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 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA 
 
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 Library building 
 
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THREE 
 
 DISCOURSES 
 
 O F if 
 
 
 S R Walter Ralegh. 
 
 I. Of a War wirh Spain ^ and our Pro- 
 tecting the 2Vtf£er/W.r. Written by the 
 Command of King James I. in the Firft 
 Year of his Reign, 1602. 
 
 II. Of the Original, and Fundamental 
 Caufe of Natural, Arbitrary, and Ci- 
 vil War* 
 
 III. Of Ecclefiaftical Power, 
 
 Publifhed by Phillip Ralegh, Efq; 
 his only Grandfon. 
 
 Sapiens uno minor eft Jove, Horat. 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed for Benjamin Barker, at the White 
 Hart in Weftmihfter-Hall, 1702. 
 
■ 
 
 < 
 
THE 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THefe Difcourfes are made Pub* 
 lick by Philip Ralegh Efq; 
 the only Surviving Grandfon of the 
 Author, Sr. Walter Ralegh. The 
 Character of that Worthy Gentleman 
 is fuch, that none, who know him, will 
 queftion their being Genuine,whenthey 
 are told,that He publi/hes them as fuch; 
 and it is hoped that thofe Readers, to 
 whom He is not known, will be fatis* 
 fed of their being what they pretend 
 to be, from the intrinjick evidence 
 they carry along with 'em. It is only 
 dejired in their behalf, that they may 
 not have the ill Fate their Author is 
 faid to have met with, of being Con- 
 demned without a fair Trial It has 
 
 o 
 
 0© 
 J> 
 
 n? 
 
The Preface. 
 
 been thought, that if -that Honourable 
 Perfon had wanted a Pardon for fome 
 fart of his Conduff, the great Merits 
 of his former Services to the Crown,and 
 to his Country, might have defervd 
 it ' y and if the Reader Jhould be of 
 Opinion that thefe fmaU TracJs of 
 his are not throughout fo Corretl, as 
 never to ftand in need of an Excufc, 
 he will be fo jufc as to allow it for 
 the fake of his other Works, which 
 the World has received with fo Vni* 
 verfal an Applaufe. The Author is 
 known to have been an able Minifler, 
 and General y and from a Perfon fo 
 Qualified, the Reader has good Rea- 
 fon to expeB Juft Notions concerning 
 Affairs of State and of War. He has 
 here reprefented in a very clear Light, 
 the greai Danger that would enfue to 
 all Europe, and particularly to this 
 Nation, from an Acceffion of the Ne- 
 ther-lands, either to France, or to 
 
 Spain , 
 
The Preface. 
 
 Spain; and if the Mxf chief of their 
 being joyned to either of thefe Powers, 
 xvhilfi their Inter efts were Oppofite, 
 appeared fo great, how much moee 
 Terrible mutt the Confequence be if 
 their being thrown into that Scale, 
 which) at this Juntlure, carries the 
 Weight of them both. The United 
 Provinces have for this laji Age been 
 of great Moment in the Ballance of 
 Europe ; but it will be to no purpofe 
 to talk any longer of a Ballance, 
 if thofe who hold the Scales, fujfer 
 thefe to fall under the Power of the 
 United Crowns. It is ho$d tbat 
 the following Dijcourfes may be of 
 fome ufe towards enflaming that Zeal 
 which is already kindled in the Breafis 
 of all True Englifh Men, and P rote* 
 fiants, for the Prefervation of the 
 Liberties of Europe, and the De- 
 fence of the Reformed Religion ; and 
 the Arguments which our Author 
 
 makes 
 
The Preface. 
 
 makes ufe of in favour of Holland 
 will be of the greater Force^ becaufe y 
 as much a Friend as he is to the 
 States, he lies unde r no Sufpicion of 
 preferring their Intereft to that of his 
 own Countrey. 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 There are feveral Errors of the Prefs, buc mofl of them 
 fo plain, that the Ingenious Reader need not be direfted 
 to them by an Errata. 
 
 A 
 
( * ) 
 
 A 
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 Touching a 
 
 War with SPAIN, 
 
 And of the Protecting of the 
 
 NETHERLANDS, 
 
 May it pleafe Tour Alajeftj, 
 
 T belongeth not to me to 
 Judge whether the King of 
 Spain hath done wrong to the 
 Netherlands^ or whether the Nether- 
 lands have failed in Allegiance to- 
 wards the King. 
 
 B The 
 
The King pretending Abfolute 
 Sovereignty, they pretending a 
 conditional Obedience. 
 
 But it feems to me without 
 queftion, that both Holland and 
 Zealand did of right belong to the 
 Lady Inquelin of Haynault ; who to 
 fave her own Life, was forced to 
 relinquifti her Eftate , and that 
 Zuptben and Guelder s did as right- 
 fully belong to the Duke of Arnold, 
 who being Prifoner with that Duke 
 of Burgundy that dyed before Nance, 
 the laid Duke intruded upon his 
 Poffeffion to the prejudice of Adolf e 
 his Son and Lawful SuccefTor. 
 
 But leaving their Quarrels to 
 their own Confciences, whether it 
 ftandeth with Your Majefty's fafe- 
 ty to relinguifh them, Yea, or No : 
 is the Argument which I preiume 
 to offer to your Majefty's great 
 Wifdom. 
 
 The 
 
(3 ) 
 
 The Hollanders and Zealanders^ 
 with the reft of the United Pro- 
 vinces (which altogether we call 
 by the Name of Netherlands) are 
 Your Majefty's near Neighbours, 
 and moft Induftrious People ; they 
 are near, and lriay with a blaft of 
 Wind, in Twenty four Hours de- 
 part their own Coafts and enter 
 ours. 
 
 And a Poor Neighbours Houfe 
 let on fire, is to be better gaurded, 
 or watched, than a great City afar 
 off. 
 
 They are ftronger by the fituati- 
 on of their Countries, ftrong in Ci- 
 ties, Marriners, and Shipping, by 
 realbn of the Country and fortify'd 
 Towns, they are able to defend 
 themfelves ; and by reafon of the 
 multitude of their Ships, they are 
 in a condition to offend others. 
 
 There are no People more In- 
 duftrious in all things, or morepror 
 B 2 vident. 
 
U ) 
 
 vident. Witnefs thefe two Parti^ 
 culars ; 
 
 The firft, That having in HoU 
 land neither Timber nor Iron, they 
 Build more Ships and cheaper, than 
 either England or Spain, which 
 have plenty of both. 
 
 The iecond is, That whereas 
 their Grounds are in effeftallPa- 
 ftures, and have no Wheat grow- 
 ing of their own, they not only 
 ferve themfelves cheap; but have 
 us'd ( when the Trade was open) 
 to furniih both Spain^ Portugal^ and 
 Italy with the fame Grain. Now 
 whether it will ftand with Your 
 Majefty's fafety to abandon a Na- 
 tion fo near, foftrong, and'fo fn- 
 duftrious will be the Queftion? I 
 Anfwer, That for Your Majefty to 
 leave the Netherlands to themfelves, 
 as they are confiderM ftrong, can 
 bring no other danger to Your Ma- 
 iefty than is common to all Princes 
 
 that 
 
, ( 5 ) 
 that have ftrong Neighbours. 
 
 But if they cannot fubfift of 
 themfelves, nor without their fub^ 
 jeftion to lbme other Prince, or 
 State, they (hall not be able to de- 
 fend themfelves ; then the peril 
 which may enfue is very likely, or 
 rather affur'd to Britain. It is ftrft 
 therefore to be enquir'd, Whether 
 they can fubfift, or no ? if they 
 they can, it is formerly anlwer'd ; 
 if they cannot \ on what Prince 
 they arelikelieft to rely ? 
 
 Firft, That they have means to 
 defend themfelme, Experince de- 
 nies it ; and that Experience is 
 grounded upon good Reafon : For 
 as Your Mafefty beft knows it, as 
 from the beginning of their Revolt, 
 they have made Strangers to their 
 Bodies, their Defenders ; fo are 
 their own People altogether unapt 
 for Soldiers : If they were other- 
 wife, yet have their Eftates now 
 B 3 fuch 
 
(6) . 
 
 fuch Dominion, as they can em- 
 ploy them otherways ; moft part 
 of their People are Mechanicks, 
 and live by their Handy-crafts, 
 their Crafts Men maintain their 
 Trades, and Navigation produces 
 their Revenues, which maintain 
 their Wars. And tho' there have 
 been certain Troops ere&ed of 
 Fryfons, and out of other Ifland 
 Parts ; yet thefedo rather ferve to 
 make up their Numbers, and fur- 
 nifh their Garrifons, than that they 
 have us'd them in any important 
 Service, or in the Field : So that 
 the ftrength of their Armies have 
 confifted for the moft part, of Eng- 
 Bg, Scotch and French. 
 
 If then, fuch bethecompofition 
 of their Armies : It is firft apparent, 
 that they cannot defend themfelves 
 by their proper Forces; and that 
 they will rely and give themfelves 
 to one of thofe Princes; viz. to 
 
 the 
 
(7) 
 
 the Englijb (accounting now Eng- 
 land and Scotlandall ontjpt French ; 
 or elfe return again in the end, to 
 the Arch-Duke, or to the S^amfl) 
 King. 
 
 The Reafon why, they bind 
 themfelves to this choife is, Power 
 and Neighbourhood, Your Ma- ' 
 jelly, and the French being beft a- 
 ble, and the next adjoyning. 
 
 To expert fuccour from the Ger- 
 mans^ or from other Princes which 
 are remote, they cannot 
 
 Firft, Becaufethofe Princes have 
 Dependance on the Emperor. 
 
 Secondly, Becaufe they are not 
 of Ability to maintain the Quar- 
 rel. 
 
 And Thirdly, and chiefly, Be- 
 caufe their fuccour cannot come fo 
 far, being to March over Land, 
 the Charge being double to all Ar- 
 mies that pafs through the Terri- 
 tories of other Princes 3 .which 
 B 4 muft 
 
(8) 
 
 muft either be able to mafterthe 
 Territories, or pafs by fafe Con- 
 ducts whether they March. 
 
 So great Armies, as (hall mafter 
 Countries the States needs not; 
 and theleflerwillbe always in dan- 
 ger to be cut off, or refifted. The 
 Neighbouring Princes being more 
 fearful of the Spaniard's Greatnefs, 
 than careful of the States Amity. 
 
 But the Netherlands require often 
 iupply, and few in number, fuch 
 Troops as may be Tranfported by 
 Sea, in the Netherlands own Ship- 
 ping, and at an eafy rate, and in 
 leffer time : For as England^ Scot* 
 land and France^ may fupply them 
 in Twenty four Hours. 
 
 So from any Prince or State elfe, 
 }hey may be in coming over Land, 
 Twenty four Weeks. 
 
 It is therefore likely, That if 
 Your Majefty refufe them, they 
 will offer themfelves to the French^ 
 
 or 
 
(9) 
 
 or return to the Sfanijb Obedience, 
 both which will bring equal dan- 
 ger to Your Majefties State. 
 
 The Reafons are many; but I 
 will rehearfe them in a few words, 
 becaufe Your Majefty can better 
 judge by a word, then another 
 can by a Vollume. 
 
 There are Two ways, by which 
 England, may be affli&ed. 
 
 The one by Invafion, being put 
 to the Defenfive, in which we fhall 
 but caft Lots for our own Gar- 
 ments. 
 
 The other by Impeachment of 
 our Trades : by which Trades all 
 Commonwealths flourift], and are 
 enrich'd. 
 
 Invaded or Impeach'd w£ can- 
 not be but by Sea, and therefore 
 that Enemy which is ftrongeft by 
 Shipping is moft to be fulpefted 
 and feared. 
 
 It 
 
( io ). 
 
 It is certain, the Netherlands are 
 able to furnifti more Ships of War 
 and Mariners, than all England 
 and Scotland can do, with greater 
 facility, and in (horter time : 
 What Advantages Your Majefty 
 hath by the powerfulnefs of Your 
 own Ships, the lame Advantages 
 are Anfwer'd by the Netherlands in 
 their Numbers. 
 
 Who by reafon of their long 
 Wars with Spain^ and diligent 
 fearch over the World for Trade, 
 are become the moft orderly and 
 belt Dilciplin'd Men of War by 
 5ea in all Europe. 
 
 This great ftrength of Shipping, 
 is not fo much to be accounted of, 
 if it were not in thefe Two Re- 
 fpeds. 
 
 The one becaufe it is fo ex- 
 ceeding near us. 
 
 The other, becaufe Holland and 
 Zealand are fituate between Us, 
 
 and 
 
( " ) 
 
 and our bed Trades, which are all 
 Eaflward. 
 
 For our Mufcovia Fleets, our 
 Merchant Adventurers, our Com- 
 panies of Eaftland, and all which 
 Trade through the Sound, from 
 whence we have our Materials for 
 Shipping, muft pafs by Holland. 
 
 And if thofe Trades were Im- 
 peach'd, all forts of People would 
 iufter together, and the Common- 
 wealth fall into extream poverty 
 and decay. 
 
 And whereas it may be Object- 
 ed, That our Mufcovia Fleet, and 
 our Merchant Adventurers are of 
 fufficient ftrength to make their 
 own paffage, and need not fear 
 the force of the Netherlands. I con- 
 fefs, that, as they may pafs \ fo 
 they may perifh. 
 
 But this is a general, and infal- 
 lible Rule, in all the courfe of 
 
 Mer- 
 
( I> ) 
 
 Merchrndze, That wherefoever 
 the Adventure is great, and the 
 profit little; the Adventurer will 
 ibon give up. _ 
 
 But if the Englifh Aferchants 
 iliall be driven to double ^fan their 
 Ships, and furnifh them with dou- 
 ble Munition, and pay double 
 Wages, then the Charge will be 
 double to that which now it is ; 
 the Hazard will alio be manifeft, 
 tor the Reafons before alledg'd. 
 
 And that which will prove as 
 great an Inconveniency as the reft, 
 will be. 
 
 The great Price of yJierchandize 
 return'd from all thefe Burdens, 
 will light upon the Buyer, and up- 
 on all forts of People, in the End. 
 
 Example may be taken by the 
 .Merchants of CWill in Spain^ when 
 by reafon of our fcatering Men of 
 War upon their Coafts in the In* 
 dks^ did pay 20 per Cent, -for Con- 
 voy : 
 
( '3 ). 
 voy. This new charge ib impo- 
 verifh'd the Merchants, that both 
 the Banks of Chill broke, at the 
 firft misfortune that befel them, for 
 little lefs than Twenty Millions. 
 
 There's a great difference be-^ 
 tween the ftrength of the Nether- 
 lands^ and that of the Spanifb King; 
 when he maketh any great Arma- 
 do, he's driven to take up, and im- 
 bark in the Shipping of all Nations, 
 fome of his own, others from Ve- 
 nice, or Ragufa, others out of all 
 the parts of the Eafllands, and from 
 the Hans Towns, from the Danes, 
 Hamburgers, Lubikers and Bremers. 
 
 Theie Ships are of divers Con- 
 ducts, and divers Swiftneffes, fo 
 as they cannot either affail, or de- 
 fend in grofs, as : the Englifb, or 
 Netherlands can. 
 
 The Spani/h King is alio con 
 ftrain'd to prefs the Mariners of o- 
 ther Nations, as the Italian , French y 
 
 Flem- 
 
( H ) 
 
 Flemming and Dutch , to mingle 
 with thofe of the Spani/b Nation : 
 When thefe come to any extremity, 
 either by foul Weather , or by 
 Fight; the Confufion is infinite, 
 and fometimes a Ship may be caft 
 away by miftaking of a Rope : 
 There cannot be found any Matters 
 or Captains that can fpeak all thefe 
 Languages; and if they could, yet 
 were it to little purpofe ; for Men 
 are dire&ed at Sea, by multitude, 
 not in a fingle Voice. 
 
 Furthermore, thefe Men that 
 areofftrange Nations, and are ta- 
 ken up by violence, fight with 
 their Hands, but not with their 
 Hearts ; they rather defire liberty 
 than Vidtory, and rather feek to 
 hide themfelves, and lave them- 
 felves thereby, then to hazard their 
 lives in a Quarrel that neither ap- 
 pertains to them, their Princes, or 
 their Country. 
 
 Laftly, 
 
en') 
 
 Laftly, When the Spanijb King 
 (hall attempt any thing upon Eng- 
 land^ or Ireland, or any fuch re- 
 mote Country : His Fleets are fub- 
 je& to great variety of Winds and 
 Weather, and to many Storms, by 
 reafon whereof, the late great Spa- 
 nijh Admiral loft both his Enter- 
 prizes upon England: The laft Fleet 
 alio that came for Ireland^ was di- 
 fpers'd and much broken ; and in 
 the Year 1 588^ after the Duke of 
 Medina was once beaten from the 
 Narrow Seas, he loft the beft part 
 of his Fleet by Tempeft. , 
 
 On the contrary, the Nether- 
 lands have as many Ships of their 
 own, as any Chriftian Prince hath, 
 their Ships are of one fafhion, con- 
 duit, and iwiftnefs ; their Mari- 
 ners of their own Nations, and 
 Language ; Valiant and well or* 
 der'd Men ; and,as it is faid before, 
 fo near us, as they will be in our 
 
 Ports 
 
( *6 ) 
 
 Ports in a Summers Day : So nd 
 -People fo fitted by Art and Nature 
 to annoy thefe Kingdoms as they. 
 
 It may perchance, be Objected, 
 That when King H. VIII. had 
 Wars with the Emperor Charles V. 
 who was alfo Lord of the Low Coun- 
 tries^ that the Englijh received no 
 prejudice by the main Ships of the 
 Netherlands : It is true, and \ my felf 
 remember, that within thefe Thir- 
 ty Years, Two of Her Majefty's 
 Ships would have Commanded 
 One hundred Sail of theirs. 
 
 I remember alio, when my felf 
 was a Captain in Ireland ,that a Hun- 
 dred Foot, and a Hundred Horfe, 
 would have beaten all the force of 
 the itrongeft Provinces : But of late, 
 I have known an Eaflerlihg Fight 
 hand to hand with one of Her M& 
 jefty's Ships; and that the Irifh 
 have in this laft War overthrown 
 with even, or a far lefs number. 
 
 The 
 
( *7 ) 
 
 The Netherlands^ in thole Days 
 had wooden Guns, and the hifl) 
 had Darts, but the one is nowfur- 
 nifh'd with as great a number of 
 Englijh Ordnance as our fel ves, and 
 the orher with as good Pikes and 
 Muskets as England hath. 
 
 Of which War, I know no other 
 profit a riling, than the expence of 
 Two Millions, the impoverifhing 
 of this Kingdom, and the Training 
 and Arming of the Irijb, who have 
 now, and ever had, their Lands , 
 and Lives reftor'd when they have 
 been brought to the laft Gafp, and 
 point of Subjection. And there- 
 fore if this truly be fo of the for- 
 mer Government , Stultum e§i eos 
 invader e quos neqeant in officio rel'u 
 nere y *Tti a fooli/Jj tfjin^ to a [fault 
 thofe whom we cannot hep in fubjeSU 
 on when overcome. 
 
 And a Council indeed far out of 
 
 courfe, which doth neither re- 
 
 G tain 
 
( is; 
 
 tain the mind, nor reftrain the 
 Mighty. But he that Governs by 
 Difcourfe of former Times, fhall 
 but take couniel of the Dead ; for 
 the Natures of all things under the 
 Sun are fubjeft to change, but the 
 nature of Reafon only. And it is 
 certain, that in the Times of al- 
 teration, 
 
 The wifdom of Nature is bet- 
 ter than of Books; Prudence being 
 a wife Eleftion of thofe Things 
 which never remain after one and 
 the felf fame manner. 
 
 To Reafon by comparifon; and 
 to prove by the Argument a Minori 
 ad Maji^ how much the Trade 
 of England may be endanger'd by 
 the Netherlands ; Your Majefty 
 may pleafeto remember, that Dun- 
 kirk is but a Fifhing Town, a bad 
 Haven, and hath not above a do- 
 zen 5ail of fmall Ships, before 
 which Port alfo there is continu- 
 
 ally 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 ally maintained a ftrong Fleet ofHol- 
 landers, and Zealanders to reftrain 
 them ib, as they can neither come 
 forth, nor pais in, but in a dark 
 Night for fear of their Enemies,and 
 at a Spring-tide for want of Water; 
 and it is true, that thofe few Dun* 
 kirkers have taken from the Weft- 
 Country Merchants within two 
 Years only, above Three thoufand 
 Veffels ; befides all that they have 
 gotten from the reft of the Ports of 
 England, and from the Netherlands, 
 infomuch as they have fo impove- 
 rifti'd all thoie Weftern Merchants, 
 as their Trade in effed is utterly 
 decay'd, and thofe People which 
 were wont to be fet at work by 
 them, and did live in good ibrt ? 
 do now live by alms and begging. 
 If then one poor Town in Flan- 
 ders, notwithftanding the Impedi- 
 ments before rehears'd, hath fo 
 much Impoverifh'd Your Maje- 
 
 C 2 1ty's 
 
" ( &> ) 
 
 fty's Subje&s ; What can Holland 
 and Zealand do, who are able to 
 let out fifty Sail of better Ships 
 than thole of Dunkirk are? If it be 
 ask'd, What would be the confe- 
 quence if they (hould join to Your 
 Majefty's Enemies ; I fhall an- 
 fwer as the Marfhal Biron did to 
 the French King, Vous le fcavez mu 
 eux que moy; Tour Majefy knows 
 better than I. 
 
 Now, as the Netherlands may be 
 us'd to impoverish Your Majelty's 
 Dominions , by difturbing our 
 Trades : So fhall they ; be in 
 Eftate to affift the SpaniJhK'mg up- 
 on any Invaiion, and that fo dan- 
 geroufly, as it can hardly be re- 
 filled; for if the King of Spain 
 fhall prepare a Fleet in Spainj and 
 therewith affail the Weftern Ports, 
 and the Netherlands with their 
 Fleet, and Army _ ; ef the Low* 
 Countries^ undertake "the Invading 
 
 our 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 our Eaftern Parts at the fame time, 
 the greateft Fleets that England 
 can make (if it be divided) will 
 not be able to Encounter either. 
 
 Furthermore, if the Netherlands 
 be with-held from the Spanijh Obe- 
 dience, Your Majefty hath but an 
 Enemy of Spain ; if You break 
 with Spain, the Trade alfo is free 
 and open to all Parts of the EaSl; 
 but if Spain recover the Nether- 
 lands, and then Quarrel with Your 
 Majefty, You (hall then find a 
 ftrongWar; and a ftrong reftraint 
 of Trade on both fides. 
 
 To all this, Your Majefty may 
 juftly fay, That 1 i'peak upon fup- 
 pofitions only ; and I contefs it. 
 
 For Firft is not agreed on, That 
 if Your Majefty leave the Low- 
 Country-Mzn, that then they will 
 receive the SpaniJIo King, pr the 
 Arch-Duke. 
 
 ■ 
 St-; C 2 Second- 
 
 md 
 
(«) 
 
 Secondly, The' they do, that 
 therefore it follows, that either of 
 them will make War with Your 
 Majefty. 
 
 What the Netherlands will do, 
 they being rejected by England, 
 I cannot determine ; it were pre- 
 fumption to fpeak, but only men- 
 tion, what danger in likelihood 
 may happen to England in the 
 future. 
 
 For if the States do find, that 
 they cannot fubfift of themfelves, 
 and that Your Majefty refufe to 
 prote£t them, then it is undoubt- 
 ed, but that Neceflity (which in- 
 forceth all things) will alfo in- 
 force them to choofe a Mafter ; and 
 a fit Mafter cannot be found for 
 them, but in England , or in 
 France, unlefs they return to the 
 Qld— 
 
 If they give themfelves to France, 
 it is worfefor us, as I conceive. 
 
 If 
 
( *3 ) 
 
 If they fubmit themfelves to the 
 Spani/h King, what he will do af- 
 terwards, Is Occulthis humana <vo* 
 luntate^ Is a fecret to us ; and 
 harder to dijcover^ than the intention 
 of a Man in a matter , before occafion 
 offer d to determine hk Resolution. 
 
 It is know T n to God only, what 
 he may then do, is that which I 
 prefume to remember your Maje- 
 fty of: And wo be to that Prince, 
 or State who holds his Quiet by 
 the will of another. 
 
 I have heard, That both the 
 King, and the Arch-Duke will of- 
 fer to Your Majefty Continuance 
 of Peace : And I know they have 
 good Caufe to defire it : But, Vn- 
 de hdtc de illis tanta modeftia nifi Cog- 
 nitione Virium nojirarum & fuarum — 
 But from whence comes tfm great Mo- 
 deration and compliance^ but only from 
 the knowledge of our Strength* and 
 L. 4 their 
 
( H) 
 
 their own Weaknefs. And I am per- 
 f waded, YourMajefty may have 
 better Conditions than ever King 
 of England had. 
 
 But after the Spaniard fhall have 
 repaired his Lofles, I know not 
 how Your Majefty may be affur'd 
 of his Amity : For the Kings of 
 Spain were not wont to keep either 
 Promifesj or Oaths longer than 
 they may prove profitable to them- 
 felves y Cum principes utantur nomi- 
 ne pacta fafidei potiios ad propriam com* 
 moditdtem quam ad earum objervatu 
 onem — For Princes make Promijes and 
 enter into Leagues cheifly for their own 
 advantage ; and longer then they tend 
 to that j they do not hold themfehes 
 obligd to obferye them. 
 
 And efpecially the Kings of Ca- 
 jiile^ who have followed Ferdinand 
 (the firft Eledlor of that Monar- 
 chy, into great nefs) both in Con- 
 dition and Determination. 
 , v> Which 
 
( 2 5 ) 
 
 Which Ferdinand the better to 
 * effect what he afpir'd unto,did for- 
 bear to break neitherOaths,norPro- 
 mifes; refpe&ed neither Alliance, 
 nor Kindred : witnefs his Trea- 
 ties, and in them he folded upTrea- 
 fons againft the Neapolitan Prince 
 his Cozen, and to whom alio he 
 marry 'd his Sifter, and to whofe 
 defence he lent Gonfalvo with an 
 Army againft the French^ and with 
 the fame Army fet upon the King 
 at Naples^ overthrew him, and di- 
 vided his Kingdom (as Your Ma- 
 jefty beft knows,) with Lewis XII. 
 
 How he handled the French af- 
 terwards, and the Venetians ; how 
 he abus'd and betray 'd his Son-in- 
 law, King Hen. VIIL when he 
 drew the Englifh Army into Bifcay, 
 with promile to join with the Eng- 
 lijb to recover the Dutchy of 
 Guienm, while Tiimfelf did by that 
 colour Conquer Navarre. 
 
 Of 
 
( 2 6; 
 
 Of the like Practices, of his Suc- 
 ceffor, Charles V. it were needlefs 
 to repeat to Your Majefty 5 1 have 
 fet it down at large, in a Difcourfe 
 how War may be made againft Spain, 
 and the Indies ; which I will alfo 
 prefent to Your Majefty, if You 
 will vouchfafe the reading thereof. 
 King Philip the laft, had the fame 
 intent the reft of his Predeceflbrs 
 had ; and if the Revolt of the 
 Low-Countries had not been the 
 impediment, and his fond enter- 
 prizing of France and England at 
 one time, he had put all Europe 
 in great hazard e're this ! i 
 
 But it maybe perfwaded, That 
 Your Majefty may Relieve the Ne- 
 therlands under-hand, as the French 
 do, or Her Majefty did in the be- 
 ginning of their Revolt, for which, 
 the King of Spain will not dare to 
 Quarrel for the prefent; for Princes 
 muft fometimes look through their 
 
 Fin- 
 
( *7 j ) 
 
 Fingers, as well as poor Men. 
 Maximilian, the King of the Ro* 
 mans, made a Peace with Charles 
 VIlI. of France, notwithftanding he 
 had taken from him the Dutchefs 
 of Britain, to whom he was mar- 
 ry'd by Proxy, and rejected Maxi- 
 milians Daughter ( a double and 
 moft intolerable Injury;) but fuch a 
 kind of Peace, which is apparently 
 diffembled, cannot laft long ; for as 
 it was fa id by Annius, Pr^tor of the 
 Latines to the Romans,? acem Ji bonam 
 dederitu & fidelim, Jit perpetua, fi 
 malam, baud Diuturna — A juji and 
 reasonable Peace may hold and continue \ 
 but one obtain d through wicked Pra- 
 ctices can never la§i long. 
 
 If a prefent Parley be propofed, 
 the queftion is, Who (hall receive 
 the greatelt- proffit by the Ceffati- 
 on? 
 
 The King of Spain is now fo 
 poor, as he imployed the Jefuites to 
 
 beg 
 
( *8 ) 
 beg for him at every Church-door 
 in Spain. 
 
 His Revenues are Mortgaged in 
 fuch fort, as ofTwentyfive Milli- 
 ons, he has but five Millions free ; 
 his Ships are worn out, and Con- 
 fumed, and his People in general 
 exceeding poor. 
 
 He hath of late received many 
 Affronts and LofTes; and in Peru, 
 many of the chiefeft and beft 
 Towns are recovered from him by 
 the Natives. 
 
 And commonly when great Mo- 
 narchies begin once in the leaft to 
 decline-, their diffipation will foon 
 follow after. 
 
 The Spanifh Empire hath been 
 greatly ihaken, and hath begun of 
 late years to decline ; and it is a 
 principle in Philofophy, ThatO/w- 
 nis diminutio eft preparatio ad cor-^ 
 nipt 10 nem. That the haft decay of 
 any part r is a forerunner of the de~ 
 jlruciion of the whole. And 
 
( 2 9 ) 
 
 And tho' it may be a while up- 
 held, as the State of Rome was by 
 Vefpafian and Trajan; yet following 
 the former declination, Retro ftatim 
 fubAapfafertur ufque dum plane fub- 
 verfa Juki It prefently fell back again, 
 and never left declining till the Roman 
 State was utterly overthrown. 
 
 But if now the King of Spain 
 can obtain Peace upon any Condi- 
 tion reafqnable, lb as he may for- 
 tifie his weaknefs, both in Europe 
 and the Indies, and gather again 
 fufficient Riches, putting the En- 
 glifh from the Exercife of War in 
 thofe parts, and fo make us to for- 
 get his Indies, till thofe be con fu- 
 med that know them ; he will 
 foon grow to his former Greatnefs 
 and Pride : and then if Your Ma- 
 jefty (hall leave the Low-Countries, 
 and he find us by our felves, it 
 will not be long e're he remembers 
 his old pra&ices and attempts. 
 
 And 
 
(3°) 
 
 And Your Majefty having divers 
 Nations and divers humors to con- 
 tent, he will not doubt to find a 
 great advantage by our neglecting 
 the reformed Netherlands abroad, 
 and from the hardships the Roman 
 Catholicks complain of at home. 
 
 Moreover this advantage the 
 Spanifti King (hall ever ha^e • that 
 whenfoever they fhall think fit to 
 make a pretence, may find a time 
 once a Year to ftay, and Confifcate 
 a hundred Sail of our Merchants 
 beft Ships and Goods in his own 
 Ports ; and Your Majefty (hall not 
 find any of theirs in all England. 
 
 If then a Peace give him time to 
 repair and fortifie himfelf, and en- 
 creafe his Treaiure, Your Majefty 
 can have no aflurance, but that 
 when he is repaired he may take 
 Your Majefty at all advantages. 
 
 The 
 
 ■l 
 
rv ) 
 
 The King being a Catholick^ 
 and a Child of the Pope's, he can 
 never in any refpe£t affe£t you, or 
 any other Prince, or State of the 
 reformed Religion. 
 
 It is very confiderable, whether 
 the way of War, or the way of 
 Peace, were the way of Safety, 
 yea or no; efpecially, as Peace may 
 be dangerous, and the War profi- 
 table. 
 
 But for my own opinion (which 
 is little worthj I do confent, that 
 the Netherlands will not be drawn 
 without a raoft forcible extremity 
 to yield themfelves to the Spanijf? 
 King. 
 
 The King of Spain takes him- 
 felf to be their Natural Lord ; the 
 injury which he conceiveth, hath 
 been done him by the Netherlands, 
 is an unquencheable Fire; for he 
 hath been by them both wafted, 
 prevented and difhonoured, and 
 
 there- 
 
therefore it will be hard to per- 
 fwade theie People to put their 
 Necks under the Spanifh Sword. 
 
 Marfhal Montluc lpeaking of the 
 death of Cafiilian^ukth thefe words, | 
 Nous perdons Ventendement, ne fin* 
 geans pas, que les Roix ont plus de 
 coeur que nous & quils Oublient plutoft 
 les fervices que les offences. We mujl 
 excufe the inconftderatenefs of thoje, 
 who do not think, that Princes have 
 a greater heart and Jiomack than we, 
 and that they may forget a great many 
 Services ^ but never one Injury. 
 
 Francis the II. never forgot the 
 . Tumult at Amboife. 
 
 Charles the IX. the Enterprife at 
 Meaux< 
 
 Richard the II. of England, the 
 Earl of Arundel, who forced him to 
 take the Tower for Refuge. 
 
 It is not very likely that a King 
 of Spain, will forget a Rebellion of 
 Thirty Years continuance; in which 
 
 he 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 he hath fpent One hundred Milli- 
 ons of Duckets, loft fo much Ho- 
 nour, and fo many worthy Men ; 
 and if an accomodation were a- 
 greed on, betwixt the Netherlands 
 and Spaing yet I cannot believe, 
 that the Netherlands will think 
 themfelves fecure upon any fimple 
 agreement, but that they will ever 
 ftand upon their Guards. 
 
 And if the Spani/h King mould 
 require their afliftance (at any 
 time after Compofition) againftthis 
 Kingdom, yet they would be well 
 abvifed in this point, knowing right 
 well that England is the Rampire 
 and. defence of their Eftates, arid 
 cannot but believe, that although 
 Your Majefty do not haftily enter 
 into a War for them, yet yolir Ma- 
 jefty will always have an Eye to 
 their fubfiftence. 
 
 Furthermore it will be very 
 
 fearful to both fides, how they may 
 
 D truft 
 
truft one another in joynt Forces, 
 remembring this Precept, Nonuta* 
 tur dux Militum opere nee penfonot of* 
 fmfij That Generals, muft n0, take, 
 into their fir vice ^ the Per fins of tbofe 
 that are difgufied. 
 
 Again, the States that have 
 found the fweet of Comm^Bdm^ y 
 will not eafily make themfelve* 
 Servants to the will of another. 
 
 And an Eftate once eftablhVd, 
 is not chang'd but by Violence. 
 
 The States have moreover ba- 
 nifh'd and put from them all tfaeijp 
 Nobility, but very few poor ones, 
 and have fliar'd. all their Inheri- 
 tance among them ; therefore 
 they know if they render them-, 
 felves to the Spaniards , thofe 
 great Perfons will be reftor'd, 
 and reveng'd ; befides, where the 
 Religion is in queftion, when the 
 Spaniards will ftand on io many 
 Points of Honour; aadtheNe^r- 
 
 lands 
 
 
( 3*5 ) 
 
 lands on- fo many Conditions o$ 
 Safety ; the Difputfe will not be 
 ettded h* fta-fte: 
 
 It is true, that the French am 
 iftofb obferv'd to concern them- 
 felves, of all other, inthisAf&ir; 
 for both Count Maurice^ and fuch. 
 of the Mobility and Gentry that 
 remain are moft addicted that 
 way. 
 
 France is already one of the 
 greateft Kingdoms in Europe^ and 
 our faitlieft Friend. 
 
 They know Your Majefty's 
 Right to all, and to Normandy m& 
 Aquitaiw without Difpute. 
 
 Your Majefty hath not now au 
 Duke of Bur gundy y and of Britain^ 
 to affift You, as Your Predeeeffors 
 had, France hath allYoure, and 
 the Countries of Provence^ Anjou, 
 Bow gundy it felf, and a great part 
 of Pkardy alfo ; and Your Maje*- 
 fty not fo much as CaSice^ or any 
 D a place. 
 
( 3* ) 
 
 place of ftrength of Your own , on 
 that fide, in Your poffeflion. 
 
 It may be faid, That Your Ma- 
 jefty fhall have the affiftance of the 
 numerous Reformed French, if 
 need require; who are fuppofed 
 to be Friends to England, becaufe 
 Enemies to the Roman-Catholicks : 
 And it may be to get themfelves 
 good Conditions, thefe may move, 
 they may agree for the beginning, 
 but not for the End ; Newhaven may 
 put Your Majefty in mind, what 
 may be hop'd from the French, of 
 what Religion lbever. 
 
 The advantage which Your Ma- 
 jefty hath over the French is only 
 in Shipping. 
 
 If the French get the Low-Coun- 
 tries, that advantage is alfo loft. 
 
 And altho' it be probable, that 
 the Netherlands will remember 
 Monfieurs Attempts upon Antwerp, 
 Tdunkirk, and other places, after 
 
 he 
 
( 37) ( 
 he was Elected Duke of Brabant ; 
 yet I hope fhall never live to fee the 
 Day wherein the French fhall be 
 Ma Iters of the Netherlands upon 
 any Conditions ; for they may 
 fervethe French to infinite purpofes, 
 altho' they fuffer them not, to be 
 abfolute in their Cities and for- 
 tifi'd Places. 
 
 For if the Army or the States 
 fhall march on the one fide, and 
 that of France on the other fide, the 
 Arch-Duke will foon be cruftYd be- 
 tween them; France having a good 
 Title to Flanders y Artois^ See. 
 
 And then Your Majefty finding 
 how dangerous it will be for Your 
 Self, to fuffer France to be the Ma- 
 tter of the Netherlands , and fo ma- 
 ny Ships , and to poffefs fo 
 many of the Inland Provinces 
 withall 5 cannot for Your own fafeV 
 tyfakeafiift the Arch-Duke, and 
 
 D 3 : fo 
 
fo Wrbefceas by afTift.ing the Nether^ 
 fonds^ Jqut Majefty anight hay* 
 rj>a4e the Wax profitable, and by 
 their Shipping commanded ail the 
 grades jug the World. 
 
 Then Your Majefty fey taking 
 j>art: with the Arch-Bute* {hall 
 but wa,fte Yaw |e& and imjpwe* 
 rifh all Your People and Corni^on- 
 weajth. 
 
 But Your Majefty well kuiow- 
 jitlg^ th&t Confilijs nulla res tarn wi- 
 tntea eft gwmGeUritM. That nothing 
 is fp great w femmy to Counfel^ <# too 
 muchhafte\ will as I think be firft 
 refolv'd, what the Eitates will con-, 
 tribute tewajrds the V^ar upon 
 Spain and the Indus. 
 
 Secondly^ In what Places they 
 will Hiake the War in the Low- 
 Countries j in Flanders or Dunkirk : 
 That Your Majefty rny thereby 
 have equal profit, and that Your 
 IVfajefty's People be not fpoiled 
 as heretofore, Thirdly, 
 
(39) 
 
 ■Thirdly, How Your Majefty 
 fhall be paid your great debts al- 
 ready owing. 
 
 And Laftly, How Your Maje- 
 fty fhail be affur'd both of the cau- 
 tionary Towns, and of their a'ffi- 
 itance for the future, when Your 
 Majefty (hall further enable them- 
 feeing by Your Majefty's late good- 
 nefs they are already made fo 
 forcible, that as You are either 
 driven to defend them, or to fear 
 them 5 fo Your Majefty may in 
 ibme part be afTur'd of their de- 
 pendence. 
 
 Your Majefty will alfo undet- 
 ftand how difficult a thing it is to 
 be affurd of the S^anifh King, and 
 The Arch-Duke. 
 
 If You abandon the Netherlands, 
 how to free Your People from the 
 Inquifition of Spain, enlarge their 
 Trades, and be fecur'd not to have 
 Your Ships itayed in his ports at 
 his pleafure. D 4 There 
 
( 4o ) * 
 
 There are many Considerations 
 which ought to forerun a War. 
 Poffunt arma facile fumi fed eis Jump* 
 tk Eorum difficilts efi depo/itio. ii* 
 an eajie matter to take up Arms 
 and go to War^ but to carry it on with 
 that vigour and fuccefs as to obtain a 
 happy conclufion is exceeding hazar* 
 dom and difficult. 
 
 Your Majefty will further know 
 the quantity of Your Treafure, 
 and how a War may be as well 
 fupply'd as begun, Prudens militum 
 prafeclm bellum Jine pecunia non Con- 
 flituatj quoniam ea Ji difuerit T)iffcillu 
 mum ejl Rxercitum convenire aut con* 
 senium confer vare. A prudent Prince 
 will confider hu Treasure and Reve- 
 nues before he goes to jar ; for if Mo* 
 ney he wanting^ 'tas impqffible to get 
 an Army together ; or when they are 
 fo^ to preferve them ; for Money u the 
 only Cord and Sinew that can drew 
 Men into hh fervice^ or keep them fafi 
 
 when 
 
 
when they- are there: For Princes that 
 think to be ferved for nought^ will 
 have their Bufinefs come to nothing. 
 
 There are many other provisi- 
 ons to be made towards the iafe 
 and honourable management of a 
 War, which are not fo foon ga- 
 ther'd together. 'Tis in vain to 
 expe£t to fee a Workman build a 
 Houfe before he hath materials ; 
 Nullum movendum efl helium nifi ad 
 illud paratis necejfariis. . No body will 
 engage in a War y before all things ne- 
 cejfary to fupport and carry on that 
 War^ be provided. 
 
 The Affair is great, which Your • 
 Majefty is at prefent to conflder 
 of, and the greateft that ever King, 
 of England had ; for the branches 
 are many, and moft weighty ; the 
 Eyes of all the World beholds your 
 Majefty herein ; and as Your Ma- 
 jefty ihall deal like Your felf ; lb 
 ihall Your Majefty be valu'd of all 
 
 Na- 
 
(Mi 
 
 Nations : If any perfwade Your 
 Majefty to pafs it over flightly, he 
 is ignorant and underftands it not. 
 
 If any perfwade Your Majefty to 
 a hafty Concltrfion for either part; 
 I Ihould lufpeS hitn to be more 
 concern'd for his own, or fame o- 
 thers, then for Your Majefty '$ In- 
 tereft; and that he were partial to 
 the one, or the other \ for in eve- 
 ry particular that (hall be handled, 
 many mifchiefs may be folded up, 
 which will not appear at the firft ; 
 and on the contrary, much ho- 
 nour and great arfuranee of advan- 
 tage may be only vifible ; Sed "quod 
 interim malum tegunt frincipia, fo* 
 jtetiora fr&dunt. 3ut Evil pkwi does 
 mthe mSt mifchiefs when it comes -fa 
 u& undtr the mssk and difmijt of 
 Good y and the effe&s of a jecret and 
 undifcovtrd danger are of all others the 
 viojl fatal. 
 
 Fir ft in the Queftion of leaving, 
 
 or 
 
_ ( h ) 
 
 or fudcourmg the Netherlands ; 
 Whether it (hall be openly, or un- 
 derhand, if at all ; what profit 
 every way, and what afliirance 
 may be gotten to Your Majefty by 
 aiding them, and what danger by 
 leaving them. 
 
 If Your Majefty make Peace 
 with Spain^ what the Conditions 
 (hall be ; and how Your Majefty 
 (hall be affur*d of their faithful 
 performance of them. 
 
 And thefe fold up in them ma- 
 ny Confiderations of no fmall Con- 
 fequence * and I hope your Maje- 
 fty's prudent Determination for 
 the advantage of England and £«- 
 mpey will make your Wifdomfo 
 appear tp the Wprld, that it may 
 be truly faid, Quam MirabilU jit 
 Copula $apienti<e cum potentia : How 
 admirable is the cmjuntlion of Wif- 
 dom and Power. And becaufe it is 
 ajfo true, that Nulli unquam Vem 
 
 omnia 
 
(44 ) 
 
 dedit. That God never endud any 
 one Man with all Things. Your Ma- 
 jefty muft eafe your Self in fome 
 part by the help of Council; for 
 Satientia argument um inprincipe Nul- 
 lum Majm, quam fapientum virorum 
 
 . confilio uti. For a Prince to adhere 
 to the advice and counfel of wife Men, 
 
 - u the greatest argument ofhk own wij^ 
 dom. 
 
 For my felf, becaufe I have pre- 
 fum'd thus far upon hope of your 
 Majcfty's gracious pardon, and fa- 
 vourable acceptance, being the 
 meaneft and unworthieft of .all o- 
 thers I can fay but this, Si lefel un~ 
 confeil donne, Je nen fais* refus pour 
 perfonne. If a Counfel appears good and 
 feafonabk, it will not be refused for 
 his fake that gives it 
 
 I dare not Write all I defire $ for 
 Iknow not to whofe Hands thefe 
 may come • this I befeech your 
 Majefty to know, that it proceed- 
 ed 
 

 ( 45 ) 
 
 eth from 
 
 an humble and faithful 
 
 Heart. 
 
 : . 
 
 • 
 
 ■ 
 
 In this great bufinefs God dire& 
 your Majefty's mind, Agitur de Im- 
 ferio Mundu The Dilute k no lefs 
 then of the Government of the whole 
 World, ws to m. When the Houfe 
 is built, it is ill mending the foun- 
 dation thereof. 
 
 God hath lb bleft your Majefty 
 in the fituation of your Kingdoms, 
 that the growth of any of your 
 Neighbouring States depends up- 
 on your Majefty's Eleftiqn, whom 
 you will aid and affift. 
 
 Your Majefty may propound 
 fuch neceflary Conditions both to 
 the States, and the Spani/h fide, as 
 you may break with either upon 
 the Grounds both of Honour and 
 Reafon. 
 
 Now 
 
( +6 ) 
 
 NownoMaa in: this Cafe, cam, 
 affure his Council, or undertake? 
 to give Judgment of the Succefs ; 
 for according to Ariftotk, Omnia 
 qudd veniunt in csonfidtatianem tiaiiw 
 funt j qualm pojfint aliter atcidere. 
 Every thing that comes under delibe* 
 ration Is offuch an uncertain- Condition 
 and Nature^ that Things may hap- 
 pen quite different from, what the vcifeft 
 Man could for ejee. 
 
 But if your Majefty be not affe- 
 ctionate to either Party, then no 
 doubt, but your Majefty will fol- 
 low the way which appeareth to 
 be moft fafe, moft profitable^ and 
 moft honourable. 
 
 And whofoeverlovethyourMa- 
 jefty^willnot only wifh itjbut with- 
 al prefent the little talent of his 
 knowlege therein; br^non tantumqui 
 mutat Locum fid fugit qui fe fub Jilen* 
 
 tio 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 tio abfcondit. For he that will be fi* 
 lent when he might declare and publhjb 
 what may prove ufeful to your Ma* 
 jeftys Government^ dees as much de- 
 cline Tour Service, as he that flies 
 Tour Kingdoms, 
 
 r 
 
 FINIS. 
 
■ 
 
 
 A 
 
A 
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 F T H E 
 
 ORIGINAL 
 
 AND 
 
 Fundamental Caufe 
 
 O F 
 
 Natural, Arbitrary, Neceflary and 
 Unnatural WAR; 
 
 ■■— i a memmMm 
 
 Written by 
 Sir WALTER RALEGH, Knt. 
 
 , : . ■ ■ ■ ' i ■ ■ i ii i i ■ i m i a ——*. 
 
 L N D ON: 
 
 Printed for B. Barker at the White- 
 Hart, in WeJiminfier'Hall. i j o I. 
 
( 5Q ,. 
 A 
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 O F 
 
 War in General. 
 
 TH E ordinary Theme and 
 Argument of Hiftory is 
 War ; which may be de^ 
 fin'd the Exercife of Violence uii~ 
 der Sovereign Command, againft 
 Withftanders Force,Authority and 
 Refiftance; being the Eflential 
 parts thereof: Violence limitted by 
 Authority, is lufficiently diftiri- 
 guifh£d from Robbery, and the 
 like Outrage b yet confifting in re~ 
 lation towards others, it neceffari- 
 ly requires a fuppofition of Refi- 
 ftance a whereby the force of War 
 E a be- 
 
( S| ) 
 
 becomes different ironi the Vio- 
 knceiflfli&fed upon Slaves or yield- 
 ing Malefactors. As for Arms, 
 Difcipline, and whatfoever elfe 
 belongeth to the making of War 
 profperous, they are only confide- 
 rable in degree of Perfe&ion. 
 Since naked Savages fighting dis- 
 orderly with Stones, by appoint- 
 ment of their Commanders, may 
 truly and abfolutely be laid to 
 War ' 5 nevertheless^ 'tis true, that 
 the Beafts are armed with fierce 
 Teeth, Paws, Horns 3 and other 
 bodily Inftruments, of much ad- 
 vantage to unweapon'd Men : So 
 hath Reafon taught Man to 
 Strengthen his Hand with fuch 
 offensive Arms as no Creature elfe 
 can well avoid, or poffibly refill. 
 And it might ieem happy if the 
 Sword, the Arrow, the Gun, with 
 many terrible Engines of Deaths 
 could be wholly imploy'd in the 
 
 ex- 
 
■ C 53 ) 
 
 exercife of that L.ordly Rule which 
 the Lord of all hath given to Man-, 
 kind over the reft of living things. 
 But fince in Human Realhn there 
 hath no means been found of hold- 
 ing all Mankind at Peace within it 
 felf: Tis needful that againft the 
 Wit and Subtilty of Man, we op- 
 pofe not only the brute force of our 
 Bodies ( wherein many Beafts 
 exceed us ) but helping our 
 Strength with Art and Wifdom, 
 ftrive to excel our Enemies in 
 thofe Points, wherein Man is ex* 
 cellent over other Creatures. 
 
 The neceffity of War, which 
 ampng human Actions, is the moil 
 Lawlel^llfehath fome kind of affi- 
 nity and near refemblance with 
 the neceffity of Law : For there 
 were no ufe either of War, or 
 of Law; if every Man hadPru^ 
 dence to conceive how much of 
 Right w r ere due both to and from 
 E 3 him- 
 
( 54 ) 
 
 himfelf ; And were withal lb pun-? 
 dually juft as to perform what he 
 knows requifite, and to reft con^ 
 tented with his own j But Teeing 
 our Conveyances of Land cannot be 
 made fo ftrong by any skill of Lawr 
 yers ? without multiplicity of 
 Claines and Provifoes, that it may 
 be fecure from Contentions, Ava^ 
 fice, and the malice of falfe feem- 
 ingjuftice, it is not tobewondred 
 that the great Charter whereby 
 God beltow'd the whole 
 Earth upon Adam, and con- Gm - <*f 
 firmed it unto the hons of 
 ' Noah) being as brief in words, as 
 large in effeft ; hath bred much 
 Quarrel of Interpretation. 
 
 Surely, howfoever th^letter of 
 that Donation may be unregarded 
 by the moftof Men; yet the fenfe 
 thereof is fo imprinted in their 
 Hearts, and fo paffionately em- 
 brac'd by their greedy delires ; as 
 
 if 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 if every one laid claim for himfelf, 
 unto that, which was conferr'd 
 upon all. 
 
 This appeared in the Gauls fal- 
 ling upon Italy under their Cap- 
 tain Brennm, who told the Roman 
 Ambaflador plainly, That preva* 
 lent Arms were as good as any Title. 
 And that Valiant Men might account 
 to be their own y as much as they could 
 get : That thefe wanting Land were* 
 with to fuftain their People, and the 
 Tatienfes having more than enough ; 
 it was their meanings to take what they 
 needed by ftrong hand, if it were not 
 yielded quittly. 
 
 Now if it be well affirm'd by 
 Lawyers^that there is no taking of 
 Poffeffion more juft then in Vacuum 
 venire, to enter upon Land unin- 
 habited ("as our Countrymen have 
 lately done in the Sommer Yflands) 
 then may it be inferr'd, that this 
 demand of the Gauls held more of 
 E 4 Rea- 
 
( 56 ) 
 Reaibn than could be diicern'd at 
 the firft view. 
 
 For if the title of Occupiers be 
 good in Land Unpeopled; why 
 fhould it be bad accounted^ in a 
 Country Peopled over thinly ? 
 Should one Family, or oneThou- 
 fand hold poffeffion of all the Sou- 
 thern undiicover'd Continent, be- 
 caufe they had feated themfelves 
 in Nova Guiana^ or about the 
 Straights of Magellane ? Why 
 might not then the like be done in 
 Ajfrick, in Europe^ and in Afia ? 
 lfthefewere rnoft abfurd to ima- 
 gine, let then any Man's Wifdom 
 determine by leffening the Terri- 
 tory*, and increafiflg the number 
 of Inhabitants ; what proportion 
 is reqiiifite to the Peopleing of a 
 Region in iitch manner, that the 
 £,iand (hail neither be too narrow 
 fof thofe whom it feedeth, nor ca- 
 pable of k greater multitude ? Un- 
 til 
 
( 57 ) 
 til this can be concluded and a- 
 greed upon, one main and funda- 
 mental caufe of the moft grievous 
 War, as can be imagin'd, is not 
 like to be taken from the Earth. 
 
 It was perhaps enough in Rea- 
 fon, to fuccour with Victuals and 
 other helps a vaft multitude com- 
 pelFd by neceffity to leek anew 
 Seat, or to dire£t them to a Coun- 
 try able to receive them*. But 
 what (hall perl wade a mighty Na- 
 tion to Travel fo far by Land or 
 Sea, over Mountains, Deiarts, and 
 great Rivers with their Wives and 
 Children, when they are (orthink 
 themfelves) powerful enough to 
 ferve themfelves nearer hand, and 
 enforce others unto the labour of 
 fuch a Journey : * I have 
 briefly the wed in another ' %" 2 ^l 
 Work, that the Miferies 
 accompanying this kind of War, 
 are moft extream : Foraimuch, as 
 
 the 
 
( 5*-) 
 
 the Invaders cannot otherwife be 
 fatisfy'd then by rooting out, or 
 expelling the Nation upon whom 
 they fall. 
 
 And altho' the uncertainty of 
 the Tenure by which all Worldly 
 Things are held, minifters very 
 unpleafant meditation ; yet it is 
 moil certain, that within i aoo 
 Years laft paft, all, or the moft 
 part of Kingdoms to us known, 
 have truly felt the Calamities of 
 fuch forcible Tranfplantations ; 
 being either overwhelm'd by new- 
 Colonies that fell upon them, or 
 driven as one Wave is driven by a- 
 nother to leek new Seats, having 
 loft their own. 
 
 Our Weflern parts of Europe in- 
 deed, have great caufe to rejoice, 
 and give praiie to God, for that 
 we have been free above 6oo years 
 from fuch Inundations as were 
 thole of the Goths and Vandals ; yea, 
 from fuch as were thofe of our own 
 
 An- 
 
( 5? ) 
 
 Anceftors, the Saxons^ Danes and 
 Normans : But howfoever we have 
 together with the feeling, loft the 
 memory of fuch wretchedneis as 
 our Forefathers endur'd by thofe 
 Wars (of all others the raoft cruel;) 
 yet are there few Kingdoms in all 
 Afia^ that have not been ruin'd by 
 fuch overflowing multitudes with- 
 in the lame fpace of theie laft 
 600 Years, 
 
 It were an endlefs labour to tell, 
 how the Turks and Tartars falling 
 like Locufts upon that Quarter of 
 the World, having fpoii'd every 
 where, and in moft Places eaten 
 up all by the roots, confuming (to- 
 gether with the Princes formerly 
 Reigning and a world of People) 
 the very Names, Language, and 
 Memory of former Times. Suffice 
 it, that when any Country is over- 
 laid by the : multitude which live 
 upon it j there is a natural necef- 
 
 fity 
 
( So ) 
 
 fity compelling it to disburden it- 
 felf, and lay the load upon others, 
 by right, or wrong ; for (to omit 
 the danger of Peftilence, often vi- 
 fiting them which live in Throngs) 
 there is no mifery that urgeth Men 
 fo violently unto defperate Courfes 
 and contempt of Death, as the tor- 
 ments and threats of Famine: 
 Wherefore the War that is ground- 
 ed upon this general remedilels 
 Neceffity, maybe ternrd, the ge- 
 neral and remedilels., or neceilary 
 War. 
 
 Againft which, that our Coun- 
 try is beft provided, as may be 
 fhewed hereafter, then any Civil 
 Nation to us known , we ought 
 to hold it a great Bleffing of God, 
 and carefully retain the Advan- 
 tages He hath given us now. 
 
 Befides, this remedilefs, or ne- 
 ceffary War, which is not fre- 
 quent ythefe is a War voluntas 
 
(6i ) 
 
 ry and cuftomable, unto which 
 the offended Party is not compell'd : 
 And this Cuftomary War, which 
 troubled! all the World, giveth 
 little refpite or breathing time of 
 Peace ; and doth ufually borrow 
 pretence from the Neceffity, to 
 make it felf appear more honeft; 
 For covetous Ambition thinking 
 all too little which at prefent it 
 hath, fuppofeth it felf to ftand in 
 need of all, which it hath not. 
 
 Wherefore, if two bordering 
 Princes have their Territories 
 meeting in an open Campaign, 
 the more mighty will continually 
 leek occafion to extend his Limits 
 to the further border thereof. 
 
 If they be divided by Moun- 
 tains, they will fight for the ma- 
 ftery of the Paffage of the Tops, 
 and finally for the Towns that 
 ftand upon the Roots, 
 
 If 
 

 ( 6s ) 
 
 If Rivers run between them, 
 they contend for the Bridges ; and 
 think themfelves not well afftir'd, 
 until they have fortify'd the fur- 
 ther Bank. 
 
 Yea, the Sea it felf muft be ve- 
 ry broad, barren of Fifh, and 
 void of little Iflands interjacent ; 
 elfe will it yeild plentiful argu- 
 ment of Quarrel to the King- 
 doms which it ferveth; all this 
 proceeds from defire of having > 
 and fuch defire, from fear of 
 Want. 
 
 Hereunto may be added, That . 
 in thefe Arbitrary Wars, there is 
 commonly to be found fome fmall 
 mealure of Neceffity, tho' it fel- 
 dom be obferv'd ; perhaps, be- 
 caufe it extendeth not fo far as to 
 become publick : For where many 
 younger Sons, of younger Bro- 
 thers, have neither Lands nor 
 Means to uphold themfelves; and 
 
 where 
 
where many Men of Trade, or 
 ufeful Profeffidn, know not how 
 to beftow themfelves for lack of 
 Employ, there can it not be avoid- 
 ed, but that the whole Body of 
 the State (howfoever other wife 
 healthfully difpo'd) mould fuffer 
 anguifh by the grievance of thefe 
 ill-afFe£ted Members. 
 
 It fufficeth, not that the Country 
 hath wherewith to fuftain even 
 more than lives upon it, if means 
 be wanting, whereby to drive 
 convenient participation of the ge- 
 neral Store into a great number of 
 well Defervers. 
 
 In fuch Cafes, there will be 
 Complaining, Comiferation, and 
 finally murmure (as Men are apt 
 to lay the blame of thofe Evils 
 whereof they know not the 
 ground upon publick mifgovern- 
 ment) unlefs order be taken for 
 fome redrefs by the Sword, of In- 
 jury 
 
jury fuppos'd to be done by Fo- 
 reigners ; whereto the Difcontented 
 fort give commonly a willing ear : 
 And in this regard, I think it was, 
 that the great Cardinal, Francis de 
 Amiens, whogovern'd Spain in 'the 
 minority of Charles V. hearing tell, 
 that 8000 Spaniards were loft in 
 the Enterprife of Algiers, under 
 Don Diego de Vera, made light of 
 the matter, affirming, That Spain 
 flood in need offuch evacuations. Fo- 
 reign War, ferving as (King YerdU 
 nandhzd wont to fay) like a potion of 
 Rhubarb to wafle away Choller from 
 the body of the Realm, 
 
 Certainly, among all Kingdoms 
 of the Earth, we (hall fcarce find 
 any that ftand in lefs need thari 
 Spain of having the Veins open'd 
 by an Enemy's Sword; The ma- 
 ny Colonies it fends abroad, fo 
 well preferving it from fwelling 
 Humours ; yet is not that Country 
 
 there- 
 
 1 
 
(■** ) 
 
 "thereby difpeopled > but maintain* 
 eth ftill -growing upon it (like a 
 Tree from whom Plants have been 
 taken to fill whole Orchards) as 
 many as it can well nourifh. 
 
 And to fay what I think ; if our 
 King Edward III. had profpered in 
 his French Wars, and Peopled with 
 Englijh the Towns which he won, 
 as he began at Callice, driving out 
 the French ; the Kings (as his Suc- 
 ceffbrs) holding the fame courfe, 
 would by this time have filled all 
 France with our Nation, without 
 any notable emptying of this 
 Ifland. 
 
 The like may be affirm'cl upon 
 like fufpiciori, of the French in Ita* 
 •ljh or almoft of any others; as 
 having been verify'd by the Saxons 
 in England, and Arabians in Barba- 
 ry : What is then become of fo 
 huge a multitude, as would have 
 overfpread a great part of the Con^ 
 
 F tinent ? 
 
(66 ; 
 
 tinent ? Surely, they dyed not of 
 Old-age ; nor went out of the 
 World by the ordinary ways of 
 Nature ; but Famine and Conta- 
 gious Diftempers, the Sword, the 
 Halter ; and a Thoufand mif- 
 chiefs have confum'd them. Yea, 
 of many of them, perhaps, Chil- 
 dren were never born ; for they 
 that want means to nourifh Chil- 
 dren, will abftain from Marriage, 
 or (which is all one,) theycafta- 
 way their Bodies upon rich old 
 Women ; or otherwife make un- 
 equal, or unhealthy Matches for 
 gain ; or becauie of Poverty^ they 
 think it a Bleffing, which in Na- 
 ture is a Curie, to have their 
 Wives barren. 
 
 Were it not thus ; Arithmeti- 
 cal Progreffion might eafily de- 
 monftrate how faft Mankind would 
 encreafe in multitude overpaying 
 (as miraculous, tho' indeed natu^ 
 
 rai; 
 
( *7 ) 
 
 ral) the Examples of the Ifraelites^ 
 who were multiplied in a 1 5 Years 
 from 70, unto 600000 able Men; 
 hence we may obferve, that the 
 very progreffion of our Kind, hath 
 with it a ftrong incentive even of 
 thofe daily Wars which afflict the 
 whole Earth. And that Princes 
 excufing their drawing the Sword, 
 by deviled pretences of Neceffity, 
 fpeak often more truly then they 
 are aware ; there being indeed a 
 great neceffity, tho' not apparent, 
 as not extending to the generality * 
 but refting upon private Heads. 
 
 Wherefore other Caufe of War, 
 merely natural there is none: The 
 w T ant of room upon the Earth, 
 which pincheth the whole Nation, 
 begets the remidileis War vexing 
 only fome number of particulars, 
 it draws on the Arbitrary ^ But to 
 the the kindling of Arbitrary 
 VVar there are many other mo- 
 F 2 tives* 
 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 tives. The moft honeftof thefe^ 
 is fear of harm, and prevention of 
 Danger 5 this is juft and taught by 
 Nature, which labours more 
 ftrongly in removing Evil, then 
 in purfuit of what is requifite unto 
 Good : Neverthelefs , becaufe 
 War cannot be without natural 
 Violence 5 it is manifeft, that al- 
 legation of Danger,and Fear,ferves 
 only to excufe the fuffering party* 
 the, wrongdoer being carry 'd by 
 his own will 3 fo that War thus 
 caufed proceeds from Nature not 
 altogether, but in part. 
 
 A fecond motive, is revenge of 
 injury fuftain'd, this might be a- 
 voided, if a]l Men could be ho- 
 neft, otherwile not § for Princes 
 muft give Protection to their Sub- 
 jefts and Adherents, when wor^ 
 thy occafion (hall require it $ elfe 
 they will be held unworthy and 
 infufficient 3 then which, there 
 
 can 
 
( h) 
 
 can be to them no greater peril. 
 Wherefore C^far in all delibe- 
 rations where difficulties, and dan- 
 gers threatnedon one fide, and the 
 Opinion, that there fhould be in 
 him pamm pr^/idij little fafe- 
 guard for his Friends was doubt- 
 ed on the other fide , always 
 chofe rather to venture- upon ex- 
 tremities, than to have it thought 
 tha; he was a weak Prote£tor : 
 Yea, by fuch maintenance of their 
 Dependants, many Noblemen in 
 all Forms of Government, and 
 within every Man's Memory have 
 kept themfelves in greatnefs with 
 little help of any other Virtue. 
 
 Neither have meer Tyrants, 
 been altogether carelefs to main- 
 tain free from Oppreflion of Stran- 
 gers, thofe Subjeds of theirs, 
 whom themfelves have moft bafe- 
 ly efteem'd, and ufed as no bet- 
 ter than Slaves ; for there is no 
 F 3 Ma- 
 
( 7° ) 
 Mafter that can exped: good Ser- 
 vice from his Bondflaves, if he fuf- 
 fers them to be beaten and daily 
 ill-entreated by other Men. To re- 
 medy this, it were needful that 
 Juftice fhould every'where be duly 
 adminiftred, as well to Strangers 
 as to Denizens. But contrari- 
 wife 5 we find; That in many 
 Countries (as Mufcovy, and the 
 like) the Laws^, or the Adminiftra- 
 tion .of them is fo far from giving 
 fatisfa&ion,to ftrangers as they fill 
 the general Voice of them with 
 Complaints and Exclamations. 
 
 Sir Thorns Moor^ faid (whe- 
 ther more pleafantly or truly, I 
 know not) That a Trick of Law y 
 had no lefs power than the Wheel of 
 Fortune^ to lift /den Ufa or to ca§l them 
 down. 
 
 Certainly, with more patience 
 Men are wont to endure the Lofs 
 that betel them by mere Cafualty, 
 
 than 
 
(ii ) 
 
 than the damage they fuftain by 
 means of injuftice, becaufe thefe 
 are accompanied with fenfe of in- 
 dignity, whereof the other are 
 free : When Robbers break into a 
 Mens Houfes and fpoil them, they 
 tell the Owners plainly, That Mo- 
 ney they want, and Money they 
 rauft have. But when a Judge 
 corrupted by reward, hatred, fa- 
 vour, or any other Paffion takes 
 both Houfe and Land from the 
 rightful Owner, and beftows them 
 upon fome Friend of his own, or 
 of his Favorite, he fays, That the 
 Rule of Juftice will have it fo ; 
 that it is the Voice of the Law, 
 and Ordinance of God himfelf : 
 And whatelfe herein doth he, then 
 by a kind of Circumlocution, tell 
 his humble Suppliants, that he 
 holds them Ideots , or bafe 
 Wretches, not able to get relief : 
 Muft it not aftonifh and withal 
 
 F 4 vex 
 
vex any Man of a free Spirit, when 
 he fees none other difference be- 
 twen the Judge and the Thief, 
 then in the manner of performing 
 of their Exploits ; as if the whole 
 being of Juftice confifted in point 
 of Formality. In fuch cafe, an 
 honeft Subjeft will either feek re< 
 medy by ordinary Gourfes, or wait 
 his time, till God (hall place bet- 
 ter Men in Office, and call the 
 Oppreffors to account. Rut a 
 Stranger will not fo 5 he hath no- 
 thing to do with the Affairs of 
 Barbary, neither concerns it him, 
 what Officers be placed, or dil- 
 placed in Taradante j; or whether 
 Mulifidtan himfelf can contain the 
 Kingdom 5 his Ship and Goods are 
 unjuftly taken from him$ and 
 therefore he will feek leave to right 
 himfelf if he can $ and return the 
 Injury ten-fold upon the whole 
 Nation from which he received it. 
 
 Truth 
 
C 73 ) 
 
 Truth is , that Men are fooner 
 weary to dance attendance at the 
 Gates of foreign Lords, than to 
 tarry the good leifure of their own 
 Magiftrates ; nor do they bear fo 
 quietly the lofs of fome parcel con- 
 fifcate abroad, as the greater de- 
 triment which they fuflfer by fome 
 prowling Vice- Admiral, Cuftom- 
 er, or publick Minjfter at their 
 return. 
 
 Whether this proceed from the 
 Reverence which fome Men yield 
 to their Governors, I will not de- 
 fine; or whether excefs of trou- 
 ble in following their Caufes from 
 Home ; or whether fome defpair 
 of fuch redrefs as may be expected 
 in their own Country, in the ho- 
 ped reformation of Diforders ; or 
 whether from their more unwil- 
 lingness to difturb the Domeftical, 
 then the Foreign Quiet by loud 
 pxclaimings; or whether c per- 
 haps 
 
( 74 ; 
 
 haps their not daring to mutter a- 
 gainft their own Rulers for Inju- 
 stice (tho' it were ihameful) for 
 for fear of faring worfe, and for 
 being puniih'd for Scandalum mag- 
 natum, as Scandalers of Men in 
 Authority : Whencefoever it 
 comes, as there can be but one 
 Allegiance; fo Men are apt to 
 ferve no more than they needs 
 muft; according to that of the 
 Slave, in the old Comedy, Nonfum 
 fervm publicm. My Majier bought 
 we for himfelf , and I am net every 
 Mans Man. And this Opinion, 
 there is no Prince unwilling to 
 maintain in his own Subjects ; yea, 
 fuch as are moft rigorous to their 
 own ) do never find it fafe to be 
 better unto Strangers, becaufe it 
 ^re a matter of dangerous Con- 
 -r.ee, that the People fhould 
 - all other Nations to be in a 
 _ Sfr cafe than themfelves. 
 
 The 
 
 
/ 75 ) 
 
 The brief is, Oppreffion in ma* 
 ny places, wears the Robe of Ju- 
 ftice 3 which domineering over the 
 Natives, may not fpare Strangers ; 
 and Strangers will not endure, but 
 cry out unto their own Lords for 
 relief by the Sword. Wherefore 
 this motive of revenging Injuries 
 is very ftrong, tho' it meerly con- 
 fift in the Will of Man, without 
 any enforcement of Nature. 
 
 Yet the more to quicken it, 
 there is ufually concurring with it 
 a hopeful expectation of Gain ; for 
 of the amends recover'd, little or 
 nothing returns to thofe that have 
 fuifer'd the W r rong ; bnt commonly 
 all runs into the Princes Coffers. 
 
 Such Examples, as was that of 
 our late Queen Elizabeth^ Anm \, 6 
 of famous Memory, are 
 very rare; Her Majefty, when 
 the Goods of our Englijb Mer- 
 chants were attack'd by the Duke 
 
 of 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 of Aha, in the Netherlands, and by 
 King Philip in Spain ; Arrefted like- 
 wife the Goods of the Low-Dutch^ 
 here in England, that amounted to 
 a greater value : Neither was She 
 contented that Her Subjects mould 
 right themfelves, as well as they 
 could upon the Spaniards 
 
 Anno J 573. 1 c 1 I 
 
 by bea; but having 
 brought King Philip within 4 or 5 
 Years to better reafon, tho' not fo 
 far as to Reftitution ; She fatisfy'd 
 her own Merchants to the full for 
 all their LofTes, out of the Dutch- 
 mens Goods ; and gave back to the 
 Duke what was remaining. 
 
 This, among many Thoulands of 
 her Royal Deeds, made her Glori- 
 ous in all Nations; tho' it caufed e- 
 ven Strangers in their Speeches and 
 Writings, to extoll her Princely 
 Juftice to the Skyes ; yet fervedit 
 not for a Prefident for others of 
 lefs Verttie to follow. 
 
 It 
 
( 77) 
 
 It were more coftly to take pat- 
 tern Irom thole Afts which gave 
 immort-1 Renown to that great' 
 Queen, then to imitate the thirfty 
 dealing of that Sfanijh Duke in 
 the Felf fame bufmefs, who kept 
 all to his own ufe, or his Matter's, 
 reftoring to the poor Dutch Mer- 
 chants not one Penny : It falls out 
 many times indeed, that a Prince 
 is driven to fpend far more of his 
 Treafure in punifhing by War the 
 Wrongs of his People, than the 
 lols of his People do amount unto. 
 In fuch Cafes, u is reafon that he 
 fatisfy him felf, and let the Peo- 
 ple (whereto commonly they are 
 apt ) reft contented with the 
 fweetnefs of Revenge. 
 
 But when Vi&ory makes large 
 amends for all, it Royally becomes 
 a Prince to fatisfy thofe, for whofe 
 i'atisfaftion he undertook the War : 
 Far befides the purpofe it were 
 now, to teach how Victory mould 
 
 be 
 
(7«) 
 be ufed ; or the Gains thereof com- 
 municated to the general content * 
 this being only brought in to fhew, 
 That the profit thereby gotten, is 
 aftrong provocation to the redreis 
 of Injuries by the Sword, 
 
 As for the redrefs of Injuries 
 done unto Princes themfelves, it 
 may conveniently (thd* not always, 
 for it were miferable Injuftice to 
 deny leave to Princes of maintain- 
 ing their Honour) be refer v'd un- 
 to the third motive of Arbitrary 
 Wars 3 which is meer Ambi- 
 tion. 
 
 This is, and ever hath been the 
 true caufe of more Warsj then 
 have troubled the World upon all 
 other Occafions whatfoever 5 tho' 
 it lea ft partake of Nature, and ur- 
 gent neceffity of State. I call not 
 here alone by the name of Ambi- 
 tion, that Vain-glorious Humour, 
 which openly profeffeth to be none 
 
 other 
 
(79) 
 other, and vaunts it felf as an im- 
 perial Virtue ; for the Examples 
 are not many of that kind : But 
 where occafion of War is greedily 
 fought, or being very flight is 
 gladly entertain'd, for that in- 
 creafe of Dominion is hoped there- 
 by $ we fhould rather impute the 
 War to the Scope at which it aim- 
 eth, than to any idle Caufe pre- 
 tended. 
 
 The Romans feared, left they 
 of Carthage by winning Mejfina, 
 fhould foon get the Mattery over 
 all Sicily, and have a fair entrance 
 at pleafure into Italy-, which to 
 prevent, they made War upon the 
 Carthiginians : This Fear, I call 
 Ambition $ had they not trufted 
 in their own Arms, hoping there- 
 by to enlarge their Empire 3 but 
 being weaker and more affraid in- 
 deed, they would have feared 
 lefs. 
 
 For 
 
( 8o ) 
 
 For Colour of this War^they took 
 the MamertineSj a Crew of Thieves 
 and Cut-throats into their Prote- 
 ftion^ whom being their Aflb- 
 ciates, they muft needs defend h 
 but had not their Ambition been 
 mightier then their Juftice, they 
 would have endeavour'd to punifh 
 the Mamertines^ and not to pro- 
 tect them. Innumerable are the 
 like Examples , Know ye not (faid 
 Ahab) that Ramoth-gilead u burs ? 
 He knew this before, and was 
 quiet enough, till opinion of his 
 Forces made him look unto his 
 Right : And of this nature (tho' 
 lbm'e worfe then other in degree,) 
 are Claims of old forgotten Tri- 
 bute 5 or of fome Acknowledge 
 ments, due perhaps, to the An- 
 ceftorsofa vanquifh'd King, and 
 long after challeng'd by the Heirs 
 of the Conqueror, Broken Ti- 
 tles to Kingdoms or Provinces. 
 
 main> 
 
(8i) 
 
 tainanceof Friends and Partizans, 
 pretended Wrongs, and indeed, 
 whatfoever it pleafeth him to it- 
 ledge, that thinks his own Sword 
 iharpeft. But of old time, per- 
 haps, before Helkn of Greece was 
 born, Women have been the com- 
 mon Argument of the Tragedies ; 
 as of late Ages in our Parts of the 
 World , fince the Names of the 
 Guelfes and Ghibelines were heard, 
 the Rights of St. Peter , that is, the 
 Pope's Revenues and Authority; 
 this laft and others of the fame 
 kind, I know not how patiently 
 they will endure to be ranged a- 
 mongft ambitious Quarrellers; for 
 the War that hath fuch Foundati- 
 ons, will not only be imputed free 
 from worldly Ambition, juft and 
 honourable, but holy and merito- 
 rious, having thereto belonging 
 Pardon of Sins, Releaie from Pur- 
 gatory, and the Promife of the 
 G Life 
 
( ** ) 
 Life to come, as may be feen in 
 the Pope's Croifada. 
 
 The Truth is, that the Saracens 
 affirm no leis of the Wars which 
 they make againft Chriftians, or 
 which arife betwixt themfelves 
 from difference of Sedt , and if 
 every Man had his Due, I think, 
 that the Honour of devifing firft 
 this Dodrine, (viz.) That Re- 
 ligion ought to be enforced upon 
 Men by the Sword,would be found 
 appertaining to Mahomet, the falfe 
 Prophet. Sure it is, that he and 
 the Calif hes following him, obtain- 
 ed thereby in fhort ipace a mighty 
 Empire , which was in a fair way 
 to have enlarged it felf until they 
 fell out amongft themfelves^not for 
 the Kingdom of Heaven, but for 
 Dominion upon Earth : And a- 
 gainft this did the Popes , when 
 their Authority grew powerful in 
 the Weft, incite the Princes of Ger* 
 
 many 
 
many, England, France, and Italy J 
 their chief Enterprife was the Re- 
 covery of the Holy Land, in which 
 worthy, butextream difficult Acti- 
 on, it is lamentable to remember, 
 what abundance of noble Blood 
 hath been fhed with very fmall 
 Benefit to the Chfiftian State. 
 
 The Recovery of Spain, where* 
 of the better part was then in Bon- 
 dage of the Saracens, had been a 
 Work more available to the Men 
 of Europe, more eafily maintain- 
 ed with Supply, more aptly fer- 
 ving to advance any following En* 
 terprile upon Kingdoms further re- 
 moved, more free from Hazard, 
 and requiring lefs Expence of 
 Blood ; but the honourable Piety 
 of the Undertakers , could not be 
 terrify'd by the Face of Danger, 
 nor diverted from this, to a more 
 commodious Bufinefs, by any Mo- 
 tives of Profit or Facility; for the 
 
 Go Pulpit 
 
( H ) 
 
 Pulpit did found in every Church 
 with the Praifes of that Voyage ; 
 as it were a Matter far lefs highly 
 pleafing unto God, to bear Arms 
 for Defence of his Truth againtt 
 Perfecutors, or for the Deliverance 
 of poor Chriftians opprefled with 
 Slavery ; than to fight for that felf 
 fame Land, wherein our Blefled 
 Saviour was born and died. By 
 fuch Perfwalions , a marvellous 
 Number were excited to the Con- 
 . queft of Pakjlinay which with An- 
 gular Virtue they performed ; tho' 
 not without exceeding great Lofs 
 of Men, and held that Kingdom 
 fome few Generations. 
 
 But the Climate of Syria^ the 
 far diftance from the Strength of 
 Chriftendom, and the near neigh- 
 bourhood of thole who were the 
 mod puiflant amongft the Mahome- 
 tans 5 caufed that famous Enter- 
 prife, after a long continuance of a 
 
 ter- 
 
(8 5 ) 
 
 terrible War, to be quite aban- 
 doned. 
 
 The Care otjerufalem being laid 
 afide, it was many times thought 
 needful to reprefs the growing 
 Power of the Turk, by the joint 
 Forces of all the Chriftian Kings 
 and Commonwealths ; and hereto 
 the Popes have uled much Perfwa- 
 fions, and often publifhed in their 
 Croifada, with Pardon of Sins to 
 all that would adventure in a Work 
 fo religious, yet have they effected 
 little or nothing, and lefs perhaps 
 are ever like to do ; for it hath 
 been their Cuftom fo fhamefully to 
 miiufe the fervent Zeal of Men to 
 religious Arms, by converting the 
 Moneys which they have levyed 
 for fuch Wars to their own Servir 
 ces, and by ftirring up Chriftians 
 one againft another , yea, againft 
 their own natural Princes, under 
 the like pretence of ferving God 
 G 3 and 
 
C 86 ) 
 
 and the Church \ that finally, Men 
 waxed weary of their turbulent 
 Spirits, and would not believe that 
 God was careful to maintain the 
 Pope in his Quarrels, or that Re- 
 miffion of Sins pad, was to be ob- 
 rained^ by committing more, and 
 more grievous, at the Inftigation 
 of his liifpeCted Holinels. 
 
 Queftionlefs , there was great 
 Reafon, why all dilcreet Princes , 
 Ihould beware of yielding hafty 
 
 Belief to the Robes of Sanctimo- 
 ny) 
 
 It was the Rule of our BlefTed 
 Saviour , By their Works ye Jhall 
 know them : What the Works of 
 thofe that occupy the Papacy have 
 been fince the Days of Pippin .and 
 Charhmaine,\v\\o firft enabled them 
 with temporal Donation ( the 
 Italian Writers have terrified at 
 large) yet were it needlefs to recite 
 Machiavel who hath recorded their 
 
 Doings, 
 
( s 7 ) 
 
 Doings, and is therefore the more 
 hateful; or Gmccardine, whole 
 Works they have guelded, as not 
 enduring to hear all that he hath 
 written ; tho' he fpake enough in 
 that which remains. 
 
 What Hiftory iliall we read (ex- 
 cept the Annals of Cafar Baroniw, 
 and fome Books of Fryars and Fry- 
 erly Parafites ) which mentioning 
 their A£ts, doth not leave Witnef- 
 fes of their ungodly Dealings in all 
 Quarters. 
 
 How few Kingdoms are there 
 (if any) wherein by difpenfing 
 with Oaths,, transferring the Right 
 of Crowns; abfolving Subjects 
 from Allegiance; and Curfing; and 
 threatning to Curfe. fo long as 
 their Curfes were regarded, they 
 have not wrought unprofitable 
 Mifchiefs ? 
 
 The Shamelefs denial hereof 
 
 by fome of their Friends, and the 
 
 G 4. more 
 
( 88 ) 
 more fhamclefs Juftification by their 
 Flatterers makes it needful to ex- 
 emplify which I had rather for- 
 bear as not loving to deal in fuch 
 contentious Arguments, were it 
 not Folly to be modeft in uttering 
 what is known to all the World : 
 Pity it is, that by fuch Demeanour 
 they have caufed the Church ( as 
 HieromSavanarolla, and before him, 
 Robert Groflhead, Bp. of Lincoln pro- 
 phefy'd ) to be propagated by the 
 Sword y but God would have it 
 
 fo. 
 
 How far the Pope's Bleffing did 
 fanftify the Enterprife upon Jem- 
 falem^ it refts in every Man's Dif- 
 cretion to judge. 
 
 And for the. honourable Chrifti- 
 ans which undertook that Con- 
 queft, to juftifie their War, they 
 had not only the Redrefs of Inju- 
 ries^ and Proteftion of their op- 
 preffed Brethren, but the repelling 
 
 of 
 
( §9 ) ^ 
 
 of Danger from their own Land, 
 threatned by thofe Misbelievers 
 whom they Invaded. 
 
 If the Pope's Extortions (w T hich 
 were not more forcible than thole 
 of Peter the Hermit's ) added Spi- 
 rit unto the A£tion,yet altered they 
 not the Grounds of the War, nor 
 made it the more holy. Let the 
 Indulgences of Pope Leo the iotb. 
 bear Witnefs of this, who out of 
 politick Fear of the Turks Vio- 
 lence, urged a religious Contribu- 
 tion towards a War to be made 
 upon them ; the Neceffity of that 
 which he propounded, was greater 
 doubtlefs, than any that had per- 
 fwaded the Conqueft of Pale [Una. 
 
 But too foul and manifeft was 
 the unholinefs of obtruding upon 
 Men Remiffion of Sins for Money; 
 That the Sums which Pope Leo 
 thereby raifed and converted to his 
 own life, have made his Succef- 
 
 fors 
 
( 9° ) 
 
 ibrs Lofers by the Bargain, even 
 to this Day. 
 
 Pope Pirn ft formerly well 
 known by the Name of JUnem Syl- 
 viws^ was delervedly reckoned a- 
 mongft the few good Popes of lat- 
 ter Ages ; wiio nevertheless in a 
 War of the fame religious Nature, 
 dilcovered the. like ( tho' not the 
 fame) Imperfe&ion : His Purpofe 
 was to let upon Mahomet the great, 
 who had newly won the Empire 
 of Conftantinople, and by carrying 
 the War over into Greece, to pre- 
 vent the Danger threatning Italy. 
 
 In this Aftion highly commen- 
 dable, he intended to hazard his 
 own Perfon, that fo the more eafi- 
 ly he might win Adventurers, who 
 elfe were like to be lefs favoured, 
 as not unacquainted with fuch Ro- 
 mish Tricks; yet was not his own 
 Devotion fo zealous in purfuit of 
 this holy Bufinefs, but that he 
 
 would 
 
( 9i ) 
 
 would ftay a while, and convert 
 his Forces againft Malatefta, a Lord 
 of Rimini $ letting Scanderberg wait 
 his leifure , who had already let 
 the War on foot in Greece; For (laid 
 he) We muft firji fubdue the little 
 Turk , before we meddle with the 
 Great; he fpake Reafon, if we re- 
 gard Policy. But attending only 
 to Religion, find we not that he 
 held the Chaftifement of one which 
 molefted the See of Rome, alike 
 pleafing to God, as would have 
 been the Holy War againft the 
 common Enemy of our Chriftian 
 Faith ; lb thought all the reft of 
 thole Bifhops, and fo much more 
 (upon their feveral Occafions ) de- 
 clare themlelves to think it, by 
 haw much they commonly were 
 worfe Men than this /Eneas Syhiws. 
 And good Reafon was there, that 
 they Ihould be of Inch Belief, or 
 endeavour to make the Chriftian 
 
 World 
 
World believe no other wife, for 
 the natural Conftitution of their 
 Eftate (I mean fince the Age of 
 of Pipin and Charlamain > or the 
 Times not long before-going; hath 
 urged them all hitherto i tho' per- 
 ad venture fome few Popes may 
 have been overuled, by their own 
 private Nature, and thereby have 
 iwerved from the Rule of Policy. 
 
 To fpeak in general, Whofo- 
 ever hath Dominion abfolute, over 
 ibme one Authority ; lets abfolute 
 over many more ; will feek to draw 
 thofe that are not wholly his own, 
 iato intire Subjection. 
 
 It fares with politick Bodies, a 5 
 with phyfical; each would con- 
 vert all into their own proper Sub- 
 ftance, and caft forth as Excre- 
 ments, what will not be changed. 
 
 We need not cite Philip the 
 Father of Alexander , nor Philip 
 the Father of Perfim^ Kings of 
 
 - Mace- 
 
( n ) 
 
 Macedon, for Examples ; of which 
 the former brought the Thejjahnu 
 ans, 5 the latter, wouldhave brought 
 the Achaians, and many Eftates in 
 Greece from the Condition of Fol- 
 lowers, and Dependants, into meer 
 Vaffalage. 
 
 Philip II. of Spain is yet frefh in 
 mind, who attempted the (elf fame 
 upon the Netherlands. 
 
 Exceptions may be framed here 
 againftthis, out of the honeft, qui- 
 et, or timorous Diipofition of lbme 
 ' Princes ; yet that all, or the moft, 
 are thus inclined, both Reafon and 
 Experience teach ; yea, even our 
 Cities and Corporations here in 
 England^ fuch as .need the Prote- 
 ction of great Men, complain o- 
 therwhiles of their Patrons over- 
 much Diligence, either in fearch- 
 ing into their private Eftates; or 
 behaving themfelves Mafter-like in 
 Point of Government. But never 
 
 hath 
 
( 9+ ; i 
 
 hath Authority better Means to en- 
 large it felf, than when it is found- 
 ed upon Devotion : And yet never 
 doth Authority of this kind Work 
 to raife it felf upon meer Domini- 
 on ; until it fall into the hands of 
 thofe, whofe Piety is more in 
 Teeming , than in Deed. 
 
 O F 
 
r 95 ( 
 
 O F 
 
 UNNATURAL 
 
 WAR 
 
 TH E laft kind of War we 
 mall treat of, is the Vnnatw 
 rai y otherwife called the Intejiine^ 
 or Civil War ; and tho' it has the 
 fame Motives of Ambition, Ava- 
 rice, or Revenge, as the Arbitra- 
 ry and Cuftomary War, yet is of 
 a quite different Nature, andmuft 
 be otherwife defined ; for that is 
 to ufe Arms to redrefs Injuries, to 
 Conqueror , oppoie Strangers un- 
 der Soveraign Authority. But this 
 is to (lay and opprefs our Country- 
 men, 
 
( 9 6 ) 
 
 men, our Friends, and even our 
 own Relations without Injury of- 
 fered tho' pretended to gratify forne 
 exorbitant Paffion upon the Pub- 
 lick, under no Authority or legal 
 Command; but dire£tly contrary 
 and oppofite to the Sovereign Pow^ 
 er,and to the very Being of Society 
 it ielf :For a Member of a Commu- 
 nity, or civil Society, has no more 
 Right to difturbthe whole upon a~ 
 ny Failure (if any be) than he has to 
 cut his own Throat, becaufe fome 
 part of his Body offends him. And 
 under this Principle (o founded in 
 Nature, if Men did not acquiefce^ 
 the World would be in a conftant 
 Uproar. Since the beft and eafieft 
 Government is juft as far from be- 
 ing perfed, as the Men are that 
 compofe it. 
 
 How vain then is it to be diftur* 
 bed 'at that, whofe Caufe is be- 
 yond our felves. 
 
 Tacitm 
 
. ( 97 ) 
 
 Tacitus fays we ought to fubmit 
 to what is prefent,and fhould with 
 for good Princes, but whatfoever 
 they are endure them, an&Machia- 
 vel terms this a Golden Sentence, 
 adding, that whofoever do's other- 
 wife, Ruins both himfelf and 
 Country : Certain it is,the conditi- 
 on of no Nation was ever bettered 
 by a Civil War,for when the People 
 and the Government draw the 
 Sword againft each other, all for- 
 mer Compacts and Agreements for 
 fecuring of Liberty and Property 
 are diffolved,and become void; for 
 flying to Arms is a ftate of War, 
 which is the meer ftate of Nature 
 of Men out of Community, where 
 all have an equal right to all 
 things, and I fhall enjoy my Life, 
 my Subftance, or what is dear to 
 me, no longer then he that has 
 more Cunning , or is Stronger 
 than 1, will give me leave; for 
 
 H Na- 
 
( 8 9 ) 
 
 Natural Conference is not a fuffici- 
 ent Curb to the violent Paffions of 
 Men out of the Laws of Society. 
 And the few that (hall furvive the 
 Calamities and Devaluations that 
 Ambition or Revenge (hall make 
 in Civil Diffention, muft ever af- 
 ter fubmit to the Arbitrary Power 
 of the Conquering Party. Now 
 under what Civil Stipulations and ^ 
 Covenants can a People be, with 
 their Governors that can put them 
 in a worfe condition than this. 
 And that any particular Govern^ 
 ment is now Jure ~DWino is hard 
 to affirm, and of no great ufe to 
 Mankind. For let the Go venment 
 of my Country where I am a Sm> 
 jecl is by Divine lnftitution r or by 
 Compaft, I am equally bound to 
 obferve its Laws, and endeavour 
 its Profperity. For , take it to 
 be true what Plato fays. Qui le~ 
 gibus pie tfy prudenter latis in- 
 fer* 
 
( 99 ) 
 
 femit* infer yitdeo. [ that the Duty 
 I owe to God obliges me to con- 
 form to the Laws of my Country 
 which are for the orderly andwell- 
 being of every individual. ] For 
 God is the God of Order and Har* 
 mony and not Confufipn. Alfo the 
 Schools affirm, that leges humane ob- 
 ligant confident iam ; [ that the Con- 
 iciences of Men &re bound by Hu- 
 mane Laws.] 
 
 I'll only mention more the un> 
 deniable Authority of Scripture, 
 which plainly com- 
 mands us to Submit to i Pet. 2. 13, 
 every Ordinance of Man 
 for the Lord's fake y [that is, Obey 
 
 ' the Laws of Men where the Law 
 of God is filent,] arid were not 
 Mankind thus Obliged, all Go- 
 vernments of Church and State 
 would foon fall into Confufion: 
 
 'And if the Divines do rightly 
 
 infer from the Sixjh Command- 
 
 H 2 ment 
 
( J oo ) 
 
 mandment ( Thou [hah not 207/, ) 
 That Scandalizing ones Neighbour 
 with falie and malicious Reports, 
 whereby I vex his Spirit, and con- 
 fequently impair his Health, is a 
 degree oV Murther. 
 
 I may affirm, that Factions Ru- 
 mours and Difcouries, which alie- 
 nate the minds of People, and Im- 
 peach and weaken the Govenment 
 is a degree of Treafon, and con- 
 iequenty a breach of the Fifth 
 Commandment. 
 
 I know 'tis laid, tho' a People, 
 leaving the State of Nature have 
 entred into a Community ,and made 
 Laws, as they juftly may to pre- 
 ferve that Community ; which 
 Laws are to be Obeyed under the 
 penalty of difpleaiing God himlelf, I 
 yet the Administrators of thole 
 Laws being vifibly and incurably 
 defective in preierving the whole, 
 may be removed , For, ( cups eftl 
 
 dare j 
 
 1 
 
dare^ ejus eft difyonere. Where the 
 People have no fuch Right, they 
 have loft all Liberty. 
 - Therefore Wife Governors will 
 not bear hard upon the People, for 
 when publick Abuies come to the 
 height, that the Generality are 
 fenfible of them, and the true Ma- 
 jority have a mind to Difcharge 
 iuch from the Government. Whi- 
 ther (ingle perfon, or Council; I 
 know not who fhall prevent it, or 
 againft what Law they Offend, 
 fince no Prince can (hew a Patriar- 
 chal Right, and a Community is 
 under Conditions. 
 
 I only mention thefe two laft 
 Paragraphs as the utmoft the moft 
 zealous Advocates can ume for 
 
 o 
 
 the Power of the People, and it 
 amounts to no more than this \ 
 where the Perfon or Perfons Poi- 
 feffing the Supream Power are in- 
 curably defective. And this plain- 
 
 H 3 ly 
 
( ft&, ) 
 
 ly appears to the Majority of the 
 Peopie 5 they have a Right to change 
 the fame : I think naturally the^ 
 muft, but even the Majority it felf 
 where there is no fuch plim dan- 
 gerous defea, cannot in Right re- 
 move the Perfons arid alter the 
 T&mei for then all .Governments 
 every day would be at the Will arid 
 Pleafure of the People, andl&m 
 Hiire AVbitrarinefs in a Multitude 
 is far more dangerous than in k 
 "Single Perfon : The experience of 
 all Ages' has found this to be "true. 
 
 It is no wender that the publick 
 Actions and A' ; ralrs of State mould 
 meet with man v Ceniures and E- 
 nemies^fince rew'Men can gain their 
 own inward approbation of what 
 they daily do- themf elves* So eon- 
 tradidtory do paffions make Men 
 a£t to mHr own Realbn and Con- 
 fcience. It was a home Reproot 
 our Saviour gave the Scribes and 
 
 Pbari- 
 
 
( ioa ) 
 
 Tharifees when they feemed for- 
 ward to have the Woman Stoned 
 that was taken in Adultery. (Let 
 hiin'that Is without Sin cafe the firji 
 Ston:^) Self Convi&ion fore'd the 
 ?h itijles to withdraw, and leave 
 the Woman without Accufers.^ I 
 therefore lay,' whoever impartial- 
 ly confiders the corruptions of his 
 own hedVt, the many failings of 
 his undeaftanding, and is not ve- 
 ry tender in opening and mani- 
 festing the Crimes and Failings of 
 othe'rs, wants the modefty even of 
 thefe Scribes & Pharifees,andmay 
 expecl a (harper Reproof. It's an 
 admirable Direction, much known, 
 but little confidered, that Thales 
 left as the Chara&eriftick of his 
 Wifdqm, Nofce te ipfum. Friend, 
 know thy felf- It's a hard point, 
 and not every where found. We 
 labour hard to pliblifh our Abili- 
 ties, and conceal our lnfirmites. 
 
 H 4. And 
 
( io 4- ) 
 And our inquiry into our felves 
 is fo flight and partial, that few 
 Men are really what they appear 
 to themfelves to be. The vain 
 Opiniater in purfuit of fome ex- 
 trayant hopes, involves himfelf in 
 innumerable intricacies and. ha- 
 zardous circumftances, driven by 
 the force of Paffion, from the di- 
 ctates of Reafon and the common 
 Paths of Senfe falls into inevi- 
 table Calamities- and having thus 
 exposed himfelf, clamours againft 
 Providence for being unfortunate. 
 Thefe being not a fmall number 
 are always ready to joyn with any 
 Party in Civil Diffentions, where- 
 by they hope either to mend their 
 Condition, or get a good excufe for 
 the bad one they are in." 
 
 The infatiable Minds of Men 
 impatient under what's Prefent, 
 fond of any Alteration, Headed 
 by thofe that wili be under no Do- 
 minion 
 
( '° 5 } 
 
 minion but that of Avarice, Ambi- 
 tion, or Revenge, are the original 
 caufe of thole Calamittes a Civil- 
 War brings upon a Nation. And 
 when we lay we are fallen into Bad 
 Times, we mean no otherwife, 
 but that we are fallen amongft a 
 wicked Generation of Men. For 
 the Sun, the mediate vivifying 
 Caufe of all things here below, 
 and conftant meafurer of Time 
 keeps kits fteady Courfe. The 
 Condition of the Publick grows 
 wdtfe as Men £row more wicked. 
 For in all Ages, as the Morals of 
 Men were depraved, and Vice en* 
 creaied, the Commonwealth de- 
 clined. 
 
 All Kingdoms being but the con- 
 nexion of Families, the Prince 
 thereof is truly termed the Father 
 of the Country, the grand Pater fa- 
 miliar ,the great Mafterof the Hou- 
 mold. Now if the Domefticks of 
 
( io6 ) 
 
 a Family be over-run with the 
 deadly fin of Pride and Luxury, 
 Sloth and Rapine ; It is a fair figri 
 of its utter Rpine. Thus in the 
 larger Rule of Government there 
 is the lilf e dangers of Ruine. W here 
 the Minifters'and Publick dfficers. 
 who are the hands of a Nation. are 
 
 UJ t , . . . j l ,• - . ( * . -J '-"3 
 
 bafely corrupted, ferying the, Pub- 
 lick no farther than it feryes jtheir 
 own lnfereft, and fo they do but 
 gaip them f elves, care not who lo- 
 fes, or wh^t the Government fuf- 
 fers. Thefe ieeming Friends are 
 the worft of Enemies. They had 
 better never have Been born, they 
 ate as the corrupt Tree which can- 
 not bring forth good fruit, abso- 
 lute Strangers (in practice) to 
 jPrudence. Juftice, and the other 
 -Vertices' rightly called Cardinal. 
 -For upon the obfervance of them 
 ^oes the Safety and Profperity of 
 Mankind depend. Thatever iuch 
 
 Men 
 
( io 7 ) 
 Men fhould be preferred is a neg- 
 left In any Government ; for there 
 can be no Merit in any Man that 
 wants Honefty. It's faid for excuie 
 that the heart of Afan cannot be 
 known before tryal,but the behavi- 
 our of a ytfan in an Employment 
 m-ay be well guefs'd at,by the man- 
 ner of his getting himfelf in : for if 
 he owes his Advance to Afoney or 
 Favour purely, than was there no 
 regard to Ability and Merit; and 
 -what Corruption muft be expedited 
 in an Office where fo worthlefs a 
 perfon is poffeffor of it? Wife 
 Men will aflent 'that the wel-fare 
 •of a Kingdom principally depends 
 upon the Honefty and Ability of 
 its Officers, where fuch are want- 
 ing, and the contrary employed, 
 there 'will be hardftiips and com-' 
 plaints, and abettors eafily found 
 to raiie from thence Commotions 
 and Civil Diffentions. 
 
 It 
 
( i©8 ) 
 
 It will hardly be found upon 
 ftriCt examination,that any of the 
 many Civil Wars that Hiftory 
 fpeaks of, had their rife purely 
 from open Abufes in the Govern- 
 ment. For when publick Abufes 
 become lb Notorious that the Peo- 
 ple are univerfally grieved and af- 
 fected therewith, how can fuch a 
 Government gain a party ftrong 
 enough to make a Civil War, fince 
 we cannot fuppofe any confldera- 
 ble number of men can befo fenfe- 
 lefs as to Fight for thofe that abufe 
 them. And if the Generality per- 
 ceive themfelves neceflarily obli- 
 ged to alter the Adminiftrators of 
 a Government, as it may be done 
 by Right, fo it will be done with- 
 out Blood-fried. It follows then, 
 the fubtilty uied towards fome 
 weak men joyned with others, 
 over-ruled by the Wealth and Au- 
 thority of fome great ambitious 
 
 per- 
 
( io 9 ) 
 perfons is the main Foundation of 
 all Civil Blood-fhed. It may be 
 affirmed, the number of thofe that 
 have been Slaughtered by their 
 Fellow-Creatures, exceed the num- 
 ber of all the Inhabitants that ever 
 were at one time living upon the 
 Face of the Earth, yet very few 
 of this infinite number thus un- 
 timely flain were ever matters of 
 the grounds of the Difpute for 
 which they fuffered, or the true 
 reaibn of their being led to the 
 Battle, the Truth with much Ar- 
 tifice being kept from all but what 
 were Fartys to theDefign refohed 
 on. What deluded wretches then 
 have a great part of Mankind been, 
 who have either yielded thern- 
 ielves to be (lain in Gaufes, -which 
 if truly known, their heart would 
 abhorr, ,or been the Bloody Exe- 
 cutioners of other Men s Ambiti- 
 on. It's a hard Fate to be flain for 
 
 what 
 
( »<>; 
 
 what a Man ftiould never willing- 
 ly fight; yet few Spldiers have 
 laid themfelves down in the Bed of 
 Honour under better circumftan- 
 ces. It was not Ignorance made 
 Monluc, Marftial of France con- 
 fefs, that if the Mercies of God 
 were not Infinite, none of his, Pro- 
 feffion could expert any. 
 
 And becaufe many peoples 
 minds are better engaged by 
 Examples out of Hiftpry than by 
 direction and precept, Fll mention 
 fomefew Inftances as related by 
 the moft known Authors for the 
 truth of the propofition here af- 
 ferted. Hiftory doth /plainly 
 tell us, that that Furious Waf 
 ("which broke out in France) in the 
 Reign of Francis II. and which oc- 
 cafioned moft Barbarous Murthers, 
 Devaluations, and fuch other Ca- 
 lamities^ which are the common 
 products of , Civil Commotions, 
 
 and 
 
( MI ) 
 
 "aiid'tiy^drif iijtlikig iielar forty years 
 ^hadreduc'd France to the laft Mi- 
 fery,) was begun arid carried on 
 by Tome few Great Mtn of Ambi- 
 tious and Turbulent Spirits, delu- 
 ding r the People with the Cloak 
 and yjfafque only of Religion,' to 
 gaintneir Affiftance to what they 
 did : more efpecially aim at. 'Tis 
 plain the Admiral Coligny advifdd 
 the Prince of Conde to fide with 
 the Hugonots , not only out of 
 love to their Perfwafion, but to 
 gain a Party, and be made thereby 
 the ftronger ; neither can any 
 Afan think that thepapifts out of a 
 Principle of the Chriftian Religi- 
 on which enjoyns us to be Meek and 
 ' Charitable, did in few days ipace 
 cut the Throats of near 30000 
 Proteftants in France, many of 
 whom were Men of'gf^at Fafl&e 
 and Quality, but out of fear $f 
 their Numbers and Power, theie 
 
 being 
 
( »») 
 
 being removed they made iure of 
 grafping to themfelves all Rule and 
 Dominion. So that this Pari/ian 
 Maflacre had no more Religion in 
 it than the Sicilian Vefpers, when 
 in two hours time all the French 
 throughout the whole Kiqsdom of 
 Sicily were at once with great Bar- 
 barity Maffacred, for no other rea- 
 fon but that the Sicilians might get 
 their Room. 
 
 It's a ievere Fate for a People to 
 be overcome by Enemies,who fight 
 not to encreafe their Subje&s and 
 enlarge their Dominions, but to 
 lay waft their Enemies Cities, de- 
 ftroy their People, and to extirpate 
 their very Name and Being from 
 the Face of the Earth, and fuch 
 was the War between Rome and 
 Carthage, they were fo equal in 
 Wealth and Power, that one feem- 
 ed to eclipfe the growing great- 
 nefs of the other, being competi- 
 tors 
 
( "3 ) 
 
 tors for that Soveraignty, which) 
 unlefs one was totally deftroy U.the 
 other could never abfolutely have. 
 The difcerning Princes of Carthage 
 clearly faw this, and no doubt up^ 
 on this account it was, that Amil- 
 cay^ who himfelf had faved them> 
 made his Son Hannibal {we&i^ while 
 but Nine Years old to purfue Rome 
 with immortal hatred, at Tweiv 
 ty-fix he is made General of the 
 Carthaginian Forces in Spain^ upon 
 Succefles there he leaves the Com- 
 mand of Spain to Afdrubal his Bro- 
 ther, paffing himfelf into Iiqijj 
 convincing the Romans he was as 
 ready to Aflault as they. The care 
 he had for his Country, (which 
 true honour always prefers before 
 any private Intereft) made him 
 delpife the dangers he was lure 
 to meet with there, and after ma- 
 ny fharp Encounters, in fome of 
 which he was dangeroufly wound- 
 
 I ed, 
 
;.fW) 
 
 ed, and tedious Marches, in one of 
 which, pairing the Adenine Moun- 
 tains by Severity of Weather he 
 loft the ufe of one eye. He gaines 
 the Character of a great Comman- 
 der, both for the perfe&ion of his 
 Military skill, and greatnefs of 
 his Spirit, this made him Fear'd 
 abroad, and much Honour'd at 
 home. But Envie, that always at- 
 tends great Merit, not as a Friend 
 to fupport, but as a Spie to betray,, 
 began to draw a black Cloud over 
 liannibcfis performances with (ini- 
 fter SuggefiionS, which encreafed 
 equally with his rifing Fame. So 
 that after his Glorious Succefs at 
 the Battel of Canna y where he to- 
 tally overthrew the Roman Army, 
 his Enemies growing impatient at 
 the great Honours which he conti- 
 nually obtained by the happy pro* 
 grefs of his Arms, tho' managed 
 with as much Faithfulnefs to his 
 
 Coun- 
 
( "5 ) 
 
 Country as Bravery towards his 
 Enemies, were refolved to Ruine 
 him whatever the Publick luffer'd 
 by it; hereupon Hamio, an un- 
 grateful Noble-man of that Car- 
 thage, for whofe Liberty Hannibal 
 had fought fo many Battels with 
 his envious Accomplices, when 
 Account was given of HaanibaWs 
 Proceedings and Victories to the 
 Carthaginian Senate, and that he 
 only wanted thofe Supplies which 
 he then demanded to March even 
 to the Walls of Rome ; his Victory 
 at Canna haying laid the way open, 
 fo managed the matter in the Se- 
 nate out of pure Malice to Hannu 
 baFs Perfon - that Succours were 
 neglected to be lent, whereby the 
 Romans gained more advantage 
 than all their Armies could do ; 
 and Hanniball not. only loft the op- 
 portunity of being Mafter of that 
 City, which boafted to.be the Mi- 
 I 7 ftrefs 
 
( * i6 ) 
 
 ftrefs of the World, but faw the 
 Carthaginian Intereft in a fair way of 
 being utterly loft,which they would 
 not fee themfelves till it was too 
 late to prevent. For as Authors 
 allow it probable, that if Hanni- 
 bal had receiv'd fuitable Supplies 
 to his Occafions and Requeft, he 
 had torn up the Roman Empire by 
 the Roots. So the defefts of Men 
 and Money muft not only hinder 
 his advancing but muft neceffari- 
 ly make him lofe ground ; and be- 
 ing made unfortunate, he muft be ] 
 made culpable, and fo his Enemies 
 procur'd his being call'd home for 
 not doing what they had contriv'd . 
 he fhould not, he^ receiv'd the 
 Meffage with much concern, abo- 
 minating the bafe Treachery his 
 Enemies had ailed toward their 
 own Country as well as him, cry- 
 ing out, that Hanno the Carthagini- 
 an y and not Scipio the Rowan had 
 
 de- 
 
("7) 
 
 deftroyed Carthage. Upon his de- 
 parture the Romans appointed an 
 Holiday for thanks to the Gods, 
 ackowledging, a Braver Officer \ 
 could not be employed againft 
 them. In a little time the Romans 
 became Mafters of all, even of the 
 Liberties of Carthage it felf, upon 
 whom they impofed Bafe and Ser- 
 vile Conditions, the juft fruits of 
 their ulage of Hannibal. 
 
 Carthage being thus Betrayed by 
 a Fa£tion at Home, whofe Safety 
 Hannibal had often preferr'd before 
 his Life, but being now made un- 
 capable of Serving thofe he loved 
 belt, his honeft Country-men ; to 
 avoid the being an Eye-witnefs of 
 their Miferies, and himfelf being 
 taken and made the Reproach and 
 Scorn of his Iniultiug Enemies; he 
 withdrew into Afia, trufts himfelt 
 with Prufias^ King of Bithyiia, 
 whom the Romans prefently De- 
 I 3 mand 
 
mand as their moft fpiteful Enemy; 
 whereupon, this wretched King, 
 to content the Romans, contrary to 
 the Laws of Hofpitality and Faith 
 given,fet a Guard about Hannibafs 
 Lodgings, who feeing himfelf in- 
 clofed and hemmed in, took Poi- 
 fon, which he always carried a- 
 bout him : Thus died through Am- 
 bitious Envie that devours it felf 
 and all about it, the Faithfulleft 
 Subject that ever Country had, 
 and one of the greateft Captains 
 that ever the World Bred, Unfor- 
 tunate, but Famous. 
 
 Carthage foon found its Period, 
 when in the Romans Power, and 
 Hannibal itsDefender was remov'd, 
 and the fooner becaufe the Romans 
 coniidered that theMaftery of Car- 
 thage was not fo much owing to 
 their Arms as the Faction within 
 it felf; Thus their Fears deftroy'd 
 what the Envy ot others had be- 
 
 tray'd 
 
( ii 9 ) 
 
 tray'd : For Paterculus their own 
 Author fays<r Neque fe Romam fe- 
 curam fperavit fore, fi nomen ufquam 
 fiantis maneret Carthaginis. That 
 Rome was not fecure while Carthage 
 was in being ; and the fame Au- 
 thor fays, after reciting that Scipio 
 had raiz'd the very Foundations of 
 that Famous City. Hum finem ha* 
 buit Romani Imperii Carthago JE- 
 mula. This was the Fate of Car- 
 thage the Competitor of Rome's 
 Greatnefs. 
 
 It is confefs'd by all,that the Gall 
 and Rancour which were raisM in 
 Hanno at thofe Merits in others, 
 which he in no wife could pretend 
 to, were the caufe of the utter De- 
 ftru&ion of this Populous and Rich 
 City of Carthage, once equal to 
 Rome for Power and Wealth, and 
 for Antiquity Superior, its Foun- 
 dation being (ixty five years older 
 I 4. than 
 
( "o ) 
 than that of Romes. It might be 
 ufeful to fet out and delineate to 
 Mankind the Arts and Difguifes, 
 the falfeTopicks and Mediums that 
 Hanno and fuch Fa&ious Peribns 
 as he muft ufe to make their Ve- 
 nomous Intentions and Falfe Rea- 
 fonings pal's undifcovered by a 
 wife Senate. 
 
 I know there are fome Hiftori- 
 ans of good credit, that lay the 
 blame of retarding the Supply to 
 be fent to Hannibal^ which loft 
 Carthage^ to the natural fparing hu- 
 mour of the Carthaginians ; but it 
 do ? s not feem probable to me, that 
 the Carthaginians after fo many 
 Bloody and Expenfive Wars with 
 the Romans^mort to defend than en- 
 large their Territories in this laft 
 War, wherein both Parties feem'd 
 determin'd to have all their Diffe- 
 rences finally decided by the For- 
 tune of War, refolving to be either 
 
 - .Slaves 
 
(in ) 
 
 Slaves or Conquerors, fhould luf- 
 fer the greateft Victory they ever 
 obtained, or that the Romans ever 
 loft to be of no effect and advan- 
 tage through unfeafbnable Avarice. 
 Certainly the Fatality of Carthage 
 proceeded from a Faction at home, 
 which will eat the very Heart of 
 the ftrongeft conftituted Govern- 
 ment, and may be never be per- 
 ceived till it is paft recovery. 
 
 'Tis remarkable that in this War 
 alfo the Romans had fome bafe Spi- 
 rits among them, who to make 
 themfelves Popular, had run Rome 
 into great Hazard of receiving the 
 fame Fate from the Carthaginians, 
 which Carthage received after 
 from the Romans : and 'tislno mean 
 
 ' St 
 
 Inftance of the Mutability of Hu- 
 mane Affairs, that Romes from a 
 low and defpairing condition 
 fhould in a little time be able to 
 tread upon their Conquerors; and 
 
 Car- 
 
{ M2 ) 
 
 Carthage from the higheft Succef- 
 fes, fall fo low as to be deny'd the 
 freedom of being a People in the 
 World ; this looks as if fome were 
 to have the (hew of Happinefs on- 
 ly, that their Mifery may feem 
 the (harper; warning us,That when 
 Fortune comes Smiling, (he often 
 defigns the molt Mifchief. In truth, 
 their Misfortune proceeded from 
 beeing wife too late, they did not 
 know the Caufes till the Effects 
 were pad. So fero fapiunt Phryges^ 
 Experience is not worth the coft, 
 and to buy Wifdom at ones own 
 Ruin is like buying a NobleMedi- 
 cine to cure the Difeafes of a Man 
 that is dead. 
 
 But to mention the Stories which 
 fhew that bafe Men of little A- 
 bility may be popular in a Govern- 
 ment, and that it is dangerous 
 when they are io : M. Centenius 
 Penula^ (whom Macbiawl calls a ve- 
 ry 
 
( l *l ) 
 
 ry bafe Fellow,) after Hannibal had 
 been in Italy eight or ten years 5 and 
 had filled the whole Country with 
 Bloody Slaugters of the Romans^ to 
 the great Terror of Rome it felf, 
 being fwelled to a great conceit of 
 himfelf by the airy applaufes and 
 opinions of the Vulgar, had the 
 confidence to enter the Senate, of- 
 fering, that if they would give 
 him Authorityto Levy an Army, 
 he would in a (hort time deliver 
 into their hands Hannibal either 
 dead or alive; the Senate thought 
 his demand very rafh, but confide- 
 ring how acceptable fuch a Propo* 
 fal would found in the ears of the 
 People durft not deny him for fear 
 of a Tumult; thus they were for- 
 ced to Sacrifice their own Judg- 
 ments, an Army of Friends, and 
 aim oft their whole State to fatisfie 
 the humour of the People cente- 
 red in one weak /Wan : The Suc- 
 
 cefs 
 
( iH) 
 
 cefs was no better than the expe- 
 £tation,for Hannibal meeting Penula 
 near Capua totally Routs his whole 
 Army, fo that of fixteen thoufand 
 not two hundred efcaped. 
 
 And not \ongbt£ore,TerentiusVar- 
 rofl. mean Man in all refpedts, thro' 
 the Favour of the Multitude was 
 chofen ConfuL, notwithftanding all 
 the oppofition the Senate could 
 make; apprehending theillConfe- 
 quences which muft happen from 
 fuch a rafhand inconfiderate Com- 
 mander in the Army. However, to 
 pleafe the People, he boldly gave 
 out in all Meetings, and Publick 
 places of Rome that he would cer- 
 tainly Defeat Hannibal ; the rafh- 
 nefs of this Man occafioned the 
 Battel of Carina, and the total O- 
 verthrow of the Roman Army 
 there; fo that without Oppofi- 
 tion the Conqueror might have 
 March'd to Rome, and by laying 
 
 wafte 
 
waft that City, have put an end to 
 the War, and 'twas reckon'd a 
 fault in Hannibal he did not; Ma- 
 ker bal an Officer telling him, he 
 knew how to get, but not to ufe 
 a Victory. Thus the Roman State 
 was brought to the very brink of 
 Ruin and Deftrudtion through the 
 means only of a hot-headed Fa- 
 vourite of the Peoples. 
 
 Thele three, Varro^ Penula and 
 Hanno are always fpoken of with 
 Infamy ; the Bafenefs of their 
 Minds and Lives leaving a fuitable 
 character behind them, the two 
 firft endangering, the laft abfolute- 
 ly ruining a large and Mighty 
 Common- wealth: yet peradven- 
 ture when they faw the conclulion 
 of their Treacheries and Follies 
 was the Ruin of their Native 
 Country, they might have the 
 Fools Excufe in referve, that they 
 did not intend it ; which rather 
 
 ag- 
 
( Tl6 )• w 
 
 aggravates than leffens their 
 Crimes ; for he that begins aMif- 
 chief upon a iuppofition, that at 
 fuch a time he will put a flop to it, 
 will find himfelf miferably mifta- 
 ken. 
 
 And as thefe Peribns were juftly 
 Branded for the Calamity they 
 brought upon their Country, fo it 
 ought to be confidered how far 
 the Senators themfelves, both of 
 Carthage and Rome were acceflarv 
 to their own Misfortune. The Se- 
 nate of Rome was well acquainted 
 with the inabilitys of Varro and Pe- 
 nula for fuch Commands as the 
 People prefs'd they might have, 
 expecting from their Conduct no- 
 thing but Ruin to the Publick; yet 
 the refufal of thefe the Senate did 
 believe would put the Common 
 People into fuch an Uproar, that 
 they ran a hazard of their own, 
 Lives; therefore they chofe rather 
 
 to 
 
( I2 7 ) 
 to gratifie the People, tho' to the 
 apparent hazard of the whole 
 Commonwealth than venture their 
 own fafety ; this is cenfura dificilvs^ 
 a levere Reflection, eipecially up- 
 on a Senate compofed of Romans^ 
 who boafted of a Publick Spirit 
 beyond the ordinary pitch of Man- 
 kind,yet the generality of the fault 
 will much abate the Blame ; For 
 'tis belie v'd there are few National 
 or Civil Affemblies in the World 
 but have greater care of them- 
 felves than of the Publick. 
 
 Certainly the Spirit of Attilim 
 Regulm w T as above mod Mens imi- 
 tation, who being a Prifoner at 
 Carthage^wzs fuffei ed to go taRome 
 with their Ambafladors 5 upon Faith 
 given to return if Peace was not 
 made : Againft which y Regulm 
 himfelf when he came toifo^gave 
 reafons to the Senate out of love 
 to his Country ; whereupon the 
 
 Se 
 

 (ia8) 
 
 5enate and his own Relations de- 
 fired, and advifed him to ftay, 
 and not return to the Carthaginians^ 
 enraged by their difappointment 
 of a Peace, and who, they were 
 informed, were refolved to ufe him 
 Barbaroufly: He told them he had 
 fo much of the 5pirit of a Ro- 
 man that he could not confent to 
 what was Bafe or Difhonourable, 
 and that the Tortures of a Rack 
 were not fo much to be feared as the 
 fhame of an Infamous Aftion, be- 
 caufe the firft only touch'd the Bo- 
 dy, but the other pierc'd the very 
 £oul. He returned therefore to 
 Carthage to be juft to. his Word, 
 where they put him to Death with 
 the extremeft Tortures their Wit 
 could invent. 
 
 A great Inftance,to what a con- 
 tempt of this Life and the pains or 
 pleafures that belong to it, a meer 
 natural Man may bring himfelf, 
 
 that 
 
( I2 9 ) 
 
 that will free himfelf from thebafe 
 and ilavifh importunities of the 
 Senfes ; and be guided only by the 
 noble, and ever happy dictates of 
 honour and juftice; and that the 
 Pains of the Body are much inferi- 
 rour to thole of the Mind : So that 
 the Purity of the Mind is to be pre- 
 ferred before the Pleafure,or being 
 of the Body. 
 
 But no Senate nor Civil Aflem- 
 bly can be under fuch natural im- 
 pulles to Honour and Juftice as 
 iingle Perfons; for Politick Mem- 
 bers meet with neither Encourage- 
 ment norReproaches,for what was 
 the efFe£t of Number only. For a 
 majority is no Body when that 
 majority is feparated, and a col- 
 lective Body can have no fyntere- 
 fis or Divine Ray, which is in the 
 mind of every Man,- never affent- 
 ing to evil, but upbraiding and 
 tormenting him when he does it : 
 But the Honour and Confcience 
 
 K that 
 
( *3° ) 
 
 that lies in the majority is too thin 
 and diffufive to be .efficacious; 
 for a Number can do a great 
 Wrong, and call it Right and not 
 one of that majority blufh for it ; 
 hence it is, that though a Publick 
 Affembly may lie under great cen- 
 fures, yet each Member looks up- 
 on himfelf as little concerned; this 
 muft be the reafon why a Roman Se- 
 nate (hould a£t with lefs Spirit and 
 lefs Honour than any iingie Roman 
 would do: And this compliance 
 of the Roman Senate with the Mul- 
 titude, contrary to their Reafon, 
 and below their Honour, fhews, 
 That when the Commonalty are in 
 their heats and commotions, they 
 muft be fotc'd or comply 'd with, 
 being rarely capable of Reafonand 
 Perfwation. That 'tis an Hercule- 
 an Labour to perfwade them from 
 an imaginary to a real good ; thus 
 to free themfelvesfom the difficul- 
 ties 
 
 
( ^ ) 
 
 ties of Reaeafoning with the Mul- 
 titude, It was the Wifdom of 
 the ancient Law-givers, fuch ^s 
 Numa, Lycurgus, and Solon, to aft 
 fign the Laws they made for the 
 benefit of the People, (who under- 
 (landing nothing, fufpe£t every 
 thing) to fome Deity, that they 
 might be received without oppofi- 
 tion or contempt ; the vulgar are 
 eafily moved,as Machiavel lays, by 
 Arguments that tend to preient 
 Gain or Lofs, their minds being 
 wholly taken up with the preient, 
 are ever void of thatWifdom which 
 is the refult of Refle&ion, hot capa- 
 ble by comparing the preient with 
 what has been, of making a ratio- 
 nal conjefture of what may be. 
 
 As to the Carthaginian Senators, 
 it muft be laid, That though, their 
 eafinefs of believing crafty in- 
 jinuations, raifed by bale and de- 
 signing Spirits, was loft the gre^t- 
 K 2 dt 
 
( ! 3* ) 
 
 eft General then in the World, 
 and with him, themfelves, and 
 the whole Commonwealth : It 
 is hard to fay that Charity, that 
 Divine Vertue, fo neceffary in fin- 
 gle perfons, is dangerous in Go- 
 vernours ; in them 'tis prudence to 
 believe all Men are bent to mif- 
 chief,and that good is feldom done 
 but through Force or Fear, and 
 that moft have a wit to put in pra- 
 ctice the wickednefs of their minds, 
 as oft as occalion fhall ferve, and 
 to this innate difpofition to evil is 
 often added Hypocrifie, making 
 the greateft (hews of probity and 
 goodnefs when they intend to de- 
 ceive moftj thus Hanno^ under the 
 difguife of being a Patriot Ruined 
 his Country. 
 
 Rome hitherto had beheld with 
 Triumph, the miferies of War in 
 other Nations, commanding by the 
 right of Conqueft, the Lives and 
 
 For- 
 
( J 3? ) 
 Fortunes of the beft part of the 
 World, levelling with the ground 
 their Cities ,, and leading their 
 Princes in chains | but all terreftri- 
 al Felicities muft have an end, and 
 Triumphing Rome it felf is at laft 
 fo full of rniferies, as if all the cru- 
 elties and barbarities her infulting 
 Annys had exercifed on the Nati- 
 ons round about, were returned in- 
 to her own Bowels; managed by 
 thole that always are the worft of 
 Enemies, Neighbours and Coun- 
 try-rnen : For Fablws faid well, he 
 had rather fall upon the Enemy^s 
 Sworchhan the CitizensMalice,this 
 State-Frenzy of Sedition, which 
 ever proves fatal, was occafioned 
 by the reviving of the Agrarian 
 Law, by which, the Lands taken 
 from their Enemies, and formerly 
 divided among the Nobility,fhould 
 be ihared among the People of 
 fame? the contentions about this 
 K 3 Lavr 
 
( 134- ) 
 Law kindled iuch a hatred between 
 the People and the Seriate, that it 
 never ended, but with the lofs of 
 the Liberty of Rome, and the diffo- 
 lution of that Republick. 
 
 So vaft a Deftru£tion hapning 
 from the fingle inconveniencie of a 
 reafonable Law, too violently urg^ 
 ed,may caution wife Men to avoid 
 the leaft beginnings of Strife in a 
 Government , fince they often 
 breed Contentions, which the wi- 
 feft heads cannot compofe : Every 
 Divifion in a Government is like 
 the breaking out of a Fire, when, 
 and where 'twill end no* body 
 knows, and as the Gracchi, they 
 may fall firft, that think themfelves 
 fartheft from danger. 
 
 The various progrefs of thefe 
 contentions between the ' Senate 
 and the People about this Law ; 
 the great Barbarity ufed towards 
 each other's Party, as often as they 
 
f 135 ) 
 
 had power The miferable flaojgh- 
 ters and Maflacres within the Ci- 
 ty, nd the Effufion of Blood in the 
 Camps, which never cealed till the 
 Common-wealth expired, may be 
 feen in their Hiitories. I fhall on- 
 ly fet down fome few particulars 
 that occur from reflecting upon 
 thefe Civil Feuds of the Romans : 
 That a greater Plague cannot come 
 upon a People than a Civil War, 
 For Man lias no worfer Ene- 
 my than Man $ David well confi- 
 dered this when three Evils were 
 propofed to him, to entreat the 
 Prophet that he might not fall into 
 the hands of Man : That Authors 
 of civil difturbances generally have 
 the fate to fall by the Tumults 
 they haveraifed : That a Law may 
 be Juft and Reafonable, as this 
 Agrarian^ and yet not at all times 
 fit to be promoted : 'Tis plain by 
 this alfo, how much Men efteem 
 K 4 Wealth 
 
( i?6 ) 
 
 Wealth rather than Honours/or the 
 Nobility of Rome ever gave way to 
 the People^ where it touch'd matter 
 of Honour without any extraordi- 
 nary diftafte,but when their wealth 
 was concerned, how obftinately did 
 they defend it, even to Madnefs. 
 
 And 'tis more plain, there is not 
 in Nature a point of Stability 
 to be found, every thing either 
 afcends or declines, when Wars are 
 ended abroad, Sedition begins at 
 home, and when Men are freed 
 from lighting for Neceffity, they 
 quarrel through Ambition. 
 
 It will be fufficient to fright any 
 thinking People from promoting 
 any publick difturbances, to con- 
 fider the miferies which befell all 
 Ranks and Orders of People du- 
 ring thefe Diffenfions. 
 
 i. Such a deluge of Calamities 
 as are not to be found in%ny other 
 pofition of the Humane Nature. 
 
 The 
 
( '37 ) 
 The common People were But- 
 chered after a moft inhumane 
 manner, 8000 put to death toge- 
 ther, in a large Houfe in the Cam* 
 pus Martins, The Soldiers had li- 
 berty to kill all they met, and 
 throughout all the Cities of Italy^ 
 the effufion of Blood was fuch,that 
 neither Temple nor Sanctuary, nor 
 private houfes efcaped their Fury; 
 lb that Sytta was told, he ought to 
 leave fome People to Reign over. 
 Not to mention the miferable 
 Slaughters upon the entrance of 
 Cinha and Marius intoKome^ after- 
 ward by Syllah Party alone, being 
 of the contrary Fa&ion, were put 
 to death common people innume- 
 rable, two thoufand fix hundred 
 Gentlemen, fifteen Confuls, and 
 four fcore and ten Senators, and 
 that bloody day of Romans again ft 
 Romans^ on the Plains of Pbarfalia 
 was the effec-t of this Quarrel; for 
 
 Cejar 
 
( '^ ; 
 
 Cafar was made Head of Maxims 
 Party, and Pompey oVSyUas. 
 
 And though the condition of 
 the People of Rome and Italy was 
 very deplorable under thele Civil 
 Diftiirbances, yet that of the Com- 
 manders, and the chief in Power 
 was in all refpe&s much worie, 
 however they might pride them- 
 felves in being fatiated with Blood 
 and Revenge ; fince 'tis better to 
 be oppreffed than to be an opprei- 
 four T better to be unfortunate than 
 wicked, better dye lamented than 
 live to be curled, and thought the 
 Scourge and Peft of one's Coun- 
 try. 
 
 For at the leveral Entries of Cin- 
 na and Mm li^ and afterwards of 
 SyUa into ¥,ome^ the Salutations of 
 the People were their Curies and 
 bitter Out-cries, in ezecrattonem Cin- ; 
 na partiumque Ejiis^ as their Hifto- 
 rians write, againft Cinna and his 
 
 Faction 
 
 1 
 1 
 
( '39 ) 
 FaCtion, and fo odious, were their 
 practices, that they hid of Marius^ 
 the beft of them, that he was in 
 otlo ck'ibm^ infefiiffimm quietifque 
 impatient IJfimm , in Peace a bitter 
 Enemy to his Country-men, and 
 of Quiet, moft impatient; and the 
 fame Author fhews the ground of 
 turbulent lpirits, Sed m^ quibus & 
 pejjima & immodica cupiditas erat^ 
 non poterat pax placere , That 
 they, whole greedy defires were 
 both extremely wicked and un- 
 bounded could not away with 
 peace. 
 
 And certainly the Fruit that 
 theie Gentlemen reap'd from their 
 Sedition, will never tempt any to 
 follow their Example. For thdr 
 days were fpent in continual Trou- 
 bles, their nights muft be difmal, 
 whilft Darknefs and SilenGe pre- 
 fented to their Minds their Cruel 
 and horrid Acts in their proper Co- 
 lours, 
 
( H° ) 
 lours, their Characters were Villa- 
 nous,leaving behind 'em an everla- 
 fting Infamy. Their power but mo- 
 mentany, not lafting three years in 
 any. Their Deaths Violent and In- 
 famous, Cinna was flain by his own 
 Soldiers. Aiarius indeed died 
 within a month after made Coniul 
 which prevented a worfe end. SyU 
 la was eaten up with Lice janlmpo- 
 ftume fo corrupted his flefh, that 
 it turned all to that Vermin, not- 
 withftanding he was continually 
 fhifted night and day. 
 
 But moll: dreadful is the confide- 
 ration of the weight of that guilt 
 which muft always accompany 
 their Spirts, for Souls &d not inha- 
 bit the Duft : Thole fcenes of Mi- 
 ieries, and Follies that thefe Men 
 have prefented to the World, are 
 a fufficient proof 5 what bafe crea- 
 tures Man-kind are to themfelves, 
 and others, when Paffions are pre- 
 dominant. The 
 
( i4* ) 
 
 The common People of England 
 have iuffered the fame Fate as other 
 Nations, they have been drawn 
 with Heat and Fury, to fhed one a- 
 nother's Blood for fuch a Liberty 
 as their Leaders never intended 
 they fhou'd have, and have fought 
 many Battels, to redrefs Grievan- 
 ces, which Viftory, wherever it 
 hapned, always encreafed ; endan- 
 gering, a good Government upon 
 pretences of making it better. Such 
 practices have made Foreigners 
 believe the Englijh are naturally of 
 a turbulent and difquiet Spirit, as 
 if thofe Epithets of perfidy inflati, 
 feri, amenteSj immanes^ which Scali- 
 ger beftows on us, were true. 
 
 But Foreigners have reafon to 
 think our frequent difturbances 
 proceed from our Tempers, and 
 not from any Defe&s in the Go- 
 vernment ; fince Learned Writers 
 abroad have declared, that of all 
 
 Seig- 
 
( H* ) 
 
 Seigniories in the World; the 
 Realm of England was the Coun- 
 try where theCommon-wealth was 
 beft Governed. 
 
 And Men well Governed ihould 
 feek after no other Liberty, for 
 there can be no greater Liberty 
 than a good Government : The | 
 truth is, the eafinefs of the Go- 
 vernment has made fome fo wan- 
 ton as to. kick againft it ; our own 
 Hiftorians write, that moft of our 
 Kings have been unthankfully 
 ufed. 
 
 The Barons Wars have been at- 
 tributed, by good Hiftorians, to 
 the ftubbornnefs of the Nobility, 
 though it carried the fpecious pre- 
 tence of confirming Liberties. By 
 this War, Henry III. was forc'd fox 
 want of Money, to renounce to 
 the King of France, for the poor 
 confederation of 300000/. his Right 
 to Normandy, Anjou, Tour am, Main, 
 
 and 
 
( 1« ) 
 
 and Poi&ou, which had coft the 
 EngUJb much Blood, and Money, 
 and by the lofs of thofe Havens 
 and Ports a t'other fide, the Ocean 
 our wall , the natural and beft 
 Fence of our Ifland, is left naked 
 and expofed. 
 
 It has been obferved alfo, That 
 fince thefe Troubles from the Ba- 
 rons; the Kings of England*to\e£- 
 len the power of the Nobility, and 
 ballance them, have yielded to the 
 growing greatnefs and Privileges 
 of the Commons^ and what effect 
 that will have, time can only 
 fliew. Politicians do affirm, that 
 Nobility preferves Liberty longer 
 than the Commons, and for in- 
 ftance, lay, Scions popular State 
 came far fhort of Lycujgus\by mixt 
 Government. For thePopular $tate 
 of Athens foon fell; whilft the Roy- 
 al, mixt Government of Sparta 
 ftood a mighty time, by Nobility 
 
 Sparta, 
 
( 1*4- ) 
 
 Sparta, and Fe/7/ce enjoyed their 
 Freedom longer than Rome. 
 
 The terriblenefs of Civil War 
 and Diffenfions will be iufficiently 
 made out by obferving theMethods 
 of Divine Providence ; for never 
 was any place lb feverely threat- 
 ned with terrible Judgments and 
 Defolations as Jerufakm^ the Ca- 
 pital City of the Holy Land, and 
 the Seat of Religion for above i ioo 
 years ; and for a full accomplish- 
 ment of that Wrath and Vengeance 
 which was pronounc'd againft it, 
 it pleafed God to fuffer a mighty 
 Fa&ion and Sedition to be raifed 
 within it felf, as one certain means 
 of its Milery and Deltru&ion. 
 
 'Tis plain whilft we are mixt 
 Bodys, we are continually palling 
 from one alteration to another, as 
 well civilly as naturally : For in- 
 conveniencies and offences, as the 
 Scripture declares, will come, but 
 
 - "withal, 
 
( »45 ) 
 
 withal, adds a woe unto them, by 
 whom they do come; 'tis the qua- 
 lifications of our contemporaries, 
 of the Men that dwell at the fame 
 time with us, muft make us happy 
 or miferable; it muft be their Wif- 
 dom, Juftice, and Honour, which 
 are not local, as the Law calls it, 
 tyed or annexed to a place, but 
 moving and tranfitory, as Fortune 
 it felf. For there is the fame pro- 
 portion of good and evil in the 
 World as ever, tho' it fhifts' and 
 changes, not always in the fame 
 place, and never in the fame de- 
 gree ; even the holy worfhip of 
 God Religion, through the wick- 
 ednefs of Men, has had its mar- 
 ches : Nor is Man alone the fubjedt 
 of Alteration and Viciffitude, but 
 the Earth it felf is fometimes dry 
 Land, and fometimes overwhelm- 
 ed with Waters, and a fruitful 
 Land has been turn d into barren- 
 
 L nefs 
 

 ( H* ) 
 
 neis, for the wickednefs of them 
 that dwell therein 3 all fublunaries 
 being in continual motion, little 
 knowledg in Hiftory will convince 
 us,thatPerfons,Families,Countries, 
 and Nations have alternately fall'n 
 from great Wealth-, Honour and 
 Power, to Poverty and Contempt,, 
 and to the very dregs of Slavery : 
 We mud look a long way back to 
 find the Romans giving Laws to Na- 
 tions, and their Confuls bringing 
 Kings and Princes bound in Chains 
 to Rome in Triumph ; to fee Men 
 go to Greece for Wifdom, or Ophir 
 for Gold, when now nothing re- 
 mains but a poor paper remem- 
 brance of their former conditi- 
 on. 
 
 it would be an unfpeakable ad- 
 vantage, both to the publick and 
 private,if Men would confider that 
 great truth, that no Man is wife 
 or fafe> but he that is honeft : All 
 
 I 
 
( H7 ) 
 
 I have defigned is Peace to my 
 Country, and may England enjoy 
 that Bleffing when I fhall have no 
 more proportion in. it than what 
 my Afhes make. 
 
 O F 
 
 ■ 
 
( H* ) 
 
 O F 
 
 Eccteftaflical Power. 
 
 THE Levitical Priefts in the 
 old Law never arrogated 
 unto themfelves any Temporal, or 
 Coercive Power, nor advanced 
 their Miters againft the Crown of 
 Ifrael. They well underftood what 
 Authority God had committed un- 
 to them, and refted therewithal 1 
 content. Some wrangling here- 
 about hath been of late, the 
 PopesFlatterers,labouring to provet 
 That the High Priefts of old we? e 
 not fubje£t to the Kings ofjudab; 
 and Men of better Spirit and 
 Learning have fhewed them the 
 contrary. 
 
 But 
 
( H9 ) 
 
 But whatfoever befel in thole 
 days when there was no King in 
 Ifrael, that is, before the Reign of 
 SW,or after the Captivity of Babel, 
 fure it is, that the Sons of Aaron 
 were always obedient to the Sons 
 of David, and acknowledged them 
 their Lords. 
 
 As for the Race of the Macca* 
 bees, that held both the Kingdom 
 and the Prieft-hood at once, it falls 
 not within this Consideration. The 
 firft thereof (of whom I read J that 
 ufed the advantage of Honour gi- 
 ven him in matter of Religion, to- 
 wards the getting of Temporal 
 Pofleffions, was ( if not Mahomet 
 himfelf) Abubequer the Succeffor 
 unto Mahomet : This Man having 
 obtained by the help of Friends, 
 the miferable happinefs of being 
 chofen heir unto the foul Impoftor 
 in his Dignity of Prophet, made 
 it one of his firft works to Diipoyl 
 L 3 poor 
 
( '5° ) 
 
 poor Aliffe the Nephew of 'Mahomet^ 
 and heir of his great Riches-takin^ 
 all from him by this pretence, That 
 to whom belonged the 5ucceffion in 
 Wifdom, to him alio belonged the 
 Succeffion in Wealth : And this 
 grew prefently to be a famous que- 
 ftion among the Doctors of the Sa* 
 racen Law. But however it were 
 then decided, we fee how the Muf- 
 ti, or High Prelate, who is the on- 
 ly Oracle among the Turks in Spi- 
 ritual matters, lives, and holds all 
 that he hath at the difcretion of 
 the great Sultan. Nevei thelefs, it 
 mould feem that the Doftrine of 
 Abubequer hath not loft ail force; for 
 the Examples are many in all Sa- 
 racens Lands, of Prophets or Dece< 
 mors, -who having got that name 
 never refted until they became 
 Kings. 
 
 The 5eriffo in Barbary was one 
 of the laf^ who^ having once ac- 
 quired 
 
'( m) 
 
 quired the Opinion of a Holy Man, 
 afterwards found means to become 
 a Captain, and Lord of a (mail 
 Territory, and finally, encreafed 
 his Followers, and withal, his 
 Bounds, fo fait, and fo far, as ha- 
 ving made himielf King o£ Mo- 
 rocco, he had the Grace to tell the 
 King of Fefs ( lately his Soveraign) 
 that both Fe0 i and all the King- 
 doms of thole Parts were belong- 
 ing to his own Holinefs, and this 
 he made good by winning all foon 
 after. 
 
 Whether the claim which the 
 Popes lay to the Supremacy over 
 all Kingdoms and Eitates had not 
 Affinity with the Doctrine of Abu- 
 bequer, let other Men judge, That 
 their practices to maintain it have 
 been iuitable to thole of the Serif e^ 
 all Hiftories do verify. 
 
 For when Pope Gregory II. pro- 
 cured the City of Rome^ and feme 
 L a other 
 
( J 5* ) 
 
 other places in Italy to Rebell a- 
 gainft the Emperour, Leo III. What 
 other Colour ufed he, than that he 
 himfelf had Excommunicated Leo, 
 as an Ungodly Prince, for breaking 
 down Images that were Worlhip- 
 ped in Churches ; when, for this 
 reafon (Paul the Exarch) Lieute- 
 nant unto the Emperour Befieged 
 Rome, with the Affiftance of Luit- 
 prand King of the Lombards ? By 
 w T hat other Art did the Pope re- 
 move the Siege, than by perlwa- 
 ding the Lombards with a tale of Pe- 
 ter and Paul, that hadConfecrated 
 the City of Rome with their preci- 
 ous blood ? Thus was Devotion 
 made the Cloak for Treafon, and 
 thus did the Popes firft flip their 
 Necks out of the Emperor's Col- 
 lar. 
 
 Within very few years after this, 
 by the like Religious pretext were 
 thofe Princes of France, Charles 
 
 Mar- 
 
'(•53) 
 
 Martel, Pepin, and Charkmaigne woq 
 to afliil the Papacy againft the 
 Lombards^ yea, to give unto S. Pe* 
 ter the moft part of thofe Lands 
 which the Pope now holds in Italy, 
 and not reftore them to the Empe- 
 iQiir., from whom the Lombards 
 had gotten them, and thereunto 
 Pepin was perfwaded for his Soul's 
 health. 
 
 Yet had Pope Zachary, through 
 the Opinion that went of his Holi- 
 nefs, done a notable good office 
 for Pepin before, when he releafed 
 the French-men of their Oath to 
 King Chilperick, and was the caule 
 that Pepin was cholen in his Head, 
 by faying,That rather,he fhould be 
 King, who did the King's Duty, 
 than he who did it not. 
 
 In like manner did Pope Leo re- 
 compence the Benefits of Chark- 
 maigne, by letting him up as Em- 
 perour in the Weft againit thofe of 
 
 Con- 
 
( *5* ) 
 
 Conflantinople. But in thefe mutual 
 Offices the Bifhops did only help 
 with grateful words, to adorn that 
 Might which Pepin and Charhniaigne 
 had before acquired, whereas thofe 
 Kings ufed force of Arms to ere£t 
 the Papacy into a Principality, that 
 was yet held in a Vaffalage unto 
 themielves. 
 
 Now this could not fatisfie the 
 Ambition of that See,whichgloried 
 falfely, to be the Holy See Apofto- 
 lick ; For as the Reputation of the 
 Roman Prelates grew up in thofe 
 blind Ages, under the Weftern 
 Emperours, much fafter than true 
 Piety could cauie it in former times, 
 when better Learning had flourifh- 
 ed; fo grew up in them withal a 
 defire of amplifying their power, 
 that they might be as great in 
 Temporal Forces as Men's Opini- 
 ons had formed them in Spiritual 
 
 Mat- 
 
P55 ) 
 Matters : Immediately therefore, 
 npon the death of Charlemaigne 
 they began to negle&t the Empe- 
 rour'sConfent in their Ele&ions, 
 aand finding in them, that after- 
 wards Reigned of the Houfe of 
 France^ either too much patience, 
 or too much weaknefs, they were 
 bold, -within feventy years to de- 
 er ee,That in the Creation of Popes 
 the Emperour fhould have nothing 
 at all to do, (having obtained this,) 
 it followed, that they fhould make 
 themfelves Lords over the whole 
 Clergy in all Kingdoms, 
 
 But the work was great, and 
 could not be accompliuYd in hafte; 
 for they were much difturbed 
 at home with the people of Rome, 
 who feeing about fifty Popes^or 
 rather, maintainers of Papacy, 
 would now have them called Mon- 
 itors ojfS.Peter'sC^/r, delpifingthat 
 
( 156 ) 
 
 Hypocrifie, which the World a^ 
 broad did reverence as Holinefs. 
 
 Likewife the Empire falling 
 from the Line of Charlemaigne to 
 the mighty houfe of Saxony, was fo. 
 ftrongly upheld by the firft Princes 
 of that Race, as it greatly trou- 
 bled the Ambition of thole afpi- 
 ring Spirits of Prelates. Yet, no 
 impediment could always be of 
 force to withftand the violence of 
 fo feeming Sanftity. 
 
 The Polonians. Hungarians, and 
 fome other far remote Nations had 
 yielded themfelves in fubjedion, 
 more than meerly Spiritual, even 
 fo thofe Popes whom Italy knew 
 to be deteftable Men. 
 
 As for the Roman Citizens, they 
 were chaftifed by the Sword, and 
 taught to acknowledge the Pope 
 their Lord, though they knew not 
 by what right; long it was indeed 
 e'er they could (with much adoj 
 
 be 
 
( *57 ) 
 be throughly tamed ; becaufe they 
 knowing the Lewdnefs of their 
 Prelates and this Court, the Devo- 
 tion unto him,(theTrade by which 
 how they live) was very fmall ; 
 becaufe alio they were the Pope's 
 domeftick Forces, againft which 
 no Prince did happily contend: 
 But finally, the Pope's Arms pre- 
 vailed, or when his own were too 
 weak, the Emperor's^or other Prin- 
 ces. The Sword of the People, 
 even of their own Subjects hath 
 been ufed, by teaching all Chrifti- 
 ans in our Weftern World a falfe 
 Leflbn, viz. That it is lawful 
 and Meritorious to Rebell againft 
 Kings Excommunicated andDepo- 
 fed by the Pope. This Curfe was 
 firft laid upon the Emperor Hen.%. 
 by Pope Hildebrand, or Gregory 7. 
 It is true that I laid before, that 
 Leo of Conftantinopk had felt the 
 fame, though not in the fame fort; 
 
 for 
 
058 ) 
 
 for Leo being Excommunicated^ 
 was not withal Depofed only, but 
 fuffered a Revolt of* fome Italian 
 Subjects; and one may lay that 
 the German Emperonr deferv'd this 
 plague, fince the Founder thereof 
 had given Countenance to the 
 Popes Rebelling againft their So- 
 veraigns,the Emperors of Conftantu 
 nofhy howfoever it were,when Hil- 
 debrand had Accurfed and Caft 
 down from his Throne, Henry 4. 
 there was none fo hardy as to de- 
 fend their Injured Lord againft the 
 Counterfeit Name of St. Peter : 
 = wherefore he was fain to humble 
 himfelf before Hildebrand; upon 
 Whom he waited three days bare- 
 foot in the Winter, e'er he could 
 be admitted into his prefence, nei- 
 ther yet could he otherwife get Ab- 
 iblution, than by fubmitting his 
 Eftate unto the Pope's good plea- 
 lure ; what was his Fault ? He had 
 
 refu- 
 
('59 ) 
 
 refilled to yield up to the Pope the 
 Inveftiture of Bifhops, and Collati- 
 on of Ecclefiaftical Dignities with- * 
 in his Dominions, a Right that 
 had always belonged unto Princes 
 until that day. It were luperflu- 
 gus to tell how grievoufly he was 
 afflidled all his life after, notwith- 
 standing his Submiffion. In brief, 
 the unapeafeable Rage of . Hilde- 
 brand and his SuccefTours never left 
 perfecuting him,by railing one Re- 
 bellion after another. Yea, his own 
 Children rofe up againft him, till 
 difpoyl'd of his Crown, he was fain 
 to beg Food of the Bifhop of Spires; 
 promifing to earn it In a Church 
 of his own Building, by doing 
 there a Clerk's Duty, for he would 
 ferve the Quire ; and not obtain- 
 ing this, he pined away and died. 
 
 That Bifhop of Spires dealt here- 
 in perhaps rather Fearfully than 
 Cruelly ; for he had to terrine him 
 
 the 
 
1 
 
 ( *9o ) 
 
 the Example of Vitello, Arch-Bi- 
 fhop of MentZ) jchief Prelate a- 
 mong the Germans , who was con- 
 demned of Herefie, having deny'd 
 that the Empeirour might be depri- 
 ved of his Crown by the Pope's 
 Authority. 
 
 If Princes therefore be careful 
 to exclude the Doftrine of Hilde- 
 brand out of their Dominions, who 
 can blame them of Rigour. 
 
 This Example of Hildebrand, 
 though it could not have been for- 
 got, might have been omitted, had 
 it not been leconded with many 
 of the fame Nature : But this was 
 neither one Pope's Fault, nor one 
 Prince's Deftiny. He mull write 
 a Story of the Empire, that means 
 to tell of all their dealings in this 
 kind; as how he wrought upon 
 Henry 5. whom they had fet up 
 againft his Father ; what horrible 
 effuflon of Blood they caufed by 
 
 their 
 
( *9 l ) 
 
 their often Thundering upon Fre~ 
 derickj and how they refted not till 
 they had made the Empire Head- 
 lefs about feventeen years toge- 
 ther. 
 
 Thofe things moved Rodolph^Earl 
 of Habjfurg, who was chofen Em- 
 perorur after that long Vacation,to 
 refufe the Ceremony of being 
 Crowned at Rome, tho' he were 
 thereto urged by the Ele&ors; for, 
 (faid he) our Qafars have gone to 
 Rome as the foolifh Beafts mJEfofs 
 Fables, went to the Lion's Den, 
 leaving very goodly footfteps of 
 their Journey thitherwards, but 
 not the like of their return. 
 
 The fame Opinion moft of the 
 Succeeding Emperours held, or 
 almoft all, neglecting the Roman 
 Coronation, good caufe why; fince 
 the Popes (befides^ many Extorti- 
 ons which they pra6ri»ed about 
 that Ceremony) Arrogated thence 
 M unto 
 
( *9* ) 
 
 unto themfelves, that the Empire 
 was held of them in Homage, and 
 dealt they not after the lame faflii- 
 on with other Kingdoms? 
 
 What Right had St. Peter to the 
 Crowns of Sicily, and of Napks? 
 The Roman Princes won thole 
 Lands from the Saracens, who had 
 formerly taken them from the Em- 
 pire of Conflmtinople : The fame 
 Romans had alfo been Mighty De- 
 fenders of the Papacy in many 
 dangers; yet when time ferved, 
 the Pope took upon him as Lord 
 paramount of thofe Countries, to 
 drive out one King and let up ano- 
 ther, with a Bloody Confufion of 
 all Italy, retaining the Soveraignty 
 to himfelf. 
 
 In France he had the daring to 
 pronounce himfelf fuperiour to the 
 King in all matters, both Tem- 
 poral and Spiritual. 
 
 The Crown of Poland he forced 
 
 to 
 
( *93 ) 
 to hold of his Mitre, by impofing 
 a Subje&ion in way of Penance, 
 for that the Poli/b King had cau- 
 ied one St. StainJIaus to be flain. 
 
 For the death of St.Thomas Bee- 
 iet and (more ftrangely) for a 
 refufal of an Arch-Bifhop of Can- 
 terbury whom his Holinefs had ap- 
 pointed, he impofed the like pe- 
 nance upon England. 
 
 Alfo when our King Erf. I. made 
 War upon the Scots^ word came 
 fromRome, That he fhould furceafe, 
 for that the Kingdom of Scotland 
 belonged to the Pope's Chappel. 
 
 A great overfight it was of 
 S.Peter that he did not accurfe Nero> 
 and all Heathen Princes, where- 
 by the Pope's Chappel ought to 
 have gotten all that the Devil 
 offered, and our Saviour Chrift 
 refilled : Yet whatneed was there 
 6f fuch a Band, finceFryar Vin- 
 cent of Vaherda could tell Md- 
 M 2 taliffla 
 
( '94 ) 
 
 talippa King of Peru, That all the 
 Kingdoms of the Earth were the 
 Pope's, who had beftowed more 
 than half thereof upon the King 
 of Spain. If the Pope will have it 
 fo,it mud: be lb, otherwife, 1 lhould 
 have Interpreted that place of Ge- 
 nefis, Increafe and Jldultiply, and fill 
 the Earthy as fpoken to Noah and 
 his Children, not as dire&ed only 
 to Tubal, Namar, and Vhutt, the fup- 
 pofed Fathers of the old Ibreans, 
 Goths, and Moors, of whom the 
 Spanijh Blood is compounded; but 
 of fuch Impudent Prefumption in 
 difpofing of Countries far remo- 
 ved, and whereto the Sword muft 
 acquire a better Title, the Mifchief 
 is not prefently difcovered. 
 
 It were well if his Holinefs had 
 not loved to fet the World in an 
 uproar, by nourifhing Wars among 
 them that refpe&ed him as a Com- 
 mon Father. 
 
 His 
 
('95) 
 
 His Difpenfing with Oaths ta- 
 ken for agreement between one 
 King and another,or between Kings 
 and Subjeds, do fpeak no better 
 of him ; for by what right was it 
 that Ferdinand of Aragon wan the 
 Kingdom of Navarre ? why did not 
 the Confederacy that was between 
 Lewis XII. of France and the Ve- 
 netians hinder that King from War- 
 ring upon Venice? Why did not 
 the like between England and 
 France hinder our King Henry VIII. 
 from Warring upon the Son of King 
 Lewis ? Was it not the Pope, 
 who did fet on the French^ to the 
 end that himfelf might get Ravenna 
 from the Venetians? Was it not 
 the fame Pope, who afterwards 
 (upon defire to drive the French 
 out of Italy) Excommunicated 
 Lewis and his Adherents, by vir- 
 tue of which Excommunication, 
 Ferdinand of Aragon Seized upon 
 Navarre, M 3 And 
 
 
(i 9 6; 
 
 And ferved not the fame Warrant 
 to fet our Henry upon the Back of 
 France ; But this was notour Kings 
 fault more than all the People; We 
 might with fhame confefs it, ifo- 
 ther Countries had not been as 
 blindly Superftitious as our Fathers. 
 Thata Barque of Apples,Bleffed by 
 the Pope and fent hither forPrefents 
 to thole that would be forward in 
 the War upon France^ made all our 
 Engli/h hafty to take Arms;in fuch 
 fort, as the Italians wondred, and 
 laughed to fee our Men no lefs 
 greedy of thofe Apples, than Eve 
 was of the Forbidden Fruit, for 
 which they were to hazard their 
 Lives in an unjuft War : Few Ages 
 have wanted fuch, and more grie- 
 vous Examples of the Pope's Tu- 
 multuous Difpofition, but thefe 
 were among the leaft that fell out 
 before his Unholinefs was Dete&~ 
 ed.Now for "his Difpenfing between 
 
 K ngs 
 
( *97 ) 
 
 Kings and their Subjects, we need 
 not leek Inftances far fromhome. 
 
 He Abfolved our King John 
 of an Oath given to the Barons, 
 and People, The Barons and Peo- 
 ple he afterwards Difcharged of 
 their Allegiance to King John. 
 
 King Henry III. had appeafed 
 his Land, (how wifely 1 fay not) 
 but taking fuch an Oath as his Fa- 
 ther had done, Swearing, he was 
 a Knight, a Chriftian, and a King: 
 But in a Sermon at Paul\ where 
 People were taught how little was 
 to be repofed to fuch Affurance, 
 the Pope's Difpeafation being 
 there openly Read, which pro- 
 nounced that Oath void; good 
 caufe why, for that King had the 
 patience to be like neither Knight, 
 nor King, but as the Pope's Te- 
 nant and Rent-gatherer in England. 
 But when the fame King adventu- 
 red to murmur, the Pope could 
 M 4. threten 
 
( i 9 8) 
 
 threaten to teach him his Duty,, 
 with a Vengeance, and make him 
 know what it was to winch, and 
 play the Frederick. 
 
 Thus we lee what has been his 
 Cuftom to Opprefs Kings by their 
 People, and the People by their 
 Kings, yet this was for ferving his 
 own turn, 
 
 Wherein had our King Henry VI 
 offended him (which King, Pope 
 Julius, would after, for a* little 
 Money, make a Saint) njeverthe- 
 lefs the Pope's Abfolving of Richard, 
 Puke of Tork from that honeft 
 Oath which he had given/ by 
 Mediation of all this Land to 
 that good Kingj occafioned both 
 the King, and the Duke's Ruin, 
 and there withall all thole long 
 and cruel tWars between the 
 Houfes of Lancafter and Tork 5 and 
 brought all England into a horrible 
 Combuftion, what he meant by 
 
 \ this 
 
( l 99 > 
 
 this I know not, unlefs to verify 
 the Proverb. Omnia Romx Venalia. 
 
 I will not urge the Difpenfation 
 whereby the Pope Releafed King 
 Philip II. of Spain frQm his Solemn 
 Oath, by which he was bound to 
 maintain the Privileges of the 
 Nether-lands ; tho' the Papal Indul- 
 gence hath fcarce as yet left ..work- 
 ing, and been the caufe of fo many 
 Hundred Thoufands flain,forthefe 
 laft forty years, in the Nether-lands. 
 Neither will I urge the Pope's en- 
 couraging of Henry II. and his Sons, 
 to the laft againft the French 
 Proteftants, the caufe of the firft 
 three Civil Wars, and laftly, of the 
 leavying of the Byrons, in which 
 there have perifhepl no lefs than in 
 the Low-Countries. 
 
 For our Countrey, it affords an 
 -Example of frefh Memory ; fince 
 we fliould have had as Furious a 
 War as ever, both upon us, and a- 
 
 mong 
 
( zoo ) 
 
 jiiong us, in the days of our late 
 Famous Soveraign, Queen Eliza- 
 beth, if Pope Pirns Bull could have 
 Goared as well as he could Bellow. 
 
 Therefore it were not amifs to 
 anfwer by Herald, the next Ponti- 
 fical Attempt of like Nature, ra- 
 ther lending Defiance, as to an E- 
 nemy, than publiihing Anfwers as 
 to one that had here to do, by any 
 Lawful Power, either in Civil or 
 iEcclefiaftical after iuch time as 
 Britain was won from the Roman 
 .Empire. 
 
 For howibevei: it were ordered 
 in fame of the firft Holy General 
 Councils, That the Pope of Rome 
 fhould be Patriarch over thefe 
 Quarters, yea, or were it fuppo- 
 fed that the forged Canons, by 
 which he now challengeth more 
 than Precedency, and Supremacy, 
 had alio been made indeed, yet 
 could this little help his Claim in 
 £?Hl Kiss- 
 
( 2QI ) 
 
 Kingdoms that hold not of the 
 Empire. For thofe right Holy 
 Fathers did not make Truth, but 
 Religiouily expound it, by virtue 
 of Ecclefiaftical Government ; they 
 did hot Create Princes, but order- 
 ed theDifcipline of the Countries, 
 which they -then had. 
 
 There were Affemblies of all the 
 Bifhops in the Roman World, and 
 with the Roman Dominion only 
 they meddled ; requifite it is^that 
 the Faith which they taught (hould 
 be embraced in all Countries, as 
 it ought likewife to be entertained 
 in the Eafi, if the fame had been 
 kr like fort illuftrated, not by them, 
 but by General Councils of the Bi- 
 fhops,in the great Kingdom of the 
 AbyJJines, which is thought to have 
 been Chriftian in thofe days : But 
 it was not requifite, nor is, that the 
 Biftiop of the Abyjftnes and of India 
 
 fhould 
 
( ioa ) 
 
 fhould be under direction of the 
 Patriarch of Alexandria and Ant i- 
 ocby queftionlefs, thofe Godly 
 Fathers of the Nicene^ and of the 
 Chakedonian Council fo thought:: 
 For they took not upon them to 
 order the Church-Government in 
 India^ where St. Thomas had Prea- 
 ched, nor to range the Subjects of 
 Prefter-John fas we call them) un- 
 der any of themfelves ; much lefs 
 to frame an Hierarchy upon Earth, 
 whereto Men of all Nations what- 
 foever, fhould be Subjedt in Spiri- 
 tual Obedience. 
 
 If Conflantine and his Succeffors, 
 the Roman Emperours could have 
 ^fon all Afiaj like it is, that in the 
 Council following, more Patriarchs 
 would have ,been ordained for 
 the £cclefiaftical Government of 
 that large Continent, and not all 
 thole vaft Countries to be left un- 
 to 
 
( IO J ) 
 
 to him of Antioch and Conflantinople. 
 But fince, contrariwife, the Em- 
 pire became lofer. The Patri- 
 archs, whofe Jurifdi&ion depend- 
 ed upon the .Empire, became lo- 
 fers alfo. 
 
 We grant that even in the times 
 of Perfecution, before Chriftian 
 Bifhops durft hold open Affem- 
 blies^, There ' was given fpecial 
 Honour to the Bifhops that were 
 over the chief Cities, that Uni- 
 ty might the better be preferved, 
 and Herefie kept out of the 
 Church ; but this Honour was no 
 more than a Precedency and Dig- 
 nity without coercive Power, ex- 
 tending no farther than to matter 
 of Religion, and not having to do 
 (but in the general way of Chrifti- 
 an Love) with any Strangers. 
 
 We therefore that are no De- 
 pendants on the Empire, ought 
 
 not 
 
( *°4 ) 
 iiot to be troubled with the Au- 
 thority, (be it what it may be) of 
 any Affemblies of their Godly 
 Fathers, which all Subjects of that 
 JEnpire believe are ordained for 
 their own better Government : But 
 rather (hould regard the Bifliop of 
 Rome, as the Wanders of Jerfey 
 and Guernfiy do him of Conftance in 
 Normandy^ that is^ nothing at all ; 
 fince by that French Bilhop's refu- 
 fal to lwear unto the King, Thofe 
 Ifles were annexed to the Diocefs 
 6f Winchefier. 
 
 F 1 N I S. 
 
Books Printed and Sold ^Benjamin Barker 4 , 
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 Hal'1,1701. 
 
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 HE Works of fofephus, Tranflated into Engl'fc 
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