especial- ly towards the west. Apart from the times, when Turan gained the upper hand over Iran and the Seljuks and Mongols ruled over the Persians, foreign rule, strictly so called, has only been established over the flower of the Iranian stocks twice, by Alexander the Great and his immediate successors and by the Arabian Abbasids, and on both occasions only for a comparatively short time ; the eastern regions — in the former case the Parthians, in the latter the inhabitants of the ancient Bactria — not merely threw off again the yoke of the foreigner, but dis- lodged him also from the cognate west. When the Komans in the last age of the republic came into immediate contact with Iran as a conse- P^rtM^ns^* quence of the occupation of Syria, they found in existence the Persian empire regenerated by the Parthians. We have formerly had to make men- tion of this state on several occasions ; this is the place to gather together the little that can be ascertained re- garding the peculiar character of the empire, which so often exercised a decisive influence on the destinies of the neighbouring state. Certainly to most questions, which the historical inquirer has here to put, tradition has no answer. The Occidentals give but occasional notices, which may in their isolation easily mislead us, concerning the internal condition of their Parthian neighbours and foes ; and, if the Orientals in general have hardly under- Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 3 stood how to fix and to preserve historical tradition, this holds doubly true of the period of the Arsacids, seeing that it was by the later Iranians regarded, together with the preceding foreign rule of the Seleucids, as an unwar- ranted usurpation between the periods of the old and the new Persian rule — the Achaemenids and the Sassanids ; this period of five hundred years is, so to speak, eliminated by way of correction * from the history of Iran, and is as if non-existent. The standpoint, thus occupied by the court-historio- graphers of the Sassanid dynasty, is more the scytMan.^^^"^ legitimist-dyuastic one of the Persian nobility than that of Iranian nationality. No doubt the authors of the first imperial epoch describe the lan- guage of the Parthians, whose home corresponds nearly to the modern Chorasan, as intermediate between the Median and the Scythian, that is, as an impure Iranian dialect ; accordingly they were regarded as immigrants from the land of the Scythians, and in this sense their name is in- terpreted as "fugitive people," while the founder of the dynasty, Arsaces, is declared by some indeed to have been a Bactrian, but by others a Scythian from the Maeotis. The fact that their princes did not take up their resi- dence in Seleucia on the Tigris, but pitched their winter quarters in the immediate neighbourhood at Ctesiphon, is traced to their wish not to quarter Scythian troops in the rich mercantile city. Much in the manners and arrange- ments of the Parthians is alien from Iranian habits, and reminds us of the customs of nomadic life ; they transact business and eat on horseback, and the free man never goes on foot. It cannot w^ell be doubted that the Parthians, whose name alone of all the tribes of this region is not named in the sacred books of the Persians, stand aloof from Iran proper, in which the Achaemenids and the Ma- ^ This holds true even in some measure for the chronology. The official historiography of the Sassanids reduces the space between the last Darius and the first Sassanid from 558 to 266 years (Noldeke, Tabari, p. 1). 4 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIIL gians are at home. The antagonism of this Iran to the ruhng fainilv springing from an unciviHsed and half for- eign district and to its immediate followers — this antago- nism, which the Koman authors not unwillingly took over from their Persian neighbours — certainly subsisted and fermented throughout the whole rule of the Arsacids, till it at length brought about their fall. But the rule of the Arsacids may not on that account be conceived as a foreign rule. No privileges were conceded to the Parthian stock and to the Parthian province. It is true that the Parthian town Hecatompylos is named as residence of the Arsacids ; but they chiefly sojourned in summer at Ecbatana (Ham- adan), or else at Ehagae like the Achaemenids, in winter, as already stated, in the camp-town of Ctesiphon, or else in Babylon on the extreme western border of the empire. The hereditary burial-place continued in the Parthian town Nisaea ; but subsequently Arbela in Assyria served for that purpose more frequently. The poor and remote ■r native province of the Parthians was in no way suited for the luxurious court-life, and the important relations to the West, especially of the later Arsacids. The chief country continued even now to be Media, just as under the Achaemenids. However the Arsacids might be of Scythian descent, not so much depended on what they were as on what they desired to be ; and they regarded and professed themselves throughout as the successors of Cyrus and of Darius. As the seven Persian family-princes had set aside the false Achaemenid, and had restored the legitimate rule by the elevation of Darius, so needs must other seven have overthrown the Macedonian foreign yoke and placed king Arsaces on the throne. "With this patriotic fiction must further be connected the circum- stance that a Bactrian nativity instead of a Scythian was assigned to the first Arsaces. The dress and the etiquette at the court of the Arsacids were those of the Persian court ; after king Mithradates I. had extended his rule to the Indus and Tigris, the dynasty exchanged the simple title of king for that of king of kings which the Achae- Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 5 meuids had borne, and the pointed Scythian cap for the high tiara adorned with pearls ; on the coins the king carries the bow like Darius. The aristocracy, too, that came into the land with the Arsacids and doubtless be- came in many ways mixed with the old indigenous one, adopted Persian manners and dress, mostly also Persian names ; of the Parthian army which fought with Crassus it is said that the soldiers still wore their hair rough after the Scythian fashion, but the general appeared after the Median manner with the hair parted in the middle and with painted face. The political organisation, as it was established by the fii'st Mithradates, was accordingly in substance ■ that of the Achaemenids. The family of the founder of the dynasty is invested with all the lustre and with all the consecration of ancestral and divinely-or- dained rule ; his name is transferred cle jure to each of his successors and divine honour is assigned to him ; his successors are therefore called sons of God,' and be- sides brothers of the sun-god and the moon-goddess, like the Shah of Persia still at the present day ; to shed the blood of a member of the royal family even by mere accident is a sacrilege — all of them regulations, which with few abate- ments recur among the Koman Caesars, and are perhaps borrowed in part from those of the older great-monarchy. Although the royal dignity was thus firmly attached to the family, there yet subsisted a certain Megistanes. choice as to the king. As the new ruler had to belong as well to the college of the "kinsmen of the royal house " as to the council of priests, in order to be able to ascend the throne, an act must have taken place, ^ The viceroys of Persis are called in their title constantly "Zag Aloliin " (at least tlie Aramaean signs correspond to these words, which were presumably in pronunciation expressed in the Persian way), son of God (Mordtmann, Zeitsclirift fur Numismatik, iv. 155 f.), and to this corresponds the title deoTrdrcup on the Greek coins of the great-kings. The designation " God" is also found, as with the Seleucids and the Sassanids. — V»liy a double diadem is attrib- uted to the Arsacids (Herodian, vi. 2, 1) is not cleared up. 6 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. whereby, it may be presumed, these same colleges them- selves acknowledged the new ruler.' By the "kinsmen" are doubtless to be understood not merely the Arsacids themselves, but the "seven houses "of the Achaemenid organization, princely families, to which according to that arrangement equality of rank and free access to the great- king belonged, and which must have had similar privi- leges under the Arsacids.^ These families were at the same time holders of hereditary crown offices,^ e.g. the Suren — the name is like the name Arsaces, a designation at once of person and of office — the second family after the royal house, as crown-masters, placed on each occa- sion the tiara on the head of the new Arsaces. But as the Arsacids themselves belonged to the Parthian prov- ince, so the Suren were at home in Sacastane (Seistan) and perhaps Sacae, thus Scythians ; the Caren likewise descended from western Media, while the highest aris- tocracy under the Achaemenids was purely Persian. ^ Twj/ YiapQva'iwv (TvveSpiSv (p-qcriv (YIoct^l^wvios) eJvai, says Strabo, xi. 9, 3, p. 515, 5itt6v rh fxkv (TvyyevSov, rh Se (r6cpcav Kal fidycav, e£ ui^ aucpafip Tovs fiaai\eis Kadlaraffdai (KaOiaTrja-iv in MSS.) ; Justinus, xvii. 3, 1, Mithridates rex Partliorum . . . iwajpter crudelitatem a senatu Parthico regno pelUtur. In Egypt, whose court ceremonial, as doubtless that of all the states of the Diadochi, is based on that ordained by Alexander, and in so far upon that of the Persian empire, the like title seems to have been conferred also personally (Franz, C. I. Gr. iii. 270). That the same occurred with the Arsacids, is possible. Among the Greek-speaking subjects of the Arsacid state the appellation [x^yi- oTav^s seems in the original stricter use to denote the members of the seven houses ; it is worthy of notice that megistanes and satrapae are associated (Seneca, Bp. 21 ; Josephus, ArcJi (xi. 3, 2 ; xx. 2, 3). The circumstance that in court mourning the Persian king does not invite the megistanes to table (Suetonius, Gai. 5) suggests the con- jecture that they had the privilege of taking meals with him. The title rwv irpuTwy (plxuv is also found among the Arsacids just as at the Egyptian and Pontic courts {Bull, de corr. Hell. vii. p. 349). 2 A royal cup-bearer, who is at the same time general, is men- tioned in Josephus, Arcli. xiv. 13, 7 =■ Bell. Jud. i. 13, 1. Similar court offices are of frequent occurrence in the states of the Dia- dochi. Chap. IX] The Eujyhrates Frontier. 1 The administration lay in the hands of the under-kings or satraps ; according to the Koman biogra- satraps. phers of Vespasian's time the state of the Parthians consisted of eighteen "kingdoms." Some of these satrapies were appanages of a second son of the ruHng house ; in particular the two north-western prov- inces, the Atropatenian Media (Aderbijan) and Armenia, so far as it was in the power of the Parthians, appear to have been entrusted for administration to the prince standing next to the ruler for the time.' We may add that prominent among the satraps were the king of the province of Elymais or of Susa, to whom was conceded a specially powerful and exceptional position, and next to him the king of Persis, the ancestral land of the Achae- menids. The form of administration, if not exclusive, yet preponderant and conditioning the title, was in the Par- thian empu-e — otherwise than in the case of the Caesars — that of vassal-kingdom, so that the satraps entered by hereditary right, but were subject to confirmation by the great-king.^ To all appearances this continued down- ^ Tacitus, Ann. xv. 2, 31. If, according to tlie preface of Agatli- angelos (p. 109, Langlois), at tlie time of tlie Arsacids tlie oldest and ablest prince bore rule over the country, and the three stand- ing next to him were kings of the Armenians, of the Indians, and of the Massagetae, there is here perhaps at bottom the same ar- rangement. That the Partho-Indian empire, if it was combined with the main land, was likewise regarded as an appanage for the second son, is very probable. ^ These are doubtless meant by Justinus (xli. 2, 2), proximus maiestati regum praepodtorum orclo est ; ex hoc duces in hello, ex hoc in pace rectores habent. The native name is preserved by the gloss in Hesychius, jSiVral b fiaaiXevs irapa Uepffais. If in Ammianus, xxiii. 6, 14, the presidents of the Persian regiones are called viiaxae (read vistaxae), id est magistri equitum et reges et satrapae, he has awkwardly referred what is Persian to all Inner Asia (comp. Hermes, xvi. 613); we may add that the designation "leaders of horsemen " for these viceroys may relate to the fact that they, like the Roman governors, united in themselves the highest civil and the supreme military power, and the army of the Parthians con- sisted preponderantly of cavalry. 8 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIIl. wards, so that smaller dynasts and family chiefs stood in the same relation to the under-kings as the latter occupied to the great-king/ Thus the office of great-king among the Parthians was limited to the utmost in favour of the high aristocracy by the accompanying subdivision of the he- reditary administration of the land. With this it is quite in keeping, that the mass of the population consisted of persons half or wholly non-free/ and emancipation was not allowable. In the army which fought against An- tonius there are said to have been only 400 free among 50,000. The chief among the vassals of Orodes, who as his general defeated Crassus, marched to the field with a harem of 200 wives and a baggage train of 1000 sumpter- camels ; he himself furnished to the army 10,000 horse- men from his clients and slaves. The Parthians never had a standing army, but at all times the waging of war here was left to depend on the general levy of the vassal princes and of the vassals subordinate to these, as well as of the great mass of the non-free over whom these bore sway. Certainly the urban element was not quite wanting in mu ^ , . the political ore^anisation of the Parthian em- The Greek towns ^ ° of the Parthian pire. It is truc that the larger townships, which arose out of the distinctive development of the East, were not urban commonwealths, as indeed even the Parthian royal residence, Ctesiphon, is named in contrast to the neighbouring Greek foundation of Seleucia a village; they had no presidents of their own and no com- mon council, and the administration lay here, as in the country districts, exclusively with the royal officials. But ^ This we learn from the title ffarpairyis rwv o-arpairccVf attributed to one Gotarzes in the inscription of Kermanschahan in Kurdistan {C. 1. Or. 4674). It cannot be assigned to the Arsacid king of the same name as such ; but perhaps there may be designated by it, as Olshausen {MonatsbericM der Berliner AJcademie, 1878, p. 179) con- jectures, that position which belonged to him after his renouncing of the great-kingdom (Tacitus, Ann. xi. 9). ^ Still later a troop of horse in the Parthian army is called that ♦* of the free : " Josephus, ArcJi. xiv. 13, 5 = Bell. Jud. i. 13, 3. Chap. IX] The Etipkrates Frontier. 9 a portion — comparatively small, it is true — of the foun- dations of the Greek rulers had come under Parthian rule. In the provinces of Mesopotamia and Babylonia by nation- ality Aramaean the Greek town-system had gained a firm footing under Alexander and his successors. Mesopotamia was covered with Greek commonwealths; and in Babylonia, the successor of the ancient Babylon, the precursor of Bag- dad, and for a time the residence of the Greek kings of Asia — Seleucia on the Tigris — had by its favourable com- mercial position and its manufactures risen to be the first mercantile city beyond the Roman bounds, with more, it is alleged, than half a million of inhabitants. Its free Hel- lenic organisation, on which beyond doubt its prosperity above all depended, was not touched even by the Parthian rulers in their own interest, and the city preserved not merely its town council of 300 elected members, but also the Greek language and Greek habits amidst the non- Greek East. It is true that the Hellenes in these towns formed only the dominant element ; alongside of them lived numerous Syrians, and, as a third constituent, there were associated with these the not much less numerous Jews, so that the population of these Greek towns of the Parthian empire, just like that of Alexandria, was composed of three separate nationalities standing side by side. Be- tween these, just as in Alexandria, conflicts not seldom oc- curred, as e.g. at the time of the reign of Gains under the eyes of the Parthian government the three nations came to blows, and ultimately the Jews were driven out of the larger towns. In so far the Parthian empire was the genuine counter- part to the Roman. As in the one the Oriental viceroy- ship is an exceptional occurrence, so in the other is the Greek city ; the general Oriental aristrocratic character of the Parthian government is as little injuriously affected by the Greek mercantile towns on the west coast as is the civic organisation of the Roman state by the vassal king- doms of Cappadocia and Armenia. While in the state of the Caesars the Romano-Greek urban commonwealth 10 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. spreads more and more, and gradually becomes the gen- eral form of administration, the foundation of towns — the true mark of Helleno-Roman civilisation, which embraces the Greek mercantile cities and the military colonies of Rome as well as the grand settlements of Alexander and the Alexandrids — suddenly breaks off with the emergence of the Parthian government in the East, and even the ex- isting Greek cities of the Parthian empire wane in the further course of development. There, as here, the rule more and more prevails over the exceptions. The religion of Iran with its worship — approximating to monotheism — of the "highest of the gods, who has made heaven and earth and men and for these everything good," with its absence of images and its spirituality, with its stern morality and truthfulness, with its influence upon practical activity and energetic conduct of life, laid hold of the minds of its confessors in quite another and deeper way than the religions of the West ever could ; and, while neither Zeus nor Jupiter maintained their ground in presence of a developed civilisation, the faith among the Parsees remained ever young till it suc- cumbed to another gospel — that of the confessors of Mo- hammed — or at any rate retreated before it to India. It is not our task to set forth how the old Mazda-faith, which the Achaemenids professed, and the origin of which falls in prehistoric time, was related to that which the sacred books of the Persians having their origin probably under the later Achaemenids — the Avesta — announce as the doc- trine of the wise Zarathustra ; for the epoch, when the West is placed in contact with the East, only the later form of religion comes under consideration. That the Avesta took shape, not in the east of Iran, in Bactria, but probably in Media, may be regarded as an assured result of recent investigation. But the national religion and the national state were bound up with one another in Iran more closely than even among the Celts. It has already been noticed that the legitimate kingship in Iran was at the same time a religious institution, that the supreme Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 11 ruler of the land was conceived as specially called to the government by the supreme deity of the land, and even in some measure divine. On the coins of a national type there appears regularly the great fire-altar, and hovering over it the winged god Ahura Mazda, alongside of him in lesser size, and in an attitude of prayer, the king, and over- against the king the imperial banner. In keeping with this, the ascendency of the nobility in the Parthian em- pire goes hand in hand with the privileged position of the clergy. The priests of this religion, the Magians, appear already in the documents of the Achaemenids and in the narratives of Herodotus, and have, probably with right, always been regarded by the Occidentals as a national Per- sian institution. The priesthood was hereditary, and at least in Media, presumably also in other provinces, the col- lective body of the priests was accounted, somewhat like the Levites in the later Israel, as a separate portion of the people. Even under the rule of the Greeks the old religion of the state and the national priesthood maintained their place. When the first Seleucus wished to found the new capital of his empire, the already mentioned Seleucia, he caused the Magians to fix day and hour for it, and it was only after those Persians, not very willingly, had cast the desired horoscope, that the king and his army, in accord- ance with their indication, accomplished the solemn lay- ing of the foundation-stone of the new Greek city. Thus by his side stood the priests of Ahura Mazda as counsel- lors, and they, not those of the Hellenic Olympus, were interrogated in public affairs, so far as these concerned divine things. As a matter of course this was all the more the case with the Arsacids. We have already observed that in the election of king, along wdth the council of the nobility, that of the priests took part. King Tiridates of Armenia, of the house of the Arsacids, came to Rome at- tended by a train of Magians, and travelled and took food according to their directions, even in company with the emperor Nero, who gladly allowed the foreign wise men to preach their doctrine and to conjure spirits for him. From 12 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. this certainly it does not follow that the priestly order as such exercised an essentially determining influence on the management of the state ; but the Mazda-faith was by no means re-established only by the Sassanids ; on the con- trary, amidst all change of dynasties, and amidst all its own development, the religion of the land of Iran remained in its outline the same. The language of the land in the Parthian empire was the native language of Iran. There is no Language. tracc pointing to any foreign language having ever been in public use under the Arsacids. On the contrary, it is the Iranian land-dialect of Babylonia and the writing peculiar to this — as both were developed be- fore, and in, the Arsacid period under the influence of the language and writing of the Aramaean neighbours — which are covered by the appellation Pahlavi, i.e. Parthava, and thereby designated as those of the empire of the Parthians. Even Greek did not become an imperial language there. None of the rulers bear even as a second name a Greek one ; and, had the Arsacids made this language their own, we should not have failed to find Greek inscriptions in their empire. Certainly their coins show down to the time of Claudius exclusively,^ and predominantly even later, Greek legends, as they show also no trace of the religion of the land, and in standard attach themselves to the local coinage of the Roman east provinces, while they re- tain the division of the year as well as the reckoning by years just as these had been regulated under the Seleucids. But this must rather be taken as meaning that the great- kings themselves did not coin at all,^ and these coins, which ^ The oldest known coin with Pahlavi writing was struck in Claudius's time under Vologasus I. ; it is bilingual, and gives to the king in Greek his full title, but only the name Arsaces, in Iranian merely the native individual name shortened {Yol.'). Usually this is restricted to the large silver money, and the small silver and most of the copper are regarded as of royal coinage. But by this view a singular secondary part in coinage is assigned to the great-king. More correctly perhaps the former coinage is con- ceived of as predominantly destined for dealings abroad, the latter Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 13 in fact served essentially for intercourse with the western neighbours, were struck by the Greek towns of the em- pire in the name of the sovereign. The designation of the king on these coins as " friend of Greeks " [(juXikXrjv), which already meets us early/ and is constant from the time of Mithradates I., i.e. from the extension of the state as far as the Tigris, has a meaning only, if it is the Par- thian Greek city that is speaking on these coins. It may be conjectured that a secondary position was conceded in public use to the Greek language in the Parthian empire alongside of the Persian, similar to that which it possessed in the Eoman state by the side of Latin. The gradual disappearance of Hellenism under the Parthian rule may be clearly followed on these urban coins, as well in the emergence of the native language alongside and instead of the Greek, as in the debasement of language which be- comes more and more prominent.^ As to extent the kingdom of the Arsacids was far in- ferior, not merely to the great state of the Parthian em- Achacmcnids, but also to that of their imme- diate predecessors, the state of the Seleucids. Of its original territory they possessed only the larger eastern half ; after the battle with the Parthians, in which king Antiochus Sidetes, a contemporary of the Gracchi, fell, the Syrian kings did not again seriously attempt to assert their rule beyond the Euphrates ; but the country on this side of the Euphrates remained with the Occidentals. Both coasts of the Persian Gulf, even the Arabian, were in possession of the Parthians, and the navi- ^ gation was thus completely in their power ; the rest of the Arabian peninsula did not obey either the Parthians or the Romans ruling over Egypt, as predominantly for internal intercourse ; the diversities subsisting between the two kinds are also explained in this way. *The first ruler that bears it is Phraapates about 188 B.C. (Percy Gardner, Parthian Coinage, p. 27). 2 Thus there stands on the coins of Gotarzes (under Claudius) TwTep^TjS fiaffiXevs flaaiAeooV vhs K€Ka\ovfj.€fos ^Apral^dvov, On the later ones the Greek legend is often quite unintelligible. 14 The Ewphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. To describe the struggle of the nations for the posses- sion of the Indus valley, and of the regions Sriudus" bordering on it, to the west and east, so far as the wholly fragmentary tradition allows of a description at all, is not the task of our survey ; but the main lines of this struggle, which constantly goes by the side of that waged for the Euphrates valley, may the less be omitted in this connection, as our tradition does not allow us to follow out in detail the circumstances of Iran to the east in their influence on western relations, and it hence appears necessary at least to realize for ourselves its outlines. Soon after the death of Alexander the Great, the boundary between Iran and India was drawn by the agreement of his marshal and coheir Seleucus with Chan- dragupta, or in Greek Sandracottos, the founder of the empire of the Indians. According to this the latter ruled not merely over the Ganges-valley in all its extent and the whole north-west of India, but in the region of the Indus, at least over a part of the upland valley of what is now Cabul, further over Arachosia or Afghanistan, presumably also over the waste and arid Gedrosia, the modern Beloo- chistan, as well as over the delta and mouths of the Indus ; the documents hewn in stone, by which Chandragupta's grandson, the orthodox Buddha- worshipper Asoka, incul- cated the general moral law on his subjects, have been found, as in all this widely extended domain, so particu- larly in the region of Peshawur.^ The Hindoo Koosh, the ' While the kingdom of Darius, according to his inscriptions, in- cludes in it the Gadara (the Gandh'ira of the Indians, TavZap7Tis of the Greeks on the Cabul river) and the Hidu (the dwellers by the Indus), the former are in one of the inscriptions of Asoka adduced among his subjects, and a copy of his great edict has been found in Kapurdi Giri or rather in Shahbaz Garhi (Yusufzai- district), nearly 27 miles north-west of the point where the Cabul river falls into the Indus at Attock. The seat of the government of these north- west provinces of Asoka's kingdom was (according to the inscription C. 1. Indicar. i. p 91) Takkhasila, Ta^iAa of the Greeks, some 40 miles E.S.E. of Attock, the seat of government for the south-west- ern provinces was Ujjeni ('O^tjj/tj). The eastern part of the Cabul Chap. IX. J The Eujphrates Frontier. 15 Parapanisus of the ancients, and its continuation to the east and west, thus separated with their mighty chain — pierced only by few passes — Iran and India. But this agreement did not long subsist. In the earlier period of the Diadochi the Greek rulers of the kingdom of Bactra, which took a mighty empTre".^"'^'^" impulse ou its breaking off from the Seleucid state, crossed the frontier mountains, brought a considerable part of the Indus valley into their power, and perhaps established themselves still farther inland in Hindostan, so that the centre of gravity of this empire was shifted from western Iran to eastern India, and Hellen- ism gave way to an Indian type. The kings of this em- pire were called Indian, and bore subsequently non-Greek names ; on the coins the native Indian language and writ- ing appear by the side, and instead, of the Greek, just as in the Partho-Persian coinage the Pahlavi comes up alongside of the Greek. Then one nation more entered into the arena ; the Scy- thians, or, as they were called in Iran and In- indo-scythians. ^.^^ Sacac, brokc off from their ancestral settlements on the Jaxartes and crossed the mountains southward. The Bactrian province came at last in great part into their power, and at some time in the last cen- tury of the Eoman republic they must have established themselves in the modern Afghanistan and Beloochistan. On that account in the early imperial period the coast on both sides of the mouth of the Indus about Minnagara is called Scythian, and in the interior the district of the Drangae lying to the west of Candahar bears subsequently valley thus belonged at any rate to Asoka's empire. It is not quite impossible that the Khyber pass formed the boundary ; but prob- ably the whole Cabul valley belonged to India, and the boundary to the south of Cabul was formed by the sharp line of the Suleiman range, and farther to the south-west by the Bolan pass. Of the later Indo-Scythi an king Huvishka (Ooerke of the coins), who seems to have resided on the Yamuna in Mathura, an inscription has been found at Wardak not far northward from Cabul (according to infor mation from Oldenberg). 16 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. the name ''land of the Sacae," Sacastane, the modern Se- istan. This immigration of the Scythians into the prov- inces of the Bactro-Indian empire doubtless restricted and injured it, somewhat as the Roman empire was af- fected by the first migrations of the Germans, but did not destroy it ; under Vespasian there still subsisted a prob- ably independent Bactrian state.' Under the Julian and Claudian emperors the Parthians seem to have been the leading power at the rmp£e:^°'^''''° mouth of the Indus. A trustworthy reporter from the Augustan age specifies that same Sacastane among the Parthian provinces, and calls the king of the Saco-Scythians an under-king of the Arsacids ; as the last Parthian province towards the east he desig- nates Arachosia with the capital Alexandropolis, probably Candahar. Soon afterwards, indeed, in Vespasian's time, Parthian princes rule in Minnagara. This, however, was for the empire on the river Indus more a change of dy- nasty than an annexation proper to the state of Ctesiphon. The Parthian prince Gondopharus, whom the Christian legend connects with St. Thomas, the apostle of the Par- thians and Indians,^ certainly ruled from Minnagara as far up as Peshawur and Cabul ; but these rulers use, like their superiors in the Indian empire, the Indian language alongside of the Greek, and name themselves great-kings like those of Ctesiphon ; they appear to have been not the less rivals to the Arsacids, on account of their belonging to the same princely house. ' The Egyptian merchant named in note 3 makes mention, c. 47, of "the warlike people of the Bactrians, who have their own king."' At that time, therefore, Bactria was separated from the Indus-em- pire that was under Parthian princes. Strabo, too (xi. 11, 1, p. 516) treats the Bactro-Indian empire as belonging to the past. ^ Probably he is the Kaspar — in older tradition Gathaspar — who appears among the holy three kings from the East (Gutschmid, • Rhein. Mus. xix. 162). ^ The most definite testimony to the Parthian rule in these regions is found in the description of the coasts of the Red Sea drawn up by an Egyptian merchant under Vespasian j c. 36 : " Behind the Chap. IX.] The Ewphrates Frontier. 17 This Parthian dynasty was then followed in the Indian ^ . ^ empire after a short interval by what is desig- Sacae on the nated in Indian tradition as that of the Sacae ^^^^ king Kanerku or Kanishka, which begins with 78 a.d. and subsisted at least down to the moutli of the Indus in the interior lies the capital of Scythia Min- nagara ; but this is ruled by the Parthians, who constantly chase away one another ' (uiri) nap^coy (tvv^')^u>s aW^Aovs iuSKoKSyrcov). The same is repeated in a somewhat confused way, c. 41 ; it might here appear as if Minnagara lay in India itself above Barygaza, and Ptolemy has already been led astray by this; but certainly the writer, who speaks as to the interior only from hearsay, has only wished to say that a large town Minnagara lay inland not far from Barygaza, and much cotton was brought thence to Barygaza. The numerous traces also of Alexander, which occur according to the same authority in Minnagara, can be found only on the Indus, not in Gujerat. The position of Minnagara on the lower Indus not far from Hyderabad, and the existence of a Parthian rule there under Vespasian, appear hereby assured. — With this we may be allowed to combine the coins of king Gondopharus or Hyn- dopherres, who in a very old Christian legend is converted to Christianity by St. Thomas, the apostle of the Parthians and In- dians, and in fact appears to belong to the first period of the Eoman empire (Sallet, Wu?n. Zeitschr. vi. 355 ; Gutschmid, BTiein. Mus. xix. 162) ; of his brother's son Abdagases (Sallet, ib. p. 365), who may be identical with the Parthian prince of this name in Tacitus, Ann. vi. 36, at any rate bears a Parthian name ; and lastly of king Sanabarus, who must have reigned shortly after Hyndopherres, perhaps was his successor. Here belongs also a number of other coins marked with Parthian names, Arsaces, Pacorus, Vonones. This coinage attaches itself decidedly to that of the Arsacids (Sallet, ib. p. 377) ; the silver pieces of Gondopharus and of Sanabarus — of the others the coins are almost solely copper — correspond exactly to the Arsacid drachmae. To all appearance these belong to the Parthian princes of Minnagara ; the appearance here of Indian legend alongside of the Greek, as of Pahlavi writing among the late Arsacids, suits this view. These, however, are not coins of sa- traps, but, as the Egyptian indicates, of great-kings rivalling those of Ctesiphon ; Hyndopherres names himself in very corrupt Greek ^a}p, as his royal designation runs {G. I. Or. 4717), entered on the joint rule of Egypt in the Egyptian year 29 Aug. 711/2 as the era shows (Wescher, Biillett. clelV Inst. 1866, p. 199; Krall, Wiener Staclieii., v. 313). As he came in place of Ptolemaeus the younger, the husband and brother of his mother, the setting aside of the lat- ter by Cleopatra, of which the particulars are not known, must have taken place just then, and have furnished the occasion to proclaim him as king of Egypt. Dio also, xlvii. 31, places his nomination in the summer of 712 before the battle of Philippi. It was thus not the work of Antonius, but sanctioned by the two rulers in concert at a time when it could not but be their object to meet the wishes of the queen of Egypt, who certainly had from the outset ranged herself on their side. ^ This is what Augustus means when he says that he had brought again to the empire the provinces of the East in great part distri- buted among kings {Mon. Ancyr. 5, 41 : provindas omnis, quae trans Hadrianum mare wrgunt ad oi'ientem, Cyrenasque, iam ex parte magna regibus eas possidentibus . , . reciperavi). 28 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. of his ancestor Herakles •} the said Alexander and his twin sister were named by him, the former Helios, the latter Selene, after the model of those same great-kings, and, as once upon a time the Persian king bestowed on the refu- gee Themistocles a number of Asiatic cities, so he be- stowed on the Parthian Monaeses, who went over to him, three cities of Syria. In Alexander too the king of the Macedonians and the king of kings of the East went in some measure side by side, and to him too the bridal bed in Susa was the reward for the camp tent of Gaugamela ; but the Roman copy shows in its exactness a strong ele- ment of caricature. Whether Antonius apprehended his position in this way, immediately on his taking up the government in the ^ The decorum, which was as characteristic of Augustus as its opposite was of his colleague, did not fail him here. Not merely in the case of Caesarion was the paternity, which the dictator himself had virtually acknowledged, afterwards offically denied; the chil- dren also of Antonius by Cleopatra, where indeed nothing was to be denied, were regarded doubtless as members of the imperial house, but were never formally acknowledged as children of Antonius. On the contrary the son of the daughter of Antonius by Cleopatra, the subsequent king of MauretaniaPtolemaeus, is called in the Athenian inscription, 0. Z ^. iii. 555, grandson of Ptolemaeus; for UTo\e/j.a(ov €Kyovos cannot well in this connection be taken otherwise. This maternal grandfather was invented in Rome, that they might be able officially to conceal the real one. Any one who prefers— as O. Hirschfeld proposes— to take eKyovos as great-grandson, and to refer it to the maternal great-grandfather, comes to the same result ; for then the grandfather is passed over, because the mother was in the legal sense fatherless. — Whether the fiction, which is in my view more probable, went so far as to indicate a definite Ptolemaeus, pos- sibly to prolong the life of the last Lagid who died in 712, or whether they were content with inventing a father without entering into particulars, cannot be decided. But the fiction was adhered to in this respect, that the son of Antonius's daughter obtained the name of the fictitious grandfather. The cir- cumstance that in this case preference was given to the descent from the Lagids over that from Massinissa may probably have been occa- sioned more by regard to the imperial house, which treated the ille- gitimate child as belonging to it, than by the Hellenic inclination of the father. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 29 East, cannot be decided ; it may be conjectured that the creation of a new Oriental great-kingdom in £7thrpa?-'^ connection with the Occidental principate mian war. ripened in his mind gradually, and that the idea was only thought out completely, after, in the year 717, on his return from Italy to Asia, he had once more entered into relations with the last queen of the Lagid house not to be again broken off. But his temperament was not equal to such an enterprise. One of those men of military capacity, who knew how, in pres- ence of the enemy, and especially in a position of difficulty, to strike prudently and boldly, he lacked the will of the statesman, the sure grasp and resolute pursuit of a politi- cal aim. Had the dictator Caesar assigned to him the problem of subduing the East, he would probably have solved it : the marshal was not fitted to be the ruler. After the expulsion of the Parthians from Syria, almost two years (summer of 716 to summer of 718) ' ■ elapsed without any step being taken towards the object aimed at. Antonius himself, inferior also in this respect that he grudged to his generals important successes, had removed the conqueror of Labienus and of Pacorus, the able Ventidius, immediately after this last success, and taken the chief command in person in order to pursue and to miss the pitiful honour of occupying Samosata, the capital of the small Syrian dependent state, Commagene ; annoyed at this he left the East, in order to negotiate in Italy with his father-in-law as to the future arrangements, or to enjoy life with his young spouse Octavia. His governors in the East were not inactive. Publius Canidius Crassus advanced from Armenia towards the Caucasus, and there subdued Pharnabazus king of the Iberians, and Zober king of the Albanians. Gains Sos- sius took in Syria the last town still adhering to the Par- thians, Aradus ; he further re-established in Judaea the rule of Herodes, and caused the pretender to the throne installed by the Parthians, the Hasmonean Antigonus, to be put to death. The consequences of the victory on 30 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. Eoman territory were thus duly drawn, and the recog- nition of Eoman rule was enforced as far as the Caspian Sea and the Syrian desert. But Antonius had reserved for himself the beginning of the warfare against the Par- thians, and he came not. When at length, in 718, he escaped from the arms, not of Octavia, but of Cleopatra, and set the col- Parthian war of UmnS of the army in motion, a good part of Antonius. appropriate season of the year had already elapsed. Still more surprising than this delay was the direction which Antonius chose. All aggressive wars of the Romans against the Parthians, earlier and later, took the route for Ctesiphon, the capital of the kingdom and at the same time situated on its western frontier, and so the natural and immediate aim of opei'ation for armies march- ing downward on the Euphrates or on the Tigris. Anto- nius too might, after he had reached the Tigris through northern Mesopotamia, nearly along the route which Alex- ander had traversed, have advanced down the river upon Ctesiphon and Seleucia. But instead of this he preferred to go in a northerly direction at first towards Armenia, and from that point, where he united his whole military resources and reinforced himself in particular by the Ar- menian cavalry, to the table-land of Media Atropatene (Aderbijan). The allied king of Armenia may possibly have recommended this plan of campaign, seeing that the Armenian rulers at all times aspired to the possession of this neighbouring land, and King Artavazdes of Armenia might hope now to subdue the satrap of Atropatene of the same name, and to add the latter's territory to his own. But Antonius himself cannot possibly have been influenced by such considerations. He may have rather thought that he should be able to push forward from Atropatene into the heart of the enemy's country, and might regard the old Persian court-residences of Ecbatana and Rhagae as the goal of his march. But, if this was his plan, he acted without knowledge of the difficult ground, and altogether underrated his opponents' power of resistance, besides Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 31 which the short time available for operations in this moun- tainous country and the late beginning of the campaign weighed heavily in the scale. As a skilled and experi- enced officer, such as Antonius was, could hardly deceive himself on such points, it is probable that special political considerations influenced the matter. The rule of Phraates was tottering, as we have said ; Monaeses, of whose fidelity Antonius held himself assured, and whom he hoped per- haps to put into Phraates's place, had returned in accord- ance with the wish of the Parthian king to his native country ; ' Antonius appears to have reckoned on a rising on his part against Phraates, and in expectation of this civil war to have led his army into the interior of the Par- thian provinces. It would doubtless have been possible to await the result of this proposal in the friendly Armenia, and, if operations thereafter were requisite, to have at least the full summer-time at his disposal in the following year ; but this waiting was not agreeable to the hasty gen- eral. In Atropatene he encountered the obstinate resist- ance of the powerful and half independent under-king, who resolutely sustained a siege in his capital Praaspa or Phraarta (southward from the lake of Urumia, presumably on the lower course of the Jaghatu) ; and not only so, but the hostile attack brought, as it would seem, to the Par- thians internal peace. Phraates led on a large army to the relief of the assailed city. Antonius had brought with him a great siege-train, but impatiently hastening forward, he had left this behind in the custody of two legions under the legate Oppius Statianus. Thus he on his part made no progress with the siege ; but king Phraates sent his masses of cavalry under that same Monaeses to the rear of ^ It is in itself credible tliat Antonius concealed the impending in- vasion from Phraates as long as possible, and therefore, when send- ing back Monaeses, declared himself ready to conclude peace on the basis of the restitution of the lost standards (Plutarch, 37 ; Dio, xlix. 24 ; Florus, ii. 20 [iv. 10]). But he knew presumably that this offer would not be accepted, and in no case can he have been in earnest with those proposals ; beyond doubt he wished for the war and the overthrow of Phraates. 32 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIIL the enemy, against the corps of Statianus laboriously pur- suing its march. The Parthians cut down the covering force, including the general himself, took the rest prison- ers, and destroyed the whole train of 300 waggons. There- by the campaign was lost. The Armenian, despairing of the success of the cam- paign, collected his men and went home. An- SrufJS tonius did not immediately abandon the siege, and even defeated the royal army in the open field, but the alert horsemen escaped without substantial loss, and it was a victory without effect. An attempt to obtain from the king at least the restitution of the old and the newly lost eagles, and thus to conclude peace, if not with advantage, at least with honour, failed ; the Parthian did not give away his sure success so cheaply. He only assured the envoys of Antonius that, if the Romans would give up the siege, he would not molest them on their re- turn home. This neither honourable nor trustworthy promise of the enemy would hardly have induced An- tonius to break up. It was natural to take up quarters for the winter in the enemy's country, seeing that the Parthian troops were not acquainted with continuous military service, and presumably most of their forces would have gone home at the commencement of winter. But a strong basis was lacking, and supplies in the ex- hausted land were not secured ; above all Antonius him- self was not capable of such a tenacious conduct of the war. Consequently he abandoned the machines, which the besieged immediately burnt ; and entered on the diffi- cult retreat, either too early or too late. Fifteen days' march (300 Roman miles) through a hostile country sepa- rated the army from the Araxes, the border river of Ar- menia, whither in spite of the ambiguous attitude of the ruler the retreat could alone be directed. A hostile army of 40,000 horsemen, in spite of the given promise, accom- panied the returning force, and, with the marching off of the Armenians, the Romans had lost the best part of their cavalry. Provisions and draught animals were scarce, and Chap. IX.] I^Jie Euphrates Frontier. 33 the season of the year far advanced. But in the perilous position Antonius recovered his energy and his martial skill, and in some measure also his good fortune in war ; he had made his choice, and the general as well as the troops solved the task in a commendable way. Had they not had with them a former soldier of Crassus, who, hav- ing become a Parthian, knew most accurately every step of the way, and, instead of conducting them back through the plain by which they had come, guided them by moun- tain paths, which were less exposed to cavalry attacks — apparently over the mountains about Tabreez — the army would hardly have reached its goal ; and had not Monae- ses, paying off in his way his debt of thanks to Antonius, informed him in right time of the false assurances and the cunning proposals of his countrymen, the Romans would doubtless have fallen into one of the ambushes which on several occasions were laid for them. The soldierly nature of Antonius was often brilliantly conspicuous during these troublesome days, Sie^Sreat.°^ in his dexterous use of any favourable moment, in his sternness towards the cowardly, in his power over the minds of the soldiers, in his faithful care for the wounded and the sick. Yet the rescue was almost a miracle ; already had Antonius instructed a faithful at- tendant in case of extremity not to let him fall alive into the hands of the enemy. Amidst constant attacks of the artful enemy, in weather of wintry cold, soon without ad- equate food and often without water, they in twenty-seven days reached the protecting frontier, where the enemy desisted from following them. The loss was enormous ; there were reckoned up in those twenty-seven days eight- een larger engagements, and in a single one of them the Eomans counted 3,000 dead and 5,000 wounded. It was the very best and bravest that those constant assaults on the vanguard and on the flanks swept away. The whole baggage, a third of the camp-followers, a fourth of the army, 20,000 foot soldiers, and 4,000 horsemen had per- ished in this Median campaign, in great part not through Vol. II.— 3 34 The Ewphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. the sword, but through famine and disease. Even on the Araxes the sufferings of the unhappy troops were not yet at an end. Artavazdes received them as a friend, and had no other choice ; it would doubtless have been pos- sible to pass the winter there. But the impatience of Antonius did not tolerate this ; the march went on, and from the ever increasing inclemency of the season and the state of health of the soldiers, this last section of the ex- pedition from the Araxes to Antioch cost, although no en- emy hampered it, other 8,000 men. No doubt this cam- paign was a last flash of what was brave and capable in the character of Antonius ; but it was politically his overthrow all the more, as at the same time Caesar by the successful termination of the Sicilian war gained the dominion in the "West and the confidence of Italy for the present and all the future. The responsibility for the miscarriage, which Antonius in vain attempted to deny, was thrown by him Antonius in the On the dependent kings of Cappadocia and East. Armenia, and on the latter so far with justice, as his premature marching off from Praaspa had mate- rially increased the dangers and the losses of the retreat. For the plan of the campaign, however, it was not he who was responsible, but Antonius ; and the failure of the hopes placed on Monaeses, the disaster of Statianus, the breaking down of the siege of Praaspa, were not brought about by the Armenian. Antonius did not abandon the subjugation of the East, but set out next year (719) once more from Egypt. The circum- stances were still even now comparatively favourable. A friendly alliance v/as formed with the Median king Arta- ' The account of the matter given by Strabo, xi. 13, 4, p. 524, evidently after the description of this war compiled by Antonius's comrade in arms Dellius, and, it may be conjectured, at his bidding (comp. ib. xi 18, 3 ; Dio, xlix. 39 \ is a very sorry attempt to jus- tify the beaten general. If Antonius did not take the nearest route to Ctesiphon, king Artavazdes cannot be brought in for the blame of it as a false guide ; it was a military, and doubtless still more a political, miscalculation of the general in chief. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 35 vazdes ; he had not merely fallen into variance with his Parthian suzerain, but was indignant above all at his Ar- menian neighbour, and, considering the well-known exas- peration of Antonius against the latter, he might reckon on finding a support in the enemy of his enemy. Every- thing depended on the firm accord of the two possessors of power — the victory- crowned master of the West and the defeated ruler in the East ; and, on the news that An- tonius proposed to continue the war, his legitimate wife, the sister of Caesar, resorted from Italy to the East to bring up to him new forces, and to strengthen anew his relations to her and to her brother. If Octavia was mag- nanimous enough to offer the hand of reconciliation to her husband in spite of his relations to the Egyptian queen, Caesar must — as was further confirmed by the commence- ment, which just then took place, of the war on the north- east frontier of Italy — have been still ready at that time to maintain the subsisting relation. The brother and sister subordinated their personal interests magnanimously to those of the commonwealth. But loudly as interest and honour called for the acceptance of the offered hand, An- tonius could not prevail on himself to break off the relation with the Egyptian queen ; he sent back his wife, and this was at the same time a rupture with her brother, and, as we may add, an abandonment of the idea of continuing the war against the Parthians. Now, ere that could be thought of, the question of mastery between Antonius and Caesar had to be settled. Antonius accordingly returned at once from Syria to Egypt, and in the following year undertook nothing further towards the execution of his plans of Oriental conquest ; only he punished those to whom he assigned the blame of the miscarriage. He caused Ariarathes the king of Cappadocia to be executed,^ and gave the kingdom to an illegitimate kinsman of his, ^ The fact of the deposition and execution, and the time, are at- tested by Dio, xlix. 32, and Valerius Maximus, ix. 15, ext. 2 ; the cause or the pretext must have been connected with the Armenian war. 36 The Euphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. Archelaus. The like fate was intended for the Armenian. If Antonius in 720 appeared in Armenia, as he said, for the continuance of the war, this had simply the object of getting into his power the person of the king, who had refused to go to Egypt. This act of re- venge was ignobly executed by way of surprise, and was not less ignobly celebrated by a caricature of the Capito- line triumph exhibited in Alexandria. At that time the son of Antonius, destined for lord of the East, as was al- ready stated, was installed as king of Armenia, and mar- ried to the daughter of the new ally, the king of Media ; while the eldest son of the captive king of Armenia exe- cuted some time afterwards by order of queen Cleopatra, Artaxes, whom the Armenians had proclaimed king instead of his father, took refuge with the Parthians. Armenia and Media Atropatene were thus in the power of Antonius or allied with him ; the continuance of the Parthian war was announced doubtless, but remained postponed till after the overcoming of the western rival. Phraates on his part advanced against Media, at first without success, as the Koman troops stationed in Armenia afforded help to the Medians ; but when Antonius, in the course of his ar- maments against Caesar, recalled his forces from that quarter, the Parthians gained the upper hand, vanquished the Medians, and installed in Media, as well as also in Ar- menia, the king Artaxes, who, in requital for the execu- tion of his father, caused all the Romans scattered in the land to be seized and put to death. That Phraates did not turn to fuller account the great feud between Antonius and Caesar, while it was in preparation and was being fought out, was probably due to his being once more hampered by the troubles breaking out in his own land. These ended in his expulsion, and in his going to the Scythians of the East. Tiridates was proclaimed as great- king in his stead. When the decisive naval battle was fought on the coast of Epirus, and thereupon the overthrow of Antonius was completed in Egypt, this new great-king sat on his tottering throne in Ctesiphon, and at the oppo- Chap. IX. ] The Eii^phrates Frontier. 37 site frontier of the empire the hordes of Turan were mak- ing arrangements to reinstate the earlier ruler, in which they soon afterwards succeeded. The sagacious and clear-seeing man, to whom it fell to liquidate the undertakings of Antonius and to ments^orAugus- scttlc the rclatious of the two portions of the tus in the East. . -, n -i. empu'e, needed moderation quite as much as energy. It would have been the gravest of errors to enter into the ideas of Antonius as to conquering the East, or even merely making further conquests there. Augustus perceived this ; his military arrangements show clearly that, while he viewed the possession of the Syrian coast as well as that of Egypt as an indispensable complement to the empire of the Mediterranean, he attached no value to inland possessions there. Armenia, however, had now been for a generation Eoman, and could, in the nature of the circumstances, only be Eoman or Parthian ; the coun- try was by its position, in a military point of view, a sally- port for each of the great powers into the territory of the other. Augustus had no thought of abandoning Armenia and leaving it to the Parthian s ; and, as things stood, he could hardly think of doing so. But, if Armenia was re- tained, the matter could not end there ; the local relations compelled the Komans further to bring under their con- trolling influence the basin of the river Cyrus, the terri- tories of the Iberians on its upper, and of the Albanians on its lower course — that is, the inhabitants of the modern Georgia and Shirvan, skilled in combat on horseback and on foot — and not to allow the domain of the Parthian power to extend to the north of the Araxes beyond Atro- patene. The expedition of Pompeius had already shown that the settlement in Armenia necessarily led the Eomans on the one hand as far as the Caucasus, on the other as far as the western shore of the Caspian Sea. The initial steps were everywhere taken. The legates of Antonius had fought with the Iberians and Albanians ; Polemon, con- firmed in his position by Augustus, ruled not merely over the coast from Pharnacea to Trapezus, but also over the 38 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. territory of the Colchians at the mouth of the Phasis. To this general state of matters fell to be added the special circumstances of the moment, which most urgently sug- gested to the new monarch of Kome not merely to show his sword in presence of the Orientals, but also to draw it. That king Artaxes, like Mithradates formerly, had given orders to put to death all the Eomans within his bounds, could not be allowed to remain unrequited. The exiled king of Media also had now sought help from Augustus, as he would otherwise have sought it from Antonius. Not merely did the civil war and the conflict of pretenders in the Parthian empire facilitate the attack, but the expelled ruler Tiridates likewise sought protection with Augustus, and declared himself ready as a Eoman vassal to accept his kingdom in fief from the latter. The restitution of the Komans who had fallen into the power of the Par- thians at the defeats of Crassus and of the Antonians, and of the lost eagles, might not in themselves seem to the ruler worth the waging of war ; the restorer of the Roman state could not allow this question of military and politi- cal honour to drop. The Eoman statesman had to reckon with these facts ; considering the position, which Antonius took him!'^ *° in the East, the policy of action was impera- tive generally, and doubly so from the pre- ceding miscarriages. Beyond doubt it was desirable soon to undertake the organisation of matters in Rome, but for the undisputed monarch there subsisted no stringent com- pulsion to do this at once. He found himself after the decisive blows of Actium and Alexandria on the spot and at the head of a strong and victorious army ; what had to be done some day was best done at once. A ruler of the stamp of Caesar would hardly have returned to Rome without having restored the protectorate in Armenia, hav- ing obtained recognition for the Roman supremacy as far as the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, and having settled accounts with the Parthians. A ruler of caution and en- ergy would have now at once organised the defence of the Chap, IX.] TJie Euphrates Frontier. 39 frontier in the East, as the circumstances required ; it was from the outset clear that the four Syrian legions, together about 40,000 men, were not sufficient to guard the inter- ests of Kome simultaneously on the Euphrates, on the Araxes, and on the Cyrus, and that the militia of the de- pendent kingdoms only concealed, and did not cover, the want of imperial troops. Armenia by political and national sympathy held more to the Parthians than to the Romans ; the kings of Commagene, Cappadocia, Galatia, Pontus, were inclined doubtless on the other hand more to the Roman side, but they were untrustworthy and weak. Even a policy keeping within bounds needed for its foundation an energetic stroke of the sword, and for its maintenance the near arm of a superior Roman military power. Augustus neither struck nor protected ; certainly not because he deceived himself as to the state of meature?^ the case, but bccausc it was his nature to exe- cute tardily and feebly what he perceived to be necessary, and to let considerations of internal policy exercise a more than due influence on the relations abroad. The inadequacy of the protection of the frontier by the cli- ent-states of Asia Minor he well perceived ; and in con- nection therewith, already in the j^ear 729, after the death of king Amyntas who ruled all the in- terior of Asia Minor, he gave to him no successor, but placed the land under an imperial legate. Presumably the neigh- bouring more impotant client-states, and particularly Cap- padocia, were intended to be in like manner converted after the decease of the holders for the time into imperial govern- orships. This was a step in advance, in so far as thereby the militia ot these countries was incorporated with the impe- rial army and placed under Roman officers ; these troops could not exercise a serious pressure on the insecure bor- derlands or even on the neighbouring great-state, although they now counted among those of the empire. But all these considerations were outweighed by regard to the reduction of the numbers of the standing army and of the expendi- ture for the military system to the lowest possible measure. 40 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. Equally insufficient, in presence of the relations of the moment, were the measures adopted by Augustus on his return home from Alexandria. He gave to the dispos- sessed king of the Medes the rule of the Lesser Armenia, and to the Parthian pretender Tiridates an asylum in Syria, in order through the former to keep in check the king Artaxes who persevered in open hostility against Kome, by the latter to press upon king Phraates. The negotiations instituted with the latter regarding the resti- tution of the Parthian trophies of victory were prolonged without result, although Phraates in the year 731 had promised their return in order to obtain the 23. ^ release of a son who had accidentally fallen into the power of the Eomans. It was only when Augustus went in person to Syria in the year 734, and showed himself in earnest, Augustus in that the Orientals submitted. In Armenia, where a powerful party had risen against king Artaxes, the insurgents threw themselves into the arms of the Eomans and sought imperial investiture for Artaxes's younger brother Tigranes, brought up at the imperial court and living in Eome. When the emperor's stepson Tiberius Claudius Nero, then a youth of twenty-two years, advanced with a military force into Armenia, king Artaxes was put to death by his own relatives, and Tigranes re- ceived the imperial tiara from the hand of the emperor's representative, as fifty years earlier his grandfather of the same name had received it from Pompeius (iv. 152). Atropatene was again separated from Armenia and passed under the sway of a ruler likewise brought up in Eome, Ariobarzanes, son of the already-mentioned Artavazdes ; yet the latter appears to have obtained the land not as a Eoman but as a Parthian dependency. Concerning the organisation of matters in the principalities on the Cau- casus we learn nothing ; but as they are subsequently reckoned among the Eoman client-states, probably at that time the Eoman influence prevailed here also. Even king Phraates, now put to the choice of redeeming his Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 41 word or fighting, resolved with a heavy heart on the sur- render — keenly as it did violence to the national feelings of his people — of the few Koman prisoners of war still living and the standards won. Boundless joy saluted this bloodless victory achieved . ^ by this prince of peace. After it there sub- Mission of -•- ^ Gaius Caesar sistcd for a Considerable time a friendly re- to the East. . lation with the king of the Parthians, as indeed the immediate interests of the two great states came little into contact. In Armenia, on the other hand, the Koman vassal-rule, which rested only on its own basis, had a dif- ficulty in confronting the national opposition. After the early death of king Tigranes his children, or the leaders of the state governing under their name, joined this op- position. Against them another ruler Artavazdes was set up by the friends of the Komans ; but he was unable to prevail against the stronger opposing party. These Arme- nian troubles disturbed also the relation to the Parthians ; it was natural that the Armenians antagonistic to Rome should seek to lean on these, and the Arsacids could not forget that Armenia had been formerly a Parthian appan- age for the second son. Bloodless victories are often feeble and dangerous. Matters went so far that the g Boman government, in the year 748, commis- sioned the same Tiberius, who, fourteen years before had installed Tigranes as vassal-king of Armenia, to enter it once more with a military force and to regulate the state of matters in case of need by arms. But the quarrels in the imperial family, which had interrupted the subjuga- tion of the Germans (i. 40), interfered also here and had the same bad effect. Tiberius declined his stepfather's commission, and in the absence of a suitable princely gen- eral the Roman government for some years looked on, inactive for good or evil, at the doings of the anti-Roman party in Armenia under Parthian protection. At length, in the year 753, not merely was the same commission given to the elder adopted son of the em- peror, Gaius Caesar, at the age of twenty, but the subjuga- 42 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. tioii of Armenia was to be, as the father hoped, the be- ginning of greater things ; the Oriental campaign of the crown-prinee of twenty was, we might almost say, to con- tinue the expedition of Alexander. Literati commissioned by the emperor or in close relations to the court, the geog- rapher Isidorus, himself at home at the mouth of the Eu- phrates, and king Juba of Mauretania, the representa- tive of Greek learning among the princely personages of the Augustan circle, dedicated — the former his informa- tion personally acquired in the East, the latter his literary collections on Arabia — to the young prince, who appeared to burn with the desire of achieving the conquest of that land— over which Alexander had met his death — as a brilliant compensation for a miscarriage of the Augustan government which a considerable time ago had there occurred. In the first instance for Armenia this mission was just as successful as that of Tiberius. The Eoman crown-prince and the Parthian great-king Phraataces met personally on an island of the Euphrates ; the Parthians once more gave up Armenia, the imminent danger of a Parthian war was averted, and the understanding, which had been disturbed, was at least outwardly re-established. Gains appointed Ariobarzanes, a prince of the Median princely house, as king over the Armenians, and the su- zerainty of Rome was once more confirmed. The Arme- nians, however, opposed to Rome did not submit without resistance ; matters came not merely to the marching in of the legions, but even to fighting. Before the walls of the Armenian stronghold Artageira the young crown- prince received from a Parthian officer through treachery the wound (2 a.d.) of which he died after months of sick- ness. The intermixture of imperial and dynastic policy punished itself anew. The death of a young man changed the course of great policy ; the Arabian expedition so confidently announced to the public fell into abeyance, after its success could no longer smooth the way of the emperor's son to the succession. Further undertakings on the EujDhrates were no longer thought of ; the im- Chap. IX.] The Eujplirates Frontier. 43 mediate object — the occupation of Armenia and the re- estabHshment of the relations with the Parthians — was at- tained, however sad the shadows that fell on this success through the death of the crown-prince. The success had no more endurance than that of the more brilliant expedition of 734. The rulers ^. . ^ ^ of Armenia installed by Eome were soon hard, manicus to the pressed by those of the counter-party with the secret or open participation of the Parthians, and supplanted. When the Parthian prince Vonones, reared in Rome, was called to the vacant Parthian throne, the Romans hoped to find in him a support ; but on that very account he had soon to vacate it, and in his stead came king Artabanus of Media, an energetic man, sprung on the mother's side from the Arsacids, but belonging to the Scythian people of the Daci, and brought up in native habits (about 10 a.d.). Vonones was then received by the Armenians as ruler, and thereby these were kept under Roman influence. But the less could Artabanus tolerate his dispossessed rival as a neighbour prince ; the Roman government must, in order to sustain a man in every respect unfitted for his position, have applied armed force against the Parthians as against his own subjects. Ti- berius, who meanwhile had come to reign, did not order an immediate invasion, and for the moment the anti- Roman party in Armenia was victorious ; but it was not his intention to abandon the important border-land. On the contrary, the annexation, probably long resolved on, of the kingdom of Cappadocia was carried out in the year 17 ; the old Archelaus, who had occupied the throne there from the year 718, was summoned to Rome and was there informed that he had ceased to reign. Likewise the petty, but on account of the fords of the Euphrates important, kingdom of Commagene came at that time under immediate imperial administration. Thereby the direct frontier of the empire was pushed for- ward as far as the middle Euphrates. At the same time the crown-prince Germanicus, who had just commanded 44 The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. with great distinction on the Rhine, went with extended full powers to the East, in order to organise the new province of Cappadocia and to restore the sunken repute of the imperial authority. This mission also attained its end soon and easily. Germanicus, althouf^h not supported by the And its results. -P a • -D- -lx. governor oi byria, Gnaeus Jriso, with such a force of troops as he was entitled to ask and had asked, went nevertheless to Armenia, and by the mere weight of his person and of his position brought back the land to allegiance. He allowed the incapable Vonones to fall, and, in accordance with the wishes of the chief men favourable to Rome, appointed as ruler of the Armenians a son of that Polemon whom Antonius had made king in Pontus, Zeno, or, as he was called as king of Armenia, Artax- ias ; the latter was, on the one hand, connected with the imperial house through his mother queen Pythodoris, a granddaughter of the triumvir Antonius, on the other hand, reared after the manner of the country, a vigorous huntsman and a brave carouser at the festal board. The great-king Artabanus also met the Roman prince in a friendly way, and asked only for the removal of his pre- decessor Vonones from Syria, in order to check the in- trigues concocted between him and the discontented Par- thians. As Germanicus responded to this request and sent the inconvenient refugee to Cilicia, where he soon afterwards perished in an attempt to escape, the best relations were established between the two great states. Artabanus wished even to meet personally with Ger- manicus at the Euphrates, as Phraataces and Gains had done ; but this Germanicus declined, doubtless with ref- erence to the easily excited suspicion of Tiberius. In truth the same shadow of gloom fell on this Oriental expedition as on the last preceding one; from this too the crown-prince of the Roman empire came not home alive. For a time the arrangements made did their work. So long as Tiberius bore sway with a firm hand, and so Chap. IX.] The Ewphrates Frontier, 45 long as king Artaxias of Armenia lived, tranquillity con- tinued in the East ; but in ttie last years of ^berfuT' "^"^ old emperor, when he from his solitary isl- and allowed things to take their course and shrank back from all interference, and especially after the death of Artaxias (about 34), the old game once more began. King Artabanus, exalted by his long and pros- perous government and by many successes achieved against the border peoples of L-an, and convinced that the old emperor would have no inclination to begin a heavy war in the East, induced the Armenians to proclaim his own eldest son, Arsaces, as ruler ; that is, to exchange the Koman suzerainty for the Parthian, Indeed he seemed directly to aim at war with Kome ; he demanded the estate left by his predecessor and rival Vonones, who had died in Cilicia, from the Eoman government, and his letters to it as undisguisedly expressed the view that the East belonged to the Orientals, as they called by the right name the abominations at the imperial court, of which people in Kome ventured only to whisper in their most intimate circles. He is said even to have made an attempt to possess himself of Cappadocia. But he had miscalculated on the old lion. Tiberius was even at Capreae formidable not merely to his courtiers, and was not the man to let liimseK, and in himself Kome, be mocked viteiiius^^ with impunity. He sent Lucius Vitellius, the father of the subsequent emperor, a resolute officer and skilful diplomatist, to the East with plenary power similar to that which Gains Caesar and Germanicus had formerly had, and with the commission in case of need to lead the Syrian legions over the Euphrates. At the same time he applied the often tried means for giving trouble to the rulers of the East by insurrections and pre- tenders in their own land. To the Parthian prince, whom the Armenian nationalists had proclaimed as ruler, he op- posed a prince of the royal house of the Iberians, Mith- radates, brother of the Armenian king Pharasmanes, and directed the latter, as well as the prince of the Albanians, 46 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIIL to support the Eoman pretender to Armenia with military force. Large bands of the Transcaucasian Sarmatae, war- like and easy of access to every wooer, were hired with Koman money for the inroads into Armenia. The Eoman pretender succeeded in poisoning his rival through bribed courtiers, and in possessing himself of the country and of the capital Artaxata. Artabanus sent in place of the murdered prince another son Orodes to Armenia, and attempted also on his part to procure Transcaucasian auxiliaries ; but only few made good their way to Armenia, and the bands of Parthian horsemen were not a match for the good infantry of the Caucasian peoples and the dreaded Sarmatian mounted archers. Orodes was vanquished in a hard pitched battle, and himself severely wounded in single combat with his rival. Then Artabanus in person set out for Armenia. But now Vitellius also put in motion the Syrian legions, in order to cross the Euphrates and to in- vade Mesopotamia, and this brought the long fermenting insurrection in the Parthian kingdom to an outbreak. The energetic and, with successes, more and more rude demeanour of the Scythian ruler, had offended many per- sons and interests, and had especially estranged from him the Mesopotamian Greeks and the powerful urban com- munity of Seleucia, from which he had taken away its municipal constitution, democratic after a Greek type. Eoman gold fostered the movement which was in prepara- tion. Discontented nobles had already put themselves in communication with the Eoman government, and besought from it a genuine Arsacid. Tiberius had sent the only sur- viving son of Phraates, of the same name with his father, and — after the old man, accustomed to Eoman habits, had succumbed to his exertions while still in Syria — in his stead a grandson of Phraates, likewise living in Eome, by name Tiridates. The Parthian prince Sinnaces, the leader of these plots, now renounced allegiance to the Scythians and set up the banner of the Arsacids. Vitellius with his legions crossed the Euphrates, and in his train the new great-king by grace of Eome. The Parthian governor of Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 47 Mesopotamia, Ornospades, wlio had once as an exile shared under Tiberius in the Pannonian wars, placed himself and his troops at once at the disposal of the new ruler ; Abda- gaeses, the father of Sinnaces, delivered over the imperial treasure ; very speedily Artabanus found himself aban- doned by the whole country, and compelled to take flight to his Scythian home, where he wandered about in the forests without settled abode, and kept himself alive with his bow, while the tiara was solemnly placed on the head of Tiridates in Ctesiphon by the princes who were, ac- cording to the Parthian constitution, called to crown the ruler. But the rule of the new great-king sent by the imperial foe did not last long. The government, con- Spirseded. ducted less by himself, young, inexperienced, and incapable, than by those who had made him king, and chiefly by Abdagaeses, soon provoked opposition. Some of the chief satraps had remained absent even from the coronation festival, and again brought forth the dispossessed ruler from his banish- ment ; with their assistance and the forces supplied by his Scythian countrymen Artabanus returned, and already in the following year (36) the whole kingdom, with the exception of Seleucia, was again in his power, Tiridates was a fugitive, and was compelled to demand from his Roman protectors the shelter which could not be re- fused to him. Vitellius once more led the legions to the Euphrates ; but, as the great-king appeared in person and declared himself ready for all that was asked, provided that the Roman government would stand aloof from Tiri- dates, peace was soon concluded. Artabanus not merely recognized Mithradates as king of Armenia, but presented also to the ef&gy of the Roman emperor the homage which was wont to be required of vassals, and furnished his son Darius as a hostage to the Romans. Thereupon the old emperor died ; but he had lived long enough to see this victory, as bloodless as complete, of his policy over the revolt of the East. 48 The Eujplirates Frontier. [Book VIII. What the sagacity of the old man had attained was un- done at once by the indiscretion of his suc- Safu?'* cessor. Apart from the fact that he cancelled judicious arrangements of Tiberius, re-estab- lishing, e.g. the annexed kingdom of Commagene, his foolish envy grudged the dead emperor the success which he had gained ; he summoned the able governor of Syria as well as the new king of Armenia to Eome to answer for themselves, deposed the latter, and, after keeping him for a time a prisoner, sent him into exile. As a matter of course the Parthian government took action for itself, and once more seized possession of Armenia which was without a master.^ Claudius, on coming to reign in the year 41, had to begin afresh the work that had been done. He dealt with it after the example of Tiberius. Mithra- dates, recalled from exile, was reinstated, and directed with the help of his brother to possess himself of Armenia. The fraternal war then waged among the three sons of king Artabanus III. in the Parthian kingdom smoothed the way for the Romans. After the murder of the eldest son, Gotarzes and Vardanes contended over the throne for years ; Seleucia, which had already renounced allegiance to the father, defied him and subsequently his sons throughout seven years ; the peoples of Turan also in- terfered, as they always did, in this quarrel of princes of Iran. Mithradates was able, with the help of the troops of his brother and of the garrisons of the neigh- bouring Roman provinces, to overpower the Parthian par- tisans in Armenia and to make himself again master ^ The account of the seizure of Armenia is wanting, but the fact is clearly apparent from Tacitus, Ann. xi. 9. To this connection probably belongs what Josephus, Arch. xx. 3, 3, tells of the de- sign of the successor of Artabanus to wage war against the Ro- mans, from which Izates the satrap of Adiabene vainly dissuades him. Josephus names this successor, probably in error, Bardanes. The immediate successor of Artabanus III. was, according to Taci- tus, Ann. xi. 8, his son of the same name, whom along with his son thereupon Gotarzes put out of the way ; and this Artabanus IV. must be here meant. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 49 there ; ^ the land obtained a Koman garrison. After Var- danes had come to terms with his brother and had at leogth reoccupied Seleucia, he seemed as though he would march into Armenia ; but the threatening attitude of the Eoman legate of Syria withheld him, and very soon the brother broke the agreement and the civil war began afresh. Not even the assassination of the brave and, in combat with the peoples of Turan, victorious Vardanes put an end to it ; the opposition party now turned to Kome and besought from the government there the son of Yonones, the prince Meherdates then living in Eome, who thereupon was placed by the emperor Claudius before the assembled senate at the disposal of his countrymen and sent away to Syria with the exhortation to administer his new kingdom well and justly, and to remain mindful of the friendly pro- tectorate of Rome (49). He did not reach the position in which these exhortations might be applied. The Roman legions, which escorted him as far as the Euphrates, there delivered him over to those who had called him — the head of the powerful princely family of the Caren and the kings Abgarus of Edessa and Izates of Adiabene. The inex- perienced and un warlike youth was as little equal to the task as all the other Parthian rulers set up by the Romans; a number of his most noted adherents left him so soon as they learned to know him, and went to Gotarzes ; in the decisive battle the fall of the brave Caren turned the scale. Meherdates was taken prisoner and not even executed, but 1 The statement of Petrus Patricius (/n 3 Miill. ) that King Mith- radates of Iberia had planned revolt from Rome, bat in order to preserve the semblance of fidelity, had sent his brother Cotjs to Claudius, and then, when the latter had given information to the emperor of those intrigues, had been deposed and replaced by his brother, is not compatible with the assured fact that in Iberia, at least from the year 35 (Tacitus, Ann. vi. 32) till the year 60 (Taci- tus, Ann. xiv. 26), Pharasmanes, and in the year 75 his son Mithra- dates (C Z L. iii. 6052) bore rule. Beyond doubt Petrus has con- fused Mithradates of Iberia and the king of the Bosporus of the same name (i. 343, note 1), and here at the bottom lies the narra- tive, which Tacitus, Ann. xii. 18, presupposes. Vol. II.— 4 50 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book YIII. only, after tlie Oriental fashion, rendered incapable of gov- ernment by mutilation of the ears. Notwithstanding this defeat of Roman policy in the Parthian kingdom, Armenia remained with Armenia occu- ^ ' pied by the Par- the Eomans, SO long as the weak Gotarzes ruled over the Parthian s. But so soon as a more vigorous hand grasped the reins of sovereignty, and the internal conflict ceased, the struggle for that land was resumed. King Yologasus, who after the death of Gotar- zes and the short reign of Vonones II. succeeded this his father in the year 51,' ascended the throne, exceptionally, in full agreement with his two brothers Pacorus and Tiri- dates. He was an able and prudent ruler — we find him even as a founder of towns, and exerting himself with suc- cess to divert the trade of Palmyra towards his new town Vologasias on the lower Euphrates — averse to quick and extreme resolutions, and endeavouring, if possible, to keep peace with his powerful neighbour. But the recovery of Armenia was the leading political idea of the dynasty, and he too was ready to make use of any opportunity for real- ising it. This opportunity seemed now to present itself. The Armenian court had become the scene of one Rhadamistus. p i-\ i ii- f mx t of the most revolting family tragedies which history records. The old king of the Iberians, Pharas- manes, undertook to eject his brother Mithradates, the king of Armenia, from the throne and to put his own son Rhadamistus in his place. Under the pretext of a quarrel with his father Rhadamistus appeared at the court of his uncle and father-in-law, and entered into negotia- tions with Armenians of repute in that sense. After he had secured a body of adherents, Pharasmanes, in the ^ If the coins, which, it is true, for the most part admit of being distinguished only by resemblance of effigy, are correctly attributed, those of Gotarzes reach to Sel. 362 Daesius — a.d, 51 June, and those of Vologasus (we know none of Vonones 11.) begin with Sel. 362 Gorpiaeus — a.d. 51 Sept. (Percy Gardner, Parthian Coinage, pp. 50, 51)^ which agrees with Tacitus, Amt. xii, 14, 44. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 51 year 52, under frivolous pretexts involved his brother in war, and brought the country into his own or rather his son's power. Mithradates placed himself under the pro- tection of the Koman garrison of the fortress of Gorneae/ Ehadamistus did not venture to attack this ; but the com- mandant, Caelius Pollio, was well known as worthless and venal. The centurion holding command under him re- sorted to Pharasmanes to induce him to recall his troops, which the latter promised, but did not keep his word. During the absence of the second in command Pollio com- pelled the king — who doubtless guessed what was before him — by the threat of leaving him in the lurch, to dehver himself into the hands of Ehadamistus. By the latter he was put to death, and with him his wife, the sister of Ehadamistus, and their children, because they broke out in cries of lamentation at the sight of the dead bodies of their parents. In this way Ehadamistus attained to sov- ereignty over Armenia. The Eoman government ought neither to have looked on at such horrors, of which its officers shared the guilt, nor to have tolerated that one of its vassals should make war on another. Nevertheless the governor of Cappadocia, Julius Paelignus, acknowledged the new king of Armenia. Even in the council of the governor of Syria, Ummidius Quadratus, the opinion pre- ponderated that it might be matter of indifference to the Eomans whether the uncle or the nephew ruled Armenia ; the legate, sent to Armenia with a legion, received only in- structions to maintain the statm quo till further orders. Then the Parthian king, on the assumption that the Eoman government would not be zealous to take part for king Ehadamistus, deemed the moment a fit one for resuming his old claims upon Armenia. He invested his brother Tiri- dates with Armenia, and the Parthian troops marching in possessed themselves, almost without striking a blow, of the two capitals, Tigranocerta and Artaxata, and of the whole land. When Ehadamistus made an attempt to retain the ' Grorneae, called by the Armenians Oarhni, as the ruins (nearly east of Erivan) are still at present named. (Kiepert.) 52 The Euphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. price of his deeds of blood, the Armenians themselves drove him out of the land. The Roman garrison appears to have left Armenia after the giving over of Gorneae ; the governor recalled the legion put upon the march from Syria, in order not to fall into conflict with the Parthians. When this news came to Rome (at the end of 54) the emperor Claudius had just died, and the min- cappadoS**'' Istcrs Burrus and Seneca practically governed for his young successor, seventeen years old. The procedure of Vologasus could only be answered by a declaration of war. In fact the Roman government sent to Cappadocia, which otherwise was a governorship of the second rank and was not furnished with legions, by way of exception the consular legate Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo. He had come rapidly into prominence as son-in-law of the emperor Gains, had then under Claudius been legate of lower Germany in the year 47 (i. 136), and was thence- forth regarded as one of the able commanders, not at that time numerous, who energetically maintained the strin- gency of discipline — in person a Herculean figure, equal to any fatigue, and of unshrinking courage in presence not of the enemy merely but also of his own soldiers. It appeared to be a sign of things becoming better that the government of Nero gave to him the first important com- mand which it had to fill. The incapable Syrian legate of Syria, Quadratus, was not recalled, but was directed to put two of his four legions at the disposal of the gover- nor of the neighbouring province. All the legions were brought up to the Euphrates, and order were given for the immediate throwing of bridges over the stream. The two regions bordering immediately on Armenia to the westward. Lesser Armenia and Sophene, were assigned to two trustworthy Syrian princes, Aristobulus, of a lateral branch of the Herodian house, and Sohaemus, of the ruling family of Hemesa, and both were placed under Corbulo' s command. Agrippa, the king of the remnant of the Jewish state still left at that time, and Antiochus, king of Commagene, likewise received orders to march. CiiAP. IX. 1 The Euphrates Frontier. 53 At first, however, no fighting took place. The reason lay partly in the state of the Syrian legions ; hS^troops!"^ it was a bad confession of poverty for the previous administration, that Corbulo was compelled to describe the troops assigned to him as quite unserviceable. The legions levied and doing garrison duty in the Greek provinces had always been inferior to the Occidentals ; now the enervating power of the East with the long state of peace and the laxity of discipline completely demoralised them. The soldiers abode more in the towns than in the camps ; not a few of them were unaccustomed to carry arms, and knew nothing of pitch- ing camps and of service on the watch ; the regiments were far from having their full complement and contained numerous old and useless men ; Corbulo had, in the first instance, to dismiss a great number of soldiers, and to levy and train recruits in still larger numbers. The ex- change of the comfortable winter quarters on the Orontes for those in the rugged mountains of Armenia, and the sudden introduction of inexorably stern discipline in the camp, brought about various ailments and occasioned numerous desertions. In spite of all this the general found himself, when matters became serious, compelled to ask that one of the better legions of the 'West might be sent to him. Under these circumstances he was in no haste to bring his soldiers to face the enemy ; nevertheless it was political considerations that preponderantly influ- enced him in this course. If it had been the design of the Roman government to drive out the Parthian ruler at once from SIf wa?!^ Armenia, and to put in his place not indeed Ehadamistus, with whose blood-guiltiness the Romans had no occasion to stain themselves, but some other prince of their choice, the military resources of Corbulo would probably have at once sufficed, since king Vologasus, once more recalled by internal troubles, had led away his troops from Armenia. But this was not embraced in the plan of the Romans ; they wished, on the 54 The EujphratGS Frontier. [Book VIII. contrary, rather to acquiesce in the government of Tiri- dates there, and only to induce and, in case of need, compel him to an acknowledgment of the Roman su- premacy ; only for this object were the legions, in case of extremity, to march. This in reality came very near to the cession of Armenia to the Parthians. What told in favour of this course, and what prevented it, has formerly been set forth (p. 37. f.). If Armenia were now arranged as a Parthian appanage for a second son, the recognition of the Roman suzerainty was little more than a formality, strictly taken, nothing but a screen for military and political honour. Thus the government of the earlier period of Nero, which, as is well known, was equalled by few in insight and energy, intended to get rid of Armenia in a decorous way ; and that need not surprise us. In fact they were in this case pouring water into a sieve. The possession of Armenia had doubtless been asserted and brought to recognition within the land itself, as among the Parthians, through Tiberius in the year 20 b.c., then by Gains in the year 2, by Germanicus in the year 18, and by Vitellius in the year 36. But it was just these extra- ordinary expeditions regularly repeated and regularly crowned with success, and yet never attaining to per- manent effect, that justified the Parthians, when in the negotiations with Nero they maintained that the Roman suzerainty over Armenia was an empty name — that the land was, and could be, none other than Parthian. For the vindication of the Roman supreme authority there was always needed, if not the waging of war, at least the threat of it ; and the constant irritation thereby produced made a lasting state of peace between the two neighbour- ing great powers impossible. The Romans had, if they were to act consistently, only the choice between either bringing Armenia and the left bank of the Euphrates in general effectively under their power by setting aside the mere mediate government, or leaving the matter to the Parthians, so far as was compatible with the supreme principle of the Roman government to acknowledge no Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 55 frontier-power with equal rights. Augustus and the rulers hitherto acting had decidedly declined the former alterna- tive, and they ought therefore to have taken the second course ; but this too they had at least attempted to decline, and had wished to exclude the Parthian royal house from the rule over Armenia, without being able to do so. This the leading statesmen of the earlier Neronian period must have regarded as an error, since they left Armenia to the Arsacids, and restricted themselves to the smallest con- ceivable measure of rights thereto. When the dangers and the disadvantages, which the retention of this region only externally attached to the empire brought to the state, were weighed against those which the Parthian rule over Armenia involved for the Romans, the decision might, especially in view of the small offensive power of the Parthian kingdom, well be found in the latter sense. But under all the circumstances this policy was consistent, and sought to attain in a clearer and more rational way the aim pursued by Augustus. From this standpoint we understand why Corbulo and Quadratus, instead of crossing the Euphrates, wilTwogasus. entered into negotiations with Vologasus ; and not less why the latter, informed doubtless of the real designs of the Romans, agreed to submit to the Romans in a similar way with his predecessor, and to de- liver to them as a pledge of peace a number of hostages closely connected with the royal house. The return tacitly agreed on for this was that the rule of Tiridates over Ar- menia should be tolerated, and that a Roman pretender should not be set up. So some years passed in a de facto state of peace. But when Vologasus and Tiridates did not agree to apply to the Roman government for the invest- ing of the latter with Armenia, ' Corbulo took the offensive ^ Even after the attack Tiridates complained cur datis nuper ob- sidibus redintegrataque amicitia . . . mtere Armeniae posses- done depelleretur^ and Corbulo presented to him, in case of his turn- ing as a suppliant to the emperor, the prospect of a regnum stabile (Tacitus, Anil. xii. 37). Elsewhere too the refusal of the oath of 56 The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. against Tiridates in the year 58. The very policy of with- drawal and concession, if it w^as not to appear to friend and foe as weakness, needed a foil, and so either a formal and solemn recognition of the Roman supremacy or, better still, a victory won by arms. In the summer of the year 58 Corbulo led an army, tolerably fit for fighting, of at least 30,000 AmeniL!'^ men, over the Euphrates. The reorganisation and the hardening of the troops were com- pleted by the campaign itself, and the first winter- quar- ters were taken up on Armenian soil. In the spring of 59' he began the advance in the direction of Artaxata. At the same time Armenia was invaded from the north by the Iberians, whose king Pharasmanes, to cover his own crimes, had caused his son Rhadamistus to be executed, and now further endeavoured by good services to make his guilt be forgotten; and not less by their neighbours to the north- west, the brave Moschi, and on the south by Antiochus, king of Commagene. King Vologasus was detained by the revolt of the Hyrcanians on the opposite side of the king- fealty is indicated as tfie proper ground of war (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 34). ' The report in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 34-41, embraces beyond doubt the campaigns of 58 and 59, since Tacitus under the year 59 is silent as to the Armenian campaign, while under the year 60, Ann. xiv. 23 joins on immediately to xiii. 41, and evidently describes merely a single campaign; generally, where he condenses in this way, he as a rule anticipates. That the war cannot have begun only in 59, is further confirmed by the fact that Corbulo observed the solar eclipse of 30th April 59 on Armenian soil (Plin. H. N. ii. 70, 180); had he not entered the country till 59, he could hardly hsfve crossed the enemy's frontier so early in the year. The narrative of Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 34-41, does not in itself show an intercalation of a year, but with his mode of narrating it admits the possibility that the first year was spent in the crossing of the Euphrates and the settling in Armenia, and so the winter mentioned in c. 35 is that of the year 58-59, especially as in view of the character of the army such a be- ginning to the war would be quite in place, and in view of the short Armenian summer it was militarily convenient thus to separate the marching into the country and the conduct proper of the war. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. dom, and could or would not interfere directly in the struggle. Tiridates offered a courageous resistance, but lie could do nothing against the crushing superiority of force. In vain he sought to throw himself on the lines of communication of the Komans, who obtained their neces- sary supplies by way of the Black Sea and the port of Tra- pezus. The strongholds of Armenia fell under the attacks of the Roman assailants, and the garrisons were cut down to the last man. Defeated in a pitched battle under the walls of Artaxata, Tiridates gave up the unequal struggle, and went to the Parthians. Artaxata surrendered, and here, in the heart of Armenia, the Roman army passed the winter. In the spring of 60 Corbulo broke up from thence, after having burnt down the town, and marched right across the country to its second capital Tigranocerta, above Nisibis, in the basin of the Tigris. The terrors of the destruction of Artaxata preceded him ; serious resistance was nowhere offered; even Tigranocerta voluntarily opened its gates to the victor, who here in a well-calculated way allowed mercy to prevail. Tiridates still made an attempt to return and to resume the struggle, but was repulsed without special exertion. At the close of the summer of 60 all Armenia was subdued, and stood at the disposal of the Roman government. It is conceivable that people in Rome now left Tiridates out of account. The prince Tigranes, a great- Sl'rmeniS''^ graudsou ou the father's side of Herod the Great, on the mother's of king Archelaus of Cappadocia, related also to the old Marenian royal house on the female side, and a nephew of one of the ephemeral rulers of Armenia in the last years of Augustus, brought up in Rome, and entirely a tool of the. Roman government, was now (60) invested by Nero with the kingdom of Ar- menia, and at the emperor's command installed by Corbulo in its rule. In the country there was left a Roman gar- rison, 1000 legionaries, and from 3000 to 4000 cavalry and infantry of auxiliaries. A portion of the border land was separated from Armenia and distributed among the neigh- 58 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. bouring kings, Polemon of Pontus and Trapezus, Aris- tobulas of Lesser Ai-menia, Pharasmanes of Iberia and Antioclius of Commagene. On the other band the new master of Armenia advanced, of course with consent of the Romans, into the adjacent Parthian province of Adiabene, defeated Monobazus the governor there, and appeared de- sirous of wresting this region also from the Parthian state. This turn of affairs compelled the Parthian government to emerge from its passiveness ; the question Negotiations t i ji e with the Par- uow concemed no longer the recovery oi thians. Armenia, but the integrity of the Parthian empire. The long-threatened collision between the two great states seemed inevitable. Vologasus in an assembly of the grandees of the empire confirmed Tiridates afresh as king of Armenia, and sent with him the general Monae- ses against the Boman usurper of the land, who was be- sieged by the Parthians in Tigranocerta, which the Ro- man troops kept in their possession. Vologasus in person collected the Parthian main force in Mesopotamia, and threatened (at the beginning of 61) Syria. Corbulo, who, after Quadratus's death, held the command for a time in Cappadocia as in Sj^ria, but had besought from the gov- ernment, the nomination of another governor for Cappa- docia and Armenia, sent provisionally two legions to Ar- menia to lend help to Tigranes, while he in person moved to the Euphrates in order to receive the Parthian king. Again, however, they came not to blows, but to an agree- ment. Vologasus, well knowing how dangerous was the game which he was beginning, declared himself now ready to enter into the terms vainly offered by the Romans be- fore the outbreak of the Armenian war, and to allow the in- vestiture of his brother by the Roman emperor. Corbulo entered into the proposal. He let Tigranes drop, withdrew the Roman troops from Armenia, and acquiesced in Tiridates establishing himself there, while the Parthian auxiliary troops likewise withdrew ; on the other hand, Vologasus sent an embassy to the Roman government, and declared the readiness of his brother to take the land in fee from Rome. Chap. IX.] 77^^ Eiiphrates Frontier. 59 These measures of Corbulo were of a hazardous kind,' and led to a bad compHcation. The Koman The Par- . thianwar general may possibly have been, still more under Nero. thoroughly than the statesmen in Kome, im- pressed by the uselessness of retaining Armenia ; but after the Roman government had installed Tigranes as king of Armenia, he might not of his own accord fall back upon the conditions earlier laid down, least of all abandon his own acquisitions and withdraw the Roman troops from Armenia. He was the less entitled to do so, as he ad- ministered Cappadocia and Armenia merely ad interim, and had himself declared to the government that he was not in a position to exercise the command at once there and in Syria ; whereupon the consular Lucius Caesennius Paetus was nominated as governor of Cappadocia and was already on the way thither. The suspicion can hardly be avoided that Corbulo grudged the latter the honour of the final subjugation of Armenia, and wished before his arrival to establish a definitive solution by the actual conclusion of peace with the Parthians. The Roman government ac- cordingly declined the proposals of Vologasus and in- sisted on the retention of Armenia, which, as the new governor who arrived in Cappadocia in the course of the summer of 61 declared, was even to be taken under direct Roman administration. AVhether the Roman government had really resolved to go so far cannot be ascertained ; but this was at all events implied in the consistent following out of their policy. The installing of a king dependent on Rome was only a prolongation of the previous untenable state of things ; whoever did not wish the cession of Ar- menia to the Parthians had to contemplate the conversion of the kingdom into a Roman province. The war therefore took its course ; and on that account one of the Moesian legions was sent to the Cappadocian army. ^ From the representation of Tacitus, Ann. xv. 6, the partiality and the perplexity are clearly seen. He does not venture to ex- press the surrender of Armenia to Tiridates, and only leaves the reader to infer it. 60 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. Wlaen Paetus arrived, the two legions assigned to him by Corbulo were encamped on this side of the ^^Paetus Euphrates in Cappadocia ; Armenia was evac- uated, and had to be reconquered. Paetus set at once to work, crossed the Euphrates at Mehtene (Malatia), advanced into Armenia, and reduced the nearest strongholds on the border. The advanced season of the year, however, compelled him soon to suspend operations and to abandon for this year the intended reoccupation of Tigranocerta ; nevertheless, in order to resume his march at once next spring, he, after Corbulo's example, took up his winter-quarters in the enemy's country at Khandeia, on a tributary of the Euphrates, the Arsanias, not far from the modern Charput, while the baggage and the women and children had quarters not far from it in the strong fortress of Arsamosata. But he had under- rated the difficulty of the undertaking. One, and that the best of his legions, the Moesian, was still on the march, and spent the winter on this side of the Euphrates in the territory of Pontus ; the two others were not those whom Corbulo had taught to fight and conquer, but the former Syrian legions of Quadratus, not having their full com- plement, and hardly capable of use without thorough re- organisation. He had withal to confront not, like Cor- bulo, the Armenians alone, but the main body of the Parthians ; Vologasus had, when the war became in earn- est, led the flower of his troops from Mesopotamia to Ar- menia, and judiciously availed himself of the strategical advantage that he commanded the inner and shorter lines. Carbulo might, especially as he had bridged over the Eu- phrates and constructed tetes de pont on the other bank, have at least hampered, or at any rate requited this march- ing off by a seasonable incursion into Mesopotamia ; but he did not stir from his positions and he left it to Paetus to defend himself, as best he could, against the whole force of his foes. The latter was neither himself military nor ready to accept and follow military advice, not even a man of resolute character ; arrogant and boastful in Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 61 onset, despairing and pusillanimous in presence of mis- fortune. Thus there came what could not but come. In the spring of 62 it was not Paetus who assumed ShandSai°"^^ the aggressive, but Vologasus ; the advanced troops who were to bar the way of the Par- thians were crushed by the superior force ; the attack was soon converted into a siege of the Eoman positions pitched far apart in the winter camp and the fortress. The legions could neither advance nor retreat ; the sol- diers deserted in masses ; the only hope rested on Corbu- lo's legions lying inactive far off in northern Syria, beyond doubt at Zeugma. Both generals shared in the blame of the disaster : Corbulo on account of the lateness of his starting to render help,*^ although, when he did recognise the whole extent of the danger, he hastened his march as much as possible ; Paetus, because he could not take the bold resolution to perish rather than to surrender, and thereby lost the chance of rescue that was near — in three days longer the 5000 men whom Corbulo was leading up would have brought the longed-for help. The conditions of the capitulation were free retreat for the Komans and evacuation of Armenia, with the delivering up of all for- tresses occupied by them, and of all the stores that were in their hands, of which the Parthians were urgently in need. On the other hand Vologasus declared himself ^ This is said by Tacitus himself Ann. xv. 10 : nec a Corbulone properatum, quo gliscentibus periculis etiam subsidii laus augeretur, in naive unconcern at the severe censure which this praise involves. How partial is the tone of the whole account resting on Corbulo's despatches, is shown among other things by the circumstance that Paetus is reproached in one breath with the inadequate provision- ing of the camp (xv. 8) and with the surrender of it in spite of co- pious supplies (xv. 16), and the latter fact is inferred from this, that the retiring Romans preferred to destroy the stores which, according to the capitulation, were to be delivered to the Parthians. As the exasperation against Tiberius found its expression in the painting of Germanicus in fine colours, so did the exasperation against Nero in the picture of Corbulo. 62 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. ready, in spite of this military success, to ask Armenia as a Koman fief for his brother from the imperial govern- ment, and on that account to send envoys to Nero.' The moderation of the victor may have rested on the fact that he had better information of Corbulo's approach than the enclosed army ; but more probably the sagacious man was not concerned to renew the disaster of Crassus and bring Eoman eagles again to Ctesiphon. The defeat of a Roman army — he knew — was not the overpowering of Rome ; and the real concession, which was involved in the recognition of Tiridates, was not too dearly purchased by the compli- ance as to form. The Roman government once more declined the offer of the Parthian king and ordered the continuance peTct™''^ of t^e war. It could not well do otherwise ; if the recognition of Tiridates was hazardous before the recommencement of war, and hardly capable of being accepted after the Parthian declaration of war, it now, as a consequence of the capitulation of Rhandeia, appeared directly as its ratification. From Rome the resumption of the struggle against the Parthians was energetically pro- moted. Paetus was recalled ; Corbulo, in whom public opinion, aroused by the disgraceful capitulation, saw only the conqueror of Armenia, and whom even those who knew exactly and judged sharply the state of the matter could not avoid characterising as the ablest general and one uniquely fitted for this war, took up again the governor- ship of Cappadocia, and at the same time the command over all the troops available for this campaign, who were further reinforced by a seventh legion brought up from Pannonia ; accordingly all the governors and princes of the East were directed to comply in military matters with his orders, so that his ofiicial authority was nearly equiva- ' The statement of Corbiilo that Paetus bound himself on oath in presence of his soldiers and of the Parthian deputies to send no troops to Armenia till the arrival of Nero's answer, is declared by- Tacitus, Ann. XV. 16, unworthy of credit ; it is in keeping with the state of the case, and nothing was done to the contrary. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier, 63 lent to that which had been assigned to the crown-princes Gains and Germanicus for their missions to the East. If these measures were intended to bring about a serious reparation of the honour of the Koman arms they missed their aim. How Corbulo looked at the state of affairs, is shown by the very agreement which he made with the Par- thian king not long after the disaster of Ehandeia ; the latter withdrew the Parthian garrisons from Armenia, the Romans evacuated the fortresses constructed on Mesopo- tamian territory for the protection of the bridges. For the Roman offensive the Parthian garrisons in Armenia were just as indifferent as the bridges of the Euphrates were important ; whereas, if Tiridates was to be recognised as a Roman vassal-king in Armenia, the latter certainly were superfluous and Parthian garrisons in Armenia im- possible. In the next spring (63) Corbulo certainly en- tered upon the offensive enjoined upon him, and led the four best of his legions at Melitene over the Euphrates against the Partho-Armenian main force stationed in the region of Arsamosata. But not much came of the fight- ing ; only some castles of Armenian nobles opposed to Rome were destroyed. On the other hand, this encounter led also to agreement. Corbulo took up the Parthian proposals formerly rejected by his government, and that, as the further course of things showed, in the sense that Armenia became once for all a Parthian appanage for the second son, and the Roman government, at least according to the spirit of the agreement, consented to bestow this crown in future only on an Arsacid. It was only added that Tiridates should oblige himself to take from his head the royal diadem publicly before the eyes of the two ar- mies in Rhandeia, just where the capitulation had been concluded, and to deposit it before the effigy of the em- peror, promising not to put it on again until he should have received it from his hand, and that in Rome itself. This was done (63). By this humiliation there was no change in the fact that the Roman general, instead of wag- ing the war intrusted to him, concluded peace on the 64 The Ewphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. Tiridates in Rome. terms rejected by his government.^ But the statesmen who formerly took the lead had meanwhile died or retired, the personal government of the emperor was installed in their stead, and the solemn act in Ehandeia and the spec- tacle in prospect of the investiture of the Parthian prince with the crown of Armenia in the capital of the empire failed not to produce their effect on the public, and above all on the emperor in person. The peace was ratified and fulfilled. In the year 66 the Par- thian prince appeared according to promise in Rome, escorted by 3000 Parthian horsemen, bringing as hostages the children of his three brothers as well as those of Monobazus of Adiabene. Falling on his knees he sa- luted his liege lord seated on the imperial throne in the market-place of the capital, and here the latter in pres- ence of all the people bound the royal chaplet round his brow. The conduct on both sides, cautious, and we might al- most say peaceful, of the last nominally ten Sie^Mavians?^^ years' War, and its corresponding conclusion by the actual transfer of Armenia to the Par- thians, while the susceptibilities of the mightier western empire were spared, bore good fruit. Armenia, under the national dynasty recognised by the Eomans, was more de- pendent on them than formerly under the rulers forced upon the country. A Eoman garrison was left at least in the district of Sophene, which most closely bordered ^ As, according to Tacitus, Ann. xv. 25 (comp. Dio, Ixii. 22), Nero dismissed graciously the envoys of Vologasus, and allowed them to see the possibility of an understanding if Tiridates appeared in person, Corbulo may in this case have acted according to his in- structions ; but this was rather perhaps one of the turns added in the interest of Corbulo. That these events were brought under dis- cussion in the trial to which he was subjected some years after, is probable from the statement that one of the officers of the Armenian campaign became his accuser. The identity of the cohort-prefect, Arrius Varus, in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 9, and of the primipilus, Hist. iii. 6, has been without reason disputed ; comp. on G. I. L. V. 867. Chap. IX. ] The Euphrates Frontier. 65 on the Euphrates.' For the re-establishment of Artaxata the permission of the emperor was sought and granted, and the building was helped on by the emperor Nero with money and workmen. Between the two mighty states separated from each other by the Euphrates at no time has an equally good relation subsisted as after the conclusion of the treaty of Khandeia in the last years of Nero and on- ward under the three rulers of the Flavian house. Other circumstances contributed to this. The masses of Trans- caucasian peoples, perhaps allured by their participation in the last wars, during which they had found their way to Armenia as mercenaries, partly of the Iberians, partly of the Parthians, began then to threaten especially the west- ern Parthian provinces, but at the same time the eastern provinces of the Roman empire. Probably in order to check them, immediately after the Armenian war in the year 63, the annexation was ordained of the so-called king- dom of Pontus, i.e. the south-east corner of the coast of the Black Sea, with the town of Trapezus and the region of the Phasis. The great Oriental expedition, which this emperor was just on the point of beginning when the ca- tastrophe overtook him (68), and for which he already had put the flower of the troops of the West on the march, partly to Egypt, partly along the Danube, was meant no doubt to push forward the imperial frontier in other direc- tions ; ^ but its proper aim was the passes of the Caucasus above Tiflis, and the Scythian tribes settled on the north- ern slope, in the first instance the Alani.^ These were just * In Ziata (Charput) there have been found two inscriptions of a fort, which one of the legions led by Corbulo over the Euphrates, the 3d Gallica, constructed there by Corbulo's orders in the year 64 {Eph. epigr. v. p. 25). Nero intended inter reliqua bella, an Ethiopian one (Plin. vi. 29, comp. 184). To this the sending of troops to Alexandria (Tacitus, Rist. i. 31, 70) had reference. ^ As the aim of the expedition both Tacitus, Hist. i. 6, and Sue- tonius, M'er. 19, indicate the Caspian gates, i.e. the pass of the Cau- casus between Tiflis and Vladi-Kavkas at Darial, which, according to the legend, Alexander closed with iron gates (Plin. J3". JV. vi. 11, Vol. II.— 5 66 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. assailing Armenia on the one side and Media on the other. So little w;is that expedition of Nero directed against the Parthians that it might rather be conceived of as under- taken to help them ; overagainst the wild hordes of the north a common defensive action was at any rate indicated for the two civilised states of the West and East. Volo- gasus indeed declined with equal friendliness the amicable summons of his Roman colleague to visit him, just as his brother had done, at Eome, since he had no liking on his part to appear in the Roman forum as a vassal of the Ro- man ruler ; but he declared himself ready to present him- self before the emperor when he should arrive in the East, and the Orientals doubtless, though not the Romans, sin- cerely mourned for Nero. King Vologasus addressed to the senate officially an entreaty to hold Nero's memory in honour, and, when a pseudo-Nero subsequently emerged, he met with sympathy above all in the Parthian state. Nevertheless the Parthian was not so much concerned about the friendship of Nero as about that of the Roman state. Not merely did he refrain from any encroachment 30 ; Joseplius, Bell. Jud. vii. 7, 4 ; Procopius, Pers. i. 10). Both from this locality and from the whole scheme of the expedition it cannot possibly have been directed against the Albani on the west- ern shore of the Caspian Sea ; here, as well as at another passage {Ann. ii. 68, ad Armenios, inde Albanos Heniochosque), only the Alani can be meant, who in Josephus, I. c. and elsewhere appear just at this spot and are frequently confounded with the Caucasian Albani. No doubt the account of Josephus is also confused. If here the Albani, with consent of the king of the Hyrcanians, invade Media and then Armenia through the Caspian gates, the writer has been thinking of the other Caspian gate eastward from Rhagae ; but this must be his mistake, since the latter pass, situated in the heart of the Parthian kingdom, cannot possibly have been the aim of the Neronian expedition, and the Alani had their seats not on the eastern shore of the Caspian but to the north of the Caucasus. On account of this expedition the best of the Roman legions, the 14th, was recalled from Britain, although it went only as far as Pan- nonia (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 11, comp. 27, 66), and a new legion, the 1st Italic, was formed by Nero (Suetonius, Wer. 19). One sees from this what was the scale on which the project was conceived. Chap. IX.] The JEuphrates Frontier. 67 during the crises of the four-emperor-year,' but correctly estimating the probable result of the pending o/ve"sSan!^ dccisive struggle, he offered to Vespasian, when still in Alexandria, 40,000 mounted arch- ers for the conflict with Vitellius, which, of course, was gratefully declined. But above all he submitted without more ado to the arrangements which the new government made for the protection of the east frontier. Vespasian had himself as governor of Judaea become acquainted with the inadequacy of the military resources statedly employed there ; and, when he exchanged this governorship for the imperial power, not only was Commagene again converted, after the precedent of Tiberius, from a kingdom into a province, but the number of the standing legions in Ro- man Asia was raised from four to seven, to which number they had been temporarily brought up for the Parthian and again for the Jewish war. While, further, there had been hitherto in Asia only a single larger military com- mand, that of the governor of Syria, three such posts of high command were now instituted there. Syria, to which Commagene was added, retained as hitherto four legions ; the two provinces hitherto occupied only by troops of the second order, Palestine and Cappadocia, were furnished, the first with one the second with two legions.^ Armenia ' In what connection lie refused to Vespasian tlie title of emperor (Dio, Ixvi. 11) is not clear ; possibly immediately after his insur- rection, before he had perceived that the Flavians were the stronger. His intercession for the princes of Commagene (Josephus, Bell Jud. vii. 7, 3) was attended by success, and so was purely personal, by no means a protest against the conversion of the kingdom into a province. ^ The four Syrian legions were the 3d Oallica, the 6th ferrata (both hitherto in Syria), the 4th Scythica (hitherto in Moesia, but having already taken part in the Parthian as in the Jewish war), and the 16th Flavia (new). The one legion of Palestine was the lOih. fretensis (hWcierio in Syria). The two of Cappadocia were the 12th. fulminata (hitherto in Syria, moved by Titus to Melitene, Jose- phus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 3), and the 15th ApolUnaris (hitherto in Pannonia, but having taken part, like the 4th Scythica, in the Par- thian as in the Jewish war). The garrisons were thus changed as 68 The Euphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. remained a Roman dependent principality in possession of the Arsacids, but under Vespasian a Eoman garrison was stationed beyond the Armenian frontier in the Iberian fortress Harmozika near Tiflis,' and accordingly at this time Armenia also must have been militarily in the Roman power. All these measures, however little they contained even a threat of war, were pointed against the eastern neighbour. Nevertheless Vologasus was after the fall of Jerusalem the first to offer to the Roman crown-prince his congratulations on the strengthening of the Roman rule in Syria, and he accepted without remonstrance the encamp- ment of the legions in Commagene, Cappadocia, and Les- ser Armenia. Nay, he even once more incited Vespasian to that Transcaucasian expedition, and besought the send- ing of a Roman army against the Alani under the leader- ship of one of the imperial princes ; although Vespasian did not enter into this far-seeing plan, that Roman force can hardly have been sent into the region of Tiflis for any other object than for closing the pass of the Caucasus, and in so far it represented there also the interests of the Par- thians. In spite of the strengthening of the military posi- tion of Rome on the Euphrates, or even perhaps in con- sequence of it — for to instil respect into a neighbour is a means of preserving the peace — the state of peace remained essentially undisturbed during the whole rule of the Fla- vians. If — as cannot be surprising, especially when we consider the constant change of the Parthian dynasts — collisions now and then occurred, and war-clouds even little as possible, only two of the legions already called earlier to Syria received fixed stations there, and one newly instituted was moved thither. — After the Jewish war under Hadrian the QiYif er- rata was despatched from Syria to Palestine. ' At this time (comp. G. 1. L. v. 6988), probably falls also the Cappadocian governorship of C. Rutilius Gallicus, of which it is said (Statins, i. 4, 78) : hunc . . . timuit . . . Armenia et patiens Latii iam pontis Araxes, with reference presumably to a bridge structure executed by this Roman garrison. That Gal- licus served under Corbulo, is from the silence of Tacitus not probable. CuAP. IX.] The Eujphrates Frontier. 69 made their appearance, tliey disappeared again as quickly.' Tiie emergence of a pseudo-Nero in the last years of Ves- pasian — be it was who gave the impulse to the Revelation of John — might almost have led to such a collision. The pretender, in reality a certain Terentius Maximus from Asia Minor, but strikingly resembling the poet- emperor in face, voice, and address, found not merely a conflux of adherents in the Roman region of the Euphrates, but also support among the Parthians. Among these at that time, as so often, several rulers seem to have been in conflict with each other, and one of them, Artabanus, because the emperor Titus declared against him, seems to have adopted the cause of the Roman pretender. This, however, had no consequences ; on the contrary, soon afterwards the Parthian government delivered up the pretender to the emperor Domitian.^ The commercial intercourse, advan- tageous for both parties between Syria and the lower Eu- phrates, where just then king Vologasus called into exist- ence the new emporium Vologasias or Vologasocerta, not far from Ctesiphon, must have contributed its part towards promoting the state of peace. Things came to a conflict under Trajan. In the earlier years of his government he made no essential war of^Trajan chauge in castcm affairs, apart from the con- version of the two client states hitherto sub- sisting on the border of the Syrian desert — the Nabataean ^ That war threatened to break out under Vespasian in the year 75 on the Euphrates, while M. Ulpius Trajanus, the father of the empe- ror, was governor of Syria, is stated by Pliny in his panegyric on the son, c. 14 ; probably with strong exaggeration ; the cause is unknown. - There are coins dated, and provided with the individual names of the kings, of (V)ologasus from the years 389 and 390=77-78 ; of Pacorus from the years 389-394 = 77-82 (and again 404-407=92- 95); of Artabanus from the year 392=80-1. The corresponding historical dates are lost, with the exception of the notice connecting Titus and Artabanus in Zonaras, vi. 18 (comp. Suetonius, Ner. 57 ; Tacitus, Hist. i. 2), but the coins point to an epoch of rapid changes on the throne, and, apparently, of simultaneous coinage by rival pretenders. 70 The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. of Petra and the Jewish of Caesarea Paneas — into admin- istrative districts directly Koman (a.d. 106). The relations with the ruler of the Parthian kingdom at that time, king Pacorus, were not the most friendly, ' but it was only un- der his brother and successor Chosroes that a rupture took place, and that again concerning Armenia. The Par- thians were to blame for it. When Trajan bestowed the va- cated throne of the Armenian king on Axidares the son of Pacorus, he kept within the limits of his right ; but king Chosroes described this personage as incapable of gov- erning, and arbitrarily installed in his stead another son of Pacorus, Parthomasiris, as king.^ The answer to this was the Eoman declaration of war. Trajan left the capi- tal towards the end of the year 114,^ to put himself at the ^ This is proved by th.e detached notice from Arrian in Suidas (s. v, cTrZ/cATj/ia) : 6 5e YiaKopos 6 Uapdvaluv fiaaiKevs Koi &Wa Tiva iTnK\r]/j.ara eTre^epe Tpaiapo) tw ySarriAe?, and hj the attention which is devoted in Pliny's report to the emperor, written about the year 112 {ad Trai. 74), to the relations between Pacorus and the Dacian king Dece- balus. The time of the reign of this Parthian king cannot be suf- ficiently fixed. There are no Parthian coins with the king's name from the whole period of Trajan ; the coining of silver seems to have been in abeyance during that period. ^ That Axidares (or Exedares) was a son of Pacorus and king of Armenia before Parthomasiris, but had been deposed by Chosroes, is shown by the remnants of Dio's account, Ixviii. 17; and to this point also the two fragments of Arrian (16 Miiller), the first, prob- ably from an address of a supporter of the interests of Axidares to Trajan : ^ A^iSdpr]V Se on apx^i-v XP^ 'Ap^uev/as, oij /xol So/ce? elval ae a/j.(p[- Xoyop, whereupon doubtless the complaints brought against Par- thomasiris followed ; and the answer, evidently of the emperor, that it is not the business of Axidares, but his, to judge as to Par- thomasiris, because he — apparently Axidares — had first broken the treaty and suffered for it. What fault the emperor imputes to Axi- dares is not clear ; but in Dio also Chosroes says that he has not satisfied either the Romans or the Parthians. 2 The remnants of Dio's account in Xiphilinus and Zonaras, show- clearly that the Parthian expedition falls into two campaigns, the first (Dio, Ivi. 17, 1, 18, 2, 23-25), which is fixed at 115 a.d. by the consulate of Pedo (the date also of Malalas, p. 275, for the earth- quake of Antioch, 13 Dec. 164 of the Antiochene era = 115 a.d. agrees tlierewith), and the second (Dio. c. 26-32, 3), which is fixed Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 71 bead of the Roman troops of the East, which were cer- tainly once more found in the deepest degeneracy, but were reorganised in all haste by the emperor, and rein- forced besides by better legions brought up from Pan- nonia.' Envoys of the Parthian king met him at Athens ; at 116 A.D. by the conferring of the title Parthicus (c. 28, 2), took place between April and August of that year (see my notice in Droy- sen, HeUenisrnus, iii. 2, 361). That at c. 28 the titles Optimus (con- ferred in the course of 114 a.d.) and Parthicus are mentioned out of the order of time, is shown as well by their juxtaposition as by the later recurrence of the second honour. Of the fragments most belong to the first campaign ; c. 22, 3 and probably also 22, 1, 2 to the second. — The acclamations of imperator do not stand in the way. Trajan wa^ demonstrably in the year 113 imp. VL ((7. /. L. vi. 960) ; in the year 114 imp. VII. (0. /. L. ix. 1558 et al.) ; in the year 115 imp. IX. {C. I. L. ix. 5894 et aL), and imp. XI. (Fabretti, 398, 289 et al.) ; in the year 116 imp. XII. {G. L L. viii. 621 x. 1634), and XIII. {G. I. L. iii. D. xxvii.). Dio attests an acclamation from the year 115 (Ixviii. 19), and one from the year 116 (Ixviii. 28); there is ample room for both, and there is no reason to refer imp. VII. precisely as has been attempted, to the subjugation of Armenia. ^ The pungent description of the Syrian army of Trajan in Fronto (p. 206 f. Naber) agrees almost literally with that of the army of Corbulo in Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 35. " The Roman troops generally had sadly degenerated {ad ignamam redactus) through being long disused to military service ; but the most wretched of the soldiers were the Syrian, insubordinate, refractory, unpunctual at the call to arms, not to be found at their post, drunk from midday onward ; unaccustomed even to carry arms and incapable of fatigue, ridding themselves of one piece of armor after another, half naked like the light troops and the archers. Besides they were so demoralised by the defeats they had suffered that they turned their backs at the first sight of the Parthians, and the crescents were regarded by them, as it were, as giving the signal to run away." In the contrasting description of Trajan it is said among other things: "He did not pass through the tents without closely concerning himself as to the soldiers, but showed his contempt for the Syrian luxury, and looked closely into the rough doings of the Pannonians {sed contemnere — so we must read — Syrorum munditias, introspicere Pannoniorum in- scitias) ; so he judged of the serviceableness {ingeaium) of the man according to his bearing (cwZ^t^s)." In the Oriental army of Severus also the "European'' and the Syrian soldiers are distinguished (Dio, Ixxv. 12). 72 The Ewphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. but they had nothing to offer except the information that Parthomasiris was ready to accept Armenia as a Eoman fief, and were dismissed. The war began. In the first conflicts on the Euphrates the Romans fared worst but when the old emperor, ready to fight and accustomed to victory, placed himself at the head of the troops in the spring of 115, the Orientals submitted to him almost with- out resistance. Moreover, among the Parthians civil war once more prevailed, and a pretender, Manisarus, had appeared against Chosroes. From Antioch the emperor marched to the Euphrates and farther northward as far as the most northerly legion-camp Satala in Lesser Armenia, whence he advanced into Armenia and took the direction of Artaxata. On the way Parthomasiris appeared in Ele- geia and took the diadem from his head, in the hope of pro- curing investiture through this humiliation, as Tiridates had once done. But Trajan was resolved to make this vassal-state a province, and to shift the eastern frontier of the empire generally. This he declared to the Parthian prince before the assembled army, and directed him with his suite to quit at once the camp and the kingdom ; there- upon a tumult took place, in which the pretender lost his life. Armenia yielded to its fate and became a Eoman governorship. The princes also of the Caucasian tribes, the Albani, the Iberi, farther on toward the Black Sea the Apsilae, the Colchi, the Heniochi, the Lazi, and various others, even those of the trans-Caucasian Sarmatae were confirmed in the relation of vassalage, or now subjected to it. Trajan thereupon advanced into the territory of the Parthians and occupied Mesopotamia. Here, too, all sub- mitted without a blow ; Batnae, Nisibis, Singara came into the power of the Romans ; in Edessa the emperor received not merely the subjection of Abgarus, the ruler of the land, but also that of the other dynasts, and, like ' This is shown by the mala proelia in the passage of Fronto quoted, and by Die's statement, Ixviii. 19, that Trajan took Samo- sata without a struggle ; thus the IGth legion stationed there had lost it. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 73 Armenia, Mesopotamia became a Roman province. Trajan took up once more liis winter quarters in Antioch, where a violent earthquake demanded more victims than the campaign of the summer. In the next spring (116) Tra- jan, the " victor of the Parthians," as the senate now sa- luted him, advanced from Nisibis over the Tigris, and oc- cupied, not without encountering resistance at the cross- ing and subsequently, the district of Adiabene ; this be- came the third new Eoman province, named Assyria. The march went onward down the Tigris to Babylonia ; Seleucia and Ctesiphon fell into the hands of the Romans, and with them the golden throne of the king and his daughter ; Trajan reached even the Persian satrapy of Mesene, and the great mercantile town at the mouth of the Tigris, Charax Spasinu. This region also seems to have been incorporated with the empire in such a way that the new province Mesopotamia embraced the whole region inclosed by the two rivers. Full of longing, Trajan is said now to have wished for himself the youth of Alexander, in order to Revolt of Seleu- • u , in Palmyrene "illustrious senator, head of Tadmor." The epitaph (G. I. Gr. 4507:= Waddington 2621 = Vogue, 21) of the father of Hairanes, Septimios Odaenathos, son of Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 105 wise dependent on the legate of Syria than were the client-princes on the neighbouring imperial governors generally. A few years later we meet with his son,^ Sep- timius Odaenathus, in the like position — indeed even raised in rank — df hereditary prince.^ Nevertheless Pal- myra formed a customs-district apart, in which the cus- toms were leased on account, not of the state, but of the community.^ Hairanes, grandson of Vaballathos, great-grandson of Nassoros, gives to him also senatorial rank. ' Certainly the father of this Odaenathus is nowhere named ; but it is as good as certain that he was the son of the Hairanes just named, and bore the name of his grandfather. Zosimus, too, i. 39, terms him a Palmyrene distinguished from the days of his fore- fathers by the government (^i/Spa TlaAfivprjt/hu koI e/c irpoySvwu rrjs TTapa Twu fia(n\€uv a^icadfUTa tIjUtjs). ^ In the inscription Waddington 2603 = Vogue 23, which the guild of gold and silver workers of Palmyra set up in the year 257 to Odaenathus he is called 6 AaixTrpoTaros vTrariKSs, and so vir con- sidaris, and in Greek SerrTroTr??, in Syriac mdran. The former designation is not a title of office, but a statement of the class in which he ranked ; so vir consularis stands not unf requently after the name quite like mr darissimus (0. I. L. x. p. 1117 and else- where), and 6 Xa/uLTrphraTos vnaTinS'i is found alongside of and before official titles of various kinds, e.g. that of the proconsul of Africa {G. I. Gr. 2979, where AajuLirpSraros is absent), of the imperial legate of Pontus and Bithynia {G. I. Gr. 3747, 3748, 3771) and of Palestine {G. I. Gr. 4151), of the governor of Lycia and Pamphylia {G. I. Gr. 4272); it is only in the age after Constantine that it is in combination with the name of the province employed as an official title {e.g. G. I. Gr. 2596, 4266e). From this, therefore, no inference is to be drawn as to the legal position of Odaenathus. Likewise, in the Syriac designation of "lord," we may not find exactly the ruler ; it is also given to a procurator (Waddington 2606 = Vogue 25). ^ Syria in the imperial period formed an imperial customs-dis- trict of its own, and the imperial dues were levied not merely on the coast but also at the Euphrates-frontier, in particular at Zeugma. Hence it necessarily follows that farther to the south, where the Euphrates was no longer in the Roman power, similar dues were established on the Roman eastern frontier. Now a de- cree of the council of Palmyra of the year 137 informs us that the city and its territory formed a special customs-district, and the dues The Euj)hrates Frontier. [Book VIII, The importance of Palmyra depended on tlie caravan- traffic. The heads of the caravans (crwoSiap- Commercial po- \ ^ • ^ > e x^i i. RitionofPal- ')(a.i), which Went irom Palmyra to the great entrepots on the Euphrates to Vologasias, the already mentioned Parthian foundation not far from the site of the ancient Babylon, and to Porath or Charax Spasinu, twin towns at its mouth, close on the Persian Gulf, appear in the inscriptions as the most respected city- burgesses,' and fill not merely the magistracies of their were levied for tlie benefit of tlie town upon all goods imported or exported. That tliis territory lay beyond the imperial dues is prob- able — first, because, if there had existed an imperial customs-line enclosing the Palmyrene territory, the mention of it could not well be omitted in that detailed enactment ; secondly, because a com- munity of the empire enclosed by the imperial customs-lines would hardly have had the right of levying dues at the boundary of its territory to this extent. We shall thus have to discern in the levy- ing of dues by the community of Palmyra the same distinctive position which must be attributed to it in a military point of view. Perhaps, on the other hand, there was an impost laid on it for the benefit of the imperial exchequer, possibly the delivering up of a quota of the produce of the dues or a heightened tribute. Ar- rangements similar to those for Palmyra may have existed also for Petra and Bostra ; for goods were certainly not admitted here free of dues, and according to Pliny, //. N. xii. 14, 65, imperial dues from the Arabic frankincense exported by way of Gaza seem only to have been levied at Gaza on the coast. The indolence of Roman administration was stronger than its fiscal zeal ; it may frequently have devolved the inconvenient tolls of the land-frontier away from itself on the communities. ' These caravans {(xwoUai) appear on the Palmyrene inscriptions as fixed companies, which undertake the same journeys beyond doubt at definite intervals under their foreman {a-wo^iapx'r]^, Wad- dington, 2589, 2590 2596) ; thus a statue is erected to such a one by " the merchants who went down with him to Vologasias " {ol avv auTw KaTeXQovns els ''OXoyeaidBa e/xiropoi, Waddington, 2599 of the year 247), or "up from Forath (comp. Pliny, II. iV. vi. 28, 145) and Vologasias" {oi awai'a^duTes fJ.er avrov e/j-Tropoi cnro ^opddov Ke 'OXoya- (Tidhos, Waddington, 2589 of the year 142), or "up from Spasinu Charax "(oi ahv a iT(^ avaSdvTfiS airh 'S.-iraaivou Xccpa/cos, Waddington, 2596 of the year 193; similarly 2590 of the year 155). All these conductors are men of standing furnished with lists of ancestors ; their honorar}' monuments stand in the great colonnade beside those Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 107 home, but in part also imperial offices ; the great traders (apx^f^-n-opoi) and the guild of workers in gold and silver testify to the importance of the city for trade and manu- factures, and nofj less is its prosperity attested by the still standing temples of the city and the long colonnades of the city halls, as well as the massy and richly decorated tombs. The climate is little favourable to agriculture — the place lies near to the northern limit of the date palm, and does not derive its Greek name from it — but there are found in the environs the remains of great subterra- nean aqueducts and huge water-reservoirs artificially con- structed of square blocks, with the help of which the ground, now destitute of all vegetation, must once upon a time have artificially developed a rich culture. This riches, this national idiosyncrasy not quite set aside even under Roman rule, and this administrative independence, explain in some measure the part of Palmyra about the middle of the third century in the great crisis, to the presentation of which we now return. After the emperor Decius had fallen in the year 251 when fip'hting against the Goths in Europe, Capture of the ^ . o.. • emperor Vale- the government 01 the empire, ii at that time there was still an empire and a government at all, left the East entirely to its fate. While the pirates from the Black Sea ravaged the coasts far and wide and even the interior, the Persian king Sapor again assumed the aggressive. While his father had been content with calling himself lord of Iran, he first designated himself — as did the succeeding rulers after his example — the great- of queen Zenobia and her family. Specially remarkable is one of them, Septimius Verodes, of whom there exists a series of honorary pediments of the years 262-267 (Waddington, 2606-2610) ; he too, was a caravan-head (aj/aKu/xiaraura ras (Xuuo^las eic TMV i^lccv KoL fxaprvp-f]- eiuTu vTvh roov apx^uTTopcav, Waddington, n. 2606 a ; consequently he defrayed the costs of the journey back for the whole company, and was on account of this liberality publicly praised by the wholesale traders). But he filled not merely the civic offices of strategos and agoranomos, he was even imperial procurator of the second clasiB (ducenarius) and argapetes (p. 113, note). 108 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. king of Iran and non-Iran (p. 89, note), and thereby laid down, as it were, the programme of his policy of con- quest. In the year 252 or 253 he occupied Armenia, or it submitted to him voluntarily, beyond doubt carried like- wise away by that resuscitation of the old Persian faith and Persian habits ; the legitimate king Tiridates sought shelter with the Romans, the other members of the royal house placed themselves under the banners of the Per- sian.^ After Armenia thus had become Persian, the hosts of the Orientals overran Mesopotamia, Syria, and Cappa- docia ; they laid waste the level country far and wide, but the inhabitants of the larger towns, first of all the brave Edessenes, repelled the attack of enemies little equipped for besieging. In the West, meanwhile at least, a recog- nised government had been set up. The emperor Pub- lius Licinius Valerianus, an honest and well-disposed ruler, but not resolute in character or equal to dealing with difficulties, appeared at length in the East and resorted to Antioch. Thence he went to Cappadocia, which the Persian roving hordes evacuated. But the plague deci- mated his army, and he delayed long to take up the de- cisive struggle in Mesopotamia. At length he resolved to bring help to the sorely pressed Edessa, and crossed the Euphrates with his forces. There, not far from Edessa, occurred the disaster which had nearly the same signifi- cance for the Eoman East as the victory of the Goths at the mouth of the Danube and the fall of Decius — the capture of the emperor Valerianus by the Persians (end of 259 or beginning of 260).^ As to the more precise ^ According to the Greek account (Zonaras, xii. 21) king Tiridates takes refuge with the Romans, but his sons take the side of the Persians ; according to the Armenian, king Chosro is murdered by his brethren, and Chosro s son, Tiridates, fled to the Romans (Gut- schmid, Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenl. Oesellsch. xxxi. 48). Per- haps the latter is to be preferred. ^ The only fixed chronological basis is furnished by the Alexan- drian coins, according to which Valerian was captured between 29th August 259 and 28th August 260. That after his capture he was no longer regarded as emperor, is easily explained, seeing that the Per- Chap, IX.] The Eujphrates Frontier. 109 circumstances the accounts are conflicting. According to one version, when he was attempting with a weak band to reach Edessa, he was surrounded and captured by the far superior Persians. According to another, he, al- though defeated, reached the beleaguered town, but, as he brought no sufficient help and the provisions came to an end only the more rapidly, he dreaded the outbreak of a military insurrection, and therefore dehvered himself voluntarily into the hands of the enemy. According to a third, he, reduced to extremities, entered into negotiations with Sapor ; when the Persian king declined to treat with envoys, he appeared personally in the enemy's camp, and was perfidiously made a prisoner. Whichever of these narratives may come nearest to the truth, the emperor died in the captivity of the oiSfan'SipiJr. Gucmy,' and the consequence of this disaster was the forfeiture of the East to the Persians. Above all Antioch, the largest and richest city of the East, fell for the first time since it was Roman into the power of the public foe, and in good part through the fault of its own citizens. Mareades, an Antiochene of rank, whom the council had expelled for the embezzlement of public mon- ies, brought the Persian army to his native town ; whether it be a fable that the citizens were surprised in the theatre itself by the advancing foes, there is no doubt that they not merely offered no resistance, but that a great part of the lower population, partly in consideration of Mareades, partly in the hope of anarchy and pillage, saw with pleas- ure the entrance of the Persians. Thus the city with all its treasures became the prey of the enemy, and fearful rav- ages were committed in it ; Mareades indeed also was — we sians compelled liim in their interests to issne orders to his former subjects (continuation of Dio, fr. 3). ^ The better accounts simply know the fact that Valerian died in Persian capitivity. That Sapor used him as a footstool in mounting his horse (Lactantius, de Mort. persec. 5 ; Orosius, vii. 22, 4 ; Victor, Ep. 33), and finally caused him to be flayed (Lactantius, I. c. ; Aga- thias, iv. 23 ; Cedrenus, p. 454) is a Christian invention — a requital for the persecution of the Christians ordered by Valerian. 110 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. know not why — condemned by king Sapor to perish by fire/ Besides numerous smaller places, the capitals of Cilicia and Cappadocia — Tarsus and Caesarea, the latter, it is stated, a town of 400,000 inhabitants — suffered the same fate. Endless trains of captives, who were led like cattle once a day to the watering, covered the desert-routes of the East. On the return home the Persians, it is alleged, in order the more rapidly to cross a ravine, filled it up with the bodies of the captives whom they brought with them. It is more credible that the great " imperial dam " (Bend- i-Kaiser) at Sostra (Shuster) in Susiana, by which still at the present day the water of the Pasitigris is conveyed to the higher-lying regions, was built by these captives ; as indeed the emperor Nero's architects had helped to build the capital of Armenia, and generally in this domain the Occidentals always maintained their superiority. The Per- sians nowhere encountered resistance from the empire ; but Edessa still held out, and Caesarea had bravely defended itself, and had only fallen by treachery. The local resist- ance gradually passed beyond a mere defensive behind the walls of towns, and the breaking up of the Persian hosts, brought about by the wide extent of the conquered territory, was favourable to the bold partisan. A self-ap- pointed Koman leader, Callistus,^ succeeded in a happy cowp de main ; with the vessels which he had brought to- gether in the ports of Cilicia he sailed for Pompeiopolis — which the Persians were just besieging, while they at the same time laid waste Lycaonia, — killed several thousand men, and possessed himself of the royal harem. This in- ' The tradition according to which Mareades (so Ammianus, xxiii. 5, 3 ; Mariades in Malalas, 12, p. 295 ; Mariadnes in contin. of Dio, fr. 1), or, as he is here called, Cjriades, had himself proclaimed as Augustus {Vit. trig. tyr. 1) is weakly attested ; otherwise there might doubtless be found in it the occasion why Sapor caused him to be put to death. ^ He is called Callistus in the one tradition, doubtless traceable to Dexippus, in Syncellus, p. 716, and Zonaras, xii. 23, on the other hand, Ballista in the biographies of the emperors and in Zonaras, xii. 24. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. Ill duced the king, under pretext of celebrating a festival that might not be put off, to go home at once in such haste that, in order not to be detained, he purchased from the Edessenes free passage through their territory in return for all the Roman gold money which he had captured as booty. Odaenathus, prince of Palmyra, inflicted consider- able losses on the bands returning home from Antioch be- fore they crossed the Euphrates. But hardly was the most urgent danger from the Persians obviated, when two of the most noted among the army leaders of the East, left to themselves, Fulvius Macrianus, the officer who admin- istered the chest and the depot of the army in Samosata,' and the Callistus just mentioned, renounced allegiance to the son and co-regent and now sole ruler Gallienus — for whom, it is true, the East and the Persians were non-exist- ent — and, themselves refusing to accept the purple, pro- claimed the two sons of the former, Fulvius Macrianus and Fulvius Quietus, emperors (261). This step taken by the two distinguished generals had the effect of obtaining rec- ognition for the two young emperors in Egypt and in all the East, with the exception of Palmyra, the prince of which took the side of Gallienus. One of them, Macri- anus, went off with his father to the West, in order to install this new government also there. But soon fortune turned ; in Illyricum Macrianus lost a battle and his life, not against Gallienus, but against another pretender. Odaenathus turned against the brother who remained be- hind in Syria ; at Hemesa, where the armies met, tho soldiers of Quietus replied to the summons to surrender that they would rather submit to anything than deliver themselves into the hands of a barbarian. Nevertheless Callistus, the general of Quietus, betrayed his master to ' He was, according to the most trustworthy account, procurator summarum (eVi ruv Ka96xov ^aaiXeus : Dionysius in Eusebius, H. E. vii. 10, 5), and so finance -minister with equestrian rank ; the continuator of Dio {fr. 3 Miill. ) expresses this in the language of the later age by Kofx-qs tcHv drjaavpwv koI ec^eCTws'r^ ayopa rov airov. 112 The Eujphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. the Palmyrene/ and thus ended also his short govern- ment. Therewith Palmyra stepped into the first place in the East. Gallienus, more than sufficiently occupied by Government of ' . . , _„ _ ; .,5 odaenathus in the barbarians of the West and the military in- surrections everywhere breaking out there, gave to the prince of Palmyra, who alone had preserved fidelity to him in the crisis just mentioned, an exceptional position without a parallel, but under the prevailing circumstances readily intelligible ; he, as hereditary prince, or, as he was now called, king of Palmyra, became, not indeed joint ruler, but independent lieutenant of the emperor for the East.^ The local administration of Palmyra was conducted under ' At least according to the report, wliicli forms the basis of the im- perial biographies ((oita Gallieni, 3, and elsewhere). According to Zonaras, xii. 24, the only author who mentions besides the end of Callistus, Odaenathus caused him to be put to death. ^ That Odaenathus, as well as after him his son Vaballathus (apart, of course, from the time after the rupture with Aurelian), were by no means August! (as the mt. Gallieni^ 12, erroneously states), is shown both by the absence of the name of Augustus on the coins and by the title possible only for a subject, v{ir) c{pnsularis) = v{iTa- TiKos), which, like the father (p. 105, note 2), the son still bears. The position of governor is designated on the coins of the son by im{perator) cl{ux) R{omanorum) = avT{oKpdrwp) a-irpaTir/'''^); in agree- ment therewith Zonaras (xii. 23, and again xii. 24) and Syncellus p. 716) state that Gallienus appointed Odaenathus, on account of his victory over the Persians and Ballista, as (rrpaT7]'yhs ttjs ^cfas, or • ifrrfs avaroXris ; and the biographer of Gallienus, 10, that he ohtinuit t >tiii8 Orientis imperium. By this is meant all the Asiatic provinces and Egypt ; the added imperator — avroKparoop (comp. Trifj. tyr. 15, G, post reditum de Perside — Herodes son of Odaenathus — cum patre imperator est a2)pellatus) is intended beyond doubt to express the i'reer handling of power, different from the usual authority of the governor. — To this was added further the now formally assumed title of a king of Palmyra {Ti'ig. tyr. 15, 2 : adsumpto 7iomine rer/ah), Avhich also the son bears, not on the Egyptian, but on the Syrian coins. The circumstance that Odaenathus is probably called melekh malM^ "king of kings," on an inscription set up in August 271, and so after his death and during the war of his adherents with Aurelian (Vogue, n. 28), belongs to the revolutionary demonstrations of this period and forms no proof for the earlier time. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 113 him by another Palmyrene, at the same time as imperial procurator and as his deputy.' Therewith the whole im- perial power, so far as it still subsisted at all in the East, lay in the hand of the "barbarian," and the latter with his Palmyrenes, who were strengthened by the remains of the Roman army corps and the levy of the land, re-established the sway of Rome alike rapidly and brilliantly. Asia and Syria were already evacuated by the enemy. Odaenathus crossed the Euphrates, relieved at length the brave Edes- senes, and retook from the Persians the conquered towns ' The numerous inscriptions of Septimius Vorodes, set up in tlie years 262 to 267 (Waddington, 2606-2610), and so in the lifetime of Odaenathus, all designate him as imperial procurator of the second class (ducenarius), but at the same time partly by the title apya-n-ervs, which Persian word, current also among the Jews, signifies "lord of a castle," " viceroy" (Levy, Zeitsch. der deutschen morgenl. Gesell- scJiaft, xviii. 90; Noldeke, zZ). xxiv. 107), partly as Si/caioSJrrys rfjs fj.T}TpoKo\(av'ias which, beyond doubt, is in substance at any rate, if not in language, the same office. Presumably we must understand by it that office on account of which the father of Odaenathus is called the " head of Tadmor " (p. 105, note 1) ; the one chief of Pal- myra competent for martial law and for the administration of jus- tice ; only that, since extended powers were given to the position of Odaenathus, this post as a subordinate office is filled by a man of equestrian rank. The conjecture of Sachau {Zeitschr. der d. morgenl. Oesellsch. xxxv. 738) that this Vorodes is the "Wurud" of a cop- per coin of the Berlin cabinet, and that both are identical with the elder son of Odaenathus, Herodes, who was killed at the same time with his father, is liable to serious difficulties. Herodes and Orodes are different names (in the Palmyrene inscription, Waddington, 2610, the two stand side by side) ; the son of a senator cannot well fill an equestrian office ; a procurator coining money with his image is not conceivable even for this exceptional state of things. Prob- ably the coin is hot Palmyrene at all. "It is," von Sallet writes to me, "probably older than Odaenathus, and belongs perhaps to an Arsacid of the second century A. D.; it shows a head with a head- dress similar to the Sassanid ; the reverse, S C in a chaplet of lau- rel, appears imitated from the coins of Antioch."— If subsequently, after the breach with Rome in 271, on an inscription of Palmyra (Waddington, 2611) two generals of the Palmyrenes are distin-' guished, 6 ix4yas a-Tpa.TrjKa.T'ns, the historically known Zabdas, and 6 iudd^e (rTpaTr}\dT'ns, Zabbaeos, the latter is, it may be presumed, just the Argapetes. Vol. II.— 8 114 The Euphrates Frontier. [Book VIII. Nisibis and Carrhae (264). Probably Armenia also was at that time brought back under Eoman allegiance. ^ Then he took — for the first time since Gordianus — the offensive against the Persians, and marched on Ctesiphon. In two different campaigns the capital of the Persian kingdom was invested by him, and the neighbouring region laid waste, and there was a successful battle with the Persians under its walls. Even the Goths, whose predatory raids ex- tended into the interior, retired when he set out for Cap- padocia. A development of power of this sort was a bless- ing for the hard-pressed empire, and at the same time a serious danger. Odaenathus no doubt observed all due formalities towards his Eoman lord-paramount, and sent the captured of&cers of the enemy and the articles of booty to Rome for the emperor, who did not disdain to triumph over them ; but in fact the East under Odaenathus was not much less independent than the West under Postumus, and we can easily understand how the officers favourably disposed towards Rome made opposition to the Palmyrene vice-emperor,^ and on the one hand there was talk of at- tempts of Odaenathus to attach himself to the Persians, ' The state of the case speaks in favour of this ; evidence is want- ing. In the imperial biographies of this epoch the Armenians are wont to be adduced among the border peoples independent of Rome {Valer. 6; Trig. tyr. 30, 7, 18; Aurel. 11, 27, 28, 41) ; but this is one of their quite untrustworthy elements of embellishment. 2 This more modest account (Butropius, ix, 10 ; vita Gallieni^ 10 ; Trig. tyr. 15, 4 ; Zos. i. 39, who alone attests the two expeditions) must be preferred to that which mentions the capture of the city (Syncellus, p. 716). ^ This is shown by the accounts as to Carinus (cont. of Dio, p. 8) and as to Rufinus (p. 115, note 2). That after the death of Odae- nathus Ileraclianus, a general acting on Gallienus's orders against the Persians, was attacked and conquered by Zenobia {vita Oallieni^ 13, 5), is in itself not impossible, seeing that the princes of Palmyra possessed de iure the chief command in all the East, and such an action, even if it were suggested by Gallienus, might be treated as offending against this right, and this would clearly indicate the strained relation ; but the authority vouching it is so bad that little stress caii be laid on it. Chap. IX.] The Euphrates Frontier. 115 which were alleged to have broken down only through Sapor's arrogance/ while on the other hand the assassina- tion of Odaenathus at Hemesa in 266-7 was referred to instigation of the Roman government.^ The real mur- derer was a brother's son of Odaenathus, and there are no proofs of the participation of the government. At any rate the crime made no change in the position of affairs. The wife of the deceased, the queen Bat Zabbai, or in Greek, Zenobia, a beautiful and sagacious of^J^nobfJ!*^ woman of masculine energy,^ in virtue of the hereditary right to the principate claimed for the son of herself and Odaenathus, still in boyhood, Vabal- lathus or Athenodorus * — the elder, Herodes, had perished with his father — the position of the deceased, and in fact ^ This we learn from the characteristic narrative of Petrus,/n 10, which is to be placed before /r. 11. ^ The account of the continuator of Dio, fr. 7, that the old Odae- nathus was put to death, as suspected of treason, by one (not else- where mentioned) Rufinus, and that the younger, when he had impeached this person at the bar of the emperor Gallienus, was dismissed on the declaration of Rufinus that the accuser deserved the same fate, cannot be correct as it stands. But Waddington's proposal to substitute Gallus for Gallienus, and to recognise in the accuser the husband of Zenobia, is not admissible, since the father of this Odaenathus was Hairanes, in whose case there existed no ground at all for such an execution, and the excerpt in its whole character undoubtedly applies to Gallienus. Rather must the old Odaenathus have been the husband of Zenobia, and the author have erroneously assigned to Vaballathus, in whose name the charge was brought, his father's name. All the details which are current in our accounts of Zenobia originate from the imperial biographies ; and they will only be re- peated by such as do not know this source. The name Vaballathus is given, in addition to the coins and in- scriptions, by Polemius Silvius, p. 243 of my edition, and the bi- ographer of Aurelian, c. 38, while he describes as incorrect the statement that Odaenathus had left two sons, Timolaus and Heren- nianus. In reality these two persons emerging simply in the im- perial biographies appear along with all that is connected with them as invented by the writer, to whom the thorough falsification of these biographies is to be referred. Zosimus too, i, 59,' knows only of one son, who went into captivity with his mother. 116 The Ewphrates Frontier, [Book VIII. carried her point as well in Rome as in the East : the reg- nal years of the son are reckoned from the death of the father. For the son, not capable of government, the mother took part in counsel and action, ^ and she did not restrict herself to preserving the state of possession, but on the contrary her courage or her arrogance aspired to mastery over the whole imperial domain of the Greek tongue. In the command over the East, which was com- mitted to Odaenathus and inherited from him by his son, the supreme authority over Asia Minor and Egypt may doubtless have been included ; but de facto Odaenathus had in his power only Syria and Arabia, and possibly Ar- menia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia. Now an influential Egyp- tian, Timagenes, summoned the queen to occupy Egypt ; accordingly she despatched her chief general Zabdas with an army of, it is alleged, 70,000 men to the Nile. The land resisted with energy ; but the Palmyrenes defeated the Egyptian levy and possessed themselves of Egypt, A Eoman admiral Probus attempted to dislodge them again, and even vanquished them, so that they set out for Syria ; but, when he attempted to bar their way at the Egyptian Babylon not far from Memphis, he was defeated by the better local knowledge of the Palmyrene general Tima- genes, and he put himself to death. ^ When about the be- * Whether Zenobia claimed for herself formal joint-rule, cannot be certainly determined. In Palmyra she names herself still after the rupture with Rome merely fiaaiKiaa-t] (Waddington, 2611, 2628), in the rest of the empire she may have laid claim to the title Au- gusta, 2ei8a AvaovicDv jxouar]s v^ipoov irpvTavn, Kaibel, JSp'igr. 440. Chap. X.] Land of the Nabataeans. 173 ogy. ' But the Sabaeans, after whom the place Borechath (Breka to the north of Kanawat) is named, appear in fact to be south- Arabian emigrants ; and these were already settled here in the third century. They and their associates may have come in peace and become settled under Roman pro- tection, perhaps even may have carried to Syria the highly- developed and luxuriant culture of southwestern Arabia. So long as the empire kept firmly together and each of these tribes was under its own sheikh, all obeyed the Roman lord-paramount. But in order the better to meet the Arabians or — as they were now called — Saracens of the Persian empire united under one king, Justinian, during the Persian war in the year 531, placed all the phylarchs of the Saracens subject to the Romans under Aretas son of Gabalus — Harith Abu son of Chaminos among the Arabs — and bestowed on this latter the title of king, which hitherto, it is added, had never been done. This king of all the Arabian tribes settled in Syria w^as still a vassal of the empire ; but, while he warded off his countrymen, he at the same time prepared the place for them. A century later, in the year 637, Arabia and Syria succumbed to Islam. ^ According to the Arabian accounts the Benu Salih migrated from the region of Mecca (about 190 a.d., according to the conjectures of Caussin de Perceval, Hist, des Arabes, i. 212) to Syria, and settled there alongside of the Benu-Samaida, in whom Waddington finds anew the (pv\^ 'Soua.Onvcov of an inscription of Suweda (n. 2308). The Ghassanids, who (according to Caussin, about 205) migrated from Batn-Marr likewise to Syria and to the same region, were compelled by the Salihites, at the suggestion of the Romans, to pay tribute, and paid it for a time, until they (according to the same, about the year 292) overcame the Salihites, and their leader Thalaba, son of Amos, was recognised by the Romans as Phylarch. This nar- rative may contain correct elements ; bvit our standard authority remains always the account of Procopius, de hello Pers. i. 17, re- produced in the text. The phylarchs of individual provinces of Arabia (i.e. the province Bostra ; JVov. 102 c.) and of Palestine (i.e. province of Petra ; Procop. de hello Pers. i. 19), are older, but doubt- less not much. Had a sheikh-in-chief of this sort been recognised by the Romans in the times before Justinian, the Roman authors and the inscriptions would doubtless show traces of it ; but there are no such traces from the period before Justinian. CHAPTEE XI. JUDAEA AND THE JEWS. The history of the Jewish land is as little the history of the Jewish people as the history of the States of the Church is that of the Catholics ; it is just as requisite to separate the two as to consider them together. The Jews in the land of the Jordan, with whom the Komans had to do, were not the people who priestly rule un- under their judges and kings fought with der the seieucids. ^^^^ ^^^^ Edom, and listened to the dis- courses of Amos and Hosea. The small community of pious exiles, driven out by foreign rule, and brought back again by a change in the hands wielding that rule, who began their new establishment by abruptly repelling the remnants of their kinsmen left behind in the old abodes and laying the foundation for the irreconcilable feud be- tween Jews and Samaritans — the ideal of national exclu- siveness and priestly control holding the mind in chains — had long before the Roman period developed under the government of the Seieucids the so-called Mosaic theoc- racy, a clerical corporation with the high-priest at its head, which, acquiescing in foreign rule and renouncing the formation of a state, guarded the distinctiveness of its adherents, and dominated them under the aegis of the protecting power. This retention of the national char- acter in religious forms, while ignoring the state, was the distinctive mark of the later Judaism. Probably every idea of God is in its formation national ; but no other God has been so from the outset the God only of his people as Jahve, and no one has so remained such without distinc- tion of time and place. Those men returning to the Holy Land, who professed to live according to the statutes Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jeios. of Moses and in fact lived according to the statutes of Ezra and Nehemiah/ had remained just as dependent on the great-kings of the East, and subsequently on the Se- leucids, as they had been by the waters of Babylon. A political element no more attached to this organisation than to the Armenian or the Greek Church under its patriarchs in the Turkish empire ; no free current of polit- ical development pervades this clerical restoration ; none of the grave and serious obligations of a commonwealth standing on its own basis hampered the priests of the temple of Jerusalem in the setting up of the kingdom of Jahve upon earth. The reaction did not fail to come. That church- without- a-state could only last so long as a secular Ha°mo°^eans^^ great powcr servcd it as lord-protector or as bailiff. When the kingdom of the Seleu- cids fell into decay, a Jewish commonwealth was created afresh by the revolt against foreign rule, which drew its best energies precisely from the enthusiastic national faith. The high priest of Salem was called from the tem- ple to the battlefield. The family of the Hasmonaeans restored the empire of Saul and David nearly in its old limits, and not only so, but these warlike high priests renewed also in some measure the former truly political monarchy controlling the priests. But that monarchy, at once the product of, and the contrast to, that priestly rule, was not according to the heart of the pious. The Pharisees and the Sadducees separated and began to make war on one another. It was not so much doctrines and ritual differences that here confronted each other, as, on the one hand, the persistence in a priestly govern- ment which simply clung to religious ordinances and in- terests, and otherwise was indifferent to the independence and the self-control of the community ; on the other hand, ' [This statement and several others of a kindred tenor in this chapter appear to rest on an unhesitating acceptance of views entertained by a recent school of Old Testament criticism, as to which it may at least be said : Adfmc sub iudice Us est. — Tr.] 176 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. the monarchy aiming at pohtical development and en- deavouring to procure for the Jewish people, by fighting and by treaty, its place once more in the political conflict, of which the Syrian kingdom was at that time the arena. The former tendency dominated the multitude, the latter had the preponderance in intelligence and in the upper classes ; its most considerable champion was king lanna- eus Alexander, who during his whole reign was at enmity not less with the Syrian rulers than with his own Pharisees (iv. 165). Although it was properly but the other, and in fact the more natural and more potent, expression of the national revival, it yet by its greater freedom of think- ing and acting came into contact with the Hellenic char- acter, and was regarded especially by its pious opponents as foreign and unbelieving. But the inhabitants of Palestine were only a portion, and not the most important portion, of the Diaspora!^^ Jcws ; the Jcwisli commuuitics of Babylonia, Syria, Asia Minor, Egypt, were far superior to those of Palestine even after their regeneration by the Maccabees. The Jewish Diaspora in the imperial period was of more significance than the latter ; and it was an altogether peculiar phenomenon. The settlements of the Jews beyond Palestine grew only in a subordinate degree out of the same impulse as those of the Phoenicians and the Hellenes. From the outset an agricultural people and dwelling far from the coast, their settlements abroad were a non-free and comparatively late formation, a creation of Alexander or of his marshals. * ' Whether the legal position of the Jews in Alexandria is warrant- ably traced back by Josephus {contra Ap. ii. 4) to Alexander is so far doubtful, as, to the best of our knowledge, not he, but the first Ptolemy, settled Jews in masses there (Josephus, Arch. xii. i ; Appian, Syr. 50). The remarkable similarity of form assumed by the bodies of Jews in the different states of the Diadochi must, if it is not based on Alexander's ordinances, be traced to rivalry and imitation in the founding of towns. The fact that Palestine was half Egyptian half Syrian, doubtless exercised an essential influence , in the case of these settlements. Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 177 In those immense efforts at founding Greek towns con- tinued throughout generations, such as never before and never afterwards occurred to a like extent, the Jews had a conspicuous share however singular it was to invoke their aid ill particular towards the Hellenising of the East. This was the case above all with Egypt. The most con- siderable of all the towns created by Alexander, Alexan- dria on the Nile, was since the times of the first Ptolemy, who after the occupation of Palestine transferred thither a mass of its inhabitants, almost as much a city of the Jews as of the Greeks, and the Jews there were to be esteemed at least equal to those of Jerusalem in number, wealth, intelligence, and organisation. In the first times of the empire there was reckoned a million of Jews to eight millions of Egyptians, and their influence, it may be presumed, transcended this numerical proportion. We have already observed that, in rivalry with these, the Jews in the Syrian capital of the empire had been similarly organised and developed (p. 139). The diffusion and the importance of the Jews of Asia Minor are attested among other things by the attempt which was made under Augus- tus by the Ionian Greek cities, apparently after joint concert, to compel their Jewish fellow townsmen either to withdrawal from their faith or to full assumption of civic burdens. Beyond doubt there were independently organised bodies of Jews in all the new Hellenic founda- tions,' and withal in numerous old Hellenic towns, even in Hellas proper, e.g. in Corinth. The organisation was placed throughout on the footing that the nationality of the Jews with the far-reaching consequences drawn from ' The community of Jews in Smyrna is mentioned in an inscrip- tion recently found there (Reinach, Eevue des etudes juives, 1883, p. 161 : 'Pov(f)e7va ^lovBal (a) apxicrvvaycayhs KareaKevacrev rh ivaSpiov rots aireAevdepois koI 6p€(x{iJ.)a(TLv ix-qh^vus a.\{\)ov i^ovaiav exovros Q(h\iaL rivd' el Se Tis To\fiiiv 'lovdaiwu (drjvaplovs) a Tovttjs ttjs iiriypacprj^ rh avTiypacpov oTToKetTot 6ts rh apx^tov. Simple collegia are, in penal threats of this sort, not readily put on a level with the state or the community. Vol. II.— 1^ 178 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. it by themselves was preserved, and only tlie use of the Greek language was required of them. Thus amidst this Graecising, into which the East was at that time coaxed or forced by those in authority, the Jews of the Greek towns became Greek-speaking Orientals. That in the Jew-communities of the Macedonian towns the Greek language not merely attained to Greek language. ... £ - , dominion m the natural way oi intercourse, but was a compulsory ordinance imposed upon them, seems of necessity to result from the state of the case. In a similar way Trajan subsequently Komanised Dacia with colonists from Asia Minor. Without this compulsion, the external uniformity in the foundation of towns could not have been carried out, and this material for Hellenising generally could not have been employed. The govern- ments went in this respect very far and achieved much. Already under the second Ptolemy, and at his instigation, the sacred writings of the Jews were translated into Greek in Egypt, and at least at the beginning of the imperial period the knowledge of Hebrew among the Jews of Alex- andria was nearly as rare as that of the original languages of Scripture is at present in the Christian world ; there was nearly as much discussion as to the faults of translation of the so-called Seventy Alexandrians as on the part of pious men among us regarding the errors of Luther's translation. The national language of the Jews had at this epoch dis- appeared everywhere from the intercourse of life, and maintained itself only in ecclesiastical use somewhat like the Latin language in the religious domain of Catholicism. In Judaea itself its place had been taken by the Aramaic popular language of Syria, akin no doubt to the Hebrew ; the Jews outside of Judaea, with whom we are concerned, had entirely laid aside the Semitic idiom, and it was not till long after this epoch that the reaction set in, which scholastically brought back the knowledge and the use of it more generally among the Jews. The literary works, which they produced at this epoch in great number, were in the better times of the empire all Greek. If language Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jevjs. 179 alone conditioned nationality, there would be little to tell for this period as to the Jews. But with this linguistic compulsion, at first perhaps severely felt, was combined the recognition natfonaSJy!^ of the distinctive nationality with all its con- sequences. Everywhere in the cities of the monarchy of Alexander the burgess-body was formed of the Macedonians, that is, those really Macedonian, or the Hellenes esteemed equal to them. By the side of these stood, in addition to foreigners, the natives, in Alexandria the Egyptians, in Cyrene the Libyans and generally the settlers from the East, who had indeed no other home than the new city, but were not recognised as Hellenes. To this second category the Jews belonged ; but they, and they only, were allowed to form, so to speak, a community within the community, and — while the other non-burgesses were ruled by the authorities of the burgess-body — up to a certain degree to govern themselves.' The "Jews," says Strabo, "have in Alexandria a national head (iOvdpxrj's) of their own, who presides over the people (Wvos:), and de- cides processes and disposes of contracts and arrangements ^ If tlie Alexandrian Jews subsequently maintained that they were legally on an equal footing with the Alexandrian Macedonians (Jo- sephus, contra Ap. ii. 4; Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 7) this was a misrepresen- tation of the true state of the case. They were clients in the first instance of the Phyle of the Macedonians, probably the most emi- nent of all, and therefore named after Dionysos (Theophilus, ad Autolycum, ii. 7), and, because the Jewish quarter was a part of this Phyle, Josephus in his way makes themselves Macedonians. The legal position of the population of the Greek towns of this category is most clearly apparent from the account of Strabo (in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 7, 2) as to the four categories of that of Cyrene : city -bur- gesses, husbandmen (yewpyoi), strangers, and Jews. If we lay aside the metoeci, who have their legal home elsewhere, there remain as Cyrenaeans having rights in their home the burgesses of full rights, that is, the Hellenes and what were allowed to pass as such, and the two categories of those excluded from active burgess-rights— the Jews, who form a community of their own, and the subjects, the Libyans, without autonomy. This might easily be so shifted, that the two privileged categories should appear as having equal rights, 180 Judaea and the Jews, [Book VIII. as if he ruled an independent community." This was done, because the Jews indicated a specific jurisdiction of this sort as required by their nationality or — what amounts to the same thing — their religion. Further, the general political arrangements had respect in an extensive measure to the national-religious scruples of the Jews, and accommo- djited them as far as possible by exemptions. The privi- lege of dwelling together was at least frequently added ; in Alexandria, e.g. two of the five divisions of the city were inhabited chiefly by Jews. This seems not to have been the Ghetto system, but rather a usage resting on the basis of settlement to begin with, and thereafter retained on both sides, whereby conflicts with neighbours were in some measure obviated. Thus the Jews came to play a prominent part in the Macedonian Hellenising of the East ; their Diaspora! pliaucy and serviceableness on the one hand, their unyielding tenacity on the other, must have induced the very realistic statesmen who assigned this course of action, to resolve on such arrangements. Nevertheless the extraordinary extent and significance of the Jewish Diaspora, as compared with the narrowness and poorness of their home, remains at once a fact and a problem. In dealing with it we may not overlook the cir- cumstance that the Palestinian Jews furnished no more than the nucleus for the Jews of other countries. The Judaism of the older time was anything but exclusive ; was, on the contrary, no less pervaded by missionary zeal than were afterwards Christianity and Islam. The Gospel makes reference to Rabbis who traversed sea and land to make a proselyte ; the admission of half-proselytes, of whom circumcision was not expected but to whom relig- ious fellowship was yet accorded, is an evidence of this converting zeal and at the same time one of its most effect- ive means. Motives of very various kinds came to the help of this proselytising. The civil privileges, which the Lagids and Seleucids conferred on the Jews, must have in- duced a great number of non-Jewish Orientals and half- Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 181 Hellenes to attach themselves in the new towns to the privileged category of the non-burgesses. In later times the decay of the traditional faith of the country helped the Jewish propaganda. Numerous persons, especially of the cultivated classes, whose sense of faith and morality turned away with horror or derision from what the Greeks, and still more from what the Egyptians termed religion, sought refuge in the simpler and purer Jewish doctrine renouncing polytheism and idolatry — a doctrine which largely met the religious views resulting from the develop- ment of philosojohy among the cultured and half-cultured circles. There is a remarkable Greek moral poem, prob- ably from the later epoch of the Roman republic, which is drawn from the Mosaic books on such a footing that it adopts the doctrine of monotheism and the universal moral law, but avoids everything offensive to the non-Jew and all direct opposition to the ruling religion, evidently intended to gain wider acceptance for this denationalised Judaism. Women in particular addicted themselves by preference to the Jewish faith. When the authorities of Damascus in the year 66 resolved to put to death the cap- tive Jews, it was agreed to keep this resolution secret, in order that the female population devoted to the Jews might not prevent its execution. Even in the West, where the cultivated circles were otherwise averse to Jewish habits, dames of rank early formed an exception ; Poppaea Sabina, Nero's wife, sprung from a noble family, was noto- rious for her pious Jewish faith and her zealous protectorate of the Jews, as for other things less reputable. Cases of formal transition to Judaism were not rare ; the royal house of Adiabene for example — king Izates and his mother Helena, as well as his brother and successor — became at the time of Tiberius and of Claudius in every respect Jews. It certainly was the case with all those Jewish bodies, as it is expressly remarked of those of Antioch, that they con- sisted in great part of proselytes. This transplanting of Judaism to the Hellenic soil with the appropriation of a foreign language, however much it 182 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. took place with a retention of national individuality, was not accomplished without developing in Juda- Hellenising ten- . -iiPii • denciesinthe ism itseli a tendency running counter to its Diaspora. naturc, and up to a certain degree denation- alising it. How powerfully the bodies of Jews living amidst the Greeks were influenced by the currents of Greek intellectual life, may be traced in the literature of the last century before, and of the first after, the birth of Christ. It is imbued with Jewish elements ; and they are withal the clearest heads and the most gifted thinkers, who seek admission either as Hellenes into the Jewish, or as Jews into the Hellenic system. Nicolaus of Damascus, himself a Pagan and a noted representative of the Aristo- telian philosophy, pleaded, as a scholar and diplomatist of king Herod, the cause of his Jewish patron and of the Jews before Agrippa as before Augustus ; and not only so, but his historical authorship shows a very earnest, and for that epoch significant, attempt to bring the East into the circle of Occidental research, while the description still preserved of the youthful years of the emperor Augustus, who came personally into close contact with him, is a re- markable evidence of the love and honour which the Eoman ruler met with in the Greek world. The disser- tation on the Sublime, written in the first period of the empire by an unknown author, one of the finest aesthetic works preserved to us from antiquity, certainly proceeds, if not from a Jew, at any rate from a man who revered alike Homer and Moses.' Another treatise, also anony- mous, upon the Universe — likewise an attempt, respect- able of its kind, to blend the doctrine of Aristotle with that of the Stoa — was perhaps written also by a Jew, and ^ Pseudo-Longinus, Trepl u«|/ous, 9 : " Far better than the war of the gods in Homer is the description of the gods in their perfection and genuine greatness and purity, like that of Poseidon {llias, xiii. 18 £E.)« Just so writes the legislator of the Jews, no mean man (oux ^ Tux'^" ai/^p), after he has worthily apprehended and brought to expression the Divine power, at the very beginning of the Laws {Genesis^ i. 3): 'G-od said' — what? 'Let there be light, and there was light ; let the earth be, and the earth was.' " Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 183 dedicated certainly to the Jew of highest repute and highest station in the Neronian age, Tiberius Alexander (p. 222), chief of the staff to Corbulo and Titus. The wedding of the two worlds of intellect meets us most clearly in the Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy, the most acute and most palpable expression of a religious move- ment, not merely affecting but also attacking the essence of Judaism. The Hellenic intellectual development con- flicted with national religions of all sorts, inasmuch as it either denied their views or else filled them with other contents, drove out the previous gods from the minds of men and put into the empty places either nothing, or the stars and abstract ideas. These attacks affected also the religion of the Jews. There was formed a Neo-Judaism of Hellenic culture, which dealt with Jehovah not quite so badly, but yet not much otherwise, than the cultivated Greeks and Romans with Zeus and Jupiter. The uni- versal expedient of the so-called allegorical interpreta- tion, whereby in particular the philosophers of the Stoa everywhere in courteous fashion eliminated the heathen national religions, suited equally well and equally ill for Genesis as for the gods of the Iliad ; if Moses had meant by Abraham in a strict sense understanding, by Sarah virtue, by Noah righteousness, if the four streams of Para- dise were the four cardinal virtues, then the most enlight- ened Hellene might believe in the Law. But this pseudo- Judaism was also a power, and the intellectual primacy of the Jews in Egypt was apparent above all in the fact, that this tendency found pre-eminently its supporters in Alexandria. Notwithstanding the internal separation which had taken place among the Jews of Palestine and the Jews gener- had but too often culminated directly in civil war, notwithstanding the dispersion of a great part of the Jewish body into foreign lands, notwithstand- ing the intrusion of foreign ingredients into it and even of the destructive Hellenistic element into its very core, the collective body of the Jews remained united in a way, 184 Judaea and the Jews. [Book vm. to which in the present day only the Vatican perhaps and the Kaaba offer a certain analogy. The holy Salem re- mained the banner, Zion's temple the Palladium of the whole Jewish body, whether they obeyed the Komans or the Parthians, whether they spoke Armenian or Greek, whether even they believed in the old Jahve or in the new, who was none. The fact that the protecting ruler con- ceded to the spiritual chief of the Jews a certain secular power signified for the Jewish body just as much, and the small extent of this power just as little, as the so-called States of the Church in their time signified for Roman Catholics. Every member of a Jewish community had to pay annually to Jerusalem a c^zcZracAm on as temple-tribute, which came in more regularly than the taxes of the state ; every one was obliged at least once in his life to sacri- fice personally to Jehovah on the spot which alone in the world was well-pleasing to Him. Theological science re- mained common property ; the Babylonian and Alexan- drian Eabbins took part in it not less than those of Jerusalem. The feeling cherished with unparalleled te- nacity, of belonging collectively to one nation — a feeling which had established itself in the community of the re- turning exiles and had thereafter contributed to create that distinctive position of the Jews in the Greek world — maintained its ground in spite of dispersion and division. Most worthy of remark is the continued life of Judaism itself in circles whose inward religion was detached from it. The most noted and, for us, the single clearly palpable representative of this tendency in literature, Philo, one of the foremost and richest Jews of the time of Tiberius, stands in fact towards the religion of his country in a position not greatly differing from that of Cicero towards the Roman ; but he himself believed that he was not destroying but fulfilling it. For him as for every other Jew, Moses is the source of all truth, his writ- ten direction binding law, the feeling towards him rev- erence and devout belief. This sublimated Judaism is, however, not quite identical with the so-called faith in the Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews, 185 gods of the Stoa. The corporeality of God vanishes for Philo, but not His personality, and he entirely fails in— what is the essence of Hellenic philosophy — the transfer- ring of the deity into the breast of man ; it remains his view that sinful man is dependent on a perfect being standing outside of, and above, him. In like manner the new- Judaism submits itself to the national ritual law far more unconditionally than the new heathenism. The struggle between the old and the new faith was therefore of a differ- ent nature in the Jewish circle than in the heathen, be- cause the stake was a greater one ; reformed heathenism contended only against the old faith, reformed Judaism would in its ultimate consequence destroy the nationality, which amidst the inundation of Hellenism necessarily dis- appeared with the refining away of the native faith, and therefore shrank back from drawing this consequence. Hence on Greek soil and in Greek language the form, if not the substance, of the old faith was retained and de- fended with unexampled obstinacy, defended even by those who in substance surrendered before Hellenism. Philo himself, as we shall have to tell further on, contended and suffered for the cause of the Jews. But on that account the Hellenistic tendency in Judaism never exercised an overpowering influence over the latter, never was able to take its stand against the national Judaism, and barely availed to mitigate its fanaticism and to check its per- versities and crimes. In all essential matters, especially when confronted with oppression and persecution, the differences of Judaism disappeared ; and, unimportant as was the Eabbinical state, the religious communion over which it presided was a considerable and in certain cir- cumstances formidable power. Such was the state of things which the Romans found The Roman Confronting them when they entered on rule government and in the East. CouQuest forccs the hand of Judaism. ^ the conqueror not less than of the conquered. The work of centuries, the Macedonian urban institutions, could not be undone either by the Arsacids or by the 186 Judaea and the Jeios. [Book VIII. Caesars ; neither Seleucia on the Euphrates nor Antioch and Alexandria could be entered upon by the following governments under the benefit of the inventory. Prob- ably in presence of the Jewish Diaspora there the foun- der of the imperial government took, as in so many other things, the policy of the first Lagid as his guiding rule, and furthered rather than hampered the Judaism of the East in its distinctive position ; and this procedure thereupon became throughout the model for his succes- sors. We have already mentioned that the communities of Asia Minor under Augustus made the attempt to draw upon their Jewish fellow-citizens uniformly in the levy, and no longer to allow them the observance of the Sabbath ; but Agrippa decided against them and maintained the 8iatu8 quo in favour of the Jews, or rather perhaps, now for the first time legalised the exemption of the Jews from military service and their Sabbath privilege, that had been previously conceded according to circumstances only by individual governors or communities of the Greek prov- inces. Augustus further directed the governors of Asia not to apply the rigorous imperial laws respecting unions and assemblies against the Jews. But the Eoman gov- ernment did not fail to see that the exempt position con- ceded to the Jews in the East was not compatible with the absolute obligation of those belonging to the empire to fulfil the services required by the state ; that the guar- anteed distinctive position of the Jewish body carried the hatred of race and under certain circumstances civil war into the several towns ; that the pious rule of the authorities at Jerusalem over all the Jews of the empire had a perilous range ; and that in all this there lay a practical injury and a danger in principle for the state. The internal dualism of the empire expresses itself in nothing more sharply than in the different ^ treatment of the Jews in the respective do- mains of the Latin and Greek languages. In the West autonomous bodies of Jews were never allowed. There was toleration doubtless there for the Jewish religious usages Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 187 as for the Syrian and the Egyptian, or rather somewhat less than for these ; Augustus showed himself favourable to the Jewish colony in the suburb of Eome beyond the Tiber, and made supplementary allowance in his largesses for those who missed them on account of the Sabbath. But he personally avoided all contact with the Jewish worship as with the Egyptian ; and, as he himself when in Egypt had gone out of the way of the sacred ox, so he thoroughly approved the conduct of his son Gains, when he went to the East, in passing by Jerusalem. Under Tiberius in the year 19 the Jewish worship was even pro- hibited along with the Egyptian in Kome and in all Ita^y, and those who did not consent openly to renounce it and to throw the holy vessels into the fire were expelled from Italy — so far as they could not be employed as useful for miUtary service in convict-companies, whereupon not a few became liable to court-martial on account of their religious scruples. If, as we shall see afterwards, this same emperor in the East almost anxiously evaded every con- flict with the Rabbi, it is here plainly apparent that he, the ablest ruler whom the empire had, just as clearly per- ceived the dangers of the Jewish immigration as the un- fairness and the impossibility of setting aside Judaism, where it existed.^ Under the later rulers, as we shall see in the sequel, the attitude of disinclination towards the Jews of the West did not in the main undergo change, although they in other respects follow more the example of Augustus than that of Tiberius. They did not prevent the Jews from collecting the temple-tribute in the form ^ The Jew Pliilo sets down the treatment of the Jews in Italy to the account of Sejanus {Leg. 24 ; in Flacc. 1), that of the Jews in the East to the account of the emperor himself. But Josephus rather traces back what happened in Italy to a scandal in the capi- tal, which had been occasioned by three Jewish pious swindlers and a lady of rank converted to Judaism ; and Philo himself states that Tiberius, after the fall of Sejanus, allowed to the governors only cer- tain modifications in the procedure against the Jews. The policy of the emperor and that of his ministers towards the Jews was essen- tially the same. 188 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. of voluntary contributions and sending it to Jerusalem. They were not checked, if they preferred to bring a legal dispute before a Jewish arbiter rather than before a Eoman tribunal. Of compulsory levy for service, such as Tiberius enjoined, there is no further mention afterwards in the West. But the Jews never obtained in heathen Borne or generally in the Latin West a publicly recognised dis- tinctive position and publicly recognised separate courts. Above all in the West — apart from the capital, which in the nature of the case represented the East also, and al- ready in Cicero's time included in it a numerous body of Jews — the Jewish communities nowhere had special extent or importance in the earlier imperial period.^ It was only in the East that the government yielded from the first, or rather made no attempt to ■ change the existing state of things and to ob- viate the dangers thence resulting ; and accordingly, as the sacred books of the Jews were first made known to the Latin world in the Latin language by means of the Chris- tians, the great Jewish movements of the imperial period were restricted throughout to the Greek East. Here no attempt was made gradually to stop the spring of hatred toward the Jews by assigning to them a separate position in law, but just as little — apart from the caprice and per- versities of individual rulers — was the hatred and perse- cution of the Jews fomented on the part of the gov- ernment. In reality the catastrophe of Judaism did not arise from the treatment of the Jewish Diaspora in the East. It was simply the relations, as they became fate- fully developed, of the imperial government to the Jewish Kabbinical state that not merely brought about the de- struction of the commonwealth of Jerusalem, but further shook and changed the position of the Jews in the empire ' Agrippa II. , who enumerates the Jewish settlements abroad (in Philo, Leg. ad Oaium, 36), names no country westward of Greece, and among the strangers sojourning in Jerusalem, whom the Book of Acts, ii. 5 f., records, only Romans are named from the West. Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 189 generally. We turn to describe the events in Palestine under the Roman rule. The state of things in northern Syria was organised by the generals of the republic, Pompeius and his the repuwic!^ immediate successors, on such a footing, that the larger powers that were beginning to be formed there were again reduced, and the whole land was broken up into single city-domains and petty lord- ships. The Jews were most severely affected by this course ; not merely were they obliged to give up all possessions which they had hitherto gained, particularly the whole coast (iv. 169), but Gabinius had even broken up the em- pire formerly subsisting into five independent self-admin- istering districts, and withdrawn from the high priest Hyrcanus his secular privileges (iv. 187). Thus, as the protecting power was restored on the one hand, so was the pure theocracy on the other. This, however, was soon changed. Hyrcanus, or rather the minister governing for him, the Idumaean iduSaean.*^^ Autipatcr,' attained once more the leading position in southern Syria doubtless through Gabinius himself, to whom he knew how to make himself ' Antipater began his career as governor {v 'lovSalcav aj'ttrrot (" perhaps ffwiffTa, " Wilamowitz) av/n^axiav Kal (TTparidoTas e|t^ (so Wilamowitz, for e'leiTj) ^ TCI xP'^/J-aTa rovrav eiairpoLTTeaOai ^ ets Trapax^i/^aaiav ^ &\\cf) Ttj/I ovo/uLari dAA.' eivai iravraxSOev aveirr]ped(TTOVi (comp. Arch. xiv. 10, 2 : ■Kapax^i'IJ-0'(r'iav 5e koX XRVfJi'^Ta Trpdrrecrdat ov SoKi/j-d^co). This corresponds in the main to the formula of the charter, a little older, for Termessus {C. I. L. i. n. 204) : nei quis magistratu prove magistratu legatus ne[ive] quis alius meilites in oppidum Thermesum . agrumve . . . Memandi caussa introducito . . . nisei senatu's nominatim utei Thermesum . . . in hihernacula meilites deducantur decreverit. The marching through is accordingly allowed. In the Privilegium for Judaea the levy seems, moreover, to have been prohibited. 192 Judaea and the Jews. [Book Vlll. In tlie mountains of Galilee tlie fanatics fought quite as much against the Romans as against their own govern- ment ; when Antipater's son Herod took captive Ezekias, the leader of this wild band, and had caused him to be put to death, the priestly council of Jerusalem compelled the weak Hyrcanus to banish Herod under the pretext of a violation of religious precepts. The latter thereupon entered the Roman army, and rendered good service to the Caesarian governor of Syria against the insurrection of the last Pompeians. But when, after the murder of Caesar, the republicans gained the upper hand in the East, Antipater was again the first who not merely sub- mitted to the stronger but placed the new holders of power under obligation to him by a rapid levying of the contribution imposed by them. Thus it happened that the leader of the republicans, when he withdrew from Syria, left Antipater in his position, and entrusted his son Herod even with a command in Syria. Then, when Antipater died, poisoned as it was said by one of his officers, Antigo- nus, who had found a refuge with his father-in-law, the prince Ptolemaeus of Chalcis, believed that the moment had come to set aside his weak uncle. But the sons of Antipater, Phasael and Herod, thoroughly defeated his band, and Hyrcanus agreed to grant to them the position of their father, nay, even to receive Herod in a certain measure into the reigning house by betrothing to him his niece Mariamne. Meanwhile the leaders of the republican party were beaten at Philippi. The opposition in Jerusa- I lem hoped now to procure the overthrow of the hated An- ' tipatrids at the hands of the victors ; but Antonius, to whom fell the office of arbiter, decidedly repelled their deputations first in Ephesus, then in Antioch, and last in Tyre ; caused, indeed, the last envoys to be put to death ; and confirmed Phasael and Jlerod for- merly as " tetrarchs of the Jews (713). * This title, which primarily denotes the collegiate tetrarchate, such as was usual among the Galatians, was then more generally em- Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews, 193 Soon the vicissitudes of great policy dragged the Jew- ish state once more into their vortex. The in Judaea/*"^ invasion of the Parthians in the following year S^^^) P^^ fii's^ instance to the rule of the Antipatrids. The pretender Antigonus joined them, and possessed himself of Jerusalem and almost the whole territory. Hyrcanus went as a prisoner to the Par- thians : Phasael, the eldest son of Antipater, likewise a captive, put himself to death in prison. With great dif- ficulty Herod concealed his family in a rock-stronghold on the border of Judaea, and went himself a fugitive and in search of aid first to Egypt, and, when he no longer found Antonius there, to the two holders of power just at that time ruling in new harmony (714) at Kome. Readily they allowed him — as indeed it was only in the interest of Rome — to gain back for himself the Jewish kingdom ; he returned to Syria, so far as the mat- ter depended on the Romans, as recognised judaea^^"^ rulcr, and even equipped with the royal title. But, just like a pretender, he had to wrest the land not so much from the Parthians as from the patriots. He fought his battles pre-eminently with the help of Sa- maritans and Idumaeans and hired soldiers, and attained at length, through the support of the Roman legions, to the possession of the long-defended capital. The Roman executioners delivered him likewise from his rival of many years, Antigonus ; his own made havoc among the noble families of the council of Jerusalem. But the days of trouble were by no means over with his installation. The unfortunate expedition of Antonius against ployed lox the rule of all together, nay, even for the rule of one, but always as in rank inferior to that of king. In this way, besides Galatia, it appears also in Syria, perhaps from the time of Pompeius, certainly from that of Augustus. The juxtaposition of an ethnarch and two tetrarchs, as it was arranged in the year 713 for Judaea, according to Josephus {Arch. xiv. 13, 1 ; Bell. Jud. 1. 12, 5), is not again met with elsewhere ; Pherores te- trarch of Peraea under his brother Herodes {Bell. Jud, i. 24, 5) is analogous. Vol. II.— 13 194 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. the Parthians remained without consequences for Herod, since the victors did not venture to advance Herod under • i_ ■ ^ i_ ^ ny i i i Antonius and luto byria ; Dut be sunered severely under Cleopatra. ^^^^ increasing claims of the Egyptian queen, who at that time more than Antonius ruled the East ; her womanly policy, primarily directed to the ex- tension of her domestic power and above all of her reve- nues, was far indeed from obtaining at the hands of Anto- nius all that she desired, but she wrested at any rate from the king of the Jews a portion of his most valuable pos- sessions on the Syrian coast and in the territory lying be- tween Egypt and Syria, nay, even the rich balsam planta- tions and palm-groves of Jericho, and laid upon him se- vere financial burdens. In order to maintain the remnant of his rule, he was obliged either himself to lease the new Syrian possessions of the queen or to be guarantee for other lessees less able to pay. After all these troubles, and in expectation of still worse demands as httle capable of being declined, the outbreak of the war between An- tonius and Caesar was hopeful for him, and the fact that Cleopatra in her selfish perversity released him from active participation in the war, because he needed his troops to collect her Syrian revenues, was a further piece of good fortune, since this facilitated his submission to the victor. Fortune favoured him yet further on his changing sides ; he was able to intercept a band of faithful gladiators of An- tonius, who were marching from Asia Minor through Syria towards Egypt to lend assistance to their mas- August™^^^ ter. When he, before resorting to Caesar at Rhodes to obtain his pardon, caused the last male offshoot of the Maccabaean house, the eighty years old Hyrcanus, to whom the house of Antipater was in- debted for its position, to be at all events put to death, he in reality exaggerated the necessary caution. Caesar did what policy bade him do, especially as the support of Herod was of importance for the intended Egyptian expe- dition. He confirmed Herod, glad to be vanquished, in his dominion, and extended it, partly by giving back the Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 195 possessions wrested from him by Cleopatra, partly by fur- ther gifts ; the whole coast from Gaza to Strato's Tower, ^ the later Caesarea, the Samaritan region inserted between Judaea and Galilee, and a number of towns to the east of the Jordan thenceforth obeyed Herod. On the consoli- dation of the Koman monarchy the Jewish principality was withdrawn from the reach of further external crises. From the Eoman standpoint the conduct of the new dynasty appears correct, in a way to draw §eIod"°'^''*°^ tears from the eyes of the observer. It took part at first for Pompeius, then for Caesar the father, then for Cassius and Brutus, then for the triumvirs, then for Antonius, lastly for Caesar the son ; fidelity va- ries, as does the watchword. Nevertheless this conduct is not to be denied the merit of consistency and firmness. The factions which rent the ruling burgess-body, whether republic or monarchy, whether Caesar or Antonius, in re- ality nowise concerned the dependent provinces, especially those of the Greek East. The demoralisation which is combined with all revolutionary change of government — the degrading confusion between internal fidelity and ex- ternal obedience — was brought in this case most glaringly to light ; but the fulfilment of duty, such as the Eoman commonwealth claimed from its subjects, had been satis- fied by king Herod to an extent of which nobler and greater natures would certainly not have been capable. In presence of the Parthians he constantly, even in criti- cal circumstances, held firmly to the protectors whom he had once chosen. From the standpoint of internal Jewish politics the government of Herod was the setting aside of to the'jews^'^ the theocracy, and in so far a continuance of, and in fact an advance upon, the government of the Maccabees, as the separation of the political and the ecclesiastical government was carried out with the utmost precision in the contrast between the all-powerful king of foreign birth and the powerless high-priest often and ar- bitrarily changed. No doubt the royal position was sooner 196 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. pardoned in the Jewish high-priest than in a man who was a foreigner and incapable of priestly consecration ; and, if the Hasmonaeans represented outwardly the independence of Judaism, the Idumaean held his royal power over the Jews in fee from the lord-paramount. The reaction of this insoluble conflict on a deeply-impassioned nature con- fronts us in the whole life-career of the man, who causes much suffering, but has felt perhaps not less. At all events the energy, the constancy, the yielding to the inevitable, the military and poHtical dexterity, where there was room for it, secure for the king of the Jews a certain place in the panorama of a remarkable epoch. To describe in detail the government of Herod for al- most forty years — he died in the year 750 — as Herod's charac- the accounts of it preserved at great length ter and aims, ^j^Q^ j^q^ ^j^g ^^sk of the historian of Rome. There is probably no royal house of any age in which bloody feuds raged in an equal degree between par- ents and children, between husbands and wives, and be- tween brothers and sisters ; the emperor Augustus and his governors in Syria turned away with horror from the share in the work of murder which was suggested to them ; not the least revolting trait in this picture of hor- rors is the utter want of object in most of the executions, ordained as a rule upon groundless suspicion, and the de- spairing remorse of the perpetrator, which constantly fol- lowed. Vigorously and intelligently as the king took care of the interest of his country, so far as he could and might, and energetically as, not merely in Palestine but through- out the empire, he befriended the Jews with his treasures and with his no small influence — for the decision of Agrippa favourable to the Jews in the great imperial affair of Asia Minor (p. 186) they were substantially indebted to him — he found love and fidelity in Idumaea perhaps and Sa- maria, but not among the people of Israel ; here he was, and continued to be, not so much the man laden with the guilt of blood in many forms, as above all the foreigner. As it was one of the mainsprings of that domestic war, Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 197 that his wife of the Hasmonaean family, the fair Mariamne, and their children were regarded and dreaded by him more as Jews than as his own, he himself gave expression to the feeling that he was as much drawn towards the Greeks as repelled by the Jews. It is significant that he had the sons, for whom in the first instance he destined the succession, brought up in Rome. While out of his inexhaustible riches he loaded the Greek cities of other lands with gifts and embellished them with temples, he built for the Jews no doubt also, but not in the Jewish sense. The buildings of the circus and theatre in Jeru- salem itself, as well as the temples for the imperial wor- ship in the Jewish towns, were regarded by the pious Is- raelite as a summons to blaspheme God. His conversion of the temple in Jerusalem into a magnificent building was done half against the will of the devout ; much as they admired the building, his introduction into it of a golden eagle was taken more amiss than all the sentences of death ordained by him, and led to a popular insurrection, to which the eagle fell a sacrifice, and thereupon doubt- less the devotees as well, who tore it down. Herod knew the land sufficiently not to let matters come to extremities ; if it had been possible to Hel- Energy of his ^^m.^^ it, the will to that effect would not have been wanting on his part. In energy the Idumaean was not inferior to the best Hasmonaeans. The construction of the great harbour at Strato's Tower, or as the town entirely rebuilt by Herod was thenceforth called, Caesarea, first gave to a coast poor in harbours what it needed, and throughout the whole period of the empire the town remained a chief emporium of southern Syria. What the government was able to furnish in other respects — development of natural resources, intervention in case of famine and other calamities, above all things internal and external security — was furnished by Herod. The evil of brigandage was done away, and the defence — so uncommonly difficult in these regions — of the frontier against the roving tribes of the desert was carried out 198 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. with sternness and consistency. Thereby the Koman government was induced to place under him still fur- ther regions, Itaurea, Trachonitis, Auranitis, Batanaea. Thenceforth his dominion extended, as we have already mentioned (p. 160), compactly over the region beyond the Jordan as far as towards Damascus and to the Hermon mountains ; so far as we can discern, after those further assignments there was in the whole domain which we have indicated no longer any free city or any rule independent of Herod. The defence of the frontier itself fell more on the Arabian king than on the king of the Jews ; but, so far as it devolved on him, the series of well-provided fron- tier-forts brought about here a general peace, such as had not hitherto been known in those regions. We can un- derstand how Agrippa, after inspecting the maritime and military structures of Herod, should have discerned in him an associate striving in a like spirit towards the great work of organising the empire, and should have treated him in this sense. His kingdom had no lasting existence. Herod himself apportioned it in his testament among his HeroTandthe three SOUS, and Augustus confirmed the ar- kingdom°*^^^ raugemcut in the main, only placing the im- portant port of Gaza and the Greek towns be- yond the Jordan immediately under the governor of Syria. The northern portions of the kingdom were separated from the mainland ; the territory last acquired by Herod to the south of Damascus, Batanaea with the districts belong- ing to it, was obtained by Philip ; Galilee and Peraea, that is, the transjordanic domain, so far as it was not Greek, by Herod Antipas — both as tetrarchs ; these two petty prin- cipalities continued, at first as separate, then as united under Herod " the Great's " great-grandson Agrippa H., with slight interruptions to subsist down to the time of Trajan. We have already mentioned their government when describing eastern Syria and Arabia (p. 160 f.). Here it may only be added that these Herodians continued to rule, if not with the energy, at least in the sense and spirit Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 199 of the founder of the dynasty. The towns established by them — Caesarea, the ancient Paneas, in the northern ter- ritory, and Tiberias in Gahlee — had a Hellenic organisa- tion quite after the manner of Herod ; characteristic is the proscrij)tion, which the Jewish Rabbis on account of a tomb found at the laying out of Tiberias decreed over the unclean city. The main country, Judaea, along with Samaria on the north and Idumaea on the south, was destined irchefauf Ai^chclaus by his father's will. But this succession was not accordant with the wishes of the nation. The orthodox, that is, the Pharisees, ruled with vu'tual exclusiveness the mass of the people ; and, if hitherto the fear of the Lord had been in some measure kept down by the fear of the unscrupulously energetic king, the mind of the great majority of the Jews was set upon re-establishing under the protectorate of Eome the pui'e and godly sacerdotal government, as it had once been set up by the Persian authorities. Immediately after the death of the old king the masses in Jerusalem had congre- gated to demand the setting aside of the high-priest nomi- nated by Herod, and the ejection of the unbelievers from the holy city, where the Passover was just to be cele- brated ; Archelaus had been under the necessity of begin- ning his government by charging into these masses ; a number of dead were counted, and the observance of the festival was suspended. The Roman governor of Syria — the same Varus, whose folly soon afterwards cost the Ro- mans Germany — on whom it primarily devolved to main- tain order in the land during the interregnum, had allowed these mutinous bands in Jerusalem to send to Rome, where the occupation of the Jewish throne was just being- discussed, a deputation of fifty persons to request the abo- lition of the monarchy ; and, when Augustus gave audi- ence to it, eight thousand Jews of the capital escorted it to the temple of Apollo. The fanatical Jews at home meanwhile continued to help themselves ; the Roman gar- rison, which was stationed in the temple, was assailed with 200 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. violence, and pious bands of brigands filled the land ; Varus had to call out the legions and to restore quiet with the sword. It was a warning for the suzerain, a supple- mentary justification of king Herod's violent but effective governnaent. But Augustus, with all the weakness which he so often showed, particularly in later years, while dis- missing, no doubt, the representatives of those fanatical masses and their request, yet executed in the main the testament of Herod, and gave over the rule in Jerusalem to Archelaus shorn of the kingly title, which Augustus preferred for a time not to concede to the untried young man ; shorn, moreover, of the northern territories, and re- duced also in military status by the taking away of the defence of the frontier. The circumstance that at the in- stigation of Augustus the taxes raised to a high pitch under Herod were lowered, could but little better the po- sition of the tetrarch. The personal incapacity and worth- lessness of Archelaus were hardly needed, in addition, to make him impossible ; a few years later (6 a.d.) Augustus saw himself compelled to depose him. Now J^ovTnce.^''™'''' he did at length the will of those mutineers ; the monarchy was abolished, and while on the one hand the land was taken into direct Roman adminis- tration, on the other hand, so far as an internal govern- ment was allowed by the side of this, it was given over to the senate of Jerusalem. This procedure may certainly have been determined in part by assurances given earlier by Augustus to Herod as regards the succession, in part by the more and more apparent, and in general doubt- less justifiable, disinclination of the imperial government to larger client-states possessing some measure of inde- pendent self-movement. What took place shortly be- fore or soon after in Galatia, in Cappadocia, in Mauretania, explains why in Palestine also the kingdom of Herod hardly survived himself. But, as the immediate govern- ment was organised in Palestine, it was even administra- tively a bad retrograde step as compared with the Hero- dian ; and above all the circumstances here were so Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 201 peculiar and so difficult, that the immediate contact be- tween the governing Komans and the governed Jews — which certainl}^ had been obstinately striven for by the priestly party itself and ultimately obtained — redounded to the benefit neither of the one nor of the other. Judaea thus became in the year 6 a.d. a Roman prov- ince of the second rank/ and, apart from the SnriTion.'''' ephemeral restoration of the kingdom of Jerusalem under Claudius in the years 41-44, thenceforth remained a Roman province. Instead of the ' The statement of Josephus tliat Judaea was attached to the prov- ince of Syria and placed under its governor {Arch. xvii. Jin. : tov 5e 'ApxeActou x^pas viroreXovs •7rpo(TvejX7)6elyif](r6ixevos ^lovZalcov r-p iir\ iracriv i^ovcrla) and their whole demeanour show that they did not belong to those who, placed under an imperial legate, attended only to financial affairs, but rather, like the procurators of Noricum and Raetia, formed the supreme authority for the administration of law and the command of the army. Thus the legates of Syria had there only the position which those of Pannonia had in Noricum and the upper German legate in Raetia. This corresponds also to the general develop- ment of matters ; all the larger kingdoms were on their annexation not attached to the neighbouring large governorships, whose pleni- tude of power it was not the tendency of this epoch to enlarge, but were made into independent governorships, mostly at first equestrian. 202 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. previous native princes holding office for life and, under reservation of their being confirmed by the Koman gov- ernment, hereditary, came an official of the equestrian order, nominated and liable to recall by the emperor. The port of Caesarea rebuilt by Herod after a Hellenic model became, probably at once, the seat of Roman ad- ministration. The exemption of the land from Roman garrison, as a matter of course ceased, but, as throughout in provinces of the second rank, the Roman military force consisted only of a moderate number of cavalry and in- fantry divisions of the inferior class ; subsequently one ala and five cohorts — about 3000 men — were stationed there. These troops were perhaps taken over from the earlier government, at least in great part formed in the country itself, mostly, however, from Samaritans and Sy- rian Greeks.' The province did not obtain a legionary garrison, and even in the territories adjoining Judaea there was stationed at the most one of the four Syrian legions. To Jerusalem there came a standing Roman commandant, who took up his abode in the royal castle, with a weak standing garrison ; only during the time of the Passover, when the whole land and countless stran- gers flocked to the temple, a stronger division of Roman soldiers was stationed in a colonnade belonging to the temple. That on the erection of the province the obliga- tion of tribute towards Rome set in, follows from the very circumstance that the costs of defending the land were thereby transferred to the imperial government. After the latter had suggested a reduction of the payments at the installation of Archelaus, it is far from probable that on the annexation of the country it contemplated an imme- diate raising of them ; but doubtless, as in every newly- ' According to Josephus {Arch. xx. 8, 7, more exact than Bell. Jud. ii. 13, 7) tlie greatest part of the Koman troops in Palestine consisted of Caesareans and Sebastanes. The ala Sebastenorum fought in the Jewish war under Vespasian (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 12, 5). Comp. Epli. epigr. v. 194. There are no alae and coliortes ludaeorum. Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 203 acquired territory, steps were taken for a revision of the previous land-register. ' For the native authorities in Judaea as everywhere the urban communities were, as far as possible, aiithOTiS. taken as a basis. Samaria, or as the town was now called, Sebaste, the newly laid out Cae- sarea, and the other urban communities contained in the former kingdom of Archelaus, were self-administering, under superintendence of the Roman authority. The government also of the capital with the large territory belonging to it was organised in a similar way. Already in the pre-Roman period under the Seleucids there was formed, as we saw (p. 174), in Jerusalem a of^jeSSem™'' couucil of the cldcrs, the Synhedrion, or as Ju- daised, the Sanhedrin. The presidency in it was held by the high priest, whom each ruler of the land, if he was not possibly himself high priest, appointed for the time. To the college belonged the former high priests and esteemed experts in the law. This assembly, in which the aristocratic element preponderated, acted as the su- preme spiritual representative of the whole body of Jews, and, so far as this was not to be separated from it, also as the secular representative in particular of the com- munity of Jerusalem. It is only the later Eabbinism that ^ The revenues of Herod amounted, according to Josephus, Arcli. xvii. 11, 4, to about 1200 talents, whereof about 100 fell to Bata- naea with, the adjoining lands, 200 to Galilee and Peraea, the rest to the share of Archelaus ; in this doubtless the older Hebrew talent (of about £390) is meant, not, as Hultsch (Metrol. 2, p. 605) assumes, the denarial talent (of about £260), as the revenues of the same ter- ritory under Claudius are estimated in the same Josephus {Arcli. xix. 8, 2), at 12,000,000 denarii (about £500,000). The chief item in it was formed bj the land-tax, the amount of which we do not know ; in the Syrian time it amounted at least for a time to the third part of corn and the half of wine and oil (1 Maccab, x. 30) in Caesar's time for Joppa a fourth of the fruit (p. 190, note), besides which at that time the temple-tenth still existed. To this was added a number of other taxes and customs, auction-charges, salt-tax, road and bridge moneys, and the like ; it is to these that the publicans of the Gospels have reference. 204 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. lias by a pious fiction transformed the Synliedrion of Jerusalem into a spiritual institute of Mosaic appoint- ment. It corresponded essentially to the council of the Greek urban constitution, but certainly bore, as respected its composition as well as its sphere of working, a more spiritual character than belonged to the Greek represen- tations of the community. To this Synhedrion and its high priest, who was now nominated by the procurator as representative of the imperial suzerain, the Eoman government left or committed that jurisdiction which in the Hellenic subject communities belonged to the urban authorities and the common councils. With indifferent short-sightedness it allowed to the transcendental Mes- sianism of the Pharisees free course, and to the by no means transcendental land-consistory — acting until the Messiah should arrive — tolerably free sway in affairs of faith, of manners, and of law, where Eoman interests were not directly affected thereby. This applied in particular to the administration of justice. It is true that, as far as Koman burgesses were concerned in the matter, justice in civil as in criminal affairs must have been reserved for the Koman tribunals even already before the annexation of the land. But civil justice over the Jews remained even after that annexation chiefly with the local au- thority. Criminal justice over them was exercised by the latter probably in general concurrently with the Eoman procurator ; only sentences of death could not be executed by it otherwise than after confirmation by the imperial magistrate. In the main those arrangements were the inevitable consequences of the abolition of the princi- provinciai Polity, and when the Jews had obtained this government. j^equcst of thcirs, they in fact obtained those arrangements along with it. Certainly it was the design of the government to avoid, as far as possible, harshness and abruptness in carrying them out. Publius Sulpicius Quirinius, to whom as governor of Syria the erection of the new province was entrusted, was a magistrate of re- Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 205 pute, and quite familiar with the affairs of the East, and the several reports confirm by what they say or by their silence the fact that the difficulties of the state of things were knqwn and taken into account. The local coining of petty moneys, as formerly practised by the kings, now took place in the name of the Koman ruler ; but on ac- count of the Jewish abhorrence of images the head of the emperor was not even placed on the coins. Setting foot within the interior of the temple continued to be forbid- den in the case of every non-Jew under penalty of death/ However averse was the attitude of Augustus personally towards the Oriental worships (p. 187), he did not disdain here any more than in Egypt to connect them in their home with the imperial government; magnificent pres- ents of Augustus, of Livia, and of other members of the imperial house adorned the sanctuary of the Jews, and according to appointment of the emperor the smoke of the sacrifice of a bullock and two lambs rose daily there to the "Supreme God." The Koman soldiers were di- rected, when they were on service at Jerusalem, to leave the standards with the effigies of the emperor at Caesarea, and, when a governor under Tiberius omitted to do so, the government ultimately answered the urgent entreaties * On the marble screen {Ipv^aKToi)^ which marked off the inner court of the temple, were placed for that reason tablets of warning in the Latin and Greek language (Joseplius, Bell. Jud. v. 5, 2 ; vi. 2, 4 ; Arch. xv. 11, 5). One of the latter, which has recentlj been found (Revue ArcMologique, xxiii. 1872, p. 220), and is now in the public museum of Constantinople, is to this effect : ^-^jfl' eVa aKkoyivrj eiffiropeveaOaL ivThs rod Trepl Uphv rpvcpaKroi^ Koi TrepijSf^Aou. ts 5'av Arifdrj, eavTw curios tarai Zia -rh e^aKoKovQ^lv Qavarov. The iota in the dative is present, and the writing good and suitable for the early imperial period. These tablets were hardly set up by the Jewish kings, who would scarcely have added a Latin text, and had no cause to threaten the penalty of death with this singular anonymity. If they were set up by the Roman government, both are explained ; Titus also says (in Josephus Bell. Jud. vi. 2, 4), in an appeal to the Jews : Qvx ^/we?? rovs virepfidvras vijuv avaipelv iirerpi^^apL^v^ kolu 'Pu^fxalSs ris ^ ; — If the tablet really bears traces of axe-cuts, these came from the soldiers of Titus. 206 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. of the pious and left matters on the old footing. Indeed, when the Eoman troops were to march through Jerusalem on an expedition against the Arabians, they obtained an- other route for the march in consequence of the scruples entertained by the priests against the images on the stand- ards. When that same governor dedicated to the em- peror at the royal castle in Jerusalem shields without imagery, and the pious took offence at it, Tiberius com- manded the same to be taken away, and to be hung up in the temple of Augustus at Caesarea. The festival dress of the high priest, which was kept in Roman custody at the castle and hence had to be purified from such profanation for seven days before it was put on, was delivered up to the faithful upon their complaint ; and the commandant of the castle was directed to give himself no further concern about it. Certainly it could not be asked of the multi- tude that it should feel the consequences of the incorpo- ration less heavily, because it had itself brought them about. Nor is it to be maintained that the annexation of the land passed off without oppression for the inhabitants, and that they had no ground to complain ; such arrange- ments have never been carried into effect without diffi- culties and disturbances of the peace. The number, more- over, of unrighteous and violent deeds perpetrated by individual governors must not have been smaller in Judaea than elsewhere. In the very beginning of the reign of Tiberius the Jews, like the Syrians, complained of the pressure of the taxes ; especially the prolonged adminis- tration of Pontius Pilatus is charged with all the usual official crimes by a not unfair observer. But Tiberius, as the same Jew says, had during the twenty-three years of his reign maintained the time-hallowed holy customs, and in no part set them aside or violated them. This is the more to be recognised, seeing that the same emperor in the West interfered against the Jews more emphatically than any other (p. 187), and thus the long-suffering and caution shown by him in Judaea cannot be traced back to personal favour for Judaism. Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 207 In spite of all this both the opposition on principle to the Koman government and the violent efforts o^PoSZ!" at self-help on the part of the faithful devel- oped themselves even in this time of peace. The payment of tribute was assailed, not perchance merely because it was oppressive, but as being godless. "Is it allowable," asks the Kabbi in the Gospel, " to pay the census to Caesar ? " The ironical answer which he re- ceived did not at any rate suffice for all ; there were saints, though possibly not in great number, who thought them- selves polluted if they touched a coin with the emperor's image. This was something new — an advance in the theology of opposition ; the kings Seleucus and Antiochus had at least not been circumcised, and had likewise re- ceived tribute in silver pieces bearing their image. Such was the theory ; the practical application of it was made, not certainly by the high council of Jerusalem, in which under the influence of the imperial government, the more pliant notables of the land directed the vote, but by Judas the Galilean from Gamala on the lake of Gennesaret, who, as Gamaliel subsequently reminded this high council, "stood up in the days of the census, and behind him the people rose in revolt." He spoke out what all thought, that the so-called census was bondage, and that it was a disgrace for the Jew to recognise another lord over him than the Lord of Zebaoth ; but that He helped only those who helped themselves. If not many followed his call to arms, and he ended his life, after a few months, on the scaffold, the holy dead was more dangerous to the unholy victors than the living man. He and his followers were regarded by the later Jews alongside of the Sadducees, Pharisees, and Essenes, as the fourth " School ; " at that time they were called the Zealots, afterwards they called themselves Sicarii, " men of the knife." Their teaching was simple ; God alone is Lord, death indifferent, freedom all in all. This teaching remained, and the children and grandchildren of Judas became the leaders of the later in- surrections. 208 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. If the Eoman government had under the first two regents, taken on the whole, skilfully and Gaius and the patiently sufficed for the task of repressing, as far as possible, these explosive elements, the next change on the throne brought matters close to the catastrophe. The change was saluted with rejoicing, as in the whole empire, so specially by the Jews in Jerusalem and Alexandria ; and, after the unsociable and unloved old man, the new youthful ruler Gains was extravagantly ex- tolled in both quarters. But speedily out of trifling occa- sions there was developed a formidable quarrel. A grand- son of the first Herod and of the beautiful Mariamne, named after the protector and friend of his grandfather Herod Agrippa, about the most worthless and abandoned of the numerous Oriental princes' sons,, living in Rome, but nevertheless or on that very account the favourite and youthful friend of the new emperor, hitherto known solely by his dissoluteness and his debts, had obtained from his protector, to whom he had been the first to convey the news of the death of Tiberius, one of the vacant Jewish petty principalities as a gift, and the title of king along with it. This prince in the year 38, on the SSandriL^ way to his new kingdom, came to the city of Alexandria, where he a few months previously had attempted as a runaway bill-debtor to borrow among the Jewish bankers. When he showed himself there in public in his regal dress with his splendidly equipped halberdiers, this naturally stirred up the non-Jewish in- habitants of the great city — fond as it was of ridicule and of scandal — who bore anything but good will to the Jews, to a corresponding parody ; nor did the matter stop there. It culminated in a furious hunting-out of the Jews. The Jewish houses which lay detached were plundered and burnt ; the Jewish ships lying in the harbour were pil- laged ; the Jews that were met with in the non-Jewish quarters were maltreated and slain. But against the purely Jewish quarters they could affect nothing by vio- lence. Then the leaders li^^hted on the whim of conse- Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 209 crating the synagogues, which were the object of their marked attentions, so far as these still stood, collectively as temples of the new ruler, and of setting up statues of him in all of them — in the chief synagogue a statue on a quadriga. That the emperor Gaius deemed himself, as seriously as his confused mind could do so, a real and corporeal god, everybody knew — the Jews and the gover- nor as well. The latter, Avillius Flaccus, an able man, and, under Tiberius, an excellent administrator, but now hampered by the disfavour in which he stood with the new emperor, and expecting every moment recall and im- peachment, did not disdain to use the opportunity for his rehabilitation.' He not merely gave orders by edict to put no hindrance in the way of setting up the statues in the synagogues, but he entered directly into the Jew- hunting. He ordained the abolition of the Sabbath. He declared further in his edicts that these tolerated foreign- ers had possessed themselves unallowably of the best part of the town ; they were restricted to a single one of the five wards, and all the other Jewish houses were aban- ' The special hatred of Gaius against the Jews (Philo, Leg. 20) was not the cause, but the consequence, of the Alexandrian Jew- hunt. Since therefore the understanding of the leaders of the Jew- hunt with the governor (Philo. in Flacc. 4) cannot have subsisted on the footing that the Jews imagined, because the governor could not reasonably believe that he would recommend himself to the new emperor by abandoning the Jews, the question certainly arises, why the leaders of those hostile to the Jews chose this very moment for the Jew-hunt, and above all, why the governor, whose excel- lence Philo so emphatically acknowledges, allowed it, and, at least in its further course, took personal part in it. Probably things oc- curred as they are narrated above : hatred and envy towards the Jews had long been fermenting in Alexandria (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 9; Philo. Leg. 18) ; the abeyance of the old stern govern- ment, and the evident disfavour in which the prefect stood with Gaius, gave room for the tumult ; the arrival of Agrippa furnished the occasion ; the adroit conversion of the synagogues into temples of Gaius stamped the Jews as enemies of the emperor, and, after this was done, Flaccus must certainly have seized on the perse- cution to rehabilitate himself thereby with the emperor. Vol. II.— 14 210 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. doned to the rabble, while masses of the ejected inhabi- tants lay without shelter on the shore. No remonstrance was even listened to ; eight and thirty members of the council of the elders, which then presided over the Jews instead of the Ethnarch, ^ were scourged in the open circus before all the people. Four hundred houses lay in ruins ; trade and commerce were suspended ; the factories stood still. There was no help left except with the emperor. Before him appeared the two Alexandrian deputations, that of the Jews led by the formerly (p. 185) mentioned Philo, a scholar of Neojudaic leanings, and of a heart more gentle than brave, but who withal faithfully took the part of his people in this distress ; that of the enemies of the Jews, led by Apion, also an Alexandrian scholar and author, the " world's clapper" \cymhalum mundi\, the emperor Tiberius called him, full of big words and still bigger lies, of the most assured omniscience ^ and unlimited faith ' When Strabo was in Egypt in the earlier Augustan period the Jews in Alexandria were under an Ethnarch {Geogr. xvii. 1, 13, p. 798, and in Josephus, Arch. xiv. 7, 2). Thereupon, when under Augustus the Ethnarchos or Genarchos, as he was called, died, a council of the elders took his place (Philo. Leg. 10) ; yet Augustus, as Claudius states (Josephus, Arch. xix. 5, 2), " did not prohibit the Jews from appointing an Ethnarch," which probably is meant to signify that the choice of a single president was only omitted for this time, not abolished once for all. Under Gaius there were evidently only elders of the Jewish body ; and also under Vespasian these are met with (Josephus, Bell, vii, 10, 1). An archon of the Jews in Antiocli is named in Josephus, Bell. vii. 3, 3. ^ Apion spoke and wrote on all and sundry matters, upon the metals and the Eoman letters, on magic and concerning the He- taerae, on the early history of Egypt and the cookery receipts of Apicius ; but above all he made his fortune by his discourses upon Homer, which acquired for him honorary citizenship in numerous Greek cities. He had discovered that Homer had begun his Iliad with the unsuitable word firivis for the reason that the first two let- ters, as numerals, exhibit the number of the books of the two epics which he was to write ; he named the guest-friend in Ithaca, with whom he had made inquiries as to the draught-board of the suitors ; indeed he affirmed that he had conjured up Homer himself from the nether world to question him about his native country, and that Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 211 in himself, conversant, if not with men, at any rate with their worthlessness, a celebrated master of discourse as of the art of misleading, ready for action, witty, unabashed, and unconditionally loyal. The result of the discussion was settled from the outset ; the emperor received the deputies while he was inspecting the works designed in his gardens, but instead of giving a hearing to the sup- pliants, he put to them sarcastic questions, which the enemies of the Jews in defiance of all etiquette accom- panied with loud laughter, and, as he was in good humour, he confined himself to expressing his regret that these otherwise good people should be so unhappily constituted as not to be able to understand his innate divine nature — as to which he was beyond doubt in earnest. Apion thus gained his case, and, wherever it pleased the adversaries of the Jews, the synagogues were changed into temples of Gaius. But the matter was not confined to these dedications introduced by the street-youth of Alexandria. STe^eSpeTorln In the year 39 the governor of Syria, Publius Jerusalem Pctrouius, received orders from the emperor to march with his legions into Jerusalem, and to set up in the temple the statue of the emperor. The governor, an honourable official of the school of Tiberius, was alarmed ; Jews from all the land, men and women, gray-haired and children, flocked to him, first to Ptolemais in Syria, then to Tiberias in Galilee, to entreat his medi- ation that the outrage might not take place ; the fields throughout the country were not tilled, and the desperate multitudes declared that they would rather suffer death by the sword or famine than be willing to look on at this abomination. In reality the governor ventured to delay the execution of the orders and to make counter-represen- tations, although he knew that his head was at stake. At the same time the king Agrippa, lately mentioned, went in person to Rome to procure from his friend the recall of Homer had come and had told it to him, hut had bound him not to "l^etra^ it to others. 212 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. the orders. The emperor in fact desisted from his desire, in consequence, it is said, of his good humour when under the influence of wine being adroitly turned to account by the Jewish prince. But at the same time he restricted the concession to the single temple of Jerusalem, and sent nevertheless to the governor on account of his disobedi- ence a sentence of death, which indeed, accidentally de- layed, was not carried into execution. Gains now resolved to break the resistance of the Jews ; the enjoined march of the legions shows that he had this time weighed before- hand the consequences of his order. Since those occur- rences the Egyptians, ready to believe in his divinity, had his full affection just as the obstinate and simple-minded Jews had his corresponding hatred ; reserved as he was and accustomed to grant favours in order afterwards to revoke them, the worst could not but appear merely postponed. He was on the point of departing for Alexandria in order there to receive in person the incense of his altars ; and the statue, which he thought of erecting to himself in Jerusa- lem, was — it is said — quietly in preparation, when, in Jan- uary 41, the dagger of Chaerea delivered, among other things, the temple of Jehovah from the monster. The short season of suffering left behind it no outward consequences; with the god his altars fell. poSiJn?^ But yet the traces of it remained on both sides. The history, which is here being told, is that of an increasing hatred between Jews and non- Jews, and in it the three years' persecution of the Jews under Gains marks a section and an advance. The hatred of Jews and the Jew-hunts were as old as the Diaspora itself; these privileged and autonomous Oriental communi- ties within the Hellenic could not but develop them as necessarily as the marsh generates the malaria. But such a Jew-hunt as the Alexandrian of the year 38, instigated by defective Hellenism and directed at once by the supreme authority and by the low rabble, the older Greek and Eoman history has not to show. The far way from the evil desire of the individual to the evil Chap. XT.] Judaea and the Jews. 213 deed of the collective body was thus traversed, and it was shown that those so disposed had to will and to do, and were under circumstances also able to do. That this revelation was felt also on the Jewish side, is not to be doubted, although we are not in a position to adduce documentary evidence in support of it.^ But a far deeper impression than that of the Jew-hunt at Alexandria was graven on the minds of the Jews by the statue of the god Gains in the Holy of Holies. The thing had been done once already ; a like proceeding of the king of Syria, Antiochus Epiphanes, had been followed by the rising of the Maccabees and the victorious restoration of the free national state (iii. 81). That Epiphanes — the Anti-Messiah who ushers in the Messiah, as the prophet Daniel had, certainly after the event, delineated him — was thenceforth to every Jew the prototype of abomination ; it was no matter of indifference, that the same conception came to be with equal warrant attached to a Eoman emperor, or rather to the image of the Roman ruler in general. Since that fateful edict the Jews never ceased to dread that another emperor might issue a like command ; and so far certainly with reason, as according to the organisation of the Roman polity such an enactment depended solely on the momentary pleasure of the ruler for the S'jotr''^^^^'' time. This Jewish hatred of the worship of the emperor and of imperialism itself, is de- picted with glowing colours in the Apocalypse of John, for ' The writings of Philo, which bring before us this whole catas- trophe with incomparable reality, nowhere strike this chord ; but, apart even from the fact that this rich and aged man had in him more of the good man than of the good hater, it is obvious of itself that these consequences of the occurrences on the Jewish side were not publicly set forth. What the Jews thought and felt may not be judged of by what they found it convenient to say, particularly in their works written in Greek. If the Book of Wisdom and the third book of Maccabees are in reality directed against the Alexandrian persecution of the Jews (Hausrath, Neutestam. Zeitgesch. ii. 259 ff.)— which we may add is anything but certain — they are, if possible, couched in a still tamer tone than the writings of Philo. 214 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. which, chiefly on that account, Eome is the harlot of BabyloD and the common enemy of mankind.' Still less matter of indifference was the parallel, which naturally sug- gested itself, of the consequences. Mattathias of Modein had not been more than Judas the Galilean ; the insurrec- tion of the patriots against the Syrian king was almost as ' This is perhaps the right way of apprehending the Jewish con- ceptions, in which the positive facts regularly run away into gen- eralities. In the accounts of the Anti-Messias and of the Antichrist no positive elements are found to suit the emperor Gains ; the view that would explain the name Armillus, which the Talmud assigns to the former, by the circumstance that the emperor Gains some- times wore women's bracelets {armillae, Suetonius, Gai. 52), cannot be seriously maintained. In the Apocalypse of John — the classical revelation of Jewish self-esteem and of hatred towards the Romans — the picture of the Anti-Messias is associated rather with Nero, who did not cause his image to be set up in the Holy of Holies. This composition belongs, as is well known, to a time and a tendency, which still viewed Christianity as essentially a Jewish sect ; those elected and marked by the angel are all Jews, 12,000 from each of the twelve tribes, and have precedence over the "great multitude of other righteous ones," i.e. of proselytes (ch. vii.; comp. ch. xii. 1). It was written, demonstrably, after Nero's fall, and when his return from the East was expected. Now it is true that a pseudo-Nero appeared immediately after the death of the real one, and was executed at the beginning of the following year (Tacitus, Hist. ii. 8, 9) ; but it is not of this one that John is thinking, for the very exact account makes no mention, as John does, of the Parthians in the matter, and for John there is a considerable interval between the fall of Nero and his return, the latter even still lying in the future. His Nero is the person who, under Vespasian, found ad- herents in the region of the Euphrates, whom king Artabanus acknowledged under Titus and prepared to reinstate in Rome by military force, and whom at length the Parthians surrendered, after prolonged negotiations, about the year 88, to Domitian. To these events the Apocalypse corresponds quite exactly. On the other hand, in a writing of this character no inference as to the state of the siege at the time can possibly be drawn, from the circumstance that, according to xi. 1, 2, only the outer court, and not the Holy of Holies of the Temple of Jerusalem was given into the power of the heathen ; here everything in the details is imaginary, and this trait is certainly either invented at pleasure or, if the view be preferred, possibly based on orders given to the Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 215 hopeless as the insurrection against the monster beyond the sea. Historical parallels in practical application are dangerous elements of opposition ; only too rapidly does the structure of long years of wise government come to be shaken. Roman soldiers, who were encamped in Jerusalem after its destruc- tion, not to set foot in what was formerly the Holy of Holies. The foundation of the Apocalypse is indisputably the destruction of the earthly Jerusalem, and the prospect thereby for the first time opened up of its future ideal restoration ; in place of the razing of the city which had taken place there cannot possibly be put the mere ex- pectation of its capture. If, then, it is said of the seven heads of the dragon : ^acriXeTs eirrd elaiv ot TreVre cTrecar, Ka\ eJs icrriv, 6 6,\Xos ovirco ^A0ev, /cat trav eXBrj oKiyov avrhv 5e? ixclvai (xvii. 10), the five, presumably, are Augustus, Tiberius, Gains, Claudius, Nero, the sixth Vespasian, the seventh undefined ; "the beast which was, and is not, and is itself the eighth, but of the seven,'' is, of course, Nero. The undefined seventh is incongruous, like so much in this gorgeous, but contradictory and often tangled imagery ; and it is added, not because the number seven was employed, which was easily to be got at by including Caesar, but because the writer hesitated to predicate immediately of the reigning emperor the short government of the last ruler and his overthrow by the returning Nero. But one cannot possibly — as is done after others by Renan — by including Caesar in the reckoning, recognise in the sixth emperor, " who is," Nero, who immediately afterward is designated as he who "was and is not," and in the seventh, who "has not yet come and will not rule long," even the aged Galba, who, according to Renan's view, was ruling at the time. It is clear that the latter does not belong at all to such a series, any more than Otho and Vitellius. It is more important, however, to oppose the current conception, according to which the polemic is directed against the Neronian persecution of the Christians and the siege or the destruction of Jerusalem, whereas it is pointed against the Roman provincial government generally, and in particular against the worship of the emperors If of the seven emperors Nero alone is named (by his numerical expression), this is so, not because he was the worst of the seven, but because the naming of the reigning emperor, while prophesying a speedy end of his reign in a published writing, had its risk, and some consideration towards the one " who is" beseems even a prophet Nero's name was given up, and besides, the legend of his healing and of his return was in every one's mouth ; thereby he has become for the Apocalypse the representative of the Roman imperial rule, and the Antichrist. The crime of the monster of the 216 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. The government of Claudius turned back on both sides into the paths of Tiberius. In Italy there was Se^jews repeated, not indeed precisely the ejection of the Jews, since there could not but arise a conviction that this course was impracticable, but at any sea, and of Ms image and instrument, the monster of the land, is not the violence to the citj of Jerusalem (xi. 2) — which appears not as their misdeed, but rather as a portion of the world-judgment (in which case also consideration for the reigning emperor may have been at work) — but the divine worship, which the heathen pay to the monster of the sea (xiii. 8 : irpoarKvvfjaova'ip avrhv iroivTes oi KaroiKovvres eirl ttjs yvs), and which the monster of the land — called for that reason also the pseudo-prophet — demands and compels for that of the sea (xiii. 12 : irote? r^iu yrjv Koi tovs KaroiKOvvras €V avry 'Iva ■npo(TKVv'i](TOV(TLV TO dr)piov rh irpwrov, ou eOepairevdri rj "jrXrjy-^ tov Bavdrov avTov) ; above all, he is upbraided with the desire to make an image for the former (xiii. 14: Xeyusv rois KaroiKouaiu eirl rrjs yrjs, iroiria'ai eiKova TO} Orjp'i^ ts e^ei r^v TrXrjy^v rrjs fiaxalpv^ '^'^^ ^Cvf^^v, COmp, xiv. 9 ; xvi. 2 ; xix. 20). This, it is plain, is partly the imperial govern- ment beyond the sea, partly the lieutenancy on the Asiatic con- tinent, not of this or that province or even of this or that person, but generally such representation of the emperor as the provincials of Asia and Syria knew. If trade and commerce appear associated with the use of the x<^pa7Ma of the monster of the sea (xiii. 16, 17), there lies clearly at bottom an abhorrence of the image and legend of the imperial money — certainly transformed in a fanciful way, as in fact Satan makes the image of the emperor speak. These very governors appear afterwards (xvii.) as the ten horns, which are assigned to the monster in its copy, and are here called, quite cor- rectly, the "ten kings, which have not the royal dignity, but have authority like kings ; " the number, which is taken over from the vision of Daniel, may not, it is true, be taken too strictly. In the sentences of death pronounced over the righteous, John is thinking of the regular judicial procedure on account of the refusal to worship the emperor's image, such as the Letters of Pliny describe (xiii. 15 : iroiiiffp 'Iva fxroi iav fi^ irpocrKvv'ficraxnv rijv et/coVa rod Orjpiov airoKTavOaxTiv^ comp. vi. 9 ; xx. 4), When stress is laid on these sentences of death being executed with special frequency in Rome (xvii. 6 ; xvii. 24), what is thereby meant is the execution of sen- tences wherein men were condemned to fight as gladiators or with wild beasts, which often could not take place on the spot where they were pronounced, and, as is well known, took place chiefly in Rome itself (Modestinus, Dig. xlviii. 19, 31). The Neronian execu- tions on account of alleged incendiarism do not formally belong to Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 217 rate a prohibition of the exercise of their worship ' in com- mon, which, it is true, amounted nearly to the same thing and probably came as little into execution. Alongside of this ediqt of intolerance and in an opposite sense, by an ordinance embracing the whole empire the Jews were freed from those public obligations which were not com- patible with their religious convictions ; whereby, as re- spected service in war particularly, there was doubtless conceded only what hitherto it had not been possible to compel. The exhortation, expressed at the close of this edict, to the Jews to exercise now on their part also greater moderation, and to refrain from the insulting of persons the class of religious processes at all, and it is only prepossession that can refer the martyrs' blood shed in Rome, of which John speaks, exclusively or pre-eminently to these events. The current conceptions as to the so-called persecutions of the Christians labour under a defective apprehension of the rule of law and the practice of law subsisting in the Roman empire ; in reality the persecution of the Christians was a standing matter as was that of robbers ; only such regulations were put into practice at times more gently or even negligently, at other times more strictly, and were doubtless on oc- casion specially enforced from high quarters. The " war against the saints" is only a subsequent interpolation on the part of some, for whom John's words did not suffice (xiii. 7). The Apocalypse is a remarkable evidence of the national and religious hatred of the Jews towards the Occidental government ; but to illustrate with these colours the Neronian tale of horrors, as Renan does in par- ticular, is to shift the place of the facts and to detract from their depth of significance. The Jewish national hatred did not wait for the conquest of Jerusalem to originate it, and it made, as might be expected, no distinction between the good and the bad Caesar ; its Anti-Messias is named Nero, doubtless, but not less Vespasian or Marcus. ' The circumstance that Suetonius ( Glaud. 25) names a certain Chrestus as instigator of the constant troubles in Rome, that had in the first instance called forth these measures (according to him the expulsion from Rome ; in contrast to Dio, Ix. 6) has been without sufficient reason conceived as a misunderstanding of the movement called forth by Christ among Jews and proselytes. The Book of Acts xviii. 2, speaks only of the expulsion of the Jews. At any rate it is not to be doubted that, with the attitude at that time of the Christians to Ji^daism, they too fell under the edict. 218 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. of another faith, shows that there had not been wanting transgressions also on the Jewish side. In Egypt as in Palestine the religious arrangements were, at least on the whole, re-established as they had subsisted before Gains, although in Alexandria the Jews hardly obtained back all that they had possessed ; ^ the insurrectionary movements, which had broken out, or were on the point of breaking out, in the one case as in the other, thereupon disappeared of themselves. In Palestine Claudius even went beyond the system of Tiberius and committed the gnppa. whole former territory of Herod to a native prince, that same Agrippa who accidentally had come to be friendly with Claudius and useful to him in the crises of his accession. It was certainly the design of Claudius to resume the system followed at the time of Herod and to obviate the dangers of the immediate contact between the Romans and Jews. But Agrippa, leading an easy life and even as a prince in constant financial embarrassment, good-humoured, moreover, and more disposed to be on good terms with his subjects than with the distant pro- tector, gave offence in various ways to the government, for example, by the strengthening the walls of Jerusalem, which he was forbidden to carry further ; and the towns that adhered to the Romans, Caesarea and Sebaste, as well as the troops organised in the Roman fashion, were disin- clined to him. When he died early and suddenly in the year 44, it appeared hazardous to entrust the position, im- portant in a political as in a military point of view, to his only son of seventeen years of age, and those who wielded power in the cabinet were reluctant to let out of their hands the lucrative procuratorships. The Claudian gov- ' The Jews there at least appear later to have had only the fourth of the five wards of the city in their possession ( Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 8). Probably, if the 400 houses that were razed had been given back again to them in so striking a manner, the Jewish au- thors Josephus and Philo, who lay stress on all the imperial marks of favour shown to the Jews, would not have been silent on the subject. Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 219 ernment had here, as elsewhere, lighted on the right course, but had not the energy to carry it out irrespective of accessory considerations. A Jewish prince with Jewish soldiers might exercise the government in Judaea for the Romans ; the Roman magistrate and the Roman soldiers offended probably still more frequently through ignorance of Jewish views than through intentional action in opposi- tion to them, and whatever they might undertake was on their part in the eyes of believers an offence, and the most indifferent occurrence a religious outrage. The demand for mutual understanding and agreement was on both sides just as warranted of itself as it was impossible of exe- cution. But above all a conflict between the Jewish lord of the land and his subjects was a matter of tolerable in- difference for the empire ; every conflict between the Ro- mans and the Jews in Jerusalem widened the gulf which yawned between the peoples of the West and the Hebrews living along with them ; and the danger lay, not in the quarrels of Palestine, but in the incompatibility of the members of the empire of different nationalities who were now withal coupled together by fate. Thus the ship was driving incessantly towards the whirl- pool. In this ill-fated voyage all taking part the insurrection, lent their help — the Roman government and its administrators, the Jewish authorities and the Jewish people. The former indeed continued to show a willingness to meet as far as possible all claims, fair and unfair, of the Jews. When in the year 44 the procurator again entered Jerusalem, the nomination of the high-priest and the administration of the temple-treasure, which were combined with the kingly office and in so far also with the pro curator ship, were taken from him and transferred to a brother of the deceased king Agrippa, king Herod of Chal- cis, as well as, after his death in the year 48, to his succes- sor the younger Agrippa already mentioned. The Roman chief magistrate, on the complaint of the Jews caused a Roman soldier, who, on occasion of orders to plunder a Jewish village, had torn in pieces a roll of the law, to be 220 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. put to death. The whole weight of Koman imperial jus- tice fell, according to circumstances, even upon the higher officials ; when two procurators acting alongside of one another had taken part for and against in the quarrel of the Samaritans and the Galileans, and their soldiers had fought against one another, the imperial governor of Syria, Ummidius Quadratus, was sent with extraordinary full powers to Syria to punish and to execute ; in reality one of the guilty persons was sent into banishment, and a Ro- man military tribune named Celer was publicly beheaded in Jerusalem itself. But alongside of these examples of severity stood others of a weakness partaking of guilt ; in that same process the second at least as guilty procurator Antonius Felix escaped punishment, because he was the brother of the powerful menial Pallas and the husband of the sister of king Agrippa. Still more than with the offi- cial abuses of individual administrators must the govern- ment be chargeable with the fact that it did not strengthen the power of the officials and the number of the troops in a province so situated, and continued to recruit the gar- rison almost exclusively from the province. Insignificant as the province waS, it was a wretched stupidity and an ill- applied parsimony to treat it after the traditional pattern ; the seasonable display of a crushing superiority of force and unrelenting sternness, a governor of higher rank, and a legionary camp, would have saved to the province and the empire great sacrifices of money, blood, and honour. But not less at least was the fault of the Jews. The highpriestly rule, so far as it went — and the Sif ^Ananias, government was but too much inclined to allow it free scope in all internal affairs — was, even according to the Jewish accounts, at no time con- ducted with so much violence and worthlessness as in that from the death of Agrippa to the outbreak of the war. The best-known and most influential of these priest-rulers was Ananias son of Nebedaeus, the "whitewashed wall," as Paul called him, when this spiritual judge bade his attend- ants smite him on the mouth, because he ventured to de- Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 221 fend himself before the judgment-seat. It was laid to his charge that he bribed the governor, and that by a corre- sponding interpretation of Scripture he alienated from the lower clergy the tithe-sheaves/ As one of the chief instigators of the war between the Samaritans and the Galileans, he had stood before the Roman Judge. Not because the reckless fanatics preponderated in th6 ruling circles, but because these instigators of popular tumults and organisers of trials for heresy lacked the moral and religious authority whereby the moderate men in better times had guided the multitude, and because they mis- understood and misused the indulgence of the Roman authorities in internal affairs, they were unable to mediate in a peaceful sense between the foreign rule and the nation. It was under their very rule that the Roman authorities were assailed with the wildest and most irra- tional demands, and popular movements arose of grim ab- surdity. Of such a nature was that violent petition, which demanded and obtained the blood of a Roman soldier on account of the tearing up of a roll of the law. Another time there arose a popular tumult, which cost the lives of - many men, because a Roman soldier had exhibited in the temple a part of his body in unseemly nudity. Even the best of kings could not have absolutely averted such lu- nacy ; but even the most insignificant prince would not have confronted the fanatical multitude with so little control of the helm as these priests. The proper result was the constant increase of the new Maccabees. It has been customary to put the outbreak of the war in the year 66 ; with equal and perhaps better warrant we might name for it the year 44. Since the death of Agrippa warfare in Judaea had never ceased, and alongside of the local feuds, which Jews fought out with Jews, there went on constantly the war of the Roman troops against the seceders in the moun- ' The question was, apparently, whether the gift of the tenth- sheaf belonged to Aaron the priest (Numb, xviii. 28), to the priest generally, or to the high priest (Ewald, Jiid. Gescli. vi.^ 635). 222 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. tains, the Zealots, as the Jews named them, or according to Roman designation, the Robbers. Both names were appropriate ; here too alongside of the fanatics the decayed or decaying elements of society played their part — at any rate after the victory one of the first steps of the Zealots was to burn the bonds for debt that were kept in the tem- ple. Everyone of the abler procurators, onward from the first Cuspius Fadus, swept the land of them, and still the hydra appeared afresh in greater strength. The successor of Fadus, Tiberius Julius Alexander, himself sprung from a Jewish family, a nephew of the above-mentioned Alexan- drian scholar Philo, caused two sons of Judas the Galilean, Jacob and Simon, to be crucified ; this was the seed of the new Mattathias. In the streets of the towns the patriots preached aloud the war, and not a few followed to the desert ; these bands set on fire the houses of the peaceful and rational people who refused to take part with them. If the soldiers seized bandits of this sort, they carried off in turn respectable people as hostages to the mountains ; and very often the authorities agreed to release the former in order to liberate the latter. At the same time the " men of the knife " began in the capital their dismal trade ; they murdered, doubtless also for money — as their first victim the priest Jonathan is named, as commissioning them in that case, the Roman procurator Felix — but, if possible, at the same time as patriots, Roman soldiers or countrymen of their own friendly to the Romans. How, with such dis- positions, should wonders and signs have failed to appear, and persons who, deceived or deceiving, roused thereby the fanaticism of the masses ? Under Cuspius Fadus the miracle-monger Theudas led his faithful adherents to the Jordan, assuring them that the waters would divide before them and swallow up the pursuing Roman horsemen, as in the times of king Pharaoh. Under Felix another worker of wonders, named from his native country the Egyptian, promised that the walls of Jerusalem would collapse like those of Jericho at the trumpet blast of Joshua ; and there- upon four thousand knife-men followed him to the Mount Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 223 of Olives. In the very absurdity lay the danger. The great mass of the Jewish population v^ere small farmers, who ploughed their fields and pressed their oil in the sweat of their brow — more villagers than townsmen, of little culture and powerful faith, closely linked to the free bands in the mountains, and full of reverence for Jehovah and his priests in Jerusalem as well as full of aversion to- wards the unclean strangers. The war there was not a war between one power and another for the ascendency, not even properly a war of the oppressed against the oppres- sors for the recovery of freedom ; it was not daring states- men,' but fanatical peasants that began and waged it, and paid for it with their blood. It was a further stage in the history of national hatred ; on both sides continued living together seemed impossible, and they encounterd each other with the thought of mutual extirpation. ' It is nothing but an empty fancy, wlien the statesman Josephus, in his preface to his History of the war, puts it as if the Jews of Palestine had reckoned on the one hand upon a rising of the Eu- phrates-lands, on the other hand, upon the troubles in Gaul and the threatening attitude of the Germans and on the crises of the year of four emperors. The Jewish war had long been in full course when Vindex appeared against Nero, and the Druids really did what is here assigned to the Rabbis ; and, however great was the importance of the Jewish Diaspora in the lands of the Euphrates, a Jewish expedition from that quarter against the Romans of the East was almost as inconceivable as from Egypt and Asia Minor. Doubtless some free-lances came from thence, as e.g. some young princes of the zealously Jewish royal house of Adiabene (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 19, 2 ; vi. 6, 4), and suppliant embassies went thither from the insurgents {ib. vi. 6, 2) ; but even money hardly flowed to the Jews from this quarter in any considerable amount. This statement is characteristic of the author more than of the war. If it is easy to understand how the Jewish leader of insurgents and subsequent courtier of the Flavians was fond of comparing himself with the Par- thians exiled at Rome, it is the less to be excused that modern his- torical authorship should walk in similar paths, and in endeavour- ing to apprehend these events as constituent parts of the history of the Roman court and city or even of the Romano-Parthian quarrels, should by this insipid introduction of so-called great policy obscure the fearful necessity of this tragic development. 224 Judaea and the -Jews. [Book VIII. The movement, through which the tumults were changed into war, proceeded from Caesarea. In this the insurrection urban community — originally Greek, and then in Caesarea. remodelled by Herod after the pattern of the colonies of Alexander — which had developed into the first seaport of Palestine, Greeks and Jews dwelt, equally entitled to civic privileges, without distinction of nation and confes- sion, the latter superior in number and property. But the Hellenes, after the model of the Alexandrians, and doubt- less under the immediate impression of the occurrences of the year 38, impugned the right of citizenship of the Jewish members of the community by way of complaint to the supreme authority. The minister of NerD,' Burrus (f 62), decided in their favour. It was bad to make citi- zenship in a town formed on Jewish soil and by a Jewish government a privilege of the Hellenes ; but it may not be forgotten how the Jews behaved just at that time towards the Romans, and how naturally they suggested to the Romans the conversion of the Roman capital and the Roman head-quarters of the province into a purely Hel- lenic urban community. The decision led, as might be conceived, to vehement street tumults, in which Hellenic scoffing and Jewish arrogance seem to have almost bal- anced each other, particularly in the struggle for access to the synagogue ; the Roman authorities interfered, as a matter of course, to the disadvantage of the Jews. These left the town, but were compelled by the governor to re- turn, and then all of them were slain in a street riot (6th August 66). This the government had at any rate not commanded, and certainly had not wished ; powers were unchained which they themselves were no longer able to control. If here the enemies of the Jews were the assailants, the ' Josephus [Arcli. xx. 8, 9), makes Mm indeed secretary of Nero for Greek correspondence, although he, where he follows Roman sources (xx. 8, 2, designates him correctly as prefect ; but certainly the same person is meant. lie is called 7rat5a7«7Js with him as with Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 2 : rector imperatoriae iuventae. Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews, 225 Jews were so in Jerusalem. Certainly their defenders in the narrative of these occurrences assure us insurrection in that the procurator of Palestine at the time, Jerusalem. Gcssius Florus, iu Order to avoid impeachment on account of his maladministration, v^ished to provoke an insurrection by the excessive measure of his torture ; and there is no doubt that the governors of that time con- siderably exceeded the usual measure of worthlessness and oppression. But, if Florus in fact pursued such a plan, it miscarried. For according to these very reports the pru- dent and the possessors of property among the Jews, and with them king Agrippa II., familiar with the government of the temple, and just at that time present in Jerusalem — he had meanwhile exchanged the rule of Chalcis for that of Batanaea — lulled the masses so far, that the riotous assemblages and the interference against them kept within the measure that had been usual in the country for years. But the advances made by Jewish theology were more dangerous than the disorder of the streets and the robber patriots of the mountains. The earlier Judaism had in a liberal fashion opened the gates of its faith to foreigners ; it is true that only those who belonged, in the strict sense, to their religion were admitted to the interior of the Tem- ple, but as proselytes of the gate all were admitted without ceremony into the outer courts, and even the non-Jew was here allowed to pray on his part and offer sacrifices to the Lord Jehovah. Thus, as we have already mentioned (p. 205), sacrifice was offered daily there for the Eoman em- peror on the basis of an endowment of Augustus. These sacrifices cf non-Jews were forbidden by the master of the temple at this time, Eleazar, son of the above-mentioned high priest Ananias, a passionate young man of rank, personally blameless and brave and, so far, an entire contrast to his father, but more dangerous through his virtues than the latter was through his vices. Vainly it was pointed out to him that this was as offensive for the Romans as dangerous for the country, and abso- lutely at variance with usage ; he resolved to abide by the Vol. II.— 15 226 Judaea and the Jews. TBooK VIIL improvement of piety and the exclusion of the sovereign of the land from worship. Believers in Judaism had for long been divided into those who placed their trust in the Lord of Zebaoth alone and endured the Roman rule till it should please Him to realise the kingdom of heaven on earth, and the more practical men, who had resolved to establish the kingdom of heaven with their own hand and held themselves assured of the help of the Lord of Hosts in the pious work, or, by their watchwords, into the Phari- sees and the Zealots. The number and the repute of the latter were constantly on the increase. An old saying was discovered that about this time a man would proceed from Judaea and gain the dominion of the world ; people believed this the more readily because it was so very absurd, and the oracle contributed not a little to render the masses more fanatical. The moderate party perceived the danger, and resolved to put down the fanatics by force ; it asked partSf ^ Vic- troops from the Romans in Ceasarea and zeaiots*^^ from king Agrippa. From the former no support came ; Agrippa sent a number of horsemen. On the other hand the patriots and the knife- men flocked into the city, among them the wildest Mana- him, also one of the sons of the oft-named Judas of Gali- lee. They were the stronger, and soon were masters in all the city. The handful of Roman soldiers, which kept garrison in the castle adjoining the temple, was quickly overpowered and put to death. The neighbouring king's palace, with the strong towers belonging to it, where the adherents of the moderate party, a number of Romans under the tribune Metilius, and the soldiers of Agrippa were stationed, offered as little resistance. To the latter, on their desire to capitulate, free departure was allowed, but was refused to the Romans ; when they at length sur- rendered in return for assurance of life, they were first dis- armed, and then put to death with the single exception of the officer, who promised to undergo circumcision and so was pardoned as a Jew. Even the leaders of the moder- Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 227 ates, including the father and the brother of Eleazar, be- came the victims of the popular rage, which was still more savagely indignant at the associates of the Romans than at the Eomans themselves. Eleazar was himself alarmed at his victory ; between the two leaders of the fanat- ics, himself and Manahim, a bloody hand-to-hand conflict took place after the victory, perhaps on account of the broken capitulation : Manahim was captured and exe- cuted. But the holy city was free, and the Roman de- tachment stationed in Jerusalem was annihilated ; the new Maccabees had conquered, like the old. Thus, it is alleged on the same day, the 6th August 66, the non-Jews in Caesarea had massacred jJwlshwa?'^' the Jews, and the Jews in Jerusalem had massacred the non-Jews ; and thereby was given on both sides the signal to proceed with this pa- triotic work acceptable to God. In the neighbouring Greek towns the Hellenes rid themselves of the resident Jews after the model of Caesarea. For example, in Da- mascus all the Jews were in the first instance shut up in the gymnasium, and, on the news of a misfortune to the Roman arms, were by way of precaution all of them put to death. The same or something similar took place in Ascalon, in Scytopolis, Hippos, Gadara, wherever the Hellenes were the stronger. In the territory of king Agrippa, inhabited mainly by Syrians, his energetic inter- vention saved the lives of the Jews of Caesarea Paneas and elsewhere. In Syria Ptolemais, Tyre, and more or less the other Greek communities followed ; only the two greatest and most civilised cities, Antioch and Apamea, as well as Sidon, were exceptions. To this is probably due the fact that this movement did not spread in the direction of Asia Minor. In Egypt not merely did the matter come to a popular riot, which claimed numerous victims, but the Alexandrian legions themselves had to charge the Jews. — In necessary reaction to these Jewish " vespers" the insurrection victorious in Jerusalem imme- diately seized all Judaea and organised itself everywhere, 228 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. with similar maltreatment of minorities, but in other re- spects with rapidity and energy. It was necessary to interfere as speedily as possible, and to prevent the further extension of the con- Jf^oesSGaUus. Aagratiou ; on the first news the Roman gov- ernor of Syria, Gains Cestius Gallus, marched with his troops against the insurgents. He brought up about 20,000 Eoman soldiers and 13,000 belonging to client-states, without including the numerous Syrian mi- litia ; took Joppa, where the whole body of citizens was put to death ; and already in September stood before, and in fact in, Jerusalem itself. But he could not breach the strong walls of the king's palace and of the temple, and as little made use of the opportunity several times offered to him of getting possession of the town through the mod- erate party. Whether the task was insoluble or whether he was not equal to it, he soon gave up the siege, and purchased even a hasty retreat by the sacrifice of his baggage and of his rear-guard. Thus Judaea in the first instance, including Idumaea and Galilee, remained in, or came into, the hands of the exasperated Jews ; the Sa- maritan district also was compelled to join. The mainly Hellenic coast towns, Anthedon and Gaza, were destroyed, Caesarea and the other Greek towns were retained with difficulty. If the rising did not go beyond the boundaries of Palestine, that was not the fault of the government, but was rather due to the national dislike of the Syro- Hellenes towards the Jews. The government in Rome took things in earnest, as earnest they were. Instead of the procurator ofveSiMi'^^'^ imperial legate w^as sent to Palestine, Titus Flavins Vespasianus, a prudent man and an experienced soldier. He obtained for the conduct of the war two legions of the West, which in consequence of the Parthian war were accidentally still in Asia, and that Sy- rian legion which had. suffered least in the unfortunate expedition of Cestius, while the Syrian army under the new governor. Gains Licinius Mucianus — Gallus had sea- CnAr. XI ] Judaea and the Jews. 229 sonably died — by the addition of another legion was re- stored to the status which it had before.' To these burgess-troops and their auxiharies were added the pre- vious garrison of Palestine, and lastly the forces of the ' It is not quite clear what were the arrangements for the forces occupying Syria after the Parthian war was ended in the year 63. At its close there were seven legions stationed in the East, the four originally Syrian, 3d Gallica, 6th Ferrata, 10th Fretensis, 12th Ful- minata, and three brought up from the West, the 4th Scythica from Moesia (i. 231), the oth Macedonica, probably from the same place (i. 237 ; for which probably an upper German legion was sent to Moesia i. 144), the IStli Apollinaris from Pannonia (i. 237). Since, excepting Syria, no Asiatic province was at that time furnished with legions, and the governor of Syria certainly in times of peace had never more than four legions, the Syrian army beyond doubt had at that time been brought back, or at least ought to have been brought back, to this footing. The four legions which accordingly were to remain in Syria were, as this was most natural, the four old Syrian ones ; for the 3d had in the year 70 just marched from Syria to Moesia (Suetonius, Yesp. 6 ; Tacitus, Hist. ii. 74), and that the 6th, 10th, 12th belonged to the army of Cestius follows from Josephus, Bell. Jvbd. ii. 18, 9, c. 19, 7 ; vii. 1, 3. Then, when the Jewish war broke out, seven legions were again destined for Asia, and of these four for Syria (Tacitus, Hist. i. 10), three for Palestine ; the three legions added were just those employed for the Parthian war, the 4th, 5th, 15th, which perhaps at that time were still in course of marching back to their old quarters. The 4tli probably went at that time definitively to Syria, where it thenceforth remained ; on the other hand, the Syrian army gave off the 10th to Vespasian, presumably because this had suffered least in the campaign of Ces- tius. In addition he received the 5th and the 15th. The 5th and the 10th legions came from Alexandria (Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 3, c. 4, 2) ; but that they were brought up from Egypt cannot well be conceived, not merely because the 10th was one of the Syrian, but especially because the march by land from Alexandria on the Nile to Ptolemais through the middle of the insurgent territory at the beginning of the Jewish war could not have been so narrated by Josephus. Far more probably Titus went by ship from Achaia to Alexandria on the Gulf of Issus, the modern Alexandretta, and brought the two legions thence to Ptolemais. The orders to march may have reached the 15th somewhere in Asia Minor, since Ves- pasian, doubtless in order to take them over, went to Syria by land (Josephus, Bell. Jud. iii. 1, 3). To these three legions, with which Vespasian began the war, there was added under Titus a further 230 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. four client-kings of the Commagenians, the Hemesenes, the Jews, and the Nabataeans, together about 50,000 men, including among them 15,000 king's soldiers.' In the spring of the year 67 this army was brought together at Ptolemais and advanced into Palestine. After the insur- gents had been emphatically repulsed by the weak gar- rison of the town of Ascalon, they had not further' attacked the cities which took part with the Romans ; the hopelessness, which pervaded the whole movement, expressed itself in the renouncing at once of all offensive. When the Romans thereupon passed over to the aggres- sive, the insurgents nowhere confronted them in the open field, and in fact did not even make attempts to bring re- lief to the several places assailed. Certainly the cautious general of the Romans did not divide his troops, but kept at least the three legions together throughout. Never- one of the Syrian, the 12tL. Of the four legions that occupied Je- rusalem the two previously Syrian remained in the East, the 10th in Judaea, the 12th in Cappadocia, while the 5th returned to Moesia, and the 15th to Pannonia (Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. 1, 8 c. 5, 3). ^ To the three legions there belonged five alae and eighteen cohorts, and the army of Palestine consisting of one ala and five cohorts. These auxilia numbered accordingly 3000 alarians and (since among the twenty-three cohorts ten were 1000 strong, thirteen 720, or probably rather only 420 strong ; for instead of the startling ki^aKocriovs we expect rather rpiaKoarlovs k^dKot^ra) 16,240 (or, if 720 is retained, 19,360) cohortales. To these fell to be added 1000 horse- men from each of the four kings, and 5000 Arabian archers, with 2000 from each of the other three kings. This gives together — reckoning the legion at 6000 men — 52,240 men, and so towards 60,000, as Josephus {Bell. Jud. iii. 4, 2) says. But as the divisions are thus all calculated at the utmost normal strength, the effective aggregate number can hardly be estimated at 50,000. These num- bers of Josephus appear in the main trustworthy, just as the analo- gous ones for the army of Cestius (Bell. Jud. ii. 18, 9) ; whereas his figures, resting on the census, are throughout measured after the scale of the smallest village in Galilee numbering 15,000 inhabi- tants (Bell. Jud. iii. 3, 2), and are historically as useless as the figures of Falstaff, It is but seldom, e.g. at the siege of Jotapata, that we recognise reported numbers. Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 231 theless, as in most of the individual townships a number — often probably but small — of the fanatics exercised terror over the citizens, the resistance was obstinate, and the Koman conduct of the war neither brilliant nor rapid. Vespasian employed the whole first campaign (67) in bringing into his power the fortresses of the ondl^paigns. Small district of Galilee and the coast as far as Ascalon ; but before the little town of Jota- pata the three legions lay encamped for forty-five days. During the winter of 67-8 a legion lay in Scytopolis, on the south border of Galilee, the two others in Caesarea. Mean- while the different factions in Jerusalem fell upon one an- other and were in most vehement conflict ; the good pa- triots, who were at the same time for ci'vdl order, and the still better patriots, who, partly in fanatical excitement, partly from delight in mob-riot, wished to bring about and turn to account a reign of terror, fought with each other in the streets of the city, and were only at one in account- ing every attempt at reconciliation with the Eomans a crime worthy of death. The Roman general, on many occasions summoned to take advantage of this disorder, adhered to the course of advancing only step by step. In the second year of the war he caused the Transjordanic territory in the first instance, particularly the important towns of Ga- dara and Gerasa, to be occupied, and then took up his position at Emmaus and Jericho, whence he took military possession of Idumaea in the south and Samaria in the north, so that Jerusalem in the summer of the year 68 was surrounded on all sides. The siege was just beginning when the news of the death of Nero arrived. Thereby de hire the th^^wan mandate conferred on the legate became ex- tinct, and Vespasian, not less cautious in a political than in a military point of view, in fact suspended his operations until new orders as to his attitude. Be- fore these aiTived from Galba, the good season of the year was at an end. When the spring of 69 came, Galba was 232 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. overthrown, and the decision was in suspense between the emperor of the Roman body-guard and the emperor of the army on the Rhine. It was only after Vitellius's victory in June 69 that Vespasian resumed operations and occu- pied Hebron ; but very soon all the armies of the East re- nounced their allegiance to the former and proclaimed the previous legate of Judaea as emperor. The positions at Emmaus and Jericho were indeed maintained in front of the Jews ; but, as the German legions had denuded the Rhine to make their general emperor, so the flower of the army went from Palestine, partly with the legate of Syria, Mucianus, to Italy, partly with the new emperor and his son Titus to Syria and onward to Egypt, and it was only after the war of the succession was ended, at the close of the year 69, and the rule of Vespasian was acknowledged throughout the empire, that the latter entrusted his son with the termination of the Jewish war. Thus the insurgents had entirely free sway in Jerusalem from the summer of 66 till the spring of 70. jlSs^if m!'^'^ What the combination of religious and national fanaticism, the noble desire not to survive the downfall of their fatherland, the consciousness of past crimes and of inevitable punishment, the wild promiscu- ous tumult of all noblest and all basest passions in these four years of terror brought upon the nation, had its hor- rors intensified by the fact that the foreigners were only onlookers in the matter, and all the evil was inflicted di- rectly by Jews upon Jews. The moderate patriots were soon overpowered by the zealots with the help of the levy of the rude and fanatical inhabitants of the Idumaean vil- lages (end of 68), and their leaders were slain. The zealots thenceforth ruled, and all the bonds of civil, religious, and moral order were dissolved. Freedom was granted to the slaves, the high priests were appointed by lot, the ritual laws were trodden under foot and scoffed at by those very fanatics whose stronghold was the temple, the captives in the prisons were put to death, and it was forbidden on pain of death to bury the slain. The different leaders Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jeios. 233 fought with their separate bands against one another : John of Gischala with his band brought up from Galilee ; Simon^ son of Gioras from Gerasa, the leader of a band of patriots formed in the south, and at the same time of the Idumaeans in revolt against John ; Eleazar, son of Simon, one of the champions against Cestius Gallus. The first maintained himself in the porch of the temple, the second in the city, the third in the Holy of Holies ; and there were daily combats in the streets of the city between Jews and Jews. Concord came only through the common enemy; when the attack began, Eleazar's little band placed itself under the orders of John, and although John in the temple and Simon in the city continued to play the part of masters, they, while quarrelling among themselves, fought shoulder to shoulder against the Komans. The task of the assailants was not an easy one. It is true that the army, which had received in place of assSiant?^ the detachmcnts sent to Italy a considerable contingent from the Egyptian and the Syrian troops, was quite sufficient for the investment ; and, in spite of the long interval which had been granted to the Jews to prepare for the siege, their provisions were inadequate, the more especially as a part of them had been destroyed in the street conflicts, and, as the siege began about the time of the Passover, numerous strangers who had come on that account to Jerusalem were also shut in. But though the mass of the population soon suffered distress, the combatant force took what they needed where they found it, and, well provided as they were, they carried on the struggle without reference to the multitudes that were famishing and soon dying of hunger. The young general could not make up his mind to a mere blockade ; a siege with four legions, brought to an end in this way, would yield to him personally no glory, and the new government needed a brilliant feat of arms. The town, everywhere else de- fended by inaccessible rocky slopes, was assailable only on the north side ; here, too, it was no easy labour to reduce the threefold rampart-wall erected without regard to cost 234 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. from the rich treasures of the temple, and further within the city to wrest the citadel, the temple, and the three vast towers of Herod from a strong, fanatically inspired, and desperate garrison. John and Simon not merely reso- lutely repelled the assaults, but often attacked with good success the troops working at the trenches, and destroyed or burnt the besieging machines. But the superiority of numbers and the art of war decided for the Eomans. The walls were jemSiem.''''* stormed, and thereafter the citadel Antonia ; then, after long resistance, first the porticoes of the temple went on fire, and further on the 10th Ab (August) the temple itself, with all the treasures accumu- lated in it for six centuries. Lastly, after fighting in the streets which lasted for a month, on the 8th Elul (Septem- ber) the last resistance in the town itself was broken, and the holy Salem was razed. The bloody work had lasted for five months. The sword and the arrow, and still more famine, had claimed countless victims ; the Jews killed every one so much as suspected of deserting, and forced women and children in the city to die of hunger ; the Eo- mans just as pitilessly put to the sword the captives or crucified them. The combatants that remained, and par- ticularly the two leaders, were drawn forth singly from the sewers, in which they had taken refuge. At the Dead Sea, just where once king David and the Maccabees in their utmost distress had found a refuge, the remnants of the insurgents still held out for years in the rock-castles Machaerus and Massada, till at length, as the last of the free Jews, Eleazar grandson of Judas the Galilean, and his adherents put to death first their wives and children, and then themselves. The work was done. That the em- peror Vespasian, an able soldier, did not disdain on ac- count of such an inevitable success over a small long-sub- ject people to march as victor to the Capitol, and that the seven-armed candelabrum brought home from the Holy of Holies of the temple is still to be. seen at the present day on the honorary arch which the imperial senate erected Chap. XI.] Judaea ami the Jews. 235 to Titus in the market of the capital,' gives no high con- ception of the warlike spirit of this time. It is true that the deep aversion, which the Occidentals cherished to- wards the Jewish people, made up in some measure for what was wanting in martial glory, and if the Jewish name was too vile for the emperors to assign it to them- selves, like those of the Germans and the Parthians, they deemed it not beneath their dignity to prepare for the populace of the capital this triumph commemorative of the victor's pleasure in the misfortunes of others. The work of the sword was followed by a change of policy. The policy pursued by the earlier the Jewish cen- Hellenistic states, and taken over from them tral power. Komans — which reached in reality far beyond mere tolerance towards foreign ways and foreign faith, and recognized the Jews in their collective character as a national and religious community — had become im- possible. In the Jewish insurrection the dangers had been too clearly brought to light, which this formation of a national-religious union — on the one hand rigidly con- centrated, on the other spreading over the whole East and having ramifications even in the West — involved. The central worship was accordingly once for all set aside. This resolution of the government stood undoubtedly fixed, and had nothing in common with the question, which can- not be answered with certainty, whether the destruction of the temple took place by design or by accident ; if, on the ' This arch was erected to Titus after his death by the imperial senate. Another, dedicated to him during his short government by the same senate in the circus (C. /. L. vi. 944) specifies even with express words as the ground of erecting the monument, "because he, according to the precept and direction and under the superin- tendence of his father, subdued tlie people of the Jews and de- stroyed the town of Hierusolyma, which up to his time had either been besieged in vain by all generals, kings, and peoples, or not as- sailed at all." The historic knowledge of this singular document, which ignores not merely Nebuchadnezzar and Antiochus Epiphanes, but their own Pompeius, stands on the same level with its extrava- gance in the praise of a very ordinary feat of arms. 236 Judaea and the Jews. [Book vm. one hand, the suppression of the worship required only the closing of the temple and the magnificent structure might have been spared, on the other hand, had the temple been accidentally destroyed, the worship might have been con- tinued in a temple rebuilt. No doubt it will always re- main probable that it was not the chance of war that here prevailed, but the flames of the temple were rather the programme for the altered policy of the Roman govern- ment with reference to Judaism/ More clearly even than in the events at Jerusalem the same change is marked in the closing — which ensued at the same time on the order of Vespasian — of the central sanctuary of the Egyptian Jews, the temple of Onias, not far from Memphis, in the Heliopolitan district, which for centuries stood alongside of that of Jerusalem, somewhat as the translation by the Alexandrian Seventy stood side by side with the Old Tes- tament ; it too was divested of its votive gifts, and the worship of God in it was forbidden. In the further carrying out of the new order of things the high priesthood and the Synhedrion of Jerusalem dis- appeared, and thereby the Jews of the empire lost their outward supreme head and their chief authority having jurisdiction hitherto generally in religious questions. The annual tribute — previously at least tolerated — on the part of every Jew, without distinction of dwelling-place, to the temple did not certainly fall into abeyance, but was with bitter parody transferred to the Capitoline Jupiter, and his representative on earth, the Roman emperor. From * The account of Josephus, that Titus with his council of war re- solved not to destroy the temple, excites suspicion by the manifest intention of it, and, as the use made of Tacitus in the chronicle of Sulpicius Severus is completely proved by Bernays, it may certainly well be a question whether his quite opposite account ( Ghron. ii. 30, 6), that the council of war had resolved to destroy the temple, does not proceed from Tacitus, and whether the preference is not to be given to it, although it bears traces of Christian revision. This view further commends itself through the fact that the dedication addressed to Vespasian of the Argonautica of the poet Valerius Flaccus celebrates the victor of Solyma, who hurls the fiery torches. Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. 237 tlie character of the Jewish institutions the suppression of the central worship involved dissolution of the commu- nity of Jerusalem. The city was not merely destroyed and burnt down, but was left lying in ruins, like Carthage and Corinth once upon a time ; its territory, public as well as private land, became imperial domain.' Such of the citi- zens of the populous town as had escaped famine or the sword came under the hammer of the slave market. Amidst the ruins of the destroyed town was pitched the camp of the legion, which, with its Spanish and Thracian auxil- iaries, was thenceforth to do garrison duty in the Jewish land. The provincial troops hitherto recruited in Pales- tine itself were transferred elsewhere. In Emmaus, in the immediate neighbourhood of Jerusalem, a number of Ro- man veterans were settled, but urban rights were not con- ferred on this place. On the other hand, the old Sichem, the religious centre of the Samaritan community, perhaps a Greek city even from the time of Alexander the Great, was now reorganised in the forms of Hellenic polity under the name Flavia Neapolis. The capital of the land, Cae- sarea, hitherto a Greek urban community, obtained as " first Flavian colony " Eoman organisation and Latin as the language of business. These were essays towards the Occidental municipalising of the Jewish land. Neverthe- less Judaea proper, though depopulated and impoverished, remained still Jewish as before ; the light in which the government looked upon the land is shown by the thor- oughly anomalous permanent military occupation, which, as Judaea was not situated on the frontier of the empire, can only have been destined to keep down the inhabitants. 1 That the emperor took tliis land for himself (iSiW avrtf t\\v x'^pct" (pvXdTTcov) is stated by Josephus, Bell Jud. vii. 6, 6 ; not in accord with this is his command ircKTav yriv airoSoa-Oai twv 'lovSaiuv {I. c), in which doubtless there lurks an error or a copyist's mistake. It is in keeping with the expropriation that land was by way of grace assigned elsewhere to individual Jewish landowners (Josephus, vit. 16). We may add that the territory was probably employed as an endowment for the legion stationed there {Eph. epigr. ii. n. 696 ; Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 54). 238 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. The Herodians, too, did not long survive the destruction of Jerusalem. King Agrippa U., the ruler of SeroSanf*^' Caesarea Paneas and of Tiberias, had ren- dered faithful service to the Romans in the vs^ar against his countrymen, and had even scars, hon- ourable at least in a military sense, to show from it ; besides, his sister Berenice, a Cleopatra on a small scale, held the heart of the conqueror of Jerusalem captive with the remnant of her much asserted charms. So he re- mained personally in possession of the dominion ; but after his death, some thirty years later, this last reminiscence of the Jewish state was merged in the Roman province of Syria. No hindrances were put in the way of the Jews exer- cising their religious customs either in Pales- ment of the tine or elsewhere. Their religious instruc- tion itself, and the assemblies in connection with it of their law-teachers and law-experts, were at least permitted in Palestine ; and there was no hindrance to these Rabbinical unions attempting to put themselves in some measure in the room of the former Synhedrion of Jerusalem, and to fix their doctrine and their laws in the groundwork of the Talmud. Although individual par- takers in the Jewish insurrection who fled to Egypt and Cyrene produced troubles there, the bodies of Jews outside of Palestine, so far as we see, were left in their previous position. Against the Jew-hunt, which just about the time of the destruction of Jerusalem was called forth in Antioch by the circumstance that the Jews there had been publicly charged by one of their renegade comrades in the faith with the intention of setting the town on fire, the representative of the governor of Syria interfered with energy, and did not allow what was proposed — that they should compel the Jews to sacrifice to the gods of the land and to refrain from keeping the Sabbath. Titus himself, when he came to Antioch, most distinctly dismissed the leaders of the movement there with their request for the ejection of the Jews, or at least the cancelling of their Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 239 privileges. People shrank from declaring war on the Jew- ish faith as such, and from driving the far-branching Dias- pora to extremities ; it was enough that Judaism was in its political representation deleted from the commonwealth. The alteration in the policy pursued since Alexander's time towards Judaism amounted in the main quences of the to the withdrawing from this religious so- catastrophe. gietj uuity of leadership and external com- pactness, and to the wresting out of the hands of its leaders a power which extended not merely over the na- tive land, of the Jews, but over the bodies of Jews gener- ally within and beyond the Roman empire, and certainly in the East was prejudicial to the unity of imperial gov- ernment. The Lagids as well as the Seleucids, and not less the Eoman emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, had put up with this ; but the immediate rule of the Occidentals over Judaea had sharpened the contrast be- tween the imperial power and this power of the priests to such a degree, that the catastrophe set in with inevitable necessity and brought its consequences. From a politi- cal standpoint we may censure, doubtless, the remorse- lessness of the conduct of the war — which, moreover, is pretty much common to this war with all similar ones in Roman history — but hardly the religious-political dis- solution of the nation ordained in consequence of it. If the axe was laid at the root of institutions which had led, and could not but with a certain necessity lead, to the formation of a party like that of the zealots, there was but done what was right and necessary, however severely and unjustly in the special case the individual might be af- fected by it. Vespasian, who gave the decision, was a judicious and moderate ruler. The question concerned was one not of faith but of power ; the Jewish church- state, as head of the Diaspora, was not compatible with the abso- luteness of the secular great-state. From the general rule of toleration the government did not even in this case depart ; it waged war not against Judaism but against the high priest and the Synhedrion. 240 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. Nor did the destruction of the temple wholly fail in this its aim. There were not a few Jews and still more proselytes, particularly in the Dias- pora, who adhered more to the Jewish moral law and to Jewish Monotheism than to the strictly national form of faith ; the whole respectable sect of the Christians had in- wardly broken off from Judaism and stood partly in open opposition to the Jewish ritual. For these the fall of Jerusalem was by no means the end of things, and within this extensive and influential circle the government ob- tained in some measure what it aimed at by breaking up the central seat of the Jewish worship. The separation of the Christian faith common to the nations from the national Jewish, the victory of the adherents of Paul over those of Peter, was essentially promoted by the abeyance of the Jewish central cultus. But among the Jews of Palestine, where the language spoken was not Hebrew indeed, but Aramaic, jjJS*^"^^'^ and among the portion of the Diaspora which clung firmly to Jerusalem, the breach between Judaism and the rest of the world was deepened by the destruction of the temple. The national-religious exclu- siveness, which the government wished to obviate, was in this narrow circle rather strengthened by the violent at- tempt to break it down, and driven, in the first instance, to further desperate struggles. Not quite fifty years after the destruction of Jerusalem, in the year 116,' the Jews of the eastern Medi- The Jewish , • j j i • • i rising under terranean rose against the imperial govern- Trajan. mcut. The risiug, although undertaken by the Diaspora, was of a purely national character in its chief seats, Cyrene, Cyprus, Egypt, directed to the ex- pulsion of the Komans as of the Hellenes, and, apparently, to the establishment of a separate Jewish state. It ramified even into Asiatic territory, and seized Mesopo- ^ Eusebius, H. E. iv. 2, puts the outbreak on the 18th, and so, according to his reckoning (in the Chronicle), the penultimate year of Trajan ; and therewith Dio, Ixviii. 33, agrees. Chap. XT.] Judaea and the Jews. 241 tamia and Palestine itself. When the insurgents were victorious they conducted the war with the same exaspera- tion as the Sicarii in Jerusalem ; they killed those whom they seized — the historian Appian, a native of Alexandria, narrates how he, running from them for his life, with great difficulty made his escape to Pelusium — and often they put the captives to death under excruciating torture, or compelled them — just as Titus formerly compelled the Jews captured in Jerusalem — to fall as gladiators in the arena in order to delight the eyes of the victors. In Gy- rene 220,000, in Cyprus even 240,000 men are said to have been thus put to death by them. On the other hand, in Alexandria, which does not appear itself to have fallen into the hands of the Jews,^ the besieged Hellenes slew whatever Jews were then in the city. The immediate cause of the rising is not clear. The blood of the zealots, who had taken refuge at Alexandria and Cyrene, and had there sealed their loyalty to the faith by dying under the axe of the Roman executioner, may not have flowed in vain ; the Parthian war, during which the insurrection be- gan, so far promoted it, as the troops stationed in Egypt had probably been called to the theatre of war. To all appearance it was an outbreak of the religious exasperation of the Jews, which had been glowing in secret like a vol- cano since the destruction of the temple and broke out after an incalculable manner into flames, of such a kind as the East has at all times produced and produces ; if the insurgents really proclaimed a Jew as king, this rising certainly had, like that in their native country, its central seat in the great mass of the common people. That this Jewish rising partly coincided with the formerly-mentioned (p. 73) attempt at liberation of the peoples shortly before subdued by the emperor Trajan, while the latter was in ' EuseMus himself (in Sjncellus) says only: ' Klf)iavhs '\ovlyos), as well as of a college of elders {ap^ovr^i), with a chief elder (ycpouo-tap^Tys) at its head. Magisterial functions were not meant to be connected with these positions ; but, considering the inseparableness of the Jewish church- organisation and the Jewish administration of law, the presidents probably everywhere exercised, like the bish- ops in the Middle Ages, a jurisdiction, although merely de facto. The bodies of Jews in the several towns were not recognised generally as corporations, certainly not, for example, those of Rome ; 3'^et there subsisted at many places on the ground of local privileges such corpo- rative unions with ethnarchs or, as they were now mostly called, patriarchs at their head. Indeed, in Palestine we find at the beginning of the third century once more a president of the whole Jewish body, who, in virtue of hereditary sacerdotal right, bears sway over his fellow- Chaf. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 247 believers almost like a ruler, and has power even over life and limb, and whom the government at least tolerates/ Beyond question this patriarch was for the Jews the old high priest, and thus, under the eyes and under the op- pression of the foreign rule, the obstinate people of God had once more reconstituted themselves, and in so far overthrown Vespasian's work. As respects the bringing of the Jews under obligations of public service, their exemption from serv- Public services. . . . i •! i 'n ji • t mg m war as incompatible with tneir relig- ious principles had long since been and continued to be recognised. The special poll-tax to which they were subject, the old temple-payment, might be regarded as a compensation for this exemption, though it had not been imposed in this sense. For other services, as e.g. for the undertaking of wardships and municipal officers, they were at least from the time of Severus regarded in general as capable and under obligation, but those which ran coun- ter to their superstition " were remitted to them ; ^ in connection with which we have to take into account that ^ In order to make good that even in bondage tlie Jews were able to exercise a certain self-administration, Origen (about tbe year 226) writes to Africanus, c. 14 : "How mucli even now, wbere tbe Romans rule and the Jews pay to them the tribute (tJ) 5t5paxiuoj/), has the president of the people (6 idvdpxn^) among them in his power with permission of the emperor {crvYxopovvTOs Kalarapos) ? Even courts are secretly held according to the law, and even on various occasions sentence of death is pronounced. This I, who have long lived in the land of this people, have myself experienced and ascertained." The patriarch of Judaea already makes his appearance in the letter forged in the name of Hadrian in the biog- raphy of the tyrant Saturninus (c. 8), in the ordinances first in the year 392 ( O. Th. xvi. 8, 8). Patriarchs as presidents of individual Jewish communities, for which the word from its signification is better adapted, meet us already in the ordinances of Constantine I. {G. Th. xvi. 8, 1, 2). 2 The jurists of the third century lay down this rule, appealing to an edict of Severus {Dig. xxvii. 1, 15, 6 ; 1. 2, 3, 3). According to the ordinance of the year 321 ( G. Th. xvi. 8, 3) this appears even as a right, not as a duty of the Jews, so that it depended on them to undertake or decline the office. 248 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. exclusion from municipal offices became more and more converted from a slight into a privilege. Even in the case of state offices in later times a similar course was prob- ably pursued. The only serious interference of the state-power with Jewish customs concerned the ceremony of circumcisioii!^ circumcisiou ; the measures directed against this, however, were probably not taken from a religious-political standpoint, but were connected with the forbidding of castration, and arose doubtless in part from misunderstanding of the Jewish custom. The evil habit of mutilation, becoming more and more prevalent, was first brought by Domitian within the sphere of penal offences ; when Hadrian, making the precept more strin- gent, placed castration under the law of murder, circum- cision appears also to have been apprehended as castra- tion,' which certainly could not but be felt and was felt (p. 243) by the Jews as an attack upon their existence, although this was perhaps not its intention. Soon after- wards, probably in consequence of the insurrection there- by occasioned, Pius allowed the circumcision of children of Jewish descent, while otherwise even that of the non-free Jew, and of the proselyte was to involve, afterwards as before, the penalty of castration for all participating in it. This was in so far also of political importance, as thereby the formal passing over to Judaism became a penal offence ; and probably the prohibition in this very sense was not re- mitted but maintained.^ It must have contributed its part to the abrupt demarcation of the Jews from the non-Jews. ' The analogous treatment of castration in the Hadrianic edict Big. xlviii. 8, 4, 2, and of circumcision in Paulus, Sent. v. 22, 3, 4, and Modestinus, Dig. xlviii. 8, 11 pr., naturally suggests this point of view. The statement that Severus Judaeos fieri sub gravi poena netuit {Vita, 17), is doubtless nothing but the enforcement of this pro- hibition. - The remarkable account in Origen's treatise against Celsus, ii. 13 (written about 250), shows that the circumcision of the non-Jew involved de iure the penalty of death, although it is not clear how far this found application to Samaritans or Sicarii. Chap. XI.] Judaea and the Jews. If we look back on the fortunes of Judaism in the epoch from Augustus to Diocletian, we recognise a ^^the jewfi?" thorough transformation of its character and the imperial of its positiou. It cntcrs upou this cpoch as period. /■ , , a national and religious power firmly con- centrated round its narrow native land — a power which even confronts the imperial government in and beyond Judaea with arms in hand, and in the field of faith evolves a mighty propagandist energy. We can understand that the Koman government would not tolerate the adoration of Jehovah and the faith of Moses on another footing than that on which the cultus of Mithra and the faith of Zo- roaster were tolerated. The reaction against this exclu- sive and self-centred Judaism came in the crushing blows directed by Vespasian and Hadrian against the Jewish land, and by Trajan against the Jews of the Diaspora, the effect of which reached far beyond the immediate destruc- tion of the existing society and the reduction of the repute and power of the Jews as a body. In fact, the later Chris- tianity and the later Judaism were the consequences of this reaction of the West against the East. The great propagandist movement, which carried the deeper view of religion from the East into the West, was liberated in this way, as was already said (p. 239 f.), from the narrow limits of Jewish nationality ; if it by no means gave up the at- tachment to Moses and the prophets, it necessarily became released at any rate from the government of the Pharisees, which had gone to pieces. The Christian ideals of the future became universal, since there was no longer a Je- rusalem upon earth. But as the enlarged and deepened faith, which with its nature changed also its name, arose out of these disasters, so not less the narrowed and har- dened orthodoxy, which found a rallying point, if no longer in Jerusalem, at any rate in hatred towards those who had destroyed it, and still more in hatred towards the more free and higher intellectual movement which evolved Christianity out of Judaism. The external power of the Jews was broken, and risings, such as took place 250 Judaea and the Jews. [Book VIII. in the middle of the imperial period, are not subsequently met with ; the Eoman emperors were done with the state within the state, and, as the properly dangerous element — the propagandist diffusion — passed over to Christianity, the confessors of the old faith, who shut themselves off from the New Covenant, were set aside, so far as the further general development was concerned. But if the legions could destroy Jerusalem, they could not raze Judaism itself ; and what on the one teS'juSm.' ^i^^ ^ remedy, exercised on the other the effect of a poison. J udaism not only remained, but it became an altered thing. There is a deep gulf be- tween the Judaism of the older time, which seeks to spread its faith, which has its temple-court filled with the Gen- tiles, and which has its priests offering daily sacrifices for the emperor Augustus, and the rigid Rabbinism, which knew nothing and wished to know nothing of the world beyond Abraham's bosom and the Mosaic law. Strangers the Jews always were, and had wished to be so ; but the feeling of estrangement now culminated within them as well as against them after a fearful fashion, and rudely were its hateful and pernicious consequences drawn on both sides. From the contemptuous sarcasm of Horace against the intruding Jew from the Roman Ghetto there is a wide step to the solemn enmity which Tacitus cher- ishes against this scum of the human race, to which every- thing pure is impure and everything impure pure ; in the interval lie those insurrections of the despised people, and the necessity of conquering it and of expending continu- ously money and men for its repression. The prohibitions of maltreating the Jew, which are constantly recurring in the imperial ordinances, show that those words of the cultured were translated, as might be expected, by their inferiors into deeds. The Jews, on their part, did not mend the matter. They turned away from Hellenic liter- ature, which was now regarded ars polluting, and even re- belled against the use of the Greek translation of the Bible ; the ever-increasing purification of faith turned not Chap. XL] Judaea and the Jews. 251 merely against the Greeks and the Romans, but quite as much against the *' half Jews " of Samaria and against the Christian heretics ; the reverence toward the letter of the Holy Scriptures rose to a giddy height of absurdity, and above all an — if possible — still holier tradition established itself, in the fetters of which all life and thought were benumbed. The gulf between that treatise on the Sub- lime which ventures to place Homer's Poseidon shaking land and sea and Jehovah, who creates the shining sun, side by side, and the beginnings of the Talmud which be- long to this epoch, marks the contrast between the Juda- ism of the first and that of the third century. The living together of Jews and non-Jews showed itself more and more to be just as inevitable, as under the given conditions it was intolerable ; the contrast in faith, law, and manners became sharpened, and mutual arrogance and mutual hatred operated on both sides with morally disorganising effect. Not merely was their conciliation not promoted in these centuries, but its realisation was always thrown further into the distance, the more its necessity was ap- parent. This exasperation, this arrogance, this contempt, as they became established at that time, were indeed only the inevitable growth of a perhaps not less inevitable sow- ing ; but the heritage of these times is still at the present day a burden on mankind. CHAPTER XII. EGYPT. The two kingdoms of Egypt and Syria, which had so long striven and vied with each other in every of^E|ypt^^**^°^ respect, fell nearly about the same time with- out resistance into the power of the Romans. If these made no use of the alleged or real testament of Alexander 11. (f 673) and did not then annex the land, the last rulers of the Lagid house were confessedly in the position of clients of Rome ; the senate decided in disputes as to the throne, and after the Roman governor of Syria, Aulus Gabinius, had with his troops brought back the king Ptolemaeus Auletes to Egypt (699 ; comp. iv. 189), the Roman legions did not again leave the land. Like the other client-kings, the rulers of Egypt took part in the civil wars on the summons of the government recognised by them or rather imposing itself on them ; and, if it must remain un- decided what part Antonius in the fanciful eastern empire of his dreams had destined for the native land of the wife whom he loved too well (p. 27), at any rate the govern- ment of Antonius in Alexandria, as well as the last strug- gle in the last civil war before the gates of that city, be- longs as little to the special history of Egypt as the battle of Actium to that of Epirus. But doubtless this catas- trophe, and the death connected with it of the last prince of the Lagid house, gave occasion for Augustus not to fill up again the vacant throne, but to take the kingdom of Egypt under his own administration. This annexation of the last portion of the coast of the Mediterranean to the sphere of direct Roman administration, and the settle- Chap. XII.] Egyjpt. 253 meat, coincident with it in point of time and of organic connection, of the new monarchy, mark — as regards the constitution and administration of the huge empire respec- tively — the turning-point, the end of the old and the begin- ning of a new epoch. The incorporation of Egypt into the Eoman empire was accomplished after an abnormal fashion, in so Egypt exclusive- • • i it, i • j.- ly an imperial lar as the prmciplc — elsewhcre clommatmg posbession. state — of dyarchy, i.e. of the joint rule of the two supreme imperial powers, the princeps and the senate, found — apart from some subordinate districts — no application in Egypt alone ;^ but, on the contrary, in this land the senate as such, as well as every individual of its members, were cut off from all participation in the gov- ernment, and indeed senators and persons of senatorial rank were even prohibited from setting foot in this prov- ince.^ We may not apprehend this possibly as if Egypt were connected with the rest of the empire only by a per- sonal union ; the princeps is, according to the meaning and spirit of the Augustan organisation, an integral and permanently acting element of the Roman polity just like the senate, and his rule over Egypt is quite as much a part ^ This exclusion of the joint rule of the senate as of the senators is indicated by Tacitus [Hist. i. 11) with the words that Augustus wished to have Egypt administered exclusively by his personal ser- vants retinere ; comp. Staatsrecht, ii. p. 963), In principle this abnormal form of government was applicable for all the prov- inces not administered by senators, the presidents of which were also at the outset called chie^y praefecti {C. I. L. v. p. 809, 902). But at the first division of the provinces between emperor and sen- ate there was probably no other of these but just Egypt ; and sub- sequently the distinction here came into sharper prominence, in so far as all the other provinces of this category obtained no legions. For in the emergence of the equestrian commandants of the legion instead of the senatorial, as was the rule in Egypt, the exclusion of the senatorial government finds its most palpable expression. ^ This ordinance holds only for Egypt, not for the other territo- ries administered by non senators. How essential it appeared to the government, we see from the constitutional and religious apparatus called into recjuisition to secure it {Trig. tyr. c. 22). 254 Egyjpt. [Book VIII. of the imperial rule as is the rule of the proconsul of Africa.' We may rather illustrate the position of the case in state- law by saying that the British Empire would find itself in the same plight if the ministry and Parliament should be taken into account only for the mother-land, whereas the colonies should have to obey the absolute government of the Empress of India. What motives determined the new monarch at the very outset of his sole rule to adopt this deeply influential and at no time assailed arrangement, and how it affected the general political relations, are mat- ters belonging to the general history of the empire ; here we have to set forth how the internal relations of Egypt shaped themselves under the imperial rule. What held true in general of all Hellenic or Hellenised territories — that the Komans, when annexing them to the empire, preserved the once existing institutions, and in- troduced modifications only where these seemed abso- lutely necessary — found application in its full compass to Egypt. Like Syria, Egypt, when it became Eoman, was a land of twofold nationality ; here too alongside of, and over, the native stood the Greek — the former the slave, the lat- ter the master. But in law and in fact the relations of the two nations in Egypt were wholly different from those of Syria. Syria, substantially already in the pre-Eoman and en- tirely in the Koman epoch, came under the EgypUaS towns, government of the land only after an indirect manner ; it was broken up, partly into prin- cipalities, partly into autonomous urban districts, and was administered, in the first instance, by the rulers of the ' The current assertion that provincia is onlj^ by an abuse of lan- guage put for the districts not administered by senators is not well founded. Egypt was private property of the emperor just as much or just as little as Gaul and Syria— yet Augustus himself says {Mon. Ancyr. 5, 24) : Aegyptum imperio popuU Romani adied, and assigns to the governor, since he aseques could not loe pi'o praetors, by spe- cial law the same jurisdiction in processes as the Roman praetors had (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 60), Chap. XII.] Egyjpt. 255 land or municipal authorities. In Egypt,' on the other hand, there were neither native princes nor imperial cities after the Greek fashion. The two spheres of administra- tion into which Egypt was divided — the " land " (17 x^pa) of the Egyptians, with its originally thirty-six districts (vo/Aot), and the two Greek cities, Alexandria in lower and Ptolemais in upper Egypt ^ — were rigidly separated and sharply opposed to each other, and yet in a strict sense hardly different. The rural, like the urban, district was not merely marked off territorially, but the former as well as the latter was a home-district ; the belonging to each was independent of dwelling-place and hereditary. The Egyptian from the Chemmitic nome belonged to it with his dependents, just as much when he had his abode in Alexandria as the Alexandrian dwelling in Chemmis be- longed to the burgess-body of Alexandria. The land-dis- trict had for its centre always an urban settlement, the Chemmitic, for example, the town of Panopolis, which grew up round the temple of Chemmis or of Pan, or, as this is expressed in the Greek mode of conception, each nome had its metropolis ; so far each land-district may be regarded also as a town-district. Like the cities, the nomes also became in the Christian epoch the basis of the episcopal dioceses. The land-districts were based on the arrangements for worship which dominated everything in Egypt ; the centre for each one is the sanctuary of a defi- nite deity, and usually it bears the name of this deity or of the animal sacred to the same ; thus the Chemmitic dis- trict is called after the god Chemmis, or, according to Greek equivalent. Pan ; other districts after the dog, the 1 As a matter of course what is here meant is the land of Egypt, not the possessions subject to the Lagids. Cyrene was similarly or- ganised (p. 179). But the properly Egyptian government was never applied to southern Syria and to the otlier territories which were for a longer or a shorter time under the power of Egypt. To these falls to be added Naucratis, the oldest Greek town al- ready founded in Egypt before the Ptolemies, and further Parae- tonium, which indeed in some measure lies beyond the bounds of Egypt. 256 Egypt. [Book VIII. lion, the crocodile. But, on the other hand, the town- districts are not without their religious centre ; the pro- tecting god of Alexandria is Alexander, the protecting god of Ptolemais the first Ptolemy, and the priests, who are installed in the one place as in the other for this worship and that of their successors, are the Eponymi for both cities. The land-district is quite destitute of autonomy : administration, taxation, justice, are placed in the hands of the royal officials,^ and the collegiate system, the Pal- ladium of the Greek as of the Roman commonwealth, was here in all stages absolutely excluded. But in the two Greek cities it was not much otherwise. There was doubt- less a body of burgesses divided into phylae and demes, but no common council f the officials were doubtless dif- ' There was not wanting of course a certain joint action, similar to that which is exercised by the regiones and the lici of self-adminis- tering urban communities ; to this category belongs what we meet with of agoranomy and gymnasiarchy in the nomes, as also the erec- tion of honorary memorials and the like, all of which, we may add, make their appearance only to a small extent and for the most part but late. According to the edict of Alexander {G. I. Gr. 4957, 1. 34) the strategoi do not seem to have been, properly speaking, nom- inated by the governor, but only to have been confirmed after an examination ; we do not know who had the proposing of them. '■^ The position of matters is clearly apparent in the inscription set up at the beginning of the reign of Pius to the well-known orator Aristides by the Egyptian Greeks (0. /. Gr. 4679) ; as dedicants are named ri it6Xls tu>v 'AX^^avSpecov Kol 'EpfjLOimoKis 7] fieydAr} Kal t] fiov\^ rj ^Avtlvo4cdV feccy 'EXX'fjvwv KoL oi iu rcf AeAra Trjs Alyvirrov KoX ^ol rhv GrilSaiKhv vo/xhv olKovyres "EAAtjvcs. Thus only Antinoopolis, the city of the "new Hellenes," has a Boule ; Alexandria appears without this, but as a Greek city in the aggregate. Moreover there take part in this dedication the Greeks living in the Delta and those liv- ing in Thebes, but of the Egyptian towns Great-Hermopolis alone, on which probably the immediate vicinity of Antinoopolis has ex- ercised an influence. To Ptolemais Strabo (xvii, 1, 42, p. 813) at- tributes a a-uarrjixa troXiriKhv iu rep 'EWrjVLK^ Tp6ir(f\ but in this we may hardly think of more than what belonged to the capital according to its constitution more exactly known to us — and so specially of the division of the burgesses into phylae. That the pre-Ptolemaic Greek city Naucratis retained in the Ptolemaic time the Boule, which it doubtless had, is possible, but cannot be decisive for the Ptolemaio Chap. XII.] Egyjpt 267 ferent and differently named from those of the nomes, but were also throughout officials of royal nomination and likewise without collegiate arrangement. Hadrian was the first to give to an Egyptian township, Antinoopolis, laid out by him in memory of his favourite drowned in the Nile, urban rights according to the Greek fashion ; and subsequently Severus, perhaps as much out of spite to the Antiochenes as for the benefit of the Egyptians, granted to the capital of Egypt and to the town of Ptol- emais, and to several other Egyptian communities, not urban magistrates indeed, but at any rate an urban coun- cil. Hitherto, doubtless, in official language the Egyptian town calls itself Nomos, the Greek Polis, but a Polis with- out Archontes and Bouleutae is a meaningless name. So was. it also in the coinage. The Egyptian nomes did not possess the right of coining ; but still less did Alexandria ever strike coins. Egypt is, among all the provinces of the Greek half of the empire, the only one which knows no other than royal money. Nor was this otherwise even in the Roman period. The emperors abolished the abuses that crept in under the last Lagids ; Augustus set aside their unreal copper coinage, and when Tiberius resumed the coinage of silver he gave to the Egyptian silver money just as real value as to the other provincial currency of the empire. ' But the character of the coinage remained sub- arrangements. — Dio's statement (ii. 17) that Augustus left the other Egyptian towns with their existing organisation, but took the com- mon council from the Alexandrians on account of their untrust- worthiness, rests doubtless on misunderstanding, the more espe- cially as, according to it, Alexandria appears slighted in comparison with the other Egyptian communities, which is not at all in keeping with probability. ' The Egyptian coining of gold naturally ceased with the annex- ation of the land, for there was in the Roman empire only imperial gold. With the silver also Augustus dealt in like manner, and as ruler of Egypt caused simply copper to be struck, and even this only in moderate quantities. At first Tiberius coined, after 27-28 A.D., silver money for Egyptian circulation, apparently as token- money, as the pieces correspond nearly in point of weight to four, in point of silver value to one, of the Roman denarius (Feuardent, Vol. II.— 17 258 Egyjpt. [Book VIII. stantially the same/ There is a distinction between No- mos and Polis as between the god Chemmis and the god Alexander ; in an administrative respect there is not any difference. Egypt consisted of a majority of Egyptian and of a minority of Greek townships, all of which were des- titute of autonomy, and all were placed under the imme- diate and absolute administration of the king and of the officials nominated by him. It was a consequence of this, that Egypt alone of all the Eoman provinces had no general representa- ilnd-dilt * * tion. The diet is the collective representation of the self -administering communities of the province. But in Egypt there was none such ; the nomes were simply imperial or rather royal administrative dis- tricts, and Alexandria not merely stood virtually alone, but w^as likewise without proper municipal organisation. The priest standing at the head of the capital of the country might doubtless call himself " chief priest of Alexandria and all Egypt " (p. 269, note), and has a certain resem- blance to the Asiarch and the Bithyniarch of Asia Minor, but the deep diversity of the organisations is thereby sim- ply concealed. The rule bore accordingly in Egypt a far different char- acter than in the rest of the domain of Greek and Roman Numismatique, Egypte ancienne^ ii. p. xi.). But as in legal currency the Alexandrian drachma was estimated as obolus (consequently as a sixth, not as a fourth ; comp. Rom Munzwesen, p. 43, 723) of the Roman denarius {Rer7nes, v. p. 136), and the provincial silver al- ways lost as compared with the imperial silver, the Alexandrian te- tradraclimon of the silver value of a denarius has rather been esti- mated at the current value of two-thirds of a denarius. According- ly down to Commodus, from whose time the Alexandrian tetra- drachmon is essentially a copper coin, the same has been quite as much a coin of value as the Syrian tetradrachmon and the Cappa- docian drachma ; they only left to the former the old name and the old weight. ' That the emperor Hadrian, among other Egyptising caprices, gave to the nomes as well as to his Antinoopolis for once the right of coining, which was thereupon done subsequently on a couple of occasions, makes no alteration in the rule. Chap. XII.] Egy^pt. 259 civilisation embraced under the imperial government. In the latter the community administers through- ofthf Tlagkis.^"* 5 ruler of the empire is, strictly taken, only the common president of the numerous more or less autonomous bodies of burgesses, and along- side of the advantages of self-administration its disadvan- tages and dangers everywhere appear. In Egypt the ruler is king, the inhabitant of the land is his subject, the ad- ministration that of a domain. This administration, in principle as haughtily and absolutely conducted as it was directed to the equal welfare of all subjects without dis- tinction of rank and of estate, was the peculiarity of the Lagid government, developed probably more from the Hellenising of the old Pharaonic rule than from the urban organisation of the universal empire, as the great Mace- donian had conceived it, and as it was most completely carried out in the Syrian New-Macedonia (p. 132). The system required a king not merely leading the army in his own person, but engaged in the daily labour of adminis- tration, a developed and strictly disciplined hierarchy of offi- cials, scrupulous justice towards high and low ; and as these rulers, not altogether without ground, ascribed to themselves the name of benefactor (e^epyer^;?), so the monarchy of the Lagids may be compared with that of Frederick, from which it was in its principles not far removed. Certainly Egypt had also experienced the reverse side, the inevitable collapse of the system in incapable hands. But the standard re- mained ; and the Augustan principate alongside of the rule of the senate was nothing but the intermarriage of the Lagid government with the old urban and federal development. A further consequence of this form of government was ^ the undoubted superiority, more especially hnperia? admin- from a financial poiut of view, of the Egyptian istration. administration over that of the other prov- inces. We may designate the pre-Koman epoch as the struggle of the financially dominant power of Egypt with the Asiatic empire, filling, so far as space goes, the rest of the East ; under the Boman period this was continued in a 260 [Book VIII. certain sense in tlie fact that the imperial finances stood forth superior in contrast to those of the senate, especially through the exclusive possession of Egypt. If it is the aim of the state to work out the utmost possible amount from its territory, in the old world the Lagids were absolute- ly the masters of statecraft. In particular they were in this sphere the instructors and the models of the Caesars. How much the Romans drew out of Egypt we are not able to say with precision. In the Persian period Egypt had paid an annual tribute of 700 Babylonish talents of silver, about £200,000 ; the annual income of the Ptolemies from Egypt, or rather from their possessions generally, amounted in their most brilliant period to 14,800 Egyptian silver tal- ents, or £2,850,000, and besides 1,500,000 artabae = 591,000 hectolitres of wheat ; at the end of their rule fully 6,000 talents, or £1,250,000. The Romans drew from Egypt annually the third part of the corn necessary for the consumption of Rome, 20,000,000 Roman bushels ' — 1,740,000 hectolitres ; a part of it, however, was certainly derived from the domains proper, another perhaps supplied in return for compensation, while, on the other hand, the Egyptian tribute was assessed, at least for a great part, in money, so that we are not in a position even approximately to determine the Egyptian income of the Roman ex- chequer. But not merely by its amount was it of decisive importance for the Roman state-economy, but because it served as a pattern in the first instance for the domanial possessions of the emperors in the other provinces, and generally for the whole imperial administration, as this falls to be explained when we set it forth. 1 This figure is given by the so-called Epitome of Victor, c. 1, for the time of Augustus. After this payment was transferred to Con- stantinople there went thither under Justinian {Ed. xiii. c. 8) an- nually 8,000,000 artabae (for these are to be understood, according to c. 6, as meant\ or 26f millions of Roman bushels (Hultscli, Metrol. p. 628), to which falls further to be added the similar pay- ment to the town of Alexandria, introduced by Diocletian. To the shipmasters for the freight to Constantinople 8,000 solidi = £5,000 were annually paid from the state -chest. Chap. XII.] Egypt. 261 But if the communal self-administration had no place in Effypt, and in this respect a real diversity' Privileged posi- ^ ' • , , , x % tion of the Hei- docs not cxist Dctwecn the two nations oi which this state, just like the Syrian, was com- posed, there was in another respect a barrier erected be- tween them, to which Syria offers no parallel. According to the arrangement of the Macedonian conquerors, the be- longing to an Egyptian locality disqualified for all public offices and for the better military service. Where the state made gifts to its burgesses these were restricted to those of the Greek communities on the other hand, the Egyp- tians only paid the poll-tax ; and even from the municipal burdens, which fell on the settlers of the individual Egyp- tian district, the Alexandrians settled there were exempted.^ Although in the case of trespass the back of the Egyptian as of the Alexandrian had to suffer, the latter might boast, and did boast, that the cane struck him, and not the lash, as in the case of the former. ^ Even the acquiring of bet- ter burgess-rights was forbidden to the Egyptians." The ^ At least Cleopatra on a distribution of grain in Alexandria ex- cluded the Jews (Joseplius, contra Ap. ii. 5), and all the more, con- sequently, the Egyptians. 2 The edict of Alexander {C. I. Gr. 4957), 1. 33 ff., exempts the ivy^v€LS 'AAe|a?/§per? dwelling iv ry X^P^ (j^^^ '^V ""oAet) on account of their business from the K^novpy'iai x^pf^aL ^ "There subsist," says the Alexandrian Jew Philo (in Mace. 10), " as respects corporal chastisement (tuu iiacrriycau)^ distinctions in our city according to the rank of those to be chastised ; the Egyptians are chastised with different scourges and by others, but the Alexandri- ans with canes (crTra^at? ; iaTo<^uA.a^), of the introducing chamberlain (eto-ayyeXe^;?), of the chief master of the table {ap\^hia.Tpov 'PtafxaiKwv re Kal 'EWr]ViKwu Kal eVl t^s TraiSe/'as 'A^piavov, iiricrroAel rov avrov dvTOKpd- Topos)', the proper title e^Tj^TjrTjs, was avoided out of Egypt, because it usually denoted the sexton. If the chief priesthood, as the tenor of the inscription suggests, is to be assumed as having been at that time permanent-, the transition from the annual tenure to the at least titular, and not seldom also real, tenure for life repeats itself, as is well known, in the sacerdotia of the provinces, to which this Alexandrian one did not indeed belong, but the place of which it represented in Egypt (p. 259). That the priesthood and the presi- dency of the Museum are two distinct offices is shown by the in- scription itself. We learn the same from the inscription of a roy- al chief physician of a good Lagid period, who is withal as well exe- gete as president of the Museum {Xpvaepinov 'HpuKXelrov 'AXe^avSpea rhu arvyyevn ^acriKeois IlToX^ixaiov Kal e'lTjyTjrV ^al iirl toov larpwv Kal iiriaTa.T7jv rov Movaelov). But the two monuments at the same time suggest that the post of first official of Alexandria and the presidency of the Museum were frequently committed to the same man, al- though in the Roman time the former was conferred by the pre- fect, the latter by the emperor. ' Not to be confounded with the similar office which Philo (in Flacc. IG) mentions and Lucian {A2Jolog. 12) held; this was not an urban office, but a subaltern's post in the praefecture of Egypt, in Latin a commentariis or ab actis. Chap. XII.] Egypt. 271 president of the Alexandrian Academy of Sciences and also disposes of the considerable pecuniary means of this in- stitute, is nominated by the emperor ; in like manner the superintendency of the tomb of Alexander and the buildings connected with it, and some other important positions in the capital of Egypt, were filled up by the government in Kome with officials of equestrian rank.' As a matter of course, Alexandrians and Egyptians were drawn into those movements of pretenders which had their origin in the East, and regu- larly participated in them ; in this way Vespasian, Cassius, Niger, Macrianus (p. Ill), Vaballathus the son of Zenobia, Probus, were here proclaimed as rulers. But the initiat- ive in all those cases was taken neither by the burgesses of Alexandria nor by the little esteemed Egyptian troops ; and most of those revolutions, even the unsuccessful, had for Egypt no consequences specially felt. But Jene^periw?5 movcmcnt couuectcd with the name of Zenobia (p. 116) became almost as fateful for Alexandria and for all Egypt as for Palmyra. In town and country the Palmyrene and the Roman partisans con- fronted each other with arms and blazing torches in their hands. On the south frontier the barbarian Blemyes ad- vanced, apparently in agreement with the portion of the inhabitants of Egypt favourable to Palmyra, and possessed themselves of a great part of upper Egypt. ^ In Alex- andria the intercourse between the two hostile quarters ' This is the 'procurator Neaspoleos et mausolei Alexandriae ( C. 1. L. viii. 8934 ; Henzen, 6929). Officials of a like kind and of like rank, but whose functions are not quite clear, are the procurator ad Mercurium Alexandreae {G. 1. L. x. 3847), and the procurator Alex- andreae Pelusii {0. vi. 1024). The Pharos also is placed under an imperial freedman (C. vi. 8582). ^ The alliance of the Palmyrenes and the Blemyes is pointed to by the notice of the vita Firmi, c. 3, and by the statement, accord- ing to Zosimus, i. 71, that Ptolemais fell away to the Blemyes (comp. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 32). Aurelian only negotiated with these ( Vita^ 34, 41) ; it was Probus who first drove them again out of Egypt (Zosimus, I.e.; Vita, 17), 272 Egyyt [Book VIII. was cutoff; it was difficult and dangerous even to forward letters.^ The streets were filled with blood and with dead bodies unburied. The diseases thereby engendered made even more havoc than .the sword ; and, in order that none of the four steeds of destruction might be wanting, the Nile also failed, and famine associated itself with the other scourges. The population melted away to such an extent that, as a contemporary says, there were formerly more gray-haired men in Alexandria than there were af- terwards citizens. When Probus, the general sent by Claudius, at length gained the upper hand, the Palmyrene partisans, includ- ing the majority of the members of council, threw them- selves into the strong castle of Prucheion in the immediate neighbourhood of the city ; and, although, when Probus promised to spare the lives of those that should come out, the great majority submitted, yet a considerable portion of the citizens persevered to the uttermost in the struggle of despair. The fortress, at length reduced by hunger (270), was razed and lay thenceforth desolate ; but the city lost its walls. The Blemyes still maintained them- selves for years in the land ; the emperor Probus first wrested from them again Ptolemais and Coptos, and drove them out of the country. The state of distress, which these troubles prolonged through a series of years, must have produced, may prob- ' We still possess letters of this sort, addressed by the bishop^ of the city, at that time Dionysius (f 265), to the members of the church shut off iu the hostile half of the town (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 21, 22, comp. 32). When it is therein said : " one gets more easily from the West to the East than from Alexandria to Alex- andria," and 7) fieaair drrj Trjs Trt^Aecos 65(^s, consequently the street furnished with colonnades, running from the Lochias point right through the town (comp. Lumbroso, VEgitto al tempo dei Greci e Romania, 1882, p. 187) is compared with the desert between Egypt and the promised land, it appears almost as if Severus Antoninus had carried out his threat of drawing a wall across the town and occupy- ing it in a military fashion (Dio, Ixxvii. 23). The razing of the walls after the overthrow of the revolt (Ammianus, xxii. 16, 15j would then have to be referred to this very building. Chap. XII.] Egyp. 27S ably thereupon have brought to an outbreak, the only rev- olution that can be shown to have arisen in moSeS^n!' Egypt. ' Under the government of Diocletian, we. do not know why or wherefore, as well the native Egyptians as the burgesses of Alexandria rose in revolt against the existing government. Lucius Do- mitius Domitianus and Achilleus were set up as opposi- tion emperors, unless possibly the two names denote the same person ; the revolt lasted from three to four years, the towns Busiris in the Delta and Coptos not far from Thebes were destroyed by the troops of the government, and ultimately under the leading of Diocletian in person in the spring of 297 the capital was reduced after an eight months' siege. Nothing testifies so clearly to the decline of the land, rich, but thoroughly dependent on inward and outward peace, as the edict issued in the year 302 by the same Diocletian, that a portion of the Egyptian grain hitherto sent to Kome should for the future go to the benefit of the Alexandrian burgesses.^ This was cer- tainly among the measures which aimed at the decapitalis- ing of Kome ; but the supply would not have been directed towards the Alexandrians, whom this emperor had truly no cause to favour, unless they had urgently needed it. Economically Egypt, as is well-known, is above all the land of agriculture. It is true that the "black earth " — that is the meaning of the native name for the country, Chemi — is only a narrow stripe on either side of the mighty Nile flowing from the last rapids near Syene, the southern limit of Egypt proper, for 550 miles in a copious stream, through the yellow desert ex- ^ The alleged Egyptian tyrants, Aemilianus, Firmus, Saturninus, are at least not attested as such. The so-called description of the life of the second is nothing else than the sadly disfigured catas- trophe of Prucheion. Chr. Pasch. p. 514 ; Procopius, Hist. arc. 26 ; Gothofred. on Cod. Theod. xiv. 26, 2. Stated distributions of corn had already been instituted earlier in Alexandria, but apparently only for per- sons old and decayed, and — it may be conjectured — on account of the city, not of the state (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 21). Vol. II.— 18 274 Egyjpt [Book VIII. tending right and left, to the Mediterranean Sea ; only at its lower end the " gift of the river," the Nile-delta, spreads itself out on both sides between the manifold arms of its mouth. The produce of these tracts depends year by year on the Nile and on the sixteen cubits of its flood-mark — the sixteen children playing round their fa- ther, as the art of the Greeks represented the river-god ; with good reason the Arabs designate the low cubits by the name of the angels of death, for, if the river does not reach its full height, famine and destruction come upon the whole land of Egypt. But in general Egypt — where the expenses of cultivation are singularly low, wheat bears an hundred fold, and the culture of vegetables, of the vine, of trees, particularly the date-palm, as well as the rearing of cattle, yield good produce — is able not merely to feed a dense population, but also to send corn in large quantity abroad. This led to the result that, after the installation of the foreign rule, not much of its riches was left to the land itself. The Nile rose at that time nearly as in the Persian period and as it does to-day, and the Egyptian toiled chiefly for other lands ; and thereby in the first instance Egypt played an important part in the his- tory of imperial Rome. After the grain-cultivation in Italy itself had decayed and Eome had become the greatest city of the world, it needed constant supplies of moderately- priced transmarine grain ; and the principate strengthened itself above all by the solution of the far from easy eco- nomic problem how to make the supply of the capital finan- cially possible and to render it secure. This solution de- pended on the possession of Egypt, and, in as much as here the emperor bore exclusive sway, he kept Italy with its dependencies in check through Egypt. When Ves- pasian seized the dominion he sent his troops to Italy, but he went in person to Egypt and possessed himself of Rome through the corn-fleet. Wherever a Roman ruler had, or is alleged to have had, the idea of transferring the seat of government to the East, as is told us of Caesar, Antonius, Nero, Geta, there the thoughts were directed, ^ Chap. XII.] Egyjpt. 275 as if spontaneously, not to Antioch, although this was at that time the regular court-residence of the East, but toward the birthplace and the stronghold of the princi- pate — to Alexandria. For that reason, accordingly, the Koman government ap- plied itself more zealously to the elevation of agriculture in Egypt than anywhere else. As it is dependent on the inundation of the Nile, it was possible to extend consid- erably the surface fitted for cultivation by systematic- ally executed water- works, artifical canals, dykes, and reser- voirs. In the good times of Egypt, the native land of the measuring-chain and of artifical building, much was done for it, but these beneficent structures fell, under the last wretched and financially oppressed governments, into sad decay. Thus the Koman occupation introduced itself worthily by Augustus subjecting the canals of the Nile to a thorough purifying and renewal by means of the troops stationed in Egypi. If at the time of the Eomans taking possession a full harvest required a state of the river of fourteen cubits, and at eight cubits failure of the harvest occurred, at a later period, after the canals were put into order, twelve cubits were enough for a full harvest, and eight cubits still yielded a su£&cient produce. Centuries later the emperor Probus not merely liberated Egypt from the Ethiopians but also restored the water-works on the Nile. It may be assumed, generally, that the better suc- cessors of Augustus administered in a similar sense, and that especially with the internal peace and security hardly interrupted for centuries, Egyptian agriculture stood in a permanently flourishing state under the Koman principj-te. What reflex effect this state of things had on the Egyp- tians themselves we are not able to follow out more ex- actly. To a great extent the revenues from Egypt rested on the possession of the imperial domains, which in Ko- man as in earlier times formed a considerable part of the whole area ; ' here, especially considering the small ' In tlie town of Alexandria there appears to have been no landed property in the strict sense, but only a sort of hereditary lease 276 Egypt. [Book VIII. cost of cultivation, only a moderate proportion of the produce must have been left to the small tenants vs^ho provided it, or a high money-rent must have been im- posed. But even the numerous, and as a rule smaller, owners must have paid a high land-tax in corn or in money. The agricultural population, contented as it was, remained probably numerous in the imperial period ; but certainly the pressure of taxation, as well in itself as on account of the expenditure of the produce abroad, lay as a heavier burden on Egypt under the Roman foreign rule than under the by no means indulgent government of the Ptolemies. Of the economy of Egypt agriculture formed but a part ; (Ammianus, xxii. 11, 6 ; StaatsrecM^ ii. 963, note 1) ; but other- wise private property in the soil prevailed also in Egypt, in the sense in which the provincial law knows such a thing at all. There is often mention of domanial possession e.g. Strabo, xvii. 1, 51, p. 828, says that the best Egyptian dates grow on an island on which private persons might not possess any land, but it was formerly royal, now imperial, and yielded a large income. Vespasian sold a portion of the Egyptian domains and thereby exasperated the Alexandrians (Dio, Ixvi. 8) — beyond doubt the great farmers who then gave the land in sub-lease to the peasants proper. Whether landed prop- erty in mortmain, especially of the priestly colleges, was in the Ro- man period still as extensive as formerly, may be doubted; as also whether otherwise large estates or small properties predominated ; petty husbandry was certainly general. We possess figures neither for the domanial quota nor for that of the land-tax ; that the fifth sheaf in Orosius, i. 8, 9, is copied including the usque ad nunc from Genesis, is rightly observed by Lumbroso, Redierches., p. 94. The domanial rent cannot have amounted to less than the half ; even for the land-tax the tenth (Lumbroso, I. c. p. 289, 293) may have hardly sufficed. Export of grain otherwise from Egypt needed the con- sent of the governor (Hirschfeld, Annona^ p. 23), doubtless because otherwise scarcity might easily set in in the thickly-peopled land. Yet this arrangement was certainly more by way of control than of prohibition ; in the Periplus of the Egyptian corn is on several occasions (c. 7, 17, 24, 28, comp. 56) adduced among the articles of export. Even the cultivation of the fields seems to have become similarly controlled ; " the Egyptians, it is said, are fonder of cul- tivating rape than corn, so far as they may, on account of the rape- seed oil" (Plinius, H. iV. xix. 5, 79). Chap. XIl.] Egyjpt 277 as it in this respect stood far before Syria, so it had the advantage of a high prosperity of manu- Trades. factures and commerce as compared with the essentially agricultural Africa. The linen manufacture in Egypt was at least equal in age, extent, and renown to the Syrian, and maintained its ground through the whole imperial period, although the finer sorts at this epoch were especially manufactured in Syria and Phoenicia ; ' when Aurelian extended the contributions made from Egypt to the capital of the empire to other articles than corn, linen cloth and tow were not wanting among them. In fine glass wares, both as regards colouring and moulding, the Alexandrians held decidedly the first place, in fact, as they thought, the monopoly, in as much as certain best sorts were only to be prepared with Egyptian material. Indisputably they had such a material in the papyrus. This plant, which in antiquity was cultivated in masses on the rivers and lakes of lower Egypt, and flourished no- where else, furnished the natives as well with nourishment as with materials for ropes, baskets, and boats, and fur- nished writing materials at that time for the whole writ- ing world. What produce it must have yielded, we may gather from the measures which the Koman senate took, when once in the Roman market the papyrus became scarce and threatened to fail ; and, as its laborious prepa- ration could only take place on the spot, numberless men must have subsisted by it in Egypt. The deliveries of Alexandrian wares introduced by Aurelian in favour of the capital of the empire extended, along with linen, to glass and papyrus.^ The intercourse with the East must have ' In the edict of Diocletian among the five fine sorts of linen the first four are Syrian or Cilician (of Tarsus) and the Egyptian linen appears not merely in the last place, but is also designated as Tar- sian -Alexandrian, that is, prepared in Alexandria after the Tarsian model. - It was related of a rich man in Egypt that he had lined his palace with glass instead of with marble, and that he possessed papyrus and lime enough to provide an army with them {yUa Firmij 3). 278 Egyjpt. [Book VIII. had a varied influence on Egyptian manufactures as re- gards supply and demand. Textures were manufactured there for export to the East, and that in the fashion re- quired by the usage of the country ; the ordinary clothes of the inhabitants of Habesh were of Egyptian manufac- ture ; the gorgeous stuffs especially of the weaving in colours and in gold skilfully practised at Alexandria went to Arabia and India. In like manner the glass beads pre-, pared in Egypt played the same part in the commerce of the African coast as at the present day. India procured partly glass cups, partly unwrought glass for its own manufacture ; even at the Chinese court the glass vessels, with which the Koman strangers did homage to the em- peror, are said to have excited great admiration. Egyp- tian merchants brought to the king of the Axomites (Habesh) as standing presents gold and silver vessels pre- pared after the fashion of that country, to the civilised rulers of the South-Arabian and Indian coast among other gifts also statues, probably of bronze, and musical instru- ments. On the other hand the materials for the manu- facture of luxuries which came from the East, especially ivory and tortoise-shell, were worked up hardly perhaps in Egypt, chiefly, in all probability, at Rome. Lastly, at an epoch which never had its match in the West for magnifi- cent public buildings, the costly building materials sup- plied by the Egyptian quarries came to be employed in enormous masses outside of Egypt ; the beautiful red granite of Syene, the green breccia from the region of Koser, the basalt, the alabaster, after the time of Claudi- us the gray granite, and especially the porphyry of the mountains above Myos Hormos. The working of them was certainly effected for the most part on imperial ac- count by penal colonists ; but the transport at least must have gone to benefit the whole country and particular- ly the city of Alexandria, The extent to which Egyp- tian traffic and Egyptian manufactures were developed is shown by an accidentally-preserved notice as to the cargo of a transport ship (aKaros), distinguished by its size, ^ Chap. XII.] Egyjpt. 2Y9 which under Augustus brought to Rome the obelisk now standing at the Porta del Popolo with its base ; it car- ried, besides 200 sailors, 1200 passengers, 400,000 Roman bushels (34,000 hectolitres) of wheat, and a cargo of lin- en cloth, glass, paper, and pepper. " Alexandria," says a Roman author of the third century,' " is a town of plenty, of wealth, and of luxury, in which nobody goes idle ; this one is a glass worker, that one a paper-maker, the third a linen-weaver ; the only god is money." This held true proportionally of the whole land. Of the commercial intercourse of Egypt with the re- gions adjoining it on the south, as well as gation of the with Arabia and India, we shall speak more Mediterranean. SCqUcl. The traffic with the countries of the Mediterranean comes less into promi- nence in the traditional account, partly, doubtless, because it belonged to the ordinary course of things, and there was not often occasion to make special mention of it. The Egyptian corn was conveyed to Italy by Alexandrian ship- masters, and in consequence of this there arose in Portus near Ostia a sanctuary modelled on the Alexandrian temple of Sarapis with a mariner's guild ; ^ but these transport- ' That the alleged letter of Hadrian ( Vita Saturnini, 8) is a late fabrication, is shown e.g. by the fact, that the emperor in this highly friendly letter addressed to his father-in-law, Servianus, com- plains of the injuries which the Alexandrians at his first departure had heaped on his son Verus, while on the other hand it is estab- lished that this Servianus was executed at the age of ninety in the year 136, because he had disapproved the adoption of Verus, which had taken place shortly before. ^ The vavKKrjpoi rov iropevriKOv 'A.\€^avSpeivov ardXav., who set up the stone doubtless belonging to Portus, G. I. Gr. 5889, were the cap- tains of these grain -ships. From the Serapeum of Ostia we possess a series of inscriptions (C. /. L. xiv. 47), according to which it was in all parts a copy of that at Alexandria; the president is at the same time e7rt^e\7jTr;s iravrhs rov AAe|az/5p6iVoi; (Xt6\ov {C. J. Gr. 5973). Probably these transports were employed mainly with the carriage of grain, and this consequently took place by succession, to which also the precautions adopted by the emperor Gains in the straits of Reggio (Josephus, Arc?i. xix. 2, 5) point. With this well comports ^80 Egy;pt [Book VIII. ships would hardly be concerned to any considerable ex- tent in the sale of the wares going from Egypt to the West. This sale lay probably just as much, and perhaps more, in the hands of the Italian ship-owners and captains than of the Egyptian ; at least there was already under the Lagids a considerable Italian settlement in Alexandria,' and the Egyptian merchants had not the same diffusion in the West as the Syrian.^ The ordinances of Augustus, to be mentioned afterwards, which remodelled the com- mercial traffic on the Arabian and Indian Seas, found no application to the navigation of the Mediterranean ; the government had no interest in favouring the Egyptian merchants more than the rest in its case. The traffic there remained, presumably, as it was. Egypt was thus not merely occupied, in its portions capable of culture, with a dense agricultural Population. population, but was also as the numerous and in part very considerable hamlets and towns enable us to recognise, a manufacturing land, and hence accordingly by far the most populous province of the Roman empire. The old Egypt is alleged to have had a population of seven millions ; under Vespasian there were counted in the official lists seven and a half millions of inhabitants liable to poll tax, to which fall to be added the Alexandrians and other Greeks exempted from poll tax, so that the population^ apart from the slaves, is to be estimated at least at eight millions of persons. As the area capable of cultivation may be estimated at present at 10,500 English square the fact, that the first appearance of the Alexandrian fleet in the spring was a festival for Puteoli (Seneca, Ep. 77, 1). ' This is shown by the remarkable Delian inscriptions, e'ph. epigr. i. p. 600, 602. 2 Already in the Delian inscriptions of the last century of the republic the Syrians predominate. The Egyptian deities had doubtless a much revered shrine there, but among the numerous priests and dedicators we meet only a single Alexandrian (Hauvette- Besnault, Bull, de corr. Hell. vi. 316 f.). Guilds of Alexandrian merchants are known to us at Tomi (i. 336, note) and at Perinthus ((7. /. Or. 3024). Chap. XII.] Egy;pt 281 miles, and for the Roman period at the most at 14,700, there dwelt at that time in Egypt on the average about 520 persons to the square mile. When we direct our glance upon the inhabitants of Egypt, the two nations inhabiting the country — the great mass of the Egyptians and the small minority of the Alex- andrians — are circles thoroughly different,' although the contagious power of vice and the similarity of character belonging to all vice have instituted a bad fellowship of evil between the two. The native Egyptians must not have been far different either in position or in character from their mInneS modcm descendants. They were contented, sober, capable of labour, and active, skilful artisans and mariners, and adroit merchants, adhering to old customs and to old faith. If the Romans assure us that the Egyptians were proud of the scourge-marks re- ceived for perpetrating frauds in taxation,^ these are views derived from the standpoint of the tax officials. There was no want of good germs in the national culture ; with all the superiority of the Greeks in the intellectual com- petition of the two so utterly different races, the Egyp- tians in turn had the advantage of the Hellenes in vari- ous and essential things, and they felt this too. Lastly, it is at any rate the reflection of their own feeling, when the Egyptian priests of the Greek conversational literature ridicule the so-called historical research of the Hellenes and its treatment of poetical fables as real tradition from primitive past times, saying that in Egypt they made no ■verses, but their whole ancient history was described in the ^ After Juvenal has described the wild drinking bouts of the na- tive Egyptians in honour of the local gods of the several nomes, he adds that therein the natives were in no respect inferior to the Canopus, i.e. the Alexandrian festival of Sarapis, notorious for its unbridled licentiousness (Strabo, xvii. 1, 17, p. 801): Tiorrida sane Aegyptus, sed luxuria quantum ipsenotavi^ harbara famoso non cedit turba Canopo (Sat. xv. 44). ^ Ammianus, xxii. 16, 23 : Erubescit apud {Aegyptios)^ si qui non injUiando tributa plurimas i7i corpore vibices ostendat 282 Egypt, [Book VIII. temples and monuments ; although now, indeed, there were but few who knew it, since many monuments were destroyed, and tradition was made to perish through the ignorance and the indifference of later generations. But this well-warranted complaint carried in itself hopelessness; the venerable tree of Egyptian civilisation had long been marked for cutting down. Hellenism penetrated with its decomposing influence even to the priesthood itself. An Egyptian temple- scribe Chaeremon, who was called to the court of Claudius as teacher of Greek philosophy for the crown-prince, attributed in his Egyptian History the ele- ments of Stoical physics to the old gods of the country, and expounded in this sense the documents written in the native character. In the practical life of the imperial period the old Egygtian habits come into consideration almost only as regards the religious sphere. Eeligion was for this people all in all. The foreign rule in itself was willingly borne, we might say hardly felt, so long as it did not touch the sacred customs of the land and what was therewith connected. It is true that in the internal gov- ernment of the country nearly everything had such a con- nection — writing and language, priestly privileges and priestly arrogance, the manners of the court and the cus- toms of the country ; the care of the government for the sacred ox living at the moment, the provisions made for its burial at its decease, and for the finding out of the fitting successor, were accounted by these priests and this people as the test of the capacity of the ruler of the land for the time, and as the measure of the respect and homage due to him. The first Persian king introduced himself in Egypt by giving back the sanctuary of Neith in Sais to its destination— that is, to the priests ; the first Ptol- emy, when still a Macedonian governor, brought back the images of the Egyptian gods, that had been carried off to Asia, to their old abode, and restored to the gods of Pe and Tep the land-gifts estranged from them ; for the sacred temple-images brought home from Persia in the great victorious expedition of Euergetes the native priests \ Chap. XII.] Egyjpt. 283 convey their thanks to the king in the famous decree of Canopus in the year 238 b.c. ; the customary insertion of the living rulers male or female in the circle of the native gods these foreigners acquiesced in for themselves just as did the Egyptian Pharaohs. The Eoman rulers followed their example only to a limited extent. As respects title they doubtless entered, as we saw (p. 265, note) in some measure into the native cultus, but avoided withal, even in the Egyptian setting, the customary predicates that stood in too glaring a contrast to Occidental views. When these favourites of Ptah and of Isis took steps in Italy against the Egyptian worship of the gods as against the Jewish, they, as may readily be understood, betrayed nothing of such love beyond the hieroglyphs, and even in Egypt nowise took part in the service of the native gods. How- ever obstinately the religion of the land was still retained under the foreign rule among the Egyptians proper, the Pariah position in which these found themselves alongside of the ruling Greeks and Komans, necessarily told heav- ily on the cultus and the priests ; and of the leading posi- tion, the influence, the culture of the old Egyptian priestly order but scanty remains were discernible under the Ko- man government. On the other hand, the indigenous re- ligion, from the outset disinclined to beauty of form and spiritual transfiguration, served, in and out of Egypt, as a starting-point and centre for all conceivable pious sorcery and sacred fraud — it is enough to recall the thrice-greatest Hermes at home in Egypt, with the literature attaching to his name of tractates and marvel-books, as well as the cor- responding widely diffused practice. But in the circles of the natives the worst abuses were connected at this epoch with their cultus — not merely drinking-bouts continued through many days in honour of the individual local dei- ties, with the unchastity thereto appertaining, but also permanent religious feuds between the several districts for the precedence of the ibis over the cat, or of the croco- dile over the baboon. In the year 127 a.d., on such an occasion, the Ombites in southern Egypt were suddenly 284 Egyjpt [Book VIII. assailed by a neighbouring community ■ at a drinking- festival, and the victors are said to have eaten one of the slain. Soon afterwards the community of the Hound, in defiance of the community of the Pike, consumed a pike, and the latter in defiance of the other consumed a hound, and thereupon a war broke out between these two nomes, till the Eomans interfered and chastised both parties. Such incidents were of ordinary occurrence in Egypt. Nor was there a want otherwise of troubles in the land. The very first viceroy of Egypt appointed by Augustus had, on account of an increase of the taxes, to send troops to upper Egypt, and not less, perhaps likewise in conse- quence of the pressure of taxation, to Heroonpolis at the upper end of the Arabian Gulf. Once, under the empe- ror Marcus, a rising of the native Egyptians ^Herdsmen/' assumed cvcu a threatening character. When in the marshes, difficult of access, on the coast to the east of Alexandria — the so-called "cattle- pastures" (pucolia), which served as a place of refuge for criminals and robbers, and formed a sort of colony of them — some people were seized by a division of Roman troops, the whole banditti rose to liberate them, and the population of the country joined the movement. The Ro- man legion from Alexandria went to oppose them, but it was defeated, and Alexandria itself had almost fallen into the hands of the insurgents. The governor of the East, Avidius Cassius, arrived doubtless with his troops, but did not venture on a conflict against the superiority of numbers, and preferred to provoke dissension in the league of the rebels ; after the one band ranged itself against the other the government easily mastered them all. This so-called revolt of the herdsmen probably bore, like such peasant wars for the most part, a religious character ; the leader Isidorus, the bravest man of Egypt, was by station a priest ; and the circumstance that for the consecration of ^ This was according to Juvenal Tentyra, which must be a mis- take, if the well-known Tentyra is meant ; but the list of the Ravennate chronicler, iii. 2, names the two places together. Celat. XII.] 285 the league, after taking the oath, a captive Eoman officer was sacrificed and eaten by those who swore, was as well in keeping with it as with the cannibalism of the Ombite war. An echo of these events is preserved in the stories of Egyptian robbers in the late-Greek minor literature. Much, moreover, as they may have given trouble to the Eoman administration, they had not a political object, and interrupted but partially and temporarily the general tranquillity of the land. By the side of the Egyptians stood the Alexandrians, somewhat as the English in India stand along- Alexandria. ^ r-i ^^ side of the natives of the country. Generally, Alexandria was regarded in the imperial period before Constantine's time as the second city of the Eoman empire and the first commercial city of the world. It numbered at the end of the Lagid rule upwards of 300,000 free in- habitants, in the imperial period beyond doubt still more. The comparison of the two great capitals that grew up in rivalry on the Nile and on the Orontes yields as many points of similarity as of contrast. Both were compara- tively new cities, monarchical creations out of nothing, of symmetrical plan and regular urban arrangements. Wa- ter ran into every house in Alexandria as at Antioch. In beauty of site and magnificence of buildings the city in the valley of the Orontes was as superior to its rival as the latter excelled it in the favourableness of the locality for commerce on a large scale and in the number of the population. The great public buildings of the Egyptian capital, the royal palace, the Mouseion dedicated to the Academy, above all the temple of Sarapis, were marvellous works of an earlier epoch, whose architecture was highly developed ; but the Egyptian capital, in which few of the Caesars set foot, has nothing corresponding to set off against the great number of imperial structures in the Syrian residency. The Antiochenes and Alexandrians stood on an equal footing in insubordination and 'eagerness to oppose the government ; we may add also in this, that the two cities, 286 Egypt. [Book VIII. and Alexandria more particularly, flourished precisely under and through the Roman government, and had Fiondef much more reason to thank it than to play the Fronde. The attitude of the Alexandrians to their Hellenic rulers is attested by the long series of nicknames, in part still used at the present day, for which the royal Ptolemies without exception were indebted to the public of their capital. The Emperor Vespasian re- ceived from the Alexandrians for the introducing of a tax on salt fish the title of the "sardine-dealer " (Kv^tocra/CTTys); the Syrian Severus Alexander that of the " chief Eabbin ; " but the emperors came rarely to Egypt, and the distant and foreign rulers offered no genuine butt for this ridicule. In their absence the public bestowed at least on the vice- roys the same attention with persevering zeal ; even the prospect of inevitable chastisement was not able to put to silence the often witty and always saucy tongue of these townsmen." Vespasian contented himself in return for that attention shown to him with raising the poll-tax about six farthings, and got for doing so the further name of the " sixfarthing-man ; " but their sayings about Seve- rus Antoninus, the petty ape of Alexander the Great and the favourite of Mother Jocasta, were to cost them more dearly. The spiteful ruler appeared in all friendliness, and allowed the people to keep holiday for him, but then ordered his soldiers to charge into the festal multitude, so that for days the squares and streets of the great city ran with blood ; in fact, he enjoined the dissolution of the Academy and the transfer of the legion into the city itself — neither of which, it is true, was carried into effect. But while in Antioch, as a rule, the matter did not go beyond sarcasm, the Alexandrian rabble took ^muits"*" on the slightest pretext to stones and to cud- gels. In street uproar, says an authority, him- self Alexandrian, the Egyptians are before all others ; the smallest spark suffices here to kindle a tumult. On ac- ^ Seneca, ad Helv. 19, 6: loquax et in contumelias praefectorumin- geniosa provincia , , . etiam periculosi sales placent. Chap. XII.] Egy^t. 287 count of neglected visits, on account of the confiscation of spoiled provisions, on account of exclusion from a bathing establishment, on account of a dispute between the slave of an Alexandrian of rank and a Koman foot-soldier as to the value or non-value of their respective slippers, the legions were under the necessity of charging among the citizens of Alexandria. It here became apparent that the lower stratum of the Alexandrian population consisted in greater part of natives ; in these riots the Greeks no doubt acted as instigators, as indeed the rhetors, that is, in this case the inciting orators, are expressly mentioned ;' but in the further course of the matter the spite and the savageness of the Egyptian proper came into the conflict. The Syrians were cowardly, and as soldiers the Egyptians were so too ; but in a street tumult they were able to develop a courage wwthy of a better cause. ^ The Antiochenes delighted in race-horses like the Alexandrians ; but among the latter no chariot race ended without stone-throwing and stabbing. Both cities were affected by the persecution of the Jews under the emperor Gains; but in Antioch an earnest word of the authorities sufficed to put an end to it, while thou- sands of human lives fell a sacrifice to the Alexandrian out- break instigated by some clowns with a puppet-show. The Alexandrians, it was said, when a riot arose, gave them- selves no peace till they had seen blood. The Roman offi- cers and soldiers had a difficult position there. "Alex- ^ Dio Chrysostum says in his address to the Alexandrians (Or. xxxii. p. 663 Reiske): " Because now (the intelligent) keep in the background and are silent, there spring up among you endless dis- putes and quarrels and disorderly clamour, and bad and unbridled speeches, accusers, aspersions, trials, a rabble of orators." In the Alexandrian Jew-hunt, which Philo so drastically describes, we see these mob-orators at work. Dio Cassius, xxxix. 58: "The Alexandrians do the utmost in all respects as to daring, and speak out everything that occurs to them. In war and its terrors their conduct is cowardly ; but in tumults, which with them are very frequent and very serious, they without scruple come to mortal blows, and for the sake of the success of the moment account their life nothing, nay, they go to their destruction as if the highest things were at stake, " 288 Egyjpt. [Book VIII. andria," says a reporter of the fourth century, "is entered by the governors with trembling and despair, for they fear the justice of the people ; where a governor perpetrates a wrong, there follows at once the setting of the palace on fire and stoning." The naive trust in the rectitude of this procedure marks the stand-point of the writer, w^ho be- longed to this " people." The continuation of this Lynch- system, dishonouring alike to the government and to the nation, is furnished by what is called Church-history, in the murder of the bishop Georgius, alike obnoxious to the heathen and to the orthodox, and of his associates under Julian, and that of the fair freethinker Hypatia by the pious community of Bishop Cyril under Theodosius II. These Alexandrian tumults were more malicious, more in- calculable, more violent than the Antiochene, but just like these, not dangerous either for the stability of the em- pire or even for the individual government. Mischievous and ill-disposed lads are very inconvenient, but not more than inconvenient, in the household as in the common- wealth. In religious matters also the two cities had an analogous position. To the worship of the land, as the worsM^"^^ native population retained it in Syria as in Egypt, the Alexandrians as well as the Anti- ochenes were disinclined in its original shape. But the Lagids, as well as the Seleucids, were careful of disturbing the foundations of the old religion of the country ; and, merely amalgamating the older national views and sacred rites with the pliant forms of the Greek Olympus, they Hellenised these outwardly in some measure ; they intro- duced, e.g. the Greek god of the lower world Pluto into the native worship, under the hitherto little mentioned name of the Egyptian god Sarapis, and then gradually transferred to this the old Osiris worship. ' Thus the gen- ' The *' pious Egyptians" offered resistance, as Macrobius, Sat. i. 7, 14, reports, but tyrannide Ptolemaeorum pressi lios quoque deos (Sarapis and Saturnus) in cuUum recipere Alexandrinorum more, apud quos 2^otissimum colebantur, coacti sunt. As they thus had to Chap. XII. ] EgyjpL 289 uinely Egj^tian Isis and the pseudo-Egyptian Sarapis played in Alexandria nearly the same part as Belus and Elagabalus in Syria, and made their way in a similar man- ner with these, although less strongly and with more ve- hement opposition, by degrees into the Occidental wor- ship of the imperial period. As regards the immorality developed on occasion of these religious usages and festi- vals, and the unchastity approved and stimulated by priestly blessing, neither city was in a position to upbraid the other. Down to a late time the old cultus retained its firmest stronghold in the pious land of Egypt. ^ The restoration present bloody sacrifices, whicli was against their ritual, they did not admit these gods, at least into the towns ; nullum Aegypti oppi- dum intra muros suos aut Batumi aut Sarapis fajium recepit. ' The often-quoted anonymous author of a description of the em- pire from the time of Constantius, a good heathen, praises Egypt particularly on account of its exemplary piety : "Nowhere are the mysteries of the gods so well celebrated as there from of old and still at present." Indeed, he adds, some were of opinion that the Chaldaeans — he means the Syrian cultus — worshipped the gods bet- ter ; but he held to what he had seen with his own eyes — " Here there are shrines of all sorts and magnificently adorned temples, and there are found numbers of sacristans and priests and prophets and believers and excellent theologians, and all goes on in its order; you find the altars everywhere blazing with flame and the priests with their fillets and the incense-vessels with deliciously fragrant spices." Nearly from the same time (not from Hadrian), and evi- dently also from a well-informed hand, proceeds another more ma- licious description {vita Saturnini, 8) : " He who in Egypt worships Sarapis is also a Christian, and those who call themselves Christian bishops likewise adore Sarapis ; every grand Rabbi of the Jews, every Samaritan, every Christian clergyman is there at the same time a sorcerer, a prophet, a quack (alipies). Even when the patri- arch comes to Egypt some demand that he pray to Sarapis, others that he pray to Christ." This diatribe is certainly connected with the circumstance that the Christians declared the Egyptian god to be the Joseph of the Bible, the son of Sara, and rightfully carrying the bushel. The position of the Egyptian orthodox party is appre- hended in a more earnest spirit by the author, belonging presuma- ably to the third century^ of the Dialogue of the Gods, preserved in a Latin translation among the writings attributed to Appuleius, iu Vol. II.— 19 290 Egyjpt. [Book VIII. of the old faith, as well scientifically in the philosophy an- nexed to it as practically in the repelling of the attacks directed by the Christians against Polytheism, and in the revival of the heathen temple worship and the heathen divination, had its true centre in Alexandria. Then, when the new faith conquered this stronghold also, the character of the country remained nevertheless true to it- self ; Syria was the cradle of Christianity, Egypt was the cradle of monachism. Of the significance and the position of the Jewish body, in which the two cities likewise re- sembled each other, we have already spoken in another connection (p. 177). Immigrants called by the government into the land like the Hellenes, the Jews were doubtless inferior to these and were liable to poll-tax like the Egyp- tians, but accounted themselves, and were accounted, more than these. Their number amounted under Vespasian to a million, about the eighth part of the whole population of Egypt, and, like the Hellenes, they dwelt chiefly in the wMch tlie thrice-greatest Hermes announces things future to As- klepios : " Tliou knowest witlial, Asklepios, that Egypt is a counter- part of heaven, or, to speak more correctly, a transmigration and de- scent of the whole heavenly administration and activity ; indeed, to speak still more correctly, our fatherland is the temple of the whole universe. And yet a time will set in, when it would appear as if Egypt had vainly with pious mind in diligent service cherished the divine, when all sacred worship of the gods will be without result and a failure. For the deity will betake itself back into heaven, Egypt will be forsaken, and the land, which was the seat of relig- ious worships, will be deprived of the presence of divine power and left to its own resources. Then will this consecrated land, the abode of shrines and temples, be d««isely filled with graves and corpses. O Egypt, Egypt, of thy worships only rumours will preserved, and even these will seem incredible to thy coming generations, only words will be preserved on the stones to tell of thy pious deeds, and Egypt will be inhabited by the Scythian or Indian or other such from the neighbouring barbarian land. New rights will be intro- duced, a new law, nothing holy, nothing religious, nothing worthy of heaven and of the celestials will be heard or in spirit believed. A painful separation of the gods from men sets in ; only the bad angels remain there, to mingle among mankind " (according to Ber- nays's translation, Ge8, Abh. i. 330). Chap. XII.] Egy][>t, 291 capital, of the five wards of wliicli two were Jewish. In ac- knowledged independence, in repute, culture, and wealth, the body of Alexandrian Jews was even before the destruc- tion of Jerusalem the first in the world ; and in conse- quence of this a good part of the last act of the Jewish tragedy, as has been already set forth, was played out on Egyptian soil. Alexandria and Antioch were pre-eminently seats of wealthy merchants and manufacturers ; but in The Ic&imcd • world of Antioch there was wanting the seaport and its Alexandria. i i • t i j* • jj belongings, and, however stirring matters were on the streets there, they bore no comparison with the life and doings of the Alexandrian artisans and sailors. On the other hand, for enjoyment of life, dramatic spec- tacles, dining, pleasures of love, Antioch had more to offer than the city in which "no one went idle." Literary pur- suits proper, linking themselves especially with the rhe- torical exhibitions — such as we sketched in the descrip- tion of Asia Minor — fell into the background in Egypt,' doubtless more amidst the pressure of the affairs of the day than through the influence of the numerous and well-paid savants living in Alexandria, and in great part natives of it. These men of the Museum, of whom we shall have to speak further on, did not prominently affect the character of the town as a whole, especially if they did their duty in diligent work. But the Alexandrian physi- cians were regarded as the best in the whole empire ; it is true that Egypt was no less the genuine home of quacks and of secret remedies, and of that strange civilised form 1 When the Romans ask from the famous rhetor Proaeresios (end of the third and beginning of the fourth century) one of his disciples for a professorial chair, he sends to them Eusebius from Alexandria; *'as respects rhetoric," it is said of the latter (Euna- pius, Proaer. p. 92 Boiss.), ''it is enough to say that he was an Egyptian ; for this people, no doubt, pursues versemaking passion- ately, but earnest oratory (6 aTrovSa7os "Epju-qs) is not at home among them.'' The remarkable resumption of Greek poetry in Egypt, to which, e.g. the epic of Nonnus belongs, lies beyond the bounds of our narrative. 292 Egyp, [Book YIII; of the "shepherd-medicine," in which pious simplicity and speculating deceit draped themselves in the mantle of science. Of the thrice-greatest Hermes we have already made mention (p. 283) ; the Alexandrian Serapis, too, wrought more marvellous cures in antiquity than any one of his colleagues, and he infected even the practical em- peror Vespasian, so that he too healed the blind and lame, but only in Alexandria. Although the place which Alexandria occupies, or seems to occupy, in the intellectual and literary de- iSandria. vclopmcnt of the later Greece and of Occi- dental culture generally cannot be fitly esti- mated in a description of the local circumstances of Egypt, but only in the delineation of this development itself, the Alexandrian scholarship and its continuation under the Eoman government are too remarkable a phenomenon not to have its general position touched on in this connection. We have already observed (p. 138) that the blending of the Oriental and the Hellenic intellectual world was ac- complished pre-eminently in Egypt alongside of Syria ; and if the new faith which was to conquer the West issued from Syria, the science homogeneous with it — that phi- losophy which, alongside of and beyond the human mind, acknowledges and proclaims the supra-mundane God and the divine revelation — came pre-eminently from Egypt: probably already the new Pythagoreanism, certainly the philosophic Neo- Judaism — of which we have formerly spoken (p. 185) — as well as the new Platonism, whose founder, the Egyptian Plotinus, was likewise already mentioned (p. 138). Upon this interpenetration of Hel- lenic and Oriental elements, that was carried out especially in Alexandria, mainly depends the fact, that — as falls to be set forth more fully in surveying the state of things in Italy — the Hellenism there in the earlier imperial period bears pre-eminently an Egyptian form. As the old-new wisdoms associated with Pythagoras, Moses, Plato, pene- trated from Alexandria into Italy, so Isis and her belong- ings played the first part in the easy, fashionable piety, Chap. XII.] ^'gypt^ 293 which the Roman poets of the Augustan age and the Pompeian temples from that of Claudius exhibit to us. Art as practised in Egypt prevails in the Campanian fres- coes of the same epoch, as in the Tiburtine villa of Ha- drian. In keeping with this is the position which Alex- andrian erudition occupies in the intellectual life of the imperial period. Outwardly it is based on the care of the state for intellectual interests, and would with more war- rant link itself to the name of Alexander than to that of Alexandria ; it is the realisation of the thought that in a certain stage of civilisation art and science must be sup- ported and promoted by the authority and the resources of the state, the consistent sequel of the brilliant moment in the world's history which placed Alexander and Aristotle side by side. It is not our intention here to inquire how in this mighty conception truth and error, the injuring and elevating of the intellectual life, became mingled, nor is the scanty after-bloom of the divine singing and of the high thinking of the free Hellenes to be once more placed side by side with the rank and yet also noble produce of the later collecting, investigating, and arranging. If the institutions which sprang from this thought could not, or, what was worse, could only apparently, renew to the Greek nation what was irrecoverably lost, they granted to it on the still free arena of the intellectual world the only possible compensation, and that, too, a glorious one. For us the local circumstances are above all to be taken into account. Artificial gardens are in some measure indepen- dent of the soil, and it is not otherwise with these scien- tific institutions ; only that they from their nature are directed towards the courts. Material support may be imparted to them otherwise ; but more important than this is the favour of the highest circles, which swells their sails, and the connections, which, meeting together in the great centres, replenish and extend these circles of science. In the better time of the monarchies of Alexander there were as many such centres as there were states, and that of the Lagid court was only the most highly-esteemed 294 Egypt. [Book VIII. among them. The Roman repubhc had brought the others one after another into its power, and had set aside with the courts also the scientific institutes and circles belonging to them. The fact that the future Augustus, when he did away with the last of these courts, allowed the learned institutes connected with it to subsist, is a genuine, and not the worst, indication of the changed times. The more energetic and higher Philhellenism of the government of the Caesars was distinguished to its advantage from that of the republic by the fact that it not merely allowed Greek literati to earn money in Rome, but viewed and treated the great guardianship of Greek science as a part of the sovereignty of Alexander. No doubt, as in this regeneration of the empire as a whole, the building-plan was grander than the building. The royally patented and pensioned Muses, whom the Lagids had called to Alexandria, did not disdain to accept the like payments also from the Romans ; and the imperial munificence was not inferior to the earlier regal. The funds of the library of Alexandria and the fund of free places for philosophers, poets, physicians, and scholars of all sorts, ^ as well as the immunities granted to these, were not diminished by Augustus, and were increased by the emperor Claudius — with the injunction, indeed, that the 1 A "Homeric poet" Ik Mova-elov is ready to sing the praise of Memnon in four Homeric verses, without adding a word of his own {C. I. Or. 4748). Hadrian makes an Alexandrian poet a mem- ber in reward for a loyal epigram (Athenaeus, xv. p. 677 e). Ex- amples of rhetors from Hadrian's time may be seen in Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 25, 3 c. 25, 3. A (piXoffocpos airh Movaelov in Halicar- nassus {Bull de corr. Hell. iv. 405). At a later period, when the circus was everything, we find a noted pugilist — perhaps, one may say — as an honorary member of the philosophical class (inscription from Rome, C. 1. Gr. 5914: veu)K6po$ tqv ixi'y6.\Kov'2,apaTTLS\os koX rwv €u rq} Movaeicf [crctTOujyueVajj' areAwu t e ure the general course oi the Koman work oi pacification. The tribes to the south of Aures were, if not extirpated, at any rate ejected and transplanted into the northern districts ; so in particular the Musulamii them- selves/ against whom an expedition was once more con- ducted under Claudius. The demand made by Tacfarinas to have settlements assigned to him and his people with- in the civilised territory, to which Tiberius, as was rea- sonable, only replied by redoubling his exertions to anni- hilate the daring claimant, was supplementarily after a certain measure fulfilled in this way, and probably contrib- uted materially to the consolidation of the Roman gov- ernment. The camps more and more enclosed the Aura- sian mountain-block. The garrisons were pushed farther forward into the interior ; the headquarters themselves moved under Trajan away from Theveste farther to the west ; the three considerable Roman settlements on the northern slope of the Aures, Mascula (Khenschela), at the egress of the valley of the Arab and thereby the key to the Aures mountains, a colony at least already under Mar- cus and Verus ; Thamugadi, a foundation of Trajan's ; and Lambaesis, after Hadrian's day the headquarters of the African army, formed together a settlement comparable to the great military camps on the Rhine and on the Danube, which, laid out on the lines of communication from the Aures to the great towns of the north and the coast Cirta ^ Ptolemaeus, iv. 3, 23, puts the Musulamii southward from the Aures, and it is only in accord therewith that they are called in Tacitus ii. 52, dwellers beside the steppe and neighbours of the Mauri; later they are settled to the north and west of Theveste (C /. L. viii. 270, 10667), The Nattabutes dwelt according to Ptole- maeus I. c. southward of the Musulamii ; subsequently we find them to the south of Calama ( C. L L. viii. 484). In like manner the Chellenses Numidae^ between Lares and Althiburus {Eph. epigr. V. n. 639), and the conventus {civmm Romanorum ef) Numidarum qui Mascululae habitant (lb. n. 597), are probably Berber tribes trans- planted from Numidia to the proconsular province. 348 The African Provinces. [Book VIIT. (Constantine), Calama (Gelma), and Hippo regius (Bonah), secured the peace of tlie latter. The intervening steppe- land was, so far as it could not be gained for cultivation, at least intersected by secure routes of communication. On the west side of the Aures a strongly occupied chain of posts which followed the slope of the mountains from Lambaesis over the oases Calceus Herculis (el Kantara) and Bescera (Beskra), cut off the connection with Maure- tania. Even the interior of the mountains subsequently became Eoman ; the war, which was waged under the em- peror Pius in Africa, and concerning which we have not accurate information, must have brought the Aurasian mountains into the power of the Romans. At that time a military road was carried through these mountains by a legion doing garrison duty in Syria and sent beycnd doubt on account of this war to Africa, and in later times we meet at that very spot traces of Eoman garrisons and even of Eoman towns, which reach down to Christian times ; the Aurasian range had thus at that time been occupied, and continued to be permanently occupied. The oasis Negrin, situated on its southern slope, was even already under or before Trajan furnished by the Eomans with troops, and still somewhat farther southward on the ex- treme verge of the steppe at Bir Mohammed ben Jfmis are found the ruins of a Eoman fort ; a Eoman road also ran along the southern base of this range. Of the mighty slope which falls from the tableland of Theveste, the watershed between the Mediterranean and the desert, in successive stages of two to three hundred metres down to the latter, this oasis is the last terrace ; at its base begins, in sharp contrast towards the jagged mountains piled up behind, the sand desert of Suf, with its yellow rows of dunes similar to waves, and the sandy soil moved about by the wind, a huge wilderness, without elevation of the ground, without trees, fading away without limit into the horizon. Negrin was certainly of old, as it still is in our time, the standing rendezvous and the last place of refuge of the robber chiefs as well as of the natives defying CHAr. XIII.] The African Provinces. 349 foreign rule — a position commanding far and wide the desert and its trading routes. Even to this extreme limit reached Roman occupation and even Roman settlement in Numidia. Mauretania was not a heritage like Africa and Numidia. Of its earlier condition we learn nothing ; Roman civilisa- , , . , , • n i i j tion in Maure- there cauuot liave been considerable towns even on the coast here in earlier times, and neither Phoenician stimulus nor sovereigns after the type of Massinissa effectively promoted civilisation in this quar- ter. When his last descendants exchanged the Numidian crown for the Mauretanian, the capital, which changed its name lol into Caesarea, became the residence of a culti- vated and luxurious court, and a seat of seafaring and of traffic. But how much less this possession was esteemed by the government than that of the neighbouring prov- ince, is shown by the difference of the provincial organi- sation ; the two Mauretanian armies were together not inferior in number to the Africano-Numidian,^ but here governors of equestrian rank and imperial soldiers of the class of peregrim sufficed. Caesarea remained a consider- able commercial town ; but in the province the fixed settle- ment was restricted to the northern mountain-range, and it was only in the eastern portion that larger inland towns were to be found. Even the fertile valley of the most considerable river of this province, the Shelif, shows weak urban development ; further to the west in the valleys of the Tafna and the Malua it almost wholly disappears, and the names of the divisions of cavalry here stationed serve partly in place of local designations. The province of Tingi (Tangier) even now embraced nothing but this town with its immediate territory and the stripe of the coast along the Atlantic Ocean as far as Sala, the modern Rebat, ' In the year 70 the troops of the two Mauretanias amounted to- gether, in addition to militia levied in large numbers, to 5 alae and 19 cohortes (Tacitus, Hist ii. 58), and so, if we reckon on the aver- age every fourth as a double troop, to about 15,000 men. The regu- lar army of Numidia was weaker rather than stronger. 350 Tlie African Provinces. [Book VIII. while in tlie interior Roman settlement did not even reach to Fez. No land-route connects this province with that of Caesarea ; the 220 miles from Tingi to Eusaddir (Melilla) they traversed by water, along the desolate and insubor- dinate coast of the Riff. Consequently for this province the communication with Baetica was nearer than that with Mauretania ; and if subsequently, when the empire was di- vided into larger administrative districts, the province of Tingi fell to Spain, that measure was only the outward car- rying out of what in reality had long subsisted. It was for Baetica what Germany was for Gaul ; and, far from lucrative as it must have been, it was perhaps instituted and retained for the reason that its abandonment would even then have brought about an invasion of Spain similar to that which Islam accomplished after the collapse of the Roman rule. Beyond the limit of fixed settlement herewith indicated — the line of frontier tolls and of frontier wars.^^^*'^^^^^ posts — and in various non-civilised districts enclosed by it, the land in the two Maureta- nias during the Roman times remained doubtless with the natives, but they came under Roman supremacy ; there would be claimed from them, as far as possible, taxes and war-services, but the regular forms of taxation and of levy would not be applied in their case. For example, the tribe of Zimizes, which was settled on the rocky coast to the west of Igilgili (Jijeli) in eastern Mauretania, and so in the heart of the domain of the Roman power, had assigned to it a fortress designed to cover the town of Igilgili, to be occupied on such a footing that the troops were not allowed to pass beyond the radius of 500 paces round the fort.^ They thus employed these subject Berbers in the • Inscription C. I. L. viii. 8369 of the year 129 : Termini positi inter Igilgilitanos, in quorum finibus kastellum Victoriae positum est, et Zimiz{es), ut sciant Zimizes non plus in usum se habere ex auctori- tate M. Vetti Latronis pro{curatoris) Aug{usti) qua{m) in circuitu a mAiro kast{elli) p{edes) D. The Zimlses are placed by the Peutinge- rian map alongside of Igilgili to the westward. Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 351 Eoman interest, but did not organise them in the Roman fashion, and hence did not treat them as soldiers of the imperial army. Even beyond their own province the irreg- ulars from Mauretania vs^ere employed in great numbers, particularly as horsemen in the later period,' while the same did not hold of the Numidians. How far the field of the Eoman power went beyond the Roman towns and garrisons and the end of the imperial roads, we are not able to say. The broad steppe-land round the salt-lakes to the west of Lambaesis, the moun- tain-region from Tlemsen till towards Fez, including the coast of the Riff, the fine corn-country on the Atlantic Ocean southward from Sala as far as the high Atlas, the civilisation of which in the flourishing time of the Arabs vied with the Andalusian, lastly, the Atlas range in the south of Algeria and Morocco and its southern slopes, which afforded for pastoral people abundant provision in the alternation of mountain and steppe pastures, and de- veloped the most luxuriant fertility in the numerous oases — all these regions remained essentially untouched by the Roman civilisation ; but from this it does not follow that they were in the Roman time independent, and still less that they were not at least reckoned as belonging to the imperial domain. Tradition gives us but slight informa- tion in this respect. We have already mentioned (p. 341) that the proconsuls of Africa helped to make the Gaetu- ' If the praef ect of a cohort doing garrison duty in Numidia held the command at the same time over six Gaetulian tribes (nationes, C. I. L. V. 5267), men that were natives of Mauretania were em- ployed as irregulars in the neighbouring province. Irregular Mau- retanian horsemen frequently occur, especially in the later imperial period. Lusius Quietus under Trajan, a Moor and leader of a Moorish troop (Dio, Ixviii. 32), no Ai/^us e/c tTis utttj/coou Aifivrjs, aXA.' e| dSo|ou Kai a.iru)Ki(Tix4vr]s effxa-Tias (Themistius, Or. xvi. p. 250 Dind.), was without doubt a Gaetulian sheikh, who served with his follow- ers in the Roman army. That his home was formally independent of the empire, is not affirmed in the words of Themistius ; the " subject territory " is that with Roman organisation, the iaxarid its border inhabited by dependent tribes. 352 The African Provinces. [Book VIII. lians — that is, the tribes in southern Algeria — subject to king Juba ; and the latter constructed purple dyeworks at Madeira (p. 368, note). After the end of the Maureta- nian dynasty and the introduction of the immediate Ro- man administration, Suetonius Paullinus crossed, as the first Eoman general, the Atlas (p. 341), and carried his arms as far as the desert-river Ger, which still bears the same name, in the south-east of Morocco. His successor, Gnaeus Hosidius Geta, continued this enterprise, and emphatically defeated the leader of the Mauri Salabus. Subsequently several enterprising governors of the Mau- retanian provinces traversed these remote regions, and the same holds true of the Numidian, under whose command, not under the Mauretanian, was placed the frontier-range stretching southward behind the province of Caesarea ; ^ yet nothing is mentioned from later times of war-expe- ditions proper in the south of Mauretania or Numidia. The Romans can scarcely have taken over the empire of the Mauretanian kings in quite the same extent as these had possessed it ; but yet the expeditions that were under- taken after the annexation of the country were probably not without lasting consequences. At least a portion of the Gaetulians submitted, as the auxiliary troops levied there prove, even to the regular conscription during the imperial period ; and, if the native tribes in the south of the Roman provinces had given serious trouble to the Ro- mans, the traces of it would not have been wholly wanting.'* Probably the whole south as far as the great desert passed as imperial land," and even the effective dependence ex- ' To the inscriptions, which prove this (C. 1. L. viii. p. xviii. 747), falls now to be added the remarkable dedication of the leader or an expeditionary column from the year 174, found in the neigh- bourhood of Geryville {Eph. epigr. v. n. 1043). "-' The tumultus Gaetulicus ( C. I. L. viii. 6958) was rather an in- surrection than an invasion. ^ Ptolemy certainly takes as boundary of the province of Caesarea the line above the Shott, and does not reckon Gaetulia as belonging to it ; on the other hand he extends that of Tingis as far as the Great Atlas. Pliny v. 4, 30, numbers among the subject peoples of Chap. XIII.] The African Promnces. 353 tended far beyond the domain of Eoman civilisation, which, it is true, does not exclude frequent levying of contributions and pillaging raids on the one side or the other. The pacified territory experienced attack, properly so called, chiefly from the inhabitants of the the MoC?8into shore settled around and along the Kiff, the Spam. Mazices, and the Baquates ; and this indeed took place, as a rule, by sea, and was directed chiefly against the Spanish coast (i. 73). Accounts of inroads of the Moors into Baetica run through the whole imperial period,' and show that the Komans, in consequence of the Africa ' * all Gaetulia as far as the Niger and the Ethiopian frontier, " which points nearly to Timbuctoo. The latter statement will accord with the official conception of the matter. ' Already in Nero's time Calpurnius {Bgl. iv. 40) terms the shore of Baetica trucibus dbnoxia Mauris. — If under Pius the Moors were beaten off and driven back as far as and over the Atlas {mta Pii, 5 ; Pausanias viii. 43), the sending of troops at that time from Spain to the Tingitana (C /. L. iii. 5212-5215) makes it probable that this attack of the Moors affected Baetica, and the troops of the Tar- raconensis marching against these followed them over the straits. The probably contemporary activity of the Syrian legion at the Aures (p. 348) suggests moreover that this war extended also to Nu- midia. — The war with the Moors under Marcus {mta Mard, 21, 22 ; vita Severi, 2), had its scene essentially in Ba;etica and Lusitania. — A governor of Hither Spain under Severus had to fight with the "rebels ' by water and by land {C. I. L. ii. 4114). — Under Alexan- der {vita^ 58) there was fighting in the province of Tingi, but without mention of Spain in the case. — From the time of Aurelian {mta Sat- urnini, 9) there is mention of Mauro-Spanish conflicts. We cannot exactly determine the time of a sending of troops from Numidia to Spain and against the Mazices {G. 1. L. viii. 2786), where presumably not the Mazices of the Caesariensis but those of the Tingitana on the Riff (Ptolem. iv. 1, 10), are meant ; perhaps with this is connected the fact that Gains Vallius Maximianus, as governor of Tingitana, achieved in the province Baetica (according to Hirschfeld, Wiener Stud. vi. 123, under Marcus and Commodus)a victory over the Moors and relieved towns besieged by them {G. I. L. ii. 1120, 2015) ; these events prove at least that the conflicts with the Moors on the Riff and the associates that flocked to them from the country lying be- hind did not cease. When the Baquates on the same coast besieged Vol. II.— 33 354 The African Provinces. [Book VIII absence of energetic oiBfensive, found themselves here per- manently on a defensive, which indeed did not involve a vital danger for the empire, but yet brought constant in- security and often sore harm over rich and peaceful reg- ions. The civilised territories of Africa appear to have suffered less under the Moorish attacks, probably because the headquarters of Numidia, immediately on the Maure- tanian frontier, and the strong garrisons on the west side of the Aures, did their duty. But on the collapse of the imperial power in the third century the inva- i^nf sio^ liere also began; the feud of Five Peoples, as it was called, which broke out about the time of Gallienus, and on account of which twenty years later the emperor Maximianus went personally to Africa, arose from the tribes beyond the Shott on the Numido- Mauretanian frontier, and affected particularly the towns of Eastern Mauretania and of Western Numidia, such as Auzia and Mileu.^ "We come to the internal organisation of the country. In respect of language, that which belonged the Berber propcrly to the pcoplc was treated like the language. Ccltic in Gaul and the Iberian in Spain ; here in Africa all the more, as the earlier foreign rule had al- the pretty remote Cartenna (Tenes) in the Caesariensis ( G. I. L. viii. 9663), they perhaps came by sea. Where the wars with the Moors under Hadrian (vita^ 5, 12) and Commodus {vita^ 13) took place is not known. ^ More information than in the scanty accounts of "Victor and Eu- tropius is supplied as to this war by the inscribed stones, G. 1. L. viii. 2615, 8836, 9045, 9047. According to these the Quinquegentiani may be followed out from Gallienus to Diocletian. The beginning is made by the Baquates who, designated as Transtagnenses, must have dwelt beyond the Shott. Four "kings" combine for an ex- pedition. The most dreaded opponent is Faraxen with his gentiles Fraxinenses. Towns like Mileu in Numidia not far from Cirta and Auzia in the Caesariensis are attacked, and the citizens must in good part defend themselves against the enemy. After the end of the war Maxim iau constructs great magazines in Thubusuctu not far from Saldae. These fragmentary accounts give in some measure an insight into the relations of the time. Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 355 ready set the example in that respect, and certainly no Roman understood this popular idiom. The Berber tribes had not merely a national language, but also a national writing (p. 322) ; but never, so far as we see, was use made of it in official intercourse, at least it was never put upon the coins. Even the native Berber dynasties formed no exception to this, whether because in their kingdoms the more considerable towns were more Phoe- nician than Libyan, or because the Phoenician civilisation prevailed so far generally. The language was written in- deed also under Roman rule, in fact most of the Ber- ber votive or sepulchral inscriptions proceed certainly from the imperial period ; but their rarity proves that it attained only to limited written use in the sphere of the Roman rule. It maintained itself as a popular language above all naturally in the districts, to which the Romans came little or not at all, as in the Sahara, in the moun- tains of the Riff of Morocco, in the two Kabylias ; but even the fertile and early cultivated island of the Tripolis, Girba (Jerba), the seat of the Carthaginian purple manu- facture, still at the present day speaks Libyan. Taken on the whole, the old popular idiom in Africa defended itself better than among the Celts and the Iberians. The language which prevailed in North Africa, when it became Roman, was that of the foreign rule the Phoenician whicli preceded the Roman. Leptis, probably language. TripoHtau, but that near Hadrumetum, was the only African town which marked its coins with a Greek legend, and thus conceded to this language an at least secondary position in public intercourse. The Phoe- nician language prevailed at that time so far as there was a civilisation in North Africa, from Great Leptis to Tingi, most thoroughly in and around Carthage, but not less in Numidia and Mauretania.' To this language of a highly ' Apart from the coins this is proved also by the inscriptions. According to the comparison, for which I am indebted to Herr Eut- ing, the great mass of the old Punic inscriptions, that is, those writ- ten probably before the destruction of Carthage, falls to Carthage 356 The Af rican Provinces. [Book VIII. developed althougli foreign culture certain concessions were made on the change in the system of administration. Perhaps already under Caesar, certainly under Augustus and Tiberius, as well the towns of the Eoman province, such as Great Leptis and Oea, as those of the Mauretanian kingdom, like Tingi and Lix, employed in official use the Phoenician language, even those which like Tingi had become Roman burgess-communities. Nevertheless they did not go so far in Africa as in the Greek half of the empire. In the Greek provinces of the empire the Greek language prevailed, as in business intercourse generally, so particularly in direct intercourse with the imperial government and its officials ; the coin of the city organ- ised after the Greek fashion names also the emperor in Greek. But in the African the coin, even if it speaks in another language, names the emperor or the imperial official always in Latin. Even on the coins of the kings of Mauretania the name of the Greek queen stands pos- sibly in Greek, but that of the king — also an imperial official — uniformly in Latin, even where the queen is named beside him. That is to say, even the government did not admit the Phoenician in its intercourse with the communities and individuals in Africa, but it allowed it for internal intercourse ; it was not a third imperial language, but a language of culture recognised in its own sj^here. But this limited recognition of the Phoenician language did not long subsist. There is no document for the public use of Phoenician from the time after Tiberius, and it hardly survived the time of the first dynasty. ' How and itself (about 2500), the rest to Hadrumetum (9), Thugga (the famous Phoenico-Berber one), Cirta (5), lol-Caesarea (1). The new Punic occur most numerously in and around Carthage (30), and generally they are found not unfrequently in the proconsular province, also in Great Leptis (5) and on the islands of Girba (1) and Cossura (1) ; in Numidia, in and near Calama (23), and in Cirta (15) ; in Mauretania hitherto only 'in Portus Magnus (2). ' The coining in Africa ceases in the main after Tiberius, and thereafter, since African inscriptions from the first century after Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 367 when tlie change set in we do not know ; probably the government, perhaps Tiberius or Claudius, spoke the deci- sive word and accomplished the linguistic and national annexation of the African Phoenicians as far as it could be done by state authority. In private intercourse the Phoenician held its ground still for a long time in Africa, longer apparently than in the mother land ; at the begin- ning of the third century ladies of genteel houses in Great Leptis spoke so little Latin or Greek, that there was no place for them in Koman society ; even at the end of the fourth there was a reluctance to appoint clergymen in the environs of Hippo Regius (Bona), who could not make themselves intelligible in Punic to their countrymen ; these termed themselves at that time still Canaanites, and Punic names and Punic phrases were still current. But the language was banished from the school ^ and even from written use, and had become a popular dialect ; and even this probably only in the region of the old Phoenician civilisation, particularly the old Phoenician places on the coast that stood aloof from intercourse on a large scale.^ Christ are before us only in very small numbers, for a considerable period documents fail us. The coins of Babba in the Tingitana, going from Claudius down to Galba, have exclusively Latin legends ; but the town was a colony. The Latin-Punic inscriptions of Great Leptis, G. I. L. viii. 7, and of Naraggara, C. I. L. viii, 4636, may doubtless belong to the time after Tiberius, but as bi-lingual tell rather for the view that, when they were set up, the Phoenician language was already degraded. ^ From the expression in the epitome of Victor, that the emperor Severus was Latinis litteris sufficienter instructus, Graecis sermonihus eruditus, Punica eloquentia promptior, quippe genitus apud Leptim, we may not infer a Punic course of rhetoric in the Tripolis of that time ; the late and inferior author has possibly given a scholastic version of the well-known notice. ^ On the statement of the younger Arnobius, writing about 460 {ad Psalm. 104, p. 481 Migne : Cham mro secundus jilius Noe a Rhinocoruris usque Oadira habens Unguas sermone Punico a parte Oaramantum^ Latino a parte horeae^ harbarico a parte meridiani, AetJiiopum et Aegyptiorum ac barbaris interioribus mrio sermone numero ugintz duabus Unguis in patriis trecentis nonaginta et quattuor), no reliance is to be placed, still less upon the nonsense 358 The African Provinces. [Book VIII. When the Arabs came to Africa they found as language of the country doubtless that of the Berbers, but no longer that of the Poeni ; ' with the Carthagino-Roman civilisa- tion the two foreign languages disappeared, while the old native one still lives in the present day. The civilised foreign dominions changed ; the Berbers remained like the palm of the oasis and the sand of the desert. The heritage of the Phoenician language fell not to Greek, but to Latin. This was not involved in ilnj^age!^ the natural development. In Caesar's time the Latin and the Greek were alike in North Africa foreign languages, but as the coins of Leptis already show, the latter by far more diffused than the former ; Latin was spoken then only by the officials, the soldiers, and the Italian merchants. It would have at that time been probably easier to introduce the Hellenising of Africa than the Latinising of it. But it was the converse that took place. Here the same will prevailed, which did not allow the Hellenic germs to spring up in Gaul, and which incor- porated Greek Sicily into the domain of Latin speech ; the same will, which drew the boundaries between the Latin West and the Greek East, assigned Africa to the former. In a similar sense the internal organisation of the country was regulated. It was based, as in urban organ- Italy ou the Latin and in the East on the Hel- isation. lenic urban community, so here on the Phoeni- cian. When the Eoman rule in Africa began, the Cartha- ginian territory at that time consisted predominantly of urban communities, for the most part small, of which there were counted three hundred, each administered by its sufetes ; ^ and the republic had made no change in this of Procopius, de hello Vand. ii. 10, as to the Phoenician inscription and language in Tigisis. Authorities of this sort were hardly able to distinguish Berber and Punic. ' In a single place on the Little Syrtis the Phoenician may still have been spoken in the eleventli century (Movers, PTion. ii. 2, 478). ^ More clearly than by the Latin inscriptions found in Africa, which begin too late to illustrate the state of things before the sec- Chap. XIII.] Tlie African Provinces. 359 .respect. Even in the kingdoms tlie towns formerly Phoe- nician had retained their organisation under the native rulers, and at least Calama — an inland town of Numidia hardly of Phoenician foundation — had demonstrably the same Phoenician municipal constitution ; the civilisation which Massinissa gave to his kingdom must have con- sisted essentially in his transforming the villages of the agricultural Berbers into towns after the Phoenician model. The same will hold good of the few older urban communities which existed in Mauretania before Augus- tus. So far as we see, the two annually changing sufetes of the African communities coincide in the main with the analogous presidents of the community in the Italian mu- nicipal constitution ; and that in other respects, e.g. in the common councils among the Carthaginians formed after a fashion altogether divergent from the Italian (ii. 23), the Phoenician urban constitution of Roman Africa has preserved national peculiarities, does not at least ad- mit of proof. ^ But the fact itself that the contrast, if even but formal, of the Phoenician town to the Italian was re- tained was, like the permission of the language, a recog- ond century A. d. , this is shown by the four contracts of patronatus from the time of Tiberius, quoted in next note, concluded by two small places of the proconsular province Apisa mains and Siagu, and two others nowhere else mentioned, probably adjacent, The- metra and Thimiligi ; according to which the statement of Strabo (xvii. 3, 15, p. 833) that at the beginning of the last war the Car- thaginian territory numbered 300 towns, appears not at all in- credible. In each of those four smaller places there were sufetes ; even where the old and new Punic inscriptions name magistrates, there are regularly two sufetes. That these are comparatively fre- quent in the proconsular province, and elsewhere can only be pointed out in Calama, serves to show how much more strongly the Phoenician urban organisation was developed in the former. ' The contracts of patronatus from the time of Caesar {G. I. L. viii. 10525), of Augustus {ih. 68 comp. 69), and Tiberius ((7. 1. L. V. 4919-4922), concluded by the senatus populusque of African com- munities (civitates) of peregrine rights with Romans of rank, appear to have been entered into quite after the Roman fashion by the common council, which represents and binds the community. 360 The African Provinces. [Book VIII. nition of the Phoenician nationality and a certain security ♦ for its continuance even under Roman rule. That it was recognised in the first instance as the regular form of ad- ministration of the African territory, is proved by the es- tablishment of Carthage by Caesar primarily as a Phoe- nician city as well under the old sufetes ' as in a certain measure with the old inhabitants, seeing that a great, perhaps the greatest part of the new burgesses was taken from the surrounding townships, again also under the protection of the great goddess of the Punic Carthage, the queen of heaven Astarte, who at that time marched in with her votaries anew into her old abode. It is true that in Carthage itself this organisation soon gave place to the Italian colonial constitution, and the protecting patroness Astarte became the — at least in name — Latin Caelestis. But in the rest of Africa and in Numidia the Phoenician urban organisation probably remained through- out the first century the predominant one, in so far as it pertained to all communities of recognised municipal rights and lacking Roman or Latin organisation. Abolished in the proper sense it doubtless was not, as in fact sufetes still occur under Pius ; but by degrees they everywhere make way for the duoviri, and the changed principle of govern- ment entails in this sphere also its ultimate consequences. ' On the coin undoubtedly struck under Caesar (Miiller Num de VAfr. ii. 149) with Kar{thago) Veneris and Aristo Mutumhal Ricoce suf{etes)j the first two names are probably to be taken together as a Graeco-Phoenician double name, such as elsewhere is not rare (comp. G. I. L. V. 4932: agente Celere Imilchonis Gulalsaejiliosufete). Since on the one hand sufetes cannot be assigned to a Roman col- ony, and on the other hand the conducting of such a colony to Carthage itself is well attested, Caesar himself must either have subsequently changed the form of founding the city, or the found- ing of the colony must have been carried into effect by the trium- virate as a posthumous ordinance of the dictator (as is hinted by Appian, Pun. 136). We may compare the fact that Curubis stands in the earlier time of Caesar under sufetes (C. /. L. viii. 10525), in the year 709 u.c. as a Caesarian colony under duoviri {ib. 977) ; yet the case is different, since this town did not, like Carthage, owe its existence to Caesar. Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 361 The transformation of Phoenician urban rights into Italian began under Caesar. The old Phoe- J/thfphSeS" nician town of Utica, predecessor and heiress itaUan"^"^ Carthage — as some compensation for the severe injury to its interests by the restoration of the old capital of the country — obtained, as the first Ital- ian organisation in Africa, perhaps from the dictator Cae- sar, Latin rights, certainly from his successor Augustus the position of a Roman municipium. The town of Tingi re- ceived the same rights, in gratitude for the fidelity which it had maintained during the Perusine war (p. 339). Several others soon followed ; yet the number of communities with Eoman rights in Africa down to Trajan and Hadrian re- mained limited.' Thenceforth there were assigned on a great scale — although, so far as we see, throughout by individual bestowal — to communities hitherto Phoenician municipal or else colonial rights ; for the latter too were subsequently as a rule conferred merely in a titular way without settlement of colonists. If the dedications and memorials of all sorts, that formerly appeared but spar- ingly in Africa, present themselves in abundance from the beginning of the second century, this was doubtless chiefly the consequence of the adoption of numerous townships into the imperial union of the towns with best rights. Besides the conversion of Phoenician towns into Italian municipia or colonies, not a few towns of Italian rights ^For Africa and Numidia Plinj (R. JV., v. 4, 29 f.) numbers in all 516 communities, among which are 6 colonies, 15 commu- nities of Roman burgesses, 2 Latin towns (for the oppidum sti- pendiarium must, according to the position which is given to it, have been also of Italian rights), the rest either Phoenician towns (oppida), among which were 30 free, or else Libyan tribes (jwn civitates tantum, sed pleraeque etiam nationes iure did possunt). Whether these figures are to be referred to Vespasian's time or to an earlier, is not ascertained ; in any case they are not free from errors, for, besides the six colonies specially adduced, six are wanting (Assuras, Carpi, Clupea, Curubi, Hippo Diarrhytos, Neapolis), which are referable, partly with certainty partly with probability, to Cae- sar or Augustus. 362 The African Provinces. [Book VIll. arose in Africa by means of the settlement of Italian colo- nists. For this too the dictator Caesar laid Settlement of ii n t j. • t t p Italian colonists the loundation — as mdeed tor no province m Africa. perhaps so much as for Africa were the paths prescribed by him — and the emperors of the first dynasty followed his example. We have already spoken of the founding of Carthage ; the town obtained not at once, but very soon, Italian settlers and therewith Italian or- ganisation and full rights of Roman citizenship. Beyond doubt from the outset destined once more to be the capi- tal of the province and laid out as a great city, it rap- idly in point of fact became so. Carthage and Lugu- dunum were the only cities of the West which, besides the capital of the empire, had a standing garrison of imperial troops. Moreover in Africa — in part certainly already by the dictator, in part only by the first emperor — a series of small country-towns in the districts nearest to Sicily, Hippo Diarrhytus, Clupea, Curubi, Neapolis, Carpi, Max- ula, Uthina, Great-Thuburbo, Assuras, were furnished with colonies, probably not merely to provide for veterans, but to promote the Latinising of this region. The two colo- nies which arose at that time in the former kingdom of Numidia, Cirta with its dependencies, and New-Cirta or Sicca, were the result of special obligations of Caesar towards the leader of free bands Publius Sittius from Nuceria and his Italiano-African bands (iv. 535, 648), The former, inasmuch as the territory on which it was laid out belonged at that time to a client state (p. 339, note), obtained a peculiar and very independent organ- isation, and retained it in part even later, although it soon became an imperial city. Both rose rapidly and became considerable centres of Roman civilisation in Africa. The colonisation, which Augustus undertook in the kingdom of Juba and Claudius carried for- tenta" ward, bore another character. In Mauretania, still at that time very primitive, there was a want both of towns and of the elements for creating them ; the settlement of soldiers of the Roman army, who had Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 363 served out their time, brought civihsation here into a barbarous land. Thus in the later province of Caesarea along the coast Igilgili, Saldae, Eusazu, Rusguniae, Gu- nugi, Cartenna (Tenes), and farther away from the sea Thubusuptu and Zuccabar, were settled with Augustan, and Oppidum Novum with Claudian, veterans ; as also in the province of Tingi under Augustus Zilis, Babba, Banasa, under Claudius Lix. These communities with Eoman burgess-rights were not, as was already observed, under the kings of Mauretania, so long as there were such, but were attached administratively to the adjoining Roman province ; consequently there was involved in these settle- ments, as it were, a beginning towards the annexation of Mauretania. ' The pushing forward of civilisation, such as Augustus and Claudius aimed at, was not subsequently continued, or at any rate continued only to a very limited extent, although there was room enough for it in the west- ern half of the province of Caesarea and in that of Tingi ; that the later colonies regularly proceeded from titular bestowal without settlement, has already been remarked (p. 362). Alongside of this urban organisation we have specially to mention that of the large landed estates in eSatlsl^^*^^^ this province. According to Roman arrange- meot it fitted itself regularly into the com- munal constitution ; even the extension of the latifundia affected this relationship less injuriously than we should think, since these, as a rule, were not locally compact and were often distributed among several urban territories. But in Africa the large estates were not merely more nu- merous and more extensive than elsewhere, but these as- 1 Pliny, V. 1, 2, says indeed only of Zulil or ratlier Zili regum dicioni exempta et iura in Baeticam petere iussa, and this might be connected with the transfer of this community to Baetica as lulia Traducia (Strabo, iii. 1, 8, p. 140). But probably Pliny gives this notice in the case of Zili alone, just because this is the first colony laid out beyond the imperial frontier which he names. The burgess of a Roman colony cannot possibly have had his forum of justice before the king of Mauretania. 364 The Af rican Provinces. [Book VIII. sumed also the compactness of urban territories ; around the landlord's house there was formed a settlement, which was not inferior to the small agricultural towns of the province, and, if its president and common councillors often did not venture and still oftener were not able to subject such a fellow-burgess to the full payment of the communal burdens falling upon him, the de facto release of these estates from the communal bond of union became still further marked, when such a possession passed over into the hands of the emperor. ' But this early occurred in Africa to a great extent ; Nero in particular, lighted with his confiscations on the landowners, as is said, of half Africa, and what was once imperial was wont to remain so. The small lessees, to whom the domanial estate was farmed out, appear for the most part to have been brought from abroad, and these imperial coloni may be reckoned in a certain measure as belonging to the Italian immigration. We have formerly remarked (p. 333) that the Berbers formed a considerable portion of the popula- the Berber com- tion of Numidia and Mauretania through the mumties. wholc time of the Roman rule. But as to their internal organisation hardly more can be ascertained than the emergence of the clan {gens) ^ instead of the ' Frontinus in the well-known passage, p. 53 Lachm. , respecting processes between the urban communities and private persons, or, as it may be, the emperor, appears not to presuppose state-districts de iure independent and of a similar nature with urban territories — such as are incompatible with Roman law — but a de facto refractory attitude of the great landowner towards the community which makes him liable, e.g. for the furnishing of recruits or compulsory services, basing itself on the allegation that the piece of land made liable is not within the bounds of the community requiring the ser- vice. ^ The technical designation gens comes into prominence particu- larly in the fixed title of the praefectus gentis Musulamiorum, etc. ; but, as this is the lowest category of the independent common- wealth, the word is usually avoided in dedications (comp. G. I. L. viii. p. 1100) and cimtas put instead, a designation, which, like the oppidum of Pliny foreign to the technical language (p. 361, note), includes in it all communities of non-Italian or Greek organisation. CHAr. XIII.] The African Provinces. 365 urban organisation under duoviri or sufetes. The societies of the natives were not, like those of North Italy, assigned as subjects to individual urban communities, but were placed like the towns immediately under the governors, doubtless also, where it seemed necessary, under a Roman officer specially placed over them (praefectus gentis j, and further under authorities of their own ^ — the " headman " The nature of the gens is described by the paraphrase {G. I. L. viii. 68) alternating with cidtas Gurzensis (ib. 69): senatus populusque cicitatium stipendiarioru7n pago Gurzenses, that is, the "elders and community of the clans of tributary people in the village of Gurza." 'When the designation princeps (0. I. L. viii. p. 1102) is not merely enunciative but an official title, it appears throughout in communities which are neither themselves urban communities nor parts of such, and with special frequency in the case of the gentes. We may compare the "eleven first" (comp. Epli. epigr. v. n. 302, 521, 533) with the seniores to be met with here and there. An evi- dence in support of both positions is given in the inscription G. L L. viii. 7041 : Florus Labaeonisf. princeps et undecimprimus gentis Saboidum. Recently at Bu Jelida, a little westward of the great road between Carthage and Theveste, in a valley of the Jebel Rihan, and so in a quite civilised region, there have been found the re- mains of a Berber village, which calls itself on a monument of the time of Pius (still unprinted) (/e^^s Baccliuiana^ and is under "eleven elders"; the names of gods {Saturno AcJiaiaei [?] Aug[usto], like the names of men (Gandidus Braisamonis fil.), are half local, half Latin. In Calama the dating after the two sufetes and the prin- ceps (G. I. L. viii. 5306, comp. 5369) is remarkable ; it appears that this probably Libyan community was first under a chief, and then obtained sufete.s without the chief being dropped. It may readily be understood that our monuments do not give much information upon the gentes and their organisation ; in this field doubtless little was written on stone. Even the Libyan inscriptions belong, at least as regards the majority, to towns in part or wholly inhabited by Berbers; the bilingual inscriptions found at Tenelium {G. I. L. viii. p. 514), in Numidia westward from Bona in the Sheffia plain, the same place that has furnished till now most of the Berber stone inscriptions, show indeed in their Latin part Libyan names, e.g. Gliinidial Misicir f . and JS'addJisen Gotuzanis f . , both from the clan (tribu) of the Misiciri or Misictri ; but one of these people, who has served in the Roman army and has acquired the Roman franchise, names himself in the Latin text c^^)^to^6 swc* Tcnelio flamen per- 2)etuus^ according to which this place seems to have been organised 366 The African Provinces. [Book VIII. (princeps), who in later times bore possibly the title of king, and the "eleven first." Presumably this arrange- ment was monarchical in contrast to the collegiate one of the Phoenician as of the Latin community, and there stood alongside of the tribal chief a limited number of elders instead of the numerous senate of decuriones of the towns. The communities of natives in Roman Africa seem to have attained afterwards to Italian organisation only by way of exception ; the African towns with Italian rights, which did not originate from immigration, had doubtless for the most part Phoenician civic rights previously. Exceptions occur chiefly in the case of transplanted tribes, as indeed the considerable town Thubursicum originated from such a forced settlement of Numidians. The Berber commu- nities possessed especially the mountains and the steppes ; they obeyed the foreigners, without either the masters or the subjects feeling any desire to come to terms with one another ; and, when other foreigners invaded the land, their position in presence of the Vandals, the Byzantines, the Arabs, the French, remained almost on the old foot- ing. In the economy of the soil the eastern half of Africa vies with Egypt. Certainly the soil is un- HusDandry. equal, and rocks and steppes occupy not only the greater portion of the western half, but also consider- able tracts in the eastern ; here too there were various inaccessible mountain-regions, which yielded but slowly or not at all to civilisation ; particularly on the rocky ridges along the coast the Roman rule left few or no traces. Even the Byzacene, the south-eastmost part of the proconsular province, is only designated as a specially productive region by an erroneous generalisation of what holds good as to individual coast districts and oases ; from Sufetula (Sbitla) westward the land is waterless and like a town. If, therefore, success should ever attend the attempt to read and decipher the Berber inscriptions with certainty, they would hardly give us sufficient information as to the internal organ- isation of the Berber tribes. CHAr, xiiL] The African Provinces. 367 rocky ; in the fifth century a.d. Byzacene was reckoned to have about a half less per cent, of land capable of culture than the other African provinces. But the northern and north-western portion of the proconsular province, above all the valley of the largest river in north Africa, the Bagradas (Mejerda), and not less a considerable part of Numidia, yield abundant grain crops, almost like the val- ley of the Nile. In the favoured districts the country towns, very frequent, as their ruins show, lay so near to each other that the population here cannot have been much less dense than in the land of the Nile, and accord- ing to all traces it prosecuted especially husbandry. The mighty armed masses, with which after the defeat at Pharsalus the republicans in Africa took up the struggle against Caesar, were formed of these peasants, so that in the year of war the fields lay untilled. Since Italy used more corn than it .produced, it was primarily dependent, in addition to the Italian islands, on the almost equally near Africa ; and after it became subject to the Komans, its corn went thither not merely by way of commerce, but above all as tribute. Already in Cicero's time the capital of the empire doubtless subsisted for the most part on African corn ; through the admission of Numidia under Caesar's dictatorship the corn thenceforth coming in as tribute increased according to the estimate about 1,200,000 Roman bushels (525,000) hectolitres annually. After the Egyptian corn supplies were instituted under Augustus, for the third part of the corn used in Rome North Africa was reckoned upon, and Egypt for a like amount ; while the desolated Sicily, Sardinia, and Baetica, along with Italy's own production, covered the rest of the need. In what measure the Italy of the imperial period was dependent for its subsistence on Africa is shown by the measures taken during the wars between Vitellius and Vespasian and between Severus and Pes- cennius ; Vespasian thought that he had conquered Italy when he occupied Egypt and Africa ; Severus sent a strong army to Africa to hinder Pescennius from occupying it. * 368 The Af rican Provinces. [Book Vlll. Oil, too, and wine had already held a prominent place in the old Carthaginian husbandry, and on Little-Leptis (near Susa), for example, an an- nual payment of 3,000,000 pounds of oil (nearly 10,000 hectolitres) could be imposed by Caesar for the Koman baths, as indeed Susa still at the present day exports 40,000 hectolitres of oil. Accordingly the historian of the Jugurthan war terms Africa rich in corn, poor in oil and wine, and even in Vespasian's time the province gave in this respect only a moderate yield. It was only when the peace with the empire became permanent — a peace which the fruit-tree needed even far more than the fruits of the field — that the culture of olives extended ; in the fourth century no province supplied such quantities of oil as Africa, and the African oil was predominantly employed for the baths in Rome. In quality, doubtless, it was al- ways inferior to that of Italy and Spai^, not because nat- ure there was less favourable, but because the preparation lacked skill and care. The cultivation of the vine acquired no prominent importance in Africa for export. On the other hand the breeding of horses and of cattle flourished, especially in Numidia and Mauretania. Manufactures and trade never had the same importance in the African provinces as in the East and in fnTcomme?ce. Egypt. The Phoenicians had transplanted the preparation of purple from their native coun- try to these coasts, where the island of Gerba (Jerba) be- came the African Tyre, and was inferior only to the lat- ter itself in quality. This manufacture flourished through the whole imperial period. Among the few deeds which king Juba 11. has to show, is the arrangement for obtain- ing purple on the coast of the Atlantic Ocean and on the adjacent islands.' Woollen stuffs of inferior quality and 1 That the Gaetulian purple is to be referred to Juba is stated by Pliny, H. N. vi. 31, 201 : paucas {Mauretaniae insulas) co7istat esse ex adverso Autololum a luha repertas, in quibus Gaetulicam pur. puram tinguere instituerat ; by these insulae purpurariae (ib. 203) can only be meant Madeira. In fact the oldest mention of this Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 369 leather goods were manufactured in Mauretania, appar- ently by the natives, also for export. ' The trade in slaves was very considerable. The products of the interior of the country naturally passed by way of North Africa into general commerce, but not to such an extent as by way of Egypt. The elephant, it is true, was the device of Mau- retania in particular, and there, where it has now for long disappeared, it was still hunted down to the imperial pe- riod ; but probably only small quantities came thence into commerce. The prosperity which subsisted in the part of Africa at all cultivated is clearly attested by the ruins Prosperity. .^^ numerous towns, which, in spite of the narrow bounds of their domains, everywhere exhibit baths, theatres, triumphal arches, gorgeous tombs, and generally buildings of luxury of all kinds, mostly mediocre in art, often excessive in magnificence. Not quite in the villas of the superior nobility, as in the Gallic land, but in the middle class of the farming burgesses must the economic strength of these regions have lain.'^ purple is that in Horace, Ep. ii. 2, 181. Proofs are wanting as to the later duration of this manufacture, and, as the Roman rule did not extend to these islands, it is not probable, although from the sagum purpurium of the tariff of Zarai (C. 1. L. viii. 4508) we may infer Mauretanian manufactures of purple. ^ The tariff of Zarai set up at the Numidian customs-frontier towards Mauretania (C. 1. L. viii. 4508) from the year 202 gives a clear picture of the Mauretanian exports. Wine, figs, dates, sponges, are not wanting ; but slaves, cattle of all sorts, woollen stuffs (vesUs Afra\ and leather wares play the chief part. The Description of the earth also from the time of Constantius says, c. 60, that Mau- retania vestem et mancipia negotiatur. ^ According to an epitaph found in Mactaris in the Byzacene {Eph. epigr. v. n. 279), a man of free birth there, after having been actively engaged in bringing in the harvests far around in Africa, first throughout twelve years as an ordinary reaper and then for other eleven as a foreman, purchased for himself with the savings of his pay a town and a country house, and became in his turn a mem- ber of council and burgomaster. His poetical epitaph shows, if not pulture, at least pretensions to it. A development of life of this Vol. II.— 24 370 The African Provinces. [Book VIII. The frequency of intercourse, so far as we may judge of it from our knowledge of the network of roads, must within the civihsed territory have corresponded to the density of the population. During the first century the imperial roads originated, which con- nected the headquarters at that time, Theveste, partly with the coast of the Lesser Syrtis — a step, having close relation to the formerly narrated pacification of the dis- trict between the Aures and the sea — partly with the great cities of the north coast. Hippo regius (Bona) and Carthage. From the second century onward we find all the larger towns and several smaller active in providing the necessary communications within their territory ; this, however, doubtless holds true of most of the imperial lands, and only comes into clearer prominence in Africa, because this opportunity was made use of more diligently here than elsewhere to do homage to the reigning emperor. As to the road-system of the districts, which though Koman were yet not Komanised, and as to the routes which were the medium of the important traffic through the desert, we have no general information. But probably a momentous revolution occurred in the desert-traffic during that time by the intro- ofcameit''*'' ductiou of the camel. In older times it meets us, as is well known, only in Asia as far as Arabia, while Egypt and all Africa knew simply the horse. During the first three centuries of our era the countries effected an exchange, and, like the Arabian horse, the Libyan camel, we may say, made its appearance in history. Mention of the latter first occurs in the history of the war waged by the dictator Caesar in Africa ; when here among the booty by the side of captive officers twenty-two camels of king Juba are adduced, such a possession must at that time have been of an extraordinary nature in Africa. In the fourth century the Koman generals demand from the sort was in the Roman imperial period doubtless not so rare as it at first may seem, but probably occurred in Africa more frequently than elsewhere. CHAr. XIII.] Xhe African Provinces. 3Y1 towns of Tripolis thousands of camels for the transport of water and of provisions before they enter upon the march into the desert. This gives a gHmpse of the revolution that had taken place during the interval in the circum- stances of the intercourse between the north and the south of Africa ; whether it originated from Egypt or from Cy- rene and Tripolis we cannot tell, but it redounded to the advantage of the whole north of this continent. Thus North Africa was a valuable possession for the finances of the empire. "Whether the Roman Character and ,, . t , , i ii culture of the uatiou generally gamed or lost more by the people. assimilation of North Africa, is less ascer- tained. The dislike which the Italian felt from of old to- wards the African did not change after Carthage had become a Roman great city, and all Africa spoke Latin ; if Severus Antoninus combined in himself the vices of three nations, his savage cruelty was traced to his African father, and the ship captain of the fourth century, who thought that "Africa was a fine countrj^ but the Africans were not worthy of it, for they were cunning and faithless, and there might be some good people among them, but not many," was at least not thinking of the bad Hannibal, but was speaking out the feeling of the great public at the time. So far as the influence of African elements may be recognised in the Roman literature of the imperial period, we meet with specially unpleasant leaves in a book generally far from pleasant. The new life, which bloomed for the Romans out of the ruins of the nations extirpated by them, was nowhere full and fresh and beautiful ; even the two creations of Caesar, the Celtic land and North Africa — for Latin Africa was not much less his work than Latin Gaul — remained structures of ruins. But the toga suited, at any rate, the new-Roman of the Rhone and the Garonne better than the " Seminumidians and Semi- gaetulians." Doubtless Carthage remained in the num- bers of its population and in wealth not far behind Alexandria, and was indisputably the second city of the Latin half of the empire, next to Rome the most lively, 372 The African Provinces. [Book VIII. perhaps also tlie most corrupt, city of the West, and the most important centre of Latin culture and literature. Augustine depicts with lively colours how many an honest youth from the province went to wreck there amid the dissolute doings of the circus, and how powerful was the impression produced on him — when, a student of seven- teen years of age, he came from Madaura to Carthage — by the theatre with its love-pieces and with its tragedy. There was no lack in the African of diligence and talent ; on the contrary, perhaps more value was set upon the Latin and along with it the Greek instruction, and on its aim of general culture, in Africa than anywhere else in the empire, and the school-system was highly developed. The philosopher Appuleius under Pius, the celebrated Chris- tian author Augustine, both descended from good bur- gess-families — the former from Madaura, the latter from the neighbouring smaller place Thagaste — received their first training in the schools of their native towns ; then Appuleius studied in Carthage, and finished his training in Athens and Kome ; Augustine went from Thagaste first to Madaura, then likewise to Carthage ; in this way the training of youth was completed in the better houses throughout. Juvenal advises the professor of rhetoric who would earn money to go to Gaul or, still better, to Africa, " the nurse of advocates." At a nobleman's seat in the territory of Cirta there has recently been brought to light a private bath of the later imperial period equipped with princely magnificence, the mosaic pavement of which depicts how matters went on once at the castle ; the pal- aces, the extensive hunting-park with the hounds and stags, the stables with the noble race-horses, occupy no doubt most of the space, but there is not wanting also the "scholar's corner" [filosofi locus), and beside it the noble lady sitting under the palms. But the black spot of the African literary character is lust its scholasticism. It does not begin till Scholasticism. ^ /.ttt- t i> t\- late ; before the time oi Hadrian and of rms the Latin literary world exhibits no African name of Chap. XIII. ] The Africaii Provinces. 373 repute, and subsequently the Africans of note were thi'oughout, in the first instance, schoolmasters, and came as such to be authors. Under those emperors the most celebrated teachers and scholars of the capital were na- tive Africans, the rhetor Marcus Cornelius Fronto fi'om Cirta, instructor of the j)rinces at the court of Pius, and the philologue Gaius Sulpicius Apollinaris from Carthage. For that reason there prevailed in these circles sometimes the foolish purism that forced back the Latin into the old- fashioned paths of Ennius and of Cato, whereby Fronto and Apollinaris made theii' repute, sometimes an utter oblivion of the earnest austerity innate in Latin, and a frivolity producing a worse imitation of bad Greek models, such as reaches its culmination in the — in its time much admired — " Ass-romance " of that philosopher of Madaura. The language swarmed partly with scholastic reminis- cences, partly with unclassical or newly coined words and phrases. Just as in the emperor Severus, an African of good family and himself a scholar and author, his tone of speech always betrayed the African, so the style of these Afi'icans, even those who were clever and from the first trained in Latin, like the Carthaginian TertuUian, has regularly something strange and incongruous, with its dif- fuseness of petty detail, its minced sentences, its witty and fantastic conceits. There is a lack of both the grace- ful charm of the Greek and of the dignity of the Roman. Significantly we do not meet in the whole field of Afri- cano -Latin authorship a single poet who deseiwes to be so much as named. It was not till the Christian period that it became other- wise. In the development of Chi'istianitv S!ie ?n iJifca'. ^frica plays the very first part ; if it arose in Syria, it was in and through Africa that it be- came the rehgion for the world. As the translation of the sacred books from the Hebrew language into the Greek, and that into the popular language of the most consider- able Jewish community out of Judaea, gave to Judaism its position in the world, so in a similai* way for the transfer- 374 The African Provinces. [Book VIII. ence of Christianity from the serving East to the ruling West the translation of its confessional writings into the language of the West became of decisive importance ; and this all the more, inasmuch as these books were trans- lated, not into the language of the cultivated circles of the West, which early disappeared from common life and in the imperial age was everywhere a matter of scholastic at- tainment, but into the decomposed Latin already prepar- ing the way for the structure of the Eomance languages — ■ the Latin of common intercourse at that time familiar to the great masses. If Christianity was by the destruction of the Jewish church-state released from its Jewish basis (p. 249), it became the religion of the world by the fact, that in the great world-empire it began to speak the universally current imperial language ; and those name- less men, who since the second century Latinised the Christian writings, performed for this epoch just such a service, as at the present day, in the heightened measure required by the enlarged horizon of the nations, is carried out in the footsteps of Luther by the Bible Societies. And these men were in part Italians, but above all Africans.' 1 How far our Latin texts of tlie Bible are to be referred to several translations originally different, or whether, as Lachmann assumed, the different recensions have proceeded from one and the same translation as a basis by means of manifold revision with the aid of the originals, are questions which can scarcely be definitely decided — for the present at least — in favour of either one or the other view. But that both Italians and Africans took part in this work — whether of translation or of correction — is proved by the famous words of Augustine, de doctr. Christ, ii. 15, 22, in ipsis autem interpretatioin- bus Itala ceteris praeferatur, nam est verhorum tenador cum perspi- cuitate sententiae., over which great authorities have been perplexed but certainly without reason. Bentley's proposal, approved afresh of late (by Corssen, Jalirb. fur protestant. Theol. vii. p. 507 f . ), to change Itala into ilia and nam into quae., is inadmissible alike pliilo ■ logically and in substance. For the twofold change is destitute of all external probability, and besides na^n is protected by the copyist Isidorus, Etym., vi. 4, 2. The further objection that linguistic usage would require Italica, is not borne out {e.g. Sidonius and lor - danes as well as the inscriptions of latei times, G. I. L. x. p. 1146, Chap. XIII.] The African Provinces. 3Y5 In Africa to all appearance the knowledge of Greek, which is able to dispense with translations, was far more seldom to be met with than at least in Rome ; and, on the other hand, the Oriental element, that preponderated particular- ly in the early stages of Christianity, here found a readier reception than in the other Latin-speaking lands of the West. Even as regards the polemic literature called es- pecially into existence by the new faith, since the Ro- man church at this epoch belonged to the Greek circle write Italus by turns with Italicus), and the designation of a singlo translation as the most trustworthy on the whole is quite consistent with the advice to consult as many as possible ; whereas by the change proposed an intelligent remark is converted into a meaningless com- monplace. It is true that the Christian Church in Rome in the first three centuries made use throughout of the Greek language, and that we may not seek there for the Itali who took part in the Latin Bible. But that in Italy outside of Rome, especially in Upper Italy, the know- ledge of Greek was not much more diffused than in Africa, is most clearly shown by the names of freedmen ; and it is just to the non- Roman Italy that the designation used by Augustine points; while we may perhaps also call to mind the fact that Augustine was gained for Christianity by Ambrosius in Milan. The attempt to identify the traces of the recension called by Augustine Itala in such remains as have survived of Bible translations before Jerome's, will at all events hardly ever be successful ; but still less will it admit of being proved that Africans only worked at the pre-Hieronymian Latin Bible texts. That they originated largely, perhaps for the most part, in Africa has certainly great probability. The contrast to the one Itala can only in reason have been several Afrae ; and the vulgar Latin, in which these texts are all of them written, is in full agree- ment with the vulgar Latin, as it was demonstrably spoken in Africa. At the same time we must doubtless not overlook the fact that we know the vulgar Latin in general principally from African sources, and that the proof of the restriction of any individual linguistic phenomenon to Africa is as necessary as it is for the most part un- adduced. There existed side by side as well vulgarisms in general use as African provincialisms (comp. EipJi. epigr. iv. p. 520, as to the cognomina in -osm) ; but that forms like glorijicare, nudijicare, justi- ficare, belong to the second category, is by no means proved from the fact that we first meet with them in Africa, since analogous docu- ments to those which we possess, e.g. for Carthage in the case of Ter-> tuUian, are wanting to us as regards Capua and Milan. 376 The African Promnces. [Book VIII. (p. 24 f.), Africa took the lead in the Latin tongue. The whole Christian authorship down to the end of this period is, so far as it is Latin, African ; TertuUian and Cyprian were from Carthage, Arnobius from Sicca, Lactantius, and probably in like manner Minucius Felix, were, in spite of their classic Latin, Africans, and not less the already men- tioned somewhat later Augustine. In Africa the growing church found its most zealous confessors and its most gifted defenders. For the literary conflict of the faith Africa furnished by far the most and the ablest combat- ants, whose special characteristics, now in eloquent discus- sion, now in witty ridicule of fables, now in vehement in- dignation, found a true and mighty field for their display in the onslaught on the old gods. A mind — intoxicated first by the whirl of a dissolute life, and then by the fiery enthusiasm of faith — such as utters itself in the Confes- sions of Augustine, has no parallel elsewhere in antiquity. INDEX. Abdagaeses, ii. 47. Abgarus, of Edessa, ii. 49 (under Claudius), 72 (under Trajan), 83 (under Severus). Abrinca, rivulet, i. 129 n. Achaeans, diet, i. 286. Achaemenids, dynasty, ii. 2, 3, 10 ; seven houses,'' 6. Achaia, province, i. 277 f . n. ; under the emperors, 281. Acraephia, inscription, i. 387 w., 296 n. Actiads, i. 321 n. Actian games, i. 321 n. Adane, ii. 313 f. ; destroyed, 319 f . n. Adiabene, ii. 73, 84 /i., 94. AdiabenicnSy ii. 84 n. Adminius, i. 189. Adrianopolis, i. 333. Adulis, ii. 304, 305, 306, 323. Aedemon, ii. 341. Aeizanas, ii. 308 n. Aelana, ii. 313. Aemilianus, Marcus Aemilius, i. 261. Aemilianus, Egyptian tyrant, ii. 273 n. Aethiopia and Aethiopians, ii. 298- 302 ; traffic, 302. Afer, ii. 331 n. Africa, North, ii. 330 ; Berber stock, 330-333 ; Phoenician immigration, 333 ; government of republic, 333 f. ; Caesar's policy, 384 f. ; extent of Roman rule, 335 f . ; no strict frontier, 336 ; province of, 337 ; two Mauretanian kingdoms, 338 f . ; physical conformation, 342 ; Africano-Numidian territory, 344 f. ; war against Tacfarinas and later conflicts, 345-348; Roman civilisation in Mauretania, 349 f . ; continuance of Berber language, 354 f. ; of Phoenician, 355 f. ; coinage, 356 n. ; Latin language. 358 ; Phoenician urban organisa- tion, 358 ; transformed into Ital- ian, 361 ; number of towns, 361 n. ; Italian colonists, 361 ; large landed estates, 363 f. ; husbandry, 366; corn supplied to Rome, 367 ; oil and wine, 367 f. ; manufactures and commerce, 368 f . ; prosperity, 369 ; roads, 369 f. ; introduction of camels, 370 ; character and cult- ure of people, 371 f. ; scholasti- cism, 373 ; Christian literature, 373-376; Latin Scriptures, 374 f. n. Agonistic institutes, i. 313 n, Agonothesia, i. 375 377 n. Agricola, Gnaeus Julius, i. 197-200, 210. Agrippa; see Herod Agrippa. Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, in command on the Danube, i. 25 ; transfer- ence of Ubii, 29 ; combats in Gaul, 87. Agrippa, Marcus Fonteius, i. 237. Agrippina (Cologne), i. 130. Ahenobarbus, Lucius Domitius, ex- pedition to Elbe, i. 34 ; dyke be- tween Ems and Lower Rhine, 39. Ahuramazda, ii. 11 f., 90. Alamanni, war with, i. 175 f . , 177 ; raids, 180 f . Alani, ii. 65 n., 68, 78, 79 n. Albani, ii. 77 f . Alexander the Great, basing his em- pire on towns, not on tribes, ii. 131. Alexander II, of Egypt, testament, ii, 352. Alexander, son of Cleopatra, ii. 26, 27, 28 ; installed king of Armenia, 36. Alexander Severus, purchases peace in Germany, i. 176 ; murder, 176 ; ii. 97 ; character, 96 f . ; war with Ardashir, 97 n. : nicknamed "chief Rabbi," 286. 378 Index. Alexander of Abonoteichos, i. 379. Alexander, Tiberius Julius, ii. 183, 22;;5, 2G3 n., 267 n. Alexandria, in Egypt, under the Palmyrenes, ii. 117, 271 ; number and position of Jews, 179 218 n., 290; Jew-hunt, 208, 209 n.\ deputations to Gains, 210 f. ; " Greek city," 255 f. ; chief priest of, 258 ; exemptions and privi- leges, 261 n. ; libraries, 267, 294 ; chief officials, 267 n. ; distribution of corn, 273 n. ; Italian settlement in, 280 ; mariners' guilds, 279 n. ; comparison with Antioch, 285 ; Alexandrian Fronde, 285 ; nick- names, 286; tumults frequent and serious, 286 n., 287; worship, 288 f., 289 n. ; old cultus retaining its hold, 290 ; learned world, 291 f . ; physicians and quacks, 291 ; Bcholar-life, 292 f. ; Museum, 295 f., 296; labours 'of erudition, 295 f. ; "jointure " of Greek science, 296 ; camp in suburb of Nicopolis, 297. Alexandria, in Troas, i. 353 f . Alexandropolis, ii. 16. Aliso, fortress, i. 38 f., 41 ; defence by Caedicius, 53. Allegorical interpretation, Jewish, ii. 183 f. AUobroges, i. 94, 9ihn., 99. Alps, subjugation, i. 18 ; military districts, 20 f . ; roads and colo- nies, 21. Amasia, i. 359. Amazigh, ii. 330. Ambubaia, ii. 145. Amida, ii. 125. Amisus, i. 359 f. Amphictiony remodelled by Augus- tus, i. 275 w., 276 n. Amsivarii, i. 134. Amyntas, i. 362 n. ; ii. 26, 39. Ancyra, i. 369 370 n. Anthedon, ii. 228. Antigonea, ii. 139 n. Antigonus, son of Hyrcanus, ii. 190-193. Antinoopolis, ii. 257, 258 w., 323 n. Antioch, earthquake at, ii. 73 ; capt- ure by the Persians (260), 109, 145, and by Aurelian, 119 ; creation of monarchic policy, 138 ; capital of Syria, 1 39 ; Daphne, 140 ; water supply, and lighted streets, 141 n. ; poverty of intellectual inter- ests, 142 ; paucity of inscriptions, 144 ; exhibitions and games, 144 ; races, 144 n. ; immorality, 145 ; dissolute cultuB, 146 ; fondness for ridicule, 146 f . ; support of pretenders, 146 ; reception of, and capture by Nushirvan, 147 ; Jew- hunt at, 238. Antioch in Pisidia, i. 364 f. Antiochus of Commagene, ii. 52, 56 ; tomb of, 137 ; his buildings at Athens, i. 302. Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. 213. Antoninus Pius : wall from Forth to Clyde, i. 203 n. ; conflicts in Britain under, 205 n. Antonius, Marcus, ii. 23 f. ; position in 38 B.C., 25 f. ; his army, 26; his aims, 26 f. ; children by Cleo- patra, 28 n. ; preparations for Parthian war, 28 f . ; tempera- ment, 29 ; Parthian war, 30 f . ; re- sistance in Atropatene, 31 ; re- treat, 32, 33 ; last years in the East, 34 ; dismisses Ociavia seek- ing reconciliation, 35 ; punishes those blamed for his miscarriage, 35 ; attempt on Palmyra, 100 ; government in Alexandria, 252. Antipater the Idumaean, ii. 189- 192. Apamea in Phrygia, i. 354. Apamea in Syria, ii. 148, 154. Aper, Marcus, i. 122. Apharban, ii. 124. Apion, ii. 210, 211 n. Apocalypse of John : conception of Roman and Parthian empires as standing side by side, ii. 1 n. ; pseudo-ISTero of, 69 f. ; directed against the worship of the emper- ors, 213, 214-217 n. Apollinaris, Gains Sulpicius, ii. 373. Apollo, Actian, i. 320 f. Apollonia, i. 219 f., 325. Apollonius of Tyana, i. 379. Appian, historian, ii. 241, 242. Appuleius of Madaura, ii. 372, 373. Appuleius, Pseudo-, Dialogue of the gods quoted, ii. 289 n. Apri, i. 332. Apronius, Lucius, i. 135. Apulum, i. 247. Aquae Sextiae, i. 85, 94. Aquileia, i. 215 f., 350, 252. Aquincum, i. 247 ; contra-Aquin- cum, 270. — . Aquitania, wars, i. 70, 87 ; coins, 86 n. ; province, 74 ; cantons of, 104. Arabia, ii. 13 ; Roman, what it ins eluded, 156 f . ; institution of province by Trajan, 166 ; west coast of, 309 f. ; Homerites, 311 Index. 379 f. ; Felix, 309, 314 ; policy of Au- gustus, 315 ; expedition of Gallus, 315 f . ; state of tlie coast, 316 ii. ; expedition of Gains, 318 w. ; in- jury to its commerce, 319. Arachosia, ii. 14, 16. Aradus, ii. 151 n. Aramaic language, ii. 178. Arbela, ii. 4, 94. Archaism, Greek, i. 306 n. Archelaus of Cappadocia, ii. 43. Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, ii. 199 f. Architecture, Syrian, ii. 170 f. Ardashir (Artaxares), ii. 87 n.^ 89 n., 90, 92, 95 w., 98. Arelate, i. 93, 96; amphitheatre, 115. Aretas, ii. 161 w., 162 f. n., 164 f. Argentoratum, i. 129, 159. Ariarathes of Cappadocia, ii. 35. Ariobarzanes, ii. 40, 42. Aristobulus, of Chalcis, ii. 52. Aristobulus, prince of Judaea, ii. 190 f . Aristotle's recommendation to Alex- ander, ii. 262. Armenia, ii. 7, 20, 21, 36, 37, 38, 43 f. ; Parthian appanage for sec- ond son, 54, 63 ; Roman policy as to, 53-56 ; subdued by Corbulo, 57 f. ; under Parthian prince vassal to Rome, 63 f. ; Roman province under Trajan, 72 f., 75 f. ; be- comes again vassal-state, 77 ; Par- thian invasion, 79 f., 86 w., 96 f., 99, 110, 113, 122 n., 124, 124 ox., 125 n. Arminius, i. 47 ; defeat of Varus, 51 f. ; combats with Germanicus, 59; attack on Maroboduus, 66 f.; desertion of Inguiomerus, 66 ; civil war and end, 68. Arnobius, ii. 376. Arrianus, Flavius, ii. 21 n., 79 n. Arsaces, founder of Parthian dy- nasty, ii. 3, 4, 7. Arsaces, son of Artabanus, ii. 45. Arsacids and their rule, ii. 3-14. Arsamosata, ii. 60, 63. Arsinoe, ii. 304, 317 f. Art, constructive, in Gaul, i. 124 ; in Syria, ii. 170 f. Artabanus (III.), king of the Par- thians, ii. 43-47. Artabanus (IV.), ii. 94 f. Artageira, ii. 42, Artavazdes of Armenia, ii. 30-35 Artavazdes of Atropatene, ii. 30, 31, 34. Artaxaxes ; see Ardashir. I Artaxata, ii. 51, 56 f., 81. Artaxes, ii. 36-41. I Artaxias of Armenia, ii. 45 f, Asander, i. 338, 339 n. Ascalon, ii. 230. Asia Minor : natives and colonists, i. 347 ; Hellenism, 348 f. ; forma- tion of new centres, 349 ; prov- inces of, 350 ; territories added to empire, 350 f. ; senatorial and im- perial government, 350 f . ; changes in boundaries of provinces and vassal-states, 351 n. ; municipal vanity, 355 n. ; honorary Hellen- ism, 372 ; leagues of Hellenism, 372, 373 n. ; representatives, 372 n. ; land-diets and land festi- vals, 372 f . ; provincial priests and Asiarchs, 374 f. ; superintend- ence of emperor-worship, 376 ; system of religion, 379 ; public safety, 379 ; occupying force, 380 f. ; justice in, 381 n. ; constitu- tion of towns, 382 f. ; clubs, 383 ; free autonomous communities, 383; urban life, 384 f. ; prosper- ity, 384 f. ; defects of municipal administration, 386 ; roads, 388 n. ; trade, 389 f . ; commerce, 390 ; sup- plies teachers and physicians to Italy, 391, 395 ; literary activity, 392 ; instruction, 392 ; sophistic system, 393-396. Asia, Roman : extent of province, i. 352 ; coast-towns, 352 f . ; inland townships, 353 f . ; position under Romans, 354 ; urban rivalries, 356 f. ; legions in, ii. 67. Asiarchs, i. 374-376 n. Asklepios, i. 379. Asoka, ii. 14, 15 n. Astarte, ii. 360. Astingi, i. 256. Astures, i. 71, 77. Asturica, Augusta, i. 72. Athens : privileged position, i. 275, 279 ; administration, 300 f . ; pos- sessions, 300 ; Hadrian's grants, 301 f . ; street-riots, 302 ; state of the language, 305, 306 n. Atropatene, ii. 19, 21, 30 f., 36 f., 40. Attalia, i. 361. Augusta Emerita, i. 70 n. Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), i. 23 f. Augusta Vindelicorum, i. 23, 166, 213 f. Augustamnica, ii. 324. Augustan History, falsification as to Postumus, i. 178 n. Augustodunum, seat of Gallic stud- ies, i. 133 f. 380 Index. Augustinus, Aurelius, picture of Carthage, ii. 372 ; Itala, 374 n. ; Confessions^ 376. Augustus, the Emperor : expedition against Alpine tribes, i. 18 ; mon- ument to, above Monaco, 19; roads or colonies in Alps, 21 f . ; visit to Germany, 29; German policy and motives for changing it, 61-65 ; visits Spain, 70 ; organi- sation of towns there, 74 f. ; or- ganisation of the three Gauls, 91 f . ; restricted franchise of Gauls, 107 ; altar at Lugudunum, 101 ; altar for Germanic cantons, 39, 106, 127 ; discharge of Batavian guards, 131 ; project of connect- ing Rhine and Danube, 159 ; proj- ects as to Britain not carried out, 187 ; reasons for and against its occupation, 187 ; conviction of its necessity, 188 f. ; arrangements on the Danubian frontier, 212 f. ; Illyricum subdued, 218 ; settle- ment of veterans in Dalmatia, 219 ; his Amphictiony, 275 f. ; dealings with Greece, 283 ; treat- ment of Athens, 300 ; insurrection at, 302 ; foundation and privileges of Nicopolis, 320 f . ; colonies in Macedonia, 326; pacification of Cilicia and Pisidia, 363 f. ; diets and festivals for, in Asia Minor, 373 ; cancels debtors' claims there, 386; decorum of, ii. 28 n. ; first arrangements in East, 37 f . ; policy open to him, 38 ; inadequate measures, 39 f. ; in Syria (20 B.C.), 40 f. ; mission of Gains to East, 41 ; Nicolaus Damascenus on his youth, 182 ; treatment of the Jews, 186 f . ; dealing with Herod's testament, 198, 200 ; atti- tude towards J ewish worship, 202 ; annexation of Egypt, 252 f . , 259 ; Egyptian titles, 265 ; policy as to south-western Arabia, 315 ; expe- dition of Gallus, 315 f. ; of Gains, 318; repression of piracy in Red Sea, 324 ; colonisation in Maiu:e- tania, 362 ; death, i. 57. Aurelianus, defeats the Juthungi, i. 180 ; combats with the Goths on Danube, 268 f. ; against the Pal- myrenes, ii. 117 f. ; battle of He- mesa, 118 w,., 119 n. ; destruction of Palmyra, 120 n. Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, Ger- many under, i. 174 ; Chattan war, 174 ; Roman wall in Britain at- tacked, 204 ; Marcomanian war, 248 f. ; his qualities, 251 ; prog- ress of war, 251 f. ; takes name of Germanicus, 253 ; terms laid down for the vanquished, 254 ; second war, 254 ; death, 255 ; Par- thian war under Marcus and Ve- rus, ii. 79 f. ; embassy to China, 328. Aiures, ii. 344, 346, 348. AusoDius, i. 119, 123 n. Autonomy, idea of, ii. 131. Autricum, i. 99. Auzia, ii. 346, 354. Aventicum, i, 140. A vesta, ii, 10. Axidares, ii. 70 n. Axomis, kingdom of, ii. 305 n. ; extent and development, 306 f. ; Rome and the Axomites, 308 ; en- voys to Arvidian, 308 ; relation to piracy, 324. Azania, ii. 314. Bactra, ii. 15, 16 w., 19. Bactro-Indian empire, ii. 15, 18 n. Baetica, i. 73 ; towns with burgess- rights, 74 ; exemption from levy, 80; Moors in, ii. 353. Bagradas, ii. 367. Balbus, Lucius Cornelius, ii. 343 n. Ballomarius, i.- 249 n. Bamanghati, coins found at, ii. 328 n. Baquates, ii. 353, 354 n. Bar-Kokheba, Simon, ii. 244 n. Barley-wine, i. 117 n. Barsemias of Hatra, ii. 83. Barygaza, ii. 17 w., 327. Basil of Caesarea, i 360, Bassus, Caecilius, ii. 23 f. Bassus, Publius Ventidius, ii. 34, 29. Bastarnae, i. 14, 235, 257. Batanaea, ii. 157 ; see Hauran. Batavi, i. 31, 48, 106 n. ; settle- ments and privileges, 130 ; rising of Batavian auxiliaries, 140 f. ; Civilis, 141 ; progress of the movement, 141 f. ; its conse- quences, 154 f . ; later attitude, 156. Bato, the Dalmatian, i. 43, 45. Bato, the Pannonian, i. 43-46. Beads, glass, ii. 278. Beer, i. 117. Belatucadrus (Mars), i. 209. Belgica, i. 92 ; division of command, \2%n. Belus, ii. 289. Berbers, ii. 330 f.; type, 331, 332 w.; language, 354 f . ; organisation of gentes, 364 f . Im Berenice, sister of Agrippa II., ii. Berenice, Trogodytic, ii. 304, 308, 310, 313, 323. Beroe, i. 260. Berytus, ii. 132 ; Latin island in the East, 142 ; factories in Italy, 151 n. Bescera, ii. 348. Bessi, i. 14, 227 n. Bether, ii. 244. Betriacum, i. 141, 154. Biriparach, ii. 86 n. Bithynia, i. 350, 351, 857; Greek settlements in, 357 f. ; Hellenism of, 35S f. ; place in literature, 358 ; Gothic raids, 266. Bithyniarch, i. 374. Blaesus, Quintas Junius, ii. 346. Blemyes, ii. 271, 301, 302. Bocchus, ii. 336, 338, 338 n. Boeotian league, i. 280, 287. Bogud, ii. .335 f., 338, 338 Borani, i. 263, 265. Bosporan kingdom, i. 262; Greek towns of, 264, 338 ; kings, 340 n. ; extent of, 341 f.; coins, 344 315; titles, 343 ti. ; military position, 343 f . ; court, 346 ; trade and com- merce, 346. Bostra, ii. 102 ; plain around, 158 f. ; legionary camp at, 167 ; impor- tance of, 169 ; Hellenic basis, 170. Boudicca, i. 195, 197, 204. Boule, the, in Egyptian cities, ii. 256 n. Breuci, i. 26. Brigantes, i. 194, 196, 198, 204. Brigetio, i. 247. Britain, Caesar's expedition, i. 185 ; designs of Augustus, 186 ; reasons for and against occupation, 187 f.; conviction of its necessity, 188 f.; occasion for the war, 189 ; arrange- ments for occupation, 190 n.\ its course, 190 t ; Roman towns, 192 ; resistance in West Britain, 193 ; national insurrection, 195 ; sub- jugation of the West, 196 ; of the North, 198 ; Caledonia abandoned, 200 ; grounds for this policy, 200 f . ; divM:sities of race, 201 ; fortifying of northern frontier, 202 f . ; wars in second and third centuries, 204 f . ; Roman fleet, 206 ; garrison and administration, 206 ; taxation and levy, 237 f . ; communal organ- isation, 208 ; prosperity, 209 ; roads, 209 ; Roman manners and culture, 209 ; country houses, 211 ; scholastic training, 211. Brixia, i. 98. dex. 381 Bructeri, i. 41, 56, 144, 157. Burdigala, i. 122. Burebista, i. 15, 234, 238, 335 f. Burgundiones, i. 181. Buri, i. 240, 243. Burnum, i. 220. Burrus, ii. 224. Busiris, ii. 273. Buthrotum, i. 320. Byzacene, ii. 367. Byzantium, i. 266, 316, 330, 331 n.. 334. Cabinet-secretary, imperial, ii 296 f. Cadusians, ii. 94 n. Caecina, Aulus, governor of Moesia, i. 54 f.; march to the Ems, and retreat, 57 f. Caedicius, Lucius, defence of Aliso, i.53. Caesar, Gains Julius, measures for Dalmatian war, i. 9 f . ; Romanis- ing of southern Gaul, 93 ; policy as to cantons of Gaul, 100 f. ; Bri- tannic expedition and aims, 185 ; project of crossing Euphrates, ii. 23 ; arrangements as to Judaea, 190 f. ; African policy, 334 f. ; Italian colonists in Africa, 362. Caesar, Gains, mission to East, ii. 41 f . ; meeting with Phraataces, 42 ; early death, 42. Caesaraugusta, i. 75. Caesarea in Cappadocia, i. 360 ; ii. 110 f. Caesarea (lol), province of, ii. 340, 341, 349. Caesarea Paneas, ii. 70, 160, 165. Caesarea Stratonis, ii. 197, 202 f. ; insurrection, 224 f., 227 f. ; obtains Roman organisation, 237. Caesarion, ii. 27 n.^ 28 n. Caesian Forest, i. 134. Calama, ii. 347 w ., 358 n., 365 n. Caledonia abandoned, i. 200; prob- able grounds for this policy, 200 f . ; under Severus, 205. Caligula, Gains Caesar, incapable of serious plans, i. 187 ; declines ' ' great number " of statues, 316 ; the Bast under, ii. 48 ; pardons Aretas, 165 ; treatment of Jews, 208 f. ; Jewish deputations to, 210 f.; orders his effigy to be set up in the Temple, 212; death, 212. Callaecia, Roman, i. 69 f . ; separated from Lusitania, 71. Calhstus, ii. 110 w., 111. Calybe, i. 328. 330 n. 382 Index. Camalodnnum, i. 185, 186, 191, 192, 195, 209 f. Camels in Africa, ii. 370. Camunni, i. 18 f. Canabae, i. 182. Canal, Egyptian, ii. 303, 304, 323 f. Canatha, ii. 16'J ; temple of Baalsa- min, 170 ; Odeon," 172. Candace, ii. 299 300, 301. Cane, ii. 322. Canius Rufus, i. 83. Cannenefates, i. 41, 106 w., 131, 137 f., 140, 142, 153. Canopus, ii. 281 7i. ; decree of, 283. Cantabri, i. 71, 72, 73. Cantonal system of Spain, i. 77, 78 n. ; of Gaul, 97 f. ; influence of , 102; cantons represented in diet, 103 n., 105 n. ; in Britain, 208. Cappadocia, i. 3.50, 351 ; inland, 359 ; division into praefectures, 360 ; Greek accent of, 360; ii. 21, 43, 67. Caracalla, Severus Antoninus, cam- paign against Alamanni, i. 175 ; named Geticus, 258 ; Parthian war, ii. 93 ; assassinated, 95 ; treat- ment of Alexandria, 286; unit- ing the vices of three races, 138, 371. Caratacus, i. 191 f., 194. Caravans, Palmyrene, ii. 106 n. Caren, ii. 6, 49, 90. Carnuntum, i. 26, 215, 223. Carnutes, i. 99. Carpi, i. 257 f. Carrhae, ii. 23, 25, 83, 124. Carthage, 'ii. 334, 359, 360, 371. Carthage, New, 1. 74. Cartimandus, i. 198 f. Carus, Marcus Aurelius, Persian war, ii. 122 f. ; death, 123. Caspian gates, ii. 65 n. Cassius, Avidius, ii. SOn.^ 284. Cassivellannus, i. 185. Castra Regina, i. 214. Cattigara, ii. 328. Catualda, i. 67, 233. Caucasian tribes, ii. 37, 38, 65, 72, 78^.., 97 n. _ Cavalry recruited mainly from Gaul, i. 116. Celtic inscriptions, i. 108 n. ; divin- ities, 113 f.; language, see Gaul. Cenomani, i. 98. Census of Gaul, i. 91. Cerialis, Quintus Petillius, i. 151 f., 153, 196, 199. Cernunnos, i. 113. Chaeremon, ii. 282, 296 n. Chaeronea in the civil wars, i. 290. Chalcedon, i. 265. Chalcidian peninsula, i. 325. Chandragupta, ii. 14. Charax Spasinu, ii. 73, 106 7i. Charibael, ii. 819 n. Chariomerus, i. 158. Chastisement, corporal, in Egypt, ii. 261 n. Chatramotitis, ii. 311, 315, 321. Chatti, i. SO, 32, 33, .56, 144; take the lead, 161 ; Chattan wars, 162 n. ; under Domiti^' 163 n., 171; under Marcus, 174, 214, 249 f. Chauci, i. 32 ; renewed rising, 40, 48 ; settlements and attitude, 131 ; revolt, 136. CJicmi^ ii. 273. Chemmis, ii. 255. Cherusci, i. 30, 31, 32; rising, 40; under Arminius, 47, 57, 65 ; later position, 156. China, embassy to, ii. 328. Chosroes, ii. 70. Chosroes Nushirvan, ii. 147. Chrestus, ii. 217 n. Christianity in Syria, ii. 138 ; SjTiac Christian literature, 136 ; Chris- tian symbols, 154 ; effect on Chris- tians of destruction of Jerusalem, 239 f. ; Christians not, like Jews, a nation, 245 oi. ; Christianity and Judaism, 249 f. ; Christians and the imperial cultus, i. 377 ; con- ception of the persecutions of the Christians, ii. 215 7i. Chrysogonus, i. 265. Cidamus, ii. 344. Cilicia, i. 350, 351 ; piracy in, 362 ; becomes province, 361. Cimbri, i. 41. Cinithii, ii. 346. Circesium, ii. 98, 102 n. Circumcision, ii. 243 ; prohibited, 248 n. Cirta, ii. 338 347, 362, 373. Civilis, i. 141 f . ; siege of Vetera, 145 f. ; capitulation of Romans, 149 ; last struggles, 153 f . Classicus, Julius, i. 149 f. Claudius I. , emperor, a true Gaul, i. 107 ; cancels restriction of Gallic franchise, 108 ; rising of Chauci, 136; directs withdrawal from right bank of Rhine. 136 ; occupa- tion of Britain, 187, 190 f. ; Jazy- ges under, 235 ; re-establishes old arrangement in Greece, 299 ; pol- icy of Claudius in the Eatit, ii. 48 ; death, 52 ; policy towards the Index. 383 Jews, 216 f. ; directs his works to be read publicly, 295. Claudius Gothicus, Gothic victories of, i. 207 f. ; renewed fortifying of Danubian frontier, 268. Cleopatra, ii. 27 n., 30, 194 f. Clitae, i. 364. Clubs, i. 383, 385. Cnidus, appeal to the Emperor from, i. 381 n. Cogidumnus, i. 191. Colonate, i. 356. Columella, i. 83. Column of Trajan, i. 242 f. Commagene, ii. 21 ; annexed, 43 ; kingdom revived by Gains, 48 ; province, 67 129. Commodus, conflicts in Britain under, i. 205 ; frontier-regulation in Dacia, 247 ; character, 255 ; peace with Marcomani, 256. Concordia, coemeterium of, ii. 153. Coptic, ii. 265. Coptos, ii. 273, 304, 313, 323 n. Corbulo, Gnaeus Domitius, reduces Frisians, i. 136 ; directed to with- draw from right bank of Rhine, 136 ; sent to Cappadocia, ii. 52 ; character of ti;oops, 53 ; offensive against Tiridates, 55 ; in Armenia, 56 n. ; capitulation of Paetus, 61 w., 62 n. ; conclusion of peace, 61-64 ; partiality of Tacitus's ac- count, 61 w., 62 64 n. Corduba in Latin literature, i. 82. Corinth, treatment of, i.279; Caesar's atonement, 281 f. Corn drawn from Egypt, ii. 260 f. Correctores^ i. 303 f. Corycus, epitaphs of Christians at, i. 389 n., 391 n. Costoboci, i. 262. Cottius of Segusio, i. 19, 20. Cotys, i. 228 n. Cragus-Sidyma, i. 384 f. Cremna, i. 363, 364, 365. Crete, i. 350, 351, 371. Ctesiphon, ii. 3, 8, 30, 82, 85, 90, 123. Cugerni, i. 37, 134 n. Cur obelinus, i. 186 n., 189, 191. Cyprian, ii. 376. Cyprus, i. 350, 351, 371 ; Jews in, ii. 240 f., 242, 245. Cyrene, i. 350 f. ; Pentapolis, 371 ; "peasants," 371; categories of population, ii. 179 n. ; Jewish ris- ing in, 240, 242, 255 n. Cyzicus, i. 357, 377. Dabel, ii. 162 w., 165. Daci and Dacia : preparations for Dacian war, i. 12 ; internal trou- bles, 13 ; raid to Apollonia, 15 ; war of Lentulus, 46 ; Dacian lan- guage, 225 ; Daci under Tiberius, 235 ; war under Domitian, 238 ; chronology of it, 239 n. ; war un- der Trajan, 240 f. ; second war, 241 f. ; Dacia an advanced posi- tion, 247 f. ; loss of Dacia, 261. Daesitiatae, i. 43 f . , 46. Dalmatia, war, i. 10 f. ; towns with Roman franchise, 12; Dalmato- Pannonian rising, 43 f. ; Italian civilisation, 218 ; ports, 219; state of interior, 220; prosperity under Diocletian, 221 f. Damascus, environs of, ii. 157 ; Greek, 159 ; under Nabataean pro- tection, 1 62 11. ; relation to Aretas, 162 n. ; Jews in, 181 ; Jews put to death, 227. Danava, ii. 102, 167. Danube, region of, i. 24 f . ; boundary of empire, 26, 212 f. ; fleet, 222 ; army, 236 f. ; military position after Trajan, 244 ; primacy of Danubian armies, 271. Daphne, ii. 119 ; pleasure-garden, 140, 141 n. Dardani, i. 11, 14, 324. Decapolis, ii. 159 n. Decebalus, i. 238 f., 242. Decianus, i. 83. Decianus Catus, i. 196. Decius Traianus, proclaimed em- peror, i. 259 ; conflicts with Goths and relief of Nicopolis, 260 ; death, 260. Declamations in Gaul, i. 124. Decumates {agri)., i. 165 w., 213 f. Deiotarus, i. 367 f. Dellius, ii. 34 n. Delminium, i. 220. Delos, i. 280, 292; Delian inscrip- tions, ii. 280 n. Dentheletae, i. 14. Deultus, i. 332. Deva, camp of, i. 194, 210. Dexippus, i. 259 260 n., 263 w., 266 n., 267?*., 304. Diegis, i. 239. Dio of Prusa, i. 291 f., 297, 317 n., 397 f . ; address to Rhodians, i. 293 f . Diocletianus : favour for Dalmatia and Salonae, i. 221 f . ; Sarmatian victories, 270 ; Persian war under, ii. 124 f. ; terms of peace, 125 ; re- volt in Egypt, 273 ; edict, as to grain, 273 f., as to linen, 277 n. ; resolves to cede the Dodecaschoiiios to Nubians, 301 f . 384 Index. Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria/Ii. 272 n. Dionysius, cabinet secretary, ii. 297 n. Dionysos, Thracian sbrine of, i. 16, 28 ; Thraciau god, 226. Dioscorides, island of, ii. 314, 322, Dioscurias, i. 262. Dmer, ii. 162 w., 167. Dodecaschoinos, ii. 300 n., 301 n.. 302 n. Dodona, i. 322 n. Dolabella, Publius Cornelius, ii. 346. Domitianus : careful administration, i. 117 ; restricts number of vines, 118 f. ; wars with the Chatti, 162 f. ; construction of the Flavian altars," 165 ; Dacian war, 238 f. ; defeated by Marcomani, 239 ; gives urban rights to Philippopolis, 332. Domitius Afer, Gnaeus, i. 121. Double names in Egpyt, ii. 265. Drobetae, bridge at, i. 241. Druids and Druidism in Gaul, i. 113 f. ; prohibited by Tiberius and Claudius, 114 ; schools of priests, 121 ; in Anglesey, 201. Druidesses, i. 115. Drusus, Nero Claudius : victory over Raeti, i. 19, 20 ; sent to the Rhine, 25 ; German war, 30 f . ; ex- pedition to North Sea, 32 ; death of, 33 f. ; character, 30, 34 ; Ger- man tribes subdued, 134 f . Dubnovellaunus, i. 186 n. Durocortorum, i. 97. Durostorum, i. 245, 335. Dusaris, ii. 168 ; Dusaria, 168 n. Dyarchy not applied in Egypt, ii. 253. Dyme, letter of governor to, i. 282 n. Dynamis, i. 339. Dyrrachium, i. 219, 325, 326. EA.RTHQUAKES in Asia Minor, i. 888. Eburacum, i. 199, 202, 210. Ecbatana, ii. 4, 30. Edessa, ii. 72 f., 82, 83, 85, 108, 110, 136 n. Education in Gaul, i. 121 f. ; in Asia Minor, 392 f. ; in Africa, ii. 371 f . Egypt : annexation, ii. 252 f . ; exclu- sively an imperial possession, 253 f.; twofold nationality, 254 ; land- districts and Greek cities, 255 f. ; coinage, 257 n. ; absence of land- diet, 258 ; government of Lagids, 259 f. ; imperial administration financially, 259 f. ; revenues, 260 j f.; privileged position of Hellenes, | 261 f. ; personal privileges in Ro- man period, 262 ; native language, 264 ; titles of Augustus in, 265 n. ; abolition of resident court, 265 f . ; officials, general and local, 267-269; insurrections, 271 ; in the Palmy- rene period (ii. 116 f.), 271 f. ; re- volt under Diocletian, 273 ; oppo- sition emperors, 273 ; agriculture, 273 ; granary of Rome, 274 f. ; rev- enue from imperial domains, 275 w., 276 ; trades, 277 ; linen, 277 ; papyrus, 277 ; building materials, 278 ; navigation of Mediterranean, 279 f . ; population, 280 ; manners, 281 f. ; religious customs, 282 f. ; . sorcery, 283 ; other abuses con- nected with the cultus, 283; re- volt of the "Herdsmen," 284 f. ; Alexandria, 285-206 ; strength of occupying army, 297 f. ; recruited from camp-children, 297 ; task of the troops, 298 ; east coast and general commerce, 302 f. ; canal, 303 f. ; sea-route to India, 303 ; eastern ports, 304 ; relations with west coast of Arabia, 309 f . ; land-* routes and harbours, 323 ; piracy repressed, 324 ; active traffic to the East, 325 f. Eirenarchs, i. 381 n., 382. Elagabalus. origin of name, ii. 135. Elateia, i. 262. Eleazar, ii. 225, 227, 233, 234. Eleazar of Modein, ii. 244 n. Elegeia, battle of, ii. 80. Eleutherolacones, i. 282 n. Elis, i. 283 n. • flax of, 317. Elymais, ii. 7. Emmaus, ii. 231 f., 237. Emona, i. 12, 23, 2i5, 223. Ephesus, i. 357, 390, 391. Epictetus, i. 296. Epidaphne^ a blunder of Tacitus, ii 140 n. Epirus, i. 319 f. ; northern, i. 322. Equestrian offices in Egypt, ii. 253 w., 263 n., 267, 268, 271. Eratosthenes, ii. 262 n. Esus, i. 113. Ethnarch of the Jews in Alexandria, ii. 210 n. Euergetes, title of, ii. 259. Eumolpidae, i. 304. Eupatorids, i. 341. Euphorion, librarian to Antiochus the Great, ii. 142. Euphrates, frontier of the, ii. 1 ; Ro- mano-Parthian frontier-regions, 20 ; recognised as boundary, 22 ; customs-district, 75 f., 106 n. \ Romans on left bank, 83 ; need Index. 385 of watch, 129 f. ; as route for cc merce, 302 f . Europus, battle at, ii. 83. Eurycles, i. 307. Exegetes in Alexandria, ii. 2G9 n. Eziongeber, ii. 313 n. Ezra, ii. 175. Fadus, Cuspius, ii. 223. Faustinopolis, i. 360. Favorinus, polymath, i. 130 f. Felix, Antonius, ii. 220, 223. Filosofi locus, ii. 373. Firmus in Egypt, ii. 130 n. Flaccus, Avillius, ii. 309 n., 210. Flavian altars," i. 165 n. Florus, Gessius, ii. 235. Forath, ii. 106 n. Forum Julii, i. 93. Frankincense routes, ii. 310 w., 313 w., 336. Franks, i. 177, 179, 181 ; settled on Black Sea, 370. Frontinus, Sextus Julius, i. 197. Fronto, Marcus Claudius, i. 253. Fronto, Marcus Cornelius, ii. 373. Frisians, i. 30, 31, 48, 106 131, 134, 137 w., 140, 142, 156. Furtius, i. 253 f. Fuscus, Arellius, i. 395. Fuscus, Cornelius, i. 239. Gabinius, Aulus, ii. 189 f., 252. Gades, i. 74, 81 f. ; Gaditanian songs, 82. Gaetulians, ii. 331, 351 n., 353 f. Galatia, i. 350 f., 368, 366 f. ; Gala- tian kingdom, 367 f. ; province, 368 ; inhabitants, 368 ; former cantons, 369 ; language under the Romans, 369 f. ; Galatians as sol- diers, 370 ; garrison of, 379. Galatarchs, i. 378 n. ; Julian's letter to, 378 n. Galba, i. 141 ; ii. 314 w., 331. Galenus of Pergamus, i. 396. Gallicus, Gains Rutilius, ii. 68 n. Gallienus, energetic action in Ger- many, i. 177 ; victory over pirates at Thrace, 266 ; character, 367 ; murder, 367 ; recognition of Odae- nathus, ii. Ill f. Gallus, Gaius Aelius, expedition of, ii. 316 f. ; Strabo's account of it, 316 n. Gallus, Gaius Cestius, ii. 338 f. Gallus, Trebonianus, i. 360 f. Ganna, i. 158. Gannascus, i. 136. Garamantes, ii. 336, 343, 346. Gaul, administrative partition of, i. Vol. II.— 25 37 n. ; acquisition of Southern, 85 ; later conflicts in three Gauls, 86 f. ; Celtic rising under Tibe- rius, 87 ; gradual pacification, 88 ; rising after Nero's death, 89, 148 f . ; Romanising policy, 89 f. ; or- ganisation of the three Gauls, 91 f . ; law and justice, 93 ; Romanis- ing of Southern province, 93 f. ; cantonal organisation, 97 f. ; influ- ence of cantonal constitution, 100 ; smaller client-unions, 99 n. ; diet, 101 ; altar and priest, 101 ; composition of the diets, 103 f. ; officials, 103 n. , 103 n. ; restricted Roman franchise, 106 f. ; Latin rights conferred on individual communities, 107 ; Celtic language, 108 f. ; evidences of its continued use, 110 ; Romanising stronger in Eastern Gaul, 111 ; land measure- ment, 111 ; religion, 113 ; economic condition, 115 ; culture of vine, 117 ; network of roads, 119 ; Hel- lenism in South Gaul, 1 19 ; Latin literature in Southern province, 131 ; literature in imperial Gaul, 131 ; constructive and plastic art, 124; extent of the three Gauls, 127 ; attempt to establish a Gallic empire, 149-153. Gaza, ii. 228. Gedrosia, ii. 14. Geneva, i. 98. Gens and civitas, ii. 364 n. Georgius, murder of, ii. 388. Gerba, ii. 368. I Germanicus, associated with Tibe- rius, i. 46 ; in sole command on the Rhine, 54 ; course after death of Augustus, 55; renewed offen- sive, 56 f. ; expedition to the Ems, 57 f. ; campaign of the year 16, 58 f. ; disaster to his fleet, 60 ; recall, 60 ; aims and re- sults of campaigns, 60-65 ; tri- umph, 67; mission to the East, ii. 43 ; its results, 44 f . Germany and Germans : Rhine- boundary, i. 38 f. ; war of Dru- sus, 30 f. ; Roman camps and base, 35 f . ; organisation of prov- ince, 39 ; altar for Germanic can- tons, 39, 188 ; rising under Armin- ius, 47 f. ; character of Romano- German conflict, 54 ; abolition of command-in-chief on the Rhine, 60 ; Elbe frontier and its abandon- ment, 63-65 ; Germans against Germans, 66 ; original province, 137; Upper and Lower, 128 f.5 386 Index, strength of the armies, 129 n. ; right bank of Rhine abandoned, 136 f . ; position after fall of Nero, 138 ; consequences of Batavian war, 154 f. ; later attitude of Ro- mano-Germans on left bank, 156 f . ; free Germans there, 157 ; Up- per Germany, 159 f. ; Limes, 166- 174 ; distribution of troops, 169 n., 172 n. ; under Marcus, 174 ; later wars, 175-182 ; Romanising of, 182 ; towns arising out of encamp- ments, 182 ; Germanising of the Roman state, its beginnings and progress, 183 f. ; picture of, by Tacitus, 183. Gerusia, i. 383. Geta, Gnaeus Hosidius, ii. 352. Getae, language of, i. 225. Gibbon, i. 6. Gindarus, battle of, ii. 25. Gladiatorial games, latest in Greece, i. 295. Glass of Sidon, ii. 150 ; glass-wares, 278. Gods, Iberian, i, 82 ; Celtic, in Spain, 82 n. ; British, 209 ; Syrian, ii. 134 ; Egyptian, 255, 282 f. Gondopharus, ii. 16, 17 n. Gordianus, "conqueror of Goths," i. 259 ; Persian wars of, ii. 98. Gordiou Kome, i. 358. Gorneae, ii. 51 n. Gotarzes, ii. 8 w., 13 w., 49, 50. Goths : migrations, i. 257 ; Gothic wars, 258; under Decius, 259 f . ; invasions of Macedonia and Thrace, 260 ; maritime expedi- tions, 263 f . ; victories of Claudius, 267 f. ; character of these wars, 269. Graupian Mount, battle of, i. 199 f., 206. Great-king, ii, 8. Greece : Hellas and Rome, i. 274 ; towns under republic, 278 ; city- leagues broken up, 278 f . ; revived, 280; freed communities and col- onies, 279-283 ; decay of, 283 ; de- crease of population, 290 ; state- ments of Plutarch, Dio, and Strabo, 290 f. ; tone of feeling, 293 f . ; good old manners, 294 f . ; parallel between Roman and Athe- nian life, 296 ; misrule of provin- cial administration, 298 ; misrule in towns, 300 ; clinging to mem- ories of past, 303 ; religion, 304 ; worship of pedigrees, 304 f. ; lan- guage — archaism and barbarism, 305 f. ; great families, 307 f. ; career of state-offices, 308 f . ; personal service of the emperor, 309 ; municipal administration, 309 ; Plutarch on its duties, 310 ; games, universal interest in, 312- 314 ; municipal ambition, its hon- ours and toils, 315 f, ; trade and commerce, 316 f. ; roads, 318 ; piratic invasions, i. 265 f. ; de- scription of Greece from the time of Constantius, i. 318 n. Greek islands, places of punish- ment, i. 371. Gregorius Nazianzenus, i. 360. Hadrianoi, i. 355. Hadrianus : Hadrian's wall, i. 202 ; disaster at Eburacum, 204 n. ; Panhellenism at Athens, 288 ; grants to Athens, 301 f. ; his Novae Athenae, 302 ; Olympieion, 302 ; evacuates Assyria and Mesopota- mia, and restores Armenia as vas- sal-state, ii. 76, 77 ; Jewish rising under, 242 f. ; lays out Antinoop- olis, 257 ; gives exceptional right of coining, 257 ; alleged letter to Servianus, 279 n. ; Hadrian's road " in Egypt, 323 n. Haedui, i. 88, 108. Hairanes, Septimius, ii. 104 n. Harmozika, ii. 68. Hasmonaeans, ii. 175. Hatra, ii. 74, 83, 85, 96. Hauran, red soil, ii. 157; mountain- pastures, 158 ; cave-towns, 160 ; robbers, 161 ; bilingual inscrip- tions, 161 n. ; forts, 167 ; agri- culture, 169 ; Ledja, 169 ; aque- ducts, 169 ; buildings, 170. Hebron, ii. 232. Hecatompylos, ii. 4. Heliopolis, ii. 132, 134. Helladarch, i. 276, 288 w., 372 n. Hellenism and Panhellenism, i. 273 f . Helvetii, i. 30, 99, 100, 107, 127, 129, 139 ; "Helvetian desert," 164. Hemesa, ii. Ill, 115, 119 f. ; oil- presses near, 149 n. Heraclea (Chersonesus), i. 331, 338 ; coins of, 342 n. Hercules in Gaul, i. 115. Herroogenes of Smyrna, i. 397 n. Hermunduri, i. 35, 42, 171 f., 232 f. Herod the Great, ii. 192 f. ; con- firmed by Antonius as tetrarch, 192 ; king of Judaea, 193 ; under Augustus, 194 ; government in re- lation to the Romans, 195 f. ; in relation to the Jews, 195 ; charac- ter and aims, 196 f. ; energy of Index. 387 his rule, 197 ; extent of his domin- ions, 198 ; partition of his king- dom, 198; revenues of, 203 n. ; territory beyond the Jordan, ii. 160 f. ; represses brigandage, 160. Ilerod Agrippa I., ii. 53, 208, 311 f., 318. lierod Agrippa II., ii. 166, 186, 188 n., 197, 198, 335, 327, 238. Herod Antipas, ii. 165. liorod of Chalcis, ii. 319. Herodes Atticus, i. 304, 306, 308 n. Herodians, ii. 338. Heroonpolis, ii. 384. Heruli, i. 366 f. Hiera Sycaminos, ii. 300 n. Hilary of Poitiers, opinion of his countrymen, i. 90. Hippalus, ii. 336. Hippo, ii. 338, 348, 357, 370. Homeritep, ii. 311 f. ; coinage, 313 f . , 315 ; later fortunes, 330 ; united with kingdom of Axomites, 321 n. ; commercial intercourse of, 333. Homonadenses, i. 363 f . Hordeonius Flaccus, i. 143. Hyginus, i. 83. Hypatia, murder of, ii. 388. Hyrcanus, ii. 189, 190 w., 193, 194. Iaptdes, i. 11. lazyges, i. 334, 339, 350, 353. Iberians, range and language, i. 75 ; Romanising, 75 f. ; north of Pyre- nees, 86 ; coinage, 86 n. Iceni, i. 195. Iconium, i. 364 f. Idiologus^ ii. 368 n. Idumaea, ii. 331, 233. Igel column, i. 135 f. Igilgili, ii. 350. Illyrian stock, i. 316 f. ; range and character, 216 f . ; admixture of Celtic elements, 333 f . lUyricum, relation to Moesia, i. 16 n. ; erection and extent of prov- ince, 34 f. ; rising in, 43 ; admin- istrative subdivision, 312, 318 ; excellence of Illyrian soldiers, 371 f . ; Illyrian emperors, 373. India, commercial intercourse with, ii. 337 f . Indus, region of, ii. 14 f. Inguiomerus, i. 57, 66, 67. Insubres, i. 98. lol (Caesarea), ii. 338, 349. Iran, empire of : Iranian stocks and rule, ii. 1 f. ; religion, 10 f. ; Bac- tria bulwark of Iran, 19. See Persia. Irenaeus, i. 110. Isauria, i. 363 f., 365. Isca, camp of, i.l94, 310. Isidorus (leader of " herdsmen "), ii. 285. Isidorus, geographer, ii. 43. Isis, i. 304 ; ii. 389. Istachr, see Persepolis. Isthmus of Corinth, piercing of, i. 319. Istria, i. 317. Istros, i. 359. Istropolis, i. 15. Itala version of Bible, by whom prepared, ii. 375 n. Italica, i. 73. Italicus, i. 157. Italy, northern frontier of, i. 9 f. ; ceases to be military, 273. Ivernia, i. 193, 198, 199. Izates of Adiabene, ii 49, 181. Jahve, ii. 174, 175, 183. Jamblichus, ii. 83 w., 135 w., 143. Jannaeus Alexander, ii. 176. Jazyges, see lazyges. Jerome, i. 110. Jerusalem, standing garrison, ii. 203 ; destruction of, 334, 337; colony of Hadrian, 343 n. See Judaea. Jews : Jewish traffic, ii. 155 f. ; Pariah position in Rome, 155 f. ; Diaspora, 155, 176 f. ; at Alexan- dria, 176 w., 177 ; at Antioch, 177 ; in Asia Minor, 177 n. ; Greek lan- guage compulsory, 178 f. ; reten- tion of nationality, 179 f. ; self- governing community in Alexan- dria, 180 ; extent of the Diaspora, 180 f. ; proselytism, 180 f. ; Hel- lenising tendencies, 181 ; Jewish- Alexandrian philosophy, 183 ; Neo- Judaism, 183 f . ; fellowship of, as a body, 183 f. ; Philo, 184 ; Roman government and Judaism, 185 f. ; policy of Augustus, 186 f., of Tiberius, 187 ; treatment in the West, 186, and in the Bast, 188 f. ; treatment by Gaius, 308 f. ; Jew-hunt at Alexan- dria, 308 f . ; statue of emperor in the Temple, 311 f. ; impression produced by the attempt, 313; hatred of emperor-worship de- picted in the Apocalypse, 313-315 n. ; treatment by Claudius, 216 f. ; preparations for the insurrection, 319 f. ; high-priestly rule, 320 ; Zealots, 231 f . ; outbreak in Caes- area, 334 f., and in Jerusalem, 335 f. ; struggle of parties, 336 f . ; extension of the war, 337 ; war 388 Index. of Vespasian, 228 f . | forces, 230 n. ; first and second campaigns, 231 ; Titus against Jerusalem, 232; task of assailants, 233 f . ; destruction of Jerusalem, 234 ; breaking up of Jewish central power, 235 ; central worship set aside, 235 f. ; tribute transferred to Capitoline Jupiter, 236 f. ; ter- ritory becomes domain-land, 237 n. ; further treatment, 238 f. ; consequences of catastrophy, 239 ; Palestinian Jews, 240 f . ; rising under Trajan, 239 ; under Ha- drian, 248, 244 n. ; position in sec- ond and third centuries, 245 f. ; toleration of worship, 245 ; cor- porative unions, 246 f. ; patri- archs, 246 n. ; exemptions from, and obligations to, public services, 247; circumcision prohibited, 248 n. ; altered position of Jews and altered character of Judaism in the imperial period, 249, 250. John of Grischala, ii. 233. Joppa, ii. 190 w., 191. Josephus, on cave-towns of Hauran, ii. 160 ; account of Titus's council of war, 236 n. ; value of state- ments in the preface to his His- tory of the Jewish War, ii. 223 n. Jotapata, ii. 231, Juba I., ii. 335. Juba II., ii. 339, 341, 368 n. ; his Collectanea, ii. 42, 318 n. Judaea : distinction between Jewish land and Jewish people, ii. 174 ; priestly rule under Seleucids, 174 f . ; kingdom of Hasmonaeans, 175 ; Pharisees and Sadducees, 175 ; under the republic, 189; Caesar's arrangements, 190 f . ; freedom from dues, 190 n.\ Parthians in Judaea, 193 f . ; under Herod, 196- 198 ; under Archelaus, 199 f. ; Roman province, 200, 201 n. ; provincial organisation, 201 ; mil- itary force in, 202 ; tribute, 202 f. ; native authorities, 203 ; deference to Jewish scruples, 206 f. ; the Jewish opposition, 207 f. iSeealso Jews. Judaism, see Jews and Judaea. Judas, the Galilean, ii. 214. Jugurtha, war with, ii. 334. Julianus defeats Dacians at Tapae, i. 239. Julianus, Emperor, epigram on bar- ley-wine, i. 117; reply to '^beard- mockers " of Antioch, ii. 147. Julii, tomb of, at S. Remy, i. 125. Jitridicus, ii. 268 n. Jurisprudence, studied at Berytus, ii. 143. Juthungi, i. 175, 180. Kainepolis, ii. 81 n. Kanata and Canatha, ii. 159 n. Kanerku, ii. 17, 18 7i. Kerykes, i. 266, 304. King of kings, ii. 13. Labeo, Claudius, i. 148. Labienus, Quintus, ii. 24. Lachares, i. 307. Lactantius, ii. 376, Lactora, i. 105 n. Laetus, ii. 85. Lagids, government of, ii. 258 ; finance of, 259 f ., 261. Lambaesis, ii. 347. Lancia, i. 72. Langobardi, i. 41, 42, 158, 249. Laodicea, i, 354, 390 ; ii. 144. Larisa, i. 323. Latifundia^ ii. 363. Latin version of Bible, ii. 374 n. Latobici in Carniola, i. 217. Latro, Marcus Porcius, i, 83. Lauriacum, i. 216. Leagues of Greek cities, i. 280, 286 71. ; diets, 286 f. Lentulus, Gnaeus, Dacian war, i. 46. Leptis, Great, ii. 343, 355, 356, 357. Leuce Come, ii. 163, 304, 310, 313, 317. Leuga^ i, 112, Lex Julia H., i. 12. Libanius, description of Antioch, ii. 141 01. Library of Alexandria, ii. 294 f. Libyans, ii. 331, 345. Licinianus, Valerius, i. 83. Limes, meaning of, i. 132 n. ; Limes Germaniae, 132 f . ; Upper Ger- manic, 166 f. ; Raetiae, 168 f. ; construction of, 169, 214 ; object and effect of these structures, i, 170-174. Lindum, i. 198. Linen, Syrian, ii. 149, 150 ; Egyp- tian, 277 n. Lingones, i. Ill, 150, 153 ; testa- ment of man of rank among, i. 116. Logistae, i. 382. Lollius, Marcus, defeat of, i. 26. Londinium, i. 192, 196, 209. Longinus (Pseudo-), on the Sublime, ii. 182, 251. Lucanus, i. 83. Index. 389 Lucian of Commagene, ii. 143 ; on the Syrian goddess, 146 n. ; (Pseu- do-), parallel between Roman and Athenian life, 296 f. Lugii, i. 43, 234, 239 n. Lngudunum, i. 95-97. Lusitania, i. 69, 70 ; towns with bur- gess-rights in, 75. Lutetia, described by Julian, i. 118. Lycia, i. 350 f., 361 ; Lycian cities- league, 361. Lydius, robber-chief, i. 365. Lysimachia, i. 328, 349 tc. Macedonia, frontier of, i. 13 f . ; extent under the empire, 323 f . ; nationalities, 324 f . ; Greek polity, 325 f . ; diet, 326 ; economy, roads and levy, 327 f. ; Macedonians at Alexandria, ii. 178, 179 n. Machaerus, ii 234. Macrianus, Fulvius, ii. 111. Macrinus, ii. 95. Mactaris, ii. 369 n. Madaura, ii. 372. Madeira, dyeworks at, ii. 352, 368 n, Maeates, i. 205. Magians, ii. 11, 90. Magnesia on Maeander, i. 353, 857. Malchus, ii. 165. Mamaea, ii. 96. Manahim, ii. 326. Marble quarries, i. 317. Marcianopolis, i. 334, 335. Marcomani, i. 30 ; retired to Bohe- mia, 33 ; isolated, 35 ; under Maroboduus, 41, 66 f. ; under Ro- man clientship, 232 f. ; war under Marcus Aurelius, 248 f . ; invasion of Italy, 250 ; pestilence, 250 ; progress of war, 251 ; submission of Quadi, 352 ; terms of, 253 ; sec- ond war, 354 ; results, 855 f . ; conclusion of peace by Commo- dus, 355. Mareades, ii. 109 n. Margiane (Merv), ii. 30. Marip.ba, ii. 312, 318, 330. Mariamne, ii. 193, 196. Mariccus, i. 140. Marmarica, ii. 343. Marnus, temple of, ii. 145. Maroboduus, i. 41, 48, 53, 66 f. Marsi, i. 56. Martialis, Valerius, i. 83. Mascula, ii. 347. Massada, ii. 334. Massilia, i. 85, 86, 93, 119. Massinissa, ii. 333, 336. Mattiaci, i. 37, 144, 161 n. Mauretania, Roman dependency, ii. 335 ; two Mauretanian kingdoms, 338 f. ; Roman civilisation in, 349 f. ; Gaetulian wars, 350 ; incur- sions of Moors into Spain, 353 n. ; colonisation of Augustus, 362; large landed estates, 363 f. Mauri, ii. 331. Maximianus, Galerius, ii. 124. Maximinus, expedition into heart of Germany, i. 176; Mesopotamia falls to Ardashir, ii. 98. Maximus, Terentius, ii. 69. Mazices, ii. 330, 353. Media, ii. 4, 6, 10. Mediolanum, i. 98. Mediomatrici, i. 152. Megasthenes sent to India, ii. 143. Megistanes, ii. 5 f. Meherdates, ii. 49. Mela, Pomponius, i. 83. Menecrates, physician, i. 396 n. Menippus of Gadara, ii. 143. Mentz, see Mogontiacum. Meroe, ii. 298, 301. Mesembria, i. 330. Mesene, ii. 73. Mesopotamia, ceded to Parthians, ii. 23 ; Vologasus in, 58 ; occupied by Trajan, 72 ; revolt of Seleucia and siege, 73 f . ; Roman province, 73, 75 f . ; evacuated by Hadrian, 77 ; again Roman province under Sever us, 84 ; battle of Nisibis, 95 ; falls to Ardashir, 98 ; reconquered by Gordian, 98 ; but ceded by Philippus, 99 ; struggle under Valerian, 108 ; action of Odaena- thus, 113 ; once more Roman un- der Cams, 123 ?i. ; invaded by Narseh, but recovered by Diocle- tian, 124-127. Messalla, Marcus Valerius, van- quishes the Aquitanians, i. 87. Minaeans, ii. 310 n.. 311 w., 315, 321. Minnagara, ii. 15, 18 w. Minucius, Felix, ii. 376. Mithra, worship of, ii. 137. Mithradates I., ii. 5. Mithradates, brother of Pharas- manes, ii. 45, 48, 49 7i. , 50. Mithradates of Pergamus, i. 339, 367. Moesia, i. 14 ; subjugation by Cras- sus, 15, 230 ; relation to Illyri- cum, 16 ; province, 25 ; Latin civilisation of, 230 ; legionary camps, 231 n., 237, 246; Greek towns in lower, 334 f. ; mints in, 334 n. Mogontiacum, i. 36, 54, 138, 160, 183. 390 Index. Mona, i. 193, 194, 195, 197. Monachism cradled in Egypt, ii. 290. Monaeses, ii. 26, 28, 31, 33. Monobazus of Adiabene, ii. 58. Montanus, Votienus, i. 121. Months, Persian names of, ii. 92 n. ; Palmyrene, 104 n. Morini, i. 87. Mosaic pavements in Britain, i. 211. Moselle valley, i. 125 f . Museum of Alexandria, president of the, ii. 269 n. ; savants of the, 291 f., 294 n., 295. Musulamii, ii. 345, 346, 347 n. Muza, ii. 314. 322, 325 Muziris, ii. 327. Myos Hormos, ii. 304, 313, 323, 325. Nabata, ii. 298, 306 w., 307. ^ Nabataea : language and writing, ii. 159 ; kingdom of Nabat, 161 ; its extent and power, 162 f. ; Naba- taean inscriptions, 162 w., 163 n. ; king subject to the Romans, 164 ; coins of, 164 n. ; Greek desig- nations of magistrates, 166 f . ; merged partly in Roman prov- ince of Arabia by Trajan, 166 ; worship, 167 ; Phylarchs, 168. Naissus, i. 268. Namara, stronghold of, ii. 167, 172. Napoca, i. 247. Narbo, i. 85 f., 93. Narcissus, i. 190. Naristae, i. 256. Narona, i. 219. Narseh, ii. 124 n. Nasamones, ii. 344. Nattabutes, ii. 347 n. Naucratis, ii. 255 n., 256 n. Nauplia, i. 318. Nauportus, i. 10, 215. Neapolis, Flavia, ii. 237. Necho, ii. 303. Neckar, region of the, i. 164 f. Negrin, oasis of, ii. 348. Neith, sanctuary of, ii. 282. Nelcynda, ii. 327. Nemausus, i. 94 ; temples, 115 ; coins, 119. Neocorate, i. 375 f. Moi, i. 383. Neo-Judaism, ii. 292. Neo-Platonism, ii. 138. Neo-Pythagoreanism, ii. 292. Nero, report of Aelianus as to Moe- sia, i. 235 ; attempt to pierce the Isthmus of Corinth, 319; under Burrus and Seneca, ii. 52 ; aims of the government in the East, 53, 54 ; Parthian war under, 58 f . ; intended Oriental expedition, 65 f . ; Vologasus on Nero's memory, 66 ; confiscations in Africa, 364 ; Pseudo-Nero, ii. 64, 66, 69. Nicaea, i. 265, 356. Nicanor, Julius, buys back Salamis, i. 301. Nicephorium, ii. 82, 101, 124. Nicetes of Smyrna, i. 395. Nicolaus of Damascus, ii. 181 f. Nicomedia, i. 265, 356, 373; Dio's address to, 357 n. Nicopolis, Epirot, i. 275, 320 f. Nicopolis on Haemus, i. 260, 332. Nicopolis, suburb of Alexandria, ii. 297. Niger, Pescennius, ii. 83, 84 n., 129. Nile : Nile-flood, ii. 274, 275 ; Nile- route for commerce, 302. Nisibis, ii. 72 f., 82, 84 n., 85, 125 ; battle at, 95, 98. Nomes, constitution and distinctive features of, ii. 255 f . ; agoranomy in, 256 f., 260 ?i. ; presidents of the nomes, 269 f . Nonnus, epic of, ii. 291 n. Noreia, i. 215. Noricum, province of, i. 21, 213 ; Italising of, 214 f. ; military ar- rangements, 215 ; townships, 216. Novae, i. 246. Novaesium, i. 143-147, 153, 154. Novempopulana, i. 214. Noviodunum, i. 95 n. Noviomagus, i. 129, 130. Nubians, ii. 298, 301. Numidians, ii. 331 ; Numidia in civil wars, 334 ; a province, 334, 337. Obodas, ii. 164, 316. Octavia, ii. 29, 35. Odaenathus, Septimius, ii. 105 n. Odaenathus, king of Palmyra, ii. 112 n. ; campaign against Per- sians, 113 f. ; assassination, 115 n. Odessus, i. 15, 330. Odrysae, i. 14, 227 f., 329, 332 n. Oea, ii. 343, 356. Oescus, i. 231, 335. Ogmius, i. 113. Olbia, i. 258, 262, 331, 336 w., 337 n. Olympic games, i. 312 f. Ombites, ii. 283, 285. Onias, temple of, closed, ii. 236. Ordovici, i. 193, 197. Orodes, ii. 23, 24, 25 f., 46. Orontes valley, ii. 145, 154. Index. 391 Osicerda, coin of, i. 76 n. Osiris worship, ii. 288 n. Osrhoene, ii. 95. Otho, defeat of, i. 139. Oxus, ii. 89. Pacorus I., son of Orodes, ii. 23, 24, 25. Pacorus, Parthian king in time of Trajan, ii. 70 n. Paetus, Lucius Caesennius, ii. 59 f. ; capitulation at Rhandeia, 61 f . ; recalled, 62. Pahlavi language, ii. 12, 91. Palikars, i. 225. Palma, Aulus Cornelius, ii. 166. Palmyra, ii. 99 f. ; predatory ex- pedition of Antonius, 100 ; mili- tary independence, 100, 101 n. ; distinctive position, 101 f. ; ad- ministrative independence, 103 f. ; language, 103 f. ; votive in- scriptions, 103 n. ; magistrates, 104 f.; "Headman," 104; oflfi- cial titles, 104 n. ; customs-dis- trict, 106 n. ; commercial posi- tion, 106 ; under Odaenathus, 112 f. ; under Zenobia, 115-120 ; destruction, 121 f. ; chronology, 121 n. Pamphylia, i. 351 ; coast towns, 361 f. ; earlier rulers, 361 ; as- signed to governor of its own, 362. Panhellenism, i. 273 f. ; Panhel- lenes, 274 ; Panhellenion of Ha- drian, 288 n. ; letters of recom- mendation, 289 n. ; Olympia, 312 f. Pannonia, province, i. 25 ; first Pannonian war, 25 f . ; Dalmatio- Pannonian rising, 43 f. ; military arrangements, 222 f. ; urban de- velopment, 224 f . ; camps ad- vanced, 238 ; prosperity, 248. Panopeus, i. 314. Panopolis, ii. 255. Panticapaeum, i. 331, 338, 339, 341 71., 343 f., 346. Papak, ii. 92. Papyrus, ii. 277. Paraetonium, ii. 255 n. Paropanisus, ii. 15. Parthamaspates, ii. 74. Parthia and Parthians, rule of, ii. 2 f. ; Parthians Scythian, 3 ; re- gal office, 5 ; Megistanes, 5, 6 n. ; satraps, 7 ; as vassals, 7 ; Greek towns, 8; counterpart to Roman empire, 9 ; language, 12 f. ; coinage, 12 ; extent of em- pire, 13 f. ; wars between Par- thians and Scythians, 19; Ro- mano-Parthian frontier-region, 20 ; during the civil wars, 22 ; at Philippi, 23 ; in Syria and Asia Minor, 24 ; [Judaea, 193 f.] ; seizure of Armenia, 48 n. ; occu- pation of Armenia, 50 f . ; war under Nero, 59 f. ; the East un- der the Flavians, 65 f. ; coinage of pretenders, 69 n. ; war under Trajan, 70 f. ; his oriental policy, 75 f. ; reaction under Hadria.n and Pius, 76 f. ; war under Mar- cus and Verus, 80 f. ; wars un- der Severus, 83 f. ; wars of Sev- erus Antoninus, 93 ; beginning of Sassanid dynasty, 87 f., 96; Partho-Indian empire, ii. 16 £., 18 n. Parthini, i. 11. Parthomasiris, ii. 70 n.^ 72. Patrae, i. 282 f., 317 f., 322. Patriarchs of Jews, ii. 247 n. Patrocles, Admiral, exploring Cas- pian, ii. 142. Patronatus^ contracts of, ii. 359 n. Paul at Damascus, chronology of, ii. 162 n. Paullinus, Gaius Suetonius, i. 194 f., 197; ii. 341-352. Pedigrees, i. 311 f. Pentapolis, Pontic, i. 334 f . ; coinage of, 335. Pergamus, i. 353, 357, 373, 379. Persepolis (Istachr), ii. 90. Persian empire, extent of, ii. 1 f. ; see Sassanids. Persis, viceroys of, how named, ii. 5 n. ; king of, 7 ; royal dynasty, Sas- sanids, 87. Pertinax, Helvius, i. 252. Petra, client-state of Nabat, ii. 69 ; residence of king, 161 ; traffic- route, 165 n. , 313 ; constitution under Hadrian, 170 ; structures of, 170 ; rock-tombs, 171. Petronius, Gaius, governor of Egypt, ii. 299. Petronius, Publius, governor of Syr- ia, ii. 211. Pessinus, i. 369, 370 n. Phanagoria, i. 341, 346. Pharasmanes (I.), ii. 45, 50, 56. Pharasmanes (H.), ii. 79. Pharisees, ii. 176, 199, 204, 226. Pharnaces, i. 338, 367. Pharnapates, ii. 25. Pharsalus, i. 323 n. Phasael, ii. 192 f. Philadelphia (in Lydia), i. 390. Philadelphia (in Syria), ii. 159. 392 Index, Philae, ii. 299, 302. Philhellenism of the Romans,!. 300 f. Philippi, i. 326, 328. Philippopolis, i. 229, 251, 282, 329, 332. Philippus, Marcus Julius, pro- claimed emperor, ii. 98 f.; cession of Euphrates frontier, 99. Philo, Neo- Judaism, ii. 184; depu- tations to Gains, 210 ; silence ac- counted for, 213 n. Phoenician language in Africa, ii 355 f., 358 n. Phraataces, ii. 42. Phraates, ii. 25, 31 f., 36, 40. Phrygia, Great, i. 352 ; language, 355 ; coins and inscriptions, 355. Phy larch s, ii. 168, 173 n. Picti, i. 206. Piracy in Black Sea, i. 262 f . ; expe- ditions to Asia Minor and Greece, 264 f . ; in Pisidia, 362 f . ; in Red Sea, ii. 324. Piraeus, i. 302, 318. Pirustae, i. 46. Pisidia, independence, i. 362; sub- dued by Augustus, 363; Pisidian colonies, 364 ; brigandage in, 380. Piso, Lucius, Thracian war, i. 27 f. Pityus, i. 262, 263 f. Pius, Cestius, i. 395. Plataeae, i. 289 n. Plautius, Aulus, i. 190, 192. Plotinus, ii. 138. Plutarch, knowledge of Latin, i. 295 ; account of his countrymen, 295; on population of Greece, 291 ; character of, 297 f . ; view of municipal duties, 310, 314. Poetovio, i. 21, 26, 222, 224. Polemon, i. 340 ; ii. 26, 37. Polis and Hiomos, ii. 257. Politarchs, i. 325 n. PoUio, Coelius, ii. 51. Pompeianus, Tiberius Claudius, i. 252. Pompeiopolis, ii. 110. Pontus, province organised by Pom- eius, i. 358 f. ; annexation of ingdom of, ii. 65. Poppaea Sabina, ii. 181. Porphyrins, ii. 138. Portus, mariners' guild at, ii. 279 n. Posidonius of Apamea, quoted, ii. 145. Postumus, Marcus Cassianius La- tinius, proclaimed emperor in Gaul, i. 178 ; takes Cologne, 179 ; falsifications of the Imperial Bi- ographies in his case, 178 n. Potaissa, i. 247. Praaspa, ii. 31. Praefectus, ii. 253 n., 268, 268 n. Prasutagus, i. 191. Premis, ii. 299. Priests in Asia Minor, i. 377. Princeps : position as to Egypt, ii. 253 f. ; princeps et undecim pru tnus, 366 n. Prisons, Statins, ii. 80. Proaeresios, ii. 291 n. Probus, opens vine-culture to pro- vincials, i. 118 ; resumes aggres- sive against the Germans, 181 f. ; transfers Bastarnae to Roman bank, 2^9 ; subdues Lydus in Isauria, 365 ; delivers Egypt from Palmyrenes, ii. 116, 271, 301 ; re- stores water-works on Nile, 275. Provincia, alleged use of term, ii. 254 w. Prucheion, ii. 272. Pselchis, ii. 299. Pseudo-Nero, ii. 66, 69 f. Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, son of Antonius, ii. 27. Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, ii. 304. Ptolemaeus, king of Mauretania, ii. 340 f. Ptolemais, "Greek "city in Egypt, ii. 256, 257. Ptolemais "for the Chase," on Red Sea, ii. 304. Ptolemies, court of the, ii, 266 f. Punic inscriptions, ii. 355 n. Punt, ii. 309 n. Purple dyeworks, Syrian, ii. 150. Puteoli, called Little Delos, ii. 151 n. QuADi, i, 232, 248, 250, 252, 254, 257. Quadratus, Ummidius, ii. 57 f., 220. Quarries, Egyptian, ii. 278. Quietus, Fulvius, ii. 111. Quietus, Lusius, i. 240 ; ii. 74, 242, 351 M. Quinquegentiani, ii 354 n. Quintilianus, Marcus Fabius, i. 84. Quirinius, Publius Sulpicius, i. 364 ; ii. 148, 204, 343. Raetia, affinity of Raeti, i. 213 ; subjugation, 19 ; organisation, 20 f . ; war in Raetia, 175 ; late civili- sation, 213 ; military arrange- ments, 214 ; Raetian limes, 214. Ratiaria, i. 231. Religion m Spain, i. 82; in Gaul, 112 f.; in Britain, 209; m Greece, 304 ; in Asia Minor, 379 ; in Iran, ii. 10 f.; in Syria, 134: in Egypt, 388. Index, 393 Resaina, battle at, ii, 98, 102, Rhadamistus, ii. 50 f. Rhagae, ii. 4, 30. Rhandeia, capitulation of, ii. 60, 61 f. Rhapta, ii. 314. Rhetoric, professors of, at Treves, i. 97 /I.; professorship of Greek, at Rome, ii. 395. Rhetors in Alexandria, ii. 287 n, Rhine, boundary, i. 28 ; camps on left bank, 35 f. ; positions on right bank, 37 f.; canal to Zuyder-Zee, 31, 38 ; dyke between Ems and Lower Rhine, 39 ; Rhine-army as bearing on Gaul, 88 ; Rhine fleet, 129 ; army of Lower Rhine, 159 n. Rhodians, Dio's address to, i. 298 f,, 309. Rhoemetalces, i. 44, 227 f. Riff' in Morocco, ii. 350, 353. Roads in Spain, i. 81 ; in Gaul, 119 f . ; road measurement in Gaul and Germany, 111 f.; in Britain, 209; in Greece, 318 ; in Asia Minor, 388 ; in Egypt, ii. 323 ; in Africa, 370. Roman empire, character of its his- tory as compared with that of the republic, i. 3 f . ; value of authori- ties for it, 4 ; nature of task as- signed to it, 5 f.; object and lim- its of the present work, 4-6 ; its divisions, 6 ; northern frontier of, 9f. Roxolani, i. 236, 257. Sabaeans, ii. 173, 311, 315. Sabinus, Julius, i. 149, 150. Sabiuus, Oppius, i. 239. Sacae, ii. 15 ; Sacastane, 16 ; empire on Indus, 18, 19 n. Sacrovir, Julius, rising of, i. 88 f. Sadducees, ii. 175. Sagalassus, i. 365. Salabus, ii. 352. Salassi, i. 18 ; extirpated by Augus- Salice (Ceylon), ii. 327. Salonae, i. 219, 321, 351. Samaria, ii. 203. Samaritans, ii. 174. Sanabarus, ii. 18 n. Sapor, ii. 98; title and policy of conquest, 107 f. Sapphar, ii. 321. Saracens, ii. 173 f. Sarapis, ii. 388, 289 n., 392; festival of, ii. 281 n. Sardes, i. 354, 357. Sarmatae, ii. 46. Sarmizegetusa, i. 240, 247. Sassanids, ii. 3 f . ; official historiog- raphy, 3 n.\ legend of, 87, 91 f.; dynasty of Persis, 87 ; extent of Sassanid kingdom, 88; distinc- tion between Sassanid and Arsacid kingdoms, 88 n.\ official titles of ruler, 89 n.\ church and priest- hood, 90 f.; languages of the country under, 91 f.; new Per- sians and Romans, 93 ; strike gold pieces, 93 f.; chronology, 95 n.\ East forfeited to Persians, 109. Satraps, ii. 7. Saturninus, Gaius Sentius, i. 42. Saturninus, Lucius Antonius, i. 163. Sauromates, i. 337, 340 n. , 344 n. Savaria, i. 233. Saxa, Decidius, ii. 34. Saxons, i 65 f., 181. Scapula, Publius Ostorius, i. 194. Scarbantia, i. 334. Scaurus, Marcus, expedition against Nabataeans, ii. 163 f. Scironian cliffs, i. 319. Scodra, i. 317. Scordisci, i. 318 f., 325. Scoti, i. 206. Scythians, i. 258, 262, 363 n., 337; (Asiatic), ii. 15, 16, 19. Segestes, i. 47, 51, 56, 67. Segusiavi, i. 95 n. , 99 n. Sejanus, ii. 187 7i. Seleucia (in western Cilicia), i. 361. Seleucia Siderus (in Pisidia), i. 364, 365. Seleucia (in Syria), ii. 138 n.^ 140. Seleucia (on the Tigris), ii. 9, 11, 46, 47, 48, 73, 82, 85, 91, 123, 138. Seleucids, ii. 3 al. Seleucus, saying of, ii. 266, Selga, i. 365, 389. ^^-^^^ ^ . ' ' Seminumidians and"^ Semigaetu- lians," ii. 371. Semnones, i. 158, 175. Senate and senators excluded from Egypt, ii. 253 n. Seneca, M. Annaeus and L. An- naeus, i. 83. Septuagint, ii. 178. Sequani, i. 88, 108, 150. Seres, ii. 328. Servianus, letter (of Hadrian ?) to, ii. 279 n. Severianus, ii. 80. Severus, Alexander; see Alexander Severus. Severus Antoninus ; see Caracalla. Severus, Septimius, Wall of Severus, i. 203 n. ; conflicts in Britain, 305 ; death at Eburacum, 305, 292; 394 Index. Parthian wars under, ii. 83 f.; title of Parthicus^ 84 n.\ partition of Syria, 129. Severus, Sextus Julius, ii. 244 f. Sicca, ii. 86"3. Sido, i. 234, 248. Silk. Chinese, ii. 328 ; silk of Bery- tus, 150 f. Silures, i. 193 f., 194,197. Silvanus Aelianus, Tiberius Plau- tius, i. 235. Simon, son of Gioras, ii. 233. Singidunum, i. 231, 347. Sinnaces, ii. 46. Sinope, i. 359 f. Siraci, i. 343 n., 345, 346. Siscia, i. 11, 222. Sittius, Publius, ii. 338 w., 362. Skipetars, i. 216. Slaves, treatment of, in Greece, i. 296; traffic in, through Galatia, 390. Smyrna, i. 353 f., 357, 375, 384; Jews at, ii. 177 n. Sohaemus of Hemesa, ii. 53. Sohaemus, king of Armenia, ii. 81 n., 137. Sophene, ii. 125. Sophists, addresses of, i. 393 f.; Asia Minor takes the lead in, 395. Sostra, dam at, ii. 110. Spain, conclusion of its conquest, i. 69 f . ; visit of Augustus to organ- ise, 70; triumphs over, 69 n.^ 70; warfare in north of Spain, 69 f.; military organisation and distri- bution of legions, 71 n., 73; in- cursions of Moors, 73; introduc- tion of Italian municipal law, 74 ; diffusion of Roman language, 77 ; cantons, 78 ; broken up, 79 ; levy, 80 ; traffic and roads, 80 f . ; re- ligious rites, 82; Spaniards in Latin literature, 82-84. Sparta, treatment of, i. 280 f. Statianus, Oppius, ii. 31. Statues, honorary, i. 316 n. Stobi, i. 326. Successianus, i. 264. Suebi, i. 65 f., 223, 232, 234, 239. Sufetes, ii. 358, 360 n. Sugambri, i. 29 f., 134; probably = Cugerni, 134 n. Sulis, i. 192, 209. Suren, ii. 6, 90. Syene, ii. 278, 304. Syllaeos, ii. 316 n. Symmachus, i. 123. Syiihedrion of Jerusalem, constitu- tion and jurisdiction, ii. 203 f.; disappears, 235. Synnada, i. 353. Synoekismos^ i. 320 f. Syria, conquest of, ii. 127; boun- daries of territory, 128 ; provincial government, and its changes, 128 f.; partition into Coele-Syria and Syro-Phoenicia, 129 ; troops and quarters of legions, 67 n. , 129 n. ; inferiority in discipline, 71 n., 130 1; Hellenismg of, 131 1; Syria = New Macedonia, 132 ; con- tinuance of native language, 133 f . ; Macedonian native and Greek names, 132 f.; worship, 134; later Syriac literature, 136 n.; Syro- Hellenic mixed culture, 136; minor Syrian authorship, 142 f. ; epigram and feuilleton, 143 f . ; culture of soil, 148 f . ; wines of, 149 ; manu- factures, 149; commerce, 150 f.; ship-captains, 151 n. ; Syrian factories abroad, 151 f.; Syrian merchants in the West,^ 153 n.; Syro-Christian Diaspora,^ 152 n.\ wealth of Syrian traders, 153 ; country houses in valley of Oron- tes, 154 ; military arrangements after 63 A.D., 229 n. Syria, Eastern, conditions of culture in, ii. 157 f.; Greek influence in, 159 f.; inhabitants of Arabian stock, 159 ; Pompeius strengthens Greek urban system, 159; civili- sation under Roman rule, 168 f.; agriculture and commerce, 169 ; buildings, 170 ; south Arabian im- migration, 172. Syrtis, Great, ii. 333, 344. Tacapae, ii. 342. Tacfarinas, ii. 341, 343, 345, 346. Tacitus, dialogue on oratory, i. 122 ; picture of the Germans, 183 ; nar- rative of war in Britain criticised, 197 n. Tadmor, ii. 99 7i. Talmud, beginnings of, ii. 238, 251. Tanais, i. 342 346. Tarraco, i. 71. Tarraconensis, towns in the, i. 75. Tarsus, ii. 110, 133. Taunus, i. 38, 160. Tava (Tay), i. 199, 203. Tavium, i. 369, 370 n. Taxila, ii. 14 n. Teachers and salaries at Teos, i. 393. Teima, description of, ii. 310 n. Temple-tribute, Jewish, ii. 184, 187; temple-screen, tablets of warning on, 205 n. Tencteri, i. 29, 30, 134, 144, 151 f . Index. 396 Tenelium, ii. 365 n. Teos, decree as to instruction, i. 393. TertuUian, ii. 373, 376. Tetrarch, title of, ii. 192 n. Tetricus submits to Aurelian, i. 180. Teutoburg forest, i. 59, 61. Thaema, ii. 162 n. Thagaste, ii. 372. Tiiamugadi, ii. 347. r Themistius, i. 370. Theocracy, Mosaic, ii. 174. Thessalonica, i. 326 f., 327. Thessaly, i. 322 f.; diet in Larisa, 323. Tlieudas, ii. 222. Theudosia, i. 341. Theveste, ii. 345, 348, 370. Thrace : d^rnasts and tribes, i. 16 f.; vassal-princes, 16 ; war of Piso, 27 f., 227 ; Thracian stock, 224 f.; language, 225 ; worship, 22.5 ; prin- cipate, 226 f.; province, 228 f.; rising under Tiberius, 229; gar- rison and roads, 229 f . ; Hellenism and Romanism in, 230 f.; Hellen- ism imported, 328, 329 ; Philip and Alexander, 328 ; Lysimachus, 328 ; empire of Tylis, 329 ; later Macedonian rulers, 329; Roman province, 330 f . ; Greek towns in, 330; strategies of, 332 n.\ town- ships receiving civic rights from Trajan, 332; "Thracian shore," i. 230. Thubursicum, ii. 366. Thubusuctu, ii. 354 n. Tiberias, ii. 199. Tiberius, assists Drusus in Raetia, i. 19; first Pannonian war, 25 f., 222 ; German war, 34 f . ; resigns command on Rhine, 40 ; recon- ciliation with Augustus, 40; resumes command, 40; further campaigns in Germany, 40 f . ; ex- pedition to North Sea, 41 ; cam- paign against Maroboduus, 41 f. ; return to lUyricum, 44 f.; again on Rhine after defeat of Varus, 53 f.; recall of Germanicus, 60; German policy, 60; motives for changing it, 61-65 ; Gallic rising under, 87; Frisian rising, 135; road-making in Dalmatia, 220 ; procures recognition for Vannius, 233 ; Dacians under, 235 ; takes Greece into his own power, 299 ; small number of statues, 316 f.; leads force into Armenia, ii. 40 f.; again commissioned to the East, but declines, 41 ; mission of Ger- manicus to the East, 43 f.; Arta- banus and Tiberius, 44 f.; mission of Vitellius, 45 f ; movement against Aretas, 165 ; treatment of the Jews, 186 ; attitude towards Jewish customs, 205, 206 ; war against Tacfarinas, 345 f . Tigranes, brother of Artaxias, in- vested with Armenia by Tiberius, ii. 40, 41. Tigranes, installed in Armenia by Corbulo, ii. 57 f. Tigranocerta, ii. 51, 57. Tigris, boundary of, ii. 75, 125 n. Timagenes, ii. 116. Timarchides, Claudius, i. 307 n. Timesitheus, Furius, ii. 98. Tingi, i. 74; ii. 340 f ., 341 f., 350, 361. Tiridates, proclaimed king of Par- thia under Augustus, ii. 36, 38, 40. Tiridates set up as king of Parthia in opposition to Artabanus, un- der Tiberius, and superseded, ii. 47. Tiridates I., king of Armenia, brother of Vologasus I., ii. 55, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64 [and ii. 11]. Tiridates II. , king of Armenia un- der Caracalla, ii. 94. Tiridates, king of Armenia under Sapor, ii. 108. Titus, against Jerusalem, ii. 213 f.; Arch of, 232 ; refuses to eject Jews at Antioch, 238. Togodumnus, i. 191 f. Tombstones, Gallic, i. 125. Tomis, i. 15, 246 w., 331, 334; Ovid's description of, 335 ; Mar- iners' guild, 336 n. Town- districts in Egypt, ii. 256 f. Trachonitis, ii. 157 ; see Hauran. Trajanus, M. Ulpius : military road from Mentz towards Offenburg, i. 166 ; settlements in Upper Ger- many, 173 ; mission thither, 174 ?i.; Dacian war, 240 f. ; second Dacian war, 241 f. ; column in Rome, 242 f . ; confers civic rights on Thracian townships, 335 ; Parthian war, ii. 69 f. ; death, 74 f.; triumph accorded after death, 74 ; Oriental policy, 75 f. ; erects province of Arabia, 156 ; Jewish rising under, 240 f. ; enlargement of Egyptian canal, 324 f. Transport-ship, Egyptian, ii. 278, 279 n. Trapezus, i. 265, 359; ii. 37, 57. Trebelli^nus Rufus, Titus, i. 228. 396 Index. Treveri, i. '87, 101, 102, 111, 148, 149, 150, 152. Treves, primacy in Belgica, i. 97 ; subsequently capital of Gaul, 89 ; receives Italian rights, 107. Triballi, i. 14. Triboci, i. 127, 152, 159. Trinovantes, i. 185, 186 w., 196. Tripolis, ii. 343 f. Trismegistus, Hermes, ii. 283, 289. Troesmis, i. 246. Trogodytes, ii. 305, 310. Trogus Pompeius, historian of Hel- lenic type, i. 120. Trumpilini, i. 18. Tungri, i. 144, 148. Turan, ii. 12, 19, 48. Turbo, Quintus Marcius, ii. 242. Tyana, i. 360; ii. 118. Tylis, empire of, i. 328. Tyra, i. 245, 258, 262, 264, 331, 336. Tyrian factories in Italy, ii. 151 n. Ubii, i. 25, 39, 106, 107 f.. Ill, 127, 128, 130, 146, 148; Roman town of, 182. Ulpia Noviomagus, i. 183. Ulpia Traiana, i. 183. Universe, anonymous treatise on, ii. 182. Usipes, i. 29, 30, 56, 134, 144, 162. Utica, ii. 361. Vaballathus, ii. 115 n., 117. Valerianus, Publius Licinius, con- quers Aemilianus, i. 261 ; pirat- ical expedition of Goths, 263 f. ; character, 267 ; ii. 108 ; capture by the Persians, 108 rt., 109 n. Vangio, i. 234, 248. Vannius, i. 233, 235, 248. Vardanes, ii. 48, 49. Varus, Publius Quintilius, charac- ter, i. 49 ; defeat and death, 50-52 ; locality of the disaster, 52 n. ; governor of Syria, ii. 199. Vaseones, i. 72. Vatinius, Publius, i. 97. Veleda, i. 151, 153, 157. Veneti, i. 217. Verulamium, i. 196, 210. Verus, Lucius, character of, i. 251 f. ; in the East, ii. 80. Verus, Martius, ii. 80. Vespasianus : municipal organisa- tion in Spain, i. 75, 79; pro- claimed as emperor, 139 ; insti- gation of Civilis, 141 f . ; conse- quences of Batavian war, 154 f . ; takes possession of " Helvetian desert," 165 ; pushes forward camps on the Danube, 237 ; Eastern arrangements, ii. 66 f. ; Jewish war, 228 f. ; possessing himself of Rome through corn- fleet, 274 ; nicknamed the " sar- dine-dealer " and "six-farthing- man," 286. Vestinus, L. Julius, ii. 296 n. Vetera (Castra), i. 36, 54, 128, 145, 149. Via Augusta in Spain, i. 81 : in Gaul, 119 f. Via Claudia, i. 23. Via Egnatia, i. 327. Victorinus, Gains Aufidius, i. 249. Vienna, i. 94, 95 w,, 98. Viminacium, i. 230, 231, 247, 261. Vindelici, i. 19, 213. Vindex, rising of, i. 89, 139 f, Vindex, Marcus Macrinius, i. 253. Vindobona, i. 224. Vindonissa, i. 21, 129, 152, 172. Vine-culture in Gaul, i. 117 f.; re- stricted by Domitian, 118; on Moselle, 118. Viroconium, camp of, i. 1 93, 197. Vitellius, Lucius, i. 139, 140, 141 ; ii. 45, 46, 47, 232. Vocula, yiUius, i. 144, 145-147, 149. Volcae, i. 94 f., 100. Vologasias, ii. 50, 69, 106 n. Vologasus I., ii. 50, 52, 55, 58 f., 60, 66, 67, 69. Vologasus IV., ii. 80. Vologasus v., ii. 83 f. Vonones, ii. 43, 44. Vorodes, Septimius, ii. 113 n. Weaving in Asia Minor, i. 389. Wines, Gallic, i. 118. Xenophon, of Cos, physician, i. 391 n. Zabdas, ii. 113 n., 116, 119. Zaitha, ii. 98. Zarai, tariff of, ii. 369 n. Zealots, ii. 207, 221 f., 225, 226. Zenobia, government of, ii. 115 f.; claim to joint-rule, 116 n.\ occu- pation of Egypt, 116, 271 f.; Aurelian against, 117 ; battle of Hemesa, 119 f. ; capture, 120, Zenodorus, of Abila, ii. 161, Zimises, ii. 350 n. Zoelae, i. 78 w, Zoskales, ii. 307. Zula, ii. 304. AEGYPTEN. Jfoderni JTamen in, riufW\i«.^tTviLev ScVorxft. IfomuuB m Xam. G-eBcTti.TT. IL