THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL VAN LENNEP — CAMERON COLLECTION FLOWERS OF ANCIENT HISTORY; COMPREHENDING, ON A NEW PLAN, ♦ THE MOST REMARKABLE AND INTERESTING EVENTS, AS WELL AS CHARACTERS, OF ANTIQUITY. DESIGNED FOR THE IMPROVEMENT AND ENTERTAINMENT OF YOUTH. BY THE REV. JOHN ADAMS, A.M. <•* > Omnc tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci....Hofe. ♦ BALTIMORE: PRINTED FOR THE BOOKSELLERS, By Pomeroy & Toy. i8ir. €HAP. PAGE, 1 . Of the Creation, the Deluge, and the sons of Noah, - - - - 13 2 . Of Nimrod, Ashur, and Abraham, - 14 3. Of Nineveh and Babylon, - - 15 4. Of the Walls of Babylon, - - 16 5. Of the Quays and Bridges, - - 18 6 . Of the Palaces and Hanging Gardens, 19 7. Of the Temple of Belus, - -» 21 8 . Semiramis’ Indian Expedition, - - 23 9. Of Egypt, and the Nile, 25 10 . Of the ancient method of conveying the Wa¬ ter through the country, with an account of the Lake of Maeris, - - 26 11 . Of the Manners of the Egyptians, - 28 12 . Of their Trial of the Dead, — - 29 13. Of the Egyptian Mummies, 30 14. Of the Pyramids of Egypt, - 31 15. Of the Progress of Writing, by pictures, hi¬ eroglyphics, or symbols, - - 32 16. Ot the Trojans, 35 17. Of the Seduction of Helen by Paris, - 37 18. Of the Expedition against Troy, - 38 IV CONTENTS. * 0 > ■/ » % CHAP. PAGE. V~ % ' 19. Of the Siege of Trdy, - - r 39 20 . Of the Wooden HofSe, - - , 41 21 . Of the Consequences of the Trojan War, 42 22 . Of Homer, - - - - 43 23. - Of Thales, Heraclitus, Democritus, and Si¬ monides, - - - 45 24. Of the Republic of Sparta, - - 47 25. Laws of Lycurgus respecting Property,pub¬ lic Tables, and superficial Arts, - 50 26. Laws respecting Money and Commerce, 52 27. Of the Education of the Spartan Youth, 53 28. Of Lycurgus’ Scheme for perpetuating his Laws, and of his Death, - - 55 29. Of Cyrus the Great, 57 30. Babylon taken by Cyrus, in the year before Christ 538, 59 31. Of the miraculous circumstances which atten¬ ded the licentious festival of Belshazzar, 61 32. Cyrus’ edict for the return of the Jews, 63 33. Of the Battle of Marathon, - 64 34. Of the injustice of the xYthenians to Milti- ades, 67 35 . Of the Invasion of Greece by Xerxes, - 69 36 . Of Themistocles, and the Battle of Thermo¬ pylae, - - - * - 70 37. Of the Battles of Salamis, Platea, and My- cale, and the final expulsion of the Per¬ sians from Greece, - 73 38. Of the Battle of Cheronee, by which Philip of Macedon made himself master of Greece, 76 CONTENTS, V CHAT. ' - PAGE. 39. Of Demosthenes’ influence over the Atheni¬ ans, 79 40. Anecdotes of King Philip, - 83 41. Character of Philip, - 85 42. Of Alexander the Great, - 87 43. Alexander defeats the Barbarians, and de¬ stroys Thebes, 90 44. Alexander causes himself to be declared Generalissimo of the Greeks against the Persians, - - - 92 45. Alexander defeats the Persians at the Gra- nicus, 94 46. Alexander defeats Darius at the Issus, - 97 47. Of Alexander’s treatment to Darius’family, 104 48. A Sidonian Anecdote, - * -106 49. Of the siege and taking of Tyre, - 108 50. Alexander visits Jerusalem, and afterwards enters Egypt, - , - 109 51. Of Darius’ olfers to Alex^hder, the Battle of Arbela, and the death of Darius, - 110 52 . Of Alexander’s degeneracy and death, 11$ 53. Character of Alexander, - 116 54. Of the Olympic Games, - - 118 55. Of Running, and Horse-races, - - 120 56. Of Chariot-races, - 122 57. Of the Gymnastic Exercises, - - 124 58. Of the Discus, - 125 59. Of the Poetical and Historical Compositions read at the Olympic Games, - 126 60. Of Milo the Crotonian, - - 127 VI CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE. 61. Of Theatrical Representations, - - 128 62 . Of Music and Dancing, - * 1£9 63. Of Pindar, - - - - 130 64. Of iEschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and A- ristophanes, - 131 65. Of Herodotus and Thucydides, - - 133 66 . Of Xenophon, ... 134 67. Of Plutarch, - 136 68 . Of Socrates, - ~ H. 69. Of Plato, - - - • • - 143 70. Of Aristotle, - 144 71. Of Demosthenes, - 146 72. Of Antisthenes and Diogenes, - 149 73. Of Zeno, and the Stoics, - - 150 74. Of Pythagoras, - - - 152 75. Of Archimedes, - - - 154 76. Of iEneas, - 156 77. Of Romulus, - 157 78. Of the successors of Romulus, - 159 79. Of the Consular Government, - - 160 80. Of Carthage and the first Punic War, 161 81. Of Regulus, - 163 82. Of Hannibal, and the second Punic War, 165 83. Of the fate of Scipio and Hannibal, - 169 84. Of the third Punic War, and the destruc¬ tion of Carthage, - - - 172 85. Of the success of the Roman arms, and of Mithridates, r - - 176 86 . Of Catiline’s Conspiracy, - - 178 87. Of Julius Caesar, and the first Grand Tri¬ umvirate, - 183 CONTENTS# Vll CHAP- PAGE. 88. Of the Battle of Pharsalia, and the death of Poinpey, - - - ‘188 89. Of Ceesar’s expedition into Egypt, and his attachment to Cleopatra, - 192 90. Of the death of Cato,. - - 198 91. Of Csesar’s success, his triumphs, and his death, - - - 196 92. Of Antony’s Oration, and its effects, # 199 93. Of the second Triumvirate, - - 203 94. Of Cicero’s death, - 204 95. Of the death of Brutus and Cassius, 205 96. Of Antony and Cleopatra, - - 206 97. Of the Battle of Actium, and the death of Antony, - - - 211 98. Of the death of Cleopatra, - - 217 99. Octavius Caesar assumes the title of Augus¬ tus the Emperor, - 221 100. Of the Arts and Sciences, and learned men ' among the Romans, - - 223 101. Of the manners and principal occupations of the ancient Romans, - - 225 102. Of the Roman meals, and their behavior at table, - 227 103. Of the head-dresses of the Roman ladies, 229 104. Of the favorite colors of Cloths, - 231 105. Of the Roman Calendar, - * 232 106. Of the invention of Water Clocks, - ib> 107. Of the Roman Money, - - 234 108. Of the eloquence and the origin of the pro¬ fession of Advocates among the Romans, 235 CONTENTS* • * « VIII CHAP. - PAGK, 109. Of Pearls, Diamonds, Rings, and Seals, 238 110. Of the Houses of the Romans, - 240 111. Of the Roman Baths, ... 242 112. Of the Couches, or Beds, used at the Ro¬ man tables, - - - 246 113. Of the Roman Entertainments, - - 24£> 114. Of Games of Chance, and Lotteries, 250 115. Of the introduction of the common use of wine among the Romans, - - 251 116. Of the Supper given to Cicero and Pompey by Lucullus ? ... 353 117. Of Marriage, and the privileges of married persons, among the Romans, - - 254 118. Comparison of Cicero and Demosthenes, 260 119. Comparison ol Virgil and Homer, 268 _20. Of Horace, and his merit as a Lyric Poet, 271 121. Comparison between Horace arid Juvenal, 278 122. Of Pastoral Poetry, and a comparison be¬ tween Virgil and Theocritus, - 281 123. Of Seneca, - 285 FLOWERS OF ANCIENT HISTORY. *• ' - ' 7 \ f CHAP. I. Of the Creation , the Deluge , and the Sons of Noah. .‘I THE great event of the creation of the world, before which there was neither matter nor form of any thing, is placed, according to the best chronoiogers, about 4004 years before Christ. It appears in general, from the first chapters of Genesis, that the world before the flood, was exceedingly populous; that mankind had made considerable improvements in the arts, and were becoming extremely vicious, both in their sentiments and manners. Their wickedness gave occasion to a memorable catastrophe, by which the whole human race, except Noah and his family, were swept from off the face of the earth. The deluge took place in the year of the world 1656, and produced a very considera¬ ble change on the soil and atmosphere of this globe, and gave them a form less friendly to B 14 BLOWERS OE the frame anil texture of the human body. Hence the abridgment of the life of man, and the formidable train of diseases which have ever since made such havoc in the world. A curious part of history follows that of the deluge; the re-peopling the world, and the. rai¬ sing of a new generation from the ruins of the former. The memory of the three sons of No- ah, the first founders of nations, was long pre¬ served among their several descendants. Japhet continued famous among the western nations, under the celebrated name of Japetus. The He¬ brews paid an equal veneration to Shem, who was the founder of their race; and among the Egyptians Ham was long revered as a divinity, under the name of Jupiter Mammon. CHAP. II. Of Nimrod, Jlssur , and Mraham. IT appears that It unting wes the principal occupation for some centuries after the deluge. The world teemed with wild beasts; and the great heroism of those times consisted in des¬ troying them. Hence Nimrod acquired immor¬ tal renown; and by the admiration which his courage and dexterity universally excited, was enabled to acquire an authority over his fellow- creatures, and to found at Babylon, the first monarchy, whose origin is particularly men¬ tioned in history, in the year of the world 2247. Not long after, the foundation of Nineveh SBC ANCIENT HISTORY. 15 was laid by Assur. In Egypt, tlie four gov¬ ernments of Thehis, Theri, Memphis, and Ta- nis, began to assume some appearance of form and regularity. That these events should have happened so soon after the deluge, whatever surprise it may have occasioned to the learn¬ ed, some centuries ago, need not, in the smal¬ lest degree, excite the wonder of the present age. We have seen from many instances, the powerful effects of the principles of popula¬ tion. The kingdoms of Mexico and Peru were incomparably more extensive than those of Babylon, Nineveh, or Egypt, during this early age; and yet these kingdoms are not sup¬ posed to have existed four centuries before the discovery of America by Columbus. As mankind continued to multiply on the earth, and separate from each other, the tra¬ dition concerning the true God was obliterated or obscured. This occasioned the calling of Abraham to he the father of a chosen people, Anno Mundi 1921. From this period the his- lory of ancient nations begins a little to expand itself; and we learn particulars of refry consi¬ derable importance. CHAP. III. Of Nineveh and fiabylott. NINES being possessed with a rage of conquest, subdued a great number of nations all the way from Egypt to India; but s us pen- 16 FLOWERS OF. ded his warlike enterprizes to enlarge the city of Nineveh, which had been founded by his fa¬ ther. Nineveh was quickly built with walls an hundred feet high, having fifteen hundred towers two hundred feet in height, to serve equally for its ornament and defence. The circumference of the whole city was four hun¬ dred and eighty stadia, or sixty miles. This work being completed, Ninus resumed his arms at the head of several hundred thou¬ sand fighting men; and Semiramis, who was the wife of one of his officers, distinguished herself by her heroic exploits. The king mar¬ ried her and left her his crown; and this am¬ bitious princess being desirous, in her turn, to render her name immortal, in a very few years built the city of Babylon, to such an amazing extent that it far exceeded Nineveh, its walls being of a sufficient thickness to allow six cha¬ riots to go abreast. The quays, the bridge over the Euphrates, the hanging gardens, the prodigies of sculp¬ ture and architecture, the temple of Bolus, which had in it a golden statue forty feet high, though they were not all works of Semiramis, yet they were much improved and embellished by her. CHAP. IV. Of the Walls of Babylon . THESE walls were built of large brick, cemented together with bitumen, a glutinous ANCIENT HISTORY. 17 slime arising cut of the earth of that country * which binds in buildings much stronger and firmer than lime, and soon grows much harder than#the bricks or stones which it cements to¬ gether. They were of a square form, each side of which was fifteen miles. Their breadth was eighty-seven feet, and their height three hundred and fifty. The walls were surrounded on the outside with a vast ditch, full of water, and lined with bricks on both sides. The earth that was dug out of it, made the bricks wherewith the walls were built; and therefore from the vast height and breadth of the walls may be in¬ ferred the greatness of the ditch. On every side of this great square were twenty five gates, that is, an hundred in alL These gates were made of solid brass. Hence it is, that when the Supreme Being promised to Cyrus the conquest of Babylon, he tells him, “That he w r ou!d break in pieces before him (he gates of brass.” Between every two of the gates were three towers, and four more at the four corners of this great square; and three between each of these corners and the next gate on either side. Every one of these towers was ten feet higher than the walls. But this is to be understood only of those parts of the wall where there was need of towers. From these twenty-five gates on each side of this great square, went twenty-five streets, in straight lines to the gates, which were directly !) %. 18 FLOWERS OF opposite to them on the other side; so that the number of streets were fifty, each fifteen miles long, whereof twenty-five went one way, and twenty-live the other, crossing each other at right angles. And besides these, there were four half streets, which had houses only on one side, and the wall on the other. These went round the four sides of the city next the walls, and were each of them two hundred feet broad. The rest were about one hundred and and fifty. By these streets thus crossing each other, the \vhole city was divided into six hun¬ dred and seventy-six squares, each of them four furlongs and an half on every side, that two miles and a quarter in circumference. Round these squares on every side towards the streets, stood the houses, which were not contigious, but had void spaces between them. They were- build three or four stories high, and beautified with all manner of ornament towards the streets. The space within, in the middle of each square, was employed for yards, gardens, and other such uses; so that Baby¬ lon was greater in appearance than reality, near one half of the city being taken up in gardens and other cultivated lands. x* CHAP. y. Of the Quays and Bridges. A BRANCH of the river Euphrates ran quite across the city, from the north to the ANCIENT HISTORY. 19 south side. On each sitj'i of the river was a quay, and a high wall built of bricks and bitu¬ men, of the same thickness as the walls that surrounded the city. In these walls opposite to every street that led to the river, were gates of brass, and from them descents by steps to the river for the leon- veniency of the inhabitants, who used to pass over from one side to the other in boats, hav¬ ing no other way of crossing the river, before the building of the bridge. The brazen gates were always open in the day time, and shut in the night. The bridge was not inferior to any of the other buildings, either in beauty or magnifi¬ cence. It was a furlong in length, and thirty feet in breadth, built with wonderful art to sup¬ ply the defect of a foundation, in the bottom of the river, which was all sandy. The arches were made of huge stones, fas¬ tened together with chains of iron, and melted lead. CHAP. VI. Of the Palaces and Hanging Gardens.- AT the two ends of the bridge were two palaces, which had communication with each other by a vault, built under the channel of the river. The old palace which stood on the east side of the river, was three miles and three quarters in compass. The new palace which 20 FLOWERS OF stood or the west side of the river opposite to the other, was seven miles and a half* in coin- pass. It was surrounded with three walls, one within another; with considerable spaces be¬ tween them. These walls, as well as those of the other palace, were embellished with an in¬ finite variety of sculptures, representing all kinds of animals to the life. Among the rest was a curious hunting piece, in which Semira- tnis, on horseback, was throwing her javelin at a leopard, and her husband Ninus piercing a lion. In this last, or new palace, were the hanging gardens, so celebrated among the Greeks.—- They contained a square of* four hundred feet on every side, and were carried up aloft into the air, in the manner of several large terraces, one above another, till the height equalled that of the walls of the city. The ascent w r as from terrace to terrace, i>y stairs ten feet wide. The whole pile was sup¬ ported by vast arches, raised upon other arches, one above another and strengthened by a wall twenty-two feet thick. On the top of (he arches, were first laid large flat stones sixteen feet long, and four feet broad. Over these were a layer of earth mixed with a great quantity of bitumen, upon which were two rows of bricks, closely ce¬ mented together with plaister. The whole was covered with thick sheets of lead, upon which lay the mould or earth of the garden. And all this was contrived to keep ANCIENT HISTORY 21 the moisture of the mould from running through the arches. This mould was so deep that the greatest trees might take root in it; and with such the terraces were covered, as well as with all other plants and flowers, that are proper for a garden of pleasure. In the upper terrace there was an engine, or kind of a pump, by which water was draw n up out of the river; and from thence the whole garden was watered. In the spaces between the several arches, upon which this whole structure rested, were large and magnificent apartments, that were very light, and had the advantage of a beautiful prospect. CHAP. VII. *. Of the Temple of Belus . ANOTHER of the great works of Baby¬ lon was the temple of Belus, which stood near the old palace. It was most remarkable for a prodigious tower which stood in the middle of it. At the foundation, it was a square of a furlong on each side; and, according to Strabo, it was a a furlong in height. It consisted of eight tow¬ ers, built one above the other; and because it decreased gradually to the top, Strabo calls the whole a pyramid. It is not only asserted, but proved, that this tower much exceeded the greatest of the pyra¬ mids of Egypt in height. Therefore we have very good reason to believe, that it was the 22 FLOWERS OF very same tower which was built there at the confusion of languages; and the rather, be¬ cause it is attested by several profane authors, that this tower was all built of bricks and bi¬ tumen, as the Scriptures tell us the tower of Babel was. The ascent to the top was by stairs on the outside round it: that is, there was an easy sloping ascent on the side of the outer wail, which turning by very slow degrees, in a spiral line, eight times round the towers from the bottom to the top, had the same appearance us if there had been eight towers, placed upon one another. In these different stories were many large rooms, with arched roofs supported by pillars. Over the whole, on the top of the tower, was an observatory, by the benefit oi» which, the Babylonians became more expert in astronomy than all other nations. But the chief use to which this tower was designed, w as for the wowship of the god Bel us, or Baal, as also that of several other deities; for which reason there w as a multitude of cha¬ pels in the different parts of the tower. The riches of this temple in statues, tables, censers, cups, and other sacred vessels, all of massy gold, were immense. Among other ima¬ ges, there was one forty feet high, and weighed a thousand talents. This amazing fabric stood till the time of Xerxes: but he, on his return from his Grecian expedition, entirely demolished it, after having first plundered it of all its riches. Alexander on his return to Babylon from his Indian expe ANCIENT HISTORY. or* ditiou, intended to have rebuilt it: and with this view* employed ten thousand men, to clear the place ot* its rubbish; but the death of Alexander, about two months after, put an end to the undertaking. chap. Yin. Scmirantis 9 Indian Expedition . THE last and greatest expedition of Se- miravnis was against India. On this occasion she raised an innumerable a Pin 3 out of all the provinces of her empire, and appointed Baetra for the rendezvous. As the strength of the Indians consisted chiefly in their great number of elephants, tins artful queen had a multitude of camels accou¬ tred in the form of elephants, in hopes of de¬ ceiving the enemy. It is said, that Perseus, long after, used the same stratagem against the Romans. But neither of them succeeded. The Indian king, having notice of her ap¬ proach, sent ambassadors to ask her who she was, and with what right, having never recei¬ ved any injury from him, she came out of wan- toness to attack his dominions; adding, that Iser boldness should soon meet with the punishment it deserved. “Tell your master,” replied the queen, “that in a little time, I myself will let him know who 1 am.” She advanced immediately towards the river Indus, from which the country takes its name; and having prepared a sufficient number of Si FLOWERS OF boats, she attempted to cross it with her army. Their' passage was a long time disputed, but after a bloody battle, she put her enemies to flight. Above a thousand of their boats were sunk, and about an hundred thousand of their men taken prisoners. Encouraged by this success, she advanced directly into the country, leaving sixty thou¬ sand men behind, to guard their bridge of boats, which she had built over their river. This was just what the king desired, who fled on purpose to bring her to an engagement in the heart of his country. As soon as he thought her far enough advanced, he faced about, and a second engagement ensued, more bloody than the first. The counterfeit elephants could not long sustain the shock of the true ones. These routed her army, crushing whatever came in their way. Semiramis did all that could be done, to rally and encourage her troops; but in vain. The king perceiving her engaged in the fight, ad¬ vanced towards her and wounded her. The wound however did not prove mortal. The swiftness of her horse soon carried her beyond the reach of her enemies. As her men crowded to the bridge, to repass the riv/'r, numbers of them perished by the disorder and confusion unavoidable on such oc¬ casions. When those that could save them¬ selves were safely over, she destroyed the bridge, and by that means stopped the enemy; and the king likewise, in obedience to an ora- AlfCIENT HISTORY. cle, had given orders to his troops not to pass the river, nor pursue Semiramis any farther. The queen, having made an exchange of prisoners, returned to her own dominions, with scarce one third of her army, which, according to Cresias, consisted of three hundred thousand foot, and fifty thousand horse, besides the ca¬ mels and chariots armed for w ar, of which she had a verv considerable number. w m CHAP. IX. Of Egypt and the Nile. EGYPT, which is situated between the twenty-fourth and thirty-third degrees of north latitude, is a country very much favored by nature. The sky is serene, the soil fertile, the plants and ft uits agreeable and salutary. But a wonderful degree of industry .would have been necessary, to render it habitable by a con¬ siderable number of people. The overflowing of the Nile procures every advantage, and supplies the want of rain, which never falls in that country. This river has its source in a mountain of Abyssinia, from whence it does not arrive in Egypt till it has been pre- cipated over seven cataracts, with a noise which is heard at the distance of a number of leagues. It begins to swell in the month of May, and by a gradual increase, which is almost impercep¬ tible at first, it arrives at a sufficient height to C FLOWERS OF overflow the country, and remains in that state from the month of June till October. The ancients, who were ignorant of the causes of the inundation, have assigned some fabulous reasons, which will always be the case, when people substitute conjectures instead of facts. At present we know, that it rains in Ethiopia five months in the year, from April to September, which is the secret of the over¬ flowing of the Nile. And the precious mud which it brings along with it, produces the amazing fertility of Egypt. Thus lands, which are naturally dry and sandy, become the best soil in the world. They need only sow, with¬ out any kind of culture, to reap, in a very short time, all the natural productions. Egypt, during the summer, appears like a sea, with cities, villages, and thickets, scatter¬ ed over it, and affording a most wonderful and singular prospect. In the winter, it becomes a gladsome plain, covered with flocks, herds and husbandmen, where orange, citron, and other fragrant trees are seen, whose flowers delight the eye, and perfume the surrounding air. CHAP. X. Of the ancient method of conveying the water through the country, with an account of the Lake of Mceris. IN order to multiply so beneficial a river. Egypt was crossed by an incredible number of canals, of an immense length and breadth^ ANCIENT HIS 1 ORY. The Nile not only carried fruitfulness every where with its wholesome waters, united cities to one another, and the great ocean with the Red sea, hut kept up commerce both within and without the kingdom, and fortified it against the enemy; so that it was both the nourisher and defender of Egypt. The cham¬ paign country was abandoned to it; but the ci¬ ties, raised with immense labor and pains, lift¬ ing up their heads like so many islands in the midst of the waters, beheld with joy all the plain overflowed, and at the same time made fruitful by the Nile. When it swelled beyond measure, great lakes dug by the kings, offered their bosoms to the spreading waves. They had their discharges prepared; large sluices opened or shut them, as necessity required; the waters having their places of retreat, staid upon the lands no longer than was needful to fertilize them. Such was the use of that great lake, called the lake of Maoris, which was the name of the king who had caused it to be made. It is as¬ tonishing to read, what nevertheless is true, that its circumference was about an hundred and eighty of our leagues. The fishery of it yielded immense sums to the king; and thus, when the land produced nothing, they drew treasures from it, by cover¬ ing it with water. Two pyramids, each of which bore upon a throne tw o colossal statues, one of Mseris, and the other of his wife, rose three hundred feet above the middle of the lake, and occupied a 28 FLOWERS OF like space under the waters. Thus they shew¬ ed, that they had been erected before the pit was tilled; and demonstrated, that a lake of that extent had been made by men’s hands, un¬ der a single prince. CHAP. XI. Of the Manners of the Egyptians . THE Egyptians are the first, from whom we have learned the rules of government. This grave and respectable nation first understood the true end of policy, which is to render life commodious, and the people happy. The tem¬ perature of the country being always even and uniform, made their judgments solid and steady. As virtue is the foundation of all society, so they carefully cultivated it. Their chief virtue was gratitude. The honor that was given to them, for being the most generous and grate¬ ful, shews they were likewise the most socia¬ ble. Good offices are the bond both of public and private concord. lie that acknowledges favors loves to bestow them; and in banishing ingratitude, the pleasure of doing good re¬ mains so pure, that one cannot possibly be in¬ sensible of it. Their laws were simple, full of equity, and proper to unite citizens to one another. He, who being able to rescue a man assaulted, did not do it, was punished w ith as severe a death ANCIENT HISTORY. 29 as the assassin himself. Thus were the citi¬ zens a guard to each other, and all the mei*~ hers of the community were united against evil doers. None was permitted to be useless in the state, the law assigned to each his pro¬ per business, which was perpetuated from fa¬ ther to son. The priests and soldiers had their particular marks of honor; but all the traders, even to the least, were held in esteem; and it was ac¬ counted a criminal matter to despise and treat with contempt those citizens, whose labors, whatever they were, contributed to the public weal. By this means all arts were brought t manieus, which lies above that of Syria, and then advanced towards issus, without knowing that he was in the rear of Alexander. Intel¬ ligence being brought him that the Macedonian was Hying, he thought that he had nothing to do but to go in pursuit of him. Alexander, hearing of the situation of Da¬ rius’ army, was overjoyed at the thoughts of engaging in so narrow and unequal a spot, where he had room enough to bring all his for¬ ces into action, while on the other hand Dari¬ us could not make use of the twentieth part ANCIENT HISTORY. 101 ot* his. He felt, however, some anxiety at be¬ ing; on the eve of coming to so important an ac¬ tion. But his natural intrepidity quickly got the better of all his apprehensions. After causing his troops to refresh them¬ selves, and offering up a solemn sacrifice to the gods, he gave orders at midnight for marching, and brought his army by day-break to the sta¬ tion he intended to occupy. Hearing that Da- rius was within a league and an half of him, he immediately arranged his troops in order of battle. The spot on which they were drawn up was a fine plain in the neighborhood of the river Issus, confined by mountains on one side, and the sea on the other. He disposed his cavalry on the wings, and formed the phalanx into six divisions. Oaterus commanded the infantry on the extremity of the left wing, Parmenio the rest of that wing; and Alexan¬ der himself the right wing. His cavalry was covered by his light horse, and his infantry by a body of archers under Antioclrus. Darius placed in the centre of his first line 30.000 Geeks, who were in his service, and being all completely armed and disciplined af¬ ter the Grecian manner, formed the chief strength of his army. The rest of his infan¬ try were drawn up behind the first line, except 20,000 who were posted on the mountain, on the right of the Macedonians. His cavalry was ordered to cross the river Pi minis, which ran through the middle of the plain; and then i ^ IXOWEllS Of 1C& a large detachment of them pushed on towards Parmenio. Alexander observing this motion of the Per¬ sian cavalry, altered his former disposition a little, commanded the Thessalian cavalry to oc¬ cupy the post at which the Persian cavalry seemed to aim, and stationed his light armed troops in front of his infantry. The main bodies of both armies coming at last in view of each other, Alexander rode through his ranks, and exhorted his soldiers to do their duty, reminding the Macedonians of their repeated victories in Europe, and of their recent and most glorious success at the Grani- eus* and assuring them that a single victory w ould render them masters of the Persian empire, exhorting the Greeks to reeal to their remem¬ brance the heroic behavior of their ancestors at Marathon, Thermopylje, and Safamis, and the miseries brought upon their country by the Persians; and animating the Illyrians and Thra¬ cians with the hopes of the immense plunder which the Persian army, if beaten, would afford them. Upon this they all called aloud to he led on to the engagement. The right wing of the Macedonians, to avoid as much as possible the shower of darts pour¬ ed upon them by the Persians, plunged imme¬ diately into the river, and advanced to the charge. The shock w as extremely violent, and they fought man to man. Alexander was very desirous of having the honour to kill Darius with his own hand; and the sight of that mo¬ narch, conspicuously mounted on his superb* ANCIENT HISTORY 106 chariot, redoubled the desire of the Macedoni¬ an hero, who instantly pushed forward, and ex¬ erted his utmost efforts to reach him. The battle round the king becomes very desperate, and a great number of Persian noblemen are killed fighting bravely. The horses of Darius being wounded, break loose from the yoke. Darius jumps from that chariot, mounts another, makes his escape, and is followed Jjy the whole right wing of his army. On the other hand, the rest of the Macedo¬ nian army being attacked in flank by the Gre¬ cian troops, as warlike and well disciplined as themselves, had occasion for all their bravery to support the charge. The battle between them was very bloody and doubtful. But the Mace¬ donian right wing, now victorious, flies to the assistance of the left, attacks the Greeks in flank, and obliges them to give way. At the same time the Persian had charged the Thes¬ salian cavalry, and had at first broken through several squadrons. The Thessalians affecting to take flight, as if struck with panic, the Persians pursue them in great disorder. But the Thessalians rallying all of a sudden, renew the engagement. Intel¬ ligence arriving in the mean time, that Darius had fled, the Persian horsemen are discouraged, betake themselves to flight, and great numbers of them are cut off in their retreat. The rout is now general. Eight thousand Greeks make their escape, and retire towards Lebos. The barbarians take different roads. Some flee towards Persia, some take refuge in the woods^ 104 FLOWERS OF The Macedonians, in (he mean lime, possess themselves of Darius’ camp, where they find his mother and his wife, together with two princesses and a son, his infant children. The Persians lost a vast number of men in this battle, while the loss on the side of the Macedonians was very inconsiderable. Alex- ander himself was wounded in the thigh by a sword; hut the wound was attended with no dangerous consequences. CHAP. XLYII. Of Alexander'$ treatment of Jhirias 9 Family . ALEXANDER, weary of pursuing Darius, returned to the Persian camp, where he gave a grand entertainment to his principal officers. In the mean time the noise of crying and mourning reached his ears. This proceeded from the mother and wife of Darius, who were made prisoners, and on seeing Darius’ chariot and bow, which Alexander had taken in the pursuit, they imagined Darius was killed; and were bewailing his death in the most disconso¬ late manner. Alexander, moved with their misfortune, sent Leonatus, one of his officers, to assure them that Darius was alive. But the wo¬ men seeing Leonatus enter, imagined that he w as sent to put them to death, and intreated to have permission before their execution to bury the body of Darius. Leonatus soon made AXiCIENT HISTORY. 105 them sensible of their mistake, and assured I hem of an honorable protection from Alexan¬ der. That prince, after visiting the wounded, and seeing the dead buried, testified great joy to his officers on account of his victory, bestow¬ ed the highest commendations on their bravery, and loaded them with presents. Then he went to pay a visit to Sysigambis, and the other pri ncesses, and entered their tent with no other attendant than his favorite Ephestion. This interview was extremely moving, and exhibited those distinguised characters in a point of view so very affecting, that the greatest painters have exerted their utmost skill to eter¬ nize the scene, with the most elegant touches of the pencil. Ephestion being of the same age with Alexander, and of a more advanta¬ geous stature, was mistaken for the king by (lie ladies, who accordingly threw themselves at his feet. Sysigambis on being informed of her mistake, prostrated herself before Alexan¬ der, and apologized for herself, because she had never seen him before. But Alexander, raising her from the ground, said, “My dear mother, you are not mistaken, for he islikewise Alexander.” A noble expression, as honora¬ ble for the prince as for the favorite. Sysigambis, amidst all her grief, expressed fhc highest gratitude for the favors and oblig¬ ing attention he had shewn them; and Alexan¬ der took the son of Darius in his arms and ca¬ ressed hi tn very fondly. Here the real heroism and virtue of Alex- 106 FLOWERS OF under shone forth in full splendor; for lie ap¬ peared to be master of himself on an occasion when the greatest heroes and conquerors have failed. He gave orders to treat the princesses with all the respect due to their rank, making his camp as sacred an asylum for their virtue, as any temple; nor would he. afterwards trust himself in the presence of Darius’ queen, who was a woman of singular beauty. To under¬ stand the full extent of his magnanimity on this occasion, we must remember (hat Alex¬ ander was then in tlie bloom of vouth, unmar- ried, and a conqueror. But far from attempt¬ ing to derive any ungenerous advantage from his victory, he studied to alleviate the misfor¬ tunes of his illustrious captives, by the most polite attention and the most respectful kind¬ ness and indulgence. CHAP. XLYIIL A / * A Siclonian Anecdote . UPON Alexander’s arrival at Phoenicia, the Sidonians paid him their homage with great pleasure, because eighteen years before, Ochi- us had destroyed their city and cut off most of the inhabitants. Their king Strato having de¬ clared for Darius, was deprived of the crown by Alexander, who desired Ephestion to pitch upon any of the Sidonians whom he thought most worthy of succeeding to that dfnity.— Ephestion accordingly offered the sceptre to two ANCIENT HISTORY. ior \ young men who were brothers, and in whose house he happened to lodge. But they gene¬ rously declined the honor, because they were not of the royal blood. Ephestion, struck with admiration at their magnanimity, begged them to inform him of any person who had that advantage. They thereupon named Abdolony- mus, whose generosity and integrity had re¬ duced him to such poverty, that he was obliged to cultivate bis garden with bis own hands for bis subsistence. The tw o young men were de¬ sired to find him, and to acquaint him with his good fortune. Having accordingly gone to him, they saluted him as king, and told him he must throw aside the wretched apparel he was then wearing, and put on the royal robe they had brought him. It, was with great difficulty that they convinced him they were not jesting. “Assume,” said they, “with these royal robes, sentiments of a king: preserve on the throne that virtue which has made you worthy of it; and when you shall there preside as the abiter of life and death, forget not the situation from which you were exalted to that important dig¬ nity.” All the inhabitants of Sidon were overjoyed at hearing on whom the choice had fallen. Alexander desired to see the new king; and having asked him whether he had been able to support with patience his former situation? “Would to Heaven,” answered Abdolonyinus, “I may be able to support with equal resolu¬ tion the crown which you have been pleased to 108 FLOWERS OF place on my head.” Alexander conceived a high opinion of the virtue of Abdolonymus, and ordered all the furniture and rich effects of the late king Strato to be given to him. CHAP. XL IX. Of the Siege and Taking of Tyre. NEW Tyre, which was situated opposite to Old Tyre, seemed to be impregnable without a fleet. But Alexander, who never was repulsed by any obstacles, undertook to join the island to tlie continent by a causeway. The work was forwarded by infinite labor, but was destroyed by the Tyrians. The ope¬ rations were renewed with fresh ardor, till the Sidonians, and some other people, whom Alex¬ ander treated with gentleness, at last found ships for carrying on the enterprise. He then hastened the siege, and all sorts of warlike instruments were employed by both parties. Besiegers and besieged equally sig¬ nalized their courage and abilities, till the place was taken by storm, after seven mouths resist¬ ance. About eight thousand Tyrians were put to death; thirty thousand prisoners were sold, and the conqueror offered up sacrifices to Her¬ cules upon the ruins of Tyre» ANCIENT history. 109 CHAP. L. Alexander visits Jerusalem , and afterwards enters Egypt. ACCORDING to Josephus, the Jewish his¬ torian, Alexander went next to Jerusalem, with an intention to use the people of that place as he had done those of Tyre, because they re¬ fused to supply him with provisions, upon pre¬ tence of the oath which they had sworn to the king of Persia. Jaddus, the chief priest, went out to meet him, dressed in his pontifical habit, when Al¬ exander, struck with his figure, prostrated himself to worship the name of God, which he carried written on a plate of gold; declaring at the same time, that this very high-priest had formerly appeared to him in a dream, and had promised him the conquest of Asia. Such a wonderful event should be confirmed by some other evidence. Rut neither the scrip¬ tures nor profane history make any mention of it. Alexander having taken tlr3 city Of Gaza, which was nobly defended by Betis, entered Egypt, where he was received with every ex¬ pression of joy and satisfaction, the Persians having made themselves detested by despising the religion of the eountry. He allowed the Egyptians to retain their own laws and cus¬ toms, which was a very proper step to make K 110 flowers op them pleased with his holding the sovereign authority. A silly piece of vanity led him to the tem¬ ple of Jupiter Ammon, across the scorching sands, where fifty thousand men of the army commanded hy Camhyses, had been buried. All the historians tell us. that lie extricated himself by a kind of miracle. They say that lie was desirous to be thought the son of Ju¬ piter, and that the oracle gave him that title. This perhaps may he true, for who dared to oppose him? But his mother Olympias wrote to him in raillery, not to set her and Juno by the ears. He founded the city of Alexandria in Egypt, which was an undertaking more worthy of a great man, and undoubtedly much more to his honour than the sacreligious flattery ottered to him by the priest of Jupiter. CHAP. LT. Of Darius ’ offers to Alexander, the Battle of Arhela, and the Death of Darius . SUCCESS becomes a dreadful poison to the minds of men, and it produced very extra¬ ordinary effects upon a hero who seemed to he intended as an object for the world to admire. Darius made an offer to Alexander of ten thou¬ sand talents, and his daughter Statira in mar¬ riage, with the whole country lying between the river Euphrates and the Hellespont. Pru- ANCIENT HISTORY. Ill dence could not have left him a moment to hesitate. Parmenio said, that if he were Al¬ exander, he would accept of these offers. “And so would I,” answered Alexander, “were 1 Pai'memo.” He therefore informed Darius, that he had no occasion for his money; and that with respect to the conquered provinces, he offered with a had grace what was not in his power to bestow; but that lie might, when¬ ever he pleased, venture another battle, which, in all probability, would quickly decide which of them should remain the conqueror and mas¬ ter. This answer convinced the Persian mo¬ narch, that he had now no alternative but once more to try the fate of war. Darius had time to assembly seven or eight hundred thousand men, and Alexander, always «t<y the author, he advised the father of the young man to cultivate such promising parts with all possible attention. A single example at an early period of life, is often sufficient to rouse a superior genuis, and to direct its future course. From that time, Thucydides dedicated his attention to study, and while he served in the Peloponne¬ sian war, his mind was constantly taken up with the thoughts of writing its history. He examined every thing, collected materials, and made accurate memorandums of every tran¬ saction. Having lived in exile many years, he had sufficient leisure to execute his purpose; and at his return, to his native city, upon the expulsion of the thirty tyrants, he put the last hand to that excellent work, which com¬ prehends the history of the first twenty years of the war. The gravity of his style, and the soundness of his judgment, evidently shew that he was more solicitous to instruct than to please his readers. CHAP. LXVI. Of Xenophon. XENOPHON, an eminent historian and * commander, was a native of Athens. When Cyrus, the younger son of Darius, applied to A JVC I ENT HISTORY. 135 the Greeks lor their assistance against his bro¬ ther Artaxerxes, Xenophon went with the Gre¬ cian forces on their expedition into Persia, and accepted a command in the army under Cyrus. That prince was slain in battle near Babylon, and the Grecian army in the greatest dejection, when Xenophon made the famous retreat with his 10,000 Greeks from the extreme parts of Pe rsia. After his return he served as a sol¬ dier till the time of Agesilaus, when he was banished by the Athenians, on an unjust sus¬ picion of favoring the Lacedemonians, because he always possessed a high opinion of the Spar¬ tan laws. During his exile he composed his works, namely, the Cyropedeia, or history of Cyrus the Great; the Expedition, or Retreat of the 10,000 Greeks; and, the Continuation of the History of Thucydides, from the return of Al- eibiades into Attica, to the battle of Mantinea, comprehending the space of forty-eight years. These works display a vast extent of genius and learning, and clearly evince the writer to have been a skillful commander, a judicious philosopher, and an elegant historian. It is a question among the learned, whether his Cyropedeia ought to he looked upon as a real history or only as a philosophical romance. The last opinion is maintained by the ablest critics; and indeed the arguments adduced by them appear so solid and convincing, that we are surprised the matter should continue longer doubtful. ' > .t m FLOWERS OE CHAP. LXVII. Of Plutarch . THERE is not a Greek historian whose history can be read with more advantage than Plutarch the contemporary of Nero, because he makes his readers acquainted with men, and particularly with celebrated characters; and be¬ cause his writings are animated with sound mo¬ rality. He is sometimes mistaken; but he ne¬ ver fails to engage and instruct. Plutarch shews himself on all occasions to be a great painter; and his style, though plain and simple, is nevertheless lively and expres¬ sive. The reading of Plutarch’s Lives, presents as it were before our eyes the great men of whom he speaks, and give ns an idea of their beha¬ vior and manners, as lively and as strong, as if we were living and conversing with them. CHAP. LXVIII. Of Socrates. SOCRATES, the famous Greek philoso¬ pher, was born at Athens, about 451 years be¬ fore Christ. He gave early proofs of his valor in the service of his country; but chiefly ap¬ plied himself to the study of philosophy, and was a person of irresistible eloquence, and ae* complished virtue. ANCIENT HISTORY. 137 His distinguishing characteristic was a per¬ fect tranquility of mind, which enabled him to support with patience the most troublesome ac¬ cidents of life. He used to beg of those, with whom he usually conversed, to put him on his guard the moment they perceived in him the first emotions of anger; and when they did so> he instantly resumed perfect composure and complacency. His wife Xantippe, a woman of the most whimsical and provoking temper, af¬ forded him sufficient opportunity of exercising his patience, by the revilings and abuse with which she was constantly loading him. Socrates possessed, in a supreme degree, the talent of reasoning. His principal employment was the instruction of youth, an object to which he directed all his care and attention. He kept, however, no fixed public school, but took every opportunity, without regarding times or places, of conveying to them his precepts, and that in the most enticing and agreeable manner. His lessons were so universally relished, that the moment he appeared, whether in,the public as¬ semblies, walks, or feasts, he was surrounded with a throng of the most illustrious scholars and hearers. The young Athenians quitted even their pleasures to listen to the discourse of Socrates. He greatly exerted himself against the pow¬ er of the thirty tyrants, and in the behalf of Theramenes, whom they had condemned to death; insomuch that they became so alarmed m % 138 VjCiOWERS OK at liis behavior, that they forbad him to instruct the Athenian youth. Soon after, an accusation was formally ex¬ hibited against him by Melitus, containing in substance, “That he did not acknowledge the gods of the republic, but introduced new dei¬ ties in their room;” and further, ‘‘That he cor¬ rupted the youth.” He urged, in his defence, that he had assisted, as others did, at the sacri¬ fices and solemn festivals, and appealed to Me¬ litus himself for the truth of it. He denied his endeavoring to establish any new worship. He owned, indeed, he had received frequent ad¬ monitions from a divine voice, which he called his Genius, that constantly attended him, and discovered to him future events; that he had often made use of this divine assistance for the service of himself and his friends; but, that if he had been thus particularly favored by Hea¬ ven, it was owing chiefly to the regularity of his life and conduct; and that the approbation of the Supreme Being, which was given him as a reward for his virtue, ought not to be objec¬ ted to him as his crime. Then, as to the other article, wherein he was accused of corrupting the youth, and teaching them to despise the settled laws, and order of the commonwealth, he said, he had no other view in his conversation with them, than to re¬ gulate their morals; that as he could not do this with any public authority, he was therefore for¬ ced to insinuate himself into their company, and to use, in a manner, the same methods to re¬ claim, which others did to corrupt theim ANCIENT HISTORY 139 How far the whole charge affected him, it is not easy to determine. It is certain that amidst so much zeal and superstition as then reigned in Athens, he never durst openly oppose the re¬ ceived religion, and was therefore obliged to preserve an outward shew of it. But it is very probable from the discourses he frequently held with his friends, that in his heart, he despised and laughed at their monstrous opinions, and ridiculous mysteries, as having no other foun¬ dation than the fables of the poets; and that he had attained to a notion of the one, onlv true God; insomuch that, upon the account of his be¬ lief of the Deity, and his exemplary life, some have thought fit to rank him with Christian philosophers. And indeed his behavior upon his trial, was more like that of a Christian martyr, than of an impious pagan; where he appeared with such a composed confidence as naturally results from innocence, and rather, as Cicero observes, as if he were to determine upon his judges, than to supplicate them as a criminal. But how slight soever the proofs were against him, the faction w r as powerful enough to find him guilty. There was a form of process against him, and his irreligion was the pretence upon which it was grounded; but his death was cer¬ tainly a concerted thing. His steady, uninterrupted course of obstinate virtue, which had made him in many cases ap¬ pear singular, and oppose whatever he thought illegal or unjust, without any regard to times 140 FLOWERS OR or persons, had procured him a great deal of envy and ill-will; insomuch, that he had seve¬ ral years before, been publicly attacked upon the stage in a play, called the Clouds, where he is introduced as the author of many gross im¬ pieties; which some say, Aristophanes wrote out of a personal pique to him; others, that he did it only, according to the liberty then indul¬ ged in the state, and intended, in the person of Socrates, to expose and ridicule the philoso¬ phers in general. But most are of opinion, that it was at the instigation of Anytus, who looked upon him as a dangerous man, and took that method to prepare the people for his con¬ demnation, whenever an opportunity should of¬ fer. This agrees with the terms proposed to him, even after the accusation was given in, when perhaps he was not sure of carrying his point against him. He hinted to him, that if he would talk less freely, and not take upon him to censure and arraign the administration, he would yet endeavor to stifle the affair, and save him. It was upon the same account that he was forbid conversing with the young men. Those at the helm were jealous of his tampering with them, in relation to the government; and this seems tq be the ground of that part of his accu¬ sation. But he was not to be bought by bribes, not deterred by menaces; in short, he had more plainness and integrity than the times would bear; and therefore fell a sacrifice to the cor¬ ruption of those, whom his honesty had made his enemies. ANCIENT HISTOliY. 141 It was a privilege in Alliens, after convic¬ tion, to demand a mitigation of the punishment. But that, he said, would he owning himself guilty; and he cdiose rather to defy and incense his judges; so that they unanimously passed sentence of death upon him, hy drinking the juice of hemlock, which was not put in execution un¬ til thirty days after; during which time, he con¬ versed with his friends, with the same evenness and serenitv of mind he had ever done before. •• And though they had bribed the jailor for his escape, he refused it, as an ungenerous viola¬ tion of the law s. He was about seventy years old when he suffered; which made him say, he thought himself happy to quit life, at a time when it begins to be troublesome; and that his death was rather a deliverance than a punish¬ ment. Cicero has described, with great elegance, the lofty sentiments and magnanimous beha¬ vior of Socrates at his death, While he held the fatal cup in his hand, he declared, that he considered death not as a punishment inflicted on him, but as a help furnished him of arriving so much sooner at heaven. He gives it as his opinion, that upon the departure of our souls from our bodies, there are two passages for conducting them to the places of their eternal destination, one leading to never-ending pun¬ ishment, which receives those souls, that dur¬ ing their residence on earth, have contamina^ ted themselves with many great crimes; the other leading to a state of felicity and blissj FLOWERS OF 142 which receives the souls of those who have lived virtuously in the world. When Socrates had finished his discourse, he bathed himself. His children being then brought to him, he spoke to them a little, and then desired them to be taken away. The hour appointed for drinking the hemlock being come, they brought him the cup, which he received without any emotion, and then addressed a prayer to Heaven. It is highly reasonable, said he, to offer my prayers to the Supreme Being on this occasion, and to beseech him to render my departure from earth, and my last journey, happy. Then he drank of the poi¬ son with amazing tranquility. Observing his friends, in this fatal moment, weeping, and dissolved in tears, he reproved them with great mildness, asking them, whether their virtue had deserted them; “for,” added he, “I have always heard, that it is our duty calmly to resign our breath, giving thanks to God.” After walking about a little while, perceiving the poison be¬ ginning to work, he lay down on his couch, and a few moments after, breathed his last. Cicero declares that he could never read the ac¬ count of the death of Socrates, without shed¬ ding tears. Soon after his death, the Athenians were convinced of his innocence, and considered all the misfortunes which afterwards befel the re¬ public, as a punishment for the injustice of his sentence. When the academy, and other places of the city, where he had taught, presented ANCIENT HISTORY. 145 themselves to the view of his countrymen, they could not refrain from reflecting on the reward bestowed by them, on one who had done them such important services. They cancelled the decree, which had condemned him; put Meli- tus to death; banished his other accusers; and erected to his memory a statue of brass, which was executed by the famous Lysippus. CHAP. LXIX. t Of Plato . PLATO was a native of Athens, and the most famous disciple of Socrates. He did not coniine himself, like his master, to the subject of morals alone, hut studied every branch of philosophy. His thirst after know ledge, promp¬ ted him to travel into Egypt, where he learned from the priests various branches of knowledge, generally unknown. His works abound with the most lofty sentiments, and with the most useful maxims for the conduct of life, and for the science of government. His accurate notions about the existence of God, and the immortality of the sou!, are gen¬ erally thought to have been communicated to him by the Egyptians. He declined engaging in the affairs of the republic, preferring the calm unruftled life of a philosopher. He was very highly esteemed for the mildness of his manners; and was so much admired on account of his vast extent of 144 fLOWERS OE knowledge, and his sublime sentiments, that he was honored with the name of the Divine Plato. Even kings desired to be directed by his coun¬ sels. He died at eighty years of age. His nephew, Speusippus, succeeded him in his school. But his scholars after his death, distinguished themselves into two sects; the followers of the one taking the name of Aca¬ demicians, and continuing to teach in the same place where Plato had taught; and those of the other part of Peripatetics, who gave their les¬ sons in the Lyceum. CHAP. LXX. Of Aristotle. ARISTOTLE was a native of Stagira, a eity of Macedonia. He came to Athens at the age of seventeen, studied philosophy under Plato, and applied with such industry and suc¬ cess to the study of his master’s doctrines, that he became the soul of his school. On the birth of Alexander, Philip wrote to him, that he intended to make him preceptor to his son. After spending several years in the education of Alexander, he returned to Athens, opened a school in the Lyceum, and became the founder of the Peripatetic sect. Hi% lec¬ tures drew together a vast crowd of hearers. But he did not entirely confine himself to philosophical disquisitions. He also gave les¬ sons on rhetoric, and composed a treatise on ANCIliNT HISTORY. 11 5 chat subject, which has been justly regarded by the learned of all ages, as the most accu¬ rate and complete that has ever appeared. Aristotle^ met with the fate of vinost great men. He attracted the enmity of his contem¬ poraries, who accused him of impiety; and one JSurymedon appeared as his prosecutor. To disappoint the malice of Iris enemies, and to avoid the unhappy fate of Socrates, he fled to the island of Eubiea, where he ended his da vs. His works, after remaining 130 years hurled in oblivion, came to light at last, and were justly adopted, as the most perfect standard, on every subject there handled. The surprising diversity of those subjects, the profound eru¬ dition, the wonderful acuteness, and the singu¬ lar accuracy with which every point is treated of, sufficiently evince the comprehensive genius of the author. A course of observations and experiments for many ages, has indeed produ¬ ced the discovery of various secrets of nature, of which Aristotle seems to have betn ignorant, and which no force of genius ever could divine. But in every matter of science, those who are the best acquainted wish his philosophy, and that of the most approved modern philosophers, are struck with amazement at his vast supe¬ riority. 146 FLOWERS 0* CHAP. LXXL Of hcmosthcnes. ELOQUENCE could not faii to flourish in a city where fame and fortune were sure to follow popular applause.; where it acquired a power in all deliberations, even those of the re¬ public; and where the most eloquent man be¬ came likewise the most powerful. Let us not then he surprised that Demos¬ thenes, a citizen of Athens, actuated by these motives, made such extraordinary efforts to ex¬ cel in this pursuit. The weakness of his voice, and a defect in his pronunciation, occasioned his being hissed upon his flrst attempt to speak in public. A comedian, to whom in despair he lamented his misfortune, comforted him by say- ing, that lie could find an easy remedy. He made him rehearse some verses, which he him¬ self afterwards repeated with such energy and grace, that Demosthenes found they had quite a different effect. This experiment convinced the young orator, that his success in a great measure depended upon action; he therefore built himself a vault, where he might practice without relaxation or disturbance, for months together. Sometimes, that he might accustom himself to noise, he went and declaimed on the sea-shore; at other times, on purpose to loosen his tongue, he spoke with small stones in his mouth, while walking or climbing. What is it that the love of labor, joined to ambition, is not able to accomplish? Demosthenes got the bet- ANCIEXT HISTORY 1 9 1 / ter of nature, and by his eloquence ruled as he pleased. Eschincs shrunk in his presence. Neither Demades nor Phocion could oppose him. The thunder of his eloquence carried all before him, and was more dreaded by Philip than all the fleets and armies of Athens. The states of Greece, influenced by his elo¬ quence, joined in opposition to the growing power of Philip, and Alexander his son and successor. But notwithstanding this generous and honest attention of Demosthenes to the public weal, and after he had withstood all the offers of Philip, insomuch that it is observed by Plutarch, “that all the gold of Macedonia could not bribe him,” he gave occasion to his enemies to accuse him of this crime, by re¬ ceiving a cup, and a sum of money besides, from Harpalus, a Macedonian lord, who had revolted from Alexander, and fled to Athens for refuge. It was debated by the people, whether they should admit him, for fear of incurring his master’s displeasure, and involving them¬ selves in a war; and Demosthenes considering it in that light, opposed it. Harpalus, to re¬ move ail difficulties, dispersed his monej pretty liberally among the orators: and as he was dis¬ playing his wealth, Demosthenes happened to fix his eyes on a rich golden cup, which had belonged to the Persian kings, and admiring the sculpture and fashion, asked the price of it. Harpalus took the hint, and at night sent it home to him, together with twenty talents in. money. The next day Demosthenes appeared in the FLOWERS OF JUbS assembly, having his throat muffled about; and when he was desired to speak to the point in question, he made signs that he had lost his voice. But his transaction with Harpalus had taken air; and w hen he found himself detected, he rose up to excuse it; but the people were so enraged that they would not hear him. Where¬ upon a certain wag stood up and said, “What, will ye not hear the king’s cup-hearer?” Others said, “The orator, it would appear, lias got a silver quinzy.” Demosthenes, therefore, not being able to clear himself from the charge, was fined and imprisoned. He afterwards escaped from his confinement, and left his country. In a short time, however, he was recalled by a decree of the people. After the death of Alexander, upon a report that Antipater and Craterus, his successors, were coming to Athens, Demosthenes and his party, w ithdrew themselves privately out of the city. Demosthenes went to Calabria in the Ionian sea, where he put an end to his life by poison, saying to Archias, the captain who was sent after him, and intreated his return, “Go, and let thy master know, that Demosthenes, will not, on any account, be obliged to the usurpers of fils country,” After his death, the Athenians paid him the highest honors; am! a statue was erected to his memory. ANCIENT HISTORY. 149 CHAP. LXXIf. Of Antisthenes and Diogenes. ANTI STHENES a disciple of Socrates, founded the sect of the Cynics, so celebrated for the austerity of its maxims, and the auda¬ city of its followers. Being contented with only a cloak, a wallet, and a staff, for their whole property they seemed to think them¬ selves entitled to censure all the rest of the world. Antisthenes made happiness to consist solely in virtue. Upon being asked, of what use his philosophy was to him, he replied, “To keep me in friendship with myself.” Whilst a priest was initiating him in the mysteries of Orpheus, and praising the happiness of a future state, he bluntly said, “Wherefore do you not die then?” He was a sour misanthrope, more likely to make virtue detested by his harshness, than loved by his example. The famous Diogenes of Sinope, who was banished from his country for making counter¬ feit money, insisted upon being one of his dis¬ ciples. Antisthenes rejected him, and even threatened to strike him. “Strike,” cried the enthusiastic proselyte, “but you will not find a staff sufficiently strong to make me withdraw while you are to be heard.” Diogenes took the wallet, and foregoing every thing, lived in a cask, where he declared open war against vice, without respect of per¬ sons. He was sometimes answered by having 150 FLOWERS OF stones thrown at him, ami at other times by throwing bones to him, as to a surly dog, whieji only served to make him more bold and inso¬ lent. “I tread the pride of Plato under my feet,” said he, one day. “Yes,” replied that philosopher, “but it is with another kind of pride.” Such a system of philosophy was at bottom nothing better than au insult to huma¬ nity. - Of the many maxims which have been as- eribed to Diogenes, the following seems the most remarkable. “Choose good people for your friends, that they may encourage you to do what is right; and the wicked for enemies that they may hinder you from being wicked.” CHAP. LXXIII. Of Zeno , and the Stoics, ZENO, born at Citium, in the isle of Cy¬ prus, was the founder of the sect of the Stoics* He had formerly been a merchant, but having been ship-wrecked, (ah accident upon which he often congratulated himself,) he took the op¬ portunity of commencing the study of philoso¬ phy at Athens. He was much esteemed by the Athenians for the purity of his precepts, which lie himself practised with the greatest exact¬ ness; and the zeal with which he Inculcated the principles of virtue. The chief aim of the Stoics was to render themselves insensible to the miseries incident to human life. For that purpose they labored ANCIENT HISTORY. i 3i> to convince themselves, that “every thing which happens is for the best.” A perfect Sloic did not regard even pain as an evil. Their philo¬ sophy was calculated to render them entirely devoid of passion, and of frailty. Bui it should seem that to reform nature, they meant to ex- tlnguish it altogether,’ for they must have known that passion is constitutionally inherent in man. Plutarch judiciously observes, that the doc¬ trine of the Stoics was dangerous for a warm temper, prone to excess; but that, in a mild and steady disposition, it performed wonders. “One part of valuable knowledge,” said Zeno, “is to be ignorant of what we ought not to know.” This maxim is a sufficient encomium of Zeno. It must be allowed, that the Stoics were, of all the ancient philosophers, the most virtuous, both in point of principles and of practice; and that some of the greatest and wisest men of antiquity were formed hi their school. Clean- thes, Chrysippus, Pansetius, and Epictetes, h%ve not done greater credit to Stoicism, than the virtues of Cato, Antoninus, and Marcus Aurelius. “If I could cease, but for one moment, to think that I am a Christian,” says Montes¬ quieu, “I could not help thinking the destruc¬ tion of the sect of Zeno, among the misfortunes which have befallen mankind.” They carried nothing to excess, but what served to elevate the mind of man, by teaching him to despise both pain and pleasure. The Stoics alone knew how to. form good citizens qr great men. FLOWEltS Of 5 152 CHAP. LXXIT. Of Pythagoras. IT was not in the time of Nmna, as mim hers have supposed, hut in that of Tarquin the Proud, that I his great man did so much honor to Greece, and so much good to Italy. He was believed to be a native of' Samos/and having heard the reasonings of a philosopher upon the immortality of the soul, immediately devoted himself, in a kind of enthusiasm, to the study of philosophy. He travelled into Egypt, Phoe¬ nicia, Chaldea, and probably as far as the In¬ dies, in quest of knowledge. Though a geo¬ metrician and astronomer, he looked upon vir¬ tue as the first of sciences, and was persuaded that he was horn to make proselytes.—After having taught some time in Greece, he went into that part of Italy which is called Magna Gracia, on account of the colonies by which it was peopled. Crotona, Metaphontum, and Ta- rentum, where the places in which he chiefly resided. He did not shut himself up in the shade of his closet, but openly harangued in the cause of virtue, to reform the manners of the ppople. His opinion was, that there were but five things that ought to be combatted; the diseases of the body, the ignorance of the mind, the pas¬ sions of the heart, sedition in cities, and discord in private families. He lived in the same society with his disci¬ ples, and made them submit to a kind of novi- ANCIENT HISTORY. a £ c-% loo tiate, for at least two years, and some for five; during which time they were to learn in silence without being entitled to inquire the reason of his doctrines, because he did not imagine they were capable of reasoning, until they had im- bibed good principles. lie taught them to reason, by making them acquainted with geometry, without which they could not. discover an imposture. Whatever he said, was revered as an oracle. “The master said so,” was sufficient to stop the mouths of his scholars. Did he then order a blind sub¬ mission, or did he dispel their doubts by per- suasion? The true philosopher can never think of tyrannizing over the human mind; and it is not probable that a geometrician would desire to be believed upon his word. Pythagoras introduced into the western world a doctrine which he had imbibed some¬ where in the east, w here, by ail accounts, it pre¬ vailed from the most early ages, namely, that of the Metempsychosis, or transmigration of souls; which taught, that when men died, their souls passed into and animated other bodies. If, for example, a man w as vicious and w icked, his soul animated the body of some unclean animal, and passed through a progress of mi¬ sery proportioned to his crimes in this life, lienee Pythagoras and his followers religiously abstained from eating flesh, lest perhaps they should devour some of their former friends and acquaintance. In all probability, the accounts of this philosophy transmitted to us are very imperfect, and in nothing perhaps more so than 154 FLOWERS OF in its real scope and meaning. Let us, there¬ fore, on this point, as on every other of the same kind, be extremely cautious in condemn¬ ing- CHAP. LXXV. Of Archimedes. , * ( HAD Archimedes lived in our days, he would have been another Newton. When Sy¬ racuse was besieged, he put in practice all the resources of his wonderful genius in machinery for the defence of his country, and rendered this siege one of the longest and most bloody that ever the Homans undertook. The particulars recorded of the many en-> gines invented by him, for frustrating the at¬ tacks of the besiegers, and to harrass them in their turn, are so extraordinary and wonderful as to exceed all credibility, were they not re¬ counted by the gravest and most credible his¬ torians. Some of those engines discharged against the Homan infantry stones of an enor- inous bulk, which crushed in pieces whatever came in their way; and by the destruction they produced, resembled in some degree those ter¬ rible fire arms since invented by mankind for tlieir mutual ruin. Others let fall such pon¬ derous weights on the Homan gallies, as in¬ stantly sunk them. Another engines, more ex¬ traordinary still, were so contrived, as with an iron arm of amazing strength, to seize a vessel by the prow, to lift her up to a considerable ANCIENT HISTORY. 155 height, and then to let her fall with her whole weight, so as to sink or break her to pieces. In this manner did Archimedes bailie for the space of eight months all the attacks of the Homans. Of such great use on some occa¬ sions is a single man of genius and science. But the machines that Archimedes made use of against the Homans at the siege of Syracuse, were in his eye mere trifles, in comparison of his scientific discoveries. He declared, lhal if he had a fixed point out of this earth, he could move it like any other large body. Bv means of Hydrostatics, he discovered the theft of a goldsmith, who had mixed some other metal with the gold he ought to have used in forming a crown, which he had undertaken to make for king Hie.ro. The burning-glass which he in¬ vented to set on lire the fleet of Marcellus, was for a long time considered as chimerical; but after seeing that of a celebrated modern phi¬ losopher, the other can no longer be denied. Syracuse was at last taken after a siege of three years, and in the year before Christ 212, Marcellus, the Roman consul, was much de¬ lighted with the hopes of finding in this city, the man whose wonderful genius had so long baffled the bravest efforts of the Roman arms, and therefore ordered diligent search to he made every where for Archimedes. A private soldier finding him at last, deeply intent upon the solution of some geometrical problem, com¬ manded him to go along with him to Marcel¬ lus. Archimedes very quietly begged of the soldier to wait a few moments till he should 156 BLOWERS OB finish his problem. But the soldier, mistaking his request for an absolute refusal to obey him, stabbed him with his sword on the spot. Marcell us was extremelv concerned at the «/ death of Archimedes, and by the honors paid to his memory, plainly evinced the high opin¬ ion he entertained of his merit, giving him a very pompous funeral, and causing a monument to be erected to his memory, so contrived as to exhibit an emblem of that most perfect of sci¬ ences, the mathematics. He even extended his favor to the relations of Archimedes, on whom he bestowed distinguishing and advantageous privileges. Jk O Cicero tells us, that more than 140. years after this event, when the memory of Archi¬ medes was almost lost among his own country¬ men, he himself had the curiosity to make in¬ quiry about his tomb, which, after a painful search, he had the pleasure at last to find; dis¬ covering it by a pillar, whereon was delineated the figure of a sphere and cylinder, with an in¬ scription on the foot of it, pointing out the proportion that a sphere hears to a cylinder of the same base and altitude, which is, as that of 2 to 3; a proposition which was discovered and demonstrated by Archimedes. CHAP. LXXVI. f Of JEncas, iENEAS was a Trojan prince, son of An ebises and Venus. When the Greeks besieged ANCIENT H1ST0RT. t&r Troy, lie valiantly opposed them. On their tak¬ ing the jcity, he placed his father and his household gods upon his hack, and leading his son Ascanius by the hand, retreated, with what Trojan troops he could collect to Alexandria. In the destruction of Troy, he lost his wife Creusa, daughter of Priam, and never knew what fate befel her. He afterwards sailed to Epirus, and after many tempests and storms at sea, landed at Carthage, where queen Dido became passionately in love with him; but not¬ withstanding all her entreaties, AEneas left Carthage, and went into Sicily. Here his fa¬ ther Anchises died, to whose memory he erect¬ ed a magnificent monument. At length, after having long been the sport of the winds, he ar¬ rived in Italy, and married Lavinia, daughter of king Latinus, and succeeded him in the go¬ vernment. He, with his son Ascanius, founded there a new kingdom, and from him the Ro¬ mans date their origin. For Romulus was descended from the kings of Alba Longa, a city built by Ascanius. $ CHAP. LXXVII. Of Romulus . THE character of Romulus, the founder of the Roman state, when we view him as the leader of a few lawless and wandering banditti, is an object of extreme insignificance. But when we consider him as the founder of an empire, as extensive as the world, and whose O FLOWERS OF lbS progress and decline have occasioned the two greatest revolutions that ever happened in Eu¬ rope, we cannot help being interested in his conduct. His disposition was extremely martial, and the political state of Italy, divided into a num¬ ber of small hut independent districts, afforded a noble field for the display of military talents. Romulus was continually embroiled with one or other of his neighbors, and war was the only employment by which he and his compa¬ nions expected not only to aggrandize them¬ selves, but even to subsist. In the conduct of his wars with the neigh¬ boring people, we may observe the same max¬ ims by which the Romans afterwards became masters of the world. Instead of destroying the nations he had subjected, he united them to the Roman slate, whereby Home acquired a new accession of strength from every war she undertook, and became powerful and populous, from that very circumstance, which ruins and depopulates other kingdoms. If the enemies with which he contended had by means of the arms or arts they employed any considerable advantage, Romulus immedi¬ ately adopted the practice, or the use of that weapon, and improved the military system of the Romans, by the united experience of all their enemies. We have an example of both these maxims, by means of which the Roman state arrived at such a pitch of grandeur, in the war with the Sabines. Romulus having conquered that nation, not only united them tc ANCIENT HISTORY. 159 the Romans, bat finding their buckler prefera¬ ble to the Roman, instantly threw aside the latter, and made use of the Sabine buckler in fighting against other states. Romulus, though principally attached to war, did not altogether neglect the civil policy of his infant kingdom. He instituted what was called the Senate, a court originally composed of a hundred persons, distinguished for their wisdom and experience. He enacted laws for the administration of justice, and for bridling the fierce and unruly passions of bis followers; and after a long reign spent in promoting the civil and military interests of his country was, according to the most probable conjecture, pri¬ vately assassinated by some of the members of that senate which he himself had instituted, in the year before Christ 717. CHAP. LXXVIir./ Of the Successors of Romulus , THE successors of Romuius were all very extraordinary personages. Numa, w ho came next to him, established the religious ceremo¬ nies of the Romans, and inspired them with that veneration for an oath, which was ever after the soul of their military discipline. Tullus Ilostilius, Ancus Martins, Tarqui- nius Prisons, and Servius Tullius, labored each during his reign for the grandeur of Rome. But Tarquinius Superbus, the seventh and last King, having obtained the crown by the exe- 160 BLOWERS OE arable murder of his father-in-law Sewius. continued to support it by the most cruel and infamous tyranny. This, together with the in¬ solence of his son Sextus Tarquinius, who, by dishonoring Lucretia, a Roman lady, affronted the whole nation, occasioned the expulsion of the Tarquin family, and with it the dissolution of the regal government, in the year before Christ 50 9 . CHAP. LXXIX. Of the Consular Government. AS the Romans, however, were continually engaged in war, they found it necessary to have some officer invested with supreme authority, who might conduct them to the field, and re¬ gulate their military enterprises. In the room of the kings, therefore, they appointed two annual magistrates, called consuls, who, with¬ out creating the same jealousy, succeeded to all the power of their sovereigns. This revo¬ lution was extremely favorable to the Roman grandeur. The consuls, who enjoyed but a temporary power, were desirous of signalizing their reign by some great action. Each vied with those who had gone before him, and the Romans were daily led out against some new enemy. When we add to this that the people, natu¬ rally warlike, were inspired to deeds of valor by every consideration that could excite them, that the citizens of Rome were all soldiers. ANCIENT HISTORY. 461 and fought for their lands, their children, and their liberties, we need not be surprised that they should, in the course of some few centu¬ ries, extend their power over all Italy. CHAP. LXXX. Of Carthage , and the first Punic War. CARTHAGE was an ancient city on the coast of Africa, founded by Dido, queen of Tyre, long before the foundation of Rome.—- The Carthaginians by trade and navigation, had not only extended their dominion in Africa^ but had got great footing in Spain. They also gave law to the islands of Corsica and Sardinia, in the Mediterranean sea, and under color of friendly assistance to the Romans? aimed at the sovereignty of Sicily. This gave rise to a succession of hostilities between these rival states, known in history by the name of Punic wars, in which the Carthaginians, with all their wealth and power, were an unequal match for the Romans. Carthage was a pow¬ erful republic, when Rome was an inconsider¬ able state; but she was now become corrupt and effeminate, while Rome was in the vigor of her political constitution. Carthage employed mercenaries to carry on her wars; Rome, as we have already mentioned, was composed of soldiers. The first war with Carthage lasted twenty- three years, and taught the Romans the art of fighting on the sea, with which they had hith- o 2 162 FLOWERS OF erto been Unacquainted. A Carthaginian ves¬ sel was wrecked on their coast; they used it for a model, in three months fitted out a fleet, and the consul Duillus, who fought their first naval battle, was victorious. Attilius Regulus was appointed pro-consul in Africa. He defeated the Carthaginian ar¬ my, and took five thousand prisoners. He re¬ duced Clypea, a famous sea-port, and other ci¬ ties of Africa, and no peace could he obtained by the Carthaginians from Regulus, hut on the hardest conditions. The Lacedemonians sent Greek troops to their assistance, under Xan- iippus, a brave and experienced general. Fortune now favored the Carthaginians.— Regulus was defeated and taken prisoner, with five hundred Romans, the companions of his misfortune. The Romans also sustained great loss 'JV sea; for on their return to Italy, the greater part of their fleet, consisting of 350 sail, wa& destroyed by a strong tempest, and both their consuls perished. A like misfortune befcl them the year after, when they lost 150 ships. The Romans were so much discouraged by this repeated series of unsuccessful events, that they declined farther nayal engagements, and decreed that sixty ships alone should be kept to guard the Italian coasts. The consul MetelJus, on the other side, rais¬ ed the spirits of the Romans, by a dreadful- overthrow of the Carthaginians in Sicily, un¬ der Asdrubal their general. Twenty thousand men were killed, and twenty-six elephants were ANCIENT HISTORY. 163 taken. Fop this action a splendid triumph was decreed to Metellus; and Asdrubal, on his return to Carthage, was condemned and executed. CHAP. LXXXf. Of Ucgulus. . THE behavior of Regulus, the Homan gen¬ eral, may give us an idea of the spirit which then animated that people. The Carthagini¬ ans, wearied out with this tedious war, sent ambassadors to Rome, to make overtures of peace. Regulus had now been _a prisoner in Carthage live years; and the Carthaginians en¬ gaged him to plead their cause. But they first exacted a promise from him to return to Car¬ thage, in ease the embassy proved unsuccess¬ ful. It was at the time hinted to him, that his life depended on the success of his negotiation. On his arrival at Rome, he acquainted (he senate with the motive of his journey, and at the same time used every argument to dis¬ suade the Romans from peace, or an exchange of prisoners, who, he said, “had ignominiously surrendered their arms to the enemy. And that, as to himself, he was far advanced in years, and looked upon death, though inilicted with the most cruel torture, as nothing in com¬ petition with the service of his country.” Ho at length prevailed on the senate to comply with his noble and unparalleled counsel; and though he well knew the fatal consequences to FLOWERS OF himself, the illustrious prisoner would not break his engagement with the enemy, but re¬ turned to Carthage. And it is horrid to relate, that the Carthaginians imprisoned him in a dungeon, and cutting off his eye-lids, exposed him to the sun when its beams darted the strongest heat. They next put him into a bar¬ rel stuck full of nails, whose points pricking his flesh, allowed him not a moment’s ease. At last, to complete their cruelty, they nailed this noble Roman to a cross, where he expired. By this one act only, did the Carthaginians bring an eternal infamy on themselves and their country. The Romans hearing of the horrid deed were greatly enraged, and delivered Hamilcar the Carthaginian general, and other prisoners, to Marcia the wife of Regulus, who shut them up in an armory filled with pikes, with an in¬ tent to torture them, and inflict the punish¬ ment on them hep husband^Jiad received. The magistrates, however, interfered, and they were treated with great moderation, to let the ene¬ my know, “that the Romans were too gene¬ rous to exult over the miseries of unhappy men, though merited by the highest resentment, and a just retaliation.’’ The war between the two republics was now renewed,, and carried on both by sea and land with various success, till at length a peace was concluded between them, in the year before Christ 239. Sicily was made a Roman pro¬ vince, and the Carthaginians engaged to deli¬ ver up all their prisoners without ransom. ANCIENT HISTORY. 165 CHAP. LXXXII. Of Hannibal , and the second Punic War. CARTHAGE, though corrupted, was not deficient in great men. Of all the enemies the Romans ever had to contend with, Hannibal, the Carthaginian, was the most inflexible and dangerous. His father Hamilcar, had imbi¬ bed an extreme hatred against the Romans, and having settled the intestine troubles of his country, he took an early opportunity to in¬ spire his son, though but nine years old, with his own sentiments. For this purpose lie or¬ dered a solemn sacrifice to be offered to Jupi¬ ter, and leading his son to the altar, asked him whether he was willing to attend him, in his expedition against the Romans. The coura¬ geous boy not only consented to go, but con¬ jured his father, by the gods present, to form him to victory, and teach him the art of con¬ quering. That I will joyfully do, replied Ha¬ milcar, and with all the care of a father who loves you, if you will swear upon the altar to be an eternal enemy to the Romans. Hanni¬ bal readily complied, and the solemnity of the ceremonv, and the saeredness of the oath, made • - such an impression upon his mind, as nothing afterwards could ever efface. Being appointed general at twenty-five years of age, he laid siege to Saguntum, a city of Spain, in alliance with the Romans. This breach of peace brought on the second Punic war, which was carried on with mutual brave- 16ff FLOWERS OF ry and animosity. And so equal was the fate of arms between them, that both parties tri¬ umphed by turns. Hannibal had greatly the advantage at first. He over-ran all Spain, and being bent on the ruin of the Roman state, he determined to carry the war into Italy. He surmounted all difficulties. He passed the Alps with an army of 140,000 horse and foot, in the winter season; and with a resolution almost in¬ credible, he vanquished the Roman army under the consuls Seipio and Sempronius. He after- terwards engaged Flaminius, the Roman gene¬ ral, at the lake Thrasymenus. In this battte Flaminius was slain, and his army entirely de¬ feated. Rome was in the utmost consternation on this success of the enemy, and Fabius Maximus was sent with four legions in quest ef Hannibal, but constantly avoided coming to an engagement with him. This cautious con- duct of Fabius greatly distressed Hannibal, who frequently offered him battle. The year after, the armies came to a general engage¬ ment at Cannse, a town in Apulia. The Ro¬ mans, under the consuls ASmilius Paulus, and Terrentius Varro, were again entirely rou¬ ted. Fifty thousand men were slain in the battle, and an hundred thousand surrendered themselves prisoners of war. And so great was the slaughter, that it is said the conqueror sent to Carthage three bushels of gold rings, which had been taken from the slain. Hitherto victory declared on the side of the Carthaginians, and Rome was in the utmost distress. At this time Caius Seipio, a tribune ANCIENT HISTORY. 167 of the soldiers, undertook the cause of his coun¬ try. This young man being informed that some of the best families of Rome, despairing to save the commonwealth, had agreed to aban¬ don Italy,and settle themselves elsewhere, went directly to the assembly, and with his sword drawn, swore, “that if they did not lay aside that inglorious resolution, and take an oath not to abandon the republic in its present distress, they should all he immediately cut to pieces. 95 These threats, added to the spirit and cour¬ age of Scipio, brought them all into the engage¬ ment, and they mutually plighted their faith to each other, to deliver their country, or to die in its ruins. Hannibal had neglected to improve his con¬ quest, by not marching directly to Rome. This gave the Romans time to recover their late de¬ feat. A new army of young men and slaves was sent into Spain, and the Romans coming to an engagement in Sardinia, twelve thousand Carthaginians were slain. Marcellus also great¬ ly harrassed Hannibal’s troops, and repulsed them in several rencounters; hut he at last fell into an ambuscade and was slain. Scipio the younger was sent into Spain and made successful campaigns. Hannibal was de¬ feated by Hostilius and Claudius Nero. As- drubal, Hannibal’s brother, was killed in battle, with the consul Livius, and Spain was entirely subjected to the Romans. Scipio was now made consul, and sent into Africa. The Numidians also sent a powerful army under a second Asdrubai and Syphax, to 168 FLOWERS OF the assistance of the Carthaginians. Seipic surprised the camp of the enemy in the night, and by this artifice gained a complete victory. Syphax was soon after taken prisoner by Masinissa, king of Numidia, and carried, to Rome. On this success of the Romans in Afri¬ ca, Hannibal was called home, after he had passed fifteen years in that country, to the great dread and terror of the Romans. On liis return, Hannibal took the command of the African army at Zama, distant from Car¬ thage five days journey. The Roman army was also in a neighboring plain, and the two generals had an interview, but nothing was agreed on. Seipio charged the Carthaginians with perfidy and injustice; upon which both sides prepared for battle. The fate of Rome and Carthage was now to be decided. Both generals displayed the utmost bravery and ex¬ perience in arms; but Hannibal was at last van¬ quished, ami victory remained with Seipio. Twenty thousand Carthaginians were slain in the field, and as many taken prisoners. Han¬ nibal betook himself to Carthage, and declared he was irrevocably vanquished, and that no choice was left, but to make peace. This was granted by the conquerors, but on the most ri¬ gorous conditions. Thus ended the second Pu¬ nic war, after it had continued seventeen years: and the power and grandeur of the Roman peo¬ ple were greatly increased, by this signal con¬ quest over their rival for universal empire. A powerful alliance was soon formed against the Romans by Autioehus of Asia, surnamed ANCIENT HISTDRY. 169 the Great, and Hannibal, the avowed enemy of Home. Antiochus was defeated at Magnesia, by Cornelius Scipio, and his brother Africanus; and peace was granted to Antiochus, on condi¬ tion that he should recede from all the coun¬ tries on this side mount Tau'rus in Greece* CHAP. LXXXIXI. Of the Fate of Scipio and Hannibal . THE fate of the two generals, Scipio and Hannibal, was soon after determined. Scipio was charged with taking money of Antiochus, for the peace he had lately made with him, and retired to Li tern urn in Campania, where he died, exclaiming in severe terms against Tris country. He ordered words to the following purport, to be engraved on his tomb: “Un¬ grateful country, thou shait not possess my ashes!” His great rival Hannibal, after flying from place to place, to escape falling into the hands of the Romans, at last sought an asylum in the court of Prusias, king of Bythinia. Han¬ nibal making some stay there, that prince en¬ gaged him in the war with Eumenes, king of Pergamus. He gained for Prusias several bat¬ tles bj land and sea, when Hannibal imagined, that such important services would forever se* cure him a faithful friend in that prince. The Romans, however, would not suffer him to rest any where. They dispatched Flami- mius to Prusias, to complain of his protecting P FLOWERS OF / 70 Hannibal. The latter knew too well the mo¬ tive of this embassy, and therefore determined not to give his enemies the opportunity to de¬ liver him up. He at first attempted his secu¬ rity by flight; but perceiving, that the several secret outlets, which he had contrived in his palace, were all seized by the soldiers of Pru- sias, who, by this treacherous action, hoped to ingratiate himself with the Romans, he ordered poison, which, he had long kept for this me¬ lancholy occasion, to be brought to him; and taking it in his hai:d, “Let us, said he, free the Romans from a disquietude, with which they have been long tortured, since they have not pa¬ tience to wait for the death of a man, whom old age has already overtaken. The victory, which Flaminius gains over a naked betrayed man, will not do him much honor. This sin¬ gle day will be a lasting testimony of the great degeneracy of the Romans. Their fore-fathers sent notice to Pyrrhus, to caution him to guard against a traitor, who intended to poison him, and that at a time when this prince was enga¬ ged in an obstinate war against them, in the very heart of Italy. But their inglorious sons have deputed a person of consular dignity, to excite Prusias impiously to murder one, who is not only his guest, but his friend.” Having uttered these words, he swallowed the poison, and died in the seventieth year of his age. Thus fell, perhaps, one of the greatest gen¬ erals the world ever produced; and to whom, during the seventeen years of the Punic war, only two faults are imputed: first, his not ANCIENT HISTORY 171 marching immediately after the battle of Can- me, with his victorious forces to Rome, in or¬ der to besiege that city; and secondly, his suf¬ fering their courage to be softened and enerva¬ ted, during the winter quarters in Capua. But this only shews, that human nature is frail, and that the greatest have their errors. These failings, however, are totally absorbed in the shining parts of his character, fie had the presence of mind, even in the heat and fire of action, to take all advantages. And though his army consisted of so great a variety of na¬ tions, who were often in want both of money and provisions, yet so artful was his management, that his camp was never once disturbed with any insurrection, cither against himself or any of his generals. He must have been very fruitful in expe¬ dients, to be able to carry on, for so many years, a war in a far distant country, in spite of the opposition made at home, by a powerful faction, which refused him supplies of every kind, and thwarted him on all occasions. He was not only the warrior, but the states¬ man. So superior and universal was his ge¬ nius, that he grasped all parts of government; and so great were his natural talents, that he was able to acquit himself with the various functions of it with glory. He shone as conspicuously in the cabinet, as in the field, being equally capable of filing civil or military employments. In a word, there were united in his person, the warrior, the senator, and the financier. i 7 % FLOWERS OF CHAP. LXXX1V. Of the third Punic War , and the Destruction of Carthage . A DISAGREEMENT between Masinissa and the Carthaginians, about the limits of their territories, furnished fresh pretence of quarrel. The decision was referred to the Romans, who obliged the Carthaginians to give up to Masi¬ nissa, the country in dispute. This gave rise to the third Punic war, in the year before Christ 148. The Romans had now determined the fate of Carthage, and it was declared in the senate, that “Carthage must be destroyed.” Censo¬ rious and Manlius, then consuls, were sent to Africa with lfO gallies, 80,000 foot, and 4,000 horse, which terrifying the Carthaginians they sent ambassadors to Rome, to offer an unlimi¬ ted submission. Answer was made, that the senate of Rome granted them their liberty, the enjoyment of their laws, all their territories, and other possessions, provided that within thirty days, they should send as hostages to Lilybseuni, 300 young Carthaginians, of the first distinction, and comply with the orders of the consuls. These severe terms were submitted to, and the hostages were ordered to depart; but the cries, groans, and lamentations of their mo¬ thers, at their departure, whom they were to see no more, is much easier to be conceived than des'cribed. ANCIENT HISTORY. 173 No sooner had the Carthaginian deputies ar¬ rived at the Homan camp, than they were told by Censorious, that the people of Carthage must immediately deliver up all their arms to him; to which they were forced to consent, and which was no sooner commanded lhap done. Censorious having applauded their obedience* told them, that the Homan people were deter¬ mined totally to demolish Carthage; but that the inhabitants might remove from it, and found another city in their own territories, provided its distance from the sea did not exceed ten miles. The most tremendous thunder from the skies, could not have more affected the Car¬ thaginians, than did this sentence of the con¬ sul. They knew neither where they were nor what they did or said; but, tearing their clothes, rolled themselves in the dust. After some time, recovering from the first emotions of hor¬ ror and despair, though destitute of men and arms, they shut their gates, and resolved to make an obstinate resistance. The Homan consul, thinking he had nothing to fear from them, made no great haste to march against Carthage, whose inhabitants in¬ stantly set about making arms with incredible expedition. The temples, palaces, and open squares, were all changed into so many arse¬ nals, where men and women wrought day and night. And, because materials were wanting to make ropes, the women cut olf their hair, which amply supplied the want of proper ma¬ terials. p 2 FLOWERS OF 174 The Rolrians marched and invested the city, but were repulsed at eyery assault; and no ma¬ terial advantage was gained by them, during the whole campaign. The siege was carried on very slowly, and the. besieged recovered their spirits, having made the boldest sallies, burnt their engines, and liarrassed their foragers. The Homans being determined on the de¬ struction of Carthage, and uneasy at the little progress made by their generals, sent Seipio. thither, in the year before Christ 144. His tirst business was to revive the discipline among the troops, which had been entirely neglected. He then prepared to carry on the siege with vigor. During the winter quarters, Seipio en¬ deavored to defeat the enemy’s troops without the city, and in one engagement slew 70,000 of them. Early the next spring, Seipio having attack¬ ed, at one and the same time, the harbor called Cothon, and the citadel, marched towards the forum, where was the most horrid spectacle of slaughtered people; some cut to pieces by the murdering weapons, others half killed by the fall of hoi *ses, others torn limb from limb, or hall* buried in the earth, or trampled on, lay mingled in heaps, in the most shocking manner. The Carthaginians, wearied out with these ill successes, besought the Romans to spare the lives of all those who should be willing to leave the citadel. This was granted to all except deserters; and in eonsequenee thereof, there came out 50,000 men and women, who were sent into the fields under a strong guard. ANCIENT HISTORY. 17i> Carthage did not fall without a remarkable instance of female heroism; for Asdrubal, the Carthaginian general, being sore pressed by the Romans, fortified himself, with his wife and children, and nine hundred deserters from the Roman army, in the.temple of JEsculapius; but seeing small hopes of success, he came pri¬ vately to Scipio, and threw himself at his feet. The Roman general immediately shewed As- drubal to the deserters, who, transported with rage and fury at the sight, vented millions of imprecations against him, and set fire to the temple. As the flames were spreading, As- drubai's wife dressed herself as splendid as pos¬ sible, and placing herself with her two children, in sight of Scipio, spoke as follows, with a loud voice: “I call not down curses upon thy head, O Roman, for thou only takest the privilege allowed thee by the laws of war. But may the gods of Carthage, and thou in concert with them, punish according to his deserts, the false wretch who has betrayed his country, his gods, his wife, and his children.” Then addressing herself to Asdrubal, she exclaimed, “Perfidious wretch; thou basest of creatures! this fire will presently consume both me and my children. But as for thee, go, adorn the gay triumph of thy conqueror! and suffer, in the sight of all Rome, the tortures thou so justly deservest.” She had no sooner spoken these words, but she cut the throats of her children, and threw them into the flames; she afterwards rushed into the fire herself and was followed by all the de¬ serters. 176 FLOWERS OF CHAP. LXXXV. Of the success of the Homan arms , and of Mi- thridates . AFTER the conquest of Carthage, Rome had inconsiderable wars, but great victories. In these conquests the Romans still allowed the ancient inhabitants to possess their territo¬ ry. They did not even change the form of go¬ vernment. The conquered nations became the allies of the Roman people; which denomina¬ tion, however, under a specious name, conceal¬ ed a condition very servile, and inferred, that they should submit to whatever was required of them. When we reflect on these easy conquests, we have reason to be astonished at the resistance which the Romans met with from Mithridatcs king of Pontus, for the space of twenty-six years. Rut this monarch had great resources. His kingdom bordering on the inaccessible mountains of Caucasus, abounded with a race of men, whose minds were not enervated with pleasure, and whose bodies were firm and vi¬ gorous; and he gave the Romans more trouble than even Hannibal. The different states of Greece and Asia, who now began to feel the weight of their yoke, but had not spirit to shake it off. were transported at finding a prince, who dared to shew himself an enemy to the Romans, and cheerfully sub¬ mitted to his protection. Mithridatcs, however, was at last compelled ANCIENT HISTORY. 17 7 to yield to the superior fortune of the Romans. Vanquished successively by Sylla and Lucul- 1 us, he was at length subdued by Pompey, and stripped of his dominions and of his life. In Africa, the Roman arms met with equal success. Marius, by conquering Jugurtha, made all secure in that quarter. Even the bar¬ barous nations beyond the Alps, began to feel the weight of the Roman arms. Qatlia Nar~ bonensis bad been reduced into a province. The Cimbri, Teutones and other northern nations of Europe, broke into this part of the empire. The same Marius, whose name was so terrible in Africa, then made the north of Europe to tremble. The barbarians retired to their wilds and deserts; less formidable than the Roman legions. Rut while Rome conquered the world, there existed an internal war within her walls. This war had subsisted from the first periods of the government. Rome, after the expulsion of her kings, enjoyed but a partial liberty. The de¬ scendants of the senators, who were distinguish¬ ed by the name of patricians, were invested with so many odious privileges, that the peo¬ ple felt their dependence, and became determi¬ ned to shake it off. A thousand disputes on this subject arose between them and the patri¬ cians, which always terminated in favor of li¬ berty. These disputes, while the Romans preserv¬ ed their virtue, were not attended with any dan¬ gerous consequences. The patricians who loved their country, cheerfully parted with 178 FLOWERS OF some of their privileges, to satisfy the people. And the people, on the other hand, though they obtained laws, by which they might be admit¬ ted to enjoy the first offices of the state, and though they had the power of nomination, al¬ ways named patricians. But when the Romans, by the conquest of foreign nations, became acquainted with all their luxuries and refinements; when they be¬ came tainted with the effeminacy and corrup¬ tion of the eastern courts, and sported with every thing just and honorable, in order to ob¬ tain them, the state, torn by the factions be¬ tween its members, and without virtue, on either side, to keep it together, became a proy to its own children. CHAP. LXXXVI. Of Catiline’s Conspiracy . ABOUT sixty one years befofe Christ one of the most dangerous conspiracies broke out that had ever threatened Rome. At the head of this conspiracy was Lucius Sergius Catiline, who was descended from a very illustrious pa¬ trician family of great antiquity. He had been brought up amidst the tumults and disorders of a civil war, and had been the instrument of the cruelties of Sylla, to whom he was devoted. Catiline had been accused of dishonoring a ves¬ tal virgin, and was even suspected of murder¬ ing his son, that he might not stand in the way of his sensual gratifications. Destitute of either ANCIENT BISTORT. 179 morals or probity, he discovered not the least veneration for the gods; and being ever dis¬ gusted with the present, was always unhappy with respect to the future. Though master of few abilities, he was bold, rash, and intrepid, and had not even prudence enough properly to conceal his own infernal de¬ signs, where it was necessary he should, in or¬ der to prevent their miscarriage. As extravagance is the first cause of the vio¬ lation of all laws, so Catiline, having contrac¬ ted vast debts, and being unable to pay them, grew desperate, and aimed at nothing less than tjie highest and most lucrative employments. For this purpose he associated with those young Romans, whose excesses in the freedom of wine, women and gaming, had ruined their fortunes, and rendered them the contempt of every dis¬ cerning person in the city. These abandoned wretches formed a horrid conspiracy to murder the consuls, and to put to death the greatest part of the senators. Even the day was fixed which was to have given birth to the most infamous attempt that had ever happened in the commonwealth since the foundation of Rome. At the signal given by Catiline, they were to rush on the consuls and murder them; but Catiline being too hasty in the signal, it was not obeyed; and thus the massacre, was put off till another time. Several women of the greatest families in Rome, who were no less remarkable for their libertinism than their beauty, engaged in this plot out of compliance to their lovers. Among 180 FLOWERS OF these was the famous Sempronia, who was as bold as she was beautiful. She was a perfect mistress both of the Greek and Latin tongues, and could sing and dance with more advantage than became a virtuous woman; nor was she wanting in any of those charms which are ca¬ pable of inspiring a passion. This conspiracy was daily strengthened by all the young people of Rome, who, having been rocked in the cradle of luxury, and enervated by a continual succession of pleasures; such as had ruined themselves by excesses, and were no longer able to support their extravagancies; the ambitious, who aspired to the highest posts of the stale; and others, who had revenge, which they wanted to gratify on some superior; all these actuated by different passions, embarked in the cause of Catiline, who made them the largest promises, and at the same time exhor¬ ted them to employ their interest to procure his being elected consul. No time could better suit the conspirators, as Pompey was then engaged in a war in the east, and Italy had no army to protect it. Cicero, however, who was then consul, found means to bribe Fulvia, a lady of an illustrious family, which she had dishonored by her cri¬ minal amours with one of the chief of the con¬ spirators. From this woman, Cicero, got such information, as enabled hhn to counteract all Catiline’s projects. Soon after, Cicero accused Catiline, while he was present in the senate, of his impious design; but he endeavored to clear himself of ANCIENT HISTORY. 181 the charge. Finding he could nol bring the senators to liis way of thinking, and being cal¬ led by them an enemy and a parricide, he cried out in a furious tone of voice, “Since snares are every where laid for me, and those to whom I am odious, exasperate me beyond measure, I will not perish singly, but involve my enemies in my ruin.” Catiline having spoken these words, flew out of the senate house, and sending for the chief conspirators, toid them what had passed. Then exhorting them to murder the consul, he left Rome that night, accompanied by three hun¬ dred of his associates, and went and joined Manlius. He caused lictors, with fasces and axes, to walk before him, as if he had really been a magistrate. Upon the news of this in¬ surrection, the senate ordered Antonius, the consul, to march the legions against the rebels, and Cicero to look after the peace of the city. Soon after, Lentulus, Cethegus, Gabinius, and two more, who were principals of the con¬ spiracy, were arrested, convicted, and conveyed to different prisons. The contest in the senate was long and warm, respecting the nature of the punishment that should be inflicted upon them. It was, however, at last resolved, that they should be put to death; and Cicero, upon the bare sentence of the senate, and without submit¬ ting the matter to the people, as was usual, or¬ dered them to be executed in the different pri¬ sons in which they were confined. These exe¬ cutions at once crushed the plot, and overturned all the designs of the conspirators, who had'that Q 182 FLOWERS OF night resolved to rescue them from confinement, that they might immediately join Catiline. News being brought to Catiline’s camp of the late execution, great numbers of his sol¬ diers abandoned him in the night; hut this did not disconcert or dishearten Catiline; for he was determined either to ruin the common¬ wealth, or perish in the attempt. He thereup¬ on raised new forces, filled the cohorts with them, and soon completed the legions which were all inflamed with the same passion for Mood and slaughter, and the destruction of- their native country. By the good manage¬ ment of the consul, Catiline at last found him¬ self surrounded by the enemy. He, therefore, resolved to hazard a battle, though he was con¬ siderably inferior in number. Petreius, who had served thirty years in the field, and from a private soldier had been made a general, commanded for the republic, in the room of the consul, wh° was suddenly taken ill. He engaged Catiline with tlie greatest bravery, and the battle was sustained on both sides with the utmost intrepidity. Petreius was at last victorious, and the rebels were all put to the sword. But Catiline,w ho could not bear the thoughts of surviving the ruin of his party, rushed into that part of the battle where death was making the greatest havoc, and there fell a victim to his own folly and iniquity. He was afterwards found among the dead and mangled bodies of (he rebels, which lay in heaps. On his pale and lifeless face wus still pictured the haughty ANCIENT HISTORY. 183 ferocity of his soul, which even death could not extinguish. CHAP. LXXXVII. Of Julius Caesar, and the First Grand Trium¬ virate. THE greater part of Jhe world was now subdued, and the Roman empire was arrived to such grandeur, that it could scarce extend itself farther. No outward force was sufficient to subdue the power of the Romans. But the state at length fell by its own weight, and the ambition of the leading men. Julius Caesar, at this time, began to make a considerable figure in Rome. He had before enjoyed many public offices, and was now prse~ tor and governor of Spain, where he greatly extended the frontiers of the Roman dominion. He also reduced Lusitania into a Roman pro- vince, and, on his return home, was received with the general acclamations of the people. But he declined a triumph, and was elected consul. Csesar now began to lay the foundation of his future grandeur. Pompey and Crass us were competitors for the government. Ctcsal* undertook to reconcile these professed enemies, and to unite them to himself. He succeeded in his design; and these three men agreed, “that nothing should he transacted in the re¬ public, without their joint approbation.” In this manner was formed the first grand 184 FLOWERS OF triumvirate, which totally subverted both the consular and popular state, the whole power being now vested in the hands of the three greatest men in Rome, as to f valor, authority and riches. Thus fell the liberty of Rome, owing to venality and corruption, after having made such an illustrious figure for many ages, in the year before Christ 58. It is no w onder, that it was soon after plunged into the greatest miseries, as it was impossible the triumvirs should long agree together. Caesar was no sooner settled in the consul ¬ ship, hut he confirmed all Pompey’s acts, pur¬ suant to the agreement made between them. And, in order to strengthen his power by alli¬ ance with the first families, he married Cal- f phurnia, the daughter of Piso, and gave his daughter Julia in marriage to Pompey. He next endeavored to ingratiate himself with the commons, and preferred a law for dividing the lands in Campania among the poorer citizens, who had three children or more. By these arts, and a boundless generosity, he gained the favor of all ranks and degrees of men. The government of Syria was given to Crassus; ihat of Spain to Pompey; and that of Gallia Cisalpina was allotted (o Cresar. In this man¬ ner these three men divided (he world among them. Cato inveighed against this distribution, but Caesar caused him to be put under arrest. Cicero also met w ith the like ill treatment, and was^ sent to his government in Cilicia; and in order to ruin bis interest, Caesar associated himself with Clodjus, the professed enemy of ANCIENT HISTORY. 185 Cicero, although he had been lately engaged in a criminal correspondence with Pompeia^ Caesar’s wife. The conquest of Gaul opened a large field for action. Caesar set out for that country with four legions of Homan soldiers, and Pom- pey afterwards sent him another. His suc¬ cess was equal to his great courage and valor; for in the space of ten years, he triumphed over the Helvetii, and confined them to their mountains. He defeated Ariovistus, king of the Suevi; he subdued the Belgse,and conquered all Gaul. The Romans also, under his con¬ duct, crossed the sea, and, for the first time, set up their eagles in Britain. It is related by Plutarch, and other historians, that, in the progress of his army, he took either by force, or made submit by the terror of his arms,eight hundred cities; that he subdued three hundred^ different nations, and that he defeated in differ¬ ent battles three millions of men; of which about a million were slain in battle, and an equal number were made prisoners. It is cer¬ tain the commonwealth had never seen a grea¬ ter commander; but the rapidity of Csesar’s conquests increased bis ambition; and the riches he accumulated became the surest in¬ strument of bringing his great designs to the desired issue. ' , A. ' Crassus carried on an unsuccessful war against the Par Lilians in Syria, and there lost his life. One of the Triumvirate being thus taken off, the jealousy of the other two was soon perceived. Pompey was not able td hear q % 186 FLOWERS OF an equal, nor Cscsar a superior. A disagree--* ment between these great men broke out, which engaged their country in a civil war. Corrup¬ tion was at this time got to an enormous height ill the city, and faction and private interest prevailed in ail public affairs. Pompey ima¬ gined it would be easy for him to triumph over his competitor; but Csesar, by his mighty ex¬ ploits in war, his great policy and industry, and by his bounty at home, secured himself a strong party. Cicero, about this time, returned to Rome, from Cilicia. His absence had prevented him from siding with either party, and he now en¬ deavored to act as mediator between both; hut no proposal of accommodation would be listen¬ ed to. Pompey’s party endeavored to draw Cjesar from* his government of Gaul, whilst Csesar, on the other band, insisted that Pom- pey should resign bis government also, and dis¬ band his armies. At last, in the consulship of Claudius Marcellus, and Lucius Lentulus, the senate ordered Cscsar to disband his army by a certain day. Ctesar upon this passed the Alps and halted at Ravenna, from whence he wrote to the senate. In his letter he declared that he was ready to lay down his command jointly with Pompey; but if that genetal kept his command, he, for his part, knew how to maintain himself at the head of his legions. He concluded his epistle in the following man¬ ner; “If I have not justice immediately done me, I will march to Rome.” These last words filled the assembly with horror, and Ctesar was ANCIENT HISTORY. 187 commanded to resign his army, on pain of be¬ ing declared an enemy to his country. This decree of the senate was a declaration of war, and both parties had recourse to arms. Mark Antony the tribune, as also Curio and Cassius, quitted the city, and went over to Caesar. Caesar immediately retired secretly from Ra¬ venna, and went and joined his army, which was then near the Rubicon. Be there found about five thousand foot, and three hundred horse, and with these inconsiderable forces he began the civil war. He halted for some time on the banks of the Rubicon, reflecting on the miseries and calamities inseparable from intes¬ tine wars. “If I do not cross this river, said he to himself, I am ruined; and, should I pass it, what multitudes shall l ruin!” After con¬ sidering a little, and the animosity of his ene¬ mies presenting itself to his mind, he plunged into the river, and cried out, ‘‘Let us go whi¬ ther the omens of the gods, and the injustice of our enemies, call us. The dye is east.” The army having crossed the Rubicon, Cae¬ sar tore liis robe in the presence of the tribunes of the people, and implored the protection of his soldiers, when they all cried out with loud acclamations, that they were ready to die in the service of their general. He then march¬ ed with all possible expedition and took Ariini- num, which diffused terror over all Italy. The senate were divided in their resolutions, and rather waited the consequences of the pre¬ sent commotions, than provided for the general safety. Pornpey, iti great uneasiness and con- 188 FLOWERS OF fusion, eouid resolve on nothing certain; ansi the senators reproached him with being lulled asleep by the deceitful shew which Csesar made of restoring peace. In this unsettled state, he removed the seat of war from the neighborhood of Rome to Apu¬ lia. The consuls, with a great part of the se¬ nators, followed the fortune ofPompey. CHAP. LXXXVIII. Of the Battle of Pharsalia, and the Death of Pompey. ABOUT this time Csesar made himself mas¬ ter of Picenum; and having obtained some oth¬ er advantages, before he set out for Spain, in order to drive Pompey’s veterans from thence, he marched first to Rome, to settle some kind of government there. Having taken 3,000 pounds weight of gold out of the treasury, he left Rome, saying, that he w as going to attack an army without a general, and that then he would go and combat a general without an army. After several skirmishes and battles on both sides, the armies of Pompey and Csesar met on the plains of Pharsalia. In these armies was the flower of the Roman legions, whose bravery was to determine the fate of that migh¬ ty empire. The animosity and ambition of their chiefs, who were fired with the hopes of the riches and glory which must necessarily fallow the conquest of this day, made every ANCIENT HISTORY. 189 one conclude, that a general battle was unavoid- able. Pompey having twice the number of sol¬ diers that Caesar had, thought himself sure of victory; and his soldiers even quarrelled among themselves about the share of plunder. Caesar employed his time in a different man¬ ner. He exerted his utmost skill to improve liis soldiers, and inspire them with vigor and activity. Hearing that Pompey’s army was drawn up in order of battle, he told his troops, with an air of the highest satisfaction, that the long-wished-for moment was arrived, in which * it was in their power to gain immortal honor. Having thus spoken, he advanced with his troops towards the field of battle. Pompey was very much disturbed by ill omens, but ne¬ vertheless exhorted his soldiers to behave cou¬ rageously. As the armies approached, the two generals rode from rank to rank, to animate their soldiers. The signal was then given for battle, and the contest on both sides was long and bloody, and seemed for some time equal. Pompey’s cavalry charged with great vigor, and obliged the enemy to give ground. Caesar instantly advanced with bis reserved corps, who attacking the face of the enemy with their pikes, threw them into the greatest disorder. Caesar pursued the advantage with so much vi¬ gor, that they were at last overpowered. The auxiliaries began the flight, though Pompey’s right w ing maintained their ground with great bravery. At this instant, Caesar ordering bis men to cry aloud, “Kill the foreigners, but save the Homans,” the latter threw down their 190 FLOWERS OF arms, and received quarter. In the mean time a dreadful slaughter was made of the foreign¬ ers, who were flying with tiie utmost precipi¬ tation. After the battle, Pompey did not act con¬ sistent with the character he had hitherto sus¬ tained; but mounting a horse, went to Larrissa, and from thence to the sea-shore. The rich furniture and other things which were found in Pompey’s camp, were a convincing proof how much luxui^ had prevailed there. Fifteen thousand men fell in this memorable battle* and twenty-four thousand were taken prisoners. Pompey, though lately a great and powerful commander, was now obliged, with a few friends only, to retreat to a fisherman’s bark, from whence he got on board another vessel and made his escape. His misfortunes had now so completely conquered him, that he forgot to make use of those advantages he still haiFat sea, being master of a powerful and victorious fleet. He fled to the island of Lesbos, where he had before sent Cornelia his wife, and Sex¬ tus, his younger son, whom he took with him from Lesbos to Cyprus, and from thence came to Egypt. Pompey had been a great friend to Auletes, the father of the young Egyptian king; and it was chiefly through the influence of this illus¬ trious Homan that he was restored to his king¬ dom. He therefore expected to he assisted, and received with equal kindness by the son. Pom¬ pey, on his drawing near to land, sent messen¬ gers to Ptolemy to request his protection and ANCIENT HISTORY. 191 aid in his present distress. The king was then qnly thirteen years of age, and therefore con¬ sulted his ministers what answer to return. At hist, after various opinions, it was thought most expedient to dispatch him. Achillas, and Sep¬ timus, a Homan commander, were sent to exe¬ cute this horrid deed. They went to take Pompey on board a small boat, under pretence that great vessels could not approach the shore without much difficulty. The troops were drawn up on the sea-side, as with a design to honor Pompey, with Ptolemy at their head. Pompey embraced Cornelia, (alas, little did he think for ihe last time!) and entered the boat, where he was shamefully mur¬ dered, in the sight of his wife, and the young king. The murderers cut off his head, and threw his body on the sand, where it had no other funeral than what one of his freedmen gave it, with the assistance of an old Roman, who was there by accident. Thus unworthily ended the life of Pompey the Great, in the fifty- ninth year of his age. Cornelia had seen Pompey massacred before her eyes, and it is easier to imagine the condi¬ tion of a woman in the height of grief from so tragical a scene, than to describe it. The Ro¬ man ships made olf to sea with all imaginable speed. Cornelia and Sextus escaped first to Tyre, and from thence into Africa; but most of the other ships were taken by the Egyptian gallies, and all on hoard were cruelly put to the sword; among whom was Lucius Lentulus the late consul, who obstinately rejecting all i92 FLOWERS OF the proposals that had been made by Csesar, was the author of this fatal war. CHAP. LXXXIX. Of Cwsar 9 s Expedition into Egypt,' and hi$ Attachment to Cleopatra . CiESAll passed over into Egypt, and spent nine nionhts at Alexandria with Cleopatra, queen of that country. This queen hearing that Csesar was fond of women, laid a plot first to attach him to her person, and then her cause; for she was a woman who made nothing of prostituting her person to any one, either through passion or interest/' She desired Csesar to permit her to come in person, that she might plead her own cause before him. This being easily granted, she was conveyed privately into the city by her own servant, who carried her on his back, tied up in her bedding, to Csesar’s apartment in the citadel, where he threw down his burthen, untied it, and up started the lady with the best airs she could put on. Csesar was pleased with her stratagem, and smitten with her beauty, which had all the effects she wished for. Csesar having obtained a complete victory over the Egyptian army, Ptolemy endeavored to escape in a boat, which sunk, and he was drowned in the Nile. Csesar then returned to Alexandria, and all Egypt submitted to the con¬ queror. Csesar gave the crown of Egypt to Cleopa ANCIENT HISTORY. 193 tra, in conjunction with Ptolemy, her younger brother, who was only eleven years of age. The passion which Csesar had conceived for that princess, was probably the sole cause for his embarking in so dangerous a war, and his affection for her kept him much longer in Egypt than his affairs required. lie passed whole nights in feasting with her, and even intended to marry her; but after continuing some months in Egypt, he was obliged to leave it in order to oppose Pharnaces, son of the great Mitliri- dates. Pharnaces being conquered, and endea- voring to break into Bosphorus, was repulsed and slain by Asander, who had revolted from him. Thus deservedly fell a man so rebel¬ lious to his father, and ungrateful to his friends. After this he set out for Rome, with the utmost diligence, having settled his affairs in these parts, as well as time would permit. CHAP. XC> Of the Death of Cato , ON Cresar’s Return to Rome, the Senate de¬ creed him an unlimited authority. He was appointed consul for ten years, and made Mark Antony his master of horse. In the year pre¬ ceding his appointment, Pompey’s party ga¬ thered fresh strength in Africa, under Scipio, Cato, and Juba, king of Numidia. Csesar mar¬ ched an army into that country, and entirely defeated the enemy at Thapsus, a town on the sea-coast. Upon this victory, Zama; and other R 194 FLOWERS OF cities surrendered to Csesar. Seipio was drown¬ ed in his passage to Spain; king Juba obliged a slave to dispatch him; and Cato retired to Utica, a city in Africa, where he established a kind of senate, which consisted of 300 Romans. He at first intended to stand a siege, but find¬ ing the inhabitants were not to be relied on, he changed his resolution, and advised his friends either to escape by sea, or submit to the mercy of Csesar. He embraced them with uncommon tenderness, and discoursed on moral subjects, of which this was the theme: ‘‘The virtuous are the only happy and free, and the wicked are ever wretched and slaves.” His sons suspecting he had some design on himself at supper, took his sword from him, which he did not then miss. He afterwards threw himself on his bed, and read Plato’s dia¬ logue on the Immortality of the soul; then mis¬ sing his sword, which not being brought him as soon as he expected, he fell into a violent passion. At last his friends, bringing it to him, implored him not to lay violent hands on him¬ self, but to continue among them, as their only genius, guardian, and protector. On receiving Iiis sword, he felt the point of it, and said, “I am now my own master.” He then read again, and afterwards fell into a sound sleep. At day-break he awoke, when he stabbed him¬ self; but not doing it effectually, he staggered and threw down a table, the noise of which brought in his slaves, his friends, and his sons, who found him weltering in his gore. His physician replaced his bowels, and sewed up ANCIENT HISTORY. 105 the wound; but Cato afterwards coming to him¬ self, tore open the wound; and rushed out of life with fury, rage, and indignation, which fin¬ ished Csesar’s war in Africa. Whether the manner in which this great re¬ publican put a period to his life, was justifiable or not, has ever since been a matter of much dispute. It must be owned, that he did not on this occasion, act conformably to his own sys¬ tem of philosophy; and if we try him by the laws of Christianity, he will appear still more culpable. Life is but a short summer’s cam¬ paign, in which we have many battles to fight, many breaches to mount, many strong fostres- ses to storm. The prudent general; liQwever unfortunate he may have been fora long time, experience teaches us, often proves at last suc¬ cessful, and gives us a convincing proof, that it is cowardice to despair, though in all human appearance every thing seems lost. We ought, however, to allow Cato some favorable circum¬ stances. We must consider the age in which he lived, and the barbarity of those times, in which suicide was not forbidden either bv re- * ligion or laws. Shall Cato become the sport and mockery of those people, to whom he once gave laws? Shall he live to see his country, once the seat of sweet liberty and freedom, be¬ come the den of tyranny and oppression? Shall his eyes behold her laws subverted, venality and corruption carrying every thing before them, and that once fair and stately city Rome, once the mistress of the world, now, through faction and party, precipitating into a pile of ruins?. 196 FLOWERS OF CHAP. XCI. Of Caesar’s Success, his Triumphs, and his Death. CiESAR pursued his prosperous fortune with great rapidity. Besides his conquests in Alexandria, and over Pompey’s party in Afri¬ ca, he went into Spain and marched in person against the two sons of Pompey, who, under Labienus, had raised a powerful army. The armies came to an engagement in the plains of Munda. Csesar, after great hazard of being entirely routed, animated his soldiers with the greatest resolution, and gained a complete vie- ■H- tory over the enemy. Thirty thousand were killed on the spot, the generals were dispersed*, and all Spain submitted to the conqueror. When Caesar returned to Rome, he triumph¬ ed four times in one month. He rewarded his soldiers with great liberality, and exhibited public shows with great magnificence, for the diversion of the people; and to remove every cause of jealousy, he bestowed tlie honors of the state on Pompey’s friends equally with his own adherents. Many of the senators, however, w ho had re¬ ceived these favors at the hand of Csesar, se¬ cretly upbraided themselves for accepting his kindness, at the expense of public liberty.— Many were also dissatisfied with the change of government, and the ambitious conduct of C»- sar, who now attempted to assume the regal title. These sought to accomplish his ruin, ANCIENT HISTORY 197 and in private cabals it was agreed, that the liberty of the commonwealth could no longer he maintained without the death of the dicta¬ tor. Brutus and Cassius were, by Csesar’s ap¬ pointment, praetors for that year. These men were at the head of that party. The conspira¬ tors carried on their plot with all imaginable caution and secrecy; and the better to justify their designs, deferred it till the Ides of March, on which day Csesar was to be declared king* A famous augur told Csesar, that great dan¬ gers threatened him on the Ides of March; and those writers, who would add horror to the description of this day, tell us, “that the world wore a gloomy and heavy presage of Csesar’s fate; that wild beasts came into the most fre quen-ed parts of the city; that there were ap¬ paritions in the streets, and illuminations in the skies; and that inauspicious sacrifices damped the hearts of all men, except the assassins, who, with incredible serenity of mind, waited the approaching opportunity of sacrificing the usurper.” Csesar’s wife having had frightful and omi¬ nous dreams the preceding night, persuaded him not to go abroad that day; but llecimus Brutus, one of the conspirators, calling on him in the morning, and laughing at those silly omens, took him by the hand, and led him out of his house. As Csesar was going to the se¬ nate-house, he met the augur who had for- warned him of the dangers of that day. “The Ides of March are come ,’ 5 said C^sar.—. r cy 198 BLOWERS OB “True,” replied the augur, “but they are not yet past.” Scarce had Caesar taken his seat, but all the assassins pressed upon him, and sued for fa¬ vors which they knew would not be granted. The sign was given. Immediately one, op- pressed with the greatness of the attempt, made an irresolute pass at him. Caesar then rushed upon Casca, and beat him to the ground. But while they were struggling, another of the con- spirators came behind him, and plunged his dagger into his bosom. At the same time Cassius wounded him in the face, and Brutus in the thigh. Till this time he had made a very vigorous resistance, but now made no more, and submitting to the strokes of a person who owed to him his life, he only uttered these words: “And thou too, my son Brutus!” Cae- Sar used to call him by this tender name, sup¬ posing him to be his illegitimate son by an in¬ trigue with Servilia. Growing now faint with the loss of blood, he reeled to Vompey’s sta¬ tue, where covering his face with his robe, and drawing his skirts to his knees, that he might fall decently, he sunk down and expired, hav¬ ing received twenty-three wounds. C£esar had long before been advised by his friends to be more cautious of the security of his person, and not to walk, as was his common practice, among the people, without arms or any one to defend him. But to these admoni¬ tions he always replied, “He that lives in fear of death, every moment feels its tortures: I will die but once,” At last, thus fell, in the ANCIENT HISTORY. 199 fifty-sixth year of his age, the conqueror of the Gauls, of Pompey, and the senate, the mas¬ ter of the Roman republic and the world, who died without uttering the least complaint, or shewing any marks of grief or weakness, in the year before Christ 43. It is not to be omitted here, that among other noble schemes and ordinances, which tended to the grandeur of the city of Rome, and the enlargement of the Roman empire, Csesar reformed the calendar; and with the assistance of the most able astronomers, regUr lated the year according to the course of the sun. Two months were added to the calendar, and the whole year was divided into 3 65 days. He also added one day to every fourth year in the month of February, and that year was nam¬ ed Bissextile, or Leap-year. The reckoning of time, from his regulation, was called the Ju¬ lian account of time; and some ages after, the old style, in opposition to the new or Grego¬ rian style. This last is now generally follow¬ ed in most parts of Europe, and reckons eleven days forwarder. With the death of Ca3saren- ed the first triumvirate, or government of the Roman empire by three persons, Pompey, Cse- sar, and Crassus. CHAP. XCIL Of Antony's Oration , and its Effects . CiESAR was no sooner dead, but the con¬ spirators acquainted the senate with the mo- FLOWERS OF 300 lives of their undertaking, and exhorted them to join in an action, which had restored the li¬ berty of their country; but most part of the assembly were terrified and filled with amaze¬ ment. Many left the senate, and retired to their own houses to wait the issue of so bold and tragical an action. In this disposition of the senators, Brutus and Cassius went into the city; and preceded by an herald with the symbols of liberty, pub¬ licly proclaimed they had killed the tyrant of their country, and exhorted the people to join in restoring the liberty of the commonwealth. The people, no less struck with terror at this deed than the senators, and now greatly dege¬ nerated from the virtue of their ancestors, did not declare in their favor. The conspirators, surprised at this indolenc 9 e of the people, reti¬ red to the capitol; and Brutus is by Seneca charged with imprudence, that in freeing his country of a tyrant, he had it not in Ms power to abolish tyranny. Antony, Csesar’s friend, was at this time consul, and the city was divided into the two parties; the one took papt with the conspira¬ tors, the other with Antony and Lepidtis. Bru¬ tus now saw with regret, that the death of the usurper of the public liberty would create fresh calamities in the commonwealth. Antony sum¬ moned the senate, who never met on a more important occasion; at the same timo he car¬ ried all Csesar’s effects and papers to his own house. In this assembly of the senate, as both parties were afraid of each other, they entered ANCIENT HISTORY. 201 into a treaty, or the appearance of agreement; and with joint consent it was decreed, that no inquiry should be made into the dictator’s death; that all his acts should he confirmed, and his funeral performed at the public ex¬ pense. This last article was given in charge to Antony. He pronounced the funeral ora¬ tion, and exerted the whole power of his rhe¬ toric to work on the passions of the multitude. He read Caesar’s will in the presence of all the people, and expatiated largely on the love he bore them, and his generosity in bequeathing to each citizen a sum of money. He then dis¬ played the dictator’s bloody robe, and his im¬ age in wax, in which wer6 represented the there aim thirty wounds he had received -at his death. And when he found the people agita¬ ted with grief and anger, he swore by the gods of Rome, the protectors of the empire, to re¬ venge his death, and conjured them to favor him, in doing his duty to the father of his country, and their kind benefactor. Rage and fury succeeded to grief and anger; and when the fire was put to the funeral pile, the people seized the firebrands in order to burn the houses of the conspirators, against whom they now ex¬ pressed the most hitter iinprecations; but be¬ ing without arms, they were repulsed by a pro¬ per guard appointed to protect them. The senators and conspirators were equally offended at this artful speech of Antony; and complained that the consul, contrary to the de¬ cree of the senate, and his own promise, had go pathetically enlarged on the praises of Cse- 202 FLOWERS OF sar, with a view only to excite the rage of the people, and promote their ruin. By this con¬ duct they saw full well how little Antony was to he depended on. The conspirators, to avoid the present heat of the people, left the city, and on different pretences retired to their se¬ veral governments. Brutus declared, “that he would willingly spend the remainder of his days in banishment, provided Caesar’s crea¬ tures did not invade the public liberty.” An¬ tony, sensible that he had too openly declared himself, and raised a suspicion of his inten¬ tions in the senate, endeavored by some acts of self-denial to reconcile JU.imself to them, and regain their ftivor. To this end he began to soften the harsh expressions of his funeral ora¬ tion, and remonstrated to them how necessary it was to quiet the minds of the people, and to prevent the calamities of a civil war; but all this seemingly candid declaration could not clear him from the suspicion of a design to es¬ tablish himself in the sovereignty. Caesar, by his will, had adopted Octavius, his sister’s grandson, and appointed him his heir. This young Roman was at Apollonia, in Greece, when he first heard of his uncle’s murder, and the unsettled state of Italy. He immediately determined to set out for Rome, and support his pretensions. Ilis arrival en¬ tirely frustrated the intentions of Antony. In a solemn manner he directly claimed his adop¬ tion, and took upon him the name of Caesar* He put on the appearance of civility to Anto¬ ny, and at the same time upbraided him fur ANCIENT HISTORY. 203 liis double dealing. These disputes for some time between them were carried on with warmth, and Antony accused Octavius with a design to assassinate him. He also caused four legions to advance near Rome; and Octa¬ vius raised an army of ten thousand men in Campania. Cicero engaged the senate to de¬ clare in his favor; and indeed the senate, An¬ tony, and Octavius, seemed all to play a dou¬ ble part, in order to deceive each other; the former, with the hope that these mutual feuds might end in the destruction of the chief of each party. CHAP. XCIII. • « Of the Secotid Triumvirate. DIFFERENCES being at last accommoda¬ ted between Octavius and Antony, it was agreed that they, in conjunction with Lepidus, should invest themselves with the supreme authority, during five years, under the name of Triumviri. It was also agreed that Antony should have all Gaul, except Narbonne, which Lepidus was to have, with Spain; whilst Octavius was to pos¬ sess Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia, with the other islands; and that Italy, and the eastern provinces, should continue for a time in com¬ mon. In this manner did three men again di¬ vide the empire of the world, in the year be¬ fore Christ 41. They further agreed, to their eternal infa¬ my, to destroy all their enemies; on which oc~ 204 FLOWERS OF ocasion Cicero caused the greatest controversy. Antony was his implacable enemy, and would come to no firm accommodation till his de¬ struction was determined. Lepidus, who was little better than a tool, consented to this. Oc¬ tavius, on account of his former friendship, would have saved his life; but at last he igno- miniously consented to his death. They pro¬ scribed three hundred senators, and upwards of two thousand knights, so that Rome was now in a most horrible situation, nothing be¬ ing heard but cries and lamentations in every part of it, and murders were every where com- milted by the soldiers. \ ' y CHAP. XCIV. Of Cicero's Death . THE Triumviri carried their inhumanity to such lengths, as to give up to one another their nearest relations. Lepidus sacrificed his bro¬ ther Paul us to his own colleagues; Mark An¬ tony abandoned to C^sar his uncle Lucius; and Octavius gave up to Antony, Cicero, to whom he was bound by the strictest obliga¬ tions. Cicero, while on his flight, seeing ruffians coming towards him, ordered his litter to be set down, and quietly submitted his neck to Pom- peius Lena, whom he before had saved from condemnation. This wretch cut off his hands and his head, and carried them to Antony, who exulted over them. ANCIENT HISTORY* %95 Some authors tell us, that it was his custom to have the heads of those, whom he had pro¬ scribed, brought upon his table, and that, he there used to feed his eyes a long time with this cruel spectacle. Fulvia, his wife, says Dion, spit upon Cicero’s head, and laying it on her lap, pulled out the tongue, and pierced it several times with her bodkin. The head and hands being afterwards, by the order of the cruel Antony, fixed upon the rostrum, the peo¬ ple were struck with horror, to see the re¬ mains of a man, whose unequalled eloquence had so often triumphed in that very place.— Thus died, about the sixty-fourth year of his age, one of the greatest orators the world ever produced. / & CHAP. XCV, Of the Death of Brutus and Cassius , ABOUT forty years before Christ, a deci¬ sive battle was fought, in which Antony com¬ manded on one side, and Marcus Brutus and Cassius on the other. Victory declared for Antony; on which Cassius, by his own order, was killed by his servant, and Brutus fell upon his sword, and expired. Such was the end of Brutus and Cassius, who, as some relate, died with the same wea¬ pons with which they had stabbed Csesar. The triumviri, by this victory, established their empire on the ruins of the commonwealth, its liberties being lost on the plains of Pharsalia, S 206 / FLOWERS OF and buried with Brutus and Cassius, (he last Roman republicans. The conquerors spent, some days in wreak-* ing their vengeance on the persons of the van¬ quished, Brutus’ head was sent to Rome, and laid at the feet of the late dictator’s statue: at the same time his ashes were sent to bis wife Portia, the daughter of Cato, who, it is said, on receiving this sad present, killed herself by eating hot burning coals. CHAP. XCV1. Of Antoni) and Cleopatra . CiESAR then returned to Italy, and Anto¬ ny, after visiting Athens, where he was present at the conferences of the philosophers, crossed into Asia, with ail his troops, to establish the authority of the triumvirate. Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, who had poi¬ soned her younger brother, that she might reign alone, met him at Tarsus in Cilicia, which proved his destruction: for her beauty, wit and art inflamed him almost to madness, and extinguished all his military ardor. Cleopatra was then twenty live years of age, when the graces of her person were more pow¬ erful than the magnificence of her dress. The . brilliancy of her equipage, on entering the ri¬ ver Cydaus, will hardly admit of a descrip¬ tion. The poop of her ship flamed with gold, the sails were of purple silk, and the oars were inlaid with silver. A pavilion of cloth of gold ANCIENT HISTORY. 307 was raised upon the deck, under which appear¬ ed the queen robed like Venus, and surroun¬ ded with the most beautiful virgins of her court, of whom some represented the Nereids, and others the Graces. Instead of trumpets were heard flutes, hautboys, harps, and such other musical instruments, warbling the soft¬ est airs, to which the oars kept time, and ren¬ dered the harmony enchanting. Perfumes were burnt on the deck, which spread their odours to a great distance on the river, whose shores were covered with an infinite number of peo¬ ple, crying out, that Venus was coming to make Bacchus a visit for the good of Asia. Great feasts were every day made between Antony and Cleopatra; and it was at this time that Arsinoe, Cleopatra's sister, was, at the re¬ quest of that cruel queen, put to death. It was also, at one of these feasts, that Cleopatra had two of the finest pearls in her ears that were ever seen, each of which being valued at about fifty thousand pounds sterling. She melted one of these pearls in vinegar, and swallowed it. She would have done the same with the other, but was prevented. This other pearl was afterwards consecrated to Venus, by Augustus, who carried it from Alexandria to Rome. Cleopatra accompanied Antony as far as Tyre, and he followed her to Alexandria, where they spent the whole winter, in the highest ex¬ cess of luxury and effeminacy. Antony after - wards returned to Rome, and married Octavia, the sister of Caesar, and widow of Marcellas; FLO WEBS OF <20S but he still retained his fondness for Cleopa¬ tra, and met her at a town in Phoenicia, from whence he returned with her to Egypt. He gave her Phoenicia, the lower Syria, and Cy¬ prus, with great part of Cilicia, Judea, and Arabia. He also made her a present of the libraries of Pergamus, in which there were about two hundred thousand volumes, and she placed them in a new library which she built where the former stood. She had a taste for polite learning and sciences, and understood several languages. She omitted no kind of arts to keep Antony in her chains? and lie entered Alexandria in triumph, dragging at his chariot wheels the king of Arminia, laden with golden chains, and presented him in that condition to Cleopatra, who was pleased to see a captive king at her feet. At one of their banquets; when Antony was intoxicated with wine, she presumed to ask him to give her the Roman empire, which he was not ashamed to promise her. In the mean time, Cfesar having triumphed over all the republicans, thought it time to break with his colleagues. He wanted to reign singly, and was therefore determined, if possi¬ ble, to rid himself of them. He easily remo¬ ved Lepidus, who being little esteemed by his soldiers, was abandoned by them in the midst of bis camp, which Csesar became master of, by his artful conduct, and secret negotiations. Lepidus was afterwards reduced to such an ab¬ ject slate, as to become even the pity of his en¬ emies. Cleopatra had two sons by Antony, one of ANCIENT HISTORY* 209 ’ whom was called Alexandria, and the other Ptolemy. He heaped a profusion of honors on these young princes, and celebrated the coro¬ nation of their mother with the utmost magni¬ ficence. Matters being carried to this pitch by Antony, he gave great disgust to the Ro¬ mans, and particularly to Octavia, his wife— She set out to meet Antony, with Caesar’s con¬ sent, who gave it with no other view, but that Antony’s passion for Cleopatra, might induce him to act dishonorably by Octavia, and there¬ by increasing the indignation of the Romans against Antony, he should have a plausible pre¬ tence for drawing bis sword against him. Every thing succeeded to Caesar’s wishes? for Octavia received a letter from Antony, in which she was ordered to come no further than Athens; and accordingly stopped there. Cleo¬ patra, who very much dreaded the charms and virtues of Octavia, employed all her artifice to prevent Antony from giving her a meeting.— She assumed an air of melancholv, and would frequently let fall a tear on his approach,which she would wipe away immediately, affecting to conceal her weakness and grief. This had its desired effect; for he at last ordered Octavia to return to Rome. On her return, she took the greatest care of her family, and behaved in such a manner as procured her immortal honor* She loved her husband in spite of his ill treat¬ ment, and could not bear to think that his un¬ generous behavior to her should again kindle the flames of a civil war. How opposite was the character of Octavia a % '210 FliOWERS Of to that of Cleopatra! How amiable does the former appear, even amidst repeated insults^ and how contemptible the latter, amidst the parade of magnificence. Antony now suffered himself to be persua¬ ded to divorce Oetavia, and declare war against Cresar, both of which he accordingly did. He then assembled his forces at Samos, where he and Cleopatra lived as luxuriously as they had done in Egypt. Hither several kings had or¬ ders to send arms, provisions, and soldiers; and others to send musicians, dancers, and buffoons; so that frequently, when a ship was thought to come loaded with military stores, it proved to be only scenes, players, and machines. Antony’s temper, however, began at last to be much soured, and he even suspected that Cleopatra had designs upon his life, and would never eat any thing till she had first tasted it. Cleopatra perceiving his suspicion, poisoned the tops of the flowers, which she and Antony, according to the custom of those times, were crowned with at their meals. Antony being inflamed with wine, Cleopatra proposed drink¬ ing their flowers; on which he instantly broke off the tops of them with his fingers, and throw¬ ing them into a goblet of wine, was going to drink them, when Cleopatra stopping him, said, “I am the person who you suspect of designing to poison you; but now judge whether I should want opportunities to despatch you, if you were become tiresome to me, or if I could live with¬ out you.” Then ordering a prisoner to be brought in, who had been sentenced to die, she ANCIENT HISTORY. 211 obliged him to drink off the liquor, when he expired immediately. This rivetted Antony’s letters beyond all hopes of shaking them off, CHAP, XCV1I. Of the Battle of Jlctium , and the Death of JLu* tony . ANTONY, being lost in luxury and effemi¬ nacy with Cleopatra, gave Csesar time to get his forces together, who might otherwise have been easily defeated, had Antony come upon him before he was prepared. Antony’s fleet consisted of five hundred large ships, on board of which was an army of two hundred thou¬ sand foot, and twenty-two thousand horse, Csesar had only two hundred and fifty ships^ eighty thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse. Antony was advised by his ablest com¬ manders not to engage by sea; but Cleopatra advising to the contrary, they came to a gene¬ ral engagement near the city of Actium in Epi¬ rus. Victory was for some time doubtful, till the retreat of Cleopatra, who fled with the whole Egyptian squadron, and was precipi¬ tately followed by Antony, declaring every thing was lost; for Antony’s army immediately submitted to Csesar. Antony and Cleopatra escaped to Alexan¬ dria, where she put many great persons to death, fearing they might take up arms against her, on account of the defeat she had met with. To avoid falling into the hands of Csesar, she FLOWEllS OF a i c> AJ 1 -V formed the most extraordinary design of hav¬ ing her ships in the Mediterranean, carried into the Red Sea, over the isthmus of seventy miles; but in this she was prevented by the Arabians, who burnt them all. Antony finding himself deserted by all his followers, for some time secluded himstlf from company in his house, which lie called Timonium, where he pretended to act the part of Timon the man- hater; but he soon returned to Cleopatra, and with her spent the remainder of his life. They agreed to send ambassadors to Csesar to sue for peace; and Antony submitted to the meanness of demanding life of him, on the shameful conditions of passing it at Athens, as a private person, if Csesar would give Egypt to Cleopatra and her children. The queen, how¬ ever, was so treacherous as to give private or¬ ders to her ambassadors, to mention her only in the treaty. Csesar would not admit Anto¬ ny’s ambassador’s to an audience; but he gave a favorable reception to those of the queen, be¬ ing particularly desirous of securing her per¬ son to adorn his triumph, and her treasures, to enable him to pay the debts be had contracted to defray the expense of the war. The ambassadors proving unsuccessful, An¬ tony endeavored to extinguish in himself the sense of bis present misfortunes, and the ap¬ prehension of those that threatened him, by abandoning himself to feasting and voluptuous¬ ness. Cleopatra and he regaled themselves alternately, and emulously contended to excel each other iu the incredible magnificence of ANCIENT HISTORY. 213 their banquets. Cleopatra, however* foresaw what might happen, and collected all sorts of poison, to try which of them occasioned death with the least pain. She made the experiment of their virtues and strength upon condemned criminals, whereby she found, that the strong¬ est poisons caused death the soonest, but with great torment; but that those which are gen¬ tle, brought an easy but slow death. She tried the bitings of venomous creatures, and caused various kinds of serpents to be applied to dif¬ ferent persons. She every day made these ex¬ periments, and discovered at length that the asp was the only one which caused neither tor¬ ture nor convulsions, and which, throwing the person bit into an immediate heaviness and stu¬ pefaction, attended with a slight perspiration upon the face, and a numbness of all the or¬ gans of sense, gently extinguished life; so that those who were in that condition, were angry when anv one awakened them, or endeavored to make them rise, like people exceedingly sleepy. This was the poison she fixed upon; but applied herself with extraordinary solici¬ tude in caressing Antony, to dispel his suspi¬ cions and complaints. Caesar being fully sensible, that it was of the highest importance to him not to leave his victory unfinished, invested Pelusium, and sum¬ moned the governor to open the gates. Se- leucus, who commanded there for Cleopatra, had received secret orders upon that head, and surrendered the place without waiting for a siege. Such was the wickedness of this queen* 214 FLOWERS OF in whom the most odious vices were complica¬ ted. She absolutely renounced all modesty, had a violent propensity to fraud, injustice and cruelty; and what was worse than all, was a most detestable hypocrite. While the rumor ©f this treason spread through the city, Cleo¬ patra ordered her most precious moveables to be carried to a place of security. Caesar was in hopes of making himself mas¬ ter of Alexandria in a short time, by means of the intelligence he held with Cleopatra, on which he relied no less than his army. Anto¬ ny being ignorant of her intrigues, prepared for an obstinate defence. He made a vigorous sally, and returned victorious into the city, which was the last effort of his expiring genius; for, after this exploit, his fortitude and sense of glory forsook him, or were of no more service to him. Instead of pursuing his victory, and keeping a watchful eye over Cleopatra, who betrayed him, he flew to her in his armor, and threw himself at her feet. The palace echoed with acclamations, as though the siege had been raised, and Antony and Cleopatra spent that day, and part of the night, in the most abandoned folly. Antonv now resolved to make the last at- tempt both by sea and land, with a fixed reso¬ lution to conquer or die. He ordered his at¬ tendants to fill him out wine plentifully, saying, “This may be, perhaps, the last piece of service you will be able to do me; for to-morrow you may change your master, when I, stretched on the ground, shall be no more,” ANCIENT HISTORY, iilb On the approach of day, Antony drew up his forces on some rising ground out of the city, and from (hence beheld his gallics which were rowing out of the port, and going to at¬ tack those of Csesar; but how shall l express his astonishment when he beheld his admiral delivering up his fleet to his enemy! At the same time his cavalry seeing this, deserted him and went over to Csesar, when his infantry was obliged to submit. Unhappy Antony, in vain do you fly to the palace to seek Cleopatra, that you may murder her for her perfidy; she is not there; tlie ignominious wretch is retired! Cleopatra had secured herself from his fury among the tombs, which quarter was fortified with good walls, and the gates were shut. She desired that Antony should be told that she had destroyed herself. Struck with the idea of her death, he passed immediately from the excess of rage to the most violent transports of grief, and thought only of following her to the grave. Having taken ibis resolution, he shut himself up in his apartment with a freed-man, whom he had caused to take off his armor, and com¬ manded him to plunge his dagger into his bo¬ som. But his servant, full of affection, res¬ pect, and fidelity for his master, stabbed him¬ self with iL and fell dead at his feet. Antony looking upon this action as an example for him to follow, thrust his sword into his body, and fell upon the floor in a torrent of his blood, which he mingled with that of his faithful ser¬ vant* At that moment an officer came to let him 216 FLOWERS OF know that Cleopatra was alive. He no sooner heard her name pronounced, than he opened his dying eyes, suffered his wounds to be dres¬ sed, and caused himself to he carried to the fort, where she had shut herself up. Cleopa¬ tra would not permit the gates to be opened to give him entrance, for fear of some surprise; but she appeared at a lofty window', from whence she threw down chains and cords. An¬ tony was made fast to these, and Cleopatra, as¬ sisted by two women, who were the only per¬ sons she had brought with her to the tombs, drew him up. Never was there a more mo¬ ving sight. Antony all bathed in his blood, with death painted in Ins face, was dragged up into (he air, turning his dying eyes, and ex¬ tending his feeble hands to Cleopatra, as if to conjure her to receive his last breath; while she with her features distorted, and her arms strained, pulled the cord with her whole strength. When she had drawn him up to her, and placed him on a bed, she threw her clothes upon him, and making the most mournful ex¬ clamations, cut off his hair, according to the superstition of the pagans, that that was a re¬ lief to those who died a violent death. Her cries recalling his fainting spirits, and seeing the affliction she was in, he told her, with a view to comfort her, that he should die in peace, since he would expire in her arms; and that he did not blush at his defeat, since he had been vanquished by Romans. Having thus spoken, he expired, being then in the fifty-third year of his age. His death put an end to all civil ANCIENT HISTORY* 217 wars, and gave Csesar an opportunity of com¬ pleting his ambitious designs. CHAP. XCVIII. Of the Death of Cleopatra . JUST about the time that Antony breathed his last, Proculeius, who had received particu¬ lar orders to seize Cleopatra, arrived from C?esar. He could not refrain from shedding tears on this melancholy occasion, which was aggravated by the bloody sword that was pre¬ sented to him. The queen refused to go with him, but permitted him to speak to her from without. Proculeius after having observed the situa¬ tion of the sepulchre, went and informed Csesar of his observations. Csesar then sent Gallus to speak with her, which he did in the same manner as Proculeius. In the mean time, the latter bringing a ladder, and being followed by two officers, got in at the window, where An¬ tony had been drawn up, and went down to the gate, where Cleopatra was talking to Gallus. One of her female attendants seeing him, shrieked and cried out, 4 ‘1I1 fated princess, thou art taken!” Cleopatra had raised a dagger to stab herself, when Proculeius catching her in his arms, thus addressed her: “You injure both Caesar and yourself, in attempting to de¬ prive him of so noble an opportunity to exert his clemency.” He seized her dagger, and shook her robes, to discover if any poison was T FLOWERS OF 218 concealed under them. Csesar then sent a freed-man to guard Cleopatra, ordering him to use her like a queen, but to prevent her from laying violent hands upon herself. Csesar then entered Alexandria without fur¬ ther opposition, and gave Cleopatra fair hopes of the kindest treatment; though he intended only to pervert her treasure to his own purpo¬ ses* and reserve her person to grace his tri¬ umph. But when he had both in his power, he disregarded her, and she found she had no other means of avoiding the disgrace of adding to the glory of his triumph, than by putting a period to her life. Csesar went and paid her a visit, when she endeavored to captivate this young conqueror, as she had before captivated Julius Csesar and Antony. But alas, the charm was now broken! Csesar with the utmost coolness only advised her not to despond, declaring that he would treat her with all possible tenderness. Ife permitted her to dispose of her jewels as she thought proper; and, after giving her the kindest assurances, he left her. Csesar imagined he had artfully over-reached Cleopa¬ tra, by inspiring her with the love of life, w hich he in fact wished to prolong, only for the sake of his triumph; but herein he soon found his mistake. Csesar had before given Cleopatra leave to bury Antony, which she did with the utmost magnificence. According to the custom of Egypt, she caused his body to be embalmed with the most exquisite perfumes of the east. ANCIENT HISTORY. 219 aiul placed it among the tombs of the Egyp¬ tian kings. Cleopatra hearing that Csesar intended to send fcer and her children away within three days, conjured him to let her pay her last ob¬ lations to the remains of Antony, which he granted. She then visited Antony’s tomb, strewing it with flowers, and watering it with tears. She then returned to her chamber, went into a hath, and from thence to table, where a splendid entertainment was prepared. When she rose from table, she wrote a letter to Csesar, wherein she earnestly desired to he laid in the same tomb with Antony; and having made all leave her chamber, except her two women, she shut the door, sat down upon a bed, and asked for a basket of figs, which a peasant had lately brought. This supposed peasant was one of the queen’s domestics, who had eluded the vi¬ gilance of the guards. She placed the basket by her, and a moment after lay down, as if she had fallen asleep; but this was the effect of the asp, which was concealed among the fruit, and had stung her in the arm, which she had held to it. The poison immediately communicated to her heart, and killed her without pain. Thus died, in the thirty-ninth year of her age, this princess, whose wit and beauty had made so much noise in the world, after having reigned twenty-two years from the death of her father, twelve thereof she had passed with An¬ tony. She was a w oman of great parts, as well as of great wickedness, and spoke several lan¬ guages with the utmost readiness. In her 220 FLOWERS OF death ended the reign of the Ptolomies in Egypt, after it had continued from the death of Alexander 29* years. Csesar, on the receipt of Cleopatra’s letter, instantly dispatched a messenger to her, who found her dead on a golden couch, dressed in royal robes, looking like one asleep, with one of her maids dead at her feet, and the other expiring. Csesar was very much troubled at Cleopatra’s death, as it robbed him of the no¬ blest ornament of his triumph. He ordered her body to be buried near that of Antony, agreeably to her request, which was accord¬ ingly done with the greatest funeral pomp. Her women had also a pompous interment, in memory of their fidelity. After Cleopatra’s death, Egypt was made a Roman province, and governed by a prefect sent from Rome for that purpose. Caesar having now greatly enlarged the Ro¬ man dominions, was received at Rome as a con¬ queror, who had put an end to the miseries and calamities of most nations. He triumphed three days successively with extraordinary magnificence; first for Illyrieum, secondly for the victory at Actium, and thirdly for the con¬ quest of Egypt. On this occasion the temple of Janus was shut, which was the third time since the foundation of Rome, after having stood open 205 years. ANCIENT HISTORY. 221 CHAP. XC1X. Octavius Caesar assumes the title of Augustus and Emperor, OCTAVIUS CiESAR, now considering himself as supreme governor of the Roman em¬ pire, assumed the title of Augustus and Empe¬ ror, and resolved to shew all the clemency of a wise prince, as well as the art of a refined politician. His first care was to make the ad¬ herents of Antony his friends,* after this he gave splendid entertainments to those in power, and amused the people with shows and plays*. He regulated the many abuses that had crept into the state, banished corruption from the senate, and allowed the people the free posses¬ sion of their liberties. Having settled every thing in the most excellent order, a variety of thoughts crowded into his mind, and he reflec¬ ted for a considerable time, whether he should continue to rule the empire, or restore it to its former state. Scylla and Julius Csesar were two examples too recent to he forgotten. The former, by giving up his power, was suf¬ fered to die peaceably in his bed,* whereas, the latter, by maintaining it, was assassinated by the hands of his best friends, who afterwards triumphed in the deed. Not being able to determine for himself, he consulted his two best friends, Agrippa and Mecsenas. Agrippa advised him to resign it; but Mecsenas was of a different opinion. lie insisted on it, that it would be impossible for t O 222 iXOWEltS Of the state to subsist but under a monarch, whose person and power would be equally secure, un¬ der a mild and wise administration. He fol¬ lowed the advice of Meegenas, and though he offered to resign his power, he had no inten¬ tion of so doing. The senate and people, how¬ ever, unanimously refused to accept his resig¬ nation; *so that he had the pleasure of being lorcted to accept of that which he wished for. It may be said, that now ended the greatest commonwealth upon earth, and commenced the greatest monarchy. The empire of Rome was extended over the whole globe. In Europe, they were in possession of Italy, both the Gauls, Spain, Lusitahia, Greece, Illyricum, Dacia, Pannonia, w ith part of Britain and Ger¬ many; in Asia, of Asia Minor, Armenia, Sy¬ ria, Judea, Mesopotamia, and Media; in Afri¬ ca, of Egypt, Numidia, Mauritania and Lybia. Besides these great nations* many lesser pro¬ vinces and islands were tributary to the Ro¬ mans. At home, also, on a lustrum of the people now made, there were found four mil¬ lions sixty-three thousand inhabitants, in the city and suburbs of Rome, which at this time was about fifty miles in compass. After Augustus was invested with the su¬ preme power, he governed with great modera¬ tion, insomuch that the Romans became fond of his government, and in full senate gave him the title of the “Father of his country.” He acted with so much justice and clemency, that after his death, it was said of him, that it had been w ell he had never been born, or had never died. ANCIENT HISTORY. 223 From the battle of Actium, Augustus reigned forty-four years, and died at Nola in Campa¬ nia, in the seventy-sixth year of his age. In the reign of this prince, when all the world was at peace, was horn at Bethlehem in Judea, the Prince of Peace, Jesus Christ our Saviour. Herod was, at this time, the Roman governor of Judea under Augustus; Cornelius Lentulus, and Calpurnius Piso, were consuls at Rome. ciiap. c. the Arts and Sciences , and Learned Men among the Romans . DURING the first ages of the republic, the Romans lived in a total neglect, or rather con¬ tempt of all the elegant improvements of life. War, politics, and agriculture, were the only arts they studied, because they were the only arts they esteemed. But upon the downfal of Carthage, the Romans having no enemy to dread from abroad, began to taste the sweets of security, and to cultivate the arts. Their progress, however, was not gradual, as in the other countries we have described. The conquest of Greece at once put them in possession of every thing most rare, curious or elegant. Asia, which was the next victim, offered all its stores; and the Romans, from the most sim¬ ple people, speedily became acquainted with the arts, the luxuries> and refinements of the whole earth. FLOWERS OF m Eloquence they had always cultivated as (lie high road to eminence and preferment. The orations of Cicero are inferior only to those of Demosthenes. In poetry, Virgil yields only to Homer, whose verse, like the prose of Demosthenes, may be considered as inimitable. Horace, how¬ ever, in his satires and epistles, has no model among the Greeks, and stands to this day unri¬ valled in that species of writing. In history, the Romans can boast of Livy, who possesses all the natural ease of Herodo¬ tus, and is more descriptive, more eloquent, and sentimental. Tacitus, indeed, did not flou* risk in the Augustan age, but his works do Siimself the greatest honor, while they disgrace bis country and human nature, whose corrup¬ tion and vices he paints in the most striking colors. In philosophy, if we except the works of Ci¬ cero, and the system of the Greek philosopher Epicurus, described in the nervous poetry of Lucretus, the Romans, during the time of the republic, made not the least attempt. In tragedy, they never produced any thing excellent; and Terence, though remarkable for purity of style, wants that comica vis, or lively vein of humor, which distinguishes the Greek comedians, as well as our Sba&espeare. ANCIENT HISTORY. 225 CHAP. CL Of the Manners and 'principal Occupations oj ' the ancient Romans. UNDER the kings, the necessities of life and the dangers of war divided the cares of the Roman people, for the space of 244 years. Un¬ der the consuls, when they had no war abroad, they were agitated at home by ail evil still more dangerous. The domineering spirit of the patricians, opposed by that of independence among the plebeians, held Rome in almost con¬ tinual broils. Thus, between domestic trou¬ bles, and foreign wars, the ancient Romans had only short intervals of tranquility. These pre¬ cious times were given to agriculture. Then the difference in ranks made none in occupa¬ tions. The great were not less laborious than the common people; and those two conditions, so distinct in the city, under the titles of patri¬ cians and plebeians, in the country, were lost in the general name of husbandmen. The first magistrates, and the generals of the armies, cultivated their fields and threshed their grain with those arms which had van¬ quished the enemy and supported the state. And the Roman people blushed not to give the command of their armies to those illustrious laborers, taken from the plough to be entrusted with the safety of their country. History furnishes many of those examples, not only in the early times of the republic, but also in those flourishing ages, when the Ro- 226 FLOWERS OF mans, already masters of Italy, caused their power to be respected beyond the seas. I speak not, therefore, of Quintius Cineinna- tus alone, who was found working in the field by those who came to salute him dictator. Mar¬ cus Curius, after having conquered the Sabines and (he Sammies, and after having driven Pjrr- bus out of Italy, was possessed of but one small farm, which he cultivated himself. The elder Cato was never weary of visiting it, and could but admire the greatness of soul of its master, whom he took for his model. By his example he betook himself to agriculture. He has even left us some works upon the subject. He went out to work with his slaves, and returned to sit at the same table, eating the same bread with them, and drinking of the same wine. Seipio Afrieanus, after having defeated in Spain four of the greatest Carthagenian generals, after ha¬ ving conquered Hannibal himself, and rendered Carthage tributary to Rome, took up the spade? planted and grafted his trees. If the magistrates and great men lived in this manner, what may we judge of the other citi- nens, who, still more attached to the culture of their lands, because more at their own liberty, quitted it not unless called to the toils of war? The Romans, in the first and happy ages of the republic, (I speak of those in the easiest cir¬ cumstances,) were all laborers, and all the la¬ borers were soldiers. Such were the manners and principal occu¬ pations of the Roman people, before they were corrupted by riches and luxury. Probity, sim- 4NCIENT HISTORY. 227 plteiiy, ami the love of labor, were virtues as common at Rome in those times, as they were rare in the succeeding ages, “For when riches, (says Sallust,) began to be held in honor, and were found necessary to pave the way to power and glory, virtue was no longer esteemed; pov¬ erty was counted shameful, purity of manners was looked upon as the effect of melancholy and misanthropy; and the fruits of these riches were luxury, avarice, and pride. CHAP. OIL Of the Roman meals , and their behaviour at table . IN the glorious days of the republic, meals were prepared with care, but without art or delicacy. Gaiety, and the freedom of agreeable conversation, gave them their highest relish. Cato the censor, as austere as he was upon other occasions, unbended his brow at table. He pro¬ fessed himself well pleased with his old age, which, whilst it diminished the necessity of eating and drinking, made amends by the taste for, and pleasure of conversation. When he was at his country house, he al¬ ways invited some of his friends to supper, and made merry with them. His long experience of the world rendered his conversation equally useful to persons of his own age, and to young people. All listened to him with pleasure. Persuaded that the table preserves friendship, the common conversation at Cato’s table was in praise of illustrious citizens; and he allowed FLOWERS OF 228 no other persons, either to be well or ill spoken of. He was attentive and dexterous in evading all occasions for doing it. It was thus by the help of conversation, the ancients rendered the pleasures of the table useful, and that they avoided the usual conse¬ quences of licentiousness at meals. Horace still preserved that taste, and was sensible of all its value. O nodes ccenceque deum , 6r....Hor« Sat. 6. Lib. 2, “O nights that furnish such a feast: As even gods themselves might taste! Thus fare my lriends, thus feed my slaves. Alert on what their master leaves. “Each person there may drink and fill As much or little as he will, Exempted from the bedlam-rules Of roaring prodigals and fools; Whether in merry mood or whim, ,He takes a bumper to the brim, Or better pleas’d to let it pass, Grows mellow with a scanty glass. “Nor this man’s house, nor that’s estate, Becomes the subject of debate; Nor whether Lepos, the buffoon, Can dance or not, a rigadoon: But what concents us more, I trow, And were a scandal not to know, If happiness consists in store Of riches, or in virtue more; Whether esteem or private ends, _ Directs us in our choice of friends; What’s real good without disguise, And where its great perfection lies.”.. ..Francis' Horae:. Cut the Asiatic luxury making its way to Rome, very soon infected their tables. Sump¬ tuousness, delicacy, and profusion, were carried to the greatest excess. The cook, who anciently was the lowest of all the slaves, became the most important officer in the house. What was at first only a low and contemptible employment, became a difficult and important art. The price of a cook, says Pliny, was rated at as much as would formerly have sufficed for the expense of ANCIENT HISTOttX. &29 a triumph. No mortal was so highly esteemed as that slave who was the best skilled in the art of ruining his master. Horace thus reproaches the voluptuaries of his time: 41 Vix tanien cripiam, pfjsito, pavone," £rc....Hor. Sat. 2. Lib. 3. “-Yet shall I ne’er prevail. To make our men of taste a pullet choose, And the gay peacock with its train refuse; For the rare bird at mighty price is sold. And lo! what wonders does its tail unfold; But can those whims a higher gusto raise, Unless you eat the plumage that you praise? Or do its beauties when ’tis boil’d remain? No; ’tis the unequall’d beauty of his train Deludes your eye, and charms you to the feast; For hens and peacocks are alike in taste.”... Francis' Horace* Quintus Horatius, the orator, was the first who taught the Romans to eat peacocks, at a feast whiMi he gave when he was created au¬ gur. They became so much in fashion, that they were thought essentially necessary to ev¬ ery entertainment. Hence Cicero, in one of his letters, tells Psetus, that he had been so bold as to give a supv>er to Hirtius without a peacock, CHAP. CHI. Of the head-dresses of the Homan ladies . THE Roman ladies wore very high head dresses. With the help of borrowed hair, they surrounded the head with so many tresses, knots, and curls, disposed in different stories and towers, that *he whole formed a sort of building. Sometimes they gave their hair a military air, the form of a helmet, or the fig¬ ure of | buckler. The mitre was also another kind of head- TI 230 FLOWERS OF dress. It was the same to the women as the hat to the men. More divided than the mitre we are acquainted with, like it, it had two pendants fastened below the chin. There were some or¬ naments for the head, which were regarded as a mark of modesty and virtue. One of these was a pretty broad ribband with which the wo¬ men fillettcd up their hair, and then formed it into knots behind. There were some also, which were peculiar to particular families. Light colored hair \yas most in fashion. Both men and women dyed it to make the color more lively. They perfumed it, and applied essences to give it lustre. Sometimes they covered it with gold dust, to make it still more brilliant. The mode came from Asia. Josephus says that it was much practised among the Jews. The emperors Verus and Gallienus followed it. The hair of Commodus, according to Herodian, was become so fair and shining, that when be was in the sun, bis head appeared all on fire. Dje and dust were the only means in use among the ancients to set off their hair. They knew nothing of our powder. No ancient au¬ thors mention it. The fathers of the church, who reproached the women with all the various artifices they used to heighten their charms, take no notice of powder; nor is it spoke of in any of the old romances, which enter into such minute details with regard te the finery of both sexes. We find nothing of it in the old portraits, though the painters of them always represented persons as they were cloathed and dressed. History informs us, that Margaret de Valois * ANCIENT HISTORY. 231 who was mortified with having very black harf, had recourse to all sorts of artifices to soften the color. If powder had been then in use, she might have spared herself all that pains. The first of the French writers, who have spoken of powder, is L'Etoile , in his journal under the year 1593. He relates, that nuns were seen walking tlie streets of Paris powdered and cur¬ led. From that time powder came into fashion in France by degrees, aijd from thence passed into the other countries of FiUrope. f CHAP. CIV. Of the favorite colors of cloths. ft-i. . THE common color of cloths was white. Tt was also the most honorable, independent of the dignities which were denoted by the purple. When the ladies began to wear various colors, they chose those which they thought became them best. It was a precept given them by Ovid. “Try every one, what best becomes you wear, Fov no complexion all alike can bear. It fair the skin, black may become it best, In black the lovely fair Briseis dress’d. If brown the nymph, let her be cloth’d in white, Andromeda so charm’d the wond’ring sight.” The same poet so far from reducing the whole art of dying to the color of purple, speaks of a blue, which resembles the sky when it is unclouded; of a sea-green, which he believes to be the dress of the nymphs; of the color which tinctures, the apparel of Aurora of that which imitates the myrtle of Paphos; and, in short, of many others, as numerous, he says, as the flowers of the spring. .232 JfcLOYTRRS Oi CHAP. CY. Of the Roman calendar . THE Romans reckoned the days of their rnonthsiiy Kalends, Nones, and Ides. Romu¬ lus always began his months upon the first day of the moon, and was followed in this by the author of the other accounts, to avoid an alter¬ ation in the immoveable feasts; therefore every new moon one of the inferior priests used to as¬ semble the people in the eapitol, and call over as many days as there were between that and the Nones. From this custom, the first of these davs had the name of Calendre. w The Nones were so called, because they reckoned nine days from the Ides. The ides were generally about I be middle of the month, and the word is derived from iduare, an obsolete verb, signifying to divide. The Calends were always fixed to the first of every month; but the Nones and the Ides, in four months, were on different days from the other eight. For March, May, July, and October, had six Nones each, the other months only four. Therefore, in the four first, the Nones were the seventh, and the ides the fif¬ teenth; in the other months, the Nones were the fifth, and the Ides the thirteenth. CHAP. CYL On the invention of Water-Clocks. THE Romans were near 460 years, without knowing any other division of the day; than ANCIENT HISTORY. 233 morning, noon, and night. The first instru¬ ment which they had ta divide the hours, was a sun-dial, brought from Sicily, after the tak¬ ing of Catana, by Marcus Valerius Messala, in the year of Home 477 jw Although this dial, d rawn for the meridian of Catana, which was different from that of Rome, could not show the hours exactly; yet, imperfect as it was, the Romans conformed to it for the space of 99 years, till Quintus Mar¬ cus Pliilippus, who was censor with Paulus iEmiiius, gave them another more exact. This, of all the acts of his censorship, was that which obtained him the greatest applause. Scipio Nasica, five years after, in the year of Rome 595, first brought into use, and placed under cover, a water clock, which shewed tiie hours equally by day and night. To form an idea of these clocks, wc may conceive a pretty large bason filled with water, which by a little hole contrived in the bottom, emptied itself into another vessel, of nearly the same capacity, in tiie space of twelve hours; and where the water rising gradually, brought up perpendicularly a hit of cork, or the figure of a genius pointing to the hours, which were marked one above another, on columns of pilas¬ ters. The Romans were ignorant of the use of clocks with wheels. We are even uncertain of the time and the author of that invention. The present which was made to Charlemagne of a striking clock, was looked upon as a wonder, J&giiiard says, that it was a water-clock, which FiOWFRS OF 234 marked the hours by the fall of some balls of metal /upon a hell, and by some figures of men, which) opened and shut certain doors contrived- in the clock, according to the number of hours> CHAP. CVIH Of the Homan Money. TllB quadrans was the smallest brass coin., of the same value as our farthing. The es, or as, was equal to one penny English. The obo- lus was equal in valu6 to one English penny. The eentussis Avas the greatest brass coin, equal to six shillings and three pence of our money. The sastertius was the least silver coin, equal to one penny and three farthings English. The denarius was the chief silver coin among the Romans, value seven pence three farthings. The drachma was in use among the Romans, though a Greek coin, value the same as the denarius. The sestertium contained a thou¬ sand sestertii; value about eight pounds one shilling and five pence halfpenny, The libra, or pound, consisted of twelve ounces of silver, or ninety-six drachmas or denarii; value three pounds English money. The mino was origi¬ nally a Greek coin of the same value. The talent contained twenty-four sestertia, and six thousand denarii; value 187 pounds ten shil¬ lings. The aureus denarius was the most remarka¬ ble gold coin among the Romans, and was worth more than twenty shillings English. ANCIENT HISTORY. 23a The Romans had no other money but brass, till the war with Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, five years before the Carthaginian war, when silver was first coined. CHAP. CVIII. Of Eloquence , and the Origin of the Profession of Advocates among the Romans . THE art of speaking in public soon became part of the education of youth, and was cultiva¬ ted even by persons of more advanced years. After Rome had made choice of the republican constitution, eloquence seemed absolutely ne¬ cessary. For, without the talent of speaking, how was it possible for them to share in the government, propose laws, deliberate upon the interests of the commonwealth, and obtain of¬ fices? In consequence of this, they imitated the Greeks, in accustoming themselves to elo¬ quence from their earliest youth; and the more powerful the commonwealth became, the more was that art cultivated. But it did not attain to its highest perfection till after a very considerable time, during which the necessity and habit of speaking in public served them instead of art. It was not till after their commerce with the Greeks, that, charmed with the beauty of the dis¬ courses of their orators, they were desirous of learning the rules of eloquence, and for that purpose called in masters from Greece. Under these masters* those great orators 236 FLOWERS OF were formed, who shewed that the Romans were capable of equalling the Greeks in elo¬ quence. The taste for it was become so gene¬ ral, towards the end of Cicero’s life, that even the fair sex conceived it for their glory. History gives us an example of this in the person of Hortensia, daughter of the famous Qrator Hortensius. The discourse is still ex¬ tant, which she pronounced for exempting the Roman ladies from the tax, which the trium¬ viri had laid upon fourteen hundred of them, to raise troops against Brutus and Cassius. Besides this obligation to speak in public upon the affairs of the state, which were either transacted in the senate or the assembly of the people, there vt'as one peculiar to those whom the people had chosen for their patrons, who in that quality were obliged to defend their cli¬ ents, and to plead themselves, or cause their friends to plead for them, without any other advantage, except the glory of supporting the interests of those who were under their protec** lion. But as soon as the emperors had deprived the people of the right of chusing their magis¬ trates, and giving their suffrages in trials and public deliberations, patrons and clients be¬ coming mutually useless, subsisted no longer. Individuals having patrons no longer to defend their causes, entrusted them to those citizens whom they judged most eloquent, and best versed in the laws. Eloquence, till then disinterested, and actu- atedsolely by the love of glory and public good. ANCIENT HISTORY. became, in consequence of venality, a source of mean avidity, and sordid lucre. Such was the rise of the profession of advocates. Juve¬ nal, in his seventh satire, ridicules those of his time, who affected to appear in public in litters, drest magnificently, and with a great train, and who carried their ostentation so far, as to wear gems of great value on their fingers at the bar, that they might be considered as extremely rich, and make their employers pay the dearer for their service. •- “Purpura vendit Causidicum, vendunt < imethyntima, &c. “Nor can I wonder at such tricks as these; The purple garments raise the lawyer’s fees, And sell him dearer to the fool that buys; High pomp and state are useful properties. The luxury of Rome will know no end; For still the less we have the more we spend; Trust eloquence to shew our parts and breeding! Not Tully now could get ten groats by pleading. Unless the diamond glittered on his hand: Wealth’s ail the rhet’ric clients understand. Without large equipage and loud expense. The prince of orators would scarce speak sense. Paulus, who with magnificence did plead. Grew rich, while letter’d Gallusbegg’d his bread, Who to poor Basilus his cause would trust, Tho’ ne’er so full of pity, ne’er so just? His clients, unregarded, claim their due, For eloquence in rags was never tru e.”.,. y ,Dryden, When the conquests of the Roman people had opened their way into Greece, they sent their youth to Athens to study eloquence and Hie Greek tongue, which became the language of the sciences among the Romans, because they had them from the Greeks. There were few persons, except the lowest of the people, who were not acquainted with the Greek poets, and particularly Homer, whose finest passages they took pleasure in learning, in order to be able to quote them when occasion required. 238 FXOWERS OF This taste prevailed long after the twelve Cse- sars; in whose time it was much in fashion; the Greek tongue being spoke so commonly then at Rome, that it was familiar even to the ladies. "Qucedam parva quidem , sed nan to tolerandn mortis Nam quid rancidius ,” ire .Juv. Sat. 6. “Some faults, though small, intolerable grow, For what so nauseous and affected too, As those who think they due perfection want, AVho have not learnt to lisp the Grecian cant? In Greece their whole accomplishments they seek, Their fashion, breeding, language, must be Greek; But raw in all that does to Rome belong, They scorn to cultivate their mother tongue. In Greek they flatter, all their fears they speak } Tell all their secrets,—nay,—they scold in Greek: Ev’n in the seat of love they use that tongue; Such affectations may become the young: But thou, old hag, of three score years and three, £s shewing of thy parts in Greek for thee?” €HAP. OX. Of Pearls , Diamonds, Bings, and Seals. AMONG the ancients, pearls were much more esteemed than they are at present: and diamonds were very scarce, not becoming com¬ mon till after the commerce with the Indies. But as to colored stones they were not scarce, and they knew r how to cut them perfectly well. The Roman ladies wore necklaces and brace¬ lets not only of pearls, hut of precious stones. The antique statue of Lueilla, the wife of Lu¬ cius Terns, the colleague of Marcus Aurelius, represents her with bracelets of three rows. They had also another kind of bracelet, called spinther, which they wore near the elbow r on the left arm. During a long series of time, under the commonwealth, the freed men onh ANCIENT HISTORY. 239 and their children had their ears pierced, to distinguish them from those horn of free pa¬ rents. But when luxury had gained ground, young people of quality, and even men, caused their ears to he pierced, in order to wear pen¬ dents and pearls in them, like the women. It is observed that Caesar, before he obtained the empire, did this fashion great honor, which prevailed till Alexander Servius prohibited the use of it to men. As to jewels, the Roman la¬ dies were so fond of them for a time, that Lol- lia Paulina, whom Agrippina caused to he put to death, for having attempted to marry the emperor Claudius in competition with her, was possessed of them to the amount of almost an hundred and fifty thousand pounds. Luxury at length became so general, that the wives of the common people wore chains of silver about their feet. This taste for jew- els produced another for rings, which both men and women wore. At first they had only rings of gold or iron, according to the difference of rank, which served them as seals, and which they wore on the fourth finger. They after¬ wards added a stone finely engraved, hy way of seal; and when luxury had first taken place of this first simplicity, the use of gems and pre¬ cious stones was introduced. They wore them on the fore-finger by way of ornament; after¬ wards they added another on the little finger, so that all the fingers had them except the mid¬ dle one. At length, through a refinement of luxury, they used to change them according to the seasons, and had light rings in summer, 240 FLOWERS OF and heavy ones, set with large stones, for win¬ ter. ----- —“Cum verna Canopi Crispinus , Tyrias humero revocante laccrnai Ventilet cetivum digitis fundantibus aurum , Nec suffere queat majoris pondera gemma;. Difficile est Satiram non scribere .Juv. Sat. 1. “When I behokl the spawn of conquer’d Nile, Crispinus, both in birth and manners vile. Facing in pomp, with cloke of Tyrian dye Chang'd oft a day for needless luxury; And finding oft occasion to be fann’d, Ambitious to produce his lady hand; Charg’d with light summer rings his fingers sweat, Unable to support a gem of weight: Such fulsome objects meeting every where Tis hard to write, but harder to forbear. ”......Drydev. chap. cx. Of the Houses of the Romansl WHEN the commonwealth was at the height of its greatness, the houses of the principal persons were laid out in such a manner, that before the gate there was a kind of portico supported by pillars, and intended to shelter the clients from the weather, who came in the morning to pay their court to their patron. At the entrance of the house was a large hall, or rather gallery, adorned with the statues in wax, silver, or marble, of the ancestors of the family, with a short account of their greatest actions. “Tota licet veteres exornent nftdique ccrce Atria , nobilitas sola est atque unica virtue.... ..Juv. Sat. 8. “Long galleries of ancestors, and all The follies which ill-grace a country hall. Challenge no wonder or esteem from me, Virtue alone is true nobility. Stepney. All the houses were three stories high. It is not known how their chimnies were made, ANCIENT HISTORY. 241 nop whether they had any except in their kitch¬ ens. It appears* however, that they seldom had any in their apartments; for to supply the want of them they had portable furnaces, or tire pans, in which they burnt a certain wood, rubbed with the dregs of olives, after the oil was pressed out of them, to prevent it from smoaking. Seneca says, that in his time, cer¬ tain pipes were invented, which being fixed in the walls, warmed the chambers equally to the upper story, by means of fires made in fur¬ naces, disposed along the bottom of the walls. We find that during summer, to cool the rooms, they also made use of pipes, which rose from vaults, from whence they drew the cool air, which they dispersed in its course into the apartments. W e are still in ignorance as to what they used in their windows, to admit the light into their rooms, and to keep out the injuries of the weather. It was perhaps linen-cloth, or some stuff equivalent to it. For it is certain, though glass was not unknown to them, (for they had drinking vessels of it) that they did not use it, like us, for windows. Nero employed for that purpose a certain transparent stone, like ala¬ baster, cut in squares, through which the light appeared. And the historian Josephus speaks of a different kind of substance applied for that use, but without explaining himself clearly. He tells us that the emperor Caligula, giving audience to Philo, ambassador from the Jews at Alexandria, in a gallery of one of his pa¬ laces near Home, ordered the windows to be X 242 vlowehs er shut, on account of the wind that incommoded them. He adds, that those windows, which kept out the wind, and let in only the light, were so clear and shining, that they might have been taken for rock-crystal. He would not have had occasion to have made so loose and indeterminate a description, if they had been glass, which was so well known by the vessels made of it. It was perhaps a kind of stone, which Pliny says, was common in Spaing could be split into leaves like slate, antf was as transparent as glass. We do not know whether it was brittle; but it is certain that it admit¬ ted the rays of light, and might be seen through. There are, however, many things of antiquity, of which we have but imperfect no¬ tions. CHAP. CXI. Of the Roman Baths. ALL the rich citizens of Home had baths in their houses, which were always placed near the dining-rooms, because it was the custom to bathe before they sat down to table. , For from the time that the frequent use of baths was brought from Greece and Asia to Rome, the Homans had a great taste for them, and thought them as essential to health as their daily food. This obliged them to erect public baths, which multiplied to such a degree, that under the em¬ perors they amounted to eight hundred. Agrip- pa only, in the reign of Augustus, caused above an hundred to be built. ANCIENT HISTORY. 243 They‘were usually laid out in different apart¬ ments, which formed different baths, of which the two first were for the common people, who paid scarce half a farthing per head for the use of them, and children were admitted gratis. --- “Dum tu quadrante lavatum Rex ibis ...Hov Lib. 1 Sat. 3. “Whilst fora farthing bath’d, you strut a king.” As to others, the price was raised in propor¬ tion to the manner in which they were served. There were people to do all necessary offices. In each apartment were hot, warm and cold baths, so that every one might chuse. There were chambers on the sides for undressing. To clean the skin, they made use of a certain in¬ strument, which they called stirgil, made of silver, copper or ivory, bent like a scythe; and afterwards to smooth it, they rubbed it with a pummice-stonc. They next poured upon it odoriferous oils, prepared for that pur¬ pose. In these baths were stoves. The authors of those times observed that every thing which passed in the city, was related in the baths, and even the works of wit were first read there. •- "■In medio qui Scripta foro resonent sunt multi, quique lavar.tcs Hor. I.ib. 1 Sat. 4n “The forum rings with verse, the baths resound; Crowds of repeating bards in both are found.” At the first establishment ot public baths at home, there were distinct ones for the men and women; but they insensibly became com¬ mon, with this difference only, that the men were served by men, and the women by women. ■244 pXOWERS OP The emperor Adrian perceiving how indecent this was, ordered different baths for each sex. At length, the public baths were so common, and the use of them so general, that Pliny ob¬ serves there were three in the village near his country-house. This amazing number of pub* Me baths, of which some were magnificent structures, served no less for the convenience than embellishment of that great city. The most superb baths, however, were still far inferior in beauty and extent, to those called Thermo?, which were also public baths, but almost all built by the emperors; in which their principal view seems to have been to dis¬ play their magnificence, having spared nothing that might give an high idea of it. They were spacious and magnificent edifices adorned with porticos and galleries of extraordinary extent, and superb architecture, which contained not only baths, but every thing else that could ren¬ der them agreeable. There were places in them allotted for the exercises of the body; such as leaping, w restling, throwing the discus , foot-ball, and another game with a ball, which came near enough to what is called long or Welch tennis. For the Romans, who in early times cultivated the exercises of the body, only as they conduced to render them more warlike, cultivated them in process of time, as condu¬ cive to health. Wrestling seemed very proper for rendering the body more active and vigo¬ rous, and thereby less subject to the infirmi¬ ties which arise from too much indolence and inaction. It was with this vi^w that Augustus ANCIENT HISTORY. 245 often exercised himself in playing at foot-bail, and that kind of tennis, which we have before mentioned. Besides these places of exercise, there were others planted with trees, where people walked in summer. The baths in them were of all kinds, even of sea-water, to which peculiar vir¬ tues were ascribed. There were stoves also in 4-lic Thermce, as in the other public baths. They were distributed into different apartments, con¬ sisting of halls of extraordinary extent, the lofty rooms of which were supported by pillars of the most exquisite marble. The pavement was also marble; and the walls were covered with Mosaic work, and adorned with gilding and paintings of great value. But their prin¬ cipal ornament was the prodigious number of marble statues, figures, and vases of the best masters. The emperors took pleasure in collecting in these places most of the excellent pieces of painting and sculpture, which the Romans had brought to Home from the principal pities of Greece and Asia. The same magnificence ex¬ tended to all the rest of those edifices; for even the place in which they kept the perfumes, odoriferous oils, essences, and drugs,with which those who had bathed w ere rubbed, was no less adorned. The vases, in which they were pre¬ served, were either of marble, or some curious matter. The vessels wherein people bathed, were of fine marble, oriental granite or porphyry, X 2 FLOWERS OE 246 though of an uncommon size, as may be judged from such as have been found in the ruins of those buildings, most of which serve at this day for the public fountains at Rome. Thus there is no room for thinking, that the authors who have spoken of the magnificence of the Thermo?, intended to impose. Besides such large bathing vessels, there were great basons full of water for such as de¬ sired to exercise themselves in swimming; so that nothing was wanting which could contri¬ bute either to pleasure or amusement. CHAP. CXII. Of the Couches, or Beds, used at the Roman Tables . IN early times, when simplicity prevailed, the Romans sat at their meals upon benches or seats round the table. But after their com¬ merce with the Greeks and Asiatics, whom they piqued themselves upon imitating, they introduced, instead of chairs or stools, the use of couches or beds, round the table. They were generally of a round form. One side was always left open to receive the service in the middle; and the beds were placed, one at the head, and two on each side, there being only three at each table. On each of the greatest couches there was room only for four persons; for they did not approve of having more than twelve at the same table. The common couches were only for three; and the numbers ANCIENT HISTORY 247 (hat pleased them most were nine, seven or three, having a particular prejudice for odd numbers. '‘Tertia ne vacuo cessaret culritra lecto, Una simus oz£.”...Juv. Sat. 5. “That the third bolster may not want a guest. Sup with me, says his lordship.”... .Dryden. • “Summits ego , etpropc me Viscus Thurinus&c. Hor. Lib. 2. Sat. i “Sir, I sat first; and stay, I think ’twas so, Thurinus next, Vibidius sat below, Next Balatro; below him Porcius lies* AH uninvited; but as lords are wont, Maecenas brought them all on his account.”... .Creech* Horace in one of his Satires, informs us, that a canopy was placed over the table. “Interea suspensa graves aulcea ruinas . Inpatinam fecere.”.... Hor. Lib. 2. Sat. 8. “But whilst he talk’d and whilst he prais’d the fish, Down came the canopy into the dish.”....Crm7*. Though the example of the Asiatics had not a little contributed to introduce among the Ho- mans this lolling posture at table, it is however, also ascribed to the custom ot* bathing imme¬ diately before eating; because, on quitting the bath, the body having occasion for repose, they threw themselves upon beds, which they found too comfortable to quit, when it was necessa¬ ry to eat. For the guests bathed at the per¬ son’s house who invited to supper; and it was for this reason, that it was always observed, in building houses, to place the apartment of the baths near the room in which the company sflpped. The beds for the table were covered with purple, and other rich stuffs. They were low and without backs, differing in those res¬ pects, from the beds where they passed the night* and not much unlike our settees. 24 S FLOWERS OF CHAP. CXIIL Of the Roman Entertainments. BEFORE supper, the guests were always presented with an exact and circumstantial list of the courses, and all the dishes of which the feast was composed. Before they began to eat, they threw dice, in order by way of diver¬ sion, to decide who should be king of the feast. He was obeyed during the whole entertainment, and regulated the number of healths that were drank. “Jam te premet nox, fabulceque manes Et domus exilis Plutonia: quo simul mearis Nec regna vini sortire tails. ...Hor. Lib. 1. Od.4 “-The grim conqueror death, Advances swift to stop thy breath; And once depriv’d of light, We’re wrapt in rrists of endless night: Then no more shall mirth and wine Our loves and wit refine. ”..rCrecck. The guests were likewise presented with wreaths of flowers and ivy, to which was as¬ cribed the property of preventing the effects of the fumes of wine, by their coolness. After having rubbed their hair with odoriferous es¬ sences, they put those crowns upon their heads, and wore them during the entertainment. Some time before it ended, which was when the healths began to go very briskly round, the master of the house caused a great cup, richer and more beautiful than the rest, to be brought, which was therefore called cuppa magistra , the principal cup, out of which the company drank the healths of those they loved. If it was a mistress, they often, by way of gallantry, obli- ANCIENT HISTOK*. 24 9 ged the lover to drink as many times as there were letters in her name. “Post hoc ludas erat cuppapotare magistra. ,, ....Hor» Lib* 2. Sat. 2. “The next sport was before the feast broke up, To drink the master-bowl, the peremptory cup.” Their supper usually c onsisted of three cour¬ ses; but sometimes from an excess of magnifi¬ cence, and a desire to entertain, they were aug¬ mented to seven. The first was of sallads, let¬ tuces, and olives; which, with oysters of the lake of Lucrinus, so famous for that shell fish, and other things of a like nature, in order to excite the appetite were served up. The se¬ cond was composed of roast meats, and the most substantial dishes, amongst which dishes of fish were always intermixed, of which they were such great lovers, that without them they would not have thought themselves well enter¬ tained. As for the third service, it was com¬ posed of fruits and pastry. It was not till under the last emperors that the Romans began to use table cloths, which were at first striped with purple, and even with gold.—When they went to eat at the houses of others, they caused a napkin to be brought, which when they returned, served for the do¬ mestics to carry home some pieces of the sup¬ per. They might even send some of it to any of their friends, without its being thought ex¬ traordinary. A guest had also the liberty of bringing a friend with him; and this supernumerary was called a shadow , in allusion to the shadow which follows the body; as those who came of themselves without being invited, or brought 250 FLOWERS OF by some of the guests, were called flies, allud¬ ing in like manner to those troublesome insects. CIIAP. CXIV. Of Games of Chance and Lotteries. GAM INC was not so common amongst the Romans as with us. There were even laws that prohibited games of chance; and these pro¬ hibitions were pretty well observed, as long as the commonwealth subsisted. - “Nescit equo rudis,” &c ...Hor. Lib. 3. Od. 24. “Now to the noble youth ’tis too much pain, The steed’9 impetuous fire to vein; To risque the manly dangers of the chace: But softer arts of these take place; To play at billiards with sir Courtley Nice, And curse the barb’rous laws that would abolish dice.”...Francw. But the games of chance being the taste of several emperors, they got the better of the laws, and became so common, that Juvenal de¬ claims strongly, in his satires, against those who ruined themselves by them. - “Alea quando Hos animos? neque enim loculis comitantibus itur Ad casum tabulae, posita sed luditur area . Plcelia quanta illic dlspcnsatore videbis Armigero! simplex nefuror sestertia centum Perdere; et horrenti tunicam non rederc servo.”.... Juv. Sat. 1. “When were the dice with irmre profusion thrown? The well-fiird fobs not emptied now alone, But gamesters for whole patrimonies play: The steward brings the deeds which must convey, The lost estate. What more than madness reigns, When one short sitting many hundreds drains, And not enough is left him to supply Board-wages or a footman’s livery.”.... Dryden. The games of chance of the Romans, of which the knowledge lias come down to us, were played with a kind of dice. In that cal¬ led Talus , they threw four of these dice at once, and when three sixes came up, the cast was ANCIENT HISTORY* 251 called Venus, which swept all the money staked. Tessera was played only with three dice upon a table marked like a chequer; and that of even and odd was much used amongst them. They had also another game, which they called La- trunc-uU , that did not depend upon chance, hut upon the skill of the gamesters. They did not use dice in it, hut certain figures which they disposed upon a chequer, as is done at chess, which it very much resembled. These were their domestic games. But of¬ ten, when the emperors gave entertainments, before they began, by way of amusement, they caused a lotterv to be drawn, of w hich all the tickets that were distributed gratis among the guests, gained some jewel, or other prize. The emperor Heiiogabalus had one, merely for the sake of pleasantry, of which half the tickets were beneficial, and the other half gained only ridiculous things of no value. There was for instance, in one ticket six slaves, in another six flies, in one, a vase of value, and in another, an earthen pot, and so on of the rest. These lotteries were an ingenious contrivance for displaying their liberality, and rendering the feast more lively and affecting, by putting the guests in good humor. CHAP. CXV. Of the introduction of the common use of Wine among the Romans . UNDER the commonwealth, wine was so scarce at Rome, that in the sacrifices the liha 252 FLOWERS OF £ions to the gods were only make with milk. Wine did not become common there, till about six hundred years after the foundation of the city, when vines were planted. It was in these limes of simplicity, that women were prohibited to drink it; and for that reason their near re¬ lations were permitted to salute them, when they came to their houses, in order that they might know whether they had drank any; which if discovered gave their husbands a right to punish them. According to Dionysius Hali- earnassensis, Romulus was the author of the law, which permitted husbands to put their wives to death, if they indulged themselves in drinking wine to excess. Valerius Maximus relates, that one Egnatius Metellus having kil¬ led his wife, whom he found drinking out of the cask, Romulus acquitted him of the mur¬ der. Fabius Pictor says also, that a Roman lady, having picked the lock of a chest in which were the keys of the place where the wine was kept, her parents starved her to death. Men were likewise forbid to drink wine till the age of thirty. Tertullian, in his Apologetic, men¬ tions the laws by which these prohibitions were made; and says they ordained, that not above an hundred pence should be expended upon an entertainment. But towards the declension of the commonwealth, and under the first empe¬ rors, the women were not only permitted to drink wine, but carried the excess of it as far as the men. The vintage was considered as a time of di¬ version, in which those employed in it, had the ANCIENT HISTORY. 255 liberty of insulting all passengers. The vines were planted at the roots of trees, and made to creep up them, in order to form bovvers, which is still practised in Italy. The wine was pre¬ served in great earthen vessels, well stopped with pitch, though they were not ignorant of the method of making casks; for they used them in carrying it from place to place, as well as tanned skins of beasts, and green goat skins. The older the wine was, the more it was in es~ teem. To know its age, they marked the year upon the vessel; for which purpose they put it in an upper room, and not in vaults as we do, which appears very extraordinary. t '0 nata mecum consuls Manlio c’rc.w.Hor. Lib. 3.0d. 2t» “You, ray good cask, are of a date With consul Manlius and me, Produce your charge, whate’er it be s Or love, or strife, or loud debate, Or gentle sleep, or wit serenely free; On such a day, for such a friend, With massic juice our souls refine.”.... .Creech. ; CHAP. CXVI. Of the Supper given to Cicero and Pompey by Luculhis . WE may judge of the extraordinary luxury of the Roman tables, in Cicero’s time, from what Plutarch relates in the life of Lucullus, whose table was supposed to be the best and most splendidly served. Cicero and Pompey concerted between them to have the pleasure of taking him unprovided; and being alone with Lucullus, told him that they would sup with him, upon condition that he would not speak Y FLOWERS OF £54 to liis servants to order any thing extraordina¬ ry. He agreed, and only said in their presence, that he would sup in the room Apollo. The magnificence of the services surprised Cicero and Pompey the more, as not having left him, he had not had an opportunity to give particu¬ lar orders. But after Lueullus had for some time en¬ joyed the pleasure of their surprise, he confes¬ sed to them, that as soon as his servants knew in which room he was to cat, they were there¬ by instructed as to the order, quantity, and quality of the courses, and the expense of the supper; that being regulated to every apart¬ ment. The expense of the Apollo was fixed at fifty thousand drachmas of silver, which ac¬ cording to the present value of that metal, amounted to above twelve hundred and fifty pounds. This instance clearly shews to what an height the luxury of Home, and the riches of her citizens had arisen. CHAP. CXYII. Of Marriages , and the Privileges of Married Persons among the Romans. WITH the view of facilitating marriages, the commonwealth annexed marks of distinc¬ tion to married persons, in order to discourage libertinism, and to multiply the number of the citizens. “Diva iproducas sobolem, patrumque Prosperes decreta super jugandis Fctminis,J>rolisque novaeferaci Lege marital... Jlox r CariRc Sec. ANCIENT HISTORY. 255 ‘ : Goddess of births- Give us a race mature and strong, And all those sacred statutes bless That guard the nuptial bed from wrong, And crown the state with fair increase.”... .Creech. It was ordained that amongst the people, such as were married should have places in the theatre separate from those of the soldiery; that the married magistrates, or fathers of fa¬ milies, should also have precedency of their colleagues, who were not so, and that they should enjoy the same advantage in the case of competition for offices. Besides which, pen¬ alties and fines were imposed upon those, who after a certain age lived in celibacy. As the Homans were very much addicted to superstition, and extended it to every thing they did, it is no wonder that marriage was celebra¬ ted amongst them with so many ceremonies, which were the more scrupulously observed, as they believed its happiness depended on it. The first thing they did was to take the aus¬ pices before the nuptials, in order to know the will of the gods; and they carefully avoided celebrating them on any of those days which they held to be unfortunate. Plutarch tells us, that they did not marry maids on public holidays; and that widows were permitted to marry on them, in order that they might he seen by fewer people; the generality being em¬ ployed upon those days in solemnizing the fes¬ tival. This shews that second marriages were not in esteem among the Homans. When the contract was drawn up, it was sealed with the seals of the parents; and some¬ times the portion was deposited in the hands FXOWEItg OF of the augur, who had taken the auspices. Wives, according to (he law of Romulus, had the advantage of inheriting the fortunes of their husbands, if they died intestate. When the husband left children, the wife divided it equal¬ ly with them. There were also people who made it their business to negotiate marria ges, and to whom some gratuity was given. The emperors ordained that this premium should be in proportion to the value of the fortune. The age for contracts was not fixed before the time of Augustus; but that emperor ordained that they should not be made till both parties were marriageable. The bridegroom, before the nuptials, sent his intended bride an iron ring without any stones in it, which was the ceremony of contract. Up- on the wedding-day, in dressing the bride’s head, it was the custom to part her hair with the point of a spear, and to divide it into six tresses, after the manner of the vestals, to im¬ ply that she would live chastely with her hus¬ band. On her head they put a wreath of flow¬ ers of vervain, and other herbs, w hich she had gathered herself, and over that wreath a veil, which was sometimes adorned with precious stones. They made her put on a pair of shoes of the same color pf the veil, formed in the manner of stilts or buskins, which, raising her higher than those commonly worn, made her stature appear to greater advantage. There was anciently another ceremony used among the Latins, which was to put a yoke upon the necks of those who were married, to sig AXCIKXT HlfcTORV. nify that marriage is a real yoke; and from thence it had its Latin name conjugium . The first Homans observed a ceremony in their marriages, which they called corif arratio e This was to make the new-married couple eat a cake made only of wheat, salt, and water, which the priest had offered to the gods, in or¬ der to imply, by that common and sacred food, the indissoluble union that was to subsist be¬ tween them. The bride was dressed in a long robe quite plain, either white or saffron color. The nup tials were always celebrated in the evening, by the light of five torches of pine-tree, or white thorn. Those torches were carried by young children, called pueri lauti , because they were washed and perfumed for that occasion. Their number of five was mysterious, as well as the rest of the ceremony. It was in honor of five divinities, of whom they said those who were married stood in need; these were Jupiter, Ju¬ no, Yenus, Diana, and the goddess of Persua¬ sion. The bride was led by two young chil¬ dren, and a third carried before her the torch of Hymen, which it was the custom for the friends of both parties to take away, lest it should he made use of in some enchantment, that might shorten the life of one of them; for great virtues were ascribed to this torch. Whilst the bride was conducted in this man¬ ner to her husband’s house, every one sung Hy¬ men Hymencee , and invoked Thalassius, who was married fo one of the Sabines, forcibly carried off by the first Romans* A distaff was. y s- 258 FLOWERS OF carried behind the bride, with a spindle, and a trunk, or basket, which contained her toilet. She was sprinkled with lustral , or holy water, in order that she might enter chaste into the house of her husband. As soon as she arrived at the door, which was adorned with garlands of flowers and green houghs, tire and water were presented to her, to signify that she was to share in the whole fortune of her husband. At the same time it was the custom to ask what her name was; to which she answered Caia, to imply that she would he as good a housewife as Caia Csecilia, the mother of Tar- quinius Prisons. She afterwards put wool upon the door, and rubbed it with oil or (he fat of a wolf. The attendants then carried her over the threshold of the door, taking particu¬ lar care that she did not touch it, because that would have been a very bad omen; and imme¬ diately after, the keys of the house were deli¬ vered to her, to signify that she was entrusted with the whole management of it. She was then made to sit down on a sheep.skin with the wool on it, to put her in mind that she was to be industrious. When the marriage feast was over, the nuptial bed was prepared; and after the matrons called Fronubce , who accompanied the bride, had made an end of giving her in¬ structions, they put her into the genial bed, so called, because it was prepared in honor of the husband’s genius. When the bride was a wi¬ dow, great care was taken to remove out of the chamber, not only the bed, hut all the other i'urniturt, w hith had been used by the first ANCIENT HISTORY. 250 husband; anil even the door of the chamber was changed. The batchelors and maids, on leaving the married pair, desired them to live happily together, and before the door was shut, and they were left alone, the husband threw nuts to the children to divert the attention of the curious by the noise they made in scramb¬ ling for them. “Da nuces pueris , iners Concubine; satis diu, Lusisti nucibus. Lubet Jam service Thalessio Concubine nuees da.’' .Catull. Ep. 69, “Haste, slow lover, come away; Throw the boys the nuts to play; Quit for shame thy childish pieasureSj For thy bride and nuptial treasures; Haste, it is thy wedding-day; Throw the nuts, and come away.” The Romans made several of the gods to in tervene at this time, and ascribed abundance hf little trivial employments to them, lor which it was necessary to address each of them separately. The day after the nuptials, the husband made a feast at home, at which the bride, who sat by her husband on the couch at table, leaned upon him in a very familiar man¬ ner. Presents wpre made them that day, anil the married pair sacrificed to the gods. The married women always retained their maiden- names, and did not take those of their hus¬ bands. If it happened that a Roman citizen seduced a free maid, the laws obliged him to either marry her without a portion, or to give her one suitable to her condition* 26 0 FLOWERS OF CHAP. CXVIII. Comparison of Cicero and Demosthenes . AS the Romans derived their eloquence, po¬ etry and learning from the Greeks, so they must be confessed to be far inferior to them in genius for all these accomplishments. They were a more grave and magnificent, though less acute and sprightly people. They had neither the vivacity nor sensibility of the Greeks; their passions were not so easily moved, nor their conceptions so lively. In comparison of them, they were a phlegmatic nation. Their Ian- guage resembles their character: it was regu¬ lar, firm and stately, hut wanted that simple and expressive naivete, and particularly that flexibility to suit every different mode and spe¬ cies of composition, for which the Greek tongue is distinguished above that of every other country. “Gratis ingenium, Gratis dedid ore rotunda Musa loqui .Hor. Art Poet. “To her lov’d Greeks the muse indulgent gave To her lov’d Greeks with greatness to conceive; And in subliiner tone their language raise; Her Greeks were only covetous of praise.”. Francis . And hence, when we compare together the various rival productions of Greece and Rome, we shall always find this distinction obtain, that in the Greek productions there is more native genius, in the Roman more regularity and art. What the Greeks invented, the Ro¬ mans polished; the one was the original, rough and sometimes incorrect; the other a finished copy. ANCIENT HISTORY. 261 With regard to oratory, the very name of Cicero, suggests every thing that is splendid in it. In ail his orations there is high art. He begins, generally, with a regular exordium; and with much preparation and insinuation pre¬ possesses the hearers, and studies to gain their affections. His method is clear, and his argu¬ ments are arranged with great propriety. His method is indeed more clear than that of De¬ mosthenes; and this is one advantage he has over him. We find every thing in its proper place. He never attempts to move till he has endeavored to convince; and in moving, espe¬ cially the softer passions, he is very successful. No man knew the power and force of words better than Cicero. He rolls them along with the greatest beauty and pomp, and in the struc¬ ture of his sentences, is curious and exact to the highest degree. He is always full and flowing, never abrupt. He is a greater ampli¬ fier of every subject, magnificent, and in his sentiments highly moral. His manner is on the whole diffuse, yet it is often happily varied and suited to the subject. In his four orations, for instance, against Cataline, the tone and style of each of them, particularly the first and last, is very different, and accommodated with a great deal of judgment to the occasion, and the situation in which they were spoken. When a great public object roused his mind, and de¬ manded indignation and force, he departs con¬ siderably from the loose and declamatory man¬ ner to which lie leans at other times, and be¬ comes exceeding cogent and vehement. This 262 FLOWERS OF is the ease in his orations against Antony, and those two against Verres and Cataline. Together with those high qualities which Cicero possesses, he is not exempt from certain defects, of which it is necessary to take notice. Fo^ the CiccToTTian eloquence Is a pattern so dazzling by its beauties, that, if not examined with accuracy and judgment, it is apt to betray the unwary into a faulty imitation; and I am of opinion, that it has sometimes produced this effect. In roost of his orations, especially those composed in the earlier*part of his life, there is too much art; even carried to the length of ostentation. There is too visible a parade of eloquence. He seems often to aim at obtain¬ ing admiration, rather than at operating con¬ viction, by what he says. Hence on some oc¬ casions, he is showy rather than solid; and dif¬ fuse, where he ought to have been pressing. His sentences are, at all times, round and so¬ norous. They cannot he accused of monotony, for they possess variety of cadence. But from too great a study of magnificence, he is some¬ times deficient in strength. On all occasions, where there is the least room for it, he is full of himself. His great actions, and the real ser¬ vices which he had performed to his country, apologise for this in part. Ancient manners, too, imposed fewer restraints from the side of decorum. But, even after these allowances made; Cicero’s ostentation of himself cannot be wholly palliated; and his orations, indeed all his works, leave on our minds the impression of a good man, but withal of a vain man. ANCIENT HISTORY. 263 The defects whieli we have now taken no¬ tice of in Cicero’s eloquence, were not unob¬ served by his own cotemporaries. “They ven¬ tured to approach him,” says Quinctilian, “as swelling, redundant, and Asiatic; too frequent in repetitions; in his attempts towafds wit, sometimes cold; and in the strain of his compo¬ sition, feeble, desultory and more effeminate than became a man.” These censures were undoubtedly carried too far, and savor of malignity and personal enmi¬ ty. They saw his defect^, hut they aggravated them; and the source of these aggravations car* be traced to the difference which prevailed in Home in Cfcero’s days, between two great par¬ ties the Attici and the Asiani. The former, who called themselves the Attics, were the pa¬ trons of what they conceived to be the chaste, simple, and natural style of eloquence: from which they accused Cicero as having departed, and as leaning to the florid “Asiatic manner. In several of his rhetorical works, ^ieero, in his turn, endeavors to expose this sect, as substitu¬ ting a frigid and jejune manner in place of the true Attic eloquence; and contends that his own composition was formed upon the reaT Attic style. In the tenth chapter of the last book of Quinctilian’s Institutions, a full account is given of the disputes between these two parties, and of the Rhodian or middle manner between the Attics and Asiatics. Quinctilian, himself de¬ clares on Cicero’s side; and whether it be cal¬ led Attic or Asiatic, prefers the full, the to- FLOWERS OE 264 * pious, and the amplifying style. He concludes with this very just observation: “Eloquence admits of many different forms; and nothing can he more foolish than to inquire, by which of them an orator is to regulate his composi¬ tion; since every form, which is just in itself, has its own place and use. The orator, ac¬ cording as circumstances require, will employ them all; suiting them, not only to the cause or subject on which he treats, but to different parts of the subject.” On the subject of comparing Cicero and De¬ mosthenes, much has been said by critical wri¬ ters. The different manners of these two princes of eloquence, and the distinguishing characters of each, are so strongly marked in their writings, that the comparison is, in many respects, obvious and easy. The character of Demosthenes is vigor and austerity; that of Cicero is gentleness and insinuation. In the one, you find more manliness, in the other more ornament. The one is more harsh, but more spirited and cogent; the other more agreeable, but withal, looser and weaker. To account for this difference without any prejudice to Cicero, it has been said, that we must look to the nature of tlieir auditories; that the refined Athenians followed with ease the concise and convincing eloquence of Demos¬ thenes; hut that a manner more popular, more flowery, and declamatory, was requisite in speak¬ ing to the Romans, a people less acute, and less acquainted with the arts of speech. But ft was not satisfactory. For we must observe ANCIENT HISTORY. 26 o that the Greek orator spoke much oftener be¬ fore a mixed multitude, than the Roman. Al¬ most all the public business of Athens was transacted in popular assemblies. ' The com¬ mon people were his bearers and judges,. Whereas Cicero generally addressed himself to the Patres Conseripti, or in criminal trials to the Prsetor, and select judges; and it cannot be imagined that persons of the highest rank, and best education in Rome, required a more dif¬ fuse manner of pleading than the common ci¬ tizens of Athens? in order to make them un¬ derstand the cause, or relish the speaker. Per¬ haps we shall come nearer the truth, by ob¬ serving that to unite all the qualities, without the least exception, that makes a perfect orator, and to excel equally in each of those qualities, is not to be expected from the limited powers of human genius. The highest degree of strength, is, i suspect, never found united with the highest degree of smoothness and ornament; equal attentions to both are incompatible; and the genius that carries ornament to its utmost length, is not of such a kind, as can excel as much in vigor. For there plainly lies the eba- racteristical difference between these two cele¬ brated orators. It is a disadvantage to Demosthenes, besides his conciseness, which sometimes produces ob¬ scurity, that the language in which he writes is less familiar to most of us than the Latin, and that we are less acquainted with the Greek antiquities than we are with the Roman. We read Cicero with more ease, and of course with X 266 FLOWERS OF more pleasure. Independent of this circum* stance, too, he is no douht, in himself, a more agreeable writer than the other. But notwith¬ standing this advantage, I am of opinion, that were the state in danger, or some great na¬ tional interest at stake, which drew the serious attention of the public, an oration in the spirit and strain of Demosthenes, would have more weight, and produce greater effects than one in the Ciceronian -manner. Were Demosthenes’ Philippics spoken in a British assembly, in a similar conjuncture of affairs, they would con¬ vince and persuade at this day. The rapid style, the vehement reasoning, the disdain, anger, bold¬ ness, freedom, which perpetually animate them, would render their success infallible over any modern assembly. I question whether the same can be said of Cicero’s orations; whose eloquence, however beautiful, and however suited to the Roman taste, yet borders oftener on declamation, and is more remote from the manner in which we now expect to hear real business and causes of importance to he treated. In comparing Demosthenes and Cicero, most of the French critics are disposed to give the preference to the latter. P. Rapin the Jesuit, in the parallels which he has drawn between some of the most ancient Greek and Roman writers, uniformly decides in favor of the Ro¬ man. For the preference which he gives to Cicero, he assigns, and lays stress upon, one reason of a pretty extraordinary nature; name¬ ly, that Demosthenes could not possibly have so complete an insight as Cicero, into the man- Z6 7 ANCIENT HISTORY. v ners and passions of men. Why not? Because he had the advantage of perusing Aristotle’s treatise on rhetoric, wherein, says our critic, he has fully laid open that mystery. And to support this weighty argument, he enters into a controversy with A. Gellius, in order to prove that Aristotle’s Rhetoric was not published till after Demosthenes had spoken, at least, his most considerable orations. Nothing can be more childish. Such orators as Cicero and Demosthenes, received their knowledge of the human passions, and their power of moving them, from higher sources than any treatise of Rhetoric. One French critic has indeed departed from the common track; and after bestowing on Ci- cero those just praises, to which the consent of so many ages shows him to be entitled, con¬ cludes, however, with giving the palm to De¬ mosthenes. This is Fenelon, the famous arch¬ bishop of Cambray, and author of Telemaehus; himself surely no enemy to all the graces and flowers of composition. It is in his reflections on rhetoric and poetry, that he gives this judg¬ ment; a sjnall tract commonly published with his dialogues on eloquence. These dialogues and reflections are particularly worthy of pe¬ rusal, as containing, perhaps, the justest ideas on the subject, that are to be met with in any modern critical writer. FLOWERS OF CHAP. CXIX. Comparison of Virgil and Homer, AS to the comparative merit of these two great princes of Epic poetry, Homer and Vir¬ gil, the former must undoubtedly be admitted to^ he the greater genius; tiro latter to be the more correct; writer. Homer wa$ an original in his art, and discovers both the beauties and the 'defects, which are to-be expected in an original author, compared with those who suc¬ ceeded him; more boldness more nature and ease, more sublimity and force, but greater ir¬ regularities and negligences in composition. Virgil has, all along, kept his eye upon Homer; in many places, he has not so much imitated, as he has literally translated him. The de¬ scription of the storm, for instance, in the jEneid, and ./Eneas’ speech upon that occasion, are translations from the fifth hook of the Odyssey; not to mention almost all the similies of Virgil, which are no other thaji copies of those of Homer. The pre-eminence of inven¬ tion, therefore, must, beyond doubt, be ascri¬ bed to Homer. “As to the pre-eminence in judgment.” says Dr. Blair, “though many cri¬ tics are disposed to give it to Virgil, yet, in my opinion, it hangs doubtful. In Homer we ob¬ serve the Greek vivacity; in Virgil, ail the Ro¬ man stateliness. Homer’s imagination is by much the most rich and copious; Virgil’s the most chaste and correct. The strength of the former lies in his power of warming the fancy: ANCIENT HISTORY. 269 that of the latter; in his power of torching the heart. Homer’s style is more simple and ani¬ mated; Virgil’s more elegant and uniform.*— The first has, on many occasions, a sublimity to which the latter never attains; but the lat¬ ter, in return, never sinks below a certain de¬ gree of epic dignity, which cannot so clearly be pronounced of the former. Not, however, to detract from the admiration due to both these great poets, most of Homer’s defects may reasonably be imputed, not to his genius, but to the manners of the age in which he lived, and for the feeble passages of the JBneid, this excuse ought to be admitted, that the JEneid was left an unfinished work.” Mr. Pope’s comparison of Homer and Vir gil is no less striking than just; “Homer,’* says he, “hurries and transports us with a com¬ manding impetuosity-, Virgil leads us with an attractive majesty. Homer scatters with a ge¬ nerous profusion, Virgil bestow s with a careful magnificence. Homer, like the Nile, pours out his riches with a sudden overflow; Virgil, like a river in its banks, with a gentle and constant stream. When we behold their bat¬ tles, methinks the two poets resemble the he¬ roes they celebrate. Homer, boundless and irresistible as Achilles, bears all before him, and shines more and more as the tumult in¬ creases; Virgil, calmly daring, like iEneas, appears undisturbed in the midst of action, disposes all about him, and conquers with tran¬ quility. And when we look upon their ma¬ chines, Homer seems like kk own Jupiter in z % 270 FLOWERS OF liis terrors, shaking Olympus, scattering the lightnings, and firing the Heavens. Virgil, like the same power in his benevolence, coun¬ selling with the Gods, laying plans for em¬ pires, regularly ordering his whole creation.” Dryden speaks of Virgil as a grave, suc¬ cinct, and majestic writer, one who weighed not only every thought, but every word and syl¬ lable; who was still aiming to crowd his sense into as narrow a compass as he could; for which reason he is so very figurative, that he requires, as it were, a grammar apart to construe him. His verse is every where sounding the very thing in your ears, whose sefise it bears; yet the numbers are perpetually varied to increase the delight of the reader, so that the same sounds are never repeated twice together. But though he is smooth where smoothness is re¬ quired, yet he is so far from affecting it, that he seems rather to disdain it; for he frequently makes use of synalo*phas, and concludes his sense in (he middle of his verse. He is every where above the conceits of epigrammatic wit; and gross hyperboles. He maintains majesty ih the midst of plainness. He shines, but glares not, and is stately without ambition. Martial says of him, that he could have ex¬ celled Varius in tragedy, and Horace in lyric poetry; hut out of deference to his friends he attempted neither. Among the follies of Caligula, we may un¬ doubtedly reckon his hatred and contempt for this poet, whose writings and effigies he endea¬ vored to remove out of all libraries. He bad ANCIENT HISTORY. 274 the confidence to say that Virgil had neither wit nor learning. The emperor Alexander Servius judged quite otherwise. He called him the Plato of the po¬ ets, and placed his picture with that of Cicero, in the temple, in which he had placed Achil¬ les and other great men. He was so much respected by the senate and the people of Rome, that when they heard any of his verses in the theatre, every body imme¬ diately stood up; and if by chance Virgil was present, they paid him the same respect as they did to Csesai* himself. CHAP. CXX. Of Horace , and his merit as a lyric poet, QUINTUS HORATIUS FLACCUS was born at Venusium, a city of Italy, in the begin¬ ning of December, about the year of Rome 688, three years after the conspiracy of Catiline. His father is said to have been a Salter, the son of a freedman, who was a tax-gatherer. The circumstances of his fortune were not straitened, and observing an early forwardness in his son, he resolved to furnish him with a suitable education, and for that purpose remo¬ ved him to Rome whem he was about ten years old. He bred him in the best school, and in the company of noblemen of the first quality. The father had a good share of natural sense; and fond of the prospect of his son’s future character* he took pleasure in forming the mo FLOWERS OF ^ * xW rals of the youth himself; and all the virtue* arenerositv and good conduct, which were so re- markable in the life of this excellent poet, were principally owing to the care and cultiva¬ tion of the best of fathers, as the son in man^ places of his works gratefully confesses. “Si neqtxe avaritiam , ^....Lib. 1 . Sat. 6. “If none on me can truly fix disgrace, If I am neither covetous nor base, If innocent my life; if to commend Myself, I live belov'd by every friend; I thank my father for’t.” When he was about eighteen, he was sent to Athens, where he completed what his father had so well begun, and acquired all those ac¬ complishments which polite learning, added to the society of the first wits of the age, could afford him. Brutus about this time going into Macedonia, and being under great difficulties to furnish bis army with officers, took Horace into his service, and made him a tribune; but he shamefully fled at the battle of Philippi, and which was the most inglorious action in a sol¬ dier, he threw away his shield. This he con¬ fesses himself in an ode to his friend Pompeius Varus, who was with him in that battle, asld was his companion in flight. “Tecum Phiiippos, “The bloody wars, Philippi’s field, Ignobly having lost my shield, With thee I saw secure from wound, I saw thee fight, when Pompev proud To Caesar’s stronger virtue bow’d, And basely bit the bloody ground.” It is supposed that Horace would scarce have been so ingenuous as to confess this infa¬ mous adventure, if he had not had the exam- ANCIENT HISTORY. 273 pies of two great poets, Archilochus and Alseus before him, who both owned themselves guilty of the same cowardice. The general rout at Philippi reduced this runaway tribune to the greatest distress; for his estate was forfeited, and became a prey to the conquerors. He was naturally indolent, and loved retirement, hut necessity obliged him to write, and his muse so successfully assisted him, that she soon introduced him into the most polite company. He soon became acquainted with Virgil,who recommended him to Meesenas, the general pa¬ tron of learning in that age. This great cour¬ tier spoke favorable of him to Augustus, who was so taken with his merit and address, that he made him his chief confidant in his private pleasures and diversions, offered him honors and advantages, which he in a great manner declined accepting, and restored him to the possession of his estate. Growing still more intimate with Mecamas, he had the opportunity of discovering all the amiable parts of his cha- raeter, which wonderfully endeared his patron to him, and made him conceive a very tender friendship for him. The continued favor of the emperor furnished that poet with such a competency, as left him at full liberty to retire and enjoy the fruits of the imperial bounty. In many places he very feelingly describes the pleasures of a country life, and the delights of his villa, or seat at Tibur, and that in the coun¬ try of the Tarentincs. His love of retirement increasing with his 274 ^LOWERS OR age, he at last resolved to leave the city, and spend the remainder of his days in the ease and privacy of rural life. He died in the fifty-se¬ venth year of his age, about twenty days after his friend Mecfenas, with whose loss he was so deeply affected that it was supposed to have shortened his life. He was buried near Mecse- nas’ tomb, and by his last words declared Me^ csenas his heir, the violence of his distemper being such that he was not capable of signing his will. He was wholly indifferent to any magnificent funeral rites, or fruitless sorrow for his death. He was confident of immortality from his works. Absint inani funere ncenice , c£v....Lib. 2. Ode 20. “Say not I died, nor shed a tear, Nor round my ashes mourn; Nor of ray needless obsequies take care, All pomp and state is lost upon an empty urn.'’ Horace was of a cheerful temper, fond of ease and liberty, but ready to serve bis friend, and grateful to bis benefactors; of a tender and amorous disposition; warm and passionate, but soon pacified. He loved good company and a cheerful glass; but being a person of an elegant taste in con¬ versation, he affected an entire freedom, and that the glass should circulate, or stand still, at the discretion of bis guests. He was very short and corpulent, as Augus¬ tus in a letter to him informs us, comparing him to the book he sent him, which was a lit¬ tle thick volume. The works of Horace consist of five books of Odes, his Carman Seculare, two bojoks of ANCIENT HISTORY. 275 Satires, two of Epistles, and his letter to the two Pisos upon the art of poetry. The Ode is a species of poetical composition which possesses much dignity, and in which many writers have distinguished themselves in every age. Its peculiar character is, that it is intended to be sung, or accompanied with music. Its designation implies this. Ode is in Greek the same with song or hymn; and ly¬ ric poetry imports that the verses are accom¬ panied with a lyre, or musical instrument. This distinction was not, at first, particular to any one species of poetry. For music and po¬ etry were cceval, and were originally always joined together. But after their separation took place, after bards had begun to make verse compositions, which were to be recited or read, not to be sung, such poems as were designed to be still joined to music or song, were by way of distinction, called Odes. In the Ode, therefore, poetry retains its first and most ancient form; that form, under which the original bards poured forth their enthusi¬ astic strains, praised their gods and their he¬ roes, celebrated their victories, and lamented their misfortunes. “With regard to lyric poetry,” says Raping “Horace found tiie art to join all the force and high flight of Pindar, with all the sweetness and delicacy of Anacreon, and to make himself a new character by uniting the perfections of the other two. For besides that he had a wit naturally pleasant, he had nobleness in his con¬ ceits, and delicacy in his thoughts and seniT FLOWERS OF 276 ments. Those Odes, upon which he chose to bestow pains, are master pieces; but it requires a very clear apprehension to discern all his wit; for there are many secret graces and hid¬ den beauties in his verse, which few can disco- * ver.” “Horace,” says Scaliger, “is the most exact and elaborate of all the Greek and Latin poets. His Lyrics have an harmonious and majestic sound. His Odes are so full of fancy and beauty, so much purity in the style, so great a variety, and such new turns in the figures, that they are not only proof against the censure of critics, but also above the highest encomiums. These compositions of his are of several sorts; they are either moral, panegyrical, or Baccha¬ nalian. In his Lyric poems upon divine mat¬ ters, he is grave and majestic; in those which contain the praise of his heroes, pompous and sublime; in those that relate to pleasure and free enjoyment, gay and lively. 'In his Iam¬ bics he is severe and cutting. That which dig¬ nifies his style from all other poets, is the ele¬ gance of his words, and the musical numbers of his verse. There is nothing so delicately turned in all the Roman language. There ap¬ pears in every part of his diction, a kind of no¬ ble and bold purity. Ilis words are chosen with as much exactness as Virgil’s, but there seems to be a greater spirit in them. There is a secret happiness attends his choice, which by Fetronius is called Curiosi Felicitas. But the most distinguishing part of all his character seems to be his briskness, his jollity, and his good humor*” ANCIENT IIISTOltr. '27 7 “Of all thejyriters of Odes, ancient or mo¬ dern,” says Dr. Blair, “there is none, that, in point of correctness, harmony, and happy ex¬ pression, can vie with Horace. He has de¬ scended from the Pindaric rapture to a more moderate degree of elevation; and joins con¬ nected thought and good sense, with the high¬ est beauties of poetry. He does not often as¬ pire beyond the middle region; and those Odes, in which he attempts the sublime, are perhaps not always his best. The peculiar character in which he excels is grace and elegance; and in his style of composition, no poet has ever attained to a greater perfection than Horace. No poet supports a moral sentiment with more dignity, touches a gay one more happily, or possesses the art of trifling more agreeably, when he eliuses to trifle. His language is so fortunate, that with a single word or epithet, he often conveys a whole description to the fan¬ cy. Hence he ever has been, and ever will continue to be, a favorite author with all per¬ sons of taste.” Among the Latin poets of latter ages there have been many imitators of Horace. One of the most distinguished is Casimir, a Polish poet of the last century, who wrote four hooks of Odes, in graceful ease of expression, he is far inferior to the Roman. He oftener affects the sublime; and in the attempt, like other Ly¬ ric writers, frequently becomes harsh and un¬ natural. But on several occasions, he disco¬ vers a considerable degree of original genius, and poetical fire. Buchanan, in some of his A A 378 FLOWERS OF Lyric compositions, is very elegant and elas. sicale CHAP. CXXL Comparison between Horace and Juvenal . THE writings of Juvenal-consist of sixteen Satire^, which have justly had their admirers among the learned in all ages. And, indeed, the works of this poet are so complete a sys¬ tem of morality, and so perfect a body of use¬ ful philosophy; they express so just a rage against the shocking vices of the times in which he lived, that lie has scarcely left any thing unsaid upon (he subjects he made choice of. The jealousy and the high guilt of the age, obliged him often to draw characters, and to represent crimes under the names of per¬ sons who had been long dead; for the corrup¬ tion was too great and universal, and the power of the vicious too formidable to be attacked without danger; and this cautious method has been followed successfully by succeeding sati¬ rists, in many states and countries, whicl^la- bored under the same misfortune. The Satire of this poet deserves the highest encomiums. He is so full of divine sentiments, and his sentences arc so grave and moral, that he may properly be called The Prophet of the Latin Poets. Many prefer his pieces before ail the morals of Aristotle; and some pro¬ nounce him equal to Seneca and Epictetus. To form an exact comparison between Ho¬ race and Juvenal, is a difficult undertaking; ANCIENT HISTORY. 279 If it be only argued which of them was the bet¬ ter poet, the victory is already gained on the side of Horace. Virgil himself must yield to him in his choice of words, and perhaps in the purity of his Latin. He who says that Pindar is inimitable, is himself inimitable in his Odes. But the contention between these two great masters is for the prize of satire; in which con¬ troversy all the Odes and Epodes of Horace are to stand excluded. It must be granted by the admirers of Juve¬ nal, that Horace is more copious and profitable in his instructions of human life; but Juvenal is the more delightful author. I am profited by both, I am pleased with both; but I owe more to Horace for mv instruction, and more to Juvenal for my pleasure. Juvenal is of a more vigorous and masculine wit than Horace; he gives me as much pleasure as I can bear; he fully satisfies my expectation; his spleen is raised, and he raises mine. He drives his rea¬ der along with him, and when he is at the end of his journey I willingly stop with him. If we went another stage it would be too far; it would turn delight into fatigue. When he gives over, it is a sign that the subject is ex¬ hausted, and that the wit of man can carry it no farther. If any fault can be justly found in Juvenal, it is that he is sometimes too luxuriant, says more than be needs, but never more than pleases. Add to this, that his thoughts are as just as those of Horace, and much more eleva¬ ted. His expressions are sonorous and musi¬ cal, his verses harmonious; and his words are 280 FLOWERS OF suited to his thoughts, sublime and lofty. All these contribute to the pleasure of the reader; and the greater the soul of him who reads, his transports are the greater. Horace is always on the amble, Juvenal on the gallop; but his way is perpetually on car¬ pet-ground. He goes with more impetuosity than Horace, but as securely; and his swiftness & ves a lively agitation to the spirits. The sauce of Juvenal is more poignant to create in us an appetite for reading him. The meat of Horace is more nourishing, but the cookery of Juvenal is mere exquisite. So that granting Horace to be the more general philosopher, we cannot deny that Juvenal, in satire, was the greater poet. His thoughts are sharper, and his indignation against vice more vehement. His spirit has more of the commonwealth ge¬ nius. He treats tyranny, and all the vices at¬ tending it. as they deserve, with the ut most ri¬ gor; and consequently a noble soul is better pleased with a zealous vindicator of Roman liberty, than with a seemingly temporizing poet. Horace, however, had the disadvantage of the times in which he lived. They were better for the man, and worse for the satirist. Those enormous vices, practised under the reign of Domitian, were unknown in the time of Au¬ gustus Cflesar. Juvenal, therefore, had a lar¬ ger field than Horace. Little follies could not be taken notice of, when oppression was to be scourged instead of avarice. It was not a time to turn into ridicule the false opinions of phi 4 4 ANCIENT HISTORY. 281 iosophers, when the Homan liberty was to lie • asserted, CHAP. CXXIL Of Pastoral Poetry , and a Comparison between Virgil and Theocritus . * PASTORAL poetry is a natural, and very agreeable form of poetical composition. Itrc- cals to our imagination those gay scenes, and pleasant views of nature, which commonly are the delight of our childhood and youth; and to which, in more advanced years, the greater part of men recur with pleasure. It exhibits to us a life, with which we are accustomed to associate the ideas of peace, of leisure, and of innocence; and, therefore, we readily set open our heart to such representations as promise to banish from our thoughts the cares of the world, and to transport us into calm Elysian regions. At the. same time, no subject seems to be more favorable to poetry. Amidst rural objects, nature presents, on all bands, the finest field for description; and nothing appears to flow more, of its own accord, into poetical num* hers than rivers and mountains, meadows and hills, docks and trees, and shepherds void of care. Hence this species of poetry has, at all times, allured many readers, and excited many writers. Rut notwithstanding the advantages it possesses, there is hardly any species of po¬ etry which is more difficult to be carried in¬ fection, or in which fewer writers nave excelled, a a % 282 FLOWERS GE Pastoral life may be considered in three dif¬ ferent views; either such as it now actually is. when the state of shepherds is reduced to he a mean, servile, and laborious state, when their employments are become disagreeable, and their ideas gross and low; or such as we may suppose it once to have been, in the more early and simple ages, when it was a life of ease and abundance; when the wealth of men consisted chiefly in flocks and herds, and the shepherd, though unrefined in his manners, was respected in his state; or, lastly, such as it never was, nor never can in reality he, when to the ease, innocence, and simplicity of the early ages, we attempt to add the polished taste, and cultiva¬ ted manners of modern times. Of these three states, the first is too gross and mean, the last too refined and unnatural to be made the ground-work of pastoral poetry. 'Either of these extremes is a rock upon which tl$e poet will split, if approached too near it. We shall he disgusted if lie gives us too much of the servile employments and low ideas of actual peasants, as Theocritus is censured for having sometimes done; and if, like some of the French and Italian writers of pastorals, he 'makes his shepherds discourse as if they were courtiers and scholars, he then retains the name only, but wants the spirit of pastoral poetry. He must, therefore, keep in the middle sta¬ tion between these. He must form to himself the idea of a rural state, such as, in certain pcrWe of society, may have actually taken place, where there was ease, equality, and in¬ nocent. 1 , whero c heni^j.£} s were gay and agree- ANCIENT HISTORY. 23 £ able, without being learned and refined; and plain and artless without being gross and w retched. The great charm of pastoral poetry arises from the view which it exhibits of the tranquility and happiness of a rural life. This pleasing,illusion, therefore, the poet must care¬ fully maintain. He must display to us all that is agreeable in that state, but hide whatever is displeasing. Let him paint its innocence and simplicity to the full, but cover its rudeness and misery. Distresses, indeed, and anxieties, he may attribute to it; for it would be perfectly unnatural to suppose any condition of human life to be without them; hut they must be of such a nature as not to shock the fancy with any thing peculiarly disgusting in the pastoral life. The shepherd may well be afflicted for the displeasure of his mistress, or for the loss of a favorite lamb. It is a sufficient recom¬ mendation of any state to have only such evils as these to deplore. In short, it is the pasto¬ ral life somewhat embellished and beautified, at least seen on its fairest side only, that the poet ought to present to us. But let him take care, that embellishing nature, he do not alto¬ gether disguise her; or pretend to join with rural simplicity and happiness, such improve¬ ments as are unnatural and foreign to it. If it be not exactly real life which he presents to us, it must, however, be somewhat (hat resem¬ bles it. This is the general idea of pastoral poetry. In the following beautiful lines of his first Eclogue, Virgil has, in the true spirit of a pas- 284 FLOWERS OF assemblage of images of rural pleasure, as can any where be found. “Fortunate senex! hie inter Jlumina nota , Etfrontes sacros,frigis captabis opucum, ^ ' A :• \> \ \ V L K ■* % N '• '•• •* ’ • v \ v % y* "N'A'a* vwuw *..i kT' ^wjmnnc ^ t J., \\ J* *** *• * . ^ ^ - ' v ' V v * • *VV » % Gt it « C**M|U 4 V, c «4WTt.uv jr iinc* tied 4 b’ der noyypief} 0 f . -rfrviwrrnn