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 DISCOURSE 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER 
 
 SIR WALTER RALEGH: 
 
 TELIVF.RF.n at 
 
 J. iMORRISON HARRIS, 
 
 bi:roRK THE 
 
 ]MA]S¥ILAirB.HE§T@IE]I©AIL ^©(DEI^S'Y, 
 
 MAY 19. 1846, 
 
 BEING THE THIRD ANNUAL ADDRESS TO THAT ASSOCIATION. 
 
 B A h T 1 M O R E : 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY JOHN D. TOY, 
 
 Corner of Market and St. Paul Streets. 
 
 MDCCCXLVI. 
 
» 
 
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER 
 
 Sm WALTER RALEGH: 
 
 DEHViiBKi) JBV 
 
 J. MORRISON HARRIS^ 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 MAY 19, 1846, 
 
 b£ing the third annual address to that association. 
 
 ^ 
 
 BALTIMORE: 
 
 I'fllNTED FOE. THE SOCIETY BY JOHN D. TOY, 
 
 Corner of Market and St, Paul Streets. 
 MDCCCXLVI. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 We have opened the volume of History^ this even- 
 ing, at a page crowded with the record of great 
 deeds, and glowing with the story of illustrious men. 
 
 The period immediately preceding, was one of 
 the most momentous in the annals of the race, for 
 the events which distinguished it, were of a weight 
 and character, not merely to impress, powerfully, the 
 age in which they occurred, but to extend their in- 
 fluence through all subsequent time, — tinging the 
 opinions, moulding the institutions, and affecting the 
 destinies of man. 
 
 It was a period of varied and startling action, 
 mental, moral and physical. The invention of Print- 
 ing had given impetus to Letters. The revival of 
 Letters, opportunity to investigation, and impulse to 
 thought. With increasing knowledge, came new 
 and just perceptions of mental freedom; and the 
 withes of superstition, in which the spirit of man had 
 been bound for ages, were rent asunder in the first 
 struggles of the awakening giant. From his gloomy 
 2 
 
4 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 cell^ the monk of Eisleben came forth with his latin 
 Bible^ and his indomitable heart; and; amid the war 
 of creeds^ the conflict of principles^ and the con- 
 vulsions of society^ the Sampson of the Reformation 
 held his appointed way. In the stern conflict which 
 ensued; men of commanding genius, everywhere 
 sprang up. On the one side fought Erasmus, Me- 
 lancthon, Zuinglius, Calvin; on the other, Lainez, 
 Xavier, Loyola. The collision of such minds could 
 not fail to produce the most important results. The 
 untiring effort and unshaken faith of the first, 
 strengthened and carried on the Reformation; the 
 splendid genius, and super-human zeal of the last, 
 conceived and built up the order of the Jesuits. 
 
 The age was, further, illustrated by the success of 
 Columbus. The mariner of Genoa, had given a 
 new world to the sovereignty of Spain. A great 
 problem had been solved, and the Geography as 
 w^ell the Religion of the world, was in a condition of 
 agitation and reform. The immense field, thus sud- 
 denly opened to the daring and adventurous, soon 
 became the theatre of some of the most interesting 
 and momentous incidents in History. With un- 
 scrupulous hand, Pizarro had gathered the abun- 
 dant wealth of Peru, and the sceptre of the fallen 
 Incas passed into the iron grasp of the soldier of 
 fortune. Through the lovely valley and the thronged 
 City of Mexico, the fiery Cortez had passed in his 
 path of blood ; and the expiring fires of the Teocallis 
 threw their red glare, alike upon the means and the 
 end of conquest: — the heaped spoils of the Indian 
 Emperor, and the fearful scenes of the "night of 
 woe." 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 5 
 
 Events of such magnitude could not fail to pro- 
 duce the most serious effects upon the character and 
 conduct of the succeeding age^ and we^ accordingly, 
 find their influence distinctly marked in the history 
 of the time. It would lead us into too long a digres- 
 sion to trace out the results attributable to each; 
 and it is sufficient for our purpose to state, gene- 
 rally, that they greatly enlarged the domain, and 
 liberty of thought — directed the philosophic to new 
 and wonderful themes — fired the imagination and 
 gave scope to the daring of the adventurous; — 
 changed entirely the tone of society — purged the 
 church of errors — checked the throne in its license 
 — gave place and reality to the People — devolved 
 upon man, new responsibilities and rights, and inves- 
 ted his nature with sublimer dignity. The period to 
 which our attention is particularly directed this even- 
 ing, exhibits in all its occurrences the influence of 
 the events to which we have referred, and premising 
 that its general character cannot be rightly under- 
 stood unless they are borne in mind, we shall pass at 
 once to the consideration of our subject. 
 
 Sir Walter Ralegh was fortunate in the moment 
 of his birth. He came into public life in the dawn of 
 the most brilliant era of English History; during the 
 reign of a Queen, who, great herself, appreciated and 
 cherished greatness in others; upon the eve of 
 events in which his genius fitted him to play a con- 
 spicuous part; surrounded by contemporaries of 
 various graces and most remarkable intellect; rep- 
 resentatives of all the varieties of human greatness; 
 statesmen, who, born without the trappings, were 
 also free from the prejudices of noble birth; men 
 
6 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 of Strong minds^ clear heads^ and bold hearts ; who 
 dismayed by no difficulty^ appalled by no danger^ 
 wrought out^ with firm purpose and skilful hand, 
 well digested schemes for the advancement and 
 safety of the realm. There were Soldiers, too, who 
 went into the battles of the time, endued with much 
 of the spirit, if not clad in the panoply of knights. 
 Sussex, generous, impulsive and honest; Essex, the 
 brilliant and successful courtier — the finished gentle- 
 man — the accomplished scholar — the illustrious com- 
 mander — whose reckless and impetuous valor, made 
 war romantic, and whose career was hke the course 
 of a shooting star, sudden in its rise — dazzling in its 
 zenith — gloomy in its fall. Sir PhiHp Sydney, the 
 Crichton of the age; a rare union of the elegant, 
 the sterling and the true ; a fine writer and accom- 
 plished soldier; while yet in his thirtieth year, fa- 
 mous throughout Europe; commemorated by Gro- 
 tious for his great designs and inestimable worth; 
 esteemed by Elizabeth ^^the jewel of her times," 
 and, by the elegant Camden, pronounced ^4he dar- 
 ling of the learned world'\ Over the copious pages 
 of Littleton, the great commentator bent in learned 
 contemplation. With earnest heart, and powerful 
 pen, Hooker labored in the field of ethical lore; and 
 the father of the new Philosophy revolved in 
 studious seclusion, the startling principles of the 
 Novum Organum. — Nor was this period illustrated 
 alone by chivalry and dignified by science. Liter- 
 ature became the mirror of human action; and 
 whilst Spenser sang the beauties of the ideal world, 
 Jonson, Fletcher and Beaumont; Webster, Marlowe, 
 Decker and Shakspear, produced those dramatic 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 7 
 
 master-pieces which hold despotic sway over the 
 taste and judgment of the world. 
 
 The three-score years of Sir Walter Ralegh's life, 
 were so crowded with action^ and he was so inti- 
 mately connected with every event of moment which 
 marked the annals of his time^ that it is a task of no 
 small difficulty, within the limits of an occasion like 
 the present, to avoid being either prolix or incom- 
 plete in presenting a view of his character. In our 
 narrative, therefore, we shall confine ourselves to the 
 more prominent and important events in which 
 he was an actor; and, in our deductions of his 
 motives and conduct, present arguments as condensed 
 as possible. It may be well to premise, that in re- 
 ference to certain points, widely variant opinions are 
 entertained, and while some exalt him into a demi- 
 god, others give him a far lower position in the 
 scale of moral greatness. The authorities are in 
 many respects scant and contradictory, and Sir 
 Walter, himself, furnishes so much of the evidence, 
 that, unless his veracity and honor are seriously 
 questioned, it is scarcely possible to substantiate the 
 charges which are preferred against him. To what- 
 ever conclusion we may arrive, however, in reference 
 to these mooted points, it will be conceded that 
 alegh was an extraordinary man, endowed with 
 rare faculties, capable of any achievement, and stand- 
 ing forth in the completeness of his genius and variety 
 )of his labors, in the conspicuous foreground of 
 History. To a society, therefore, such as I have the 
 distinguished honor to address, the subject is both 
 pertinent and interesting; and the more so from the 
 fact, that the comprehensive mind of Ralegh planned 
 
8 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 the colonization of the fertile realm of which our state 
 formed part^ while the ships of his adventurous fleet 
 were the first that swept in pride over the waters of 
 our own broad bay. 
 
 Sir Walter Ralegh appears^ for the first time^ an 
 actor in the affairs of his age^ as a volunteer in the 
 gallant band of gentlemen who fought upon the side 
 of the Huguenots^ under the banner of Henry Cham- 
 pernon. The five years of his service in France^ 
 brought him into contact with some of the most re- 
 nowned leaders of the time^ and made him a par- 
 ticipant in the most important events which marked 
 that fierce and protracted struggle. Under Lodo- 
 wick of Nassau^ Cohgny^ and Conde^ he appears to 
 have fought in the memorable battles of Jarnac and 
 Moncontour^ and he escaped the comprehensive 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew by taking refuge in the 
 house of the Ambassador^ Walsingham. Although 
 he had not passed his seventeenth year^ he behaved 
 with great bravery^ and his allusions in his History of 
 the World^ to the conduct of these distinguished 
 leaders^ in some of the battles referred to, clearly 
 evince, that young as he was, he already exercised 
 that habit of close observation and reflection, which 
 is one of his characteristics. His return from France 
 after the death of Charles IX. was succeeded by 
 a short period of inaction passed in Chambers in 
 the Temple. From his own account, Ralegh did not, 
 at that time, read law, nor does it seem that he 
 entertained the idea of pursuing the profession at any 
 subsequent period. His ardent spirit, however, soon 
 led him into more active fife, and we find him 
 increasing his military knowledge and rapidly earn- 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 9 
 
 ing the reputation of an accomplished soldier in 
 the Low Countries which were then struggling 
 against the encroachments of Spain. Amid the en- 
 grossing duties of the camp^ and the alluring dissipa- 
 tions of mihtary life^ he was a regular and laborious 
 student; and the germ of that vast fund of learning 
 which has contributed to immortalize his name^ is to 
 be traced to the five hours which he devoted every 
 day^ under circumstances so unfavorable^ to the culti- 
 vation of his mind. This assiduous application on 
 the part of a young man^ in such a position^ evinces 
 an elevated ambition^ great self-command^ and a 
 persevering energy^ which are interesting as the first 
 development of those mental powers which subse- 
 quently led to greatness. After having passed nearly 
 ten years in the career of arms^ and having ac- 
 quired a reputation as rare as it was honorable, he 
 joined the enterprise of Sir Humphrey Gilbert^ who 
 had obtained letters patent from Elizabeth^ author- 
 izing him to undertake north-western Discoveries, 
 and to possess such lands as were unsetded by 
 christian princes or their subjects. 
 
 The expedition encountered, at the outset, a severe 
 storm, or, as some authors insist, a superior Spanish 
 force; and, after the loss of a ship, was driven back 
 to port. Before preparation could be completed for 
 a renewal of the attempt, the outbreak of war in 
 Ireland, again called Ralegh into the field, and he 
 served with Lord Grey in the successful resistance 
 which was made against the Spanish forces sent 
 over to strengthen the Munster Rebelhon. In this 
 service he confirmed the military reputation acquired 
 in* France and the Low Countries, and came to be 
 
10 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 ranked among the most accomplished soldiers of his 
 times. In the destruction of the Spanish fort at 
 Somerwick he has been charged with inhumanity; 
 but the authorities clearly shew that his participation 
 in the action was in obedience to orders^ and that 
 the blame must rest upon the Lord Deputy himself. 
 The campaign was pregnant with great results to 
 Ralegh. During its continuance he ingratiated him- 
 self in the favor of Leicester and had a serious 
 difficulty with Lord Grey. On his return to England 
 he was brought under the immediate notice of the 
 Queen^ by an act of gallantry which is related by 
 several of the writers of the period as a fact^ and 
 which illustrates at once the quickness of Sir Wal- 
 ter's wit^ and his correct appreciation of one of the 
 weaknesses of Elizabeth's character. The difficulty 
 with the Lord Deputy^ w^as investigated by the 
 Council^ and Ralegh defended himself with such 
 marked ability^ that the occasion^ in connection with 
 the favor of the powerful earl^ gave him admission to 
 Court^ and he soon gained the ear^ and enhsted the 
 good feehng of the Queen. 
 
 About this time^ — 1583^ — a second expedition was 
 set on foot by Sir Humphrey Gilbert^ whose patent 
 had nearly expired. Ralegh contributed a ship; 
 and, in the capacity of vice-admiral, set sail in 
 company with his brother-in-law. Soon after leav- 
 ing Plymouth, however, a contagious sickness broke 
 out among his crew, and he was forced to abandon 
 the voyage and put back. The rest of the fleet 
 reached and took possession of the coast in the 
 vicinity of St. Johns, Newfoundland. In the 
 succeeding year Ralegh obtained a patent from the 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 11 
 
 Queen similar to that held by Gilbert^ and imme- 
 diately thereafter equipped two barks^ the command 
 of which was entrusted to Captains Philip Amadis 
 and Arthur Barlow. The expedition sailed upon 
 the 27th April^ 1584^ and made the land in the 
 neighbourhood of Cape Fear^ early in the month of 
 July. Barlow's account of the beauty and fertility of 
 the country^ seems to have delighted the Queen^ as 
 much as it gratified Ralegh; and she evinced her 
 pleasure and vanity at the same time^ by bestowing 
 upon it the name of Virginia. The following year he 
 despatched a fleet of seven sail^ and the first Anglo- 
 American colony was planted upon the shores of 
 North CaroHna^ under the Governorship of Mr. 
 Ralph Lane. The supplies which had been sent out 
 for the rehef of the settlers not having reached them 
 as early as was expected^ they became alarmed^ and 
 Sir Francis Drake happening to touch at Roanoke on 
 his return from St. Domingo^ they availed them- 
 selves of the opportunity and returned to England.* 
 Meanwhile Ralegh despatched two more expeditions 
 to Virginia^ and Grenville^ who had command of one 
 of them; left fifteen men at Roanoke. Subsequently 
 he sent out a colony of one hundred and fifty men 
 under the charge of Mr. John White^ and^ with him, 
 twelve assistants, who were incorporated under the 
 name and style of the Governor and Assistants of the 
 '^ Citie of Ralegh." — They found the site of Lane's 
 colony overgrown with weeds, and learned that a 
 
 * Lediard, vol. 1st, p. 225, says that Ralegh went over in this ship himself, 
 but neither Smith nor Hakluyt support the assertion. Indeed it seems clear 
 that he never was in Virginia, unless his touching at Nev^^foundland on his 
 return from the last Guiana Expedition can be construed into a visit to that 
 Province. 
 
12 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 portion of the colonists who had remained had been 
 slaughtered by the natives^ and that the rest were 
 dispersed through the country. The setders fearing 
 a shortness of supplies, petitioned the Governor to 
 return to England and take measures for their sup- 
 port. On his arrival, he found Ralegh actively en- 
 gaged in assisting in preparations for the repulse of 
 the threatened Spanish Invasion, but even under the 
 pressure of his great engagements he fitted out a 
 pinnace and fleet for the relief of the colonists, which 
 he entrusted to Grenville. Grenville was commanded 
 by the Queen not to leave England at such a junc- 
 ture, and another expedition was prepared. The 
 Captains who commanded it preferred, however, to 
 cruise for prizes, and this disobedience of orders re- 
 sulted in their capture by a superior French force 
 from Rochelle. The pressing nature of public affairs 
 prevented Ralegh from doing anything further for 
 the relief of the colonists, and the subsequent descent 
 upon Spain in which he was appointed to a command 
 made it necessary to assign his Virginia patent to the 
 ^^ London Company,'^ by which agreement he provi- 
 ded in the fullest manner for the relief of the setders. 
 
 We have thus minutely traced the connection of 
 Ralegh with the discovery and settlement of Vir- 
 ginia, because it is one of the important features of 
 his history, and enables us more correctly to estimate 
 the degree of praise to which he is entided, and to 
 free him from the charge of having deserted those, 
 who in reliance upon his promises, had setded in a 
 strange land. 
 
 When he embarked in this great scheme, Ralegh 
 was about thirty years old. It is stated by Oldys, that 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 13 
 
 while yet a very young man^ his favorite studies and 
 topics of conversation^ were the discoveries of 
 Columbus, and the conquests of Cortez, Pizarro, and 
 other distinguished Spaniards who illustrated the 
 reigns of the Emperor Charles and Philip II. These 
 great enterprises greatly interested and strengthened 
 an imagination naturally ardent. They directed the 
 mind of Ralegh into channels caUing for its largest 
 grasp, and offered to his eager ambition, a dazzling 
 and magnificent result. The attention of the whole 
 christian world had been directed to the progress of 
 discovery. Expedition succeeded expedition in the 
 search for that new route, which was to lead to the 
 golden realms of Cathay, and pour the spoils of the 
 orient into the lap of expectant Europe. The 
 adventurous navigator spread his sails to the winds 
 that bore him westward, with a bold and hopeful 
 heart, and the strange perils of a long voyage, made 
 more fearful by the smallness of his ships, and the 
 inadequacy of his supplies, were cheerfully borne; 
 for at its close he might press the soil of a virgin 
 world, and be the first to gather the harvest of its 
 incalculable wealth. Sir Walter Ralegh was one of 
 the most remarkable of this band of ocean Pioneers. 
 A man of expanded views, and cultivated mind; 
 versed in those sciences which while they suggested 
 such designs, rendered him an apt agent in their 
 successful prosecution; and uniting an enterprising 
 spirit with an undaunted heart, all the energies of an 
 ardent and hopeful nature, were enlisted in an 
 undertaking worthy of the man, and characteristic of 
 the age. His views in engaging in the cause of Dis- 
 covery were to some extent nobler than those which 
 
14 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 influenced many of the adventurers of the time^ with 
 the most of whom^ even the greatest^ Discovery was 
 but the search after gold^ — and Colonization^ the 
 means of securing it. Commerce unfolded her white 
 wings too slowly for the quick spirit of adventure, 
 and her rewards were not brilliant enough for ambi- 
 tion^ or speedy enough for gain. While however 
 we believe that many of the results to which Ralegh 
 looked were of distant and gradual development, 
 such as the growth of a colony, the conversion of 
 aboriginal tribes, and the extension of trade, we 
 cannot but admit that perhaps the most powerful 
 magnet which drew him on in this enterprise, was 
 the reasonable hope that the far land of whose exist- 
 ence and position he had satisfied himself, would 
 yield in its mineral ivealth a more speedy and brilliant 
 rew^ard for his laborious and costly undertaking.* 
 This expectation was fairly inferable from the ac- 
 counts of Landoniere, Pedro Morales, Burgoignon 
 and Lane, and was strengthened by the specimens of 
 ore which had been obtained by Frobisher and Gil- 
 bert; and we are justified in the opinion which we 
 express, as to the motives of Ralegh, both from his 
 immature age, and the qualities of mind which his 
 previous life was calculated peculiarly to develop. 
 Colonization was as grand an idea in 1589 as in 
 1584, and although the dangers which threatened 
 England at the time of his assignment, imposed of 
 necessity a temporary check upon the prosecution of 
 his schemes; yet we incline to the opinion that a 
 feeling of disappointment, and a shaken faith in the 
 mineral wealth of Virginia, influenced him in the 
 
 * Ralegh expended over £40,000 in his Virginia expeditions. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 15 
 
 transfer of his patent^ and prevented his recurring to 
 the same field of enterprise^ when^ at the close of 
 his military duties^ he was again in a position to do so. 
 
 During these ^ve years^ evidences of the esteem of 
 the people and the favor of the Queen had been 
 showered upon Ralegh. He had been chosen to a 
 seat in Parliament from the shire of Devon. The 
 honor of Knighthood had been conferred upon him 
 by the frugal hand of Elizabeth^ who had also 
 given him a lucrative patent for the vending of wines 
 throughout the kingdom^ and a grant of twelve 
 thousand acres of the sequestrated estates of the Earl 
 of Desmond. He had been created Seneschal of the 
 Duchies of Cornwall and Exeter, Lord Warden of 
 the Stannaries, and Captain of the Queen's Guard. 
 Thus, at an age w^hen the majority of men have 
 scarcely more than passed the threshold of active 
 life, and have given scant evidence of their abilities, 
 we find Ralegh in the full favor of an astute and 
 discriminating monarch, loaded with honors, and 
 confessedly ranked among the ablest and most dis- 
 tinguished men, of a brilliant Court, and a great 
 kingdom. More to his credit, than the preferments 
 themselves, is the fact that he deserved them. In his 
 case, the rewards were fairly earned; and their be- 
 stowal is attributable to a just perception of character 
 and qualities marking the Qiieen^ rather than to a 
 fond partiality influencing the woman. 
 
 The closing years of this period had also been 
 filled up with occupation of the most engrossing and 
 important nature. In connection with his brother 
 Sir Adrian Gilbert, and as one of the ^^colleagues of 
 the Fellowship for the discovery of the north-west 
 
16 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 Passage/' he had engaged with warm interest and 
 liberal contribution in that great enterprise, which, 
 under the able conduct of Captain John Davis, was 
 carried on to so favorable a result. , As a member of 
 the Council of war, in connection with some of the 
 ablest men in the Kingdom, he was charged with the 
 responsible duty of devising plans of defence against 
 the Spanish Invasion; and from the statement of 
 their deliberations it would appear that he was a 
 serviceable and leading member of that important 
 Council.^* The crisis was the most fearful that had 
 ever occurred in English history. Sextus V. had 
 launched against Elizabeth the thunders of the Vati- 
 can, and held up the sovereignty of England as the 
 reward of the Conqueror; — and Philip II. the most 
 warlike Prince in Europe, flushed with victory and 
 enriched by conquest, had concentrated the resources 
 of his vast dominions in an expedition of unparalelled 
 magnitude. The integrity of the monarchy, the lives 
 and liberty of the people, institutions hallowed by 
 age, great principles, and inestimable rights, civil and 
 religious freedom, the safety of person and the sanc- 
 tity of home, were all involved in the issue and hung 
 on its result. The whole land was aroused ; every- 
 where was consternation. The general alarm was 
 manifested in the universality of the preparation. 
 All the resources of the kingdom, moral and physi- 
 cal, were called into action. Beacons were set up 
 on every highland; fortifications protected every 
 harbour; armed bands mustered in every shire, and 
 hundred and hamlet. The distinctions of rank were 
 forgotten. The prejudices of religion slumbered. 
 
 * Oldys, 39. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 17 
 
 The Peer and the Peasant; the Catholic* and the 
 Protestant; stood side by side. Two gallant fleets 
 chafed at their moorings; and eighty thousand men, 
 earnest^ courageous and patriotic, calmly awaited 
 "the Invincible Armada." 
 
 Eminent among these was Ralegh ; with a Sove- 
 reign relying on his judgment, and a people confi- 
 dent in his valor; with every attribute called into 
 play by the greatness of the emergency; — now en- 
 forcing upon the council some great scheme for the 
 general defence; now begging for cannon from 
 Woolwich; now despatching ordnance to London, 
 or powder to Portland, or training bands of militia in 
 Devon : amid the whirl of excitement, and the rush 
 of action, he was in an: element in which noble minds 
 shew best; — for, action is not only the life of elo- 
 quence, but the eloquence of life. 
 
 To the Camp at Tilbury, came the Queen of 
 England: — the lion-hearted Queen. The weight of 
 years, and the pressure of the "golden round,'' had 
 bent her stately person, but had not bowed her 
 fearless spirit. Aged, and infirm, she came with 
 greaves, and helm, and hauberk, veiling her wo- 
 manhood in the stern panoply of war; and, as the 
 glittering lines moved in review before her, she 
 addressed them in a speech, which is so full of 
 generous confidence and lofty courage, that we can- 
 not refrain from quoting it. "My loving People," 
 said she, "we have been persuaded by some that are 
 
 * The Catholic population behaved nobly in this crisis. The Peers served in 
 the army and navy, in subordinate capacities. They fitted out vessels at their 
 own expense and gave the command to Protestants, encouraging their de- 
 pendants to lay aside all distinctions of politics, and religion, and unite in the 
 general defence.— Kent, p. 275. 
 
18 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 careful of our safety^ to take heed how we commit 
 ourself to armed multitudes; for fear of treachery: 
 but I assure you, I do not desire to live to distrust 
 my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear; I 
 have always so behaved myself, that, under God, I 
 have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in 
 the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects, and 
 therefore I am come among you, as you see at this 
 time, not for my recreation and disport, but being re- 
 solved, in the midst and heat of battle, to live or die 
 amongst you all; to lay down for my God and for my 
 kingdoms and for my people, my honor, and blood, 
 even in the dust. I know I have but the body of a 
 weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and 
 stomach of a King, and of a King of England too : 
 and think foul scorn that Parma, or Spain, or any 
 Prince in Europe, should dare invade the borders of 
 my realm. '^* 
 
 It is not essential to my purpose to detail the story 
 of the overthrow of this gigantic expedition. It is 
 sufficient to say that Howard and Drake, Hawkins, 
 Frobisher and Seymour, performed prodigies of valor 
 with their gallant fleets. In connection with the 
 efforts of man, came the manifest intervention of 
 God; and the destruction of the Armada is attribu- 
 table to a series of providential occurrences, such as 
 the sudden death of the Marquis of Santa Cruz — the 
 succession in command of the inefficient Duke of 
 Medina Sidonia — the departure from this orders of 
 Philip — the tempestuous weather, and the timely in- 
 telligence of Fleming the Pirate. 
 
 *TytIer,p. 78. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 19 
 
 In 1589 Ralegh accompanied Don Sebastian to 
 Portugal^ and was engaged against the Spaniards in 
 the actions at Coruna; Burgos^ Lisbon and Vigo. 
 During this expedition a cause of quarrel occurred 
 between him and Essex^ which excited the anger 
 of the Queen, and he passed over into Ireland. 
 His interview and friendship with Spenser is a plea- 
 sant episode in his life, and if time allowed, we 
 would wilhngly dwell upon it. It was beneficial to 
 the Poet, whom it introduced favorably to Elizabeth 
 and other distinguished patrons. His restored influ- 
 ence was exerted upon two occasions, to which we 
 shall allude in detail, because they tend, although in 
 a slight degree, to fill up that gap of evidence, as 
 to his disposition and conduct in private life, which 
 unfortunately exists in all his biographies* The first 
 was the case of Mr. John Udall, a minister of the 
 gospel, a good scholar, and a zealous puritan, who, 
 in consequence of a certain publication reflecting 
 strongly upon the habits and conduct of the prelacy 
 had been brought to the bar in fetters, on an indict- 
 ment for libel against the Queen. The prosecution 
 resulted in sentence of death. Ralegh had been 
 appKed to and made the most strenuous appHca- 
 tion in his behalf. The Church however, was 
 more powerful than the courtier, and the offend- 
 ing non-conformist died in prison. In the case of 
 Captain Spring, he was more successful. This peti- 
 tioner was an old and worthy soldier to whom quite 
 a large arrearage of pay was due; the letter of 
 Ralegh to the Lord Treasurer's Secretary in his be- 
 half, displays the most hearty interest, and the peti- 
 tioner gained his object. A third and striking instance 
 4 
 
20 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 occurred in the generous and elaborate defence of 
 the memory of Sir Richard Grenville^ his old friend 
 and servitor^ from certain aspersions upon his fame, 
 connected with the fight off the Azores in 1591. 
 These are valuable illustrations of Ralegh's kindness 
 of heart and liberality of sentiment, and strengthen 
 the opinion, that had his friends been as careful to 
 record those seemingly unimportant acts, which did 
 him honor, as his enemies were assiduous in perpetu- 
 ating those which tended to his discredit, we should 
 have found him as distinguished for generous and 
 disinterested action in private Hfe, as he was illus- 
 trious for talent and service in his public career. 
 
 In 1592, he planned and carried out, with the most 
 brilliant success, an expedition against Panama and 
 the Plate fleet; and at the close of the year, we find 
 him in Parliament, where his course in reference to 
 many important measures, gave abundant evidence of 
 the soundness of his judgment as well as the fervor 
 of his patriotism. 
 
 About this time, as Oldys quaintly expresses it, 
 ^^Sir Walter Ralegh had not hved so long at court, 
 and so much about the dazzling beauties in it, with- 
 out having the wings of his glory, at last, somewhat 
 singed in the flames thereof;" and the matter of his 
 amour with Ehzabeth Throckmorton, becoming 
 known to the Queen, she sent him to the Tower. 
 The severity of his punishment for an offence of 
 frequent occurrence at court, and usually overlooked 
 altogether, indicates either the growing power of his 
 rival Essex, or the strong personal affection of 
 Elizabeth herself. His imprisonment, however, was 
 of short duration, and we allude to the means by 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 21 
 
 which he effected his enlargement^ not because we 
 consider them derogatory to the character of Ralegh^ 
 but as affording an amusing illustration of his pro- 
 ficiency in the highflown language of the court^ and 
 of the fact that Elizabeth was no Homoeopathist in 
 her fondness for flattery. It is narrated by Birch^ 
 that while Ralegh was one day sitting at his window 
 in the Tower^ the Queen passed on a visit to Sir 
 George Carew the master of the ordonance. Ralegh 
 knew the weakness^ as well as the greatness^ of his 
 royal mistress. He resolved to disguise himself and 
 get into a boat to see her majesty^ vowing that if 
 he were prevented^ it would break his heart. Sir 
 George Carew^ however^ was too flinty to be moved 
 even by this touching outbreak of affection^ and a 
 regular fight ensued between the prisoner and his 
 keeper. The occurrence was of course reported to 
 the Queen^ and together with the letter addressed by 
 Ralegh to Burleigh^ aided very materially in effecting 
 his release. This letter is not the least curious part 
 of the transaction^ and we quote a portion of it. It 
 avows that he suffers the torments of Tantalus in be- 
 ing debarred the favor of the Queen — and proceeds : 
 "I, that was wont to behold her riding like Alex- 
 ander — hunting like Diana — walking like Venus — 
 the gentle wind blowing her fair hair about her 
 cheeks like a nymph — sometimes sitting in the shade 
 like a goddess — sometimes singing like an angel — 
 sometimes playing like an Orpheus!'' Addressed to 
 the most beautiful of the sex^ this language might 
 well seem a little exaggerated, as few, even of the 
 Divinities whom we are prone to adore, combine so 
 many rare characters and qualities; but when we 
 
22 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 learn that the object of this superlative eulogy had 
 passed her sixtieth year — was wrinkled^ fretful^, and 
 uglj^ we must admire the gallantry^ as highly as 
 we estimate the ingenuity^ of the sighing prisoner; 
 and admit that if any of the courtiers of the time 
 could combine in a single sentence^ a larger number 
 of choice and classic appeals to the vanity of woman^ 
 he must have stood high indeed in the estimation of 
 the Virgin Queen ! 
 
 Released from the Tower^ but still banished from 
 Court^ Ralegh passed a short season of retirement 
 at Sherborne^ devoting his leisure to useful occupa- 
 tions and study. The course of his reading may be 
 inferred from the nature of the great enterprise in 
 which he next appears an actor. We have already 
 stated that he was thoroughly familiar with the 
 achievements of the Spaniards in the New World^ 
 and have alluded to their influence upon his ardent 
 temperament. The wealth which had flowed into 
 the coflfers of Spain and Portugal^ from Mexico and 
 Peru, had inclined the general mind to receive with 
 the utmost favor^ the accounts which^ from time to 
 time;, had been given of the more surprising wealth 
 and magnificence of the marvellous Empire of 
 Guiana. Of the sincerity of Ralegh's belief in the 
 existence and riches of El Dorado^ we shall have 
 occasion hereafter to offer conclusive evidence^ and 
 we pass^ nowj to the motives which urged him to at- 
 tempt its exploration and setdement. High in the 
 esteem of his sovereign — filling many honorable and 
 responsible oflices — distinguished as a soldier — rank- 
 ing high as a scholar^ and poet — a statesman of ad- 
 mitted merit^ and^ in every respect^ eminent among 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 23 
 
 the greatest personages of the time — he had nearly 
 run the career^ and achieved the rewards of service 
 at home ; and ahhough^ only in his forty-second year^ 
 some great and untried field was essential to the 
 further development of his energies. Guiana offered 
 that field. The enterprise peculiarly suited him. 
 It was grand in conception^ it would be arduous in 
 execution; others had failed^ he would succeed; 
 all was new — a virgin soil — an untrodden Empire — a 
 strange people I His ambition was roused — he would 
 fink his name with the golden land — he would carry 
 out his schemes of colonization — he would gratify 
 to the utmost his love of magnificence — he would 
 restore himself to the favor of his Queen^ and set^ in 
 her regal crown^ a richer jewel than Columbus had 
 given unto Spain ! 
 
 It may be interesting to preface our rapid sum- 
 mary of the efforts of Ralegh^ with a brief reference 
 to the geographical position of Guiana and the stories 
 which were current at that period in regard to its 
 wonderful riches. From an excellent work^ styled 
 "El DoradO;" laboriously prepared by Van Heuvel, 
 we learn^ that *^ Guiana is that portion of South 
 America^ extending along the Atlantic coast^ from 
 the Oronoko to the Amazon^ and is embraced be- 
 tween these Rivers^ which are united by the junction 
 of the Cassiqueara with the Amazon." Accord- 
 ing to Juan Martinez whose narrative Van Heuvel 
 quotes, the name^ "El Dorado/' which was applied to 
 the City of Manoa^ was derived from a certain cus- 
 tom of the inhabitants "who^ when their Emperor 
 caroused with them^ all those who pledged him have 
 their bodies covered with a kind of white balsam^ 
 
24 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 and^ certain servants of his^ blow gold dust through 
 hollow canes upon them until they are all shining 
 from head to foot^ and thus adorned^ they do sit 
 drinking by twenties and hundreds^ and continue so 
 sometimes six or seven days together. And from 
 witnessing this^ and from the abundance of gold 
 which he saw in the City^ the images of gold in 
 the Temples^ the plates^ armors and shields of gold^ 
 which they used in the wars^ he called it ^El Do- 
 rado.' "' Lopez^ in his general History of the Indies^ 
 in his description of the Court and magnificence of 
 Guynacapa^ ancestor of the Emperor of Guiana^ uses 
 the following language: — ^^All the vessels of his 
 house^ table and kitchen were of gold^ and silver^ 
 and; the meanest^ of silver and copper. He had in 
 his wardrobe hollow figures of gold^ which seemed 
 giants^ and the figures in proportion and bigness of 
 all the beasts^ birds^ trees and herbs^ that the earth 
 bringeth forth^ and of all the fishes that the sea or 
 waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had also 
 ropeS; budgets, chests and troughs of gold and silver. 
 Finally there was nothing in his dominions, whereof, 
 he had not the counterfeit in gold.'' 
 
 In 1594 Ralegh despatched Captain Whiddon, an 
 old and experienced oflScer, to explore the coast of 
 Guiana, and ascertain the chances of success. The 
 account which he gave upon his return, of the beauty 
 and richness of the land, determined Ralegh in the 
 prosecution of the enterprise, and, the succeeding 
 year, he prepared an expedition and sailed, himself. 
 His memorial of the voyage and its results, published 
 soon after his return, was coldly received, and he 
 was still denied access to Court. Not deterred how- 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 25 
 
 ever^ by this harsh reception, which sprang less from 
 incredulity than malice, he prepared a third expedi- 
 tion, which, upon the eve of departure, he was obliged 
 to entrust to Captain Whiddon. 
 
 The emergency which now detained him in Eng- 
 land, presents a striking proof that he was a clear and 
 far-sighted statesman, as well as a bold mihtary lead- 
 er. When, in 1588, it was announced, that the inde- 
 fatigable Philip of Spain was making great prepara- 
 tion for a second invasion, Ralegh had proposed that 
 he should be anticipated in his attack, and that a force 
 should be despatched to burn his fleets in his own 
 harbours. This counsel was deemed ill advised, and 
 was rejected; but the lapse of eight years shewed it 
 to have been well conceived; and, in connection with 
 Essex and Howard of Effingham, Ralegh was now 
 appointed one of the commanders of the Cadiz expe- 
 dition, to carry it into effect. The enterprise was 
 crowned with the most brilliant success. Seven 
 English ships engaged and destroyed the Spanish 
 fleet, numbering fifty-five vessels, backed by the Fort 
 of Puntal and the batteries on shore.* All the lead- 
 ers behaved with great bravery, but Ralegh was 
 most conspicuous for his valour ; and the success of 
 the attack is largely attributable to him, as he planned 
 it and seems to have been virtusllv the commander in 
 chief. When the city was taker, Ralegh, although 
 severely injured by a splinter wound received in the 
 naval fight, desiring to encourage the army by his 
 presence, caused himself to be Iprnc; on shore upon 
 the shoulders of his men. U^ aftenvards urged 
 upon Essex the adoption of measures for the cap- 
 
 *01dys, p. 96 
 
26 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 ture of the Plate fleet^ which^ had his advice been 
 taken^ would^ in all probability, have resulted in the 
 seizure of those floating El Dorados. Immediately 
 on reaching England he despatched a fourth expedi- 
 tion to Guiana, under Captain Berrie. Ralegh was 
 now restored to favor, and resumed his place in a 
 court, at that time, greatly distracted by the factions 
 and animosities of Essex and Sir Robert Cecil, the 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 The occurrences of the ^^ Island voyage," in which 
 Ralegh soon after served under Essex, added strength 
 to the enmity which had grown up between them; 
 nor did Essex scruple to poison the mind of James of 
 Scotland, (with whom he was then intriguing, as the 
 probable successor of Elizabeth,) against Sir Walter 
 among others who were inimical to him at the English 
 Court.* The indignation which such conduct is cal- 
 culated to induce in our minds, must, however, give 
 place to sympathy for the position of the doomed 
 favorite himself. With many noble qualities and 
 brilHant characteristics, Essex united a heat of dis- 
 position, an impetuosity of manner, an impatience 
 of restraint, and, overweening estimate of his influ- 
 ence with Elizabeth, which led him on, with fatal ra- 
 pidity, to his melancholy end. The long established 
 and endeared favorite of the looman^ he utterly forgot 
 that he was no less the subject of the Queen. This 
 was an oversight Elizabeth would not readily pardon ; 
 but still there is strong reason to believe that Essex 
 might have reinstated himself in her favor, had not his 
 impatient disposition led him to the commission of 
 acts, which, managed as their representation to the 
 
 * Oldys, p. 135. 1 Cayley, p. 305. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 27 
 
 Queen doubtless was^ by the subtle and unscrupulous 
 Cecil, rendered his fate inevitable. His arrest, trial 
 and conviction followed in rapid succession, and the 
 career of the soldier and courtier closed with the 
 scaffold.* 
 
 In connection with this event it becomes necessary 
 to refer to a rumour which was current at the time; 
 and to which some writers have attached importance. 
 The death of this unfortunate nobleman was attri- 
 buted to the active agency of Ralegh, and it was 
 even urged that he was present at the execution, 
 that he might glut his hatred with the sight of the 
 EarPs sufferings. It is undoubtedly true that a very 
 hostile feeling had for a long time existed between 
 them, and we propose very briefly to sum up the 
 evidence in the matter and give the conclusion 
 which seems fairly deducible therefrom. As we have 
 already stated, Ralegh had been at the outset of his 
 career introduced at court, and otherwise favored by 
 Leicester. The advance of the protege, however, 
 was entirely too rapid for the patronizing Earl, and 
 soon outran his intent. He therefore brought for- 
 ward his nephew, Essex, to divert from Ralegh the 
 favor of the Queen, and clip the wings of the aspiring 
 courtier. We may readily suppose that the nephew 
 thus introduced upon the stage, knew the purpose, 
 and to some extent shared the feelings of his uncle. 
 It is certain that he very soon manifested an inimical 
 disposition, which was strengthened by various 
 occurrences. In the expedition of 1589, in favor of 
 Don Sebastian, Ralegh had the misfortune to offend 
 
 * He was brought under the notice of the Queen in his seventeenth year, 
 and was executed in his thirty-fourth.— T^/f^er, p. 101. 
 
 5 
 
28 SIR AV ALTER RALEGH. 
 
 Sir Roger Williams^ who was an intimate friend of 
 Essex ; which so angered the Earl^ that he brought 
 Ralegh into temporary disfavor v/ith the Queen^ and 
 drove him into Ireland.* In the expedition against 
 Cadiz^ in which they served together^ the nomination 
 of Ralegh by the Queen^ as a commander and one 
 of the council of five who were to control the hot 
 spirit^ and provide against the rashness of Essex^ the 
 admiral in chief; and the subsequent events of the 
 attack and capture of Cadiz^ the matter of the Plate 
 fleet^ and above all the preeminent ability displayed 
 by Ralegh^ and the great honor which he gained ; 
 strengthened this feeling in the bosom of the Earl. 
 Subsequently again in the ^^ Island Voyage/' the 
 accidental separation of Ralegh^ and his gallant cap- 
 ture of Fayall^ the many gross errors committed 
 by the Earl^ the undoubted fact that all the success 
 which attended the expedition was owing to Ralegh^ 
 the harsh reception of Essex by the Queen^ who bit- 
 terly reproached him for his ill conduct^ laying the 
 whole blame upon him and highly extolling his asso- 
 ciate in command ; all these converted concealed dis- 
 like into open and avowed enmity^ and Essex availed 
 himself of every opportunity to indulge and display 
 his now bitter hostility. The ^Teather Triumph/'f 
 as Camden styles it^ is a striking illustration of this 
 assertion^ and the efforts which he made to prejudice 
 the mind of James, and finally the slanderous charge, 
 after his apprehension, that Ralegh had planned an 
 ambuscade to murder him as he passed to the coun- 
 
 * Cayley, vol. 1, p. 109. 
 
 t See Camden. Oldys, p. 132. And Clarendon, Reliquioe Wottonianse, edi- 
 tion of 1685, p. 190. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 29 
 
 cil chamber;* all shew conclusively that it was time 
 Ralegh should ward off the blows of one so able and 
 willing to do him injury. 
 
 The authorities on the other hand shew that Ra- 
 legh^ while he unjustly incurred the anger of Essex 
 in every one of the instances to which we have 
 alluded^ made every effort to conciliate and tranquilize 
 the Earl; in one case going almost too far for his 
 honor; as on the return from the Cadiz Expedition, 
 when he treated him, as Camden says, ^^vith the 
 cunningest respect, and the deepest humility" — and 
 in another case risking his life to serve him; as in the 
 effort to warn Essex of the dangers which surrounded 
 him after his return from Ireland, he solicited a meet- 
 ing with Gorges, and was four times shot at by Sir 
 Christopher Blount, the friend and servitor of the 
 Earl.f His presence at the execution of Essex 
 was undoubtedly official ; as Captain of the Queen's 
 Guard, the soldier was simply at his post; and, in 
 addition to the entire incompatibihty of the motive, 
 charged in the rumour alluded to, with his whole 
 character, we have his own declaration, which is 
 certainly entitled to be considered. His celebrated 
 letter to the Lord Secretary Cecil, which has been 
 by some writers esteemed strong proof of the connec- 
 tion of Ralegh with the condemnation and death of 
 Essex, does not seem to us to justify such a con- 
 struction. He argues the necessity of keeping Essex 
 down, of diminishing his power, and perhaps even 
 of depriving him of his liberty ; and urges this upon 
 Cecil, because, to use the language of the letter, ^^the 
 
 * Oklys, p. 136. t 1 Cayley, 337. Oldys, 136. 
 
30 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 less you (Cecil) make him^ (Essex) the less he will 
 be able to harm you and yours; and if her majestifs 
 favor fail him, he will again decline to he a common 
 person ;^^ and concludes^ ^^Let the Queen hold Both- 
 well (Essex) while she hath him. He will ever be 
 the canker of her estate and safety. I have seen the 
 last of her good days and all ours^ after his liberty. ''* 
 We are to estimate the conduct of Ralegh in this 
 transaction^ both with reference to the imminent dan- 
 ger which the continuance of Essex in power would 
 entail upon him^ and the somewhat loose morals and 
 practices of the times in which he lived. The letter 
 from which we have quoted^ was written with the 
 view of relieving himself from this danger^ and while 
 some of its expressions would appear to justify the 
 opinion that he counselled the death of the Earl^ 
 other passages shew with equal clearness^ that the 
 object in view could be attained by the displacement 
 of Essex from his offices^ and the forfeiture of the 
 Queen's favor^ for^ once reduced to ^^a common per- 
 son/' he was no longer to be feared. This construc- 
 tion is strengthened by what Ralegh himself says in 
 his last declaration^ made under circumstances of the 
 most solemn character. Referring to this charge^ he 
 declares^ "It is true I was of an opposite faction^ but 
 I take God to witness that I had no hand in his death; 
 but always believed that it would be better for me had 
 his life been preserved ; for^ after his fall^ I got the 
 hatred of those who wished me well before^ and those 
 who set me against him, set themselves afterward 
 
 * This celebrated letter is given by Tytler in his Biography of Ralegh, p. 
 190. In connection with it, reference should be had to an extract from Jardine, 
 quoted in a note to the same page. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 31 
 
 against me^ and were my worst enemies; and 
 my soul hath many times been grieved that I was 
 not nearer to him when he died^ as I understood 
 afterward that he asked for me_, desiring to be recon- 
 ciled.'^* 
 
 We have now traced Sir Walter Ralegh to the cul- 
 minating point of his greatness. From the position of 
 a private gentleman and a volunteer soldier^ we have 
 noted his rapid progress from honor to honor^ until 
 he fills a conspicuous page in the annals of the period 
 he adorned. Placed in positions which severely try 
 the virtue of men^ and surrounded by enemies^ who 
 hunted for oportunities to defame him^ we have found 
 him worthy and honorable^ truthful and just ; with no 
 charge substantiated against him^ of sufficient weight 
 to lessen admiration or forfeit esteem. This particu- 
 lar juncture is one of the most serious and interesting 
 of his life. A tried and faithful servant^ already re- 
 warded in no mean degree by his Queen^ whose feel- 
 ings toward him mingled the impulses of sex with the 
 policy of position; with a powerful enemy^ by a 
 melancholy fate^ removed from his path^ and but one 
 prominent rival left beside the throne ; it would be a 
 curious speculation to trace out the probable charac- 
 ter and termination of the career thus opening upon 
 one; whose ambition was unsated by preferments^ and 
 whose energies action had matured. In following 
 the severe muse of history^ we must exchange the 
 pleasant paths^ in which imagination thus exercised 
 would lead us^ and pursue those devious and gloomy 
 wayS; through which subtlety and hate^ conducted 
 him to disgrace and death. 
 
 * See Harleyan MSS. Oldys, p. 230. 
 
32 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 The first event which seriously affected the destiny 
 of Ralegh^ was one of the utmost moment^ not only 
 unto him^ but to all England. In the seclusion of her 
 palace at Greenwich^ that '^ warm winter box^ for the 
 shelter of her old age^ '' Elizabeth was dying. The 
 hand that had swayed the sceptre with such mascu- 
 line energy^ was growing feeble. The mighty spirit 
 that for four and forty years had comprehended the 
 interests and directed the concerns of a great People^ 
 was passing away from earth ; and in anguish of 
 mind and torture of body^ amid the tears of her wait- 
 ing ladies^ the unconcealed joy of her intriguing Cour- 
 tierS; and the honest regret of her true subjects^ the 
 enfeebled body of the aged Queen bent beneath the 
 sceptre of the king of terrors. In striking accord- 
 ance with her character^ as far as it has been necessary 
 to our subject to portray it^ was her last interview with 
 the Councillors^ who troubled her closing moments 
 with the question of succession. Cecily hitherto timid 
 in her presence^ and subservient to her lightest whims ; 
 Cecily whose puhng muse could not sufficiently paint 
 the honor which the Queen had done him^ when she 
 tied his jewelled miniature to her shoe and kicked it 
 about the room;* Cecily the ^^ potent pigmy," now^ 
 that the hand of Death was visibly upon his mis- 
 tresS; and yearning by one other act of treachery to 
 the dyings to set himself more firmly in the graces of 
 her successor^ was bold and peremptory. Her com- 
 phance with the wishes of the Council was urged 
 upon her at a moment when it was cruelty^ and in a 
 manner which made it insult. ^^ Her throat, " says 
 the narrator, '' troubling her much, they desired her 
 
 * Miss Strickland's Queens of England, p. 219. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 33 
 
 to hold up her finger when they named whom she 
 liked^ whereupon they named the ^King of France;' 
 (this was to try her intellect^) she never stirred : the 
 ^King of Scotland;' she made no sign: then they named 
 ^the Lord Beauchamp' — this was the heir of Sey- 
 mour, whose rights were derived from his mother, 
 Lady Catharine Grey, one of the most unfortunate of 
 Elizabeth's victims. " This last drop was too much, 
 her glazing eye flashed with the old Tudor fire; 
 her shrunken form started up from the couch, and 
 in fierce and haughty tones she broke forth : '^ I told 
 you that my seat had been the seat of Kings. 1 will 
 have 710 rascal succeed me. Trouble me no more. He 
 who comes after me must be a King. I will have 
 none but our cousin of Scotland !"* 
 
 Alas for Ralegh ! the parting soul of the queenly 
 suflferer was ?mprophetic, and a '^ rascal " did succeed 
 her, albeit in the person of "our cousin of Scotland!" 
 
 The contrast between the two sovereigns is ex- 
 ceedingly marked and striking. History, while she 
 presents to our observation, very few such women as 
 Elizabeth, unfortunately abounds in such men as 
 James. She was distinguished by many of the best 
 characteristics of his sex. He, was a strange blend- 
 ing of the worst weaknesses of hers. Her intellect^ 
 strengthened by exercise, and enriched by education, 
 rapidly expanded and matured; embracing, with equal 
 facility, the difl[icult problems of philosophy, the hid- 
 den beauties of literature, and the serious questions 
 of state. His mind, ever subservient to his ruling 
 weakness, was stored with scraps, and phrases, and 
 superficiahties ; and the small stock of the solemn 
 
 * Cotton MS. Tytler, p. 22L Strickland. 
 
34 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 pedant, was paraded with all the trickery of the royal 
 buffoon. Her comprehension was enlarged; his con- 
 tracted; her perception of character w^as acute and 
 correct; — the little he possessed, was blunted by pre- 
 judice and warped by partiality. With her, the fa- 
 vorite never ceased to be the subject; with him, the 
 pet of the moment, was the master of the King. Her 
 ministers were chosen from the wisest, her command- 
 ers from the bravest, and her judges from the most 
 learned of the realm ; and the claims of the applicant 
 for office were guaged by his ability to discharge its 
 duties. Of the band that surrounded his throne, the 
 most distinguished were old servants of hers, while 
 the most infamous, were creatures of his own making. 
 Her courageous spirit rode in armour through the 
 lines at Tilbury; his craven soul drove him trembling 
 behind his attendants, at the gleaming of a dagger. 
 To the deliberations of the council chamber, she 
 brought extensive information, and sensible speech. 
 He wearied his ministers w^ith crude notions of king 
 craft, and fragments of delectable latin. As a Queen, 
 she was frugal almost to parsimony, of the pubhc 
 money, while she indulged a woman's fondness for 
 splendour and display. He, poor in pocket, as in 
 spirit, borrowed spoons for his marriage feast; re- 
 ceived ambassadors in the stockings of the Earl of 
 Marr,* and counted over, inventory in hand, the 
 jewels of his ^^beloved wife," before she had been 
 two days dead If The position of Ralegh, under the 
 new monarch, was alike dangerous and unpleasant.J 
 
 * Miss Strickland's Queens of England, p. 260. 
 
 t Ibid. 369. 
 
 I "James feared and hated him." — Beaumont, Depeche, of Dec. 18. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 35 
 
 The representations of Essex and Cecil had long 
 before prejudiced the mind of James against him ;* 
 and the feeling thus engendered^ gained bitterness 
 and strength from many circumstances. Ralegh had 
 been to some degree connected with the death of 
 the unfortunate Mary; — a prominent personage in 
 the Court of Elizabeth, he had not only disdained 
 to intrigue before the Queen's death, for the favor 
 of ^^our cousin of Scotland:" but in a large meet- 
 ing held in London soon after that event, he had 
 urged that James be obliged to subscribe to articles, 
 and, rumour added, that he even advocated bolder 
 and more startling measures. f With all the vehe- 
 mence of his nature he had opposed the peace with 
 Spain, and offered the King, who shrunk in horror 
 from such a project, to raise two thousand men, and, 
 at his own cost, invade the territory of his ancient 
 foe. It was perfectly natural that the timid James 
 should recoil from such a man, whose fiery disposition 
 and large designs, were so repugnant to his own con- 
 tracted views and pusillanimous soul.J The two 
 
 * Carte, vol. 3, p. 709. Tytler, p. 225. 
 
 t 1 Cayley, p. 357. Oldys, p. 150. 
 
 X The following striking illustration of the cowardly nature of James, is taken 
 from a MS. volume, which formerly belonged to John Randolph of Roanoke, 
 and which has never been published. It is entitled, " The Ancient Records of 
 the Colony of Virginia, under the Treasurer and Company. " For the extract 
 I am indebted to the kindness of Gustavus A. Myers, Esq., a distinguished 
 member of the Richmond Bar. 
 
 EXTRACT 
 
 From " The Ancient Records of the Colony of Virginia, under the Treasurer 
 and Company." 
 "At a Quarter Court, held for Virginia, at Mr. Farrar's, in St. Sithe's Lane, 
 the 17th of May, 1620, one Mr. Kerkham, agent, sent from the King, presented 
 himself to the Board, and signified to the Court, that his Majesty, understand- 
 ing of the election of their Treasurer, which they intended this day to make 
 choice of, out of an especial care and respect he hath to that plantation, hath 
 required him to nominate unto them four, out of which his pleasure is, the 
 
 6 
 
36 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 men were in every respect antagonistic. The very 
 characteristics which endeared Ralegh to Elizabeth^ 
 made him odious to her successor; and^ while the 
 service of the one^ afforded him constant opportunities 
 
 Company should make choice of one to be their Treasurer : That was, Sir 
 Thomas Smith, Sir Thomas Roe, Mr. Alderman Johnson, and Mr. Maurice 
 Abbott, and no other. 
 
 " Sir Edwin Sandys, their then Treasurer, proceeded to make an elaborate 
 report of the transactions of the Company during the preceding year, and deliv- 
 ering up his office together with the seals, he desired the Court to proceed in 
 the election of their Treasurer, according to the message lately received from 
 his Majesty, and thereupon withdrew himself out of Court. 
 
 " Upon which this Great and General Court found themselves, upon a delib- 
 erate consideration of the matter, at an exceeding pinch; for if they should not 
 do as the King had commanded, they might incur suspicion of defect in point 
 of duty, from which they protested they were and would be free ; on the other 
 side, if they should proceed according to the limits of that message, they suffer- 
 ed a great breach into their privilege of free election, granted to them by his Majes- 
 ty's Letters Patent, u-hich they held fit rather to lay down with all submission and 
 duty at his Majesty's feet, than to be deprived of their privilege. The election was 
 therefore adjourned to the ' next Great and General Court, some six weeks 
 hence,' and till they understood the King's further pleasure ; and in the inter- 
 im they entreated the Right Honorable the Lord of Southampton, Viscount 
 Doncaster, the Lord Cavendish, the Lord Sheffield, Sir John Davis, and others, 
 all members of the Company, to meet and determine of an humble answer to 
 his Majesty's message and to deliver to him a true information, as well of the 
 former as of this latter year's, of the business for Virginia, beseeching also, that 
 his Majesty would be pleased not to take from them the privilege of their Let- 
 ters Patent, but that it might be in their own choice to have free election. 
 
 " At a Great and General Quarter Court, held in the afternoon, at Mr. Far- 
 rar's house, the 28th of June, 1620, the Earl of Southampton acquainted the 
 Court, that himself with the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, requested there- 
 unto by the last Quarter Court, had presented their humble desires to his Ma- 
 jesty for the free election of their Treasurer ; whereunto his Majesty had most 
 graciously condescended, signifying unto them, that it would be pleasing unto 
 him if they made choice of such an one as might, at all times and occasions, 
 have free access unto his Royal person, and further declaring that it was the mis- 
 taking of the messenger, having not received the message immediately from his own 
 Royal mouth, to exclude them from the liberty of choosing any but the four nomi- 
 nated, whom his majesty's intent was indeed to recommend, but not so as to bar 
 the Company from the choice of any other. 
 
 " Whereupon the whole Court tendered to his Majesty all humble thanks, 
 and ordered that by writing it should be signified to his Majesty. 
 
 " The Earl of Southampton was thereupon immediately, with much joy and 
 applause, nominated Treasurer, and elected unanimously, by erection of hands, 
 the ballot box being ' surceased' in honor to him." 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 37 
 
 of greatness^ the disposition and policy of the other^ 
 closed all the avenues by which he could achieve it. 
 In addition to the dislike of the King^ for these rea- 
 sons^ Cecily the undoubted enemy of Ralegh^ stood 
 next the throne^ and his influence was exerted 
 against him. His enmity was greatly increased by 
 certain disclosures which Ralegh made to the King; 
 after Cecil had effected his displacement from the cap- 
 taincy of the Guard; in which he charged upon the 
 Secretary the whole onus of the Essex matter^ and 
 revealed his active agency in the execution of the 
 King's mother.^ 
 
 With this statement of Ralegh's position at Court, 
 we come to the consideration of his connection 
 with " the Spanish; or Lord Cobham's Treason. " 
 The principal parties to this plot were George Brooke 
 and Lord Cobham. Their object was to seat the 
 Lady Arabella Stewart on the throne, of which they 
 purposed dispossessing James. f Spain was to fur- 
 nish the ^^ sinews of war," and send a large invading 
 force to assist the conspirators in carrying out their 
 designs. Coincident with this scheme, in point of 
 time, was the ^^ Plot of the Priests," the object of 
 which was, to seize the king's person, and force him 
 to remodel his Ministry in accordance with their 
 wishes, and grant a full toleration of religion. Be- 
 sides the Priests, Watson and Clarke ; Brooke, the 
 brother of Cobham; Sir Griffin Markham, Copeley and 
 Lord Grey, were, also, engaged in this treason. A 
 
 * Beaumont, Depeche, May 2nd and Aug. 13th. Wellwood's notes on 
 Wilson, Comp. Hist, of Eng., vol. 11, pp. 663, 664. 1 Cayley, 355. Heylen's 
 Examen Historicum, p. 170. Oldys, 740. 
 
 t Beaumont, Depeche, May 12th, June 13th, July 30th, 1603, quoted in the 
 Edinburg Review, April, 1840. 
 
38 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 disclosure^ made by Copeley to his wife, and com- 
 municated to Cecil,* led him to suspect, says Oldys, 
 that Cobham was concerned in it as well as his 
 brother Brooke ; and as Cobham was at that time in 
 frequent communication with Ralegh, who was set- 
 tling his Lordship's estate, the Minister suspected 
 Ralegh, and had him examined before the Privy 
 Council, touching the ^^ surprising treason," as the 
 plot of the Priests was called, and, particularly, as to 
 Cobham's connection with it. The statements of 
 Ralegh acquitted Cobham, and he closed his exami- 
 nation, by remarking to the Council, that ^^ whatso- 
 ever correspondence there was between Cobham and 
 Aremberg, Laurencie could better give an account of 
 it," and therefore advised that an application should 
 be made to him.f This Matthew de Laurencie was 
 a merchant of Antwerp, an attendant on the Count 
 D'Aremberg, at that time, representing at London, 
 the Governor of the Netherlands and the King of 
 Spain ; and he was the channel of all Cobham's 
 treasonable communications. When Ralegh left the 
 Council Chamber, he sent a message to Cobham, 
 stating that '^he was examined and had cleared him 
 of all ;" and Lawrence Keymis, a servant of Ralegh's, 
 who bore the message, seems to have added without 
 authority, '^ to be of good cheer, for that one witness 
 would not condemn him. "J Cobham was soon after- 
 ward examined in person, and resolutely asserted 
 that neither himself nor Ralegh, were connected with 
 any treasonable practices; yet the Council resorted to 
 
 * Hallam's Constitutional History, vol. 1, p. 483. Beaumont, Depeche, De- 
 cember 6th. 
 t Sherley's Ralegh, p. 110. Oldys, p. 153. 
 X Sherley, p. 140. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 39 
 
 a tricky by which Cobham was induced to think that 
 Ralegh had impeached and betrayed him ; and in the 
 heat of passion^ he declared^ ^^ that he had intended 
 to confer with the Arch Duke^ and to go from him 
 into Spain; to borrow of the King six hundred thous- 
 and crowns^ which were to be distributed among the 
 discontented in England, under the advice of Ralegh^ 
 whO; he affirmed; had instigated him to these courses. 
 This confession he would not even subscribe^ but in 
 fact retracted it entirely ^ before he had got to the foot 
 of the stairs.^ 
 
 Upon this flimsy^ passionate, and retracted charge ; 
 the enemies of Ralegh procured his arraignment for 
 treason. The indictment charged him ^^vith conspir- 
 ing to deprive the king of his government — to raise 
 up sedition in the realm — to alter religion — to bring in 
 the Roman superstition, and to procure foreign ene- 
 mies to invade the kingdom, and that for his services 
 in this treason, he was to receive eight thousand 
 crowns from Spain. f' The trial of this great man 
 on this indictment, is one of the foulest blots upon 
 the page of English history. Conducted in a manner 
 which cannot fail to excite the warmest indignation, 
 in all who peruse its record; the gross injustice 
 which marked it, has been universally admitted; and; 
 the event itself is so familiar to all, that I would per- 
 haps weary you, by giving its details. Suffice it to 
 say that the whole case against Ralegh rested upon 
 the evidence of the Lord Cobham, a craven accuser, 
 
 * See " Arraignment of Ralegh," p. 97. Sir Toby Matthew's Coll. of Let- 
 ters, Ed. 1660, p. 2S1. Beaumont. Carte. Overbury. 
 
 t Extract from indictment. Oldys, p. 232. For full report of the Trial refer 
 to State Trials. East's Pleas of the Crown. SirThos. Overbury's arraignment, 
 and Jardine. 
 
40 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 and forsworn witness; who^ affirming the truth of his 
 charges ^^upon his souPs salvation/' falsified them so 
 often^ by counter statements, that Ralegh might well 
 exclaim in scorn : '^ Now I wonder how many souls 
 this man hath. He damns one in this letter, and 
 another in that !''* His last declaration in evidence 
 in the case, is a letter addressed by him to Ralegh, 
 which is worth quoting. It runs thus — ^^ Seeing 
 myself so near my end, — for the discharge of my 
 conscience and freeing myself from your blood, 
 which else will cry vengeance against me, — I protest 
 upon my salvation, I never practised with Spain by 
 your procurement. God so comfort me in this my 
 affliction, as you are a true subject, for any thing 
 that I know. I will say with Daniel, ^^purus sum a 
 sanguine hujus,'' so God have mercy on my soul, as I 
 know no treason by yoii.^^^ 
 
 This letter, which was evidently wrung from Cob- 
 ham by the pangs of a conscience which enforced the 
 demand of Ralegh that he should justify him, is cer- 
 tainly entided to as much weight as his counter 
 declarations, made through constraint, trickery, or 
 passion; especially, when Ralegh, who, throughout 
 the trial, had begged to be confronted with his 
 accuser, said : " that he would acknowledge the 
 whole indictment, if Cobham, once brought before 
 his face, would repeat any one of the matters he had 
 confessed. '' This legal right, however, was harshly 
 denied, although Cobham was the whole time in an 
 adjoining room. J It formed no part of the plans of 
 
 * Oldys, p. 249. 
 
 t Vide, Oldys, p. 259. 
 
 t Vide, Appendix to Oldys. Sir Toby Matthew's Letters, p. 283, 
 
SIR AV ALTER RALEGH. 41 
 
 those who were laboring to destroy Ralegh^ that the 
 dastardly nobleman^ whom they knew to be falsi- 
 fying, should be subjected to the rack of his cross 
 examination: — his various statements were contradic- 
 tory enough as it was, and sufficiently weakened 
 their case, without confronting him with one whom 
 he was so deeply injuring, and who would have 
 forced from him the truth. The eloquent and inge- 
 nious argument of Ralegh, upon his right to be con- 
 fronted with his accuser, was not refused in conse- 
 quence of the repealing statutes of Edward III. and 
 VI. as urged by Coke ; but, the true reason is em- 
 bodied in a remark made by the king himself, who, 
 when he heard that the request had been denied 
 by the judges, said : that, ^' could Cobham have spoken 
 anything against Ralegh , they would have brought him 
 from Constantinople J to accuse himP^^ The conduct 
 of Coke, the king's attorney, was disgraceful to the 
 position he occupied — to the sovereign he repre- 
 sented — to the profession to which he belonged — the 
 age in which he lived — and the manhood he shamed. 
 He was, throughout the trial, ungenerous and unjust ; 
 overbearing and cruel ; brutal and insolent. The 
 demeanour of Ralegh, on the contrary, was, in the 
 highest degree, dignified and manly; his bearing, 
 was that of an innocent man — his defence, that of an 
 able lawyer. The ingenuity displayed by him in the 
 conduct of his difficult cause, is very remarkable; 
 and the cogency of his arguments, the quickness of 
 his perception, the dexterity of his management, and 
 the eloquence of his appeal,t would have satisfied 
 
 * Observations on Sanderson's History, 4 vol. p. 8. 2d Cayley, p. 28. 
 t Hardwick's State Papers, vol. 1, p. 379. 
 
42 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 an unprejudiced tribunal^ of his perfect innocence in 
 view of the evidence adduced. But^ unfortunately 
 for him^ the fiat had gone forth ; and those whom he 
 addressed were but the ministers selected to register 
 the decree. Venality soiled the ermine of the judge^ 
 and power controlled the decision of the jury. The 
 former pronounced his doom with as much alacrity 
 as he had formerly shewn in taking purses on the 
 highway^ or bribes upon the bench f and the latter 
 in their eagerness to perform their part well^ overdid 
 it; so that the malignant Coke^ when he heard that 
 they had found him guilty of treason^ exclaimed to 
 the messenger; ^^ surely thou art mistaken^ I imjself 
 only accused him of misprison of treason P^\ 
 
 The only inquiry which is necessary for us to insti- 
 tute in regard to this plot^ is the extent of Ralegh's 
 connection with it^ and the question of his moral guilt. 
 These two matters rest upon the evidence of Cobham^ 
 and the declaration of Beaumont^ the representative^ 
 at that time, of the Court of France. Cobham 
 charged^ that Ralegh had instigated the treason^ 
 knew of its progress^ and was to share in its re- 
 sults. Beaumont^ stated his belief in Ralegh's con- 
 nection with the plot ; a conclusion to which he seems 
 to have arrived^ mainly upon the strength of certain 
 conversations which he had with King James^ and 
 from documents which that disinterested personage 
 had submitted to his inspection. J Now as to the 
 
 * For several years he addicted himself but little to the study of the law, but 
 to profligate company ; and was wont to take a purse with them. This Judge 
 had a noble house, park and manor, for a bribe to save the life of one con- 
 demned for child murder." Vide, Aubrey's Lives, vol. 2, pp. 492, 493. 
 
 t Cayley, vol. 2, p. 29. 
 
 X Beaumont, Depeche, Gth Dec, 1603— Quoted in Edinburg Rev., Ap., 1840. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 43 
 
 testimony of Cobham^ it is wholly worthless. His 
 vascillation^ prevarication^ and falsehood have been 
 already alluded to^ and we will briefly mention some 
 other reasons for rejecting his declarations altogether. 
 He was notoriously infirm of character^ and easily 
 swayed by others. Upon his trial he behaved in so 
 cowardly a manner — now making assertions^ and in 
 the same breath denying them; now trembling in his 
 place with fear^ and anon supplicating the Judges 
 with tears ; and displaying^ throughout^ so mean and 
 abject a spirit^ — that the writers of the period speak 
 of his trial as '^ such a fasting-day's piece of work as 
 discredited the place to which he was called/' and 
 they treat him with evident contempt.* His conduct 
 upon the scaffold^ to which^ together with Markham 
 and Grey^ he was conducted^ as a part of the solemn 
 farce which the ^^ royal humorist/' who had before- 
 hand determined to spare their lives^ intended them 
 to play^ was of a very different character. He as- 
 cended with good assurance and contempt of death^ 
 bore himself very bravely^ and so out-prayed the 
 Minister and the company^ that the byestanders^ 
 alluding to his different behaviour on the two occa- 
 sions^ said^ ^^ he had a good mouth in a cry^ but was 
 nothing single."! He concluded his performance^ by 
 reasserting all the charges he had made against 
 Ralegh^ and having thus done the very thing for 
 which, perhaps, he had been placed on the scaflfold, 
 his pardon was announced, and he was led away. 
 His courage on this occasion is readily understood, 
 when we learn that he had beforehand been advised 
 
 * Hardwick's State Papers, vol. 1, p. 377. Cayley, vol. 11, p. 13. 
 t Ibid. p. 23. 
 
 7 
 
44 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 that his life was perfectly safe. Any importance; 
 however^ which might attach to his statements^ is 
 disposed of by the declaration^ by Mrs. Thomson^ of 
 the fact; that several years afterward; at the inter- 
 cession of Ralegh; he was called out of the Tower 
 and re-examined in the presence of the Queen, 
 when he made a last; solemn, and full recantation 
 and retraction of everything he had uttered against 
 his illustrious victim.* 
 
 As to the testimony of Beaumont; it is certainly 
 entitled to weight; but it is nevertheless fair to esti- 
 mate it with reference to the circumstances under 
 which his opinion was formed. If he had no better 
 authority for believing the charges against Ralegh, 
 than the declarations of James and such documents 
 as he submitted to him; then it is fair to conclude 
 two things : first; that the evidence which influenced 
 his mind was either the same as that brought out at 
 the trial; the character of which we have already 
 considered; and; secondly; that any proof of Ralegh's 
 guilt; which may have been in the possession of the 
 King; a7id not used in Court, must have been; if 
 possible; still more flimsy and unsatisfactory; — for 
 JameS; as his subsequent conduct will undoubtedly 
 prove; was mean and mendacious enough to adopt 
 any course; calculated to destroy the man whom he 
 hated so bitterly. BesideS; the Minister of France 
 lived at Court; moved constantly and famiharly in the 
 circle of royalty; and was very likely to adopt such 
 opinions as were current and popular in that society. 
 On the whole; we cannot beheve that Ralegh was 
 connected with the treason; beyond the error which 
 
 t Mrs. Thomson's Life of Sir W. R. p. ISO.— Am. Ed. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 45 
 
 he committed in listening to the first disclosure of 
 Cobham in relation to the proposed pension. This 
 matter^ he insists, ^^was only mentioned to him once; 
 and, for three weeks after, he heard no more of it" — 
 that he did not think that Cobham had any commis- 
 sion to offer it — and that he deemed the conversation 
 of so httle account, that he did not even remember it 
 until it was used against him on the trial. In his let- 
 ter to James, he says : ^^For my part, I protest before 
 the ever living God, that I never intended treason, 
 consented to treason, ov performed treason. Lost am I 
 for only hearing a vain man; for hearing only — never 
 beheving or approving.'^ 
 
 A very able writer in the Edinburgh Review for 
 April, 1840, after reviewing the circumstances of this 
 case, and laying much stress upon the testimony of 
 Beaumont, concludes, that ^^it would be more ra- 
 tional to believe that Ralegh was icholly guilty (that 
 is, a direct participator in the designs of Cobham 
 and Brooke,) than that he was wholly innocent (that 
 is, wholly uninformed of the nature and objects of 
 his intercourse with Aremberg.") 
 
 Now we find it impossible to adopt this conclu- 
 sion, for several very strong reasons. In the first 
 place, Ralegh had been, all his life, a most strenuous 
 and indefatigable enemy of Spain; he had repeatedly 
 perilled his hfe against her; he had cut up her com- 
 merce, burned her fleets, sacked her towns, written 
 against her policy, humbled her pride, and expended 
 over c£40,000 (nearly his whole estate) in enterprises 
 against her King and people. On the accession of 
 James, he addressed him a powerful work, in which 
 he exposed the designs and weakness of Spain; 
 
46 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 counselling his Majesty to continue offensive mea- 
 sures against her^ and volunteering an army^ at his 
 own cost, for his assistance. Although he may have 
 been a discontented man, it does seem to us that the 
 idea of applying to Spain, to send an army to invade 
 England — of receiving from Spain a beggarly pen- 
 sion, and of uniting with a Nation, in contests against 
 which he had won all his laurels, — is a very improba- 
 ble, if not a preposterous idea. Secondly. Ralegh 
 was a person of keen foresight, great comprehension, 
 singular tact, and thorough knowledge of the men 
 and the times. He was an individual who prided 
 himself ^^on swaying all men's courses;" — he was 
 a leader even among leaders; — and, — knowing, as 
 he did, the magnitude of such a design as Cob- 
 ham's — involving a civil war — a foreign alliance — 
 danger to the King, and revolution to the monarchy ; 
 knowing as he did, the character, the feelings and 
 power of Cecil, as well as the weakness, cowardice 
 and imbecility of the Lord Cobham; — is it not mon- 
 strous to suppose that he would have risked honor, 
 fame, life itself, in a dangerous enterprise with such a 
 coadjutor, — for it must be remembered that he is 
 charged with no interviews with any one but Cob- 
 ham. Would he have rested during weeks, and 
 allowed such a poor tool as Cobham to work for 
 him.^ — and, moreover, if he was fully cognizant of all 
 the proceedings, and knew (as he must have known, 
 if ^^a direct participator,") the number and charac- 
 ter of Cobham's communications with D'Aremberg, 
 through Laurencie, — would he, — a guilty man, — in 
 the most gratuitous manner, at a time when the fact 
 was unknown to all but Cobham and himself, and 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 47 
 
 when his examination before the Council was con- 
 cluded^ — have suggested to the Council ''that they 
 had better send for this very Laurencie, as he could 
 tell them of all Cobham^s conferences ivith D'' Ar em- 
 ber g, though J for his party he knew of nothing im- 
 proper between themP^ 
 
 But^ in addition to this^ Secretary Cecily in a letter 
 to Sir Ralph Winwood^ written while Ralegh was 
 languishing at Winchester^ in ignorance of his fate^ 
 and in daily expectation of death, says; ^^that the 
 king pretended to forbear Sir Walter Ralegh, for the 
 present, imtil the Lord Cobham^s death had given some 
 light how far he would make good his accusation." 
 Now, if it was necessary that James should have this 
 additional proof of the truth of Cobham's charges, 
 before he dared execute Ralegh, then, it seems 
 certain, ^rs^, that there was not in his possession any 
 other evidence than that adduced upon the trial, 
 sufficient either to justify him in beheading Ralegh, 
 or to excuse Beaumont in asserting his guilt; second- 
 ly, if the king only waited for the confirmatory death 
 speech of Cobham, why did he not execute the sentence 
 upon Ralegh when that proof was furnished 1 " Cob- 
 ham mounted the scaffold with great assurance, 
 and contempt of death,'^ and, after outpraying the 
 minister and the company, he reasserted the truth of 
 all his accusations against Ralegh." Here was the 
 ^^ light" the king wanted! Why not proceed to 
 execution ? Did mercy restrain him ? Did fear of 
 the weakness of the proof, and instinctive horror of 
 injustice, induce him to delay the axe of the heads- 
 man? Not so, — for, even if in the exercise of a large 
 charity, we can suppose him sincere in his belief of 
 
48 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 the evidence of this perjured man, why did he not 
 release Ralegh, when, three years after that same, 
 Cobham, in the presence of his queen, solemnly 
 retracted even the accusations he had made on the 
 scaffold ! 
 
 The truth of the matter, if it ever be disinterred 
 from the dusty archives of the reign of James, will 
 probably be found in the private correspondence of 
 the King and the scraps and memoranda of his 
 Secretary Cecil, rather than in the despatches of 
 D'Aremberg, or the speculations of Beaumont. 
 
 From the presence of the unjust judge, the illus- 
 trious prisoner passed into the tower, and, in that 
 stern fortress, with whose every turret and gateway, 
 are linked associations of outrage and tales of blood, 
 the man of action was, for twelve long years, con- 
 demned to monotony and gloom. Did not this sud- 
 den reverse, this cruel blow, crush him to the earth ? 
 Did not the fiery spirit of the soldier, longing for the 
 excitements, the dangers, and the glories of war, 
 break, in the dull routine of the prison-house ? Did 
 not the strong mind of the statesman, yearning for the 
 duties and struggles of the hall of legislation, or, the 
 board of council, give way, as year stole after 
 year, eventless and unmarked ? Did not the resdess 
 fancy of the adventurer, bear him over the western 
 ocean to the flowery isle of Wocoton, and the blue 
 waters of Chessiopek, reveal the splendors of Manoa, 
 and echo the rush of the turbid Amazon, until he 
 sank, despairing, from dreams of the unreal, into the 
 iron arms of the actual ? Did not the polished blade 
 rust in the neglected scabbard ? the torch go out 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 49 
 
 in the long darkness ? No ! brighter and stronger 
 grew the spirit, purer and higher flamed the light ; 
 and, instead of vain complaints and idle repining, 
 the intellectual and moral man braced himself for 
 a great task, explored the realms of philosophy, 
 gathered the treasures of history, unravelled the 
 mysteries of science, plucked the flowers of poesy ; 
 and, greater, perhaps, in his downfall than his pros- 
 perity, — in the dungeon, than in the camp, — tasked 
 all his energies in a work, wonderful for industry and 
 learning, admirable in its style, veracious in its de- 
 tails, and lofty in its sentiment. And thus Sir Walter 
 
 " E'en with his prison-hours, enriched the world." 
 
 There is one circumstance connected with the long 
 imprisonment of Ralegh, which I cannot refrain from 
 noticing, and that is, the lofty and unshaken devotion 
 of his wife. The biographers of Sir Walter tell us 
 that the Lady Ralegh was exceeding beautiful. 
 Brought up in a brilliant court, surrounded by all the 
 refinements of intellect and the amenities of life, she 
 was, doubtless, elegant and accomplished ; but of her 
 character we know nothing until this dark cloud 
 gathered over the fortunes of her husband. In the 
 day of his prosperity, when each succeeding year, 
 invested him with new honors, and clothed him with 
 greater dignity; when admiring friends and obsequi- 
 ous retainers, crowded the princely halls of Sher- 
 borne and Durham House, she unquestionably clung 
 to him with affection, and looked up to him in 
 pride. But, when the malice of his enemies and the 
 injustice of his king, stripped him of office and 
 humbled his state, when the victorious soldier be- 
 
50 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 came the attainted traitor^ and he^ who had hitherto 
 lived in the smiles of royahy^ languished in the gloom 
 of a prison^ then it was that the nobility of her nature 
 and the depth of her love were fully revealed, and 
 the woman who had softened the splendors of his 
 greatness with mild and reflected radiance, became 
 the sun and centre of his hope and solace, sustained 
 his sinking spirit with words of consolation and hope, 
 and sanctified the house of bondage with the ever 
 present divinity of Love ! She petitioned the minis- 
 ter, supplicated the favorite, and knelt before the 
 King; and, although neglected, repulsed, and 
 scorned, she strained all the energies of her nature, 
 and exhausted all the resources of her Love, to effect 
 his liberation. 
 
 At length, after more than twelve years confine- 
 ment, the death of Cecil, inspired Ralegh with re- 
 newed hope, and a bribe of fifteen hundred pounds 
 to Sir William St. John and Sir Edward Villiers, se- 
 cured their influence with the King, and threw open 
 the gates of the Tower.* The Guiana project had 
 continued to occupy his mind throughout his long 
 imprisonment, and as soon as he was released, he 
 prepared to prosecute it with unabated vigor. By 
 submitting to great sacrifices, he succeeded in raising 
 the funds necessary to equip a fleet, and upon the 
 28th March, 1617, he set sail on his last Guiana 
 expedition. Before going into the details of this 
 unfortunate voyage, it is proper to examine very 
 briefly, one of the slanders of the period, which 
 charged that Ralegh himself did not believe in the 
 existence of the mines of Guiana. From this impu- 
 
 * Obs. on Sanderson's Hist, of King James, vol. 4, p. 10. Oldys, p. 192. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 51 
 
 tation we think he can be fully relieved. The ad- 
 ventures and successes of Columbus^ Pizarro and 
 Cortez^ had prepared the European mind to believe 
 many of the marvels which were narrated in connec- 
 tion with Guiana; and the previous, and contempo- 
 raneous Spanish histories, teemed with accounts of 
 the riches of the country, and of hundreds of cava- 
 liers of rank and consideration, who had adventured 
 life and fortune, in vain efforts to reach the City of 
 Manoa.^ The astute Cecil, the intelligent High 
 Admiral, Howard, and the cautious men of trade, 
 who assisted Ralegh in his enterprises, by furnishing 
 both money and ships; seemed to have been im- 
 pressed by these reports, and thought them worthy 
 of credence. 
 
 About this time also, certain documents were laid 
 before the Privy Council, which Captain Popham, 
 had taken from a Spanish vessel. They were letters 
 directed to the Governor of San Lucar, and the 
 King of Spain, giving full accounts of the abundance 
 of gold in Guiana, and urging extensive operations 
 in that country.f The reports of Captains Keymis 
 and Whiddon; the evidence of his own senses, in 
 the mines which he himself saw in Guiana, and the 
 yield of the ore which he brought home, and had 
 assayed in London; sufficiently satisfied the mind of 
 Ralegh, and certainly* warranted him in coming to 
 
 * See Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 687, 692. Also Appendix to 2cl Caylcy, p. 358, in 
 which a summary of these efforts is given, with the names of the most con- 
 spicuous of the adventurers. 
 
 t Ilakluyt, vol. 3, p. 662. Birch, vol. 1, p. 236. App. to 2 Caylcy, p. 307, 
 where these letters are given in full. 
 
 8 
 
52 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 the conclusions which influenced his subsequent 
 movements. 
 
 With these grounds for behef^ his after conduct^ 
 clearly establishes his sincerity. From the moment 
 the great scheme first possessed his mind^, he had 
 despatched successive expeditions to conciliate the 
 natives^ explore the country^ and collect information. 
 Even in the Tower^ his favorite project engaged his 
 attention^ and hardly was he released^ before we find 
 him devoting all his energies to its prosecution. 
 
 In these preparations, he expended the eight 
 thousand pounds which the King had allowed him 
 for Sherbourne, and sold his service of plate ; while 
 his wife parted with a house at Mitcham, held in her 
 own right, to swell his resources.* In addition to all 
 this, there is a piece of testimony on record in the 
 Harleian MSS., which concludes the question of his 
 sincerity. This is the draft of an agreement between 
 Ralegh and the Government, drawn up by him, 
 while yet a prisoner in the Tower. The principal 
 feature of this instrument is a condition, that, "if 
 
 * The conduct of King James in this matter was exceedingly unjust and 
 contemptible. ThQ estate of Sherbourne had been settled by Ralegh on his 
 eldest son, and notwithstanding the attainder, the King allowed his prisoner to 
 enjoy a life interest in it. The King's favorite. Car, better known as the 
 Earl of Somerset, determined to get possession of Sherbourne, and Ralegh's 
 deed of conveyance to his son having been submitted to the examination of 
 Chief Justice Popham, who detected an omission of one or two words, which 
 he owned was caused by the inattention of the clerk who engrossed the deed ; 
 advantage was taken of the inaccuracy, and Car obtained Sherbourne of the 
 King. The loss to Ralegh and his family was a severe one, and he addressed 
 a very touching letter to Car, setting forth the hardship and injustice of the act, 
 and the lady Ralegh, accompanied by her cliildren, supplicated the King on 
 her knees, but the only answer of James was : " / mun have, the land; Imun 
 have it for Car." He subsequently allowed Ralegh £8000 — in full for the 
 estate, ivhich was worth £5000 per annum. Sec App. to Cayley, p. 386. 
 Birch's Collections. Cayley, vol. 2, pp, 41—52. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 53 
 
 Keymis^ after being guarded to the place^ [the site of 
 the mines] shall fail to bring to England half a ton^ 
 or as much more as he can take up^ of that slate gold 
 ore^ whereof I have given a sample; then all the 
 charge of the journey shall be laid upon me^ hy me to 
 he satisfied : but should half a ton be brought homey I 
 am to have my liberty^ and in the mean time my 
 pardon^ under the great seal^ is to be lodged in his 
 Majesty's hand^ till the end of the journey.''*' It 
 would have been difficult for Ralegh to have given 
 more conclusive proof of the sincerity of his con- 
 victions upon this subject, than is here furnished. 
 
 When Ralegh reached the Oronoko, he was too ill 
 to head the expedition to the mines, and was forced 
 to entrust the command to Captain Keymis, to whom 
 he gave very full and cautious instructions. When 
 Keymis landed, he found that a strong Spanish force 
 was posted between him and the mines, and in 
 endeavoring to win his way, a conflict ensued, which 
 resulted in his taking possession of the town of St. 
 Thome. A large body of Spaniards placed them- 
 selves in ambuscade on the road, and Keymis, who 
 seems to have been afraid to assume the responsi- 
 bility of further hostilities, determined to give up 
 the enterprise, and return to the ships. Ralegh, 
 incensed at his failure, bitterly reproached him for 
 his disobedience of orders, and the subordinate, in a 
 fit of mortification, committed suicide. As the time 
 appeared untoward for the further prosecution of his 
 schemes, Ralegh repaired to Newfoundland with his 
 fleet, to refit, purposing, as there is abundant reason 
 to conclude, to make another effort to reach the 
 
 * Brit. Mus. Hail. MSS., 3f), p, 340. 
 
54 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 mines^ and close his voyage with success. While at 
 Newfoundland, a portion of his crew became muti- 
 nous, and he sailed for England. Prior to his re- 
 turn, however, Don Diego cle Sarmientos, better 
 known as the Count Gondomar, had complained to 
 the King of Ralegh's conduct in Guiana, as a breach 
 of the peace with Spain, and denounced him as a 
 pirate; and James, who was ready to do anything, 
 in his eagerness to promote the Spanish match, 
 issued a Proclamation commanding the arrest of Ra- 
 legh, and within a month after he reached England, 
 he was once more committed to the Tower.* 
 
 The " Declaration " published by the King imme- 
 diately after the execution of Ralegh, and which 
 was written for the double purpose of blackening 
 his memory and justifying the conduct of James; 
 charges that Ralegh had violated his commission, 
 and made war upon the Spaniards in Guiana, of 
 whose settlements there the King declares himself to 
 have been entirely ignorant when the commission was 
 granted. It further accuses him of intending a pi- 
 ratical cruise, and pronounces his propositions in 
 reference to the mines, to be mere subterfuges. As 
 we find the most serious of these charges reiterated 
 in the Edinburg Review, to which we have already 
 alluded; and as that article is calculated to affect in- 
 juriously, and we think unjustly, the character of 
 Ralegh ; we prefer to examine them in that connec- 
 tion, rather than to review the King's "Declaration," 
 which abounds with mis-statements, and is written 
 throughout in an unfair spirit. It is necessary, how- 
 
 * Oklys, pp. 203 to 209. 2 Cayley. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 55 
 
 ever, in connection with one or two matters^ to refer 
 to this joint production of Bacon and James. The 
 ^^Declaration" states distinctly^ that the King was 
 ignorant of the existence of the Spanish settlements 
 in Guiana^ and in fact that he did not know upon what 
 particular portion of the coast^ Ralegh intended to 
 land. Now unfortunately for the veracity of the 
 King, it is in evidence, that while Ralegh was still in 
 the Tower: James was informed by Gondomar^ that 
 a relative of his had gone out from Spain, to plant a 
 colony upon the very spot, at which Ralegh intended 
 to operate! And in addition to this, before the expe- 
 dition sailed from England, the King had demanded 
 from Ralegh, a letter, called '' a close letter, ^^ which 
 contained the most explicit details, not only of the 
 route which Ralegh meant to take; but also the loca- 
 tion of the mines, the precise point at which he pro- 
 posed to land, and the whole outhne of his projected 
 operations in Guiana! This letter, James pledged 
 ^^ his kingly word," should be kept secret ; and yet 
 before Ralegh set sail, it had been handed by the per- 
 jured King to Gondomar, and was on its way to the 
 Court of Spain .'"* 
 
 The writer in the Edinburg Review maintains 
 that the attack upon the town of St. Thome, was an 
 
 * Howell's Letters, p. 869. Thomson, p. 219. 2 Cayley, p. 81. OMys, 
 194, 196, 206. It is asserted by some authors, that the commission which was 
 published by the King in connection with his "Declaration," differs materially 
 from the original given to Ralegh, and "that several strong words are left out." 
 The inference is perfectly fair, that if it suited James to omit words, in order to 
 w^eaken Ralegh's defence ; he would have no difficulty in accordance with his 
 views of "kingcraft," in inserting others to strengthen the case against him. 
 See Rapin Hist. Eng. Ralegh's Remains, Edition of 1651. Thomson, p. 219. 
 James affirms that the Privy Seal, only, was affixed to the commission, but 
 Ralegh speaks of it as being under the Great Seal ! 
 
66 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 unjustifiable act on the part of Ralegh^ and while he 
 holds that ^^ it is impossible to justify his insincerity, 
 and preconceived hostilities;" he does not appear to 
 be very fully convinced of Ralegh's guilt in the mat- 
 ter, and urges the peculiar opinions of the day in 
 palliation of his conduct. He further asserts that 
 Ralegh knew, '^ that if he informed the King that 
 there was a Spanish settlement in the quarter where 
 the mines were situated, he would not have been 
 permitted to approach it, and that he therefore con- 
 cealed the fact, and deceived the King in this impor- 
 tant particular.^' Now it has been shewn that no 
 deception whatever, was practised in the matter; for 
 in the ^^ close letter '' already alluded to, Ralegh had 
 given minutely the details of his enterprise, and the 
 King was fully aware, that the Spaniards had made 
 a settlement upon the very spot where he intended 
 to land, from the communication of Gondomar; even 
 if the letter itself did not apprise him of the fact: 
 and we think that an examination of the authorities 
 will convince any one, that all the ^^ deception" 
 that marked the transaction, is chargeable upon the 
 King, rather than Ralegh. As to the attack upon 
 the town of St. Thome, we think that there is more 
 force in ^^the peculiar views" of the period, than 
 the Edinburg attaches to them. The doctrine that 
 the peace did not extend beyond the Equator, and 
 that according to the usages of nations at that time, 
 the hostilities in Guiana were no infringement of 
 it; seems to have been regarded as sound, even by 
 Hume, who attempts to excuse the revival of the 
 old sentence against Ralegh, upon the ground that 
 he could not have been condemned for the infrac- 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 57 
 
 tion of the peace, in consequence of the prevalence 
 and recognized force, of the very views which Ra- 
 legh urges in defence of his conduct. Again — 
 the hostihties were commenced by the Spaniards 
 themselves. They were the first infractors of the 
 peace. Ralegh had an undoubted right to land in 
 Guiana. His commission contemplated the working 
 of the mines upon the very spot where the hostili- 
 ties occurred. His authority to undertake the en- 
 terprise was based upon the agreement between the 
 King and himself, which has heretofore been quoted; 
 and from occupation^ the English had derived as 
 good a title to that portion of Guiana as the Span- 
 iards. The instructions given to Keymis before 
 the expedition left Punta de Gallo, for the Oronoko; 
 shew conclusively, that Ralegh had not, as the 
 Edinburg charges, '^ a settled design to capture St. 
 Thome," for they were drawn up with great care, 
 and provide as far as it was possible for Ralegh to do 
 so, against collision with any Spanish force which 
 Keymis might meet ; and direct him to pursue a dis- 
 tant and circuitous route to the mines, for the very 
 purpose of avoiding conflict. The disobedience of 
 Keymis, was a matter beyond the control of Ralegh, 
 and for the consequences of which we think it is 
 very unfair to hold him responsible ; and in addition 
 to this, the collision itself would probably never have 
 occurred, had not James violated his ^^ kingly word," 
 and communicated the plans of Ralegh to the govern- 
 ment ot Spain. 
 
 The next charge which the Edinburgh advances 
 against Ralegh, is, that ^^ piracy was in his imme- 
 diate view." In order to examine this charge fairly, 
 
58 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 it is necessary to refer particularly to the conduct of 
 Ralegh from the moment he left Guiana^ until he 
 returned to England. After the failure of the enter- 
 prise entrusted to Keymis^ the position of affairs was 
 such as to render a renewal of the attempt at that 
 time^ unadvisable^ if not impossible. The Spaniards 
 were on the alert^ guarding the passages to the mines, 
 and prepared for resistance. Their fleet was daily 
 expected upon the coast. The illness under which 
 Ralegh had been laboring from the moment of his 
 arrival, was too violent to allow him to take that 
 active part, which the state of things so imperatively 
 demanded ; and to fill the measure of his misfortune, 
 many of his captains, and a large portion of his crew, 
 had become disaffected and turbulent. A council of 
 war was held, and it was determined that the fleet 
 should repair to Newfoundland to refit. When they 
 arrived there, the disaffection reached its height, and 
 broke out into open mutiny. A large number of his 
 men, insisted that Ralegh should take an oath ^^ not 
 to go home but by their allowance," while the other 
 portion were for immediate return. Ralegh put the 
 question to vote, and sided with those who wished 
 to return to England; and his biographer states, 
 that '' his voting upon either side was attended with 
 manifest danger of his hfe.''* Let us now examine 
 the charge of ^' intended piracy.'^ Both from Gui- 
 ana, and from St. Christophers, Ralegh had been 
 obliged to send home many of his oflicers and men, 
 on account of their vileness of character and turbu- 
 lence of conduct. To some of these he had behaved 
 
 * Oldys, p. 208. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 59 
 
 with great generosity, and yet knowing, as he diclj 
 that they were a base set, "good for nothing, 
 neither by sea nor land;*' he wrote to his wife from 
 St. Christophers, on the 22nd of March : " / know 
 they will not spare to wound me. There is never so 
 base a slave in the fleet, that hath taken the pains 
 and care that I have done ; that hath slept so httle 
 and travailed so much ; my friends will not beheve 
 them, and for the rest I care not." 
 
 The position in which Ralegh was placed at New- 
 foundland, and the course of conduct which he 
 decided to adopt, have a very important connection 
 with any theory as to his probable ulterior views. 
 That he was sincere in his belief of the existence of 
 the mines, and the great wealth of Guiana, cannot be 
 doubted. That the successful termination of his 
 enterprise was of paramount importance to him, is 
 equally certain. Whh it his position at Court, his 
 future career, his private interest, and the gratifica- 
 tion of one of the most cherished aspirations of his 
 life were indissolubly connected. A man of indomi- 
 table energy, of great personal courage, and unwa- 
 vering firmness of character; it may safely be 
 assumed that the obstacles which turned him from 
 his path, were insurmountable. The failure of Key- 
 mis did not necessarily imply the flulure of Ralegh. 
 The spirit of his men, and his own illness precluded 
 him from making any effort while upon the coast, to 
 redeem the error of his subordinate. Who can 
 doubt that when he sailed for Newfoundland, it was 
 with the full assurance in his own mind, that he 
 would return with his ships refitted, and his crews 
 inspired with something of his own spirit, to make 
 9 
 
60 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 another and a successful effort to reach the mines. 
 Men Hke Columbus and Ralegh^ in such emergencies 
 rely justly upon the suasion of moral and intellectual 
 superiority. The crews which sailed from the 
 Oronoko^ dispirited and mutinous^ might spread their 
 sails to the returning winds^ with brave and willing 
 hearts^ and under the guidance of such a leader, win 
 at last their splendid goal. But how did the case 
 stand when he reached Newfoundland ? His crews 
 were almost equally divided in opinion. The one 
 portion evidently looked to piracy ; the other looked 
 to England ; none turned toward Guiana. What 
 could he do under such circumstances ? Even if he 
 had succeeded in inducing those who wished to 
 exact an oath ^^ that he would only go home on their 
 allowance/^ to make another effort in Guiana ; what 
 success could he have looked for.? His whole force 
 was scarcely sufficient ; it would have been madness 
 to have returned with but half, and that, the most 
 abandoned and turbulent. It was evident, that any 
 further attempt upon the mines, was, under such 
 circumstances, impossible. That idea abandoned, 
 two alternatives were presented to Ralegh. If he 
 was indeed a brave and honorable man, dealing in 
 good faith with his Sovereign and his own character, 
 the opportunity was presented to return to England. 
 If on the contrary he was full of disaffection and 
 treasonable thoughts, and intended to become a 
 pirate ; it was within his option to begin that career 
 at once, under favorable circumstances. Is not the 
 fact that he decided to return to England, ^' to put 
 his head under the King's girdle ;'' a powerful argu- 
 ment against the charge of intended piracy ? What 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 6\ 
 
 course could he possibly have adopted , better calcu- 
 lated to shew the true greatness of his character and 
 the conscious integrity of his intentions ? 
 
 With this preliminary statement, we proceed to 
 examine the evidence by which the writer in the 
 Edinburgh Review seeks to substantiate this serious 
 charge. The first piece of evidence which he ad- 
 duces is a letter which would seem to be now for the 
 first time published, written by Captain Parker, who 
 was one of the captains in the expedition, under 
 Keymis.* After alluding to the landing near St. 
 Thomas, and the conduct of Key mis, whom he 
 grossly abuses, the writer proceeds; "We have 
 divided ourselves already ; Captains Whitney and 
 Wollaston are consorted to look for homeward-bound 
 men. The admiral and vice-admiral will for New- 
 foundland to re-victual, and after, to the Western 
 Islands to look for homeward-bound men. For my 
 part, by the permission of God, / will make a voyage^ 
 or bury myself in the sea.^^ From this letter, the 
 writer in the Edinburgh, concludes, that, "no one 
 who peruses it, can doubt that Ralegh before he left 
 England had resolved to take forcible possession of 
 St. Thomas ; and that the failure as to the mines, 
 was followed by a resolution to which he was a party, 
 to seek indemnification in a piratical onset upon the 
 Spanish colonial shipping. " From these conclusions 
 we dissent altogether. That portion of the letter 
 which alludes to the assault " upon the town, '^ gives 
 none of the particulars of the conflict ; and we have 
 already shewn upon other, and unquestioned au- 
 
 * There is no such name as Parker in the list of Ralegh's captains. There 
 was a captain Barker however, and we suppose that this is a typographical 
 error. 
 
62 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 thority^ that the hostilities originated with the Spa- 
 niards themselves. The statement of Captain Barker^ 
 as to the subsequent division of the fleet for piratical 
 purposes^ is calculated by its language and tone to 
 excite suspicion^ and it is not sustained either by the 
 admitted facts, or by corroborative testimony. If the 
 division which is here spoken of, was indeed made ; 
 how does it happen that we immediately afterward 
 find the whole of Ralegh's fleet sailing for Newfound- 
 land ? a measure so important as a deliberate plan of 
 attack upon the '^^homeward-bound men, " would not 
 have been determined, without full and cautious 
 deliberation ; indeed, the division of the force which 
 is so confidently stated to have been made, would 
 seem to have been the result of a council of officers. 
 If this were so, the supplies and wants of the fleet 
 were well known at the moment of the deliberation, 
 and there was no necessity that all the ships should 
 repair to Newfoundland. But the great difficulty 
 which we have in the case, consists in the fact; that, 
 out of thirteen captains ^ ivho commanded vessels in the 
 expedition of Ralegh^ no single individual^ hut this 
 Captain Barker^ should he cognizant of the important 
 wMters stated in his letter! Can it be conceived^ 
 that it should have been determined to attack the 
 Spanish colonial shipping ; to sweep the seas, under 
 the flag of an avowed piracy; and to change an 
 enterprize which had been undertaken with lofty 
 motives, and for the national glory, into a marauding 
 cruise ; and these twelve captains, who were to be 
 the agents and assistants of the admiral in this design, 
 have known nothing whatever of the matter ! Can it 
 be believed, that ^' Wollaston and Whitney were con- 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 63 
 
 sorted to look for homewarcl-bouncl men/' and the 
 vice-admiral appointed to touch first at Newfound- 
 land to re-victual^ and ^^ then to the Western Islands 
 to look for homeward-bound men ; " and the fact 
 never have been substantiated by the testimomj of these 
 witnesses! Can it be believed that a matter of such 
 magnitude as this deliberate division of his fleet^ for 
 a purpose^ in direct violation of existing laws^ and 
 entailing the severest penalties; could have been 
 made or acquiesced in^ by Ralegh^ and but one 
 solitary voice have been raised to expose him ? Was 
 not the ear of James quick enough^ to catch the mur- 
 murs which from discontented crevvs^ and disaffected 
 officers went up against one who knew^ '^ they would 
 not spare to wound him ? '^ Was not the eye of 
 James able to discover a single witness who could 
 testify as to this conclusive act of guilt upon the part 
 of the man the king hated^ and whom he was so 
 anxious to destroy ? Can any mind conceive it pos- 
 sible that this mass of evidence should have been in 
 existence against Ralegh, and nothing have been di- 
 vulged but the letter of Captain Barker (now for the 
 first time given to the world) and the unexplained 
 statement of the admission made in the presence of 
 St. Leger and Pennington .^ 
 
 With a very brief reference to the evidence brought 
 forward by the Edinburgh to- confirm the charge of 
 piracy, we leave the subject. The anecdote which 
 is reported by Wilson, may be characteristic, but we 
 confess that we cannot bring ourselves to attach much 
 importance to anything which comes from so ques- 
 tionable a source. The Reviewer further relies upon 
 passages in certain of Ralegh's letters, as shewing 
 
64 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 clearly what were his ulterior designs. The first of 
 these declarationSj occurs in a letter from Ralegh to 
 his wife^ in which he says^ ^^ he trusts that God will 
 send them somewhat before their return." Taken 
 with the context^ we are unable to twist this passage 
 into anything piratical^ and really suppose it to refer 
 to a renewal of the attempt on the mines^ under bet- 
 ter auspices. The other extract declares^ that he has 
 ^^ four reasonable good ships left^ and that^ with them 
 he could keep the sea until August. '' In reference 
 to this statement; we think it necessary simply to say ; 
 that it occurs in a letter addressed by Ralegh to Sir 
 Ralph Winwoody then the Secretary of State ^ and is 
 rather an official report of his proceedings, than a 
 private letter ; and it is scarcely likely that he would 
 have made a piratical purpose the subject matter of an 
 epistle evidently meant for the eye of the King, 
 
 The return of Ralegh to England, under circum- 
 stances which were certain to involve him in great 
 danger, is a matter which occasioned much surprise 
 among his contemporaries, and has since been a 
 fruitful theme of discussion. The Edinburgh, cannot 
 admit the possibility of its having been a voluntary 
 act on the part of Ralegh, and professes to disbelieve 
 the explanation which is adopted by Mr. Jardine. 
 That his return was ^Woluntary,'' seems to us quite 
 credible, as there is no evidence whatever of any 
 coercion having been employed to bring him home. 
 In fact, we have already shewn that at Newfoundland 
 he voted for an immediate return. Besides this, his 
 setting out for London, as soon as he heard of the 
 Proclamation, and in advance of the arrest by Stuck- 
 ley; the voluntary surrender of his person, and more 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 65 
 
 than all, his refusing to avail himself of the oppor- 
 tunity of escape to France, which Captain King had 
 provided ; shew not only that his return was volun- 
 tary, but that some high motive had induced it. But 
 why should he not return to England.? True, he 
 had failed in his enterprise. That was attributable 
 more to the conduct of the King and the insubor- 
 dinate character of his crews, than to any act of his 
 own. His wife and family were in England. — 
 Where else should he go? The Edinburgh inti- 
 mates, upon the authority of Demarest, that his 
 intention was to have gone over to France and 
 offered his service to that monarch. Ralegh abso- 
 lutely denies ever having entertained such an idea. 
 We believe Ralegh. We cannot think that he who 
 by the toil of a long life had builded up a great 
 reputation, and who was connected with all that 
 was illustrious in the reign of such a monarch as 
 Elizabeth, could by an act either of treachery or cow- 
 ardice, prove recreant to himself, and consent to 
 sully the name he had won. But the statement 
 which is made by Carew in his letter to James 
 Howell, and which Mr. Jardine adopts, throws light 
 upon the matter. It appears, "that when Ralegh 
 sailed from England, the Earls Pembroke and Arun- 
 del, made themselves responsible to the King for 
 his return ; and his re-appearance is to be attributed 
 to his determination to release them from their obli- 
 gation.''* This is a theory entirely consistent with the 
 view we have endeavored to present of the charac- 
 ter of Ralegh, and with it we take our leave of the 
 vexed question. 
 
 * See Howell's Familiai- Letters. 
 
66 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 In his progress from Plymouth to London^ Ralegh 
 was in custody, and closely watched by Sir Lewis 
 Stuckley, and a French quack^ named Manourie, 
 whom the King attached to his person in the cha- 
 racter of spies. While James had fully determined 
 to sacrifice his great subject to the enmity of Spain,^ 
 he was very much perplexed as to the manner in 
 which his favorite object could be accomplished, 
 without an act of bold tyranny, from which his timid 
 nature shrank in alarm. He does not appear to have 
 doubted that Ralegh would repair to London, and 
 submit himself to the royal will ; but he sent down 
 these agents to accompany him, in order to secure 
 through their instrumentality, a decent pretext for 
 the course which he had determined to pursue. 
 The spies who surrounded Ralegh, noted every 
 look, word and action, of their illustrious prisoner. 
 They persuaded him to attempt an escape; aided 
 him up to the last moment, and then betrayed him. 
 They stood at his bedside in the Tower. The 
 unguarded exclamations of an injured man; the 
 honest indignation of a betrayed subject ; the sor- 
 rowful reflections of a maligned spirit ; the breath- 
 ings of hope, the accents of despair, and the words 
 of supplication, were repeated to the ears of the 
 eager King. But it was all vain. Ralegh spoke no 
 
 * This determination on the part of the King, is made fully apparent from a 
 letter addressed soon after the execution of Ralegh, by one of the officers of 
 state, to an Agent in Spain ; in which the Agent is directed to urge upon that 
 Court : " in how many ways of late, the King hath strained upon the affections 
 of his people, and especially in this last concerning Sir Walter Ralegh ; and 
 further to let them know, how able a man Sir Walter Ralegh was to have done 
 his Majesty service, yet to give them content, he hath not spared him, when by 
 doing so he might have given great satisfaction to his people, and had at com- 
 mand upon all occasions as useful a man as served any Prince in Christen- 
 dom." Letter to Mr. Cottington, See Rusworth's Coll. 2 Cayley, 178. 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 67 
 
 treason. He revealed no secret of his hearty no 
 action of his life^ which justified the warrant of his 
 death. It became necessary to resort to other means 
 to entrap him. James was full of expedients. He 
 was just the King for such an emergency. He 
 directed that Lady Ralegh should be confined in her 
 house^ and encouraged to. communicate freely with 
 her imprisoned husband^ and the dastardly mon- 
 arch gloated over the intercepted letters^ striving to 
 extract treason from the language of love, and 
 make the confiding wife the instrument of her hus- 
 band's ruin !* But even this scheme failed, and he 
 was at last forced to throw off* the mask, and resort 
 to an act of high handed outrage, which even Hiimey 
 could not justify. This teas the revival of the old 
 sentence! A writ of Privy Seal was despatched to 
 the Judges, commanding them to order its execution. 
 They shrank from the flagrant injustice. They 
 declared that neither the writ of Privy Seal, nor even 
 a warrant under the Great Seal, could authorise 
 them, after so long an interval of time, to execute 
 the sentence, without first affording the prisoner an 
 opportunity of pleading in person against it; and 
 they resolved to bring him to the bar by a writ of 
 habeas corpus, to answer why execution should not 
 be awarded against him.f The King approved of 
 this course, and without a pause, Ralegh was borne 
 from a sick bed, with a burning fever raging in his 
 veins, to the bar at Westminster. 
 
 '^ What have you to say why execution should not 
 
 * Tytler, p, 350. f 2 Cay ley, 147 to 156. Tyller, 352 to 351, Oldys, 225. 
 
 10 
 
68 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 be awarded against you/' demanded the clerk of the 
 crown. 
 
 " My voice hath grown weak^ from my late sick- 
 ness^ '' said Ralegh ; ^^and an ague that I have on me 
 at this instant ; I pray you to give me the rehef of a 
 pen and ink. " 
 
 ^^You speak audibly enough/' quoth the Chief 
 Justice; and in tones trembling from his sickness, 
 Ralegh proceeded with his defence. 
 
 " He hoped that the Judgment he received to die 
 so long since, would not now be strained to take away 
 his life ; since by his majesty's commission for his late 
 voyage, it was impHed to be restored, in giving him 
 power as marshal over the Hves of others; and since 
 he undertook that voyage to honor his sovereign, and 
 to enrich his country with gold, of the ore whereof, 
 this hand hath found and taken, in Guiana. " 
 
 A most excellent defence ; for before he went 
 upon that expedition, he w^as offered a full pardon for 
 a further bribe of £700, but Sir Francis Bacon, the 
 Lord Chancellor of the realm^ said : " Sir ! the knee 
 timber of your voyage, is money. Spare your 
 purse in this particular, for upon my life^ you have 
 a sufficient pardon for all that is past, already ; the 
 king having under his broad seal^ made you Admiral 
 of your fleety and given ijou power of martial law 
 over your officers and men ! " Vain reasoning ! Sir 
 Francis Bacon was a Lawyer ; but James I. was a 
 King ! 
 
 From the Judgment Hall to the scaffold, was but a 
 stride. The warrant of death was already signed; 
 the ink had dried upon it, before the execution was 
 awarded, and the very next day, without even a 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 69 
 
 decent interval for the settlement of his affairs^ the 
 sad farewells of human love^ or the supplication for 
 divine mercy ; the fearful tragedy was hurried on to 
 its bloody catastrophe. Ralegh met his fate with the 
 spirit of a soldier^ the calm courage of a man^ and 
 the lofty faith of a Christian. After addressing those 
 whom the occasion had assembled^ in a speech which 
 breathes a truthful^ as well as a noble spirit^ he pre- 
 pared himself for death. The morning being cold^ 
 the sheriff offered to bring him from the scaffold to the 
 fire^ that he might warm himself before he said his 
 prayers^ but he answered ; ^^no^ good Mr. Sheriff^ let 
 us despatch ; for within this quarter of an hour^ my 
 ague will come upon me^ and if I he not dead before 
 that J mine enemies will saij^ 1 quake with fear ! He 
 then knelt^ and was for a long time absorbed in prayer^ 
 when rising from his knees^ he drew himself up to 
 his full height^ and raising his clasped hands toward 
 heaven^ exclaimed; '^'now I am going to GodP^ 
 After embracing the executioner^ and giving him his 
 forgiveness^ he entreated him not to strike until he 
 gave him a token^ and then^, ^^to strike home." 
 When he laid down^ the headsman directed him to 
 turn his face toward the east; he answered, "no 
 matter how the head lie^, so the heart he right. " For 
 some time he seemed rapt in prayer, and then he 
 gave the sign; which the headsman not observing, 
 he cried out, " strike^ man ; '' and with these brave 
 words yet trembling on his lips, the head of the noble 
 victim, rolled from the block ! ''*' 
 
 Our sketch of the career of Sir Walter Ralegh is 
 finished. While we confess our high admiration for 
 
 * Tytler, 364. 2 Cayley, 171. Oldys, 230. 
 
70 SIR WALTER RALEGH. 
 
 his character^ we have endeavoured to be perfectly 
 fair in our narration^ and just in our estimate of his 
 motives and conduct. In regard to some of the 
 actions of his Hfe, a difference of opinion always has, 
 and perhaps always will, exist. The evidence which 
 satisfies one mind, is frequently insufficient to con- 
 vince another, and while we consider the results to 
 which we have arrived, fully justified by the authori- 
 ties which we have cited, and the course of argument 
 pursued ; others may very probably adopt a different 
 conclusion. All must admit however, that he was an 
 extraordinary man, uniting in a wonderful degree 
 those rare, and various qualities which make up a 
 great character. We are very far from claiming for 
 him, perfection. His occupations and course of life, 
 were calculated to develope prominently, the frailties 
 which are inseparable from our nature; and it is 
 greatly to his praise, that under the circumstances in 
 which he was placed, the finger of censure, can point 
 to so few of the actions of his long and eventful 
 career, which are deserving of reprehension. Edu- 
 cated in the camp ; thrown in the flush of his youth 
 into the lap of a luxurious and corrupt court; leading 
 the life of a soldier, a sailor, an adventurer, and a 
 courtier; it was scarcely possible that he should 
 wholly escape the soiling influence of vice, or rise 
 superior to the weakness of humanity. His nobler 
 characteristics however, far outnumber the unworthy, 
 and fairly viewed, his character is as deserving of 
 admiration, as his career is suggestive of interest. 
 
 His capacities were large and versatile — his judg- 
 ment strong — his perception acute, and his fancy 
 vivid and restless. As a soldier, he was skilful, 
 
SIR WALTER RALEGH. 71 
 
 chivalric and brave. As a statesman^ his views were 
 sound, his policy enlightened, and his course digni- 
 fied and patriotic. As an orator, he was nervous, ve- 
 hement and effective. As a historian, he was phil- 
 osophical and laborious. As a scholar, elegant and 
 accomplished ; and as a poet, pleasing and graceful. 
 From his letters to his wife, we are justified in attri- 
 buting to him those qualities of heart, which adorn 
 the intercourse of private hfe; for while they are 
 models of style, they breathe a delicacy of feeling, 
 and a depth of affection, which prove him to have 
 been a refined gentleman, and a true man.^ In 
 all the traits of his character, and the actions of 
 his life, he compares favorably with the men who 
 dignified the remarkable - age in which he lived; 
 and while history has assigned to him an illustrious 
 position in the annals of the past, he will ever enlist 
 the sympathy, and challenge the admiration, of the 
 future. 
 
 See 2 Cayley, pp. 33, 49, 66, 78, 117, 173. 
 

 
 
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