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Anti-Slavery Leaders 
 
 OF 
 
 North Carolina 
 
Series XVI ■ No. 6 
 
 JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
 
 IN 
 
 Historical and Political Science 
 
 HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor. 
 
 History is past Politics and Politics are present History. — Freeman. 
 
 Anti-Slavery Leaders 
 
 OF 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN SPENCER BASSETT, Ph.D., J. H. U. 
 
 Professor of History in Trinity College, North Carolina 
 
 THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS, BALTIMORE 
 
 Published Monthly 
 
 JUNE, 1898. 
 

 f33I 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 When, about three years ago, I began to make a study 
 of slavery in North Carolina I found that there were some 
 men like Mr. Helper, Prof. Hedrick, and Mr. Goodloe, 
 whose participation in the anti-slavery cause demanded a 
 more extended notice than it was possible to give in a gen- 
 eral treatment of the subject. Consequently, I have pre- 
 pared the present sketches. I offer them to the public 
 because it does not seem good that the personalities of 
 North Carolina's contributors to the anti-slavery cause 
 should be forgotten. 
 
 For assistance in this work my thanks are due to Mr. 
 Helper, Mr. Goodloe, Mr. Charles J. Hedrick, of George- 
 town, D. C, and Dr. Dred Peacock, of Greensboro, N. C. 
 
 J. S. B. 
 April 15, 1898. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 The Home of the Anti-Slavery Sentiment 7 
 
 Hinton Rowan Helper 11 
 
 Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick 29 
 
 Daniel Reaves Goodloe . 47 
 
 Eli Washington Caruthers 56 
 
 Lunsford Lane 60 
 
Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. 
 
 The Home of the Anti-Slavery Sentiment. 
 
 No section of the old South contained so much anti- 
 slavery sentiment as did the western parts of Virginia, 
 North Carolina and South Carolina, the northern part 
 of Georgia and the eastern parts of Kentucky and Ten- 
 nessee. This was due to causes entirely natural. The 
 South Atlantic coast region is divided into two distinct 
 kinds of country. Next to the ocean there is a strip of 
 land, varying from fifty to one hundred miles in width, 
 which is a fertile and well watered plain. West of this, and 
 stretching to the mountains, is a hilly region, whose clay 
 soil, though fertile in spots, is not naturally as productive 
 as that lying on the" river banks to the east. The eastern 
 division was first settled. It fell almost from the first into 
 the hands of wealthy planters, and soon held many slaves. 
 The western portion, as well as the lands beyond the mount- 
 ains, was occupied by settlers during the eighteenth cen- 
 tury. These came chiefly from Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
 New Jersey and New England. Many of them were Scotch- 
 Irish, and not a feW were Germans. Many were persons 
 who had arrived in America a few years before, and who 
 were still poor. Nearly all settled oh small farms, which 
 they expected to work with their own" hands. Being remote 
 from water communication, they were a long way from mar- 
 ket, and consequently industry progressed slowly. They 
 raised most of the articles they consumed, and what they 
 bought they got by carting their wheat or driving their 
 stock from fifty to a hundred miles to Richmond, Va., to 
 Fayetteville, N. C, or to some other point at the head of 
 
8 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [268 
 
 navigation of the various rivers that traversed this section. 
 Under such conditions the upland counties remained frugal, 
 industrious, simple and democratic. Here slavery was in-* 
 troduced very slowly. From the conditions of industry, as 
 well as from the habits of the people, slavery had at first 
 little encouragement. Had not the eastern and southern 
 edges of this section been opened to the cotton industry, 
 and had not the raising of slaves for the far South become 
 profitable, slavery very probably would have gained no 
 foothold here. 
 
 All the conditions of small farms, simple habits and dem- 
 ocratic ideals which have been ascribed to this general 
 region were emphatically attributable to that part of it which 
 lay in North Carolina. The western part of this State, until 
 the railroads were built, about the middle of this century, 
 was very distinct from the eastern part. A line drawn from 
 the Roanoke river at Halifax, through the western parts of 
 Edgecomb, Greene and Lenoir counties, across the center 
 of Duplin and the western part of Pender, thence straight 
 to the Cape Fear river, then continued to the neighborhood 
 of Fayetteville, then across the western end of Harnett, the 
 eastern sides of Wake and Franklin, and thence to the Roa- 
 noke river ; such a line would enclose a territory which, save 
 for as much of the valleys of the Roanoke, Tar, Neuse and 
 Cape Fear as lay in it, was a level plain, covered with pine 
 forest, and which was not very attractive to immigrants. 
 This region was thinly settled, and until it was cleft by the 
 Wilmington andWeldon Railroad it was not well developed. 
 It remained a "pine barren," and served to divide the east 
 from the west. The counties west of this, except those along 
 the Cape Fear and Roanoke rivers, contained few spots in 
 which slavery had planted itself with any considerable root- 
 age. In the West was, also, no great love of slavery. If a 
 vigorous appeal could have been made against slavery in 
 these counties, they could very likely, at any time 
 before i860, have been carried for freedom. It is notewor- 
 thy that all the anti-slavery leaders the State produced came 
 from within, or near, this region. 
 
269] The Home of the Anti-Slavery Sentiment. 9 
 
 Besides the economic and territorial differences between 
 these two regions, one ought to mention a political differ- 
 ence. The counties of the east were small as compared 
 with those of the west. The State Senate was, by the Con- 
 stitution of 1776, composed of one Senator from each 
 county. The House of Commons was composed of two 
 Representatives from each county and one from each of 
 six designated towns. In 1835 there were in the west 
 twenty-six counties, while there were thirty that might be 
 classed as eastern in spirit. The eastern counties were 
 much smaller than those of the west. This gave the pre- 
 dominance of power to the smaller east. The importance 
 of this is seen in the fact that the selection of the Governor 
 and other executive officers of the State, the judges and the 
 officers of the militia, was left to the Assembly. The west 
 rebelled against this arrangement, and won its rights in the 
 Constitutional Convention of 1835. It was then provided 
 that Senators should be elected from districts formed on the 
 basis of public taxation, and that the members of the House 
 of Commons should be apportioned among the counties on 
 the basis of federal population. The relief for the west is 
 obvious. Of the counties that now had four Representa- 
 tives, all were western, and of those that had three, nine 
 were western and three eastern; while of those that had 
 only one, twenty were in the east and five in the west, three 
 of the latter being mountain counties, which to this day are 
 very thinly settled. At the same convention the election of 
 Governor was given to the people. Still the gain of the 
 west was not all that it desired. It saw that representation 
 in the House of Commons on the basis of federal population 
 bore severely on it. It was with difficulty that the party 
 leaders could keep this question out of the struggle for the 
 abolition of property qualification for the election of Senat- 
 ors, which was fought through and won, in 1857, after a con- 
 test of nine years. Had not the issue of the war removed this 
 inequality, it is safe to say that it would have become an 
 issue between the two sections before many years had 
 
10 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [270 
 
 passed. Indeed, if we consider the righteousness of anti- 
 ^avery in the abstract, and the superior strength of the vig- 
 orous west, it cannot be doubted that, had the question 
 been left to be determined in a peaceful struggle, the west 
 would finally have removed the stain of slavery from the 
 State. 
 
 One other factor of the struggle in the west ought to be 
 mentioned. I refer to the Quakers. There were in Guil- 
 ford, Randolph and adjoining counties a large number of 
 this sect. 1 These were as ardent in the cause of abolition 
 here, in the face of slaveholders, as their brethren had been 
 in Pennsylvania. By the time the colonies were committed 
 to the cause of independence the Friends were committed to 
 the cause of abolition. In the face of harsh laws which 
 made emancipation very difficult, they worked on, liber- 
 ating their own slaves, and sometimes buying slaves of other 
 people that they might liberate them. Those that they could 
 induce to go they sent to the free States ; those that would 
 not go they transferred to the Society and held them in only 
 nominal bondage. Thus by the middle of the century they 
 had worked slavery out of their connection. They ever re- 
 mained a nucleus for anti-slavery sentiment. They joined 
 with their non-Quaker neighbors in the support of a Manu- 
 mission Society. They accustomed the people around them 
 to the ideas of anti-slavery, and that was a great advance 
 for that day. 
 
 Thus the economic, social and political forces of the west- 
 ern counties made them less friendly to slavery than the 
 eastern counties. Of all the region of the later Confed- 
 eracy, that which lay in these counties was very probably 
 the strongest in anti-slavery sentiment. It is not strange 
 that out of the sturdy inhabitants of this section there should 
 have come leaders who went so far as to condemn certain 
 
 1 The Quakers in the Northeastern part of the State were strongly 
 opposed to slavery and supported emancipation; but they did not 
 become so notable for anti-slavery spirit as their western brethren. 
 This was probably because they were in a strong pro-slavery region. 
 
271] Hinton Rowan Helper. 11 
 
 effects of slavery, and boldly to denounce the entire system 
 as iniquitous and unprofitable. The most noted of these 
 leaders were Hinton Rowan Helper, Benjamin Sherwood 
 Hedrick and Daniel Reaves Goodloe. The first two lived 
 within this region, and the third, although he was reared 
 in a county which I have classed as eastern, belonged to the 
 same class of people of small means as made up the mass of 
 the people of the west. One other name ought to be added 
 to these, as well for its prominence in anti-slavery efforts as 
 because it admirably illustrates the conditions under which 
 the contest against slavery must be waged. This person, 
 Lunsford Lane, was a member of the enslaved race itself, 
 and perhaps did his most effective abolition preaching in 
 the way in which he rose above the condition of a slave, pur- 
 chased his own freedom and that of his family at a cost of 
 $3500, retaining at all times the esteem of the best people in 
 the community in which he lived, and receiving the explo- 
 sions of the wrath of the more violent element in the same 
 community. 
 
 Hinton Rowan Helper. 
 
 Hinton Rowan Helper was born in Davie county, North 
 Carolina, December 27, 1829. His paternal grandfather 
 was born near Heidelberg, Germany, and came to North 
 Carolina in 1752. His maternal grandfather, who was of 
 English descent, was Cannon Brown, of Virginia. His 
 father, Daniel Helper, married Sarah, the daughter of Can- 
 non Brown, and the pair settled down on a small farm on 
 Bear creek, a tributary of the South Yadkin river. Here 
 there were born seven children, the last of whom is the 
 subject of this sketch. Daniel Helper died in the fall of 
 1830, and the widow and her seven children, the eldest of 
 whom was less than twelve, were left to support themselves 
 as best they could. They had four slaves, a man and his 
 wife and their two children, and from the, labor of these the 
 family managed to live. The training of young Hinton 
 was such as many a backwoods boy gets : rough sports in 
 
12 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [272 
 
 the open air, hunting and fishing, all kinds of farm work in 
 season, a little schooling in the neighborhood schools, and 
 finally a term or two in a neighboring academy, which, in 
 this case, happened to be in the village of Mocksville. With 
 such an outfit he found himself at the threshold of manhood. 
 His health was not very robust, but as he grew older he 
 became stronger, and he is now an admirable specimen of 
 well-preserved manhood. 
 
 When twenty years old he moved to the city of New 
 York, which he made his home for some months. When 
 he came of age, however, he started off to California, by 
 way of Cape Horn, hoping to make his fortune in the gold 
 regions. At Valparaiso, Chile, the ship stopped for provis- 
 ions and masts, and this gave the young man his first direct 
 acquaintance with South America, a country with which his 
 later life has been somewhat closely associated. His stay in 
 the gold region was short and unprofitable. In 1854, three 
 years after he had set out, he returned to the farm and set- 
 tled down to the life in which his boyhood had been spent. 
 Such a life was too dull for him. His mind was active, and 
 he had a store of observations made during his absence. 
 Some minds seem to be set on ball bearings, they work so 
 easily. Mr. Helper seems to have such a mind. His ready 
 use of words and his incisive mental processes easily fitted 
 him for writing. In the quiet of the farm life he wrote an 
 account of his journey, which he called "The Land of Gold." 
 In 1855 the work was ready for the press. He made arrange- 
 ments for publication with Mr. Charles Mortimer, of Balti- 
 more, then the publisher of the Southern Quarterly Review, 
 and a strong pro-slavery Virginian. In his travels Mr. 
 Helper had found no slave labor. He had been struck with 
 the superiority of free labor. This, he concluded, was 
 particularly true of the cities ; and he thought that slaves 
 should be relegated to the country. The work of printing had 
 progressed to some extent when the publisher discovered 
 these sentiments. He refused to print them. The author, 
 anxious for the safe delivery of his first-born, and having 
 already paid $400 for work done on the book, was in despair. 
 
273] Hinton Rowan Helper. 13 
 
 He hesitated as to what to do, and at length told the printer 
 to do as he chose with the matter. Mortimer then cut out 
 the objectionable passages and published the book. 
 
 The result of this course was important. The young 
 man, chagrined at what he deemed an outrage, determined 
 that he would be heard. He returned to North Carolina 
 and began an extensive study of the question of slavery. In 
 a year he had formulated his views. In June, 1856, a few 
 days after the nomination of Fremont for the Presidency, he 
 started again for the North, taking with him the manuscript 
 of "The Impending Crisis of the South." In Baltimore he 
 stopped long enough to aid in forming a Republican asso- 
 ciation, one of the first in the South, and destined soon to 
 be broken up by a pro-slavery mob. He hardly expected 
 to get a publisher for his work in this city ; but he, never- 
 theless, tried to secure one. Failing completely, he went on 
 to New York. Here he found more sympathy for his views, 
 but only a little aid in putting them before the public. The 
 work was offered to the Harpers, Scribner, Appleton and 
 all the other regular publishers, but not one would take it. 
 In his despair he offered the manuscript for nothing, but the 
 offer was not accepted. They all declined, because to pub- 
 lish such strong anti-slavery views, or to have them brought 
 out in connection with their firms, would drive away 
 their Southern patronage. Mr. James Harper, an Aboli- 
 tionist himself, and a man to whom Mr. Helper had brought 
 a letter of introduction, said to the young author, with great 
 frankness, that while he concurred with the book in its hos- 
 tility to slavery, and found it worth bringing out, yet, after 
 consulting with his business partners, it had been decided 
 that publishing it would cause the firm to lose at least twenty 
 per cent, of their annual trade. In view of such a fact, they 
 did not dare to undertake the work. 
 
 These were no doubt wise business methods, but they dis- 
 heartened the author. Between seven and eight months he 
 spent going from one publisher to another. How much he 
 suffered in the meantime will not be easily imagined. Con- 
 vinced that he had a great principle at stake, he was deter- 
 
14 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [274 
 
 mined to exhaust every energy to accomplish his task. This 
 long period of waiting was endured with steadfastness. He 
 was committed to the right of being heard on a question on 
 which his opinions had once been suppressed. He felt that 
 he was demanding vindication. At length, worn out with 
 anxiety and disgusted at what he thought a lack of courage 
 on the part of the publishers, he decided to accept an 
 offer made by Mr. A. B. Burdick. That gentleman, who 
 was a book agent rather than a book publisher, agreed to 
 issue the book in his own name, Mr. Helper having previ- 
 ously secured him against loss. The venture proved a 
 handsome success. Mr. Burdick made a fortune from the 
 sales, but, unfortunately, lost it in stock speculation. 
 
 "The Impending Crisis of the South" was well calculated 
 to attract attention in the North. The author was a South- 
 erner, not of the slave-holding aristocracy, but of the class 
 of small farmers. He approached the question from the 
 economic side, while other anti-slavery writers had ap- 
 proached it from the side of the rights of the negro. The 
 literary style was clear and cutting. The author wrote in 
 behalf of the non-slaveholding whites of the South, for 
 whom he claimed an opportunity to make a living. There 
 was a grim directness in the following words, taken from 
 the preface to the first edition: "The genius of the North 
 has also most ably and eloquently discussed the subject in 
 the form of novels. New England wives have written the 
 most popular anti-slavery literature of the day. Against 
 this, I have nothing to say ; it is all well enough for women 
 to give the fictions of slavery; men should give the facts." 
 In the same preface he referred to the fact that he was a 
 Southerner, as proud as any of his birthplace, and added : 
 "As the work, considered with reference to its author's 
 nativity, is a novelty, * * * so I indulge the hope that 
 its reception by my fellow-Southrons will be novel ; that is 
 to say, that they will receive it as it is offered, in a reasonable 
 and friendly spirit, and that they will read it and reflect on it 
 as an honest endeavor to treat a subject of vast import with- 
 
275] Hinton Rowan Helper. 15 
 
 out rancor or prejudice, by one who naturally comes within 
 the pale of their own sympathies." 
 
 These were fair words ; but Mr. Helper must have known 
 well when he wrote them that his book would receive little 
 favor in the South. If he hoped otherwise, he was soon un- 
 deceived. The appearance of the work in the summer of 1857 
 was the signal for a flood of denunciation from that quarter. 
 It was at once declared to come within the provision of the 
 laws against the circulation of incendiary literature. To 
 own a copy was against good taste, and traitorous to the 
 interest of the South. In 1859 John A. Gilmer was the 
 Whig candidate for the governorship in North Carolina. 
 His opponents charged him with owning a copy of "The 
 Impending Crisis.' His friends replied by declaring that 
 John W.Ellis, the Democratic candidate, had a copy. The 
 Raleigh Standard, the leading Democratic paper of the State, 
 indignantly denied the charge against Ellis. The truth of 
 the matter, it said, was that in 1858, while Ellis was in New 
 York, Mr. Helper, who had known him in North Carolina, 
 called on him and later on sent a copy of the book. This 
 Mr. Ellis threw out of the window. Sometime later Gov- 
 ernor Ellis received another copy through the mails, and 
 that he used for lighting his pipe. 1 Making bonfires of the 
 book was a mild feature of its reception in many parts of the 
 South. The Northern papers reported that a number of 
 persons were hanged or otherwise killed for having copies 
 in their possession. The truth of the latter statement it 
 has been impossible to prove. 
 
 The enemies of Mr. Helper tried to break down his argu- 
 ments by blackening his character. It was charged that he 
 had taken fraudulently a sum of money from an employer 
 in Salisbury, N. C, and that when accused of the crime he 
 had admitted it, alleging that he was at the time only seven- 
 teen years old, and that another clerk had induced him to 
 take the money. This charge was repeated by Senator 
 Biggs, of North Carolina, in a congressional debate, in 
 
 1 Raleigh, N. C. Standard, Aug. 10, 1859. 
 
16 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [276 
 
 1857. 1 Mr. Helper and his friends indignantly denied the 
 charge, and produced a certificate from his former employer 
 stating that it was false. 2 This accusation continued to be 
 repeated by the Southerners. 3 The Standard believed the 
 charge, and doubtless but echoed public sentiment in the 
 State when, in 1859, it said that Helper was good enough 
 for the Abolitionists ; he stole money, while Greeley and 
 Thurlow Weed wanted to steal slaves : there was no dif- 
 ference. 
 
 The reception of "The Impending Crisis" by the Northern 
 public, while favorable, was not immediately flattering. Its 
 great popularity was doubtless caused by the political inter- 
 est that sprang out of it. This came about in this way : 
 In 1857 a gentleman from Rhode Island, whose name is not 
 given, acting in conjunction with Mr. John Bigelow, asso- 
 ciate editor of the New York Evening Post, made arrange- 
 ments to print 100,000 copies of a compendium of "The 
 Impending Crisis." The panic of that year coming on soon 
 after, the project was dropped. In March, 1859, the scheme 
 was revived in a different form. A number of gentlemen, 
 among whom were Samuel E. Sewell, Cassius M. Clay, F. 
 P. Blair, Jr., Charles W. Elliot, David Dudley Field and 
 Charles A. Peabody, now issued a circular, calling for sub- 
 scriptions to a fund of $15,000 in order to print, as a cam- 
 paign document, 100,000 copies of such a compendium. 
 The circular said, among other things : "No other volume 
 now before the public, as we conceive, is, in all respects, so 
 well calculated to induce in the minds of its readers a decided 
 and persistent repugnance to slavery and a willingness to 
 cooperate in the effort to restrain the shameless advances 
 and hurtful influences of that pernicious institution." The 
 scheme was endorsed by the leading Republican members 
 of Congress, among whom were Messrs. Colfax, Grow, Gid- 
 
 1 Raleigh, N. C. Standard, Dec. 7, 1859. 
 
 2 The New Englander, Vol. 15, p. 647. 
 
 3 See Samuel M. Wolf's " Helper's Impending Crisis Dissected " 
 )i86o), p. 75. 
 
277] Hinton Rowan Helper. 17 
 
 dings, Dawes, Washburn and John Sherman, and by the 
 most prominent Abolition leaders, among whom were 
 Thurlow Weed, Wm. Cullen Bryant, B. S. Hedrick and 
 Horace Greeley. The latter gentlemen declared : "Were 
 every citizen in possession of the facts embodied in this 
 book, we feel confident that slavery would soon pass away, 
 while a Republican triumph in i860 would be morally cer- 
 tain." It is of interest to know that of the amount collected, 
 North Carolinians subscribed $165. Among the subscrib- 
 ers were Professor Hedrick and Mr. Goodloe, whom the 
 Raleigh Standard described as "two other recreant sons of 
 this State. 1 
 
 The plans thus set forth were accomplished. One hun- 
 dred thousand copies of the compendium were printed in 
 i860 and distributed throughout the doubtful States of 
 Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana and Illinois. In their 
 estimate of the book the Abolitionists were right. Its style 
 cut like a knife. It showed clearness, conviction, and a cer- 
 tain intensity which would likely make a more striking 
 appeal to the voters than the more restrained statements of 
 a more scholarly work. It was not free from the vivid rhet- 
 oric to be expected from a self-taught young man from the 
 backwoods, and yet, for the purposes in view, this was no 
 disadvantage. 
 
 The success of this circular was not calculated to soothe 
 the feelings of the Southern Democrats, whose feelings were 
 already at the highest pitch. Their newspapers took up the 
 matter, publishing extracts to show that "The Impending 
 Crisis" was incendiary. To the Southerners this was a de- 
 liberate purpose of the Republicans to arouse the entire 
 North against the South. Shortly after the compendium 
 scheme was assured there occurred John Brown's attacks 
 on Harper's Ferry. The South was more convinced than 
 ever of the harmfulness of the book which the Abolitionists 
 were using to propagate their doctrines. While affairs 
 were in this shape Congress met. The caucus nominee of 
 
 1 Raleigh Standard, Dec. 7, 1S59. 
 
18 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [278 
 
 the Republicans for the Speakership was John Sherman, 
 who, with other Congressmen, had signed the above-men- 
 tioned circular. To his election the Southerners opposed 
 their strongest efforts. As soon as Congress met a resolution 
 was introduced which declared "That no person who has 
 endorsed and recommended [Helper's] book, or the com- 
 pendium from it, is fit to be Speaker of this House." One 
 of the fiercest debates in the history of that body now began. 
 Southern members used the bitterest threats. Members 
 on each side went armed, fearing a resort to force. The 
 debate on the resolution was dropped long enough to take 
 some ballots for Speaker, but without any election. Ig- 
 noring the usual holiday recess, the contestants went on 
 until, on January 30, i860, Sherman withdrew his name. 
 Three days later Pennington, of New Jersey, was elected 
 by the Republican and American votes. 1 
 
 The attracting of public attention to "The Impending 
 Crisis" had a most exciting effect on its sale, which hitherto 
 had not been extraordinary. The demand for it was now 
 immense. Copies might be seen in stacks on every news 
 stand and in every book store of the North. Some pro- 
 slavery men tried to prevent its sale. The president of the 
 Norristown Railroad Company ordered that it should not 
 be sold in the railroad cars, the gentlemen's waiting-rooms, 
 or the railway stations. 2 Such efforts were in vain. By 
 the autumn of i860, 142,000 copies, including the com- 
 pendium, had been sold. It is doubtful if any other Ameri- 
 can book not fiction, except, perhaps, Mr. Harvey's "Coin's 
 Financial School," has reached so great a circulation in so 
 short a time. Had the war not begun in 1861, which de- 
 stroyed the occupation of more Abolitionists than one, the 
 circulation would have gone much higher. 
 
 A more impartial view of the book from a scholar's stand- 
 point would be the book reviews it received at the time it 
 
 1 See the preface of the "Impending Crisis," (i860). 
 
 2 See Garrison's Liberator, Jan. 20, i860. 
 
279] Hinton Rowan Helper. 19 
 
 was published. The New Englandcr (Vol. 75, p. 635, 1857), 
 in calling attention to the fact that the author wrote from 
 the side of sociology, said : "On the subject in this depart- 
 ment he has made the most complete and effective presenta- 
 tion within our knowledge. It is thorough, reliable, demon- 
 strating, overwhelming. It consists of facts which cannot 
 be denied or gainsaid; facts derived to a large extent by 
 careful examination and comparison from the census, which 
 cannot be suspected of anti-slavery bias, since it was com- 
 piled under the direction of an eminent statistician who is 
 notorious for his pro-slavery principles and zeal." The 
 Westminster Review, having less interest in the conflict, and 
 being more critical in point of style, said, with much just- 
 ness : "The style of production is peculiarly American. 
 Its language and ideas alike are often extravagant, and its 
 allusions sometimes very personal. Statistics and other 
 facts are well arranged and fully authenticated, but the con- 
 clusions of the author are not always correct, and occasion- 
 ally exhibit a want of practical political knowledge. 1 
 
 The burden of Mr. Helper's story was the benefiting of 
 the non-slaveholding whites of the South. These ought to 
 be distinguished from the "poor whites." The latter were 
 a class, in themselves more or less shiftless, living around 
 among the large plantations, without ambition and mostly 
 in extreme poverty. They were largely wrecks, both indus- 
 trial and moral, on the shores of society; although a child 
 occasionally came out from among them whose efforts 
 enabled him to reach a high place in society. The former 
 class were the small farmers who worked their lands with- 
 out slave labor. They were most numerous in the west, 
 among the Scotch-Irish and the Germans. They were 
 thrifty and sturdy, and when they removed to the North- 
 west, as many of them did to escape the effects of slavery, 
 they proved valuable citizens. Emancipation of the slaves 
 would have been a blessing to either of these classes. By 
 it one class would have been raised slowly from degrada- 
 
 1 Vol. 75"(i86i), p. 81. 
 
20 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [280 
 
 tion to respectability, the other from respectability to wealth. 
 What either of these classes suffered from the slaveholders 
 is seen in this extract from Helper : He says there were 
 several kinds of pine near his boyhood home, "by the light 
 of whose flamable knots, as radiated on the contents of some 
 half-dozen old books, which, by hook or crook, had found 
 their way into the neighborhood, we have been enabled to 
 turn the long winter evenings to some advantage, and have 
 thus partially escaped from the prison grounds of those 
 loathsome dungeons of illiteracy in which it has been the 
 constant policy of the oligarchy to keep the masses, the non- 
 slaveholding whites and the negroes, forever confined." 1 
 
 To improve the condition of this class it was necessary to 
 abolish slavery. He started out to learn "why the North 
 has surpassed the South." He boldly attacked the notion 
 that the South excelled the North in agriculture. From the 
 census of Professor De Bow himself, who was a strong 
 Southerner, he showed that in bushel-measure products the 
 North was far ahead of the South, and that the hay crop 
 alone of the North was worth more than all the cotton, 
 tobacco, rice, hay, hemp and cane-sugar raised in the South. 
 This comparison was also made in regard to farm animals, 
 total wealth, gross expenditure and various other items from 
 the census columns. These arguments, inasmuch as they 
 attempt to prove the superiority of free labor over slave 
 labor, were well taken. The North and the South had be- 
 gun the period of national existence about equal in re- 
 sources and opportunity. That the latter section had fallen 
 so far behind must be due to slavery. In summing up this 
 feature of the question he uttered the following character- 
 istic sentence : "It makes us poor ; poverty make us ignor- 
 ant ; ignorance makes us wretched ; wretchedness makes us 
 wicked, and wickedness leads us to the devil." 
 
 Sound as the argument was, there was much that was cal- 
 culated to make Southern blood boil. It was a time of stern 
 
 1 The Impending Crisis, p. no. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 74- 
 
281] Hinton Rowan Helper. 21 
 
 conviction. Each side had little of the spirit of toleration. 
 Mr. Helper ought not to be blamed, perhaps, that he did not 
 rise above the spirit of his surroundings. Certain it is, he 
 was no master of saying unpleasant truths in a palatable 
 way. At times he spoke bluntly, often bitterly. In one 
 place he exclaims: "No man of genuine decency and re- 
 finement would have them [the negroes] as property on any 
 terms." 1 Speaking of the increase that would be realized 
 in the value of lands if slavery were abolished, he said, ad- 
 dressing the slaveholders : "Now, sirs, this last sum is con- 
 siderably more than twice as great as the estimated value of 
 all your negroes, and those of you, if any there be, who are 
 yet heirs to sane minds and generous hearts, must, it seems 
 to us, admit that the bright prospects which freedom pre- 
 sents for a wonderful increase in the value of real estate, 
 ours as well as yours, to say nothing of the thousand other 
 kindred considerations, ought to be quite sufficient to in- 
 duce all the Southern States in their sovereign capacities to 
 abolish slavery at the earliest practicable period." 2 In the 
 same spirit he finds in the South "three odious classes of 
 mankind ; the slaves themselves, who are cowards ; the 
 slaveholders, who are tyrants; the non-slaveholding slave- 
 hirers, who are lickspittles !\ He arraigned severely "the 
 illbreeding and ruffianism of the slaveholding officials" for 
 their conduct in Washington, where, "on frequent occa- 
 sions, choking with rage at seeing their wretched sophistries 
 scattered to the winds by the logical reasoning of the cham- 
 pions of freedom, they have overstepped the bounds of com- 
 mon decency, vacated the chair of honorable controversy, 
 and, in the most brutal and cowardly manner assailed their 
 unarmed opponents with bludgeons, bowie-knives and pis- 
 tols. Compared with some of their barbarisms at home, 
 however, their frenzied onslaughts at the National Capital 
 have been but the simplest breach of civil deportment, and 
 it is only for the purpose of avoiding personalities that we 
 refrain from divulging a few instances of the unparalleled 
 
 1 The Impending Crisis, p. 75. 2 Ibid., p. 107. 3 Ibid., p. 118. 
 
22 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [282 
 
 atrocities they have perpetrated in the legislative halls south 
 of the Potomac. * * * A few years of entire freedom 
 from the cares and perplexities of public life would, we have 
 no doubt, greatly improve both their manners and their 
 morals; and we suggest that it is a Christian duty, which 
 devolves on the non-slaveholders of the South, to disrobe 
 them of the mantles of office, which they have so worn with 
 disgrace to themselves, injustice to their constituents, and 
 ruin to their country." 1 
 
 The last sentence brings up the non-slaveholders, whose 
 wrongs he breathed out as fire. He said to the slavehold- 
 ers "Do you aspire to become the victims of white non-slave 
 holding vengeance by day, and of the barbarous massacre 
 of the negroes by night? Would you be instrumental in 
 bringing upon yourselves, your wives and your children, a 
 fate too horrible to contemplate? Shall history cease to 
 cite as an instance of unexampled cruelty the massacre of 
 St. Bartholomew, because the world — the South — shall 
 have furnished a more direful scene of atrocity and carnage? 
 Sirs, we would not wantonly pluck a single hair from your 
 heads ; but we have endured long, we have endured much ; 
 slaves only of the most despicable class would endure more. 
 * * * Out of your effects you have long since overpaid 
 youselves for your negroes, and now, sirs, you must eman- 
 cipate them — speedily emancipate them or we will emanci- 
 pate them for you !" 2 This extract smacks of insurrection. 
 In another place this is found : "In reason and in con- 
 science, it must be admitted, the slaves might claim for them- 
 selves a reasonable allowance of the proceeds of their labor. 
 If they were to demand an equal share of all the property, 
 real and personal, which has been accumulated or produced 
 through their effort, heaven, we believe, would recognize 
 them as honest claimants." 3 These sentiments seemingly 
 grew out of a commendable sympathy for the slaves, and 
 they had a certain justification in facts, yet it is impossible 
 
 1 The Impending Crisis, pp. 131-2. 2 Ibid., p. 106. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 142. 
 
283] Hinton Rowan Helper. 23 
 
 not to see that preaching them to the slaves would have 
 tended to arouse the negroes to insurrection. It is but just 
 to add that such extreme statements occur rarely, and char- 
 ity should prompt us to think that when they do occur they 
 are but temporary feelings which sober action would repu- 
 diate. 
 
 But it was the effect that the book might have on the non- 
 slaveholding whites, more than its effect on the negroes, 
 that the slave-owners feared. Well might they have feared 
 on this score. In 1850 the white population of the slave 
 States was 6,184,477. About 1,200,000 of these must have 
 been voters. Mr. Helper calculated on the basis of De 
 Bow's census that not more than 200,000 slaveholders were 
 voters. 1 Accordingly, the non-slaveholding voters must 
 have had a vast majority of the votes. What must have 
 been the result if these votes could have been united against 
 the slave power? He appealed to the non-slaveholders. 
 He told them that they had had all the burdens of govern- 
 ment and none of the benefits of legislation ; they had fur- 
 nished the fighting force of the armies of the South, yet 
 they had never received from the legislators even "the lim- 
 ited privileges of common schools," while the slaveholders 
 had gone to the North for their teachers and their skilled 
 mechanics, and when asked to do so had contemptuously 
 refused to redress the wrongs of the non-slaveholders. 
 Today this may suggest the demagogue, but there is a deal 
 of truth in it. The remedy must be political. He said: 
 "Give us fair play, secure to us the right of discussion, the 
 freedom of speech, and we will settle the difficulty at the 
 ballot-box." His programme embraced seven principles : 
 "1. Thorough organization and independent political ac- 
 tion on the part of the non-slaveholding whites of the 
 South. 2. Ineligibility of pro-slavery slaveholders ; never 
 another vote to anyone who advocates the retention and 
 perpetuation of human slavery. 3. No cooperation with 
 pro-slavery politicians ; no fellowship with them in religion ; 
 
 1 The Impending Crisis, p. 117. 
 
24 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [284 
 
 no affiliation with them in society. 4. No patronage of pro- 
 slavery merchants, no guestship in slave-waiting hotels ; no 
 fees to pro-slavery lawyers ; no employment of pro-slavery 
 physicians; no audience to pro-slavery parsons. 5. No 
 hiring of slaves by non-slaveholders. 6. Abrupt discontin- 
 uance of subscriptions to pro-slavery newspapers. 7. The 
 greatest possible encouragement to free white labor." 1 
 
 To put these measures into force he proposed the calling 
 of a convention of non-slaveholders from every State in the 
 Union. This should devise the means of fighting slavery, 
 and should publish a platform of principles and invite the 
 support of the non-slaveholders of the South and South- 
 west. The tendency of this scheme toward Republican 
 politics is evident. Of course the Democrats opposed it. 
 Exceptions can only be taken to the methods by which 
 they opposed it. It is not difficult to imagine the fate of a 
 half-dozen Republican speakers, who, acting on Mr. Hel- 
 per's suggestion, might have gone to North Carolina to or- 
 ganize the non-slaveholding whites. An illustration of 
 what would have befallen them we have in the experience" of 
 Rev. Daniel Worth. Were it not that slavery and the for- 
 tunes of many good but mistaken people went down so 
 disastrously in the avalanche of war, words could not be 
 found too strong to denounce the false spirit that made it 
 impossible to preach in a fair manner a doctrine of simple 
 political principles and to appeal in a constitutional way to 
 the best intelligence of those who were recognized as legal 
 voters. More unfortunate than reprehensible was it that 
 the spirit of intolerance had so taken possession of some of 
 the leading people of the State as is shown by the incident 
 which will now be related. 
 
 Rev. Daniel Worth was a native of Guilford county, 
 North Carolina, where, in early life, he had been a justice of 
 the peace. Later he removed to Indiana, and at length be- 
 came a member of the legislature in that State. Late in 
 1858 he returned to the neighborhood of his birthplace as a 
 
 1 The Impending Crisis, pp. 123-4. 
 
285] Hinton Rowan Helper. 25 
 
 preacher in the Wesleyan Methodist Church. He preached 
 the doctrine of his church, which was strongly anti-slavery, 
 not without criticism, but, on account of the good feeling for 
 his kinsmen, who were prominent people, without molesta- 
 tion. He planted a church at Sandy Ridge, near James- 
 town, in Guilford county, and his postoffice was New 
 Salem. His church had but few members. He aroused 
 the opposition of many Quakers, most of whom were for 
 non-intervention in regard to slavery. Worth thought they 
 should be more positive in their opposition. 
 
 In December, 1859, after the Harper's Ferry affair, Mr. 
 Worth was arrested on the charge of circulating Helper's 
 book, and of preaching in a way "to make slaves and 
 free negroes dissatisfied with their condition." He was 
 required to give bond of $5000 for his appearance at the 
 Superior Court the following spring, and of $5000 more to 
 keep the peace. The first bond he gave. The second he 
 thought unjust, and would not give. He was accordingly 
 confined in the Greensboro jail throughout the winter. 
 While there the sheriff of Randolph county arrested him on 
 the same charge, and bound him over to the spring court. 
 Other sheriffs waited around the place for him, fearing that 
 he might be released and escape. While he was in prison 
 five other men were arrested in Guilford and several more 
 in Randolph, charged with having distributed Helper's 
 book. One of these was Jesse Wheeler and another was 
 an old man named Samuel Turner. All of these seem to 
 have been natives who were converted by Mr. Worth's ap- 
 peals. The Raleigh Standard bore witness to his success. 
 It said that a few months before this occurrence only one 
 copy of the New York Tribune came to Mr. Worth's post- 
 office, and that came to Mr. Worth himself. Now twelve 
 copies were received there. To this it added : "We think 
 it probable that one hundred to two hundred copies of the 
 Tribune are circulated in this State, together with numer- 
 ous abolition pamphlets from Indiana and Ohio." 
 Wheeler alone was said to have distributed more than fifty 
 
26 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [286 
 
 copies of "The Impending Crisis." On his trial before the 
 magistrate that committed him, Mr. Worth read from the 
 book in order to show that it was not incendiary, a proceed- 
 ing which the Raleigh Standard seems to have considered 
 especially provoking. 
 
 The arrest occasioned great excitement in the vicinity, 
 and for a time crowds surrounded the jail. A great crowd 
 was in the courtroom when the case finally came to trial. 
 The case was taken up and finished in one sitting. It was 
 midnight when it went to the jury. In his charge the judge 
 is reported to have said that "to sustain the allegation of 
 seeking to excite the slaves and free colored people to dis- 
 content, it was not necessary to prove that the book had 
 been read by or recited to a free negro or slave, or that any 
 such knew anything or any part of its contents." 1 The jury 
 returned at 4 A. M. with the verdict of "guilty." The jury, 
 said the Fayetteville (N. C.) Presbyterian, was composed 
 largely of non-slaveholders. 3 The legal penalty was im- 
 prisonment for not less than one year and the pillory or the 
 whipping-post, in the discretion of the judge. The court 
 remitted the whipping on account of the age and calling of 
 the prisoner, and sentenced him to one year's imprison- 
 ment. Many of the bystanders, said the New York Tribune, 
 regretted the leniency of the court, and hoped that a more 
 severe judge in another county might add the whipping. 
 From this judgment the prisoner appealed to the Supreme 
 Court of the State, and giving a bond of $3000, he was re- 
 leased. He at once repaired to New York city, where he 
 made anti-slavery speeches and tried to raise money enough 
 to repay the loss of his bondsmen. His bondsmen were 
 his sympathizers, and the court records show that they were 
 required to pay the forfeited bonds. On appeal, the judg- 
 ment of the lower court was confirmed. It is likely that 
 the authorities of Guilford were glad to be rid of him, so 
 much attention was his case attracting in the North. He 
 
 1 See N C. Standard, Jan. 4, i860. Dec. 14 and 21, 1859. 
 * Copied in The Liberator, June 15, i860. 
 
287] Hinton Rowan Helper. 27 
 
 lived through the war that settled the question of slavery, 
 and died within two years after its termination. 1 
 
 After the publication of "The Impending Crisis," Mr. 
 Helper did not feel that it would be safe for him to return to 
 his home. He accordingly remained in New York in busi- 
 ness. In 1861 President Lincoln appointed him Consul to 
 Buenos Ayres. He arrived at his post in the following 
 spring. In 1863 he married Miss Mary Louisa Rodriguez, 
 of Buenos Ayres. His official services at this place were 
 satisfactory, but uneventful. In November, 1866, he re- 
 signed his position and sailed for America. He made his 
 home in New York city, where, with some interruptions, he 
 has since continued to reside. 
 
 It was about the time of his return from South America 
 that he severed his connection with the old leaders of the 
 anti-slavery cause. When he took up the study of slavery 
 he took it up merely as it affected the whites. He never 
 was an advocate of the equal rights of the negro. On the 
 contrary, he has always had too violent aversion for them. 
 To this day he will have nothing to do in a business way 
 with any hotel or other enterprise that employs negroes. He 
 regards the negro as an inferior race, without possibility of 
 satisfactory progress, and would hail with delight the day 
 when not one of the race should be in the country. These 
 views are not wanting in "The Impending Crisis ;" but in 
 1857 they were overshadowed, both in his own and in the 
 popular mind, by the question of the evil effects of slavery 
 on the whites. With the question of slavery gone, his mind 
 turned to the negro. He saw how much the presence of 
 the negro had retarded Southern progress, and he con- 
 ceived a positive dislike for the whole race. While in 
 Buenos Ayres a friend requested him to furnish American 
 papers of protection to a negro, but he stoutly declined, on 
 the ground that the "United States of America are already 
 burdened with four million too many" of negroes. 
 
 1 See Helper's "Nojoque", p. 199. 
 
28 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [288 
 
 When he returned to North America the Republicans 
 were coming to deal with the negro problem. Their attitude 
 did not meet with his approval. His pen, always facile, at 
 once went to work ; and by the middle of the next year he 
 published "Nojoque, a Question for a Continent." Mr. 
 Helper's best friends must regret that he should have writ- 
 ten this book. It is a severe, and, at times, an unreasonably 
 violent, attack on the negro. It assailed, in the strongest 
 way, what it stigmatized as the "Black Congress," and pro- 
 posed an alliance between white Republicans and loyal 
 Democrats, which, having secured control of the govern- 
 ment, should offer the negroes aid to get out of the country 
 by a specified time. Those that did not go should be sent 
 away by main force or "be quickly fossilized in bulk be- 
 neath the subsoil of America." The plan was, in short, to 
 expel as many as could be persuaded to go, and to massacre 
 the others. As a part of the history of the time, the book 
 deserves no consideration. It is only in connection with its 
 author, who did before this a great part in a most important 
 work, that it need be mentioned at all. It is charitable to 
 say that recent events had so accustomed Mr. Helper to 
 death that he was inconsiderate of the value of human rights 
 and human life. As to his estimate of the negro, it is 
 enough, in view of the development of opinion on the sub- 
 ject both North and South, to say that he underestimated 
 the blacks. Two other books in the same spirit followed 
 closely on "Nojoque." These were "Negroes in Negro- 
 land," and "Noonday Exigencies." 
 
 One result of these later books was to sever completely 
 his relations with the old leaders of the Abolitionists. His 
 failure to accept the theory of the equality of man had always 
 prevented them from receiving him with warmth. They 
 now dropped him altogether, and Henry Wilson, in 1875, 
 when he wrote the "History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave 
 Power in America," failed to give him credit for the great 
 influence of "The Impending Crisis." The cause seems to 
 have been the views of the negro problem expressed in 
 these post-bellum publications. 
 
289] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 29 
 
 Mr. Helper's later years have been given to the promo- 
 tion of the Intercontinental Railroad, a scheme by which it 
 is proposed to build a railway from some point in the upper 
 Mississippi basin, through Mexico and Central America, 
 across the highlands on the east of the Andes and across tfie 
 plains to Buenos Ayres. Later developments would ex- 
 tend this road until it should at last reach the Hudson Bay 
 on the north, and the Straits of Magellan on the south. He 
 removed to St. Louis, Mo., that he might better push this 
 scheme. With characteristic ardor he offered large prizes 
 for the five best essays on the advantage of his scheme, and 
 then published these essays at his own cost. In various 
 ways he has spent on this project $48,000 out of his own 
 pocket. The recent Pan-American Congress took up the 
 matter and secured appropriations by the various nations 
 for the support of an Intercontinental Railway Commission, 
 which has offices in Washington city. Three corps of engi- 
 neers have been sent to survey the routes. Their work is 
 accomplished, and the reports will soon be published. 1 In 
 the meantime certain roads have been built independently 
 of one another, which may easily be used as sections of the 
 proposed larger system. The evident advantage of such a 
 road makes it certain that as the countries through which it 
 will pass become more thickly settled it will necessarily be 
 built. Mr. Helper's scheme, and the most commendable 
 persistence he has shown in his thirty years of sacrifice and 
 effort in its behalf, has drawn the eyes of business men 
 toward the opportunity, and in the day when it shall be 
 made a real fact the pluck of its promoter will be appreci- 
 ated by the public. At present Mr. Helper remains a hale 
 and active man of sixty-seven, kind to those who call on 
 him, and ever hopeful for the project which he has on his 
 hands. 
 
 Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 
 
 Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick, eldest son of John Leonard 
 Hedrick and Elizabeth Sherwood Hedrick, was born in 
 
 1 This fact was recorded in 1896. Later information is not at hand. 
 
SO Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [290 
 
 Davidson county, near Salisbury, N. C, February 13, 1827. 
 The name indicates that the family was sprung from the 
 German stock, which had a large share in settling this part 
 of the State. John Leonard Hedrick was a farmer on a 
 moderate scale. He was able to give his children the ad- 
 vantages of the neighborhood schools, and to give them 
 enough property to serve for a start in life. The boy, Ben- 
 jamin, attended the neighborhood schools, and fitted for 
 college under Rev. Jesse Rankin, a Presbyterian minister of 
 Salisbury. ^There is a story, told and reiterated in the heat 
 of the controversy that afterwards arose, that his father 
 offered him the choice of a college education or property 
 enough to begin life on. For the boy there could be no 
 hesitation in a case like this. He took the opportunity to 
 get an education... In 1847 ne entered the university of the 
 State at Chapel Hill, and in 1851 he graduated with the 
 highest distinction. His mind was of a scientific turn, and 
 he made fine progress in chemistry and mathematics. At 
 this time Hon. W. A. Graham, Secretary of the Navy, 
 and a native North Carolinian, asked President Swain, of 
 the university, to recommend a young man to be appointed 
 as clerk in the office of the Nautical Almanac. President 
 Swain recommended Mr. Hedrick, who immediately re- 
 ceived the appointment. The duties of this office seem to 
 have been at Cambridge, Mass., and by this means the 
 young graduate was able to take advanced instruction in 
 Harvard College. While there he studied chemistry under 
 the great Agassiz. In 1852 he was married to Miss Mary 
 Ellen Thompson, daughter of William Thompson, of 
 Orange county, North Carolina. In 1854 he was recalled 
 to his Alma Mater to take the Chair of Analytical and Agri- 
 cultural Chemistry. This position he held until October, 
 1856, when he was expelled from the faculty for causes con- 
 nected with his views on slavery. 
 
 It is not hard to trace the development of Professor Hed- 
 rick's views on slavery. His birth and his early surround- 
 ings had put him in sympathy with that large number of 
 
291] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 31 
 
 small farmers in the western part of the State, who, as we 
 have already seen, were generally opposed to slavery. His 
 boyhood home was near Lock's Bridge, on the Yadkin 
 river, and on the road that led through that part of the State 
 from Virginia to South Carolina. He declared that he had 
 seen on this road as many as two thousand slaves in one day 
 going to the south, and most of them in the hands of specu- 
 lators. This seems to have made a deep impression on his 
 sensitive nature. In later life he became convinced that it 
 was a very harmful taking away of property which ought to 
 be left in the State to develop it. The people around him 
 had great cause to complain of slavery. They were mostly 
 workers themselves, and felt all the hardships that free labor 
 must suffer in competition with slave labor. Many of them, 
 through this very reason, had been driven from the State. 
 "Of my neighbors, friends and kindred," said Professor 
 Hedrick in his defence, "nearly one-half have left the State 
 since I was old enough to remember. Many is the time I 
 have stood by the loaded emigrant wagon and given the 
 parting hand to those whose faces I was never to look upon 
 again. They were going to seek homes in the free West, 
 knowing, as they did, that free and slave labor could not 
 both exist and prosper in the same community." This 
 statement he supported by showing that in 1850, according 
 to De Bow's census, which ought to be good Southern 
 authority, there were in Indiana alone 33,000 native North 
 Carolinians, while in all the free West there were 58,000. 
 This was enough to make an Abolitionist out of a less re- 
 sponsive nature than Professor Hedrick's. These facts had 
 an early influence on him. His stay in the North only con- 
 firmed this conclusion. It was easy enough for a young 
 man of the planter class, used to the luxury of his Southern 
 home, to spend some time in the North without becoming 
 convinced that in general social welfare the North was ahead 
 of the South. It was far easier for a young man of the 
 middle class, used to the hardships and limitations of the 
 
32 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [292 
 
 free labor of the South, to go to the North and come to an 
 entirely opposite conclusion ; and it was not a very remote 
 mental process to conclude, further, that this difference was 
 due to slavery. Young Hedrick was sprung from the mid- 
 dle class of farmers, and his mind naturally went through 
 the process that has been indicated. 
 
 All accounts of Professor Hedrick agree that he was a 
 man of singular gentleness of character. In a private letter 
 to the writer, Mr. Hinton R. Helper, who knew Professor 
 Hedrick well, says: L"With all his virtues, and he was full 
 of them, modesty, amounting almost to bashfulness, was 
 one of his peculiar characteristics." - Such a man was not 
 likely to create strife deliberately. Honest, gentle, intelli- 
 gent, he was, it is but fair to think, more competent to know 
 the right thing to do in the position in which he was placed 
 than we whom a wide interval of time and interests has re- 
 moved from him. Let us assume in what shall follow that 
 he acted as properly as one might expect from a man of 
 such a character. 
 
 In August, 1856, there was an election of State officers in 
 North Carolina. Professor Hedrick went to the polls in the 
 village of Chapel Hill, in which the university is located, 
 and voted for the Democratic candidates. A bystander 
 asked him if he intended to vote the same ticket in the 
 national election in November following. It is likely that 
 his views on slavery were known, and that this question was 
 asked to make him commit himself in public. He replied 
 that he did not know. He was then asked if he would vote 
 the Whig ticket, and he answered in the negative. Finally 
 he was asked if he would vote for Fremont. To this he 
 answered very frankly that he would so vote if a Republican 
 electoral ticket should be formed in the State. There was 
 no attempt to conceal his intention, and it at once became 
 known among both students and villagers. Mr. Helper, in 
 the letter already quoted, says that time and time again Pro- 
 fessor Hedrick assured him that he never once -sought to 
 
293] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 33 
 
 disseminate his views among the students or other persons 
 around the place. 
 
 This was in August. No active opposition seems to have 
 been made to these views by those closely associated with 
 him who held them. In the North Carolina Standard, 
 Raleigh, N. C, the leading Democratic newspaper of the 
 State, there appeared on September 13, 1856, a short article 
 under the title, "Fremont in the South," the concluding par- 
 agraph of which declared: "If there be Fremont men 
 among us, let them be silenced or required to leave. The 
 expression of black Republican opinions in our midst is incom- . " 
 patible with our honor and safety as a people. If at all neces- 
 sary, we shall refer to this matter again. Let our schools 
 and seminaries of learning be scrutinized ; and if black Re- 
 publicans be found in them, let them be driven out. That 
 man is neither a fit nor a safe instructor of our young men 
 who even inclines to Fremont and black Republicanism." 
 The editor of the Standard, Mr. W. W. Holden, was a man 
 of strong editorial ability. He is said to have boasted that 
 in North Carolina affairs he could kill and make alive. It 
 seems to have been in some such spirit as this that he now 
 turned his guns on the Abolitionist in the university faculty. 
 It was undoubtedly his deliberate purpose to drive Professor 
 Hedrick from his position. Two weeks after the appear- 
 ance of the article just quoted, the Standard contained a 
 communication, signed "An Alumnus," which brought up 
 the subject in a more direct manner. The writer began by 
 calling attention to the danger of sending Southern youths 
 to Northern colleges, where they would be taught "black 
 Republicanism," and then shifted to the article in the issue 
 of September 13, just mentioned. He goes on to say: "We 
 have been reliably informed that a professor in our State 
 university is an open and avowed supporter of Fremont, 
 and declares his willingness, nay, his desire, to support a 
 black Republican ticket, and a want of a Fremont electoral 
 ticket in North Carolina is the only barrier to this Southern 
 
34 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [294 
 
 professor from carrying out his patriotic wishes. Is he a fit 
 or safe instructor fcr our young men?" This professor, says 
 Alumnus, ought to be dismissed from his position, and if 
 the faculty and trustees have no power to dismiss him, the 
 legislature at its approaching session ought to take up the 
 matter. With feelings highly outraged, he asks : "Upon 
 what ground can a Southern instructor, relying for his sup- 
 port upon Southern money, selected to impart healthy in- 
 struction to the sons of Southern slave-owners, and in- 
 debted for his situation to a Southern State, excuse his sup- 
 port of Fremont with a platform which eschews the fathers 
 of his pupils and the State from whose university he received 
 his station?" 
 
 All this was plainly aimed at Professor Hedrick. He 
 consulted his friends as to what he should do. He was ad- 
 vised to say nothing, since any defence he should make 
 would not be believed. One of his colleagues made a visit 
 to Hillsborough about that time, and came back with the 
 information that the articles in the Standard had made a 
 deep impression on the inhabitants of that town. Several 
 of the trustees were said to be denouncing Professor Hed- 
 rick as an "Abolitionist," which he was, and as "a stirrer up 
 of the poor against the rich," which he certainly was not. 
 The accused remained silent no longer. He wrote a de- 
 fence of his position, which was published in the Standard 
 of October 4, 1856. Had he been playing a game with his 
 enemies this would have been a bad play. It gave them an 
 opportunity of bringing a definite charge against him. Had 
 he kept silent, the burden of proof would have remained on 
 them. Moreover, it gave them an opportunity of avoiding 
 the real issue, and of proceeding against him for taking part 
 as a professor in the university in partisan politics ; although 
 it must be confessed that it was in the slightest sense partisan 
 to express a preference for a party that was not organized 
 or likely to be organized in the State in which he must vote. 
 On the other hand, Professor Hedrick had his rights. 
 He was a self-directing and a self-accounting citizen, and it 
 
295] Benjamin Sherwood Hcdrick. 35 
 
 was perfectly right for him to express his opinion on a public 
 question about which he was being abused in the public 
 prints. Regardless of the question of expediency, his course 
 was ingenuous and manly. In the light of present knowl- 
 edge, the South knows that he spoke the truth, and one 
 ought not to criticise a man for speaking the truth, espe- 
 cially if he be an instructor in an institution of learning, 
 which ought at all times to be a leader of truth. 
 
 Professor Hedrick's statement was made in a spirit of 
 fairness, and with far less temper than either the editor or 
 "An Alumnus" had shown. Owning readily that he was the 
 man aimed at in the Standard, he avowed with frankness 
 that he preferred Fremont for President, and gave two rea- 
 sons — (i) because he liked the man, and (2) because Fre- 
 mont was on the right side of the slavery question. Dis- 
 cussing the latter reason, he branched out into an argument 
 against slavery, perhaps the only anti-slavery argument ever 
 admitted to the columns of the Standard. This feature 
 made five-sixths of his article. He cited the views of 
 Washington, Jefferson, Henry, Madison and Randolph on 
 slavery. The works of these statesmen were much read in 
 the library of the university. Hejsaid that in the western 
 part of the State popular sentiment was against slavery, and 
 that a large number of people had gone from there to the 
 West. He made the point that the continual taking away 
 of slaves for the far South cut off a great deal of the labor 
 of the State that ought to be left to develop it. He de- 
 clared that he had nothing to do with the politics of the 
 students, adding: "They would not have known my own] 
 predilections in the present contest had not one of the num- ] 
 ber asked me which candidate I preferred." Of "An Alum- 
 nus" he said : "I shall not attempt to abridge his liberty in 
 the least, but my own opinion I will have, whether he is will- 
 ing to grant me that right of every freeman or not. I be- 
 lieve I have had quite as good an opportunity as he has to 
 form an opinion on the question now to be settled. And 
 when 'Alumnus' talks of 'driving me out' for sentiments 
 3 
 
36 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [296 
 
 once held by [Washington and Jefferson] I cannot help 
 thinking that he is becoming rather fanatical." He closed 
 by saying: "I do not claim infallibility for my opinions. 
 Wiser and better men than I have been mistaken. But 
 holding, as I do, the doctrines once advocated by Washing- 
 ton and Jefferson, I think I should be met by arguments, 
 and not by denunciation." 
 
 Having tormented its victim until he had forced him into 
 a position of public condemnation, the editor of the Standard 
 now proceeded to destroy him in the most systematic man- 
 ner. In an editorial in the same issue with Professor Hed- 
 rick's defence it was declared that it could not be expected 
 of " 'An Alumnus' or any other citizen of this State to argue 
 with a black Republican." The editor repeated that a man 
 who "even inclines to Fremont and black Republicanism" 
 is not fit to be an instructor in the university. He added : 
 "This is a matter, however, for the trustees of the univer- 
 sity. We take it for granted that Professor Hedrick will 
 be promptly removed." 1 A week later "A Trustee of the 
 University" took up the matter in the same paper, saying : 
 "This sentiment, avowed by one of the professors, will sink 
 the institution, now grown to giant size and still increasing, 
 unless the trustees forthwith expel that traitor to all South- 
 ern interests from the seat he now so unworthily fills. He 
 should be ordered away as a foul stain on the escutcheon of 
 the university to show to the country that the institution is 
 a sanctuary from such vile pollution." A correspondent 
 from Norfolk, Va., wrote also in the same strain. 
 
 Before these two letters were written the university fac- 
 ulty had considered the case. The defence had appeared 
 on Saturday, October 4. The paper must have reached 
 Chapel Hill not sooner than Saturday afternoon. At noon 
 on Monday following the faculty was called together by 
 
 1 This editorial and Prof. Hedrick's defence were reprinted in the 
 New York Tribune (semi-weekly), Oct. 17, 1856, and in the New 
 York Herald (weekly), Oct. 18, 1856, and possibly elsewhere. 
 
297] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 37 
 
 President Swain, all the members being present. In call- 
 ing up the matter the president said: "In an institution 
 sustained like this, by all denominations and parties, nothing 
 should be permitted to be done calculated to disturb the 
 harmonious intercourse of those who support and those 
 who direct and govern it. And this is well known to have 
 been the policy and practice during a long series of years." :1 
 The communication of President Swain was referred to a 
 committee consisting of Professors Mitchell, Phillips and 
 Hubbard. These reported as follows : 
 
 ' ' Resolved : 
 
 «'l. That the course pursued by Professor Hedrick, set 
 forth in his publication in the North Carolina Standard of 
 the 4th inst., is not warranted by our usages, and that the 
 political opinions expressed are not those entertained by 
 another member of this body. 
 
 "2. That while we feel bound to declare our sentiments 
 freely upon this occasion, we entertain none other than feel- 
 ings of personal kindness and respect for the subject of 
 them, and sincerely regret the indiscretion into which he 
 seems in this instance to have fallen." 
 
 After a brief discussion the resolutions were adopted, 
 Messrs. Mitchell, Phillips, Fetter, Hubbard, Wheat, Phipp, 
 C. Phillips, Brown, Pool, Lucas, Battle and Wetmore voting 
 in the affirmative. Mr. Harrisse voted in the negative, 
 "simply on the ground that the faculty is neither charged 
 with black Republicanism nor likely to be suspected of it." 
 He considered the whole affair as personal to Professor 
 Hedrick. The students of the university expressed their 
 sentiments by assembling on the campus as soon as the 
 Standard containing the defence was received, and by burn- 
 ing the professor in effigy to the tolling of the bell. 
 
 On October 11, the executive committee of the board of 
 trustees of the university met in Raleigh, Governor Bragg 
 presiding, the sole purpose being, apparently, to dispose of 
 
 1 North Carolina Standard, Oct. 15, 1856. 
 
38 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [298 
 
 this matter. From the minutes of the meeting I take the 
 following : 
 
 "The president laid before the committee a political essay 
 by Professor Hedrick, published in the North Carolina 
 Standard of the 4th inst., together with sundry letters and 
 papers relating thereto. Whereupon, 
 
 "Resolved, That the executive committee has seen, with 
 great regret, the publication of Professor Hedrick in the 
 Standard of the 4th inst., because it violates the established 
 usage of the university, which forbids any professor to be- 
 come an agitator in the exciting politics of the day, and is 
 well calculated to injure the prosperity and usefulness of the 
 institution. 
 
 "Resolved, That the prompt action of the faculty of the 
 university on the 6th inst. meets with the cordial approba- 
 tion of this committee. 
 
 "Resolved, That in the opinion of the committee, Mr. 
 Hedrick has greatly if not entirely destroyed his power to be 
 of further benefit to the university in the office which he now 
 fills." 
 
 These resolutions were passed unanimously. 
 
 While the specific words were not used, this was in reality 
 a dismissal. The next issue of the Standard announced, 
 "with much gratification," the removal of Professor Hed- 
 rick. Referring to his probable course in the future, the 
 paper further said : "If the Abolitionists should take him 
 up the history of his conduct will follow him, and they will 
 know, as he will feel, that they have received into their 
 bosom a dangerous but congenial and ungrateful thing." 
 This was a bitter thrust at a defeated antagonist. It is 
 worth noting, because it says not one syllable about the 
 offence of writing a political letter. The Standard a week 
 later took up the matter again, and laid down its general 
 doctrine as follows : "We say now, after due consideration, 
 but with no purpose to make any special application of the 
 remark, that no man who is avowedly for John C. Fremont 
 for President ought to be allowed to breathe the air or tread 
 the soil of North Carolina." 
 
299] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 39 
 
 The cause assigned for the dismissal of Professor Hed- 
 rick became afterwards a matter of dispute. The Wilming- 
 ton Commercial said at the time, in reference to the action 
 of the executive committee: "It was not extra-judicial, as 
 some persons suppose. Some years ago, on account of the 
 introduction of certain political influences into the univer- 
 sity, the trustees established a standing rule that neither pro- 
 fessors nor scholars should engage in political conflicts. It 
 was under this rule that Mr. Hedrick was dismissed, in con- 
 sequence of his perseverance in wrong-doing, after being 
 duly admonished that he was violating a law of the institu- 
 tion. The wisdom of this regulation will be quite apparent 
 to every reflecting mind." 1 As to when Professor Hedrick 
 had been "duly admonished," or in what sense he had been 
 guilty of "perseverance in wrong-doing," does not appear 
 from any evidence obtainable. On the contrary, Mr. Helper 
 says that Professor Hedrick said time and time again that he 
 never once tried to convert a student to his views. The 
 above utterance does not seem to have been seen by Profes- 
 sor Hedrick until his return to the State in the following 
 January. Then he sent the Wilmington Commercial a com- 
 plete statement, which is worthy of extensive quotation. 
 He said, after quoting the charge above mentioned: 
 
 "Now all this about the trustees having established any 
 such a rule as the one referred to above is a pure fabrica- 
 tion. No such rule exists, and, of course, I could not vio- 
 late it or be 'duly admonished' in regard to it. But you say 
 I persevered in wrong-doing after I was duly admonished 
 that I was violating a law of the institution. This is utterly 
 false. I was assailed in two different issues of the Standard. 
 I was charged with being a dangerous member of the com- 
 munity, and the editor called upon the mob to drive me 
 from the State as an outlaw. Under these circumstances, I 
 wrote my defence, declaring that I held no opinions inim- 
 ical to the peace and welfare of the State, that in oppos- 
 
 1 Reprinted in the Hillsboro Recorder, Nov. 12, 1856. 
 
40 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [300 
 
 ing the extension of slavery I was but holding the doctrines 
 of the best and greatest of Southern men that have lived. 
 The publication of this defence is the sum and substance of 
 my offending. The editor of the Standard said, without 
 waiting for the action of the committee, that he took it for 
 granted that I would be removed. Several of the trustees, 
 since reading my defence and the assaults of the Standard, 
 have assured me that I acted just as a high-minded and hon- 
 orable man should have acted under the circumstances. 
 
 "The trustees have never been able to assign any reason 
 for my dismissal, except that Holden and the mobocracy 
 required it, and Holden and the mobocracy must be obeyed 
 or the stars might fall, or some other equally great calamity 
 happen to the State. 
 
 "But some will say that I violated a usage of the faculty 
 in defending myself against the attack of the Standard, 
 That is as false as the charge of violating a law of the insti- 
 tution. It is true the faculty have always refrained from 
 taking any prominent part in the politics of the day. But 
 they have always expressed their party preferences as freely 
 as other citizens, who do not make a trade of politics, and 
 when necessary have resorted to the press to give publicity 
 to their opinions on this same vexed slavery question. The 
 same 'usage' exists in regard to the judges. But during the 
 late contest Judge Saunders, before I wrote my 'defence,' 
 addressed a letter to his political friends in Baltimore, which 
 was designed to influence the election, and it was largely 
 circulated by the party presses in the State. No one, how- 
 ever, thought of dismissing Judge Saunders for his breach 
 of 'usage.' And as he was one of the executive committee 
 of the board of trustees, of course he had too much regard 
 for consistency to vote for dismissing me for doing no more 
 than he did himself. 
 
 "The following sentence from an editorial in the Standard 
 explains the whole matter. The editor says : 'Our object 
 was to rid the State and the university of an avowed Fre- 
 mont man, and we have succeeded.' This explains the ac- 
 
301] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 41 
 
 tion of the board, and there is no need to resort to 'rules' 
 which never existed, or to usages which have nothing to do 
 with the matter. 
 
 "The act establishing the university says that the board 
 of trustees may remove a professor for misbehavior, in- 
 ability or neglect of duty, and they shall have power to make 
 all such laws and regulations for the government of the 
 university and preservation of order and good morals 
 therein, as are usually made in such seminaries, and as to 
 them may appear necessary ; provided, the same are not con- 
 trary to the inalienable liberty of a citizen and the laws of a 
 State. 1 
 
 "If it is a misbehavior to defend oneself against the de- 
 nunciations of a fanatical party paper, then the trustees 
 have dismissed me with a show of reason. The 'inalienable 
 liberty of a citizen' is little worth if it be to cost one the 
 labor of years to claim a voice in the election of a President, 
 and when accused of holding opinions dangerous to the 
 community, not to be permitted to say to the slanderer that 
 the charge is false. My defence has not been reprinted in 
 a single paper in the State; and yet, in order to drive me 
 from my home and kindred, it has everywhere been pub- 
 lished that I was an Abolitionist and the mob excited 
 against me. I have asked that my letter be published to 
 speak for itself and me, but in every instance the editors 
 have refused me even that, whilst at the same time many 
 have not hesitated to circulate every paragraph that could 
 work against me. 
 
 "The papers which have in any way given currency to 
 the notice that I was dismissed for violating any law of the 
 university or the State, will, I hope, do me the justice to 
 publish this note." 
 
 To this plain argument the Commercial of February 5, 
 1857, the same issue in which the above communication ap- 
 peared, replied editorially : 
 
 1 See Laws of 1789, Chap. 20, section 8. 
 
42 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [302 
 
 "In another column is a communication from Professor 
 Hedrick, containing animadversions oh the course of Mr. 
 Holden, of the Standard, and the party to which he belongs. 
 In regard to the 'established rule/ we do not recollect now 
 who was our authority for it, but we well remember that we 
 considered it reliable, certainly as miKh so as any statement 
 made by Mr. Hedrick can be. 
 
 "Mr. Hedrick is hardly entitled to the :ourtesy we show 
 him, for, by using the term 'Holden and Mobocracy,' he 
 offers an insult to the great and powerful and patriotic party 
 with which we have the honor to act. However, we let that 
 pass, for our readers will have a great opportunity of ob- 
 serving the great advantages of collegiate attainments and 
 station in the charming style in which the professor turns up 
 the 'pure Saxon.' Young man, too, we believe. Quite 
 smart for his age, certainly. Very bad, indeed, that the 
 youth of our university must lose the benefits of his fine 
 examples and specimens of Addisonian purity and style of 
 elegance and diction. Was he somewhat in a passion when 
 he wrote the words false, falsehood, etc? Well ! We won- 
 der ! His language being so strong, so argumentative, so 
 convincing, we dare say his gesticulations would be mag- 
 nificent. We trust that the faculty will permit Mr. Hedrick 
 to recite the communication we publish to the scholars, so 
 that they may lose nothing of its beauties, either as regards 
 its sentiments or the lessons that may be derived from ac- 
 tion. Action is everything according to the notion of De- 
 mosthenes — 'action, action, action,' was his motto. Let 
 somebody see Mr. Hedrick act the thing." 
 
 Here are two articles, each of which may be left to speak 
 for the merits of the side it advocates. On the one side we 
 have a clear, strong argument, unanswerable, a sense of 
 outrage, a protest against passion ; on the other we have 
 an avoidance of argument in the beginning, a ruthless 
 unwillingness to concede a desire for truth to the other 
 side, an appeal to passion, and a supercilious tone of super- 
 iority. It was a great misfortune for the South that the 
 
803] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 43 
 
 defence of slavery should have committed it so decidedly 
 to habits of denunciation and intolerance. It was the em- 
 bittering of tempers naturally sweet, to which only years 
 can bring back their gentleness. 
 
 On October 21, 1856, there was an educational conven- 
 tion in Salisbury, which, it will be remembered, was near 
 Professor Hedrick's boyhood home. Before the recent 
 trouble Professor Hedrick had been appointed a delegate to 
 this convention, and now he decided to attend. One object 
 in going was to learn what was the opinion of the people in 
 that part of the State in regard to his case. In Salisbury 
 he stopped at the house of Rev. Jesse Rankin, who had pre- 
 pared him for college, and who was then conducting a 
 girls' boarding school in that place. In the evening he went 
 to the Presbyterian Church, where the sessions of the con- 
 vention were held. He took a seat in the gallery, and seeing 
 his father in another part of the gallery, he went over and 
 sat beside him. This helped to attract attention to his pres- 
 ence. It was soon generally known that he was in the build- 
 ing. A crowd began to collect outside, shouting his name 
 and in various ways evincing an ugly disposition. Their 
 object, said the town paper, was to disgrace him and to force 
 him to leave the place. This made him the object of the 
 gaze of a large part of the audience. Some called him 
 "Fremont" in derision. The children, misunderstanding 
 the allusion, thought he was Fremont, and looked on with 
 wonder and dread. One of them remarked in his hearing 
 that he "was a dreadful little man to be President." Pro- 
 fessor Hedrick was embarrassed, and drew his cloak around 
 his face. When the convention adjourned he started out, 
 accompanied by his father and his former teacher. Directly 
 facing the door he saw an effigy of himself, gotten up by 
 some of the young men, and by the side of it a transparency, 
 on which were the words : "Hedrick, leave, or take tar and 
 feathers !" This effigy was burned in the presence of him- 
 self and nearly every other member of the convention. The 
 mob gave three groans for the object of their displeasure, 
 
44 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [304 
 
 who, for his part, accompanied by his father and Mr. Ran- 
 kin, retired to his lodgings. The passion of the mob was 
 now aroused. They could not forbear to torture as long as 
 their victim was within reach. Between 200 and 300 
 marched to the boarding school, where they serenaded the 
 hated Abolitionist in true "Calathumpian style," as the 
 Raleigh Standard pronounced it. They shouted, hissed, 
 gave three groans and demanded that he leave town or take 
 an application of "the juice of the pine and the hair of the 
 goose." They even threatened to enter the house and do 
 him personal violence. In the words of the local paper, 
 they "proceeded in a most riotous and reprehensive manner 
 to compel Hedrick to leave town." Finally the mob was 
 quieted by several prominent citizens, who do not seem, be- 
 fore this, to have exerted themselves in the matter. The 
 crowd went to their homes, Professor Hedrick agreeing to 
 leave before daylight. Commenting on this occurrence, the 
 Salisbury Banner said : "We regret this unfortunate occur- 
 rence as well as every lover of quiet, yet it was a certain 
 demonstration that black Republicans and their infamous 
 principles cannot and will not be tolerated in this goodly 
 land of ours. We admire the spirit, but regret the neces- 
 sity of the manner in which the condemnation was made." 1 
 Early next morning the young man, hunted from the 
 scenes of his boyhood like a criminal, took his way to the 
 house of his brother, who lived near the railroad station of 
 Lexington. To the latter place he at length went with his 
 father to take the train for his home in Chapel 
 Hill. Fearing trouble, the two separated. The pre- 
 caution was well taken. An excited crowd had 
 gathered, and suspecting that Professor Hedrick might 
 be on board, they searched the cars for him. By 
 
 1 The story as given in The Salisbury Republican Banner, Oct 
 28, 1856, was reprinted in the Boston Traveller, Nov. 6, 1856. A 
 slightly varying account is that of the Raleigh Standard, Nov. 6, 
 1856. From these two narratives as well as from facts furnished by 
 Prof. Hedrick's family the above has been reproduced. 
 
305] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 45 
 
 getting on the train at the last moment he was able to 
 elude his pursuers, and to reach his home in safety. A few 
 days later he left the State for the North. It was reported 
 at the time that a meeting to express approval of the action 
 of the university authorities was planned in Hillsborough, 
 but that its promoters gave it up for fear that it might be 
 turned against them and made to express approval of Pro- 
 fessor Hedrick. 
 
 In January, 1857, tne fugitive returned to the State. The 
 excitement of the campaign had subsided, and there was no 
 further political gain in persecuting him. He was allowed 
 to come and go in peace. It was at this time that he wrote 
 his statement for the Wilmington Commercial. It was also 
 at this time that the following, which I find among his 
 papers, was written: 
 
 University of North Carolina, 
 
 Chapel Hill, N. C, February 2, 1857. 
 
 The proceedings of the faculty in the foregoing case were 
 dictated by the sense of duty ; and subsequent reflection has 
 produced no change of opinion as to the course pursued. 
 We regret most sincerely that a departure from the usages 
 of the institution rendered [necessary] any action on our 
 part. 
 
 We repeat now, what we said then, that we entertain for 
 Professor Hedrick none other than feelings of kindness and 
 respect ; and we cheerfully add our decided testimony to his 
 high natural abilities and scholarly attainments. We be- 
 lieve that in these respects, especially as a mathematician 
 and analytical chemist, he has few superiors of his age. 
 (Signed), D. L. SWAIN, Pres., 
 
 E. MITCHELL, Chem. Prof., 
 
 F. M. HUBBARD, Lat. Prof., 
 
 J. T. WHEAT, Logic and Rhet. Prof. 
 
 What could have been the occasion for this paper I am 
 unable to learn. It is possible that friends of Professor 
 
46 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [306 
 
 Hedrick had asked for a modification of the former action 
 of the faculty. It cannot have been meant for a letter of 
 recommendation, for five days later these same professors, 
 with one other, signed such a letter in regular form, in 
 which they spoke most flatteringly of their former colleague 
 as a man and as a scholar. 
 
 From North Carolina Professor Hedrick went to New 
 York. Here he was employed as a clerk in the Mayor's 
 office, at the same time lecturing and teaching in the city. 
 In 1861 he gave up this work to become a principal exam- 
 iner in the United States Patent Office in the Department 
 of Chemistry and Metallurgy, where he remained till his 
 death. From 1872 till 1876 he was also Professor of Chem- 
 istry and Toxicology in the University of Georgetown. 
 During the war he relieved many distressed fugitives and 
 prisoners from North Carolina. This was a work in which 
 his gentle nature took great delight. After the war he was 
 an earnest worker for the restoration of civil order in his 
 native State. He died at his residence in Washington, Sep- 
 tember 2, 1886. 
 
 Of his scientific services in the Patent Office this is not 
 the place to speak at length. His long period of service in- 
 dicates that his work was entirely satisfactory. An asso- 
 ciate in the Patent Office, in an article in The American 
 Inventor (Cincinnati, Ohio,) September, 1886, speaks of this 
 part of his career. From this article a few facts will be 
 taken. When he came to take charge of his work, Profes- 
 sor Hedrick saw that but few patents were issued, and the 
 business of the officials seems to have been thought to be to 
 "head off inventors and kill inventions. * * * There 
 was no sort of sympathy with the inventors, and but small 
 desire to aid them in perfecting and obtaining the patents." 
 This he thought wrong. He adopted a more liberal policy 
 in his own department. His associates were shocked. They 
 thought him a radical. But the commissioner, Mr. Hollo- 
 way, was broad-minded and fair, and Professor Hedrick's 
 "anti-slavery record was so pronounced that no scorn or ill- 
 
307] Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 47 
 
 will had any adverse influence on him." He held his posi- 
 tion, and in the course of time the whole office came to 
 espouse his policy in reference to inventions. It was due 
 chiefly to this movement which he set going that the Patent 
 Office began its great development immediately after the 
 war. Many of the patents that he granted were hotly con- 
 tested, but the courts almost always sustained his judgment. 
 In the course of time he was generally recognized as one of 
 the most efficient, if, indeed, not the most efficient, of all the 
 men in the office in which he served. 
 
 Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 
 
 Daniel Reaves Goodloe was born in Louisburg, N. C, 
 May 28, 1 8 14. His ancestors came from Virginia to North 
 Carolina. His father read medicine, but never practised it. 
 He was a school teacher, although, from his early leaning 
 toward medicine, he continued to be called "Dr. Goodloe." 
 Not far back in the family there was a fortunate combina- 
 tion of English, Welsh, Danish and Huguenot blood. Mr. 
 Goodloe's mother was of a Welsh family named Jones. In 
 neither origin nor association was he connected with the 
 class of large slaveholders. In his youth he attended the 
 "old field" schools of the place, where he acquired the merest 
 rudiments of knowledge. Later on he entered the Louis- 
 burg Academy, which was supported by the prominent 
 families of the neighborhood, and had the reputation of be- 
 ing among the best schools of its kind in the State. His 
 progress here was not great, however. When he left the 
 school he could boast of no learning beyond the English 
 branches, except a "smattering of Latin." Later in life he 
 went to Tennessee, and there, at Mt. Pleasant, Maury 
 county, studied mathematics, with good results, under a 
 Harvard graduate named Blake. When still a boy he went 
 to Oxford, N.C., and entered a printing establishment there, 
 his purpose being to learn the printer's trade. This period 
 of his life he recognizes as of great formative value in his 
 
48 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [308 
 
 mental development. Typesetting taught him, as he him- 
 self says, "to analyze sentences and to discard, in my mind, 
 superfluous and inappropriate words. Perhaps the slow 
 process of putting the types together was favorable to this 
 result. At any rate, I have always regarded those years 
 thus spent as not the least advantageous to me in the matter 
 of mental training." 
 
 After two years and one-half of apprenticeship, Mr. 
 Goodloe, then just of age, tried a newspaper venture of his 
 own. He began in Oxford, N. C, the publication of The 
 Examiner. The venture was ill-timed, and soon ended in 
 disaster. The editor, encumbered with debt and disgusted 
 with newspapers, went, after some wanderings in Tennes- 
 see, back to Louisburg to read law. After a year's study 
 he was licensed to practise in the county courts, and a year 
 later, in January, 1842, secured permission to practise in all 
 State courts. He settled in Louisburg and waited for cases. 
 For nearly two years he waited, but with little success. He 
 had no aptitude for public speaking, and did not succeed 
 in acquiring the facility in argument which is necessary in 
 the general practice of country courts. Mr. Priestly H. 
 Mangum, a brother of Senator Mangum, and a lawyer of 
 prominence, saw this deficiency in the young man, and ad- 
 vised him that it might be overcome by running for some 
 political office. The necessity of defending publicly his 
 position, thought Mr. Mangum, would develop fluency of 
 speech. Franklin county, of which Louisburg is the county 
 seat, was at that time overwhelmingly Whig. Mr. Goodloe 
 was a Whig. His most intimate friends were leading 
 Whigs, and they offered to put him in nomination. "But," 
 says Mr. Goodloe, "I had a thorn in the flesh, which re- 
 strained me'. I had a profound conviction of the evils of 
 slavery, moral and economical. The agitation had not then 
 reached to fever heat, but it was rising, and it began to be 
 seen that the interest of slavery underlay and touched every 
 other question. I should have been called upon to define 
 my views on the subject, which I could not have done with- 
 
309] Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 49 
 
 out injury to the Whig cause, to my friends, and to myself." 
 The proferred nomination was accordingly declined. This 
 was a very characteristic action of the man. One of the 
 most prominent traits revealed in his career is his honesty. 
 After a year of idleness in Louisburg Mr. Goodloe went 
 to Tennessee, hoping to find fortune more favorable there. 
 This was not his first trip to that State. In 1836, just after 
 the failure of The Examiner, he turned to the West. In 
 1836 he volunteered in Maury county, Tennessee, to go to 
 fight the Indians. The forces were intended to fight the 
 Creeks, in Alabama; but before the command to which he 
 belonged could rendezvous at Fayetteville, Tenn., the 
 Creeks had surrendered. The volunteers then agreed to go 
 to Florida, against the Seminoles. They went, serving six 
 months as mounted volunteers. They had several skir- 
 mishes with the Indians. They were at length mustered out 
 of service at New Orleans. For this service Mr. Goodloe 
 now receives a "service pension." On his second trip to 
 Tennessee he found that there was as little of an opening 
 there for a man who was both a printer and a lawyer as he 
 had formerly found for a man who was only a printer. He 
 accordingly decided to go to Washington City. There he 
 arrived, with no money and few friends, January 22, 1844. 
 At length Senator Mangum came to his assistance and se- 
 cured him employment as assistant editor of a daily paper 
 called The Whig Standard, of which Mr. Nathan Sargeant, 
 a journalist of repute, was the editor-in-chief. The Stand- 
 ard was not a financial success, and in a few weeks Mr. Sar- 
 geant withdrew, leaving the entire management to his 
 newly-acquired assistant. During the hotly-waged cam- 
 paign of 1844 Mr. Goodloe had control of the paper, but he 
 was not able to fix it so deeply in the affections of his party 
 that it would supply more than a campaign want. On the 
 defeat of Mr. Clay it suspended. He then edited the George- 
 tozvn Advocate for a short while, and finally took a small 
 school. He at length secured employment of a more per- 
 manent nature when he became assistant editor of the 
 
50 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [310 
 
 National Era, a prominent anti-slavery weekly, published in 
 Washington, and edited by Dr. Gamaliel Bailey. This 
 paper had been founded in 1847 in order to advocate the 
 principles of the Liberty Party. It had, however, says Mr. 
 Goodloe, always remained free from party domination. On 
 account of the illness and subsequent death of Dr. Bailey, 
 Mr. Goodloe became at length the editor-in-chief. He had 
 now reached a position in which he was thoroughly identi- 
 fied with the anti-slavery clause. It is now time that we see 
 how he came to hold such views. 
 
 In August, 1 83 1, there occurred in Northampton county, 
 Virginia, the well-known Nat Turner Rebellion. The whole 
 slaveholding South was highly alarmed. In Virginia the 
 occurrence divided public opinion. Many people thought 
 it proved one of the dangers of slavery and advocated the 
 enactment of such laws as would look toward the gradual 
 extinction of slavery. This proposition was most warmly 
 supported in the western counties of Virginia. In January 
 of the succeeding winter the legislature took up the matter 
 and had a long debate on the question of gradual emanci- 
 pation. The speeches made on this occasion were both ex- 
 haustive and able. Slavery was handled with a great deal 
 more freedom than it met with again in the South until it 
 felt the rough force of Grant's army at Appomattox. The 
 ablest men in the State took part in it, and they were mostly 
 on the side of emancipation. Among this number was one 
 worthy of special mention, viz., Mr. Charles J. Faulkner, 
 now of West Virginia. He was then a young man, and 
 spoke ably and convincingly for freedom. The two leading 
 newspapers of Richmond, the Enquirer and the Whig, or- 
 gans, respectively, of the Democratic and Whig parties, 
 were both for emancipation. Mr. Goodloe was then a jour- 
 neyman printer in Oxford, N. C. These two papers came 
 regularly to the office as exchanges. They were seized and 
 devoured by the boy. In this way the arguments of the 
 anti-slavery side were deeply impressed on his mind. In 
 fact, the statesmen of Virginia who were opposed to eman- 
 
311] Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 51 
 
 cipation did not attempt to defend slavery. They merely 
 maintained that emancipation was impracticable. The 
 planters of the eastern part of the State, where slavery was 
 strongest, had a more effective measure than argument to 
 use against the proposition. They saw that the life of 
 slavery was threatened. They affected to believe that the 
 debates would stir up the slaves to further resistance. They 
 called indignation meetings, in which it was declared that 
 the legislative debates were incendiary. The clamor they 
 raised frightened some of the more timid members of the 
 legislature, with the result that further discussion of the 
 matter was dropped, not, however, before the friends of 
 freedom had in one of the ballots come within one vote of 
 winning the fight. "From that time," writes Mr. Goodloe, 
 "dates the intense hostility in all the South to the idea of 
 emancipation in any form, whether immediate or gradual. 
 From that time the legislation of the Southern States took 
 on a harshness never before practised. Negroes were for- 
 bidden to learn to read, and to teach them to read was pun- 
 ishable by fine and imprisonment. The statutes of every 
 Southern State bear evidence to this effect." 
 
 The Virginia debates were read with interest by many 
 North Carolinians. Some of the State newspapers took the 
 side of emancipation. This was notably true of the Greens- 
 borough Patriot, then edited by William Swaim. Here was 
 a man of strong talents and much ability in writing. He 
 wrote a pamphlet about this time, which was an attack on 
 slavery. Mr. Goodloe says that it would have done credit 
 to any writer. It was reprinted by William Goodell, of 
 New York, but a search in many places has failed to bring 
 it to light. 
 
 While at Louisburg, a lawyer without clients, Mr. Good- 
 loe's mind continued to dwell on the moral and economic 
 evils of slavery. It seemed to him an impossiblity that an 
 institution manifestly founded on an injustice to a whole 
 race could be economically wise or generally salutary. Says 
 he: "The objections to slavery pointed out by Northern 
 i 
 
52 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [312 
 
 writers, that free labor was more efficient, and that a free 
 man would do more work than a slave, failed to satisfy me. 
 I was aware that nothing hindered Southern capitalists and 
 Southern planters from employing free labor. But they 
 gave the preference to slave labor as a matter of conveni- 
 ence and of profit. Slaves, where the institution was toler- 
 ated, were preferred to any other form of property. Lands 
 in all the South had little market value. They rarely in- 
 creased in value after the country became settled and occu- 
 pied. Personal property other than slaves had no salable 
 value, but there was always a market for slaves, either at 
 home in the old States, or in the Southwest." Still it was 
 impossible not to see that the slave States were far behind 
 the free States in general development. Mr. Goodloe 
 thought much over this disparity in the industrial, educa- 
 tional, literary and social progress of the two sections. 
 After much reflection he settled the question to his satisfac- 
 tion. One day in 1841, while driving from Louisburg to 
 the neighboring town of Franklinton, the conclusion came 
 to him "that capital invested in slaves is unproductive, that 
 it only serves to appropriate the wages of the laborer." This 
 he proceeded to illustrate as follows : Two farmers live on 
 opposite sides of the Ohio river, the one in Ohio, the other 
 in Kentucky. Each has 100 acres of equally fertile land, 
 and an equal capital in tools and stock. But the Ken- 
 tuckian must own ten slaves to work his land at an invest- 
 ment cost of $10,000. The two have equal amounts of 
 money invested in land, and they raise equal amounts of 
 produce. Now, when it comes to calculating the net re- 
 turns of the year, the Kentuckian will have to make more 
 money clear in order to receive an income on the capital in- 
 vested in slaves. Hence it takes more capital to conduct 
 farming operations in Kentucky than in Ohio. "It is true," 
 adds Mr. Goodloe, "that the Kentuckian receives a larger 
 proportion of the crop than the Ohio man ; but he receives 
 it as the wages of the ten slaves, who receive nothing. But 
 Kentucky, the community in which the slaveholder resides, 
 
313] Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 53 
 
 is enriched to no greater extent than Ohio, where the farmer 
 must divide profits with the laborer." The same would be 
 true of slaves worked in a factory. "It may be said that he 
 may hire the slaves. No matter ; they still are slaves involv- 
 ing an unnecessary investment of capital. The State in which 
 the factory is situated is the loser of actual capital, whether 
 the employer of the slaves, as hired men, loses or not. The 
 South, when the Civil War came on, held near 4,000,000 of 
 slaves, which they valued at an average of nearly $750 each, 
 and the aggregate value was nearly $3,000,000,000. This 
 abstraction of so vast a sum from active use furnishes an- 
 other explanation of the dearth of commerce, manufactures 
 and all the conveniences of life from the South. The aboli- 
 tion of slavery destroyed no property. It only changed or 
 transferred titles." 
 
 In regard to individual wealth, this view was wrong. If 
 a slave-owner receives wages for slave labor that is a return 
 for slave capital, and to that extent the capital is not unpro- 
 ductive to him. At the same time the value of his slave has 
 another element of gain in the offspring of the slave. In 
 regard to social wealth, Mr. Goodloe's view seems mainly 
 correct, if it be considered from the Northern standpoint. 
 The North said that the slave was a person, a member of 
 society. Consequently his own property was decreased as 
 much as his master's was increased, and the wealth of the 
 community was not affected. The South said, however, 
 that the slave was not a person, not a member of society, 
 but a thing. His property was not decreased by his not 
 owning himself, because he was nothing. His master's 
 property in him was, accordingly, a loss to the property of 
 no member of society. On the contrary, it was a gain to 
 one who was certainly a member of society, and for that 
 reason a gain to society itself. Happily, we are all now 
 agreed that the slave was a person in the eyes of all humane 
 feelings, and that his rights were defeated by his enslave- 
 ment. The theory, then, that capital invested in slaves is 
 unproductive as social wealth is a good theory. The fur- 
 
54 Anii- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [314 
 
 ther view that emancipation destroyed no property needs, 
 however, some modification. Temporarily, emancipation 
 did destroy property. Value depends upon usefulness. 
 One of the conditions of usefulness is efficiency. When one 
 recalls the disorganized condition of labor in the South just 
 after the war, he will see that although the labor forces were 
 outwardly undiminished, they were still not so efficient as 
 they had been, because they lacked sufficient direction. 
 This effect has been temporary. How long it has con- 
 tinued, or will continue, depends upon the negro's acquisi- 
 tion of the habit of working without compulsion, a process 
 in which, it ought to be said, his progress seems satisfac- 
 tory. An opposing force to this fall in the productiveness 
 of negro labor has been an increased productiveness of 
 white labor under conditions of freedom. What is the exact 
 resultant of all these forces it would be interesting to dis- 
 cover. On the whole, it seems in favor of the new regime. 
 Mr. Goodloe's views were embodied in a pamphlet, and 
 when he went to Washington he laid it before Mr. John 
 Quincy Adams at his house, nearly opposite the Ebbitt 
 Hotel. Mr. Adams examined it carefully and praised it 
 highly. He asked the author if he proposed to publish it. 
 The answer was that he was unable to do so. Mr. Adams 
 then suggested a newspaper publication, and said that there 
 was a young man named Greeley, who was publishing an 
 anti-slavery Whig newspaper in New York, but that he, 
 Mr. Adams, was not acquainted with him. On considera- 
 tion he advised that the article be sent to Mr. Charles King, 
 a son of Rufus King, then publishing the New York Amer- 
 ican. This course was followed, and the article appeared 
 in the American at the end of March, 1844. Two years later 
 the author printed 500 copies of the article in pamphlet 
 form. Later in life, while reading Mill's Political Economy, 
 he was struck with the statement that mortgages are no 
 part of natural wealth. Reasoning by analogy, he thought 
 Mill must have his idea of slavery ; but further investigation 
 showed that the arguments used in reference to mortgages 
 
315] Daiiiel Reaves Goodloe. 55 
 
 had not been applied, as might have been done, in refer- 
 ence to slavery. Mr. Goodloe then sent his pamphlet to the 
 distinguished economist and received a letter in reply, in 
 which Mr. Mill said that Mr. Goodloe was clearly right, and 
 that he would embody the idea advanced in the pamphlet 
 in his next edition of the Political Economy, but he did not 
 publish another edition. 
 
 The National Era in its earliest days drew its patronage 
 from the whole country, wherever there was anti-slavery 
 sentiment. It was one of the few papers that were advo- 
 cating that cause. With Mr. Lincoln's election a large 
 number of papers appeared as supporters of anti-slavery 
 principles. Against these papers the Era could not com- 
 pete. Local Abolitionists turned to support their home en- 
 terprises, and the older journal, after having fought the bat- 
 tle through to victory, died as a result of the success of the 
 cause it had advocated. Left out of employment by this 
 collapse, Mr. Goodloe became Washington correspondent 
 of the New York Times, then strongly Republican. On 
 April 16, 1862, President Lincoln signed Senator Wilson's 
 bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. A sum 
 of money not exceeding $1,000,000 was appropriated to pay 
 for the liberated slaves, and it was provided that the average 
 price should not be more than $300 each. To carry out 
 this law a committee consisting of Messrs. D. R. Goodloe, 
 chairman ; Horatio King and, J. M. Broadhead, were ap- 
 pointed to value the slaves and to order payment for the 
 same. The committee sat for nearly nine months, took evi- 
 dence, heard arguments, examined the slaves themselves 
 with the aid of Mr. B. M. CampDell, an expert slave dealer 
 from Baltimore, and awarded such sums under the law as 
 they thought just. In this way 3000 slaves were liberated, 
 at a cost to the government of $900,000, in round numbers. 1 
 
 1 See Ingle: The Negro in the District of Columbia, Johns Hop- 
 kins University Studies, nth Series, pp. 105-8. Some further details 
 have been supplied from Mr. Goodloe's own statement. 
 
56 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [316 
 
 For a year or two after this Mr. Goodloe was engaged in 
 editorial work on the Washington Chronicle. In September, 
 1865, he was appointed United States Marshal in North 
 Carolina. This position he held until the inauguration of 
 President Grant, when he was removed for party reasons. 
 He remained in North Carolina for some years, but finally 
 returned to Washington city, where he occupied himself at 
 first with the compilation of a book, which was later pub- 
 lished under the title of "The Birth of the Republic." He 
 afterwards wrote a history of the reconstruction period, but 
 being unable to print it himself, he sold the manuscript to a 
 prominent politician. That gentleman incorporated it in 
 a book of memoirs, which he was about to issue to cover his 
 experience as a politician, and he used Mr. Goodloe's work 
 without giving him credit. Having purchased the work, 
 he doubtless felt relieved from any obligation to acknowl- 
 edge its connection with another. Later on Mr. Goodloe 
 compiled a synopsis of the debates of Congress from the 
 earliest times to the present day, but the work has not been 
 published. He remained in Washington writing for the 
 newspapers and investigating many features of our national 
 history. In the winter of 1894-5 he published in the Raleigh 
 (N. C.) News and Observer a series of articles on the recon- 
 struction frauds in North Carolina, which is undoubtedly 
 the best thing written on the subject. In the spring of 
 1896 he returned to Raleigh, N. C, where he still resides. 1 
 
 Eli Washington Caruthers. 
 
 Few people, perhaps, who know Dr. Caruthers as an his- 
 torian realize that he wrote a book on slavery. He was, as 
 most of those who know of him will understand, pastor of 
 Presbyterian churches around Greensboro, N. C, for over 
 forty years. He was a man of conviction and was known 
 to be opposed to slavery; but he made no display of his 
 
 1 The facts for the above sketch are derived, unless otherwise 
 stated, from data furnished by Mr. Goodloe himself. 
 
317] Eli Washington Caruthers. 57 
 
 views. Finally, one Sunday morning in July, 1861, at his 
 church at Alamance, he prayed that the young men of his 
 congregation who were in the army "might be blessed of 
 the Lord and returned in safety though engaged in a bad 
 cause." The next day the officials of the church informed 
 him that they needed him no longer. It was probably after 
 this that he wrote his work on "American Slavery and the 
 Immediate Duty of Slaveholders." This book was not 
 published, and until recently few knew of its existence. In 
 February, 1898, it was discovered by Dr. Dred Peacock and 
 placed in the Ethel Carr Peacock Library at Greensboro 
 Female College. 
 
 Two prefaces were written ; one when the manuscript was 
 prepared, and one in 1865, when the author made some 
 changes in it. In the second preface he says : 
 
 "The following work would have been published years 
 ago, but for the last fifteen years its publication or circula- 
 tion would not have been tolerated in any one of the South- 
 ern States. It was written at the request of some valued 
 friends who had expressed the wish to see my views in a 
 more permanent form than the incidental or transient utter- 
 ances of conversation, without any design of ever giving it 
 to the public in its present form." 
 
 Although slavery had then been abolished, it was decided 
 to publish, because the people were thought to be in a better 
 mood to understand and to do justice to anti-slavery argu- 
 ments, and because "we have the authority of the Bible for 
 holding up the calamitous events to the wicked actors in 
 them as warnings." In the first preface is this statement: 
 "There are some hard things in it [the book], and if there 
 were not it could do no good ; for an evil of such an extent, 
 enormity, and long standing cannot be demolished or re- 
 moved by a little smooth talk. The whole truth must be 
 told The language is not abusive, and was cer- 
 tainly not intended to be so ; for neither my dispositon nor 
 my principles allow me to employ harsh and vituperative 
 language." 
 
58 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [318 
 
 Dr. Caruthers was born in Rowan county, N. C, October 
 26, 1793. He graduated from Princeton in 181 7. It was, 
 perhaps, while there that he shaped his views on slaverv. 
 Here he met Mr. G. M. Stroud, author of "The Laws Relat- 
 ing to Slavery." From this work he took many of his facts, 
 and it is possible that Stroud had a certain formative influ- 
 ence on the views of his friend. 
 
 A text was placed at the beginning of the book: "Let 
 my people go that they may serve me" (Exodus, 10: 8). 
 The author stated that he should treat African slavery as 
 "viewed in connection with the covenant of redemption." 
 Plainly, he contended that the negroes should be free so that 
 they might become Christians, and that they could not be- 
 come such in slavery. How he developed this thought is 
 gathered from the following abridgment of the Table of 
 Contents : 
 
 "I. The Claim— My People. 
 
 "1. On creation and preservation. Natural differences 
 among men furnish no justification of slavery. The deep 
 and long continued degradation of the Africans in their own 
 land no reason why they should be enslaved. The alleged 
 antiquity of slavery no justification of the practice. The 
 orderings of Providence furnish no justification of slavery. 
 
 "2. The Lord's Claim on the Africans and all other 
 races and portions of mankind is founded on Redemption. 
 The opinions of learned and good men in favor of slavery 
 is no proof that it is right. Slavery originated in avarice, 
 falsehood, and cruelty. 
 
 "II. The Demand; 'Let my people go' : The Demand 
 enforced by Providence ; Human beings cannot be held as 
 property 
 
 "III. Reason of the demand, 'That they may serve me.' 
 Their powers can never be developed while they are in a 
 condition of slavery. According to the present laws and 
 usages of the land slaves cannot make that entire conse- 
 cration of themselves to the Lord which the Gospel requires 
 and to which the renewed nature prompts them. Under 
 
319] Eli Washington Caruthers. 59 
 
 existing laws and in the present state of society slaves can- 
 not have that equality of rights and privileges which is in 
 the New Testament accorded to all true believers." 
 
 The purpose of the book, as he said, was "to contrast the 
 unjust, unchristian, inhuman laws of the South relating to 
 slavery with the teachings of the Bible and the original 
 instincts of Nature." He was impelled to write the book 
 because he had never seen a treatment of the slavery ques- 
 tion from this standpoint. Whatever other books may have 
 been written on slavery, it is certain that none gave a more 
 positive note of opposition than this. On the separation of 
 families he was very hard. "Many a sad tragedy of broken 
 hearts and ruined homes," said he, "has been the result [of 
 separation]. I have known some instances in which they 
 have been permitted to live on in great harmony and affec- 
 tion to an advanced age ; but such instances, so far as my 
 observations have gone, have been, 'like angels' visits, few 
 and far between.' Generally, in a few years at most, they 
 have been separated — sold off under the hammer like other 
 stock and borne away to a returnless distance." 
 
 It was, however, against the law forbidding slaves to be 
 taught to read and write that he reserved his strongest ana- 
 themas. When this law was passed, he charged, the only 
 argument made for it was that if slaves could read they 
 would read the Declaration of Independence, the speeches 
 in Congress, and the newspapers, and so become acquainted 
 with their rights, discontented with slavery, and less profit- 
 able to their masters. "It seems strange," he continued, 
 "that a Protestant, a Christian people, — nominally such, at 
 least, — are not ashamed to use such an argument." In 
 another place he burst forth : "How dare you by your im- 
 pious enactments doom millions of your fellow-beings to 
 such gross and perpetual ignorance? How dare you say 
 that neither they nor their unborn generations shall ever be 
 taught to read the glorious revelation that God has given 
 and designed for them as much as for you?" Still later, he 
 returns to the subject and says : "When do you think that 
 
60 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [320 
 
 you will have made so much money by their labor that you 
 will be willing to let them go? . . . .If you believe, as 
 you pretend, that the Lord's design in permitting them to 
 be brought here was that they might be converted and pre- 
 pared to carry the Gospel back to Africa, repeal your laws 
 forbidding them to be taught; give them the time, means, 
 and motives necessary to improve them and send them back 
 full handed and well instructed to the land of their fathers." 
 It is doubtful if a stronger or clearer anti-slavery argument 
 was ever made on this continent. 
 
 This is enough about a book that was never printed. Its 
 author was not, strictly speaking, an anti-slavery leader. 
 He did not stand out as a teacher of opposition to slavery. 
 He was not a leader. But he wrote one of the strongest 
 arraignments of slavery in the abstract that ever appeared. 
 His book was a sermon expanded. Along with the manu- 
 script I found a manuscript sermon on the same text (Exo- 
 dus, 10 : 8), showing whence came the book. This book was 
 not given to remove slavery, but to cure the wound made by 
 forcible emancipation. When the South writhed in bitter- 
 ness under its hard fate, it would have been a good thing 
 for its peace of mind if it could have been made to see 
 that the extinction of slavery was for the best. Had Dr. 
 Caruthers lived his attempt in this direction would, no 
 doubt, have been delivered to the public. It would, per- 
 haps, have failed immediately. Ultimately, it would have 
 reached those for whom it was intended. Today most 
 people in the South acquiesce in the conclusion that slavery 
 was an evil. But there are few who understand why it was 
 an evil. No better foundation for the study of present social 
 conditions in the South can be had than a complete sur- 
 vey of the conditions of Southern slavery. For such a sur- 
 vey, Dr. Caruthers' work is of great value. 
 
 Lunsford Lane. 
 
 It is a fit thing that this series of sketches should close 
 with the story of the career of a member of the enslaved race 
 
321] Lunsford Lane. 61 
 
 itself. This story will illustrate many sides of the slavery 
 question in the South. Here is the blight of slavery on 
 white and black, the exceptionable negro, who, by admir- 
 able perseverance and endurance, struggles on to freedom, 
 the mass of thoughtless and unambitious negroes in the 
 background, the touch of human sympathy on the part of 
 the better class of whites, and the maddened roar of the 
 ignorant and infuriated larger class. How truly was this 
 a picture of slavery and its surroundings. 
 
 Lunsford Lane 1 was a slave of Mr. Sherwood Haywood, 
 a prominent citizen of Raleigh, N. C. His master was the 
 owner of two plantations, one in Wake county, near the city 
 of Raleigh, the other in Edgecomb county. Lunsford was 
 born in the early part of the century, and grew to manhood 
 before the beginning of the severer attitude toward the 
 slaves which came after the Northampton insurrection of 
 183 1. His parents, of pure African descent, had been kept 
 
 1 This sketch is based on the "Memoir of Lunsford Lane," by 
 Rev. Wm. G. Hawkins (Boston, 1863). The narrative is not free 
 from the extravagances of a zealous Abolitionist. In places conver- 
 sations have been reproduced with a freedom worthy of the Greek 
 historians, and at times the author has allowed his imagination to 
 portray surroundings which are characteristically Southern, but which 
 in this case did not exist. As for the main facts of the narrative, I 
 have no reason to reject them. Information about the case is hard to 
 obtain in Raleigh, but from an old resident I obtained a corroboration 
 ol the account of the mobbing of Lane as herein given. Still I have 
 not found any mention of the occurence in the Raleigh papers of 
 thai-day. One of these papers was edited by Thomas Loring who 
 was the Mayor before whom Lunsford was tried, yet it is silent. 
 It is likely that the matter was not published for fear of the effect 
 it would have when copied in Northern papers. 
 
 A letter from Mr. Hawkins says that the facts were obtained from 
 Lunstord himself, and that on a visit to Raleigh after the war the 
 "material facts outlined in the story " were confirmed by a number of 
 colored people who had known, or were related to, Lunsford Lane. 
 Mr. Hawkins closes thus : " He [Lane] impressed me as being a 
 man of uncommon natural intelligence and truthfulness, and I have 
 no doubt that the account of his life which I have given is sub- 
 stantially true." J. S. B. 
 
62 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [322 
 
 in the town for family service, and thus their offspring had 
 opportunities beyond the other negroes. Lunsford early 
 learned to read and write, a privilege that would not legally 
 have been allowed him a few years later. Many men of 
 political prominence visited at his master's house, and from 
 waiting on these he acquired much general information. He 
 also learned a great deal from the speeches of great poli- 
 ticians. He heard speeches from Calhoun, Preston, of 
 South Carolina, Badger, Mangum, and many others of less 
 note. He waited on La Fayette when he passed through 
 Raleigh in 1824, and was greatly impressed by the distin- 
 guished Frenchman's devotion to liberty. Once he heard 
 Dr. McPheeters, the Presbyterian minister in Raleigh, say : 
 "It is impossible to enslave an intelligent people." This 
 made an impression which he never forgot. His desire to 
 gain his freedom grew daily, and all the spare money that he 
 received as fees from his master's guests was put away 
 toward that end. 
 
 In the hope of acquiring liberty there was not a little en- 
 couragement for him in the life of the negroes of the town. 
 At that time a strict surveillance had not been established 
 over the religious and social meetings of slaves. They ac- 
 cordingly often in their chance meetings discussed means 
 of improving their condition. The natural inclination of 
 the negro to speech-making helped in this process. The 
 following illustration of this faculty will be of value here. 
 The colored boys of the town had a custom of assembling 
 every Sunday afternoon at a certain mineral spring in 
 the suburbs of the place and discussing, in imitation of the 
 whites, the issues of the day. Some of them, especially the 
 slaves of prominent men, could repeat with great exactness 
 speeches that they had heard during the week. The whites 
 were often present at these meetings, and the master of a 
 bright slave boy would feel a pride in the prowess of his 
 negro and encourage him to improve. At last, however, 
 they came to see that the effect of this was to turn the minds 
 of the slaves toward freedom, and they forbade the meetings. 
 In such conditions the boy Lunsford found himself placed. 
 
323] Lunsford Lane. 63 
 
 His early savings for the purpose of buying his freedom 
 had reached a considerable sum by the time the boy became 
 a man. A part of this he lost through bad investments, 
 and the balance he was forced to spend on his wife. As 
 soon as he was grown he had married a slave of Mr. Wil- 
 liam Boylan, a most excellent citizen of Raleigh. Shortly 
 afterwards Mr. Boylan had to sell this woman, but he gave 
 her the privilege of selecting for her new master anyone 
 who would buy her. Lunsford was a Baptist and his wife 
 a Methodist. True to the instinct of the race, she decided 
 the matter according to church affiliations. His wife con- 
 cluded that she would be better off if she were owned by a 
 member of her own church, and he prevailed upon Mr. Ben- 
 jamin B. Smith, a wealthy Methodist, to purchase her and 
 her two children, the price paid being $560. Lunsford 
 charged that Mr. Smith neglected to feed and clothe the 
 woman properly, knowing that her husband, who was 
 known to have some money, would not let her suffer. In 
 this way he exhausted the balance of his early savings. 
 
 Lunsford had been taught by his father the secret of mak- 
 ing a superior kind of smoking tobacco, and this the father 
 and son now began to manufacture for the market. To 
 have free opportunity for this he hired his time, paying for 
 it from $100 to $120 a year. It was some time near this 
 date that his master died. Mr. Haywood had been an in- 
 dulgent master. He had assured Lunsford that he should 
 be allowed to buy himself. Lunsford now found himself 
 the property of his former master's widow, and he feared 
 that she would not be willing to fulfill the promise. He 
 says, however, that she valued the good opinion of her 
 neighbors, and that they would expect the fulfilment of Mr. 
 Haywood's promise.. Stifling his doubts, he worked all die 
 harder. The demand for his tobacco was growing. He 
 enlarged his plant and made arrangements to sell the pro- 
 duct in the neighboring towns of Fayetteville, Salisbury and 
 Chapel Hill. At the end of about eight years he had saved 
 
64 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [324 
 
 $1000. With much anxiety he approached his mistress to 
 propose the purchase of his liberty. Of this negotiation he 
 says : "I casually asked her price, provided I should desire 
 my freedom. She said she would be satisfied with $1000. I 
 then very frankly told her I greatly desired my free- 
 dom, and asked if she was ready to execute the deed, 
 provided I could find some person whom I could 
 trust by whom the purchase in my behalf could be 
 made." A slave, it should be said, had no standing in law, 
 and could not make a contract. Lunsford, therefore, had 
 to get some trusted white man to buy and then emancipate 
 him. He decided to entrust the affair to Mr. Smith, his 
 wife's master. That gentleman, after making the purchase, 
 applied to the courts for leave to emancipate Lane. Now 
 by law slaves could be freed for meritorious services only. 
 No such services could be shown in this case, and the appli- 
 cation was refused. Mr. Smith, who was a merchant, then 
 proposed that Lane should accompany him. on his next trip 
 to the North and have the freedom papers issued there. 
 This was agreed to, and a year later the emancipation papers 
 oi Lunsford Lane were recorded in New York city. 
 
 Lunsford was, like most negroes, religious by nature. 
 He says that attendance on church services was a means of 
 much instruction for him. He got the written permission 
 of his mistress to join the Baptist Church. Every Sunday 
 there was one sermon for the slaves preached by a white 
 parson — a law of 1831 forbade any slave or free negro to 
 preach to slaves. These sermons, he says, were usually on 
 the duty of the slaves to obey their masters. The texts were 
 usually like these : "Servants, be obedient to them that 
 are your masters," and "not with eye-service, as men 
 pleasers." One kind-hearted preacher, whom all the 
 slaves liked, became very unpopular when he preached a 
 sermon in which he argued that God had predestined the 
 negroes to be slaves. Lunsford found a friend in Dr. 
 Heath, a Presbyterian minister, who afterwards became a 
 popular temperance lecturer. He was a Virginian, and be- 
 
325] Lunsford JLa?ie. 65 
 
 fore coming- to Raleigh had liberated a large number of 
 slaves, and through the Colonization Society had sent them 
 to Africa. His views of slavery were liberal, and he helped 
 Lunsford in many ways. 
 
 The business sense of Lane now began to expand his lines 
 of labor. Although he kept to the manufacture of tobacco, 
 he added the making of pipes, and began to sell almost 
 everything kept in an ordinary village store. He also 
 opened a wood yard, and bought horses and wagons for use 
 in connection with it. He was patronized by whites as well , 
 as by blacks. In 1839 ne bought a house and lot, for which 
 he paid $500. It had long been his object to buy his wife 
 and children, the latter of whom now numbered six. Mr. 
 Smith offered to sell them for $3000. This was thought to 
 be too much, and after negotiating it was reduced to $2500, 
 at which sum the purchase was effected. He gave Mr. 
 Smith five notes for $500 each, and received in return that 
 gentleman's obligation that when the notes were paid he 
 would sign a bill of sale for the slaves. It is impossible not 
 to notice here the rapid appreciation in the value of slave 
 property. This woman and two of her children had been 
 bought not more than eight years earlier for $560, and were 
 now sold at an advance of $1940, and in the meantime the 
 master had had her services. It was a happy day for the 
 former slave when he brought his wife and children out 
 from the house of bondage and gathered them around his 
 own fireside with good hope of seeing them soon as free as 
 himself. His achievement had been wonderful, and is an 
 indication of what a policy of gradual emancipation might 
 have done in developing his race, could circumstances have 
 been so shaped that it might have been entered upon. He 
 had paid $1000 for his freedom. He had paid another $1000 
 in yearly wages while he was hiring his time, had supported 
 himself and helped to support his family in the meantime, 
 had paid $500 for his home, and had a good business in his 
 own name. 
 
66 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [326 
 
 All this prosperity was beginning to attract the notice of 
 the whites. Several other negroes in the place were making 
 progress in the same way. Some of the whites thought this 
 was likely to have a bad effect on the slaves generally. Fear- 
 ing something like this, Lunsford had been careful, as he 
 said, not to intrude his intelligence, but to seem to know 
 less than he did know. He dressed as poorly and fared as 
 simply as if he were still a slave. He also said that he was 
 careful never to do anything which looked like leadership of 
 the other negroes, that he had done nothing disorderly, and 
 that he had never plotted to free the slaves. The good 
 opinion in which he was held by some of the best men in 
 the place is evidence that this is true. On the evidence of 
 his biographer none of these things were alleged against 
 him. Everything indicates that he devoted himself quietly 
 to the one object of purchasing his family. Certainly with 
 that object in view it would have been a most unwise thing 
 to appear to be an agitator. Throughout the administra- 
 tion of Governor Dudley, and through part of that of Gov- 
 ernor Morehead, he was janitor and messenger in the office 
 of the Governor's private secretary. Both the Governor 
 and the private secretary testified to his great efficiency and 
 integrity. To one class of whites, however, his presence 
 and his success were becoming exceedingly objectionable. 
 These were the younger and more adventurous members of 
 the community. They were in most cases the poorer 
 classes, although some reckless sons of the leading families 
 acted with them. They inherited one effect of the system 
 of slavery in the ignorance that all this class shared for 
 lack of common schools. With untaught minds their pas- 
 sions were often the impulse of action, and such seems to 
 have been the condition now. They were unable to see far 
 enough to understand that an industrious and progressive 
 negro like Lane would be an advantage to the negro race, 
 making them more conservative and restraining the ten- 
 dency to excesses. They became alarmed, and soon con- 
 vinced themselves that it would be a great calamity if every 
 
327] Lunsford Lane. 67 
 
 negro could buy himself and his family at the good round 
 prices that Lane had paid. They determined to run him out 
 of the community. Inasmuch as he had been freed in New 
 York, they concluded that he came within the provision of 
 a statute which forbade free negroes from other States from 
 coming into North Carolina to live. Free negroes violating 
 this act and not removing out of the State within twenty 
 days after notice of it had been served on them were liable to 
 a fine of $500, in default of which they should be sold for ten 
 years. About the first of November, 1840, Lane received 
 notification from two justices of the peace as follows : "Un- 
 less you leave and remove out of this State within twenty 
 days you will be proceeded against for the penalty pre- 
 scribed by the said Act of Assembly, and be otherwise dealt 
 with as the law directs." 
 
 There seems to have been no question that under the law 
 Lane was indictable. He, for his part, appealed to his white 
 friends. He went to see Mr. C. C. Battle, private secretary 
 to Governor Dudley, who took up the matter with energy. 
 Mr. Battle wrote to the attorney on the opposite side, men- 
 tioning the services of Lane, especially during the session of 
 the Legislature, which was then about to begin, and asking 
 that the prosecution might be suspended until January 1. 
 No objection was made to this, and the matter was dropped 
 for the time. The object was to stay proceedings until the 
 Legislature met, and then to get a private law allowing the 
 defendant to stay in the State until he had finished paying 
 for his family, he agreeing to leave when that was accom- 
 plished. On the day the Legislature convened he was again 
 summoned to appear before the same magistrates and show 
 cause why he should not be punished for remaining in the 
 city twenty days after notice had been given. He easily 
 gave bail to appear at court thirty days later. At the meet- 
 ing of the court the prosecution was not ready for trial, and 
 the case was postponed until the next court, three months 
 later. He thus gained four months. In the meantime his 
 petition was before the Legislature. The other free negroes 
 
 5 
 
68 Anti- Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [328 
 
 in the town who were buying their families had received 
 notices similar to that of Lunsford, and they, too, had peti- 
 tioned the Legislature. The petitions were referred to a 
 committee, which brought in a bill favorable to the negroes. 
 The fate of this bill was a matter of great concern to Luns- 
 ford. No negro was allowed to enter the chambers of the 
 two houses when the Assembly was in session. He found 
 out the committee to whom the matter was referred, and 
 then patiently traced it through its several stages until the 
 day on which it was set for final decision. He waited anx- 
 iously around the Statehouse, he interviewed the members 
 as he could approach them, and he awaited the result with 
 great concern. Finally a member came out and said : 
 "Well, Lunsford, the negro bill is killed." It was a severe 
 blow to the poor man. To us, who view the matter after 
 passions have cooled and the false theories of slavery are 
 gone, it seems certainly to have been the doing of a great 
 cruelty. It is to the great credit of Lunsford Lane an£l the 
 other men who were in the same position that they bowed 
 quietly and without open complaint to the decision. Slavery 
 demanded, above all things, the certainty of its own perpetu- 
 ation. Before that, all else — sympathy, confidence, gener- 
 ous sentiments, industrial skill, and public intelligence — 
 must go down. It accordingly developed a hundred eyes 
 with which to discover, and a hundred hands with which to 
 stop, any movement of the slave that looked toward his 
 freedom. 
 
 Nothing was now left for Lunsford but to make his prepa- 
 rations for leaving, and for leaving without his family. He 
 thought of some friends he had made in the North when he 
 had gone there to be liberated. Thither he now turned his 
 steps. When he reached Washington City he called on Mr. 
 Joseph Gales, formerly the editor of the Raleigh Register, 
 but then living in Washington with his son, who was one of 
 the editors of the National Intelligencer. Mr. Gales received 
 him kindly, and undertook to help him on his journey. He 
 gave him some recommendations, and warned him that he 
 
329] Lunsford Lane. 69 
 
 might have trouble in getting through Baltimore, since the 
 railroad station in that place was being watched closely to 
 stop runaway slaves from the South. As it turned out he 
 did have some difficulty in Baltimore, though not exactly 
 the same kind that he had been warned against. He came 
 near falling victim to what seems to have been a plot to kid- 
 nap and sell him into the far South from whose depths, if he 
 ever reached there, his voice would probably never have 
 been able to make itself heard by his friends. Shortly after 
 he had reached the city he and a traveling companion were 
 arrested, at the instance of a negro trader named Slatter, of 
 rather unfavorable reputation, on the charge of being run- 
 away slaves from the South. The case was tried before a 
 magistrate named Shane, whom the negro friends of Luns- 
 ford considered an accomplice of Slatter. Regardless of 
 the fact that the two men had their freedom papers properly 
 signed, the justice was about to give judgment against them, 
 when a Mr. Walsh, a rising young lawyer of the city, who was 
 gaining some note as being on the side of the slaves, rose 
 and made so strong an argument in favor of the men that 
 the magistrate was constrained to release them. Lane then 
 proceeded to Philadelphia, where he found friends, who, in 
 turn, sent him on to other friends in New York. Here it 
 was agreed that he should be given countenance in going 
 through the North to make appeals for funds to liberate 
 his family. Returning at once to the South, he settled his 
 affairs preparatory to his departure. He had already paid 
 Mr. Smith $560 on his indebtedness, and he had received 
 one boy, whom he took North and left with friends. Mr. 
 Smith now agreed to accept the house and lot in Raleigh 
 for $500, provided, the balance of $1440 should be paid 
 in cash. It was arranged that the case then pending against 
 him should be dropped, he paying the cost and leaving the 
 State. With these things done, he left for the North just 
 as the court to which he was bound over was convening. 
 
 His hopes of assistance were not in vain. By lecturing in 
 many places, chiefly in New England, presenting the simple 
 
70 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [330 
 
 facts of his experience, he was able to collect in about one 
 year the amount he wanted to raise. Early in 1842 he wrote 
 to Mr. Smith, asking him to get the Governor to give him a 
 written permission to come back to Raleigh to get his 
 family. The Governor replied that he had no authority to 
 grant such a privilege, but that he thought it would be per- 
 fectly safe for Lane to come to Raleigh, provided he stayed 
 no longer than twenty days. This seems to have been good 
 law under the statute. On Saturday, April 23, 1842, the 
 ex-slave arrived in Raleigh. He remained quietly with his 
 family during Sunday, and Monday morning went to the 
 store of Mr. Smith to have a settlement, hoping to be off 
 as soon as possible. Before he could transact his business 
 he was arrested and taken before the Mayor on the charge 
 of "delivering abolition lectures in the State of Massachu- 
 setts." When asked to plead he said he did not know 
 whether he was guilty or not. He recounted his early life 
 in Raleigh, and recalled the story of his struggles, his perse- 
 cution, and his expulsion. This story, he said, he had been 
 telling in Massachusetts. He had told it privately, in 
 churches, or wherever he could get a hearing. He had 
 asked help in rescuing his family. The people had re- 
 sponded to his appeals. He had never asked a contributor 
 whether he was an Abolitionist or not ; but it was likely that 
 he had received some money from that source. He closed 
 by reminding them that he would not come back until the 
 Governor had said that he thought it would not be a viola- 
 tion of the law. The Mayor then called for further evi- 
 dence. None was offered, and the case was dismissed. 
 This course by the Mayor was eminently proper. The ac- 
 tion which Lane had no doubt committed would have had 
 the effect of exciting the slaves if it had been committed in 
 the South ; but it was not in the State, and accordingly en- 
 tirely without the jurisdiction of North Carolina courts ; 
 besides, the evidence against him was absolutely nothing. 
 Nothing but the blindest feeling could have brought such 
 a charge. 
 
331] Lunsford Lane. 71 
 
 After the trial, Lunsford was about to leave the court- 
 room, when he was warned that he would be killed in five 
 minutes if he went into the crowd that was collected in front 
 of the door. The Mayor tried to pacify the crowd, but was 
 unsuccessful. He advised Lane to leave the town the next 
 day. Lane said he was willing to go at once, and would 
 trust Mr. Loring, the Mayor, to take his money, settle with 
 Mr. Smith and send on the liberated wife and children to 
 Philadelphia. This was agreed upon, and Lane succeeded 
 in reaching the station as the train was about to leave. The 
 crowd, however, followed him, surrounded the train and 
 declared that it should not leave with the object of their 
 wrath on board. The Mayor was present and appealed to 
 the mob, but in vain. They demanded that the negro's 
 trunk should be searched for abolition literature. While 
 they turned their attention to this task, Lane's friends were 
 glad to hurry him off to the safety of the jail. This moment 
 is described by Lunsford himself. He says: "Looking 
 from my prison window I could see my trunk in the hands 
 of officers Scott, Johnston and others, who were taking it 
 to the City Hall for examination. I learned afterwards that 
 they broke open my trunk, and as the lid flew up the mob 
 cried out, 'a paper, a paper.' A number seized it at once, 
 as hungry as hounds after a passing fugitive in the Southern 
 swamps. They set up a yell of wild delight, and one young 
 man of profligate character, a son of one of the most re- 
 spectable families in the place, glanced upward toward my 
 prison window and by signs and words expressed his grati- 
 fication." The sheet, however, proved to be a local publi- 
 cation and entirely inoffensive. After the trunk was fully 
 examined the carpet bag was searched. In neither could 
 the crowd find anything that was criminating, and they were 
 temporarily quieted. 
 
 Lane was advised to stay in the jail until night, and then 
 go to the home of Mr. William Boylan, who was so highly 
 esteemed in the community that his house, it was thought, 
 would be a safe asylum. To this he assented. Between 
 
72 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [332 
 
 nine and ten o'clock at night he left the jail ; but he had gone 
 only a few yards when he was seized by a large number of 
 people and rudely drawn away to an "old pine field," where 
 the gallows stood, it being then a permanent institution in 
 Raleigh. He thought they intended to hang him. At 
 length they stopped. They began to question him about 
 his abolition lectures. Finally a bucket and a feather pil- 
 low were brought. "A flood of light and even joy sprang 
 up within me," says he. It was to be tar and feathers. A 
 journeyman printer put on the first daub of tar. When the 
 dressing had been applied in regular style, he was given his 
 watch and his clothes and allowed to go his way. He went 
 to his home. Some of his persecutors went with him. 
 They had given an outlet to their passions in the great rough 
 joke they had just played, and now they were in a good 
 humor again. They laughingly watched him remove the 
 tar and feathers, and told him that so far as they were con- 
 cerned, he might stay in town as long as he chose. 
 
 In the meantime his friends had become alarmed, and 
 had appealed to the Governor for protection. A detail of 
 soldiers was accordingly furnished, which guarded him at 
 Mr. Smith's house all night. Next morning he settled his 
 business matters and made ready to start with his family for 
 Philadelphia. His old friends now showed him the greatest 
 kindness. One gave him food enough to last on his jour- 
 ney, and another sent a carriage to take him and his family 
 to the station. He went to say farewell to his former mis- 
 tress, Mrs. Haywood, who was then very old. She was 
 much grieved at what had happened, and ended by giving 
 him his aged mother to take with him. She added that he 
 might pay her $200 for the old woman if he ever felt him- 
 self able, and if not the loss should be her own. A great 
 crowd had assembled to see the family off. Most of the 
 mob of the day before were there, and appeared to be hos- 
 tile still. Mr. Boylan had arranged with the conductor of the 
 train to stop on the edge of the town and take up Lane, who 
 was to wait there while his wife and children got on at the 
 
333] Lunsford Lane. 73 
 
 station. The mob, not finding the object of their hatred, 
 concluded that he would not leave on that day, and allowed 
 the train to go. When Lunsford did get on he found one of 
 them a passenger on the train. The rioter of the day before 
 was very angry at the escape of his victim, and ran out as 
 the train stopped at the stations, trying to excite the by- 
 standers to go in and drag out the escaping Abolitionist. 
 These attempts were unsuccessful, and in due time the fugi- 
 tives arrived in Philadelphia. 
 
 Of Lunsford Lane's residence in the North but little need 
 be said here. After a short stay in Philadelphia he went to 
 New York, and from there he went to the annual May meet- 
 ing of the Anti-Slavery Society. Later he settled in Bos- 
 ton. For some time he was engaged as a lecturer for the 
 anti-slavery cause in New England. In this work he was 
 said to have been very successful. On account of the severe 
 climate of Boston, where he had lost three of his children, 
 he at length removed to Oberlin, Ohio. Here another child 
 died, and he lost through bad investments in real estate most 
 of the money that he had been able to save. On the occur- 
 rence of the notable Oberlin Rescue Case he returned to 
 Boston. Early in life he had learned something of the 
 medicinal value of the ordinary herbs in the fields of the 
 South. Relying on such knowledge, he began the manu- 
 facture of a medicine which he called ''Dr. Lane's Vegetable 
 Pills." In the sale of this he had some success. Later he 
 removed to Worcester, and there remained for some time. 
 He continued to be active in the anti-slavery cause until 
 the war. When or where he died it has been impossible 
 to learn. 
 
 The fact that he rose from slavery to freedom, and to some 
 note as a lecturer, against the most discouraging opposition, 
 is evidence that Lunsford Lane was a remarkable man. He 
 w r as a true son of toil. He was patient, and when he was re- 
 viled, reviled not again. His biographer has given too little 
 of a picture of his character. The annals of his native State, 
 even when he was thought worthy of being mobbed, have 
 
74 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [334 
 
 dropped his name. The little glimpse that we have of his 
 real self shows what a promise of hope he was for the race 
 he represented. We know enough to be certain that it was 
 a most short-sighted policy in his State that drove him and 
 a number of others out of the community, and made impos- 
 sible the development of other negroes like unto him. Since 
 the war we have sadly missed such strong characters in our 
 negro population. Twenty-five years before the war there 
 were more industrious, ambitious and capable negroes in 
 the South than there were in 1865. Had the severe laws 
 against emancipation and free negroes not been passed, the 
 coming of freedom would have found the colored race with 
 a number of superior individuals who in every locality would 
 have been a core of conservatism for the benefit of both 
 races. Under such conditions Lane would have been of 
 great beneficent influence. This thought was impressed on 
 the writer in a striking way during the past autumn. He 
 was attending a fair of the negro race in a North Carolina 
 city. Going the rounds of the exhibit of live-stock his at- 
 tention was attracted by a placard which read: "Horses 
 Owned and Exhibited by Lunsford Lane." Approaching 
 a respectable-looking negro farmer, he said : "Who is 
 Lunsford Lane?" "I am, sir," was the reply. "What kin 
 are you to the original Lunsford Lane?" "Don't exactly 
 know, sir; reckon he was my uncle." "What became of 
 him?" said the writer, thinking to draw the colored man 
 out. "Think he must 'a' emigrated," came the answer. 
 Here was thrift enough to become the owner of a pair of 
 very good farm horses, but not enough of intelligence to 
 remember the fate of the most remarkable member of the 
 man's family, who was still alive thirty years ago. How 
 much did that family lose in the emigration of Lunsford 
 Lane! 
 
 Note: — On page 12 the publisher of "The Land of Gold" is 
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 latest possible moment before going to press, has this in print: "Bal- 
 timore : Published for the Author, by Henry Taylor, Sun Iron Build- 
 ing, 1855." At this late moment I am unable to reconcile these two 
 statements. J. S. B. 
 
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