THE LIBRARY OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA 
 
 FROM THE LIBRARY OF 
 
 ALEXANDER B. ANDREWS 
 
 Class of 1893 
 
 TRUSTEE OF THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 FRIEND OF THE LIBRARY 
 
 C3£9 
 P4-2. 
 
 S98 c4 
 
UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 
 
 00023501195 
 
 This book may be kept out one month unless a recall 
 notice is sent to you. It must be brought to the North 
 Carolina Collection (in Wilson Library) for renewal. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 
 
 http://archive.org/details/peoplespartyhandOOpopu 
 

 
 
PEOPLE'S PARTY 
 
 HAND-BOOK 
 
 OF 
 
 FACTS. 
 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1898, 
 
 ISSUED BY THE 
 
 STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OFTHEIPEOPLE'S PARTY 
 OF NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 • • • m 
 
 
 RALEIGH: 
 
 Capital Printing Company, Printers and Binders. 
 
 1898. 
 

FACTS. 
 
 of 
 
 The People's Party State's Central Committee recently issued a little pamphlet 
 headed by the question, "Is the Democratic Party Honest?" The contents of 
 that pamphlet have convinced those who have read it that the Democratic machine 
 is thoroughly dishonest in its professions, and this pamphlet will establish the fact 
 that the same party machine is unqualifiedly dishonest :n its practice. It will 
 show that the accession to power of the Democratic party, as at present organized, 
 managed and controlled, is fraught with danger, dishonor and degradation to the 
 people of the State, and will convince every honest citizen who reviews the state- 
 ments herein made, that it is his duty to bend his efforts and energies in every 
 honorable and legitimate way to save the State from such disastrous conditions. 
 
 This assertion may appear to be violent, and it may appear to show evidence of 
 a spiteful, partisan spirit, but all such appearances will be removed by a review of 
 the statements set forth. 
 
 It is but fair and just to say in the outset, th.at the masses of voters who have 
 been affiliating with the Democratic party have always been deceived by their party 
 machine in t-wo ways, viz. : The failure of the Democratic press to tell the truth, and 
 its persistency in inventing and circulating the most outrageous and villainous lies 
 that the genius of an organized liar can invent. There has never been any adequate 
 means in North Carolina tor exposing its general, fraudulent, lying character, but" 
 the truth has been gradually forcing its way to the front for nearly six years, arid 
 as fast as ( it has dawned on the honest voters, they have denounced and deserted' 
 the Democratic party until there is nothing left of it but its plundering machine 
 and those who have, not yet seen the light. The people are to be congratulated 
 that the number ihat has "not yet seen the light" is growing beautifully less every 
 day. For this number there is hope and sympathy, and at no time are these to be 
 regarded as subjects of the criticism which will appear in this pamphlet against 
 the Democratic machine. The fraud, dishonesty and low scoundrelism of this 
 machine are what deserve denunciation. Nothing can justly be said against the 
 voter who has been deceived and blinded up to this time, even though it may' 
 appear that he is to blame for bemg so stupid as to permit himself to be deceived 
 and blinded for so long. It is certain, however, that when the trickery and knavery 
 of the machine shall appear to him, he will quickly follow those who have spurned 
 it and left it. 
 
 THE "ISSUE" RAISED BY THE DEMOCRATIC MACHINE. 
 
 An elaborate and detailed review of the action and procedure of the Democratic 
 party would be more voluminous than it is proposed to make this little document. 
 It can be asserted, however, that for the present campaign, the Democratic manipu- 
 lators, who have, through their National and State Conventions, made vociferous 
 declarations and professions in favor of various reforms, have, as the initial move- 
 ment of their campaign for 1S9S, completely and entirely ignored every profession 
 heretofore made, have abandoned all discussion of every principle heretofore 
 declared for, and have taken as a basis for their every action the old cry of "nigger." 
 
 00 
 vj 
 
 00 
 
 ~4L 
 
This party has lost all hope of ever being able to convince the intelligent citizen 
 and virtuous voter that there is any truthfulness or honesty in it, and as a last, 
 desperate resort and despairing effort, has undertaken to arouse the wildest preju- 
 dice and fiercest passions of men and citizens toward one another, with the hope 
 that they may gain by lving, lawlessness and riot, what they can never attain by 
 argument, reason, record and truth. 
 
 In a State populated by two races, there is a possibility of some succ ess in an 
 effort to incite lawlessness and riot, not -so much by making appeals for it as by a 
 cowardly, sneaky, secret procedure of hiring individuals or sets of individuals to 
 begin such riots. In the Staie of North Carolina the relations between the races pop- 
 ulating it are always rational and amicable unless inflamed by just such a vicious 
 and infamous course as is now being pursued by the Democratic press and the man- 
 agers of the Democratic party. It is safe to say that there has never been in the 
 State of North Carolina an instance of racial antagonism, unless it was inspired by 
 these last named agencies, and it may be asserted with all safety, that in nearly all 
 cases in which a negro has made assumptions, either politically or socially, in such 
 way as to be repulsive to the Caucasian race, it has been at the instigatian of some 
 low, venal, white wretch, acting as the tool of Democratic party wire-pullers. 
 
 Does this appear to be a violent or exaggerated statement ? Well, do not take 
 anything for granted. Has there 'been an unduly offensive case of this kind in your 
 vicinity ? If there has, first take down the name of the offender. Then find out 
 who is talking to him and who he is talking to. Then find out what business they 
 have to talk about, and you will then be right where you can tree the scoundrels 
 and smoke them out. Rumors and reports of just such rascality as this are too 
 common to permit the supposition that there is nothing to base them upon. Smoke 
 the rascals out ! 
 
 It is a fact so well known as to make it superfluous to repeat it, that wherever the 
 Caucasian race dwells it rules. It is a work of supererogation to declare that it 
 will alwavs rule ih this State. The cry of " negro supremacy " and " negro domi- 
 nation " is as absurd as a discussion of racial amalgamation. Neither is possible. 
 No person or organization can more fully appreciate and understand this statement 
 than the editors of Democratic papers and the Democratic party itself. At no time 
 of its history has the Democratic party feared or apprehended what they are now 
 pretending to crv against. During a period of twenty years in which that party 
 swayed overwhelming power in North Carolina, it never passed a law nor made an 
 effort to disfranchise or take from the negro the power of the ballot which they 
 now declare they so mortally dread. On the other hand, if there has been any 
 positive course of procedure with reference to the matter at all on the part of the 
 Democratic party, such procedure has been a covert, sneaking retention of the 
 power of the ballot to the negro, in order that that party might fatten on the preju- 
 dice it could raise against the very power it established. 
 
 In nearly every Southern State except North Carolina, the negro is disfranchised, 
 with the result that racial antagonism cannot be aroused, because of the absence of 
 a basis on which to proceed. The same power that disfranchised the negro in these 
 Southern States has been wielded by the Democratic party in North Carolina for 
 twenty years, and yet no advantage whatever has ever been taken of that power. 
 This can be nothing less than conclusive evidence that the Democratic party expe- 
 rienced no terror, and did not even feel any very serious concern over the bugaboo 
 of "negro domination." The truth is, the only thing that has preserved to the 
 Democratic party in this State any life at all, is what is left of the prejudice that 
 
has heretofore been aroused over trie " race question." On any issue of economics, 
 or any question of political principle, that party has always been wanting in 
 competency and honesty. Its fraudulent and hypocritical character was fully 
 exposed in the campaigns of 1894 and 1896, when such matters were discussed, 
 and the people promptly and vigorously repudiated it. And now, in the campaign 
 of 1898, this Democratic party no longer attempts a discussion of issues of political 
 and economic significance, but flies back to its old cry of "nigger" on which it 
 managed to exist so long, with the insane and drivelling hope that such a cry will 
 resuscitate it, and give it a few more jears of license to plunder the State in such a 
 manner as the figures presented in this, pamphlet show they have heretofore plun- 
 dered and robbed and looted it. 
 
 The living fact is, that the Democratic party and its managers have preferred 
 that the negro should be a voter ; but when the Democratic party was in power 
 that vote was either purchased, coerced, manipulated or stolen in such manner as 
 to always inure to the advantage of that party. Numerous rich instances of this 
 fact might be cited. 
 
 For example, take the county of Halifax, which is known to be a county in 
 which the negro voters outnumber the white voters very largely. Under a Demo- 
 cratic regime and manipulation that county was made to show, in 1892, a Demo- 
 cratic plurality of about 2,000. Under an anti-Democratic regime, with an honest 
 election law and a count of votes as cast, this same county shows an anti-Democratic 
 plurality of about 2,000. 
 
 When the Democratic party controlled the election machinery, the county of 
 Edgecombe was made to show a Democratic plurality of about 700. Under an honest 
 count in 1896, the anti-Democratic plurality was about 1,000. 
 
 Democratic regime made Anson county give a Democratic majority of about 1 ,000 
 Under an honest election law the same county goes anti-Democratic by about 100. 
 
 Democratic regime made New Hanover county give a Democratic plurality of over 
 1,000. Under an honest election law, the same county gave an anti-Democratic 
 plurality of about 1,000. 
 
 Democratic regime made Northampton county give a Democratic plurality of about 
 1 ,400, Under an honest election law and a count of the ballot as cast, this county 
 gives an anti-Democratic plurality of more than 700. 
 
 Democratic regime made Richmond county give a Democratic plurality of about 
 1 700. Under an honest election law and a count of the ballot as cast, this county 
 gives an anti-Democratic plurality of more than 600. 
 
 Numerous other instances of the same kind might be cited, but those here pre- 
 sented are sufficient for the illustration desired. Anyone desiring further informa- 
 tion may send to the Secretary of State for a copy of the comparative vote of 1892 
 and 1896, from which the above figures are taken, a study of w^hich will bring some 
 astonishing revelations. 
 
 These illustrations show the sneaking character of Democrats, who, being too 
 weak or too cowardly to stand up as men and enact law T s disfranchising the negro 
 vote, which laws w T ould have been constitutional, and which would have removed 
 forever such a thing as a basis of discussion as to " negro domination," which they 
 noiv profess to fear, pursued the course of pretending to give the negro popu- 
 lation the right to vote, and then counted that vote as they chose, without regard 
 to how it was cast. In this way only has the Democratic machine been able at any 
 time to preserve life in what it calls the Democratic party. 
 
 Under the Democratic regime it was common for that machine to appoint 
 
numerous negroes as poll-holders at election times, and to appoint the most ignorant 
 and most easily purchasable negroes that could be found, despite the protest of 
 people who demanded intelligent election officers. This was called giving repre- 
 sentation to a certain party, but it amounted to nothing less than a plan to return 
 the vote cast at the polls where these poll-holders were appointed, just as the Demo- 
 cratic machine, or parts of it, decided that it should be returned. 
 
 It must not be supposed that the Democratic machine confined its election machi- 
 nations to such counties as it thought it could manipulate, and did manipulate, on 
 account of the presence of the negro vote. Bncouraged and emboldened by its 
 success in such counties, it enlarged its field of operations, and along in 1888, 1890 
 and 1892 it embraced in its plan of campaign a considerable number of Western 
 counties, in which there is a large number of white voters who have never had the 
 best educational advantages. These the Democratic machine classified as The 
 ILLITERATE White Vote, and according to the idea of the machine these white 
 voters were there for the SAME PURPOSE that the negro vote existed in some of 
 the Eastern counties, viz. : to be manipulated in the interest of what was called the 
 Democratic party. A few illustrations will show that the ballots of the white 
 voters of these Western counties were as successfully handled by the machine as 
 the ballots of the negro voters in the Eastern counties. 
 
 Democratic regime made Davidson county show a Democratic plurality of about 
 1 00. Under an honest election and a count of the ballot as cast, this county shows 
 an anti-Democratic plurality of about 500. 
 
 Democratic regime made Surry county show a Democratic plurality of about 300. 
 Under an honest election law this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of about 
 
 500. 
 
 Democratic regime made Watauga county show a Democratic plurality of about 
 100. Under an honest election law this county shows an anti-Democratic plurality of 
 about 150. 
 
 Under a Democratic regime the county of Forsyth was made to show a Demo- 
 cratic plurality of about 600. Under the honest election law of 1896, the an'i-Demo- 
 cratic plurality was more than 1,100. 
 
 Under Democratic re°ime Buncombe county went Democratic by about 400 plu- 
 rality. Under an honest election law the same county went anti-Democratic by about 
 400 plurality. 
 
 Democratic regime made Guilford county go Democratic by about 300. Under an 
 honest election law the same county went anti-Democratic in 1896 by nearly 1,000. 
 
 Let it be repeated again that these figures are taken from the official records of 
 the vote for Governor in 1892 and 1896. They show conclusively that the Demo- 
 cratic machine fears the honesty and integrity of the ballot; that it fears the white 
 vote as much as it professes to fear the negro vote, and that the only way it pre- 
 served life for itself for a number of .years was by stealing and falsely counting'the 
 ballots of white and colored voters alike. Living figures attest the truth of this 
 statement. A party that cannot face an honest ballot is a party to be both feared 
 and despised b} r the people. 
 
 A final total illustration of the fraud and manipulation of the 
 
 ballot is that under Democratic regime the total anTi-Demo- 
 
 Cratic vote EOR Governor (1892) was 142,000; while in 1896, 
 
 • under an honest election law, the total anti-Democratic vote 
 
 for Governor was 184,000. This clearly shows that there had 
 
been, under the Democratic election law, a stealing or manipula- 
 tion of from 30,000 to 40,000 votes by the machine, and until an 
 outraged people defied and dared that machine to tamper with, their 
 votes any further. 
 
 The appointment of ignorant poll-holders is not the only instance of official pre- 
 ferment given to the negro by the Democratic party. It set the precedent for 
 appointing negro Justices of the Peace. A Democratic Legislature appointed and 
 elected a large number of negroes as magistrates in many of the Eastern counties 
 of the State in 1876-77. It is true that this course was opposed by nine members 
 of the Legislature, who entered a protest against it. But the fact remains that the 
 Legislature, being Democratic, made the appointments and thus established a 
 course of procedure which the Democratic machine and press now think it a 
 winning policy to denounce. It may be of interest to present here some record of 
 this action. When the Legislature of i876-'77, which was largely Democratic, 
 decided to appoint these negro magistrates, and they were probably as numerous 
 as they have been under any party administration, a protest was formally entered 
 by some of the Democratic members. That protest appears in the House Journal 
 of i876-'77, and is as follows : 
 
 FROM HOUSE JOURNAL 1876-'77. 
 
 Mr. Moseley, by consent, presented the following protest against the polic3 r of a 
 majority of the General Assembly, pursued in the election of Magistrates yesterday, 
 and it was ordered to be spread upon the Journals of the House : 
 
 A PROTEST. 
 
 " The undersigned, respectfully but earnestly, protest against the policy which 
 appears to have been approved by ci majority of the Democratic members of this 
 General Assembly in the election of colored magistrates in and for certain counties 
 of this State. We believe that in the said election of magistrates by the General 
 Assembly, a record, to some extent, has been made for the Democratic-Conserva- 
 tive party of North Carolina, inconsistent with the principles and purposes of the 
 party as expressed during the recent and previous campaigns, in its party platform, 
 and as expressed by its thousands of speakers upon the stump, who asserted the 
 superior^ both by nature and education of the white race over the colored, and 
 the consequent greater fitness of the former for public office as rulers and dispensers 
 of justice — a3 7 e, more than that, who maintained unhesitatingl)*, freely and repeat- 
 edly, that the colored people, especially as citizens in the same county and govern- 
 ment with white people, were absolutely unfit for these public positions. We 
 believe that in the late campaign the appeals made by the press and speakers of the 
 Democratic -Conservative party to the pride and sympathy of the white race in 
 behalf of its own color, to secure its rescue from negro domination, was in every 
 part of this State, one of the strongest and most effective means used for obtaining 
 the success of our cause. 
 
 " We express the belief now, that these principles and opinions asserted by our 
 party, and the grounds upon which we based our appeals to our white brethren, all 
 being in harmony, are just and reasonable and true, and that if the Democratic- 
 Conservative party varies from its position in behalf of white supremacy, it will, to 
 some extent at least, lose that strength, solidity and unity of purpose resulting 
 from devotion to principle. We believe that in the black Republican counties of 
 the eastern portion of ihis State, or wherever they may be found in the State, the 
 fidelity of the white people to their political principles, and the material aid the}- 
 give in swelling the aggregate vote for all officers elected by the State at large, and 
 the high taxes they pay to carry on the State government, and for other purposes 
 which we forbear to mention, entitle them to the same consideration from their 
 party friends in the General Assembly' which Democratic counties receive through 
 their members elect. 
 
' ' While we would exercise and advocate the right and practice of choosing white 
 men for office in preference to colored men, we hereby distinctly disclaim any 
 desire to deny the colored race the equal rights before the law guaranteed to them 
 by the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 ' ' Our feelings toward the colored people are kind and humane in every particu- 
 lar, and we believe the ultimate effect of the course we advocate, if pursued by our 
 party, will be best for the country, for the people, both white and black, and if the 
 latter are not flattered and blinded by advocates of the mistaken policy we oppose, 
 we believe many of them will be able to see the situation as we do, and that thus, 
 by their better understanding, we may hope the antagonism between the white and 
 colored races will subside, and their difference will be settled upon a somewhat 
 reliable basis, with less prospect of disturbance than if we abandon the principles 
 and policy which our party has heretofore maintained. 
 
 ' ' If Democrats do what they have persistently abused and condemned Republi- 
 cans for doing, how can they hope to escape just censure? 
 
 " We protest in sorrow rather than in anger, against the action of our political 
 associates, who we believe, with pure motives, have acted unwisely, nor are we with- 
 out hope of a change of views on their part at some day in the future, however 
 remote, and an acknowledgment by them of the correctness of the position we 
 have in this protest assumed, with due respect, personally, for both our Democratic 
 and Republican fellow-citizens. (Signed) "A. G. MoSELEY, 
 
 A. C. Sharpe, 
 N. H. FennEIvL, 
 James G. Kenan, 
 R. W. Singlet ary, 
 Walter W. King, 
 R. Jas. Powell, 
 John M. Houk, 
 J. B. Hartsell." 
 
 It should be recalled, with some significance, that the bill appointing these negro 
 magistrates, against which this protest was entered, passed the Democratic Senate 
 of which Thomas J. Jarvis was the President, and yet, there is the spectacle of this 
 same Jarvis to-day joining in the cry of " Nigger." 
 
 There are still further evidences of Democratic preferment for the negro official. 
 People who have lived long enough to remember the instance, easily recall the con- 
 tests for the position of Assistant Door-keeper in iS7o-'7i and 1872. Democrats 
 were in control of the State Senate in both these sessions of the Legislature, and in 
 both instances they elected, by a large majority, a negro named Gtiilford Christmas, 
 of Warren couty, as Assistant Door-keeper. 
 
 It is recalled by some that at one of these sessions, when the Democratic caucus 
 for selecting candidates for this position was held, a crippled Confederate soldier 
 named Webster, from Chatham county, was a candidate before the caucus for this 
 office. But the Democratic majority, in its vast wisdom, expressed an overwhelm- 
 ing preferment for the negro candidate. The negro candidate received the caucus 
 nomination and consequently was elected. But when a similar action is taken by 
 another party the Democratic party inaugurates and incessantly vociferates the cry 
 of "negro domination." It is easy to conclude that this cry is raised simply and 
 solely for the purposes already mentioned — that is, to incite ill feeling, prejudice 
 and viciousness, and to try, by appealing to the lowest passions, to accomplish 
 what common sense and reason and a reference to Democratic records would never 
 permit. 
 
 The Democratic machine has so long been, and is now so determined, that the 
 cry of '"Nigger" shall be its campaign slogan, that when no real instance or circum- 
 stance can be found on which to base that cry, they are manufactured for special 
 use. Here is an illustration: 
 
 Several years ago the Democrats raised a wail of woe over the report that in 
 
some Eastern county a white woman, a pauper, had been let by the county to a 
 negro to keep because the negro had made the lowest bid to the county. Flaming 
 cartoons and wild pictures were scattered over the State showing the horrors of the 
 scene. There was truth in the report, but investigation showed that this white 
 woman (if she was white), was the mother OF THE negro to whom she had 
 BEEN farmed duT. But, nevertheless, the Democratic machine made this inci- 
 dent the chief basis of its campaign. 
 
 To-da3^, in the year of grace 1898, the State is being flooded with Democratic 
 cartoons showing white girls and white ladies subjecting themselves and their 
 private apartments to the private inspection of a negro, the ladies being represented 
 as pupils or teachers in a State institution. A more villainous and vile slander was 
 never perpetrated against the white women of North Carolina by any scoundrelly 
 biped claiming to be a white man. Anyone with the least instinct of common 
 decency knows that such a proceeding would not be submitted to by the white 
 women of this State. They would unhesitatingly and with inexpressible indigna- 
 tion leave any institution on earth sooner than endure even the mere suggestion of 
 such a procedure. 
 
 The cartoons, with the comments under them, attempt to leave the impression 
 that the negro man is chairman of and controls the Board of Trustees of the State 
 . Institution for the Blind, and that in the capacity of ' ' boss ' ' and member of the 
 Board he goes officially and alone through the private apartments of the Institution 
 on visits of inspection. All this is intended to fool the people — to deceive them — 
 to make them believe what is pictured actually occurs, and is intended to make the 
 public believe that such proceedings are sanctioned by the present anti-Democratic 
 administration. Well, a meaner, baser, more contemptible falsehood and slander 
 on white women was never spawned by the low-born, sneaking, cowardly defamer 
 who invented it and circulated it. No negro has ever been chairman of the Board 
 of Trustees of the Institution, and there was no negro member of the Board when 
 these cartoons were sent out. But this makes no difference to the Democratic 
 machine and its minions, i^n organized liar will not stop lying simply because it 
 cannot find something to lie about. It will invent something. 
 
 There are some instances which the Democratic machine press might embellish 
 and put forth, greatly to the edification of its readers, if it chose to do so, but in 
 these particular instances that same Democratic presses deathly silent. 
 
 It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Warren 
 county did actually farm out a poor white woman to a negro named Fleming. This 
 is a fact of record. Why not " horrify " over it? 
 
 It might tell that the Democratic Board of County Commissioners of Mitchell 
 county bound out two helpless little white orphans to a negro. This is a fact of 
 record. Why not "horrify " over it? 
 
 It might tell that M. F. Thornton, the negro Register of Deeds of Warren county 
 has been bonded by such Democrats as O. T. Powell, Robt. B. Thornton and Sol. 
 Buxton Williams, and that some of these Democrats have acted as Thornton's 
 deputies. This is a fact of record. Why not raise the cry of Democrats aiding and 
 abetting " negro domination ? " 
 
 The foregoing figures and illustrations are presented as object-lessons only. 
 They are no argument, and do not constitute a discussion as to the right of the 
 negro race to rule. Such questions are invariably settled when a settlement is 
 needed. But what has been shown and recited is an argument to the effect that 
 the course of the Democratic machine is of a low, hypocritical and sneaking char- 
 
IO 
 
 acter. It has failed to command the respect and suppo'rt of the people by its record, 
 and now seeks to gain support solely and only by efforts to inflame the evil natures 
 of men to such an extent as to result in political anarchy and civil riot. 
 
 For such a course as this there is no necessity, nor is there any sort of reason. 
 Neither this State nor any other State will ever be governed and controlled by any 
 but the Anglo-Saxon race as long as that race shall dwell in it. Powers, both moral 
 and physical, sustain the statement. The moral power is the innate consciousness 
 of superiority on the part of the Anglo-Saxon, which will forever keep him in the 
 ascendancy^ and a recognition by all other races of that superiority. 
 
 The physical power is the great disparity of numbers between the races, espec- 
 ially in North Carolina, where, according to the census of 1890, the population is 
 as follows : 
 
 Total population 1,617,000 
 
 Colored 562,000 
 
 White 1,055,000 
 
 These facts alone make the hysterical cry of " nigger supremacy " by the Demo- 
 cratic party sink into an absurdity and farce too pronounced to permit faithful 
 description. •- 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 When the Democratic machine was manipulating and stealing the ballots of both 
 white and colored voters alike, as shown in the foregoing pages, that same machine 
 was squalling "nigger" for the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the 
 people from its dirty work. Do yotj SEE ? 
 
 SMOKE THE RASCALS OUT. 
 
 It was remarked in the beginning of this chapter " that in nearly all cases in 
 which a negro has made assumptions, either political^ or socially, in such a way 
 as to be repulsive to the Caucasian race, it has been at the instigation of some low, 
 venal, white wretch, acting as the tool of Democratic party wire-pullers." This 
 statement needs no proof to observant men, but for the benefit of anyone who may 
 read this pamphlet, and may refuse to believe any unsupported assertion on account 
 of his partisan prejudices' and blindness, a few illustrations are given. They could 
 be multiplied almost indefinitely. 
 
 A DEMOCRAT HIRES A NEGRO TO BREAK THE LAW. 
 
 [CAUCASIAN.] 
 
 The following communication appeared in the Winston Republican. We did not 
 publish it at the time, but have waited and taken the time to ascertain whether or 
 not the statements made were facts. We have found that they are true. But even 
 if we had published it then and had afterwards learned that it was a lie we would 
 have been fair, honest and decent enough to have made the corrections. The com- 
 munication in full is as follows: 
 
 Editor Winston Republican: — The Democratic press have been profuse in their 
 lies about Republicans; what will they have to say about these facts from Johnston ? 
 
 At the last September term of Johnston Court, Rufus Parker, a white man and a 
 leading Democrat, was convicted for having hired a negro, Ben Bunn, to cowhide 
 
II 
 
 E. W. Boyd, a white man, who was also a Democrat. Parker sent the negro to 
 tell Boyd he wanted him at his house, and when the latter came he sent him to his 
 barn lot and Parker went and stood by while the negro whipped Boyd with a horse 
 whip, cutting him severely. 
 
 Parker's brother was a Democratic Justice of the Peace and he issued a warrant 
 against the negro immediately and fined him one penny and costs. In the face of 
 all these facts a host of Democrats testified in court to the good character of Parker, 
 s»me of whom testified to the bad character of Boyd, though some of them gave 
 him a good character, and all who knew him testified that he was a sickly fellow 
 with but little sense. . 
 
 After the jury convicted Parker and the court ordered him in custody of the 
 Sheriff, his hosts of admiring friends implored the court not to send him to jail for 
 the night as he could give bond in any amount for his appearance the next morn- 
 ing, but he went to jail. 
 
 The next morning the " Nancy Hanks " of the Democratic party, C. B. Aycock, 
 appeared in behalf of Parker, but the Court was inexorable, and sent him to jail 
 for six months. 
 
 The Democratic constable at Selma was also convicted for getting a drunken 
 white man in the back yard of a bar-room at Selma, to be horse-whipped by one 
 Preston Blackman and Jas. Parker. This Democratic official was sent to jail for 
 twelve months, and Blackman, who was a Democratic local heeler, was at the same 
 term convicted of stealing an ox, the property of Dr. Vick, and sent to the Peni- 
 tentiary for one year. Jas. Parker, who is the nephew of a New York banker, has 
 sufficient political pull to get into the lunatic asylum until after Court adjourns. 
 
 This is the way things are worked in the banner Democractic county of Johnston. 
 
 More anon. Johxston. 
 
 Smithfield, N. C, Nov. 29, 1897. 
 
 DEMOCRATS HELP TO ELECT NEGRO POLICEMEN. 
 [For The Caucasian.] 
 
 Weidox, N C, December 1, 1897. 
 Noticing the comment of your taper on the Chappell incident, I wish to state 
 that recently in this town, in which a majority of the commissioners are Demo- 
 crats, and the mayor a Democrat, with several negroes on the Board, all elected by 
 Democrats and negroes fusing, there is a chief of police and one other white 
 ■policeman, with several negro policemen, elected by the aid of white Democrats. 
 I saw recently a travelling photographer arrested by a negro policeman on a war- 
 rant from a Democratic magistrate, and marched along the street under this 
 colored guard. I have seen such things before, and there has been no comment. 
 I believe in fair play. They talk so much about fusion, yet they fuse with the 
 negro in nearly every town in the count}-. "X." 
 
 DEMOCRATS WANT NEGRO POSTMASTERS. 
 
 Kinston, N. C, November 9, 1S97. 
 
 Editor Caucasian: — I have no'.iced that the railroad and monopoly organs and 
 politicians are having a good deal to say about the negro postmasters which Mc- 
 Kinley has appointed to fill offices in North Carolina. They brazenly charge that 
 the People's party is responsible for McKinley appointing these negro postmasters, 
 ignoring the fact that if it had not been for the People's party- Bryan could not 
 have carried this State in the last campaign. In fact it is noticeable that the papers 
 and politicians who are loudest mouthed in their denunciation of our part}' as 
 being responsible for the evil of negro domination, under which they allege the 
 State is now suffering, are the very same papers and politicians who, in the last 
 campaign, did all in their power to turn the State over to McKinley. 
 
 But it is not my purpose to review their past conduct. Their present effort to 
 make political capital out of negro postmasters makes the trick which is now being 
 worked by so-called leading Democrats in this town, suggestive. I therefore 
 address you this communication to inform you of it, and I hope you will publish 
 it in your paper, for I have no doubt the same thing is being done under cover in 
 other towns in the State. 
 
12 
 
 i 
 
 The case briefly stated is this: There is a negro here, J. C. Hargett, who is an 
 applicant for the post-office at this place. The Democrats, thinking that if he is 
 appointed, it will make political capital for them and will enable them to easily 
 carry the county Democratic, are not content with secretly wishing him appointed 
 but have actually begun, under cover, an active work in his interest. They have 
 circulated a petition setting out the fact that Hargett is a negro of good character, 
 and that he would make a good postmaster. They have done this notwithstanding 
 the fact that Hargett at one time was guilty of raising the amount of a check that 
 was given him and was obliged to skip to keep from being prosecuted. They will, 
 no doubt, circulate this information after he is appointed. 
 
 Yes sir, it is a fact that so called leading Democrats of this town have signed this 
 negro Hargett 's petition for the post-office at this place. I have the names of these 
 Democrats, and if my statement is denied or questioned I will publish their names 
 and prove that they were on the petition by the affidavits of persons who saw them 
 there. 
 
 Now, is not this a pretty spectacle ? These are the class of men, the State over, 
 who, on the street corners, in their places of business, and in their homes express 
 such horror of negro domination, of negroes being elevated to positions of trust over 
 whites, and say what a shame it is for negroes to be put in post-offices where their 
 wives and daughters have to go to call for their mail; and yet they, at heart, care 
 so little for this that they are secretly doing all that they can in this town (and I 
 have no doubt it is so in others) to put negroes in post-offices simply because they 
 think it will give them party advantage. It is such things as these which prove 
 the hypocrisy of these so-called Democrats in their loud professions for white 
 supremacy, and make clear their object. Honest men are disgusted with their 
 trickery and deceit. 
 
 The writer is a Populist and is in favor of white supremacy, but lie believes that 
 the line of fight which the Caucasian is making is the fight to win true white 
 supremacy and to defeat monopoly rule and corrupt machine politicians. 
 
 Yours truly, JUEwis Grady. 
 
 A COLORED DEMOCRATIC DEPUTY SHERIFF. 
 
 [Chatham County Citizen, August, 1898.] 
 
 Mr. R. H. Hayes was around recently inquiring how many negro constables there 
 are in the county. He was told that there are none. However, there has been one 
 in the county who acted as constable or deputy sheriff — possibly that will answer 
 their purpose. There is a paper on file in the office of the Clerk of Superior Court 
 here, on the back of which is the following return : 
 
 " I hereby deputize Jordan Bray to serve the within subpoena. This Feb. 15th, 
 1892. Spence Tayeor, Sheriff. 
 
 " Rec'd Feb. 15th, 1892. Served Feb. 17th, 1892, by reading the within subpoena 
 to the witness. Spence Tayeor, Sheriff. 
 
 by Jordan Bray, D. S. ' ' 
 
 This paper was served on five white men — Frank Fields, Bud Eane, Wm. Ellis, 
 E. W. Phillips and Wm. Welch — and one colored man, Tod Forrester. Jordan 
 Bray, who acted Deputy Sheriff under Spence Taylor, Democratic Sheriff, is a 
 colored man; furthermore, at that time an ex-convict just from the penitentiary, 
 we are reliably informed, not having been restored to citizenship and was, there- 
 fore, not a citizen when he acted as D. S. for the Democratic sheriff. 
 
 And it may be of interest to our readers to know that " Deputy Sheriff " Jordan 
 Bray voted the Democratic ticket when a citizen. 
 
 As Democrats are hunting for negro officers and favors shown ex-convicts, this 
 may be of service to them. 
 
*3 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGRO SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN. 
 
 Wii^on, N. C, November 17, 1897. 
 
 Editor Caucasian: — In the "nigger racket" campaign, which the Ransom 
 machine has begun, our Democratic brethren in Wilson county find themselves 
 very much handicapped by their own action. They are out of the band-wagon 
 entirely, and the attitude in which they have placed themselves is a ridiculous one, 
 to say the least, and it is all on account of being too previous. The trouble is this: 
 Before the fiat had gone forth from the Democratic machine that Bryan an/L the 
 reform issues for which he fought should be relegated to the rear, and that the 
 State campaign must be fought on the race question, the Democrats of Wilson 
 fused. Yes sir, they fused, but that is not all of the painful truth. They fused 
 with the Republicans ! Think of it ! Fused with the party that stands for negro 
 domination and control of our State institutions ! ! But this is not all yet. They 
 fused to put negroes in office. I would that the Democratic papers had relieved 
 me of the painful duty of unfolding this tale, which is indeed enough to harrow 
 up the very soul of the monopoly organs and politicians, but as they have not, it 
 must be told. It runs thusly : 
 
 On the first Monday in June, the time provided by law for the election of a 
 county board of education, J. T. Sharp, Republican Senator from this district, in 
 the interest of his Republican friends, made a fusion proposition to the Democratic 
 Clerk of the Court, two Democrats, who claimed to be Commissioners by virtue of 
 appointment (who were not elected by the people), and the Republican Register 
 of Deeds, to co operate and take charge of the schools of the county. The Demo- 
 crats, knowing that unless there was a fusion between them and the Republicans 
 to control the schools, the management of the schools of Wilson would fall into the 
 hanas of the Populist county commissioners who were duly elected by the people, 
 immediately accepted the Republican proposition. (You know that as much as 
 the Democrats are opposed to fusion between Republicans and Populists, they love 
 to take a hand at it themselves when it promises them power). This "unholy " 
 alliance of Democrats and Republicans at once proceeded to elect George W. Con- 
 nor, Democrat, Nathan Bass, Democrat, and S. H. Vick, Republican, and a negro 
 to boot, as a Board of Education for the county, ignoring entirely the Populist 
 Board of County Commissioners, who were elected by a large majority of the quali- 
 fied voters of the county, and who had appointed a County Board of Education 
 composed of white men entirely. I hope this startling statement will not be too 
 much of a strain upon our naturally credulous people of North Carolina. I con- 
 fess I would not have believed it myself if I did not know it to be true. And if 
 they had only stopped at putting a negro (who, by the way, was postmaster of 
 Wilson under Harrison's administration, and who was Congressman White's man 
 for the same position this time, and who would have gotten it if the Democratic 
 incumbent had not been confirmed before the expiration of Cleveland's term,) on 
 the Board of Education, it would not have been so bad; but they even went further 
 and appointed at least one negro school committeeman for each township in the 
 county. They have done this, too, in spite of their allegation that these negro 
 school committeemen control the white schools of the different townships. 
 
 Mr. Editor, were I to follow my own inclination I would stop here, but the worst 
 is yet to be told. The JVcws and Observer heartily applauded the action of the 
 Democrats of Wilson county and said that they had acted right, which meant that 
 they did right to put negroes on the County Board of Education when they had 
 the opportunity of accepting a board composed entirely of white men, and men, 
 every one of them, in whom there is no guile, and who are distinguished for a life- 
 long devotion to right and an uncompromising condemnation and opposition to 
 wrong; that they did right in placing at least one negro on the school committee 
 in every township. 
 
 We think we remember to have seen somewhere in some Democratic papers that 
 all this was wrong, but I guess my memory is either at fault or the elastic conscience 
 of Democrats will permit them to do anything that will suit their purposes, and it 
 will still be right. You know they always do right ? 
 
 Yours truly, A Bryan Populist. 
 
• 14 
 
 AN ACT WHICH BURNS THE BRAND OF HYPOCRITE AND LIAR 
 ON THE DEMOCRATIC MACHINE. 
 
 In 1889 and 1890 there was a considerable movement of negroes from the State, 
 which was referred to as " the exodus. ' ' It was largely promoted by persons known 
 as emigrant agents. The mortal dread of " negro domination " on the part of the 
 Democratic machine ought to have inspired that machine to hail with delight these 
 emigrant agents as the saviors of the State. Did they do that ? Not much. The 
 machine elected a Legislature in 1891, and here is one of its laws — 
 
 The General Assembly of North Carolina do enact: 
 
 ' ' Section i . That from and after the ratification of this act no person shall cany- 
 on the business of an emigrant agent in this State without having first obtained a 
 license therefor from the State Treasurer. 
 
 Sec. 2. That the term "emigrant agent," as contemplated in this act, shall be 
 construed to mean any person engaged in hiring laborers in this State to be employed 
 beyond the limits of the same. 
 
 " SEC. 3. That any person shall be entitled to a license, which shall be good for 
 one 3'ear, upon the payment into the State Treasur}^, for the the use of the State, 
 of one thousand dollars in each county in which he operates or solicits emigrants 
 for each year so engaged. 
 
 . " SEC 4. That any person doing the business of an emigrant agent without hav- 
 ing first obtained such license shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon convic- 
 tion shall be punished by fine not less than five hundred dollars and not more than 
 five thousand dollars, or may be imprisoned in the county jail not less than four 
 months, or confined in the State prison at hard labor not exceeding two years for 
 each and every offence, within the discretion of the court. 
 
 ' ' SEC. 5. That this act shall not apply to any county west of the line as at present 
 established by law for the receiving of patients by the North Carolina Insane Asy- 
 lum, except the counties of Mecklenburg, Moore, Anson, Richmond, Cleveland, 
 Gaston, Lincoln and Catawba. 
 
 " SEC. 6. That this act shall be in force from and after its ratification. 
 
 " Ratified the 6th day of February, A. D. 1891." 
 
 And thus it appears that the machine invoked the majesty of the law to keep 
 within the State something against which it now professes to view with horror. 
 
 AN AGGRAVATED AND INFAMOUS CASE. 
 
 One of the most aggravated and infamous cases of Democratic tool instigation of 
 meanness for political ends occurred at Wilmington since the 15th of August, 1898. 
 A negro named Manly conducts a paper in that city and has, beyond doubt, been 
 made the scapegoat of the vile meanness of some Democratic machine touter. He 
 recently published the following impudent and villainous editorial : 
 
 " Poor white men are careless in the matter of protecting their women; especially 
 on farms, they are careless of their conduct toward them, and our experience among 
 poor white people in the country teaches us that the women of that race are not 
 any more particular in the matter of clandestine meetings with the colored men 
 than are the white men with colored women. Meetings of this kind go on for 
 some time until the woman's infatuation or the man's boldness bring attention to 
 them, and the man is lynched for rape. Every negro lynched is called a ' big, 
 burly, black brute,' when in fact many of those who have thus been dealt with had 
 white men for their fathers, and were not only not ' black ' and ' burly,' but were 
 sufficiently attractive for white girls of culture and refinement to fall in love with 
 them, as is well known to all." 
 
 The insufferable and infamous slander continued in this utterance is sufficient to 
 madden anybody, but the well-founded suspicion of the main cause and instiga- 
 
i5 
 
 tion of it is worse. This negro makes no sort of pretence of belonging to the 
 People's Party. He is officially repudiated and condemned by the Republican 
 Party, and the unavoidable conclusion is that he is a tool and scapegoat of the 
 Democratic machine. And this does not appear to be all. The Democratic 
 machine papers, of course, gobbled up this editorial, and are trying to make politi- 
 cal " nigger question " campaign thunder of it from one end of the State to the 
 other. And in addition to this, it seems that another low, vile, Democratic machine 
 tool wrote an anonymous note to the negro, stating that he must leave the town in 
 bvrenty-four hours, or caused a spreading of the report that such a note had been 
 written. This was for the evident purpose of instigating a race riot, over which 
 more campaign thunder would have been made, but it failed. 
 
 The Republican County Committee of New Hanover county thus officially 
 repudiates both the negro and the blander, as follows : 
 
 "Whereas, A little paper published in this city (Wilmington), called The Daily 
 Record, printed in its issue of a recent date (August 18, 1898), an article which is 
 a base and vile libel upon countless thousands of good people, ' poor white people 
 in the country' especially; and, 
 
 " Whereas,' The Democratic papers here have copied said article, and given it 
 prominence, and are seeking to place the responsibility of its composition and pub- 
 lication upon the Republican party, for political purposes, declaring that said paper 
 ( The Daily Record), is 'the organ of ihe Republican-Populist fusion political 
 crowd,' etc., and, _ ' 
 
 " Whereas, In truth and in fact, the said Daily Record is not now nor never has 
 been the Republican or fusion organ, and is not even regarded by our party as a 
 Republican or fusion paper, but is generally classed and regarded as a kicking, 
 disorganizing concern, being published by a few individuals who seem to think of 
 nothing but their own importance and aggrandizement, and edited by an irrespon- 
 sible upstart, who represents only himself and his own views in what he writes, 
 now, 
 
 "Resolved, That we denounce the article referred to as a base libel; we repudiate 
 and denounce the writer of it as a michief -making simpleton, and declare that he 
 represents and expresses only his own views and sentiments in said article, and we 
 urge any and all Republicans who are now taking The Record to discontinue it, 
 and leave it to be supported by the Democrats, whose interest it is now serving and 
 advancing by its foolish and reprehensible conduct. 
 
 "Resolved, further, That we denounce and condemn the course and action of 
 the Democratic papers in trying to place the responsibility of the libelous article 
 upon the Republican party, when they either know, or could easily have ascer- 
 tained, that our party not only did not endorse the article, but condemned it 
 equally as strongly as they did." 
 
 And so it appears that the Republican party denounces the odious editorial and 
 plainly says that it is designed to serve the interests of the Democratic party. 
 
 Some Populists are publicly quoted as saying that the negro defamer and slan- 
 derer ought to be asked to leave the State. 
 
 But nothing of this kind comes from the Democratic machine or its press. Their 
 tool is too valuable to them, in their own estimation, to be repudiated or denounced 
 or asked to leave the State. Their only course is to manifest the greatest glee over 
 their success in securing so much to talk about, and to roll the editorial as a sweet 
 morsel under their tongues ! ! ! 1 
 
 In all the history of newspaperdom in this State there has been only one instance 
 of vile slander that can parallel this. That instance is the editorials and column 
 articles of the News and Observer in malevolently and malignantly charging that 
 the daughter of Sheriff Aldridge, of Pamlico county, was the victim and paramour 
 of a negro man, with wretched results. This disreputable, lying sheet thus perpe- 
 
i6 
 
 trated a slander on the white women of the State far more foul and villianous, if 
 possible, than anything contained in the base editorial of the negro paper; and it is 
 possible that the macjhine press, or a part of it at least, aided and abetted the Ne-ws 
 and Observer in its immeasurable infamy. The two papers — the negro paper and 
 the Ne-ws and Observer — thus appear to be TWO OF A KIND — GROSS, INDECENT, 
 Foud-mouThed slanderers. Both are the agents and tools of a satanic machina- 
 tion. The same genius of low, opprobrious slander that inspired one inspired the 
 other to the utterances made. An equality of damnable insolence is clearly shown 
 by the two, and they are simply twins in defamation. 
 
 These parallel cases bring up a reflection. When the Ne-ws and Observer 
 uttered its unrestrained and barbarous slander on the white women, why did not 
 the Democratic machine press arise and pour out its vials of wrath and condemna- 
 tion on that sheet ? Ah ! The purposes of the machine could not have been subserved 
 by such a course. And so it seems that a white man may, by grace of the machine 
 press, go uncondemned and unscathed for attempting to calumniate and dishonor 
 white women ! This goes to a point of baseness and depravity beyond which there 
 is no descent. What wolfish, devilish, fiendish hypocrisy is portrayed by such a 
 course ! ! 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGRO ALDERMEN IN PLYMOUTH. 
 
 Plymouth, N. C, August 31, 1898. 
 For many years the municipal elections for the town of Plymouth have been 
 held with party lines entirely ignored — the temperance people on one side and 
 anti-terfiperance on the other. Some Democrats have, and continue to vote for 
 the anti temperance negroes in the fourth ward, and always succeed in electing 
 them. Yours truly, J. M. Bateman. 
 
 DEMOCRATS ACCEPT A NEGRO AGAINST A WHITE MAN. 
 
 Tileery, N C, August 25, 1892. 
 In 1892 the Populists of Darden and Jamesville townships, Martin county, nomi- 
 nated Joe Swinson, a white man, for township counstable, while the Democrats 
 nominated Joe Ray, a colored man. Swinson polled 128 more votes than Ray, and 
 went up with his bond. The Democratic Commissioners refused to accept his bond,, 
 but did accept Ray's bond and put him in office over his victorious opponent. 
 
 T. E. McCaskey. 
 NOTE. — Three Democrats signed the negro's bond. 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN IN CRAVEN COUNTY. 
 
 The records of the Board of County Commissioners of Craven county show the 
 following : 
 
 "Afternoon Session." 
 
 " Board met pursuant to adjournment at 3 o'clock for the purpose of electing a. 
 Board of Education. Present, Commissioners E. G. Hill, J. A. Bryan, E. W. 
 Smallwood, R. G. Moseley, R. P. Williams. 
 
 " Mr. Jas. A. Bryan (Democrat) placed in nomination for the Board of Educa- 
 tion the following named persons, viz : E. H. Meadows, S. W. Latham and C. E. 
 Palmer." 
 
 The proceedings go on to show that these three men were elected. They were 
 nominated by Jas. A. Bryan, Democrat. Two of them, E. H. Meadows and Samuel 
 Latham, are Democrats. C. E. Palmer is a colored Republican, and these two- 
 Democrats and one Republican elected every colored school committeeman in 
 Craven county, over whom the Democratic machine is now attempting to raise such 
 a sensation. 
 
i7 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGROES IN NEW BERNE. 
 
 Democratic boards in the city of New Berne have appointed at various times the 
 following negroes as policemen : T. R. Richardson, J. J. Moseley, Charley Rich- 
 ardson, Jas. Dudley, Alph Ward, Caesar Lewis, Virgil Windley, George Richardson. 
 The Democratic board also appointed J. Stamps, colored, as overseer of the street 
 hands, and white men worked under him. 
 
 The last Democratic board of New Berne voted for and elected to the Board of 
 City Council the following negroes : Cicero Robbins, V. A. Crawford, and Wm, 
 James 
 
 DEMOCRATS APPOINT NEGROES AS NOTARIES PUBLIC. 
 
 Douglass Williams, a negro of Warren county, was appointed a Notary Public by 
 Governor A. M. Scales, February 8th, 1887. There is on record in that county, in 
 Book 55, page 348, a mortgage deed executed by W. W. Long. The record shows 
 that the ackno%vledgement and privy Examination of the wife of W. W. Long 
 was taken before Douglass Williams as Notary Public. 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT MORE DEPUTY SHERIFFS. 
 
 Nathaniel R. Jones, Democratic Sheriff of Warren county, had as his jailor Geo. 
 Johnson, colored. In 1884, Geo. Fitts, Democrat, was elected Sheriff of the same 
 county, and his jailors and. deputy sheriffs, Cad Alston and James Pennington. 
 J. R. Rodwell, another Democratic Sheriff of the same county, succeeding Fitts, 
 had a colored jailor all the time named Ferry Johnson. All these negroes are 
 Democrats. 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT NEGRO COUNTY COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 In 1878 the Democratic Board of Justices of the Peace of Warren county, which 
 had been elected by the Democratic Legislature, met to elect County Commissioners 
 and elected a colored man named William Alexander Boyd. 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN GALORE IN WARREN 
 
 COUNTY. 
 
 In 1879 the Board of County Commissioners of Warren county was Democratic 
 (having one colored Republican upon it who was elected by the Democratic Board 
 of Justices of the Peace appointed by the Legislature) viz: B. D. Williams, R. W. 
 Alston, M. J. Hawkins, (who is still a member and being one of the "overseer ap- 
 pointees ") Samuel Bobbitt and W. A. Boyd (the colored member). At that time 
 each school district had a board of three commissioners, and there were thirty- 
 school districts in the county. On February 3d, of that year, their record shows 
 the following named colored men appointed by the Board as School Committee- 
 men, viz: Peter Kearney in No. 27, in place of Albert Hawkins (col.), resigned, 
 Dallas Williams in No. 15, George Eaton in No. 12, Charles Watson in No. 20, and. 
 Richard Boyd in No. 17 ; the other two in each of the districts being white men,, 
 and Caesar Crossman (col. ), was appointed on a committee in No. 16 to locate and 
 condemn a site. 
 
 On August 11, 1879, the following named colored men were appointed as school 
 committeemen in the school districts, as named, viz : No. 1, Jack Hicks; No. 2, 
 William Russell; No. 3, W. P. Wright; No. 4, Henry Blanche; No. 5, Jerre r! 
 
Wright; No. 6, Buckner Falkner; No. 7, Cyrus Hunt; No. 8, James Plummer; No. 
 9, Armistead Falkner; No. 10, John Shearin; No. 11, Henry Hardy; No. 12, George 
 Eaton; No. 13, George Vanlandingham; No. 14, Reuben Hawkins; No. 15, Dallas 
 Williams; No. 16, Sprigg Brehon; No. 17, Richard Boyd; No. 18, I,. C. Johnson; 
 No. 19, Cambridge Hawkins; No. 20, Charles Watson; No. 21, C. C. Christmas; No. 
 22, H. W. Carter and Isaac Alston; No. 23, Ben Powell; No. 24, Alfred Taylor; No. 
 25, Ben Cheek; No. 26, Joe Southerland; No. 27, Gus Falkner; No. 28, Corbin 
 Boyd; No. 29, James H. Alston; No. 30, Alfred Richardson; the other members be- 
 ing white men. 
 
 February 2, 1880, H. W. Carter (col.) was appointed a committeeman in No. 22 
 in place of Thomas Carter (col.) resigned; May 3, 1880, H. H. Plummer (col.) was 
 appointed on a committee to locate site in NO. 16; July 5th, Jerre White (col.) was 
 appointed committeeman in place of Haywood Shearin, resigned, in No. 5; Novem- 
 ber 2d, James H. Alston (col.) was appointed in No. 29 in place of Ben Powell, re- 
 signed. 
 
 Now came a new board as follows, viz: W. G. Plummer, Chairman; Samuel Bob- 
 bitt, M. J. Hawkins, R. W. Alston, B. D. Williams; all Democrats. December 6, 
 1881, they appointed as appears upon their record, the following named colored 
 men upon the school committees of the county, viz: In district No. 1, Jack Hicks; 
 No. 2, William Russell; No. 3, W. P. Wright; No. 4, Reuben Palmer; No. 5, Jerre 
 Wright; No. 6, Alex. Wright; No. 7, Jas. Somerville; No. 8, T. M. Games; No. 9, 
 Armistead Falkner; No. 10, John Shearin; No. 11; Henry Hardy; No. 12, Alpheus 
 Williams; No. 13, Reuben Hawkins; No. 14, Dallas Williams; No. 15, Sprigg Bre- 
 hon; No. 16, Solon Brown; No. 17, D. C. Johnson; No. 18, Ossian Kearney; No. 19, 
 C. C. Christmas; No. 20, H. W. Carter; No. 21, Ben Powell; No. 22, Alfred Taylor; 
 No. 23, Phil Townes; No. 24, Gus Falkner; No. 25, Arthur Williams; No. 26, Jas. 
 H. Alston; No. 27, Alfred Richardson; No. 28, Silas Millin; No. 30, John Mitchell. 
 
 Robt. Russell was appointed on the committee to locate site in. No. 2. January 
 2, 1882, Arthur Williams was appointed in place of Corbin Boyd in No. 25, and 
 such has been the Democratic record in Warren, while similar procedure was going 
 on elsewhere. But then there was no cry of " nigger " by the Democratic machine. 
 Why? 
 
 DEMOCRATS ELECT MORE NEGRO SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN. 
 
 When the Board of Education for Warren county was organized under the present 
 law, there was a contest for a place on the board by Rev. T. J. Taylor, minister of 
 the white Baptist church at Warrenton. He was defeated by Messrs. Marmaduke 
 J Hawkins and Peter Hawkins Allen, who are both Democrats. They are the two 
 "additional commissioners" put on by Democratic petition, and both voted for Jno. 
 P. Williams, a colored man, against Rev. Mr. Taylor, thus electing Williams a 
 member of the board. 
 
 SAME SORT OF THING IN PENDER. 
 
 The Board of Education of Pender county is composed of J. B. Davis, F. P. 
 Flynn and J. R. James. They are Democrats, and they elected a negro on every 
 school committee in the county, in some cases supplanting white men of sterling 
 worth and standing in their communities. 
 
x 9 
 
 DEMOCRATS KEEP UP THE RACKET IN BLADEN. 
 
 North Carolina — Bladen County. 
 
 I, Hays Monroe, colored, a citizen of Bladen county, do hereby certify that dur- 
 ing the year 1886 I acted as jailor for L. J. Hall, Democratic Sheriff of Bladen. 
 That L J- Hall, Sheriff, had as his jailor, before he employed me, one Robert 
 McDowell, who was also a colored man and who remained with him until his 
 death. That during the time the said late McDowell was jailor and deputy sheriff 
 there were several white prisoners, among whom was one Mr. Swain, from Bruns- 
 wick county. That after said Hall's time expired as Sheriff, I remained jailor for 
 Sheriff W. S. Clark, a Democrat, and that during my stay with Sheriff Hall and 
 Sheriff Clark, I had full control of all prisoners both white and black, a few of 
 whose names I can now call to memory. Among the whites, viz.: J. J. E. Lucas, 
 Benjamin Thompson, Charles Jordan, Charles Chancey, Joseph Merritt, Owen 
 Register, Oliver Sutton, a man Webb whose given name I do not now recall ; Bill 
 Davis, John Hart, Frank Mears, John M. Benson, M. R. Hester, and many others, 
 whose names I cannot now recall. The names of the Sheriffs and their postoffice, 
 are as follows, viz : L. J. Hall, Elizabethtown ; W. S. Clark, White Hall. 
 
 HAYS MONROE. 
 
 Sworn to and subscribed before me September 1st, 1898. 
 
 W. J. SUTTON, C. S. C. Bladen County. 
 
 DEMOCRATS APPOINT MORE MAGISTRATES. 
 
 North Carolina — Bladen County. 
 
 I, J. M. Bryan, a citizen of Bladen county, N. C, do say that Enoch W. Easters, 
 a colored Republican politician, was appointed a Justice of the Peace in the county 
 and State aforesaid, in the year 1877, and that I heard John H. Clark, Esquire, the 
 Democratic Representative from said county at that time, say that he had nim, the 
 said Easters, appointed. J. M. BRYAN. 
 
 Sworn to and subscribed before me September 2, 1S98. 
 
 W. J. Sutton, C. S. C. 
 
 NEGRO POSTMASTER AT FAYETTEVILLE UNDER DEMOCRATS. 
 
 It is well known and remembered that during all of the Cleveland Democratic 
 administration, there was a negro postmaster at Fayetteville, one of the most 
 important offices in the State. 
 
 COLORED POSTMISTRESS BONDED BY A DEMOCRAT. 
 
 The postoffice at Areola, Warren county, is now held by a colored girl, and she is 
 bonded by Geo. W. Davis, a white man and uncompromising Democrat. 
 
 THE "BOSS WHITE LEAGUER'S" ROSY LETTER TO A NEGRO. 
 
 Mr. Francis D. Winston is now a member of the Democratic machine, and the 
 machine has put him in the ring as the "Boss" organizer of what it calls the 
 White League. Geo. H. White is now a negro Congressman and the machine is 
 circulating his picture far and wide over the State. 
 
 Here is a copy of a letter written by " Boss White Leaguer " Winston to Negro 
 Congressman White : . 
 
 Windsor, N. C, June, 1890. 
 Hon. Geo. H. White, Rocky Mount, JV. C. : 
 
 My Dear Sir: — I regret that I can not attend the Judicial 
 
20 
 
 Convention on account of pressing engagements. Please put in 
 a word to secure my nomination for Judge. While there is not 
 much hope for an election, still the remote -possibility of riding 
 the District with you is a great pleasure. Wishing you success, 
 I am yours very truly, 
 
 (Signed) Francis D. Winston. 
 
 When this letter was written Winston was a candidate for Judge and was nomi- 
 nated, and White was nominated for Solicitor by the same convention. 
 
 It is useless and unnecessary to extend this list. Similar cases could be given in 
 such numbers as to fill an entire pamphlet of this size. 
 
 And now note carefully : 
 
 While all this is going on the Democratic machine is squalling "nigger," with 
 the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do You SEE? 
 
21 
 
 CHAPTER TWO. 
 
 LAWYERS LIVED AT THE TREASURY TROUGH WHEN 
 DEMOCRATS WERE IN. 
 
 NEARLY FIFTY THOUSAND DOLLARS FOR LEGAL ADVICE TO THREE 
 DEMOCRATIC ATTORNEY-GENERALS. 
 
 Among the " issues " which Democratic machine journalism has tried to raise 
 during the past two years is one about the payment of fees to attorneys who have 
 been employed by the Governor to represent the State in certain cases. Of course 
 it is clear that nearly all the services rendered to the present State administration, 
 by attorneys, have been in connection with the effort of the administration to com- 
 pel foreign corporations doing business in the State to become amenable to 
 State laws, to modify or nullify the terms of the " fraudulent 99-year lease," and 
 to prevent exorbitant charges and extortion by railroad combines and monopolies. 
 There has been nothing else, of consequence, before the present administration 
 that required legal advice and counsel to any great extent. 
 
 The employment of counsel in these cases has been made the ' ' basis " of a great 
 cry by the Democratic machine journalism, of extravagance — of spending the peo- 
 ple's money in employing "rabbit hunting " lawyers— and all other kinds of spite- 
 ful and false comment in an effort to make political capital out of paying attorneys 
 for services, &c. 
 
 As a matter of fact, this Democratic machine journalism doesn't care about the 
 expense in these matters. It is mad because something like a genuine, honest 
 fight is being made by Governor Russell against that big fraud — viz: " the Demo- 
 cratic 99-year lease, " and unjust charges by foreign railroad combines and other 
 corporations. The Democratic press is the servant of these combines, and a part 
 of its business and service is to fight and denounce any man or men who oppose 
 the encroachments and oppression of said combines and corporations. 
 
 Let this matter be made clear. It is stated above that the Democratic machine 
 journalism does not care anything about the " expense " of employing attorneys. 
 If it did care for the expense — for the squandering of the people's money, as it is 
 pleased to term it — it would not confine its comment to what is being done now. 
 If it had the least shade of honesty in the matter it would discuss the expense of 
 ' ' extra counsel ' ' heretofore made in cases not half so important to the people as 
 those cases now pending. 
 
 Did you ever see or hear of a Democratic machine paper making any criticism of 
 any fee heretofore paid to attorneys and lawyers ? Did any one of them ever tell 
 how much was being paid out by the Democratic administrations for extra legal 
 counsel? No. They are too sneaky and cowardly for that. 
 
 Well, since they have raised the issue it is time that the people know something 
 of the previous extravagance,, squandering, &c, and below is given a partial re- 
 cord of how the public money has heretofore been given to lawyers for extra legal 
 counsel. There is not space to enumerate the services for which this money was 
 paid, bnt anybody who will make a full investigation can easily think that some 
 pretty heavy fees have been paid for some very trival services. 
 
 But here are the figures : 
 
$ 45Q 
 
 00 
 
 IOO 
 
 00 
 
 IOO 
 
 00 
 
 1,500 
 
 00 
 
 500 
 
 00 
 
 250 
 
 00 
 
 200 
 
 00 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 22 
 
 EXTRA LEGAL SERVICES TO THE ATTORNEY-GENERALS. 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1877. 
 1877. 
 Jan. Paid to R. F. Armfield 
 
 Paid to John H Dillard 
 
 Paid to W. N. H. Smith 
 
 Feb. Paid to Strong & Smith 
 
 July. Paid to D. G. Fowle ' 
 
 Paid to John Gatling 
 
 Paid to A. C. Avery 
 
 Paid to Thos. Ruffin 
 
 Amount for 1877 $ 3, 150 00 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1878. 
 1877. 
 
 Dec. Paid D. G. Fowle •■•••$ 500 00 
 
 1878. 
 
 Jan. Paid to J. M. McCorkle 50 00 
 
 Paid to J. M. Leach 250 00 
 
 Paid to J. H. Merrimon. 100 00 
 
 Amount for 1878 $ 900 00 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1879. 
 
 1879. 
 
 Jan. Paid to G. N. Folk & R. F. Armfield $ 200 00 
 
 Paid to Smith & Strong 200 00 
 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai 250 00 
 
 Feb. Paid to Moore & Gatling 250 00 
 
 April Paid to T. P. Devereux 250 00 
 
 Paid to Gilliam & Gatling 500 00 
 
 Paid to A. M. Lewis 250 00 
 
 Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 250 00 
 
 June Paid to Thos. P. 'Devereux ' 100 00 
 
 Paid to E. W. Thompson 50 00 
 
 July Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 150 00 
 
 Aug. Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 60 00 
 
 Amount for 1879 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1880. 
 1879. 
 
 Oct. Paid to Thos. P. Devereux 
 
 Paid to Gilliam & Gatling 
 
 Dec. Paid to F. H. Busbee 
 
 Paid to W. S. Mason 
 
 1880. 
 
 Aug. Paid to W. W. Peebles 
 
 Paid to D G Fowle 
 
 Amount for 1880 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending September 30, 1881. 
 1880. 
 
 Nov. Paid to A. M. Lewis 
 
 Paid to Mason & Devereux 
 
 Paid to R. T. Merrick 
 
 Dec. Paid to A. M. Lewis 
 
 1881. 
 
 Jan. Paid to Thos. Ruffin 
 
 Paid to Thomas N. Hill 
 
 Amount for 1881 ,$ 1,325 00 
 
 I 
 
 2,510 00 
 
 $ 
 
 IOO 00 
 
 
 500 00 
 
 
 30 00 
 
 
 150 CO 
 
 
 75 00 
 
 
 250 00 
 
 $ 
 
 1,105 °° 
 
 $ 
 
 250 00 
 
 
 150 00 
 
 
 500 00 
 
 
 IOO 00 
 
 
 IOO 00 
 
 
 75 00 
 

 250 oo 
 
 
 500 00 
 
 
 300 OO 
 
 
 200 00 
 
 
 500 00 
 
 
 400 00 
 
 $ 
 
 2,400 00 
 
 $ 
 
 200 00 
 
 
 250 00 
 
 23 
 
 Fiscae Year Ending September 30, 1882. 
 
 1S81. 
 
 Oft. Paid to R. S. Davis $ 250 00 
 
 1882. 
 
 Jan. Paid to John W. Graham 
 
 Feb. Paid to Merrimon & Fuller 
 
 Mar. Paid to Daniel G. Fowle 
 
 April Paid to J. H. Dillard 
 
 May Paid to John W Graham 
 
 Aug. Paid to F. H. Busbee 
 
 Amount for 1882 
 
 Fiscae Year Ending September 30, 1883. 
 1882. 
 
 Dec. Paid to Dillard & Mordecai $ 
 
 1883. 
 
 Nov. Paid to Thos. Ruffin 
 
 Amount for 1883 $ 450 00 
 
 Fiscai, Year Ending November 30, 1884. 
 1SS4. 
 
 June Paid to W. S. Mason $ 300 00 
 
 Paid to Thos. Ruffin 250 00 
 
 Nov. Paid to Pace & Holding. 150 00 
 
 Amount for 1884 $ 700 00 
 
 Fiscae Year Ending November 30, 1885. 
 
 June Paid to Battle & Mordecai $ 500 00 
 
 Paid to Graham & Ruffin 500 00 
 
 Aug. Paid to W. A. Gash 100 00 
 
 1 Amount for 1885 s 
 
 Fiscae Year Ending November 30, 1886. 
 
 Feb. Paid to John Gatling ... 
 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai 
 
 May Paid to Battle & Mordecai 
 
 Paid to Graham & Ruffin 
 
 June Paid to Battle & Mordecai 
 
 Oct. Paid to Reade, Busbee & Busbee 
 
 Amount for 1886 
 
 Fiscae Year Ending November 30, 1887. 
 1886. 
 Dec. Paid to Ruffin & Graham 
 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai 
 
 1887. 
 
 Mar. Paid to C. M. Busbee 
 
 June Paid to R. Z. Dinney 
 
 July Paid to E. F. Lovill 
 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai , 
 
 Paid to Battle & Ruffin 
 
 Aug. Paid to Battle & Mordecai 
 
 Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 
 
 Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 
 
 Paid to R. F. Armfield 
 
 Oct. Paid to C. M. Cooke 
 
 Amount for 1887 $ 2,096 10 
 
 .* 
 
 1,100 00 
 
 .* 
 
 100 00 
 
 
 150 00 
 300 00 
 
 
 
 300 00 
 
 
 500 00 
 
 
 100 00 
 
 ■$ 
 
 1,450 CO 
 
 $ 
 
 500 00 
 
 
 500 00 
 
 
 120 00 
 
 
 25 00 
 
 
 25 00 
 
 
 200 00 
 
 
 200 00 
 
 
 222 80 
 
 
 228 30 
 30 OO 
 25 OO 
 20 OO 
 
 
 
 
24 
 
 1 887. 
 Dec. 
 
 1888. 
 Mar. 
 
 June 
 Aug. 
 
 1888. 
 Dec. 
 
 1889. 
 April 
 
 Oct. 
 Nov. 
 
 I8» 
 Dec. 
 
 189c 
 Mar. 
 
 April 
 
 J«iy 
 
 Aug. 
 Oct. 
 
 Nov. 
 
 1890. 
 Dec. 
 
 1891. 
 Mar. 
 
 Apr. 
 Tune 
 July 
 Aug. 
 
 Sept. 
 
 Oct. 
 Nov. 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1888. 
 
 Paid to Howard & Martin .... 
 Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 
 
 Paid to Graham & Ruffin . . 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai . . 
 
 Paid to C. M.Busbee 
 
 Paid to R. H. Battle 
 
 Amount for 188S. 
 
 $ 50 
 
 00 
 
 25 
 
 00 
 
 100 
 
 00 
 
 100 
 
 00 
 
 200 
 
 00 
 
 25 
 
 00 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1889. 
 
 Paid to C. H. Armfield. . . . 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai. 
 
 Paid to F. H. Busbee 
 
 Paid to W. A. Dunn ! 
 
 Paid to F. H. Busbee 
 
 Paid to R. H. Battle .'..,. 
 
 Paid to Reade, Busbee & Busbee. 
 Paid to Batchelor & Devereux 
 
 Amount for 1889 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1890. 
 
 Paid to Spier Whitaker . . . 
 Paid to Armfield & Turner. 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan 
 
 Paid to 
 P&id to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 Paid to 
 
 F. H. Busbee 
 
 F. H. Busbee. 
 
 S. G. Ryan 
 
 Battle & Mordecai . . . 
 
 Graham & Ruffin 
 
 S. G. Ryan 
 
 Batchelor & Devereux 
 
 Fuller & Snow 
 
 Battle & Mordecai .... 
 Armfield & Turner. . . 
 
 Fuller & Snow 
 
 N. J. Rouse 
 
 Batchelor & Devereux . 
 
 Amount for 1890. 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1891. 
 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai. 
 
 Paid to R. T. Gray 
 
 Paid to Thos. H. Sutton 
 
 Paid to F. H, Busbee 
 
 Paid to Batchelor & Devereux. 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai. . . 
 
 Paid to A. M. Waddell 
 
 Paid to John Devereux 
 
 Paid to Armistead Jones 
 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan 
 
 Paid to A. M. Waddell 
 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan 
 
 Paid to Geo. V. Strong 
 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan 
 
 Amount for 1891 . . . 
 
 500 00 
 
 1 50 
 
 00 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 35 
 
 00 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 20 
 
 00 
 
 281 
 
 00 
 
 400 
 
 00 
 
 100 
 
 00 
 
 986 00 
 
 1 200 
 
 00 
 
 100 
 
 00 
 
 100 
 
 00 
 
 10 
 
 00 
 
 '5 
 
 00 
 
 150 
 
 00 
 
 2,CK O 
 
 00 
 
 2,000 
 
 00 
 
 57 
 
 00 
 
 35 
 
 00 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 101 
 
 39 
 
 125 
 
 00 
 
 215 
 
 00 
 
 25 
 
 00 
 
 100 
 
 00 
 
 5,283 39 
 
 1 
 
 100 00 
 
 
 150 00 
 
 
 100 00 
 
 
 60 00 
 
 
 100 00 
 
 
 40 00 
 
 
 300 00 
 
 
 75 00 
 
 
 25 00 
 
 
 100 00 
 
 
 100 00 
 
 
 200 00 
 
 
 61 00 
 
 
 100 00 
 
 $ 
 
 1,711 00 
 
25 
 
 1891. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 1892. 
 Jan. 
 
 Feb. 
 Mar. 
 June 
 July 
 Aug. 
 Sept. 
 Oct. 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1892. 
 Paid to Armfield & Turner 5° °° 
 
 Paid to Thomas W. Strange . . 
 
 Paid to John Devereux 
 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan 
 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan. ." 
 
 Paid to Battle & Devereux 
 
 R. 0. Burton " 
 
 Paid to John D. Bellamy 
 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan 
 
 Paid Batchelor & Devereux 
 
 Paid to Armistead Jones 
 
 Paid to Busbee & Busbee 
 
 Paid to Busbee & Busbee 
 
 Amount for 1892 $ 5,945 00 
 
 JOO 
 
 •DO 
 
 25 
 
 OO 
 
 65 
 
 OO 
 
 35 
 
 OO 
 
 50 
 
 OO 
 
 100 
 
 OO 
 
 250 
 
 00 
 
 150 
 
 00 
 
 20 
 
 OO 
 
 2,500 
 
 OO 
 
 2,500 
 
 CO 
 
 100 
 
 OO 
 
 1892. 
 
 Dec. 
 
 1893- 
 Jan. 
 May 
 June 
 Sept. 
 Oct. 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1893 
 Paid to A. W. Haywood 
 
 Paid to John H. Small 
 
 Paid to R. O. Burton 
 
 Paid to C. M. Busbee 
 
 Paid to S. G. Ryan , 
 
 Paid to F. H. Busbee 
 
 Amount for 1893 
 
 $ 100 
 
 OO 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 3.925 
 
 02 
 
 500 
 
 00 
 
 3,000 
 
 OO 
 
 28 
 
 75 
 
 $ 7,603 77 
 
 1893. 
 Dec. 
 
 1894. 
 Mar. 
 • Sept. 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, li 
 Paid to A. W. Haywood 
 
 Paid to W. W. Zachary & J. C. Pritchard. . 
 
 Paid to W. R. Allen 
 
 Paid to F. H. Busbee 
 
 Amount for 1894 
 
 75 00 
 
 50 OO 
 IOO OO 
 
 250 OO 
 
 475 00 
 
 1S95. 
 Jan. 
 Mar. 
 
 June 
 
 July 
 Oct. 
 Nov. 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1895. 
 
 Paid to W. R. Allen ' 
 
 Paid to R. O. Burton 
 
 Paid S. G. Ryan 
 
 Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor 
 
 Paid to William A. Guthrie 
 
 Paid to Armistead Jones 
 
 Paid to Armistead Jones 
 
 Paid to Jos. B. Batchelor 
 
 Paid to W A. Guthrie 
 
 Paid to W. A. Guthrie 
 
 Paid to W. A. Guthrie 
 
 Paid to W. A. Guthrie 
 
 Amount for 1895 
 
 $ ^0 
 
 963 
 963 
 
 00 
 6S 
 68 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 25 
 
 00 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 50 
 
 00 
 
 125 
 
 00 
 
 150 
 
 00 
 
 100 
 
 00 
 
 75 
 
 00 
 
 $ 2,732 
 
 00 
 
26 
 
 Fiscal Year Ending November 30, 1896. 
 
 1895. 
 
 Dec. Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd $ 75 00 
 
 1896. 
 
 Jan. Paid to Jas. E- Shepherd ■ 290 00 
 
 Mar. Paid to W. A. Guthrie 100 00 
 
 April Paid to Battle & Mordecai .' * 311 00 
 
 Paid to Shepherd & Busbee 2,500 00 
 
 Paid to Jas. E. Shepherd 75 00 
 
 Paid to C. M. Busbee . . 85 00 
 
 Paid to Winstead & Brooks / 50 00 
 
 Paid to W. A. Guthrie 100 00 
 
 Paid to Osborne, Maxwell & Co 50 00 
 
 June Paid to R. L. Bynum 25 00 
 
 Paid to Battle & Thorn 25 00 
 
 Paid to Battle & Mordecai 90 55 
 
 Paid to Shepherd & Busbee 25 00 
 
 Sept. Paid to W. R. Allen 100 00 
 
 Paid to F. H. Busbee 250 00 
 
 Nov. Paid to R. P. Buxtou 25 00 
 
 Amount for 1896 $ 4,041 00 
 
 Grand total $ 45, 138' 26 
 
 It is more than probable that the above figures do not include AEE the money 
 paid out for extra legal counsel, for it is easy, in glancing through a long series of 
 reports, to overlook items. But it is certain that there is no over- statement of the 
 amount, for the items are given and show for themselves. The figures do not 
 include a number of items charged as incidental expenses for the different Attorney 
 Generals in making special trips. If these items were included, together with such 
 as may have been overlooked, the grand total would undoubtedly closely approxi- 
 mate $50,000. 
 
 Now, let the " issue " be continued and let the Democratic machine journalists 
 tell the people, if they dare, that it has been necessary to pay out about FIFTY 
 THOUSAND DOLLARS for extra legal counsel for only THREE Democratic 
 Attorney Generals. Whether necessary or not, it has been paid out. 
 
 And now note carefully : 
 
 When this immense amount of money was being distributed among the ' ' faith- 
 ful " Democratic lawyers, the Democratic machine was squalling "nigger," for 
 the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the people from what was being 
 done. 
 
 Do YOU SEE? 
 
27 
 
 CHAPTER THREE. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC SCANDAL IN THE PUBLIC PRINTING. 
 
 Perhaps one of the most flagrantly outrageous and scandalous jobs which char- 
 acterized the administration of the Democratic party in this State was in connection 
 with the State Printing. There has never been any explicit knowledge or famil- 
 iarity on the part of the public in connection with this job, because it has always 
 been to the interest of the Democratic press, as well as the part}-, to say nothing 
 about it. It can be explained in this way: For many years it was customary for 
 the Legislature to elect a State Printer. The State Printer was not a man supposed 
 to have any knowledge of printing, but was one who was rewarded simply and 
 solely for party sendee. The State prescribed a price for Public Printing to be 
 paid to the State Printer. The State Printer always sublet the work to some print- 
 ing house, and the printing house would pay to the State Printer fifteen per cent, 
 of the gross amount of the price for the work done. All the State Printer ever did 
 in connection with the work was to receipt his bills and pocket the fifteen per cent, 
 bonus. 
 
 Among the State Printers have been P. M. Hale, Capt. S. A. Ashe and Josephus 
 Daniels. It is unnecessary to mention the number of years during which this job- 
 bery prevailed, but it certainly came in with the advent to power of the Demo- 
 cratic party. 
 
 Some knowedge of the scheme can be had by reference to a period of years. 
 Take the period of time from 1883 to 1893. The gross amount of State Printing for 
 thpse years, according to the Auditors' Reports, was 1188,332. 47. Fifteen per cent, 
 of this amount went into the pockets of the men known as State Printers, and this 
 fifteen per cent, on the gross amount just stated is $28,249.87. This much money 
 ■was simply looted from the Treasury and given to the favored supporters of the 
 Democratic party. These favored supporters never rendered a single act of service 
 to the State in consideration of this princely pay. 
 
 Nor is this all. The term "State Printing " does not include the printing done 
 for a considerable number of the public institutions of the State. For instance, the 
 Agricultural Department has an immense amount of printing done every year, but 
 it is paid for out of the special fund provided for the support of the Department, 
 and while the cost of the printing for that Department is shown in its reports, that 
 cost is not included in the amount shown to be spent for Public Printing in the 
 Auditors' Reports. This same rule applies to the Insane Asylums of the State, the 
 Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institutions and about all other State institutions. The 
 State makes annual appropriations for these institutions, and they pay for their 
 printing out of their special appropriations. But the Democratic State Printer 
 never failed to get his fifteen per cent, on every job of work done for every public 
 institution. 
 
 It is not easy to estimate the cost of the printing for these institutions for a long 
 term of years, but it is very reasonable to say that it amounted to $12,000 from 
 1883 to 1893. So it easily appears that the amount paid for Public Printing from 
 1883 to 1893, will equal, if not exceed, two hundred thousand dollars ($200,000). 
 Fifteen per cent, pf this amount is thirty thousand dollars ($30,000), and this has 
 gone into the pockets of the great Democratic " State Printers " from 1883 to 1893. 
 
28 
 
 The same rule prevailed from 1876 to 1883, and during these years the amount of 
 looting and boodle must have equalled what the Democratic party took from 1883 
 to 1893, because the jobbery was worse during those years than during the later 
 period. 
 
 Of course there were aspirants at every session of the Legislature for the office of 
 Public Printer. The job was so easy and the pay so munificent that the struggle 
 among the Democratic spoilsmen was always tricky, vindictive, fierce and espe- 
 cially scandalous. This struggle finally reached the point at which cowhiding, 
 cane thrashing and fisticuffs in the Capitol itself occurred among the candidates, 
 and the jobbery became so openly vile and scandalous, that even a Democratic 
 legislature concluded it best to temporarily eliminate the jobbery feature of it, and 
 this was done for two years of the Democratic adminisiration. 
 
 For seven of the years from 1883 to 1893, Josephus Daniels was State Printer. 
 He was elected to that ' ' high office ' ' by manipulating a deal with the independent 
 members of the Legislature of 1887, when John R. Webster was speaker. The cost 
 of Public Printing during these seven years amounted to $125,024.91. The work 
 was usually done by printing houses in Raleigh, which houses turned over to 
 Josephus Daniels, State Printer, fifteen per cent, on the gross amount. Daniels' 
 share of this job, therefore, for the seven years of his occupancy of the office, was 
 l I 8>753-73- An( i if to this be added the fifteen per cent, on the work done for the 
 various public institutions during that time, the amount of boodle pocketed by 
 him will easily amount to twenty thousand dollars ($20,000). 
 
 For this snug little fortune, grabbed from the treasury of the people and passed 
 into the pockets of the " State Printer," not a single act of service was ever done 
 for the State. This was his pay for the same work he is now doing, and that work, 
 on the one hand, was to declare to the public, through the papers which he edited, 
 that the Democratic party was honest, while it was looting the treasury and steal- 
 ing the public fund in the various ways illustrated in this pamphlet, and on the 
 other hand, attempting to villify gentlemen of integrity and character, and every- 
 body who ventured to raise a voice against the rascality and scandalous jobbery of 
 the Democratic machine. 
 
 Such facts as these clearly explain why the Democratic press and machine is so 
 wildly and desperately trying to arouse the prejudice and inflame the passions of 
 the people by crying " nigger." Of all the purposes of this machine, the greatest 
 purpose is to divert the attention of the people from the facts of a Democratic 
 record. No record made by that party in this State will stand the clear light of 
 •day, or survive the condemnation of honesty and reason. 
 
 A COMPARISON OF WHAT HAS BEEN DONE AND OF WHAT IS 
 
 BEING DONE. 
 
 The Legislature of 1897 provided that the Public Printing should be done under 
 the supervision and management of the Council of State of the present administra- 
 tion, and the management of the printing was begun by the Council of State on 
 July 1st, 1897. The general result shows that there must have been jobbery in this 
 work in addition to the bonus paid to whoever held the soft chair of the great mag- 
 nificent office of Public Printer. This can be illustrated by a comparison of the 
 figures for some previous years. 
 
 For instance, the cost of Public Printing for the first twelve months under the 
 management of the Council of State, the period being from July 1st, 1897, to July 
 
29 
 
 ist, 1898, was $10,280.72. For the six years prior, for the same months, the cost 
 of public printing, was as follows : 
 
 July 1891 to 1892 $ 15, 196 68 
 
 July 1892 to 1893 16,796 46 
 
 July 1893 to 1894 14.509 T 9 
 
 July 1894 to 1895 19,481 52 
 
 July 1895 to 1896 16,699 87 
 
 July 1896 to 1897. 24,713 5S 
 
 This shows that for six years past under Democratic regime, the lowest cost of 
 Public Printing for any one twelve months, from July to July, was $4,22847 more 
 than the cost has been for the first twelve months under the supervision of the 
 present administration, and it shows an average saving for the past six years of 
 more than $7,000 per year. 
 
 This does not include a large saving made on the Public Printing for the various 
 State institutions, which institutions pay for their printing out of their regular 
 annual appropriations. 
 
 , These are facts and figures from the official records — they are carefully compiled 
 and cannot be disputed. No fifteen per cent, bonus has found its way to the pocket 
 of any Democratic party heeler. The money has been paid for service rendered 
 and work done. • And now note carefully : 
 
 When the Democratic machine was looting the public treasury as above shown, 
 that same machine was squalling "nigger." And while the present anti-Demo- 
 cratic administration is saving the people's money and repudiating jobbery, as above 
 shown, that same Democratic machine is squalling " nigger !" 
 
 Do YOU SEE? 
 
3° 
 
 CHAPTER FOUR. 
 
 RECKLESSNESS, NEGLIGENCE, INCOMPETENCE AND 
 LOSS IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT. 
 
 A vivid and characteristic illustration of trie general recklessness, carelessness 
 and incompetence of Democratic machine administration is afforded by the office 
 of Secretary of State under that regime. The people of the State would be loth to 
 believe a true description — if, indeed, one could be given — of the chaos discovered 
 there by the present State government, and this even after some effort was appar- 
 ently made to "straighten matters out" before the time for the inauguration of 
 the present administration. 
 
 When Secretary Thompson went into the office he proceeded to overhaul things 
 and some of his discoveries were simply amazing! He found letters of old dates- 
 several years back — containing checks, postal notes, postal money orders, green- 
 backs and specie stuck away here and there. Some of these letters were found in 
 a great pile of waste that had been carelessly dumped into a brick building which 
 was rented by the Democratic machine and called a "warehouse." All these let- 
 ters were concerning public business, and should have had prompt attention at the 
 time they were received. The checks, money, post-office orders and postal notes 
 should have been promptly accounted for to the State Treasurer. Secretary 
 Thompson, as soon as he could, opened correspondence with the writers of these 
 letters with a view to adjusting the business on which they were written. Some of 
 the writers were thus reached, and the money or checks either returned to them, 
 or the business for which they were forwarded was attended to after a lapse of 
 years. In the old " warehouse " were stowed a lot of book paper, many volumes 
 of Supreme Court Reports, Laws, Journals, etc, bound and unbound, and in the 
 waste was found a tremendous amount of stationery which might have been easily 
 and advantageously used years ago. But a large proportion of it was spoiled and 
 damaged beyond the point of utility. Some "leaks" in the "warehouse" roof 
 let water on the paper stock, Supreme Court Reports and other volumes, and a 
 large portion of all were rotten —not even salable as old waste. A considerable 
 number of the ' ' stray ' ' money-orders and postal notes were sent on to Washington 
 and redeemed by the government, and the amount thus realized promptly turned 
 into the State Treasury, after first having made an effort to find the parties who 
 -svrote the letters enclosing them. Some illustrations of the foregoing statement 
 are here presented. 
 
 In June, 1891, Mrs. T. C. Green, of Judson, Swain county, wrote to the Secretary 
 of State, inclosing a grant, in which she desired a correction to be made, and sent 
 the money to pay the fee. The letter and money were laid aside and entirely for- 
 gotten until Dr. Thompson found them, where they had been placed six years ago. 
 
 Mr. George Holmes, of Bowman's Bluff, on December 28, 1892, sent a letter, 
 with papers for land grant, and check for $ 19.23; the grant was issued in January, 
 1893, but the check had been pigeon-holed, and there remained until found by Dr. 
 Thompson, in the original envelope. He wrote to Mr. Holmes, and by his direc- 
 tion deposited the check in the bank for collection October 3, 1897. 
 
 Mr. Nathan D. Hart, of Bryson City, sent papers for land grant in 1891, together 
 with $6 in money; the papers were out of date and grant could not be issued. The 
 
3 1 
 
 proper thing for the Secretary of State at that time to have done was to notify Mr. 
 Hart that the grant could not be issued and return the money, but instead, it was 
 pigeon-holed, and six years after found by the present Secretary of State. He cor- 
 responded with Mr. D. Hart, and after proper investigation returned him the 
 money by registered letter. 
 
 Mr. Wm. H. Oliver, an insurance agent at New Berne, in. a letter, dated April 12, 
 1894, sent to the Secretary of State a check for $25, in payment for an insurance 
 company license for three months. As a license could not be issued for three 
 months, the check should have been returned to Mr. Oliver, with information to 
 that effect. But neither was done until Dr. Thompson found the check and letter, 
 corresponded with Mr. Oliver in regard to the matter and then returned the check 
 to him. 
 
 Mr. T. S. McClure, of Shooting Creek, Glay county, sent papers for a grant, 
 enclosing fifty cents in silver. The papers were out of date and grant could not 
 be issued. Mr. McClure should have been notified of this fact, but instead, his 
 letter was thrown aside with money. Dr. Thompson returned Mr. McClure's money 
 October 27, 1897. 
 
 A letter dated October 24, 1S94, from an insurance man in Virginia, enclosing a 
 check for $45.00 in payment of insurance taxes, was received at the Secretary's 
 office. Both were laid aside and neglected until Dr. Thompson discovered them in 
 a pigeon hole of the Secretary's desk. The check was considered uncollectible. 
 This was a loss to the State, and while the amount in itself is seemingly small, it 
 reveals the carelessness and negligence of the conduct of that office. 
 
 In another place a check was found drawn in favor of Mr. H. M. Ramseur, by 
 Mr. A. B. Fortune, on the Western Carolina Savings Bank, dated March 19, 1889, 
 and endorsed on the back by H. M. Ramseur. This check had evidently been sent 
 in payment of some license or fee. It was laid aside and never saw the light of day 
 since that date until found by Dr. Thompson. The check is now considered worth- 
 less. 
 
 On January 22, 1895, Mr. W. B. Copeland, of Big Oak, Moore county, sent papers 
 for land grant enclosing $3.00 in cash to cover expenses of having the grant prop- 
 erly recorded. This letter was also unearthed, and the Secretary wrote to Mr. 
 Cope? and for some information in regard to the matter. The following is Mr. 
 Copeland's reply : 
 
 Big Oak, N. C, Oct. 6, 1897. 
 Mr. Cyrus Thompson, Secretary of State. 
 
 Dear Sir : — In reply to yours of the 5th inst. , I will say that I sent those plots 
 and $3.00 and got Coke's registered receipt for same ; that is the last I ever heard 
 of it until to-day. I wrote enclosing stamp for answer, but never heard anything 
 from money or papers. I would say to you, that I want my grant as soon as possi- 
 ble. If there is anything wrong or anything lacking, let me hear at once. Please 
 let me hear from you as soon as this comes to hand, as I am anxious to know. 
 
 Respectfully yours, W. B. Copei,and. 
 
 In May, 1895, Mr. Turner Turpin, of Whittier, N. C, mailed a letter to the Sec- 
 retary of State containing some papers for a land grant, and also a money-order for 
 $4.63, the necessary fee to cover the cost. This letter was thrown in the ' ' scatter ' ' 
 and forgotten. About a year later the post-office authorities called the Secretary's 
 attention to the fact that an unpaid money-order was in the post-office, whereupon 
 the Secretary had a duplicae money -order issued and received the money in April, 
 1896. The original letter, with order, was found by Dr. Thompson, who wrote to 
 the sender, and, after full investigation, learning that no service had been per- 
 formed by his predecessor, he returned the money to Mr. Turpin. 
 
32 
 
 On January, 26, 1895, Mr. D. Stradley, entry-taker of Henderson county, sent to 
 the Secretary of State, for Mr. J. J. McCall, papers for grant for forty-four acres of 
 land, inclosing a post-office order for $7.50 The original letter, with papers and 
 money-order, were found in the general " scatter." Dr. Thompson finally effected 
 an adjustment of this matter. 
 
 Among other things that Dr. Thompson found in overhauling his. office were 
 postal notes to the amount of $16.86; a post-office order from Kinston, but he was 
 unable to learn what this money was sent for or to what fund it should be credited. 
 He also found a post-office order for $3.43 from Mr. W. A. Hendricks, of Mocks- 
 ville, in May, 1893. A duplicate was issued and paid to the Secretary of State. 
 
 The above are a few samples taken at random, of the carelessness with which the 
 business of one of the most important offices of the State has been conducted under 
 Democratic management. It is not necessary to use space in extending the illus- 
 trations, though they are not wanting in number. There are enough to fill a book. 
 By such negligence both the State and public have suffered. But this is not all of 
 the misdoings under Democratic administration of the Secretary of State's office. 
 The foregoing are not the only evidences that can be shown of carelessness, irre- 
 gularity and incompetence in the conduct of this department of State under Dem- 
 ocratic rule. 
 
 Section 3070 of the Code plainly lays down a rule and requirement which should 
 always be observed. That requirement is as follows : 
 
 "Sec. 3070. The Secretary of State shall furnish to the Auditor, on the first of 
 each month, a statement in detail of the taxes and license fees received by him 
 under this chapter during the previous month, and shall pay to the Treasurer the 
 amount in full of such taxes and license fees." 
 
 "Was this law complied with under'Democratic regime? 
 
 The Democratic records of the office of Secretary of State are so incomplete as 
 to make it impossible to get from that office any accurate information for any con- 
 siderable length of time back, but the records there, together with the records of 
 other departments, afford an illustration of how loosely the law was followed by 
 Secretary Cooke. 
 
 Mr. Cooke was inaugurated on September 2, 1895. The accounts upon which he 
 made returns into the Treasury are: '.'Fees," "Seal Tax,"' "Insurance Tax," 
 " Insurance license, " "Sale of Daws and Journals," and " Sale of Supreme Court 
 Reports." On these accounts he collected and paid into the State Treasury as fol- 
 lows : 
 
33 
 
 Feb. 29, 1896. Collected to this date $ 21,643 76 
 
 Paid State Treasurer today 3,392 68 
 
 April 29, 1896. Leaving in hand $ 18,251 08 
 
 Collected since February 29th 28,896 69 
 
 Making total amount on hand $ 47, 147 77 
 
 Paid to State Treasurer to-day 35,5*7 22 
 
 July 31, 1896. Leaving in Secretary's hands $ 11,630 55 
 
 Collected since April 29, 1896 7,755 70 
 
 Making total amount in hand , $ 19,386 25 
 
 Paid Treasurer to-day 14,200 02 
 
 Nov. 30, 1896. Leaving in Secretary's hands $ 5, 186 23 
 
 Collected since July 31 7,762 69 
 
 Making total in hand $ 12,948 92 
 
 Paid into Treasury to-day 10,400 83 
 
 Feb. 12, 1897. Leaving in hands of Secretary $ 3,542 09 
 
 Collected since November 30, 1896 962 27 
 
 Making a total of $ 3,504 36 
 
 Turned over to successor this day 3,504 36 
 
 The Secretary of State collected on account of "Redemption of Land sold for 
 Taxes," as follows: November 9th, 1895, $63.17; August 18th, 1896, $13.04; Sep- 
 tember 10th, 1896, fe'10.37; making a total of $386.58 received on this account, none 
 of which was turned into the Treasury until after the inauguration of Secretary 
 Thompson. 
 
 This shows that the law requiring a detailed statement of receipts on the first of 
 each month was utterly disregarded by the former official (Cooke), and yet his 
 management seems to have been much better than that of preceding officials. 
 Carelessness ! Negligence ! ! Incompetence ! ! ! Which ? No such irregularity 
 and confusion is possible in any State Department now. 
 
 Irregularity may be further illustrated by returns made of sales of Supreme 
 Court Reports for a number of years back. These returns show the following : " 
 
 1890 $1,966 27 
 
 1891 2,618 01 
 
 1892 
 
 1893 621 12 
 
 1894 
 
 1895 2,330 66 
 
 1896 3,686 23 
 
 1897, by Cooke 516 09 
 
 1897, by Thompson 2,617 45 
 
 1898, to July 31st 2,074 69 
 
 All these figures are taken from the books of the State Treasurer. 
 
 Well, what next? Besides the intelligence, competence and regularity of the 
 reports now made monthly according to law, which characterize the present 
 administration, it appears, that the office of Secretary of State is turning into 
 the State Treasury a vastly larger reveuue than ever before. Here are the officially 
 reported receipts for a number of years back. 
 
34 
 
 1893, Coke, Secretary of State 4 $47,474 21 
 
 1894., Coke, Secretary of State 49,738 10 
 
 1895, Coke and Cooke, Secretaries of State 48,082 60 
 
 1896, Cooke, Secretary of State 63,548 26 
 
 1897, Thompson, Secretary of State 9i>552 71 
 
 Here it appears that Secretary Thompson, during his first year in office, reported 
 to the State Treasury nearly thirty thousand dollars more than a Democratic regime 
 ever paid in in any one year. To take an average for a long term of years, the 
 showing for the Democratic regime is bad — very bad. Here is the average. 
 
 First period, from January 1, 1881, to Coke's last payment, May 31, 1895, just 
 fourteen years and five months : 
 
 Total payments 1396,474 43 
 
 Average per year 27,501 16 
 
 Average per month 2,291 76 
 
 Second period, from last payment of Coke, May 31, 1895, to the inauguration of 
 Dr. Thompson, January 12, 1897, one year, seven and two-fifth months, covering 
 Cooke's time. 
 
 The payments were / $82,130 50 
 
 Average per year 50,802 42 
 
 Average per month 4.233 53 
 
 Third period, from January 12, 1897, to July 31, 1898, one year, six and three-fifth 
 months, under Thompson. 
 
 The amount was $!63,356 14 
 
 Average per year 105,326 40 
 
 Average per month 8,777 2 ° 
 
 These figures show the actual collections of Secretary Thompson, the amount 
 turned over to him by Secretary Cooke being placed to Cooke's credit. 
 
 In the foregoing, plain, incontrovertible facts are given. Their significance is 
 left to the reflection and conclusion of the public. The Democratic machine tries 
 to ' ' clear things up " by claiming a large increase in the lines of business from 
 which the Secretary of State collects this revenue. It is perfectly natural that 
 business should increase when the blight and blast of a Democratic machine ad- 
 ministration is lifted from State and nation, and if there has been such an increase 
 of business in this State since that machine was retired from the responsibilities of 
 government, it is logically plain that said machine ought never to be allowed to 
 govern again. 
 
 But ' ' increase of business ' ' does not explain away the w'ild incompetence and 
 carelessness shown by the letters referred to in the beginning of this chapter. 
 
 The Secretary of State kept no books before September, 1895. There is no way 
 to tell how much was collected all those years. 
 
 ' ' Increase of business ' ' does not explain away the carelessness and negligence in 
 the matter of making monthly reports as required by law, as shown by figures 
 quoted. It does not explain the failure to pay over for sale of Supreme Court 
 Reports in 1892 and 1894. 
 
 And since "increase of business" does not explain these matters, the people 
 can judge for themselves as to whether it explains away the vast difference in the 
 
35 
 
 returns made by the Democratic machine, and in the returns made by the present 
 administration. The Progressive Farmer aptly says : 
 
 '•The books in the State Department don't show up whether it was collected or 
 not, and if collected, whether it was used as the capital stock of the fine double 
 room bar that was run in that end of the Capitol for years, or whether they laid 
 aside $5,000 a month for a campaign fund, including the whiskey with which they 
 debauched the Legislatures, or whether part of it was applied to keeping up a daily 
 in the city of Raleigh. This is too serious a matter to pass over trivially. Some- 
 thing has evidently gone wrong, and from what we have heard rumored, this thing, 
 while done in one corner of the Capitol, and so far as the people were concerned, 
 " in darkness," yet we feel sure " the ring " understood this matter all the time. 
 Let it be investigated. Let the truth be found if possible. We mean this. We 
 want truth, honesty and efficiency in our public servants." 
 
 There is a peculiar and far-reaching significance in the fact that while the Dem- 
 ocratic machine appointed Legislative committees to examine the books in the 
 Auditor's office and Treasurer's office, no committee -was ever appointed to 
 examine the books in the office of Secretary of State. And yet that office collected 
 vast sums of State revenue. Put this fact and the comment of the Pi ogressive 
 Farmer together, and see what they make. 
 
 And now note carefully. While all this was going on, the Democratic machine 
 was squalling ' ' nigger, ' ' with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people 
 from it. 
 
 Do You SEE ? 
 
36 
 
 CHAPTER FIVE. 
 
 A FUSION OF THE " DEMOCRATIC MACHINE " AND A RAIL- 
 ROAD SYNDICATE FOR THE PURPOSE OF 
 PILLAGE AND PLUNDER. 
 
 About the first of August, 1898, there was noticeable among the "leaders" and 
 manipulators of the Democratic, machine, a sudden exhilaration — a smirk of satis- 
 faction and an appearance of confidence that had not theretofore been visible. Then 
 began a whispering which soon grew into a bold, brassy, noisy assertion that "the 
 Democratic party will sweep the State in 1898." With a record of forty thousand 
 majority against the party in 1896, it became intensely interesting to know why 
 this assertion broke out so suddenly and apparently with some confidence. It was 
 not long before the cause was discovered. When the Peoples Party State Con- 
 vention met it declared against the encroachments of corporations, monopolies 
 and railroad combines, and endorsed the stand taken by Governor Russell and the 
 fight he was making to compel arrogant railroad syndicates to become subject to 
 the laws of the State while they operated therein. 
 
 When the Republican State Convention met it also endorsed Governor Russell. 
 
 When the Democratic State Convention met it did not endorse Governor Rus- 
 sell, and it did not do much of anything except to subject itself to the domination 
 of railroad attorneys and thus openly expose its hypocrisy. 
 
 The utterance and dictum of a political convention that has any character, fore- 
 shadow the course to be pursued by its adherents, and the endorsement of Gover- 
 nor Russell by the Populist Convention and by the Republican Convention fore- 
 shadow the fact that the members of these parties, when elected to office, will sup- 
 port Governor Russell in his fight against the machinations, greed and pernicious 
 influence of railroad syndicates, etc. This is clearly the view taken by a great 
 foreign railroad combine which does an immense business in North Carolina, and 
 that same combine has been looking around for some power or force which will 
 enable it not only to hold what it has, but to advance its schemes and plans for in- 
 creasing its receipts by collecting excessive and unreasonable tolls from the 
 people. *> 
 
 The only thing in sight that this combine thought it could safely use for this 
 purpose in any way was the Democratic machine. Let it be remembered that the 
 Democratic machine did not endorse Governor Russell's position. It did not 
 condemn " midnight 99-year leases." It did not endorse Railroad Commissioner 
 Pearson, although he is a Democrat, for firmly standing for a reduction of railroad 
 rates and insisting that all railroads should be taxed according to their earning 
 capacity ; and the logical result of such a condition was a quiet fusion of this 
 mighty syndicate and the Democratic machine, the only evidence of which was 
 the " sudden exhilaration — the smirk of satisfaction and appearance of confidence " 
 mentioned above. ^ 
 
 It is not to be denied that this railroad syndicate is a mighty power in politics. 
 It has been clearly proven that it gave, under another name, in one donation, the 
 sum of ten thousand dollars to help manipulate Democratic politics in the State 
 of Virginia, and when the Democratic machine of this State came to an under- 
 standing with it some weeks ago, that machine immediately concluded that it had 
 
37 
 
 formed a league with a power that is all-powerful and irfesistible. Hence the 
 noisy assertion that " the Democrats will sweep the State in 1898." 
 
 By reason of recent records, such a fusion as is above named is a natural se- 
 quence and is quite logical. 
 
 It will be remembered that the Democratic machine never enforced the law 
 regulating railroad rates and free passes. Rates were just as the railroads made 
 them and practically the entire Democratic machine rode on free passes. 
 
 It will be remembered that the Democratic machine effected the " midnight 99- 
 year lease " for the syndicate, against open and vigorous protests of the people. 
 
 It will be remembered that when a bill was before the Legislature of 1897, re- 
 quiring foreign corporations to take out license to do business in this State, every 
 Democrat in the Senate and all Democrats in the House, except five, voted against 
 the bill and defeated it. 
 
 This action is positive evidence that the Democratic machine is the close 
 friend and co-partner of foreign corporations and especially of this particular for- 
 eign railroad syndicate ; that the machine is willing to aid and abet this syndicate 
 in its career of excessive charges, manipulation by injunctions, corruption by free 
 passes, etc., etc. The Democratic machine party voted more solidly in support 
 of the schemes of the railroad syndicate than any other party, and hence the fusion 
 of these two agencies for future mutual interests and purposes. The ballots to be 
 cast by the people in November, 189S, will decide whether or not such fusion as 
 this can successfully fuse in this State. 
 
 ' The character of the Democratic machine, as exemplified by the vote of its 
 members in the Legislature of 1897, and by its Railroad Lawyer Convention of 
 June 25, 1898, shows that its natural tendency is to fuse with the railroad syndi- 
 cate, and one act alone of the machine ought to, and perhaps will, make the syn- 
 cate always ready and willing to fuse with that machine. That one act is the exe- 
 cution of the " midnight 99-year lease." It is difficult to fully comprehend the far 
 reaching consequences and results' of that one act. Let us present here, for ready 
 reference, some figures that have already been made public. 
 
 The stock of the North Carnlina Railroad amounts to four million dollars 
 ($4,000,000). About three-fourths of this stock is owned by the State. The terms 
 of the " midnight 99-year lease " turn this road over to the Southern Railway 
 Company — a foreign syndicate — for 99 years. 
 
 The Southern Railway Company reported for the year 1S97 the following earn- 
 ings from the North Carolina Railroad : 
 
 Gross earnings from operation $1,592,217 93 
 
 Less operating expenses 1,148,772 59 
 
 Income from operation '. $ 443,445 34 
 
 Deductions from income — 
 
 Rents paid for lease of road $ 266,000 00 
 
 Taxes = 24,820 16 
 
 Total deductions from income 290,820 16 
 
 Net income $ 152,625 18 
 
 Now examine these figures. To begin with, :< operating expenses " are first de- 
 ducted from the entire amount of earnings. These operating expenses include 
 the proportionate part of the big salaries paid to all railroad officials, so the first 
 
38 
 
 item the big railroad 'syndicate gets out of this deal is big salaries for themselves 
 .and all salaries paid to employees. This leaves over $443,000 of profits to be di- 
 vided up in some way. The next item the railroad syndicate gets by this deal is 
 what it calls the " rent " or " lease " money, but which is really six and one-half per 
 cent, on the capital stock of the road, amounting to $266,000. (It will be $28^,003 
 in 1902). Now does it not seem that big salaries and six and one-half per cent, 
 profit on the investment combined ought to satisfy any reasonable public business 
 concern? But does it? Let's see! 
 
 The next item the railroad syndicate gains by this deal is the taxes on the road v 
 and then there plainly appears to be an arrangement by which big salaries, free 
 rent and free taxes are all gained by the big railroad syndicate in the great " mid- 
 night 99-year lease." There are but few concerns on this earth that can make 
 bargains and deals by which they can get the use of valuable property free, and 
 get big salaries for using it besides. But that is what has been accomplished by 
 the Democratic machine and the railroad syndicate. Is this all? Let's see! 
 
 Besides th.e free rent, the free taxes and the big salaries, this railroad syndicate 
 gained over one hundred and fifty thousand dollars cool net cash for the year 1897 
 according to its own report; and it thus clearly appears that the Southern Rail- 
 way is charging and collecting tolls from the people heavy enough to pay big sal- 
 aries, all rents, all taxes and then have more than $150,000 to divide up among the 
 Rosthchilds, Pierpont Morgan, campaign funds, etc. All this ii to go on for 99 
 years! Population will increase, business enterprises will multiply along the 
 road, passenger travel and freight shipments will be greatly augmented during 
 this period of three generations, and there is no estimating what the earnings of 
 this road may be before the expiration of 99 years. But if there should be no in- 
 crease at all, the final result will be that the syndicate will rake in from the people 
 the stupendous sum of about Fifteen million dollars, besides big salaries, 
 rents and taxes. 
 
 And this is what the Democratic machine says is right. It said so when it 
 made the " midnight 99-year lease." It said so when it voted almost solidly in 
 the Legislature of 1897 to prevent any interference with this " lease." It said so 
 by assembling ■" The Great Railroad Lawyer Convention" in Raleigh on June 
 25, 1898. It says so now when it makes a fusion with this big syndicate for the 
 purpose of further pillaging and plundering the people. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 While all this was being done and is now going on, the Democratic machine is 
 crying " nigger " with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do you SEE? 
 
39 
 
 CHAPTER SIX. 
 
 THE PENITENTIARY— A RECORD OF EXTRAVIGANCE, IN. 
 
 COMPETENCE AND BARBARITY WITHOUT A 
 
 PARALLEL IN PRISON MANAGEMENT. 
 
 Perhaps the object of the most unanimous attack and the subject of the greatest 
 number of lies by the Democratic machine press, during the last sixteen months, 
 has been the State Penitentiary. That institution affords the wildest illustrations 
 of the extravagance, corruptness, incompetence and barbarity of the Democratic 
 machine, and that machine dreads the exposure, which will be made here more, 
 perhaps, than anything else. Democratic machine managers have always known 
 that the management of the Penitentiary under their regime has been persistently 
 disgraceful, scandalous and outrageous, but it was careful to suppress the truth 
 about it. When the management went into the hands of the present administra- 
 tion the Democratic machine kn?w that if conditions should remain only half 
 as bad as they had ahvays been, and such conditions could be exposed, great cam- 
 paign thunder could be created therefrom. 
 
 The fusilade began when there was a scandal in which Dr. Kirby Smith figured. 
 Now, Kirby Smith was a Democrat. He had never been anything else. He was 
 appointed to the position he held by Dr. J. L. Kirby, another Democrat who has 
 medical charge of the Department of Criminal Insane at the Penitentiary, and the 
 result is that the anti-Democratic administration has learned a severe lesson on 
 the utter folly and foolishness of permitting the appointment of Democrats to any 
 position. This lesson will not have to be learned twice. From then on the 
 Democratic machine kept up its fusilade of distortion and misrepresentation, hop- 
 ing thereby to draw attention from its old regime. 
 
 From 1876 to 1896 — twenty years — the Democratic machine controlled this in- 
 siitution. During that time there wa« appropriated for it two million six hund- 
 red and fifty-seven thousand dollars ($2, 657, 000). The earnings of the Peniten- 
 tiary during that time have amounted to $1,140,000. These figures show that 
 there has been a net outlay of money for the support of the Penitentiary during 
 the past twenty years of $1, 516, 000, an average net expense of more than seventy- 
 five thousand dollars ($75,000) per year. If these figures are incorrect it is be- 
 cause the Democratic machine reports for all these years are incorrect, for the 
 figures are taken from these reports. In the face of this official record of actual 
 expenditures, the Democratic machine press has been making, in one way or an- 
 other, some sort of claim that the Penitentiary was self sustaining ever since 1888, 
 and this was kept up even during the year 1897 until the last Democratic Super- 
 intendent wrote a public letter in which he said, in effect, that no such claim 
 could be justly made. The sum of $14,158.71 was appropriated by the Legislature 
 of 1895 to pay the debt of the Penitentiary for the year 1894. (See Chapter 408, 
 Laws 1895.) In addition to this the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars was ap- 
 propriated for the year 1895, and a contingent fund of twenty-five thousand dol- 
 lars for the year 1896. (See chapter above quoted.) And in addition to all this 
 the sum of ten thousand dollars was appropriated for the years 1895 and 1896. 
 (See Chapter 275, Laws 1895). All this money may not have been drawn from 
 the State Treasury, but the appropriations were made when the Democratic ma- 
 chine was in control, and on the plea of the machine that the Penitentiary could 
 
4° 
 
 not be sustained if they were not made, and prove that the machine did not think 
 the institution was self-sustaining, or could be made so. Yet in the face of this 
 fact some Democratic machine papers declared in 1897 that " the Penitentiary has 
 been so long self-sustaining," etc. This declaration was in connection with some 
 other statement in which an effort was made to show that the thing was sinking, 
 under the present administration, thousands of dollars and going to eternal smash. 
 The truth is that the Legislature of I897 did not appropriate a cent for the Peni- 
 tentiary, and it was perhaps the first Legislature that ever met since the institu- 
 tion was established without making such an appropriation. Still the Peniten- 
 tiary is in existence, and is being ably and efficiently conducted, and is in better 
 shape and condition physically, morally and financially than it has ever been. 
 
 The Penitentiary passed from the hands of the Democratic machine April 1, 
 I897, and Capt. John R. Smith became Superintendent, and at that time the con- 
 ditions were simply disgraceful. 
 
 The Legislature of 1897 had made no appropriation for the Penitentiary, and 
 with only $1,783.10 in the Treasury and $127.72 in the drawer, and as shown by 
 Mr. Leazer's report on pages 22 and 89 for the year 1896, his figures, the Peniten- 
 tiary started the first of January with $20,061.27 less in farm products on hand 
 than the Penitentiary started with the first of January, 1896. In his estimate of 
 farm products on hand the first of January, 1897, Mr. Leazer puts the total value 
 of the cotton on hand, as a part of the farm products, at $77,111, when in fact the 
 cotton actually sold for $71,533.16. He deducts $29,000 from the $77,111, the 
 amount drawn on the cotton, and thus the Penitentiary was charged with having 
 on hand in cotton the first of January, 1897, $48,000. On January 5th Mr. Leazer 
 drew $8,000 more on the cotton,' leaving cotton on hand and charged to the Peni- 
 tentiary at a valuation of $40,111, when, in fact, the cotton remaining on hand when 
 sold only brought $36,533.16. The total amount of the cotton sold by Capt. Smith 
 brought only $20 558 38, Mr. Leazer having drawn out before the first of April 
 $50,426.68. 
 
 These figures show that on the first of April, 1897, there was only $20,558.38 in 
 cotton on hand, and in the Treasury $1 783.10, and in the drawer $127.72. Total 
 with which to start business the first of April. $22,469.16. The amount expended 
 for horses and in paying the bills of Mr. Leazer more than consumed the cotton 
 on hand and the cash turned over to Capt. Smith. 
 
 On all the farms there were a number of worn out horses and mules, some o* 
 them badly crippled and useles=, although they had been valued on the first of 
 January, 1897, from $75 to $100 per head. They were condemned as useless by 
 Leazer's Supervisors who were in charge at the time Smith took control. Seven- 
 teen of those that could be moved were sent to Castle Hayne and a partial crop 
 made with them. After the crops were made the Chairman of the Executive Com- 
 mittee ordered them sold, and if no one would have them, to kill them. They 
 were sold to Mr. D. A. Grantham at a nominal price. 
 
 There were a number of others so worthless that the Supervisors were directed 
 to get rid of them to the best advantage. Three old mules were traded by one of 
 the Supervisors for one horse ; one at Anson for a cow ; one at Halifax was such a 
 mass of sores that he could not be sold, and was given away to avoid having him 
 killed. At the Halifax farm there was a thirty-horse power engine and saw mill 
 in almost a worthless condition. A large per cent, of all the tools and farming 
 implements were broken and useless, and badly scattered over the farms. Few 
 wagons were in fairly good condition, and most of the machinery was in like bad 
 order. The cotton gins were so out of repair that new gins had to be supplied. 
 
4i 
 
 There was scarcely a week's supply of provisions on hand anywhere, and on 
 some of the farms no corn and fodder or other forage. 
 
 (This statement corresponds with the report made by Mr. Leazer in January, 
 1897, in which he says, ''The corn saved will be sufficient till' Spring.") 
 
 In the face of such a situation as this, Mr. Leazer, who knew he would not long 
 remain Superintendent of the Penitentiary, walked around the Legislative halls, 
 claiming that no appropriation was necessary for 1S97. Yet the records show 
 that in 1S95 Mr. Leazer asked for $50,000, and obtained an appropriation of $44,- 
 158.71. It would be interesting to know why this was appropriated to an institu- 
 tion that was self-supporting ! The records also show that he obtained for 1896 
 an appropriation of $25,000, and later an additional appropriation of $5,000. And 
 yet this man who had been persuading Democratic Legislatures to make him ap- 
 propriations was before the Legislature of 1897 stating that no appropriation was 
 necessary. 
 
 The management of the Penitentiary for 1897 and 1S9S under the present ad- 
 ministration has been such as promises, in actual fact, what the Democratic ma- 
 chine was always claiming, when, at the same time, it was sinking thousands of 
 dollars annually — that is, a self-supporting Penitentiary. 
 
 In order that the public may judge for themselves of the conditions as they ex- 
 ist to-day, a statement and estimate of the probable condition of the Penitentiary 
 at the close of the year 1898 is here given : 
 
 MATERIAL CONDITION IN 1898. 
 
 In his report to the Board of Directors for 1896, Superintendent Leazer stated 
 that " the area cultivated in all crops this year is estimated to be 11,300 acres; that 
 the average number of convicts this year is only 1,198." 
 
 The number of acres during the years 1897 and 1898 (present administration), 
 not including garden, cane and potato patches which will amount, this year, to 240 
 acres, is as follows : 
 
 1897. Cotton. Corn. Peanuts. Wheat. Co-afieas. 
 
 Halifax Farm ; 600 
 
 Northampton. 1,000 
 
 Caledonia, No. 1 1,300 
 
 Caledonia, No. 2 1,500 
 
 Castle Hayne . . 50 . . 50 
 
 Anson goo 
 
 Corn. 
 1,000 
 1,000 
 
 Peanuts. 
 8 
 
 Oats and 
 Wheat. 
 80 
 fc6 
 
 1,200 
 
 
 
 i 2 5 
 
 700 
 
 
 
 
 5° 
 500 
 
 
 
 
 Total 5.300 4,450 S 291 50 
 
 Total all crops 10,099 acres for 189?. 
 
 The ave.-age number of convicts from January 1st to July 1, 1897, was 1,143. 
 
 Oats and, 
 
 1898. Cotton. Com. Peanuts. Wheat. Peas. Rice. 
 
 Halifax 500 100 . . 1,000 
 
 Northampton 1,200 1.000 .. 400 75 
 
 Caledonia, No. 1 1,050 1,300 275 25 
 
 Caledonia, No. 2 1,050 1,000 125 300 
 
 Tillery goo 150 200 
 
 Castle Hayne 440 160 
 
 Rice Farm . . . . 265 
 
 Anson. 
 
 500 400 . . 150 
 
 Total 5.2oo 4,390 485 2,125 x 95 26 5 
 
 Total all crops 1,257 acres for 1898. 
 
 The average number of convicts from January 1, 1898, to July 1, 1898, was 1,050. 
 
42 
 
 So it appears that with 1,198 convicts, 11,300 acres were cultivated on the State 
 farms in 1896 under Democratic regime, while with 1,050 convicts 12.257 acres are 
 being cultivated on the State farms in 1898 under an anti-Democratic administra- 
 tion. In addition to this, during 1898 there have been carried on railroad work 
 with ninety hands, a shirt manufactory with an average of thirty State convicts, 
 and brick-making with an average of twenty, all of whom are included in the 
 1,050 convicts reported. 
 
 The various crops on the farms at this time are better than "they have ever been 
 before. Of course it is possible for them to be damaged by storm or freshet. 
 But on the basis of their present appearance a very conservative estimate shows 
 the reasonably probable condition that the Penitentiary will be in on January 1, 
 1899: 
 
 Indebtedness to August 20, 1S98 $ 90,000 
 
 Rents 11,700 
 
 Probable indebtedness from August 20th to January 1, 1899 
 
 Pay rolls 21,000 
 
 Food, clothing 1 1,000 
 
 Commutation for convicts , 1,250 
 
 Incidentals J^o 
 
 Total to January, 1899 , $136,500 
 
 REAL AND PROBABLE RESOURCES. 
 
 From U. S. Government for supporting Federal prisoners . .$ 5,000 
 
 Brick 5,000 
 
 Railroad work 1,500 
 
 Phosphate mines 2,000 
 
 Shirt factory 1,500 
 
 Wheat (in excess of what will be needed) 2,000 
 
 Oats 2,000 
 
 Corn on hand .• 4,000 
 
 Estimate of cotton growing — 3000 bales 66,000 
 
 Cotton seed — 80,000 bushels 8.000 
 
 Corn — 100,000 bushels 35,ooo 
 
 Peanuts— 1 15,000 bushels 7,000 
 
 Rice — 10,000 bushels 10.000 
 
 Hogs — 700 head 2,000 
 
 Bills due and collectible 1,500 
 
 Total resources to January 1, 1899 $146,500 
 
 The above figures are extremely conservative, the lowest probable prices being 
 estimated, and the lowest probable yield of crops being stated. Yet there ap- 
 pears to be a well assured balance of $10,000 in favor of the Penitentiary. 
 
 There has not been a dollar of appropriation. The institution has run entirely 
 on its own credit and resources for 1897 and 1898. The above estimate takes no 
 account of garden products, potatoes, fodder, straw, hay, sorghum, etc., a large 
 amount of which will be on hand at the end of the year. 
 
 No such favorable showing has ever been made before, and no such showing 
 could ever be made under Democratic machine management. 
 
43 
 
 SOME SAMPLE BUSINESS TRANSACTIONS. 
 
 The marvelously peculiar business ability of the Democratic machine in connec- 
 tion with the Penitentiary is exemplified by some of its bargains. Here is an illus- 
 tration: In Northampton county the machine leased a tract of land for a State 
 farm for a term of ten years. The tract consists of about 1,200 acres in round 
 numbers. The taxable value of this tract is fixed at $5,467 dollars — less than five 
 dollars per acre. The lease provides for a payment of twelve hundred and fifty 
 dollars ($1,250) per year, or something over one dollar per acre per year, and pro- 
 vides that the tract may be purchased, if desired, for fifteen thousand dollars 
 ($15,000). 
 
 An analysis of this magnificent business bargain shows the following: 
 
 The Penitentiary pays rent at the rate of more than twenty-one per cent, on the 
 taxable value of the land. 
 
 The amount of rent paid would buy the land in less than five years at its taxable 
 value. 
 
 The tract which is valued at $5,647 is offered to the Penitentiary for $15,000. 
 
 HERE IS ANOTHER SAMPLE. 
 
 In Anson count)' the machine leased 946 acres of land from R. T. Bennett for a 
 term of ten years. The taxable value is reported at about three dollars per acre. 
 The lease provides for a payment of nine hundred and forty-six dollars ($946) per 
 year, or one dollar per acre per year, and provides that the tract may be purchased, 
 if desired, at nine dollars per acre. , 
 
 An analysis of this bargain shows the following: 
 
 The Penitentiary pays rent at the rate of more than thirty per cent, on the taxa- 
 ble value of the land. 
 
 The amount of rent paid would buy the land in less than four years at its taxable 
 value. 
 
 The tract which is valued at about $3,000 is offered at sale to the Penitentiary 
 for about $8,500. 
 
 These two transactions illustrate the general business ability of the Democratic 
 machine. The judgment on that ability is left to the people. 
 
 THE USE AND ABUSE OF THE PARDONING POWER. 
 
 During the first year of the present State administration the Democratic machine 
 press of the State raised a great cry about the Executive abuse of the pardoning 
 power. These sheets charged that the Governor was depopulating the Penitentiary 
 at a most rapid rate; that he was turning out upon the public, thieves and robbers 
 and murderers just as fast as the clerks in the executive office could prepare par- 
 dons for them; that the lives and property of the people were in danger of utter 
 destruction at the hands of the Governor and his liberated felons; that Russell's 
 administration was most flagitious and wicked in comparison with that of the able, 
 elegant and saintly Elias Carr, who guarded the Penitentiary with jealous care, 
 and never turned any one out of prison who was below the degree of a persecuted 
 saint. The following facts, taken from the official records, will show how the 
 Democratic liars outdid themselves in this instance : 
 
44 
 
 Pardons by Governor Carr. 
 
 First year of his administration 36 
 
 Second year of his administration \ 47 
 
 Third year of his administration 68 
 
 Fourth year of his administration 56 
 
 Total 207 
 
 Or an average per year of 51^. 
 
 „ Pardons by Governor Russeix. 
 First year of his administration , 51 
 
 These figures include both jail and penitentiary pardons. 
 
 It will be seen that the present Governor lacks just three-fourths of a pardon of 
 doing as badly during the first year of his administration as that saintly Governor, 
 Elias Carr, did upon an average each year of his able, faultless and immaculate 
 management! Oh, that Elias could have been just a little more virtuous, or that 
 the Democratic papers could have been less able and enormous liars than they are! 
 Then, verily, the party of broken faith and bankrupt manhood would not have 
 been in the hole they now find themselves struggling in. 
 
 ESCAPES. 
 
 The Democratic machine press has had much to say about the escapes of con- 
 victs from the Penitentiary, and every such incident has been heralded far and 
 wide as an evidence of the " lax," " incompetent " management of the same by 
 the present administration. Well, here are some official figures on that score of 
 the two administrations. Some years and the number of escapes are as follows: 
 
 Tear. No. Escapes. Tear. No. Escapes. 
 
 18S7 97 1890 77 
 
 1888 63 1896 52 
 
 1889 90 ■ 1897 40 
 
 The average number of escapes per year under the Democratic machine for the 
 past ten years has been fifty-six, while the number of escapes for the first year of 
 the present administration, 1897, was only forty. And thus does the Democratic 
 machine illustrate and condemn its own " lax and incompetent " management. 
 
 The average number of deaths from disease tor each year of the last ten years of 
 Democratic regime was fifty-seven. 
 
 The number of deaths from disease during the first year of the present adminis- 
 tration was only nineteen. 
 
 BARBARITY OF PRISON MANAGEMENT UNDER THE DEMOCRATIC 
 
 MACHINE. 
 
 If all the truth and facts could be told concerning the prison management of 
 the Democratic machine while it controlled the Penitentiary, the people would be 
 shocked and dazed from one end of the State to the other. 
 
 No greater change and improvement have occurred anywhere than in this insti- 
 tution during the past eighteen months. The condition of the prisoners shows a 
 vast improvement. Instead of the surly, unkempt crowd seen under the Democratic 
 regime, the prisoners are now tidy and clean. 
 
45 
 
 A very strong commendation of the cleanliness and good management of the 
 prison is the fact that, after an examination of all the Southern prisons by U. S. 
 Government inspectors, the inspectors recommended that this be made the reposi- 
 tory for Federal prisoners from North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Geor- 
 gia, etc. No such stamp of approval would have ever been given the prison under 
 the conditions that formerly prevailed. 
 
 Another evidence of the vast improvement in the management is shown by the 
 fact that under the last four years of Democratic management the death rate was 
 forty-one per cent, per thousand, while under the present management the death 
 rate has been reduced to nineteen per cent. 
 
 The sanitary condition of the State Prison under the present administration is 
 admirable. On going through the whole vast building, from kitchen to dormito- 
 ries, everything is found to be neat and spotlessly clean. A weekly bath is com- 
 pulsory. Prisoners are ordered to report to the physician when complaining of 
 feeling unwell, and many cases of illness are thus checked in a nascent state. 
 
 For the custom under the former administration, see the evidence further on. 
 
 During the month of August a visit was made to the Penitentiary, and by per- 
 mission of the Warden, some inquiries were made of employees who have been in 
 service for a number of years, and also of convicts. 
 
 One of the first items of peculiar information elicited was the fact that under the 
 former administration, the general public was never admitted to the women's 
 department. No reason could be learned for this rule, but an official who has 
 shown hundreds of visitors through declares that it .xvas the rule. 
 
 The information generally given to questions would turn the stories of cruelty to 
 Siberean exiles green with envy. The convicts were asked : " Have you any com- 
 plaint to make of the treatment you have received and receive now ? Is there any 
 difference? If so, what?" 
 
 "As nearly as I can draw a comparison," said an intelligent life-term white con- 
 vict, "the difference is as great as that between night and day." " We used to be 
 treated as brutes, but now as human beings," declared the life-termer. 
 
 " Of course there are the necessary restraints of prison," answered a white man, 
 " but otherwise we are treated as well as can be." 
 
 An old negress declared, " It is not now as it used to be. This is heaven to what 
 it used to be ! " . 
 
 One old fellow who is serving a life sentence, facetiously remarked, " I know I 
 ought to be here, but if ever the Democrats get in again, I hope the Lord or the 
 Governor one will take me out. ' ' 
 
 For a number of years before the Penitentiary changed hands there were rumors, 
 vague and uncertain, of brutal treatment of the prisoners. Several attempts^ to 
 prove cruelty resulted badly for the informing convicts — for instances see the Green 
 and Cunningham evidence under III and IV — and the officers protested against the 
 "sensational reports." Credulous as we were, we accepted their prejudiced and 
 selfish denials ; but miserable men and women behind those grim walls knew the 
 truth, while bruised and bleeding bodies proved their knowledge. 
 
 To two or three good women, whose husbands were officers under Democratic 
 good (?) government, do many prisoners owe much gratitude for their merciful 
 intercession, and the people at large their thanks for many of these facts. An 
 instance of their intercession will be found in the Wright case. 
 
 Punishment under both administrations consisted in : Confinement to dark cells 
 with only bread and water ; ball and chain and flogging ; but there is much differ- 
 
4 6 
 
 ence. For instance, under the former administration when a prisoner was con- 
 fined to the dark cell, only a small piece of corn bread and one cup of water were 
 furnished each day ; one blanket was also given — no bed, and in winter the window 
 was left open. Now, a sufficient supply of bread and water is made and the pris- 
 oner has enough bedding to make his condition endurable. Then the whip con- 
 sisted of two pieces of heavy harness leather, three inches wide, sewed together, that 
 bruised and broke the skin ; now a piece of more humane size is used, though 
 seldom. A man by the name of Wadford, who now is connected with a low grog 
 shop in Raleigh, flogged men and women alike. Invariably the back and some- 
 times more would be bared, and the body swung almost clear of the floor by a rope 
 tied to the manacled wrists, and the whipper would ply the lash. 
 
 " How can you whip a woman ?" exclaimed a Christian lady one day. " Why," 
 •he replied, "that is my delight ; I grow fat on it." It is said that now, leaning 
 on the counter he talks to those who listen over the fact that he whipped women 
 on their naked backs. 
 
 The treatment of prisoners above spoken of in a general way is attested and 
 emphasized by the following instances. 
 
 I. Alf Dodd is a negro serving a term for larceny. He testified : "The food is 
 better and there is plenty of it. Under Capt. Fleming I have gone hungry to work 
 many a day and have actually fainted from exhaustion. If I complained of feeling 
 unwell — not down with sickness — I was not allowed to go to the physician, but 
 made to work, being given a little quinine, maybe. The work was often more than 
 a man could stand." 
 
 II. Sam Waters was a crippled negro that had fits. Because he worked slower 
 than the other men on the Caraleigh Cut he was whipped severely and knocked in 
 the head with a shovel. He was hauled to the hospital in an unconscious state in 
 a cart. The men spoke of the overseer's striking men on the head with sticks and 
 shovels as an every day occurrence. 
 
 III. Some convict, on leaving the Penitentiary in 1889, told old aunt Charity 
 Cunningham down in Warren that her son, Abe, was being whipped unmercifully. 
 She was terribly disturbed and took the complaint to Col. Cook. Inquiry was made 
 to a Director ; the letter was forwarded to the Superintendent ; from him to the 
 overseer ; and when Abe's time was out a few months later, he reported that the 
 worst beating he had ever had was caused by this inquiry. 
 
 IV. Delia Green had an investigation started of the same nature, and as a result 
 she received three terrible whippings. 
 
 V. Henry Gunter, a white boy only fifteen years old, was to be flogged for some 
 trivial offence. Having a boil on the lower part of his back, he begged that he 
 should not be struck there. The first brutal blow bursted the boil and the boy 
 fainted. 
 
 VI. When Willis Plummer returned to his cabin home in Warren oounty, the 
 boy's back had been beaten raw by the prison overseers. Growing weaker and 
 weaker, he never recovered, but died inside of two months time. 
 
 VII. W. E. Harris, a white prisoner, was shot in the foot while attempting to 
 escape. The wound was dressed and the man confined to the dark cell. The 
 wound made him so ill that for seven days his stomach refused the only food 
 offered him, a bit of corn bread, and he was allowed nothing else. A man starved 
 for seven days! 
 
 VIII. Henrietta McGee was ordered by Miss Kennedy, who had a hard heart 
 in a woman's body, to be held in the bath-tub by the attendants while the hot 
 
47 
 
 water was turned over her. This was because the girl was idiotic, and would not 
 talk. From the tub the girl went to the hospital, and from the hospital to the 
 insane asylum. 
 
 IX. In 1890, while Jane Morrison was in the wash-house one of the male convicts 
 slipped through a window and attempted to assault her. She did not submit ; but 
 both being caught, the man was given the dark cell, and the woman flogged. From 
 the whipping-block she went to the hospital, and from the hospital to the cemetery. 
 
 X. John McMahan is an Irish Catholic from the mountains. Homicide in self- 
 defense is almost unquestionably the crime for which he is serving a life sentence. 
 An instance of the man's character is not amiss here. He works incessantly in 
 spare hours in making trinkets which he sells to visitors. When a prisoner who 
 has a good record leaves for home, John gives him part or all his savings with a 
 few words of advice to lead an honest life. " Have you ever been punished?" he 
 was asked, and in reply he gave this terrible tale, which is vouched for, part by part, 
 by a half dozen men : 
 
 " During the Spring of 1891, being sickly, I would take a part of my breakfast 
 into my pocket to eat during the day. This I knew was against the rules, but if I 
 did not have something between meals I became faint and unfit for work. One 
 day on leaving the table, from my allowance of two biscuits I slipped one that I 
 did not care to eat into my pocket. Later on Capt. Fleming saw it and asked if I 
 stole it from the kitchen. On receiving a truthful reply, he answered, "You could 
 not have told a bigger lie if you had tried, ' ' and ordered me to the dark cell to be 
 whipped. After Mr. Wadford had given me seven licks, Capt. Fleming asked if I 
 would tell the truth then. When I reiterated my statement, he ordered the flog- 
 ging to be continued. As he could not force me to tell a lie, I was put into the 
 dark cell for twenty -four hours without a bite of bread or a drop of water. After 
 that I was flogged on the four succeeding days and confined to the cell on bread 
 and water. Finally, my back being lacerated and bloody, the physician rescued 
 me and had me made a helper in the hospital. " " Not a black mark against him 
 since I have been here, "° said the Warden. "One must only look into this man's 
 face to know that he speaks the truth ; and Capt. Fleming punished him, not with 
 any proof of his guilt, but merely on suspicion." 
 
 XL Andy Winecoff was considered "a bad nigger," and doubtless he was. He 
 had whippings innumerable, and doubtless many were deserved. But it is only of 
 the inhuman treatment that he received on one or two occasions that mention is 
 made here. 
 
 Mr. Wadford, the foreman of the shoe-shop and boss whipper, was in the 
 habit of recounting his money every pay day and putting it into an unlocked 
 drawer in the shop. The temptation was too great for Andy; so, one September 
 night in 1896, the $304 disappeared. The theft was traced to Andy and the money 
 recovered. Of course the dark cell and flogging were very justly ordered. When 
 Capt. Wadford appeared with his whip, however, and Andy was being strung up, 
 he begged one request of Capt. Fleming. "What is it?" the Warden asked. 
 " Captain, I deserve a whipping, I reckon," pleaded Andy, " but please don't let 
 Capt. Wadford give it to me. I stole the money from him and he won't be human 
 in the punishment." " Oh, hello!" said Capt. Fleming, " If that's all, go ahead, 
 Mr. Wadford." This plea of old Andy was based, though unconsciously, on a 
 tenet of common law that the man who suffers shall not administer legal punish- 
 ment. First and last Andy received 105 licks, most of them across the small of 
 his back . Then he was confined to the dark cell for eleven and a half days, dur- 
 
4 8 
 
 ing five of which his back was so raw that he could not lie on it. To-day he is 
 suffering from kidney trouble brought on by the flogging across his kidneys. He 
 has had one whipping under Warden Russell for fighting, and admits that it was 
 deserved. That is the only black mark that he has had for nearly two years. 
 
 XII. In 1892 Plunk Daniels, a white man, was incarcerated. One leg was partly 
 paralyzed, so that he could hop along only on the toe. He was ordered to walk 
 firmly on it, but either because the order did not come from one empowered to 
 work miracles or because the prisoner's faith was insufficient, he could not. His 
 sound leg was tied up — the foot doubled back to the hip — and he was swung up by 
 the thumbs for three days, having a choice of standing on a partly paralyzed leg 
 or swinging by the thumbs. During this time he was flogged — one informant 
 says twice, another three times. Finally the prisoner was turned over to the phy- 
 sician who used electricity and liniment with only partial success. 
 
 XIII. Arminta Wright, a colored girl, had a fight with another convict during 
 the winter of 1S95-96. For punishment Capt. Fleming ordered her hands to be 
 pulled through the bars above her head and then manacled. In this terrible posi- 
 tion the wretched girl was kept for five days, only being released at night, until 
 the good wife of one of the officers went to her husband in behalf of the victim. 
 
 "Mr. , I cannot stand it," the good woman pleaded. "I shall go 
 
 crazy if this poor girl's suffering is not relieved." Yielding to his wife's entreaty, 
 the officer released the girl. When Capt. Fleming returned he and this officer had 
 violent words about the matter, and as a result of their quarrel, and for no other 
 cause, Arminta was returned to punishment for five days more. During this time 
 there was a heavy snow on the ground and the prisoner contracted a violent cold 
 which developed into consumption, and in eighteen months the scapegoat of this 
 quarrel died as a result of the disease. 
 
 She was given the first Christian burial that ever took place at the Penitentiary. 
 
 XIV. Here, perhaps, is one of the saddest as well as the most cruel cases in the 
 record of the prison management. The first night Warden Russell spent at the 
 Penitentiary he was kept awake until nearly dawn by cryings that sounded half 
 beast-like and half human. Upon investigation the next morning he was informed, 
 " Oh, it was nobody but old Abe Hensley." But that would not do for the War- 
 den; he demanded to see the prisoner. With reluctance one of the officers con- 
 ducted him up stairs and threw open the door of a filthy and foul-smelling eel} 
 There, chained around the right ankle, by an eight-foot chain, a white man paced 
 up and down from corner to corner, like a restless hyena, as he had done for six 
 long years. His food was thrown to him as to a dog and was picked up and eaten 
 savagely in spite of the filth. He had to be tied when shaved, and that operation 
 as well as bathing took place seldom enough. If the demented fellow made too 
 much noise, another convict flogged him with the regulation bull-whip until his 
 back was covered with blood. When the flogger would approach the poor fellow 
 would cry out, " Do you believe in the Dord Jesus Christ? Well, don't whip old 
 Abe! Don't whip old Abe!!" But, in spite of all his pleading, he was beaten like 
 a beast. 
 
 Mr. Russell gave him, as a keeper, a good conduct prisoner, had him unchained 
 and treated as a human, washed and shaved once or twice a week, and in two 
 months there was not a more docile prisoner in the Penitentiary. To-day he walks 
 about the Criminal Insane Department entirely harmless and quiet. The attendant 
 bared his back, and there, though eighteen months old at least, are dozens of brutal 
 scars where the lash cut into and bruised the flesh. Around the right ankle there 
 are yet scars and scabs where the anklet wore into the flesh. 
 
49 
 
 XV. Collis Shoemaker was sentenced to five years in the Penitentiary for 
 attempting to burn a jail. Here is her prison history as told by a prominent 
 member of the Womans' Christian Temperance Union, and corroborated by the 
 wife of a Democratic officer: 
 
 " I saw the Shoemaker girl when she wa6 first brought to the Penitentiary. 
 She was a strong girl, buxom, and rosy-cheeked, but being called away from 
 Raleigh soon afterwards, I did not see her again until early in January 1894. On 
 going back again I saw Collis in the sewing-room with her head bowed on the 
 the machine. So much changed was she that I scarcely recognized her, and did 
 not until Miss Kennedy called her name. The bloom was all gone from her com- 
 plexion, and in the hollows of her cheeks one could have placed a guinea egg. 
 Her emaciated frame and sunken eyes told of serious illness, and I asked Miss 
 Kennedy what was the matter with her. "Nothing," she replied, striking the 
 girl's face sharply with her hand, " except laziness. Go to work," she snapped to- 
 the girl. As Collis raised her head and began automatically to peddle the machine, 
 I saw that she was in a dying condition. She did not seem to see anything before 
 her, or to know that there was any cloth on the machine, her eyes being set in a 
 dazed way. I remonstrated and asked Miss Kennedy how she dared strike the- 
 prisoners so. " Oh, they know better than to hurt me ; I would have them killed,"' 
 she retorted. Collis was soon afterwards taken from the sewing- room, in her dying 
 condition, and cruelly beaten by Wadford, and before day broke her soul had 
 passed before a just Master, where no doubt she found the peace that earth denied 
 her." 
 
 These cases are not an exhausted list by any means, but are instanced simply to 
 show what terrible brutality has been practiced here in the very shadow of Chris- 
 tian churches. The present officials do not try to make prison life attractive, nor 
 do they, as some newspapers facetiously charge, feed the men on strawberries and 
 cream, but they do treat the prisoners kindly and firmly and not as brutes. The 
 food and service to us free men seem coarse enough even now, and it is hard to 
 imagine that they ever could have been worse, but there is ample proof of the fact. 
 These acts of brutality mentioned above were done in the central prison. Many of 
 the prisoners declared that the treatment on the farms was far worse, but there 
 has been opportunity and time to gather only these facts. But are they not 
 sufficient to fire the blood of any humane man ? 
 
 It is possible that in making an almost entire change of officers, some unfit men 
 were secured. It could scarcely have been otherwise in so great a number of new 
 men, but they have been weeded out as fast as possible, and now the administra- 
 tion is giving the best service that has ever been had. Neither blow nor lash 
 
 HAS BEEN LAID ON A WOMAN'S BACK DURING THE MANAGEMENT OF THE PRESENT 
 ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The foregoing " numbered " statements were collected at the request of a mem- 
 ber of the People's Party State Executive Committee, and are substantiated by the 
 following certificate : 
 
 Raleigh, N. C, August 31, 1898. 
 We, the undersigned, certify that we have read the entire statements above ; that 
 we have made such inquiries and elicited such information as to authorize us to 
 assert that we believe them to be true. 
 
 JNO. -f- HOLDERFIELD, 
 
 W. H. Johnson, 
 James Mott. 
 
5° 
 
 Mr. Holderfield has been in the employ of the Penitentiary for sixteen years. 
 He was on guard duty till January, 1898, since which time he has been engineer. 
 
 Mr. Johnson has been in the employ of the Penitentiary four years — three under 
 the Democratic machine administration, and one under the present administration. 
 He is now commander of the guard. 
 
 Mr. James Mott is a son of J. J. Mott, of Iredell county, and is now Superinten- 
 dent of the shirt factory. 
 
 SOME TERRIFIC DEMOCRATIC EVIDENCE. 
 
 The Penitentiary Under Democrats, Compared with the Present 
 
 Management. 
 
 The following letter was written for the Register, at Asheville, b}^ the man whose 
 name is signed to it. It was written by its author without the knowledge of the 
 men who are in charge of the Penitentiary. It appears just as it was written, with 
 the exception of the elimination of one or two unnecessarily harsh expressions. 
 There has been no other changes in its phraseology, and no additions of any kind 
 whatever. 
 
 The writer of this letter is a Democrat ; has always been a Democrat ; and has 
 been honored more than once by his party, in both State and Nation. 
 
 Tatham was appointed Postmaster at Andrews, in Cherokee county, N. C. in 
 1893, under the administration of Mr. Cleveland ; and, he says, he was appointed 
 through the personal efforts of Hon. W. T. Crawford, at that time a member of 
 Congress from the Ninth District, and at this time a candidate for election to Con- 
 gress from the same District. Mr. Crawford is looked upon as the Demosthenes of 
 the Democratic party in Western North Carolina, and it is not to be supposed that 
 he would have had one appointed Postmaster in his own district, who was not a 
 good Democrat ! 
 
 Then, too, the writer of the following letter was honored by his State and the 
 Governor of his State. The records in the Executive office at Raleigh show that 
 Tatham was appointed by Governor Carr, on February 9, 1894, a Justice of the 
 Peace in and for the county of Cherokee, and that this appointment was made 
 upon the recommendation of the Chairman of the Democratic Executive Commit- 
 tee of that county. 
 
 These facts are mentioned to show that the statements in the letter which follows 
 are not prompted by political prejudice. 
 
 Let the letter speak for itself. 
 
 Editor the Register, Asheville, N. C. : 
 
 Sir: — I see a piece written in the "Tuckasiege Democrat" by an ex-convict, 
 denouncing the Republican party for their treatment of the State prisoners, and 
 also every Democratic newspaper I can see is doing the same, and calling on the 
 white men of the Western part of the State to come to the aid of their Eastern 
 brethren and place the Democratic party back in power. 
 
 Now, Mr. Editor, I am a convict, and no doubt but some will say that be- 
 cause of that no one should pay any attention to what I say, but I am very well 
 known in Cherokee, Clay, Graham, Macon and Swain counties, and whatever my 
 faults may have been otherwise, I was not accused of being a liar, and now I wish 
 to give you a few facts concerning the treatment of us who were so unfortunate as 
 to become prisoners under Democratic rule. 
 
 In the first place, we did not expect to be treated as guests of honor, but we did 
 expect to be treated, as human beings, but were sadly disappointed. These same 
 Democrats who are " hollerin nigger so loud" made us Western white men eat, 
 sleep and mix up with negroes, without any regard to our color whatever. While 
 I was down sick, unable to get out of bed, I was made to lie side by side with a 
 
5i 
 
 big black negro ; had to sit at the same table with them, and wash out of the same 
 tub, and instead of putting us white men in a seperate cell, they put fourteen white 
 men in with ioo negroes where there were only two stoves. We had to stand back 
 in the cold, as these negroes would not let us come near the fire. No use to go to 
 the officers, as they would tell us openly that they had no sympathy for a Western 
 man, and nine-tenths of the white men were from the Western part of the State. 
 And again, the overseers would make a white man pull off his clothes and get down 
 and have a negro to whip him unmercifully, while they stood looking on with de- 
 light. They encouraged the negroes to abuse and insult us and allowed them to 
 talk about our families disgustingly. I write this simply to show you that while 
 they are crying out to the Western white men to rescue them from negro rule, as 
 soon as they get one of us in their power they allow us to be treated worse than 
 dogs by these same negroes. And this is not all we had to endure — they would lock 
 up the cells on Sundays and make us stay out in the yard in the cold, wintry wind 
 without any fire or protection whatever. No necessity for it — just the pure hellish- 
 ness that was in them. 
 
 The overseers were allowed to beat the men out on the works with sticks or any- 
 thing they chose. 1 have seen men roll wheelbarrows until they fell exhausted, 
 and the overseer would go up and beat him with a shovel while lying there. I 
 have had chills myself and had to go and lie down in the hot sun half a day with 
 a scorching fever, and not a drop of water would the overseer allow to be given to 
 me because I was not able to work, and, think of it, with water as plentiful as it is, 
 and made by God for us all, I. have had to buy water from the negro water- boys, 
 the overseers allowing them to pass us by without giving us a drop unless we chose 
 to pay them for it. I have seen them make a poor lellow who was sick with 
 pneumonia fever break the ice and jump into the ditch and stand half a day when 
 he was not able to work. He had to be carried in, and in three days was dead. 
 Have seen them beat with sticks until they had to be carried to the hospital, and 
 never came out alive. As to what they fed us, it was barely enough to keep us 
 alive. I have "seen white men go about over the yard, and to the slop buckets and 
 pick up old mouldy pieces of corn bread, and eat it ravenously, and when we went 
 to the Supervisor and asked him politely to give us something more to eat, he 
 replied by cutting down our meat six pounds a day less than it was. We never 
 knew what it was to draw a piece of manufactured tobacco, and I drew paper and 
 envelopes three times in sixteen months while the Democrats were in control. 
 Two pair of cotton socks a year, in November and March. That was all that they 
 gave us for the year. I suppose, though, that the State allowed us paper, tobacco, 
 etc., but where it went to I can't tell. 
 
 And, again, a man's temperature had to be above 100- before they would allow 
 him to stop, and the State doctor (West), never let his hands touch a prisoner. If 
 it was something that compelled him to use his hands, he was careful to put on his 
 gloves first. He couldn't touch a convict, but I suppose he could take hold of the 
 State money all right, which he drew for tending to these same convicts. We 
 were made to sleep in our wet, muddy clothes that we had ditched in all day. 
 Often they would be frozen stiff. Men were locked up in the dark cell for days at 
 a time without food or water, and I saw them lock up a white man for wanting to 
 preach on Sunday, at the same time they allowed the .negroes to preach. I can't 
 tell whether the man was competent to preach or not, as I don't believe much in 
 Penitentiary religion, but I just show you the difference that was made. And 
 when the Republicans took charge, the Democratic Supervisor left, carrying off 
 about $50 of the prisoners' money that their people had sent them. They never 
 got a cent of it. But enough of this. I could go on all day and not begin to 
 enumerate the abuses, indignities, etc. , which we had to undergo, and while it is 
 not a paradise yet, there has been a wonderful change since the Republicans came 
 into power. They feed us well, treat us more like we were human beings, and 
 they have separated us, the white men and negroes in separate cells, have separate 
 clothes, and treat us entirely different from what the Democrats did, although they 
 are called the negro party. 
 
 We get our tobacco and writing material regularly. Instead of being allowed to 
 write home once a month as formerly, we can write every week, or oftener if nec- 
 essary, and we get our mail every day instead of weekly as heretofore. 
 
 Now, there may be some good Democrats in this section of the State, but I have 
 failed to come in contact with them. The Penitentiary officials, and the men 
 who were put over us as models, and to reform us, were a set of coarse, vulgar and 
 
52 
 
 brutish men who had no refinement or gentlemanly principles about them, and I 
 think they are a fair sample of the Eastern Democrats. They are nothing i n com . 
 mon with the Western men ; are a sordid, selfish lot ( so far as I have seen ) . I know 
 this is pretty rough, but when the same men stand up to my face when they have 
 me in their power, and talk insultingly and disgustingly about my wife and sister 
 without any cause whatever, it is enough to make my blood boil. I see that the 
 people are amazed and shocked at the boldness of the negro editor of Wilmington, 
 and I do not blame them for it, but he is no worse than those low-born white Dem- 
 ocrats who use just as bad language about our wives and sisters. All this has been 
 stopped. There is as much difference between the present Warden and the former 
 Warden, Mr. Fleming, as there is between day and night, or to be more plain, as 
 there is between a gentleman and a brute. 
 
 And now a few words to the Western Democrats. Everybody who knows me, 
 know that I was a partisan, and hot-headed a Democrat as there was in the State, 
 and I have no love for the negro, but if the white men of my section had only un- 
 dergone the cruelties that I have they would surely never vote another Democratic 
 ticket in North Carolina. Now, doubtless some will say that we are convicts and 
 don't deserve any better treatment. Still we are human beings, and while there 
 are low down and degraded men here, there are others who are undoubtedly inno- 
 cent of the crimes with which they are charged, and others, under force of circum- 
 stances, committed crimes which they deeply regret, and have as good principles 
 as many a man on the outside. If the dead men who are buried on these State 
 farms and in the railroad fills, could only rise up and tell the bitter trials and cru- 
 elties of their treatment under the ' ' grand old Democratic party ' ' it would cer- 
 tainly make a dark spot in the State of North Carolina. We hold up our hands in 
 horror at the cruelties practiced on the Siberian exiles, and even go to war over 
 the unjust treatment of the Cubans; but right here in our own civilized country, 
 under the very spires of the churches, have been enacted for years under Demo- 
 cratic rule, cruelties and brutishness by which these other atrocities pale into insig- 
 nificance. As long back as I can remember the old campaign cry has been for the 
 Western white men to come to the relief of the Eastern Democrats. I do not know 
 whether ' ' negro domination " is as bad as they picture it, but I do know that 
 they deserve no help at our hands. They have no sympathy for us and we should 
 not have any for them. Surely no man who has a friend or relative in this place 
 will ever vote to put the old party back over us, when we would as soon see our 
 coffins as to see them placed over us again. 
 
 And now let me say in closing, that while I am a white man, and although I am 
 in prison, I have as much respect and esteem for our women as any man possibly 
 could have, rather than vote for a Democrat who lives east of the old Richmond 
 and Danville Railroad, which crosses the State from Danville, Va., to Spartanburg, 
 S. C, I would vote for the blackest negro in the State of North Carolina. I know 
 this is pretty strong, but God knows I have seen enough to change me, and every 
 other man in the State if they only knew it as I do. 
 
 A few more words as to our present Warden and I will worry you no further. 
 He is a gentleman in every respect. I have never seen a man who has more feel- 
 ing for us unfortunate beings, and he does everything in his power to treat us as 
 fellow men, and to lighten as far as possible our burdens so that we can endure 
 our imprisonment, and throws nothing in the way of our communicating with our 
 loved ones at home and keeping alive the tender ties which bind us together, and 
 which is the only hope or encouragement some of us have to try to live out our sen- 
 tences. God forbid that such a man as J. M. Fleming should ever be allowed to 
 take the place which he now fills so well. 
 
 Mr. Editor, please publish this as I want the Western people to know these things, 
 and they know I would not tell them if it were not so. I have not written half I 
 could, but this is enough for the present. 
 
 Yours respectfully, Tom W. Tatham. 
 
 Raleigh, N. C, August 28, 1898. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 While all of what is recorded in the Penitentiary chapter has been going on, the 
 Democratic machine has been squalling ' ' Nigger ' ' with the purpose of diverting 
 the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do You SEE? 
 
53 
 
 CHAPTER SEVEN. 
 
 A BIG GRAB GAME OF THE MACHINE NIPPED IN THE 
 
 BUD. 
 
 This chapter will give an illustration of how members of the Democratic machine 
 made a " grab " at the Treasury for quite a snug little "pile," and how a Populist 
 Treasurer nipped the cute little scheme in the bud. 
 
 The general 05 r ster laws provide that citizens of the State may enter^ oyster beds 
 or lands for the purpose of planting oysters thereon, but prohibits citizens from 
 entering or taking exclusive possession of natural oyster beds. About 1889 the 
 Democratic machine passed a law under which citizens could purchase oyster lands 
 or enter any grounds for the immediate cultivation of shell fish, etc. Under this law 
 a big machine syndicate went to work. The syndicate could only enter ten acres 
 for itself, but it adopted the plan of getting a great number of people to "make 
 entries," then assign their entries to the syndicate. It appears that this did not 
 prove to be as profitable a thing as the machine wanted. Then, in 1893 the machine 
 passed a law by which any citizen who had ever made an entry of oyster lands or 
 beds might be summoned to show that his entry did not include any part of a 
 " natural oyster bed." If it did, the citizen could be made to vacate his claim. It 
 was under this law that the grab was made, and was done in this way : 
 
 Summons were made out for hundreds of people to come to court and prove that 
 they did not claim any "natural oyster beds." With each summons a bill of costs 
 was made out against the State for payment. In Pamlico county summons were 
 written in the names of 694 people, and in Carteret county 104 people. The bill 
 of costs for Pamlico county amounted to $4,851.40, and for Carteret county 
 1794-75- Total, $5,611.15. 
 
 The work of writing the summons and making out the bills of cost was quietly 
 done, and nobody but the machine grabbers knew anything of the scheme. In 
 1896 the Democratic machine was knocked out of power in the State, and then the 
 machine grabbers ' ' hustled things up " to get their scheme through before the 
 new administration should be inaugurated in January, 1897. So, in December, 
 1896, the machine grabbers presented their " bills of cost. ' ' A Democratic Auditor 
 drew a warrant on State Treasurer Worth for these bills. The plum was almost in 
 hand, and the grab scheme was about to be a big success. But there was a snap — 
 Treasurer Worth (Populist), held the warrants up, and the scheme missed fire at 
 the last moment. 
 
 If care had been taken to summons only such parties as were known to have 
 made entries, there might have been some point of validity in the claims made 
 against the State. But this does not seem to have been the purpose of the grab- 
 bers. Their plan was to pile up a big " bill of costs," collect the same and thus 
 line their pockets with the public money; and for this purpose they " summoned " 
 nearly everything in sight and many that were dead, and then presented a bill of 
 costs with each summons regardless of whether the summons had ever been served 
 or not. The bill of cost with each summons ranged from $4.75 to $16.65. 
 
 Among the names summoned were: 
 
 W. H. Sawyer and wife are in the list with a "bill of costs." Mr. and Mrs. 
 Sawyer affirm that no summons were served on them. 
 
54 
 
 Mr. C. M. Babbitt and wife are on the list with a bill of costs. They say they 
 never had any kind of notice of any summons. 
 
 N. B. Augustine is on the list with the perennial bill of costs, though he has 
 been dead six years. 
 
 The name of Fred Merritt is on the list. He lived in Pamlico county a short 
 while, and is now a member of the staff of the News and Observer. The claimants 
 charge $7.40 for writing his name on a " bill of costs," though he has never heard 
 any summons in the case. 
 
 The name of Noah West is on the list. He died in 1892. The law under which 
 the " bill of costs " is made out was not enacted till 1893. 
 
 The names of Sheldon Sawyer, Caroline Sawyer, Ella Sawyer and Sudy Sawyer 
 are all on the list with a "bill of costs" for each, though no summons was ever 
 served on any one of them. 
 
 The name of John Fenderson is on the list. He has been dead fifteen years. 
 
 Among other names in which summons were written and not served, and yet 
 charged for in the bill of costs, are J. W. Rice, J. W. Miller, Jos. Harper, Lewis 
 Wetherspoon, Nursy Wetherspoon, Christopher Lewis, Harriet Lewis, James Mil- 
 ler, Nettie Miller, M. A. Lewis, Renox Riggs, Tempie Riggs, Benj. McLane, Esther 
 McLane, R. Johnson, A. Johnson, Jane Fenderson, R. D. McCotter (killed in 1892), 
 J. T. Lincoln. 
 
 SOME SAMPLE LETTERS. 
 
 A number of letters were received from parties who were told that summons had 
 been written in their name and "bill of costs" charged, and from among these 
 samples are presented: 
 
 Bayboro, N. C, February 24, 1898. 
 Hon. W. H. Worth, Raleigh, N. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: — We are informed and believe that our names appear among the list 
 of oyster cases in Pamlico county, N. C. If such be the case, and our names are 
 there, we have this to sav : "We are all totally ignorant of the same. We have 
 never made or attempted to make an entry upon any oyster grounds, and we are 
 in no way a party to such claims." 
 
 We also see in the list names of people whom we know to have been dead from 
 six to fifteen years, as well as others who live in Beaufort, Craven, Onslow and 
 Jones counties. 
 
 We can furnish you with affidavits from the best people of our county corroborat- 
 ing our statement, if you should desire them. 
 
 (Signed), D. W. Simmons, 
 
 Elijah Simmons, 
 Pickett Gibbs, 
 Mary Gibbs, 
 Samuel Sanders, 
 Pleasant Sanders, 
 Clinton D. Purgan,. 
 Eliza Pearson, 
 Neham Butters, 
 Pickett Sanders, 
 Julia Sanders. 
 
 Bayboro, N. C, February 25, 1898. 
 Hon. W. H. Worth, Raleigh, N. C. 
 
 Dear Sir: — I see that my name appears 'as one of those who entered oyster 
 grounds in this, Pamlico county. I just want to say that if all the names that you 
 have came there as my name did, the whole thing is a fraud; for I never heard of 
 such a thing until I saw it in the paper. I also see the name of John Fenderson 
 as one who had entered oyster grounds. Now, sir, I know that that man has been 
 dead for fifteen years, and lots of other names of people I see in the paper who I 
 
55 
 
 know were dead long before 1893. I hope there may be some way to investigate 
 this whole thing. We people down here feel proud of the stand you have taken in 
 this matter. Yours, very truly, 
 
 E. Butters. 
 
 Bayboro, N. C, Feb. 25, 1898. 
 Hon. W. H. Worth, Raleigh, N. C: 
 
 Dear Sir: — I see in the last week's Caucasian a list of names purporting to be 
 a list of the oyster cases in this, Pamlico county. I see also that my name appears 
 in the list. This is to say that I never made any entry for oyster grounds nor ever 
 gave any one a right to do so; and further, I never heard that such a case existed 
 in our county. In fact, if there are papers showing that I had such a case, it is 
 forgery and fraud from beginning to end. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 Wm. E. Si<ade. 
 
 A letter from a well known citizen of Pamlico county states that he found, after 
 consultation with the ex-Sheriff (for 1896), that not over a third of the number of 
 summons were ever served. In fact, concerning some of the summons, the Sheriff 
 and Deputy Sheriff are reported as saying that they simply ' ' threw them under the 
 table," but the " bill of costs" for each and ever}' summons is presented to the 
 State for payment. 
 
 All the above information was voluntary. 
 
 An official investigation emphasizes and confims the fraudulent character of the 
 claim made against the State in the ' ' bill of costs. ' ' More than one hundred persons 
 in addition to those above, in whose names summons were written and ' ' costs ' ' 
 charged, testify that they never made an entry and that no summons was served 
 on them. These names are on file in the office of the State Treasurer, and may be 
 seen by any applicant. A considerable list of names of individuals appears who 
 have been dead several years. The Sheriffs returned at least fifty- eight names as 
 ' ' not in county, ' ' yet the bills of cost for these were presented. Many of the sum- 
 mons were sent to the Sheriff of Craven county to be served. He says he does not 
 know how many, and further says that he was advised that he was not bound to 
 serve them without his fee and he left them lying around in his office. But the 
 " bill of costs " was claimed from the State just as though they had been served. 
 
 Three hundred and thirty-two summons were found in the office of the Clerk of 
 the Superior Court of Pamlico county and seventy in the Clerk's office of Carteret 
 county. These show no evidence of ever having gone into the hands of the Sheriff 
 at any time. In fact they appear to have been written out by the Clerk's and 
 placed in the files of papers — never having been issued at all. Yet the "bill of 
 costs " in each case was presented to the State by the machine grabbers for pay- 
 ment, and but for the watchfulness of a Populist Treasurer they would have been 
 paid. 
 
 More particulars could be given, but the foregoing are sufficient to illustrate 
 clearly the attempted grab, and they show also the character of some grabs that can 
 happen under a Democratic machine regime. It must be remembered that a Demo- 
 cratic Auditor drew a warrant, and the money would now be in the pockets of 
 Democratic machine heelers if a Populist Treasurer had not stopped it. The Dem- 
 ocratic machine press ferociously assailed Treasurer Worth for refusing to pay the 
 warrants, and said he ought to be impeached, and this same machine would doubt- 
 less impeach him if it had the power to pass sentence on him. 
 
 And now it is of some importance to note that the principal attorneys who 
 .brought up these big "bills of costs " (15,611.15) and tried to secure their payment 
 are: 
 
56 
 
 F. M. Simmons, State Chairman of the Democratic machine. 
 
 W. R. Allen, Democratic machine nominee for the Legislature from Wayne 
 county. 
 
 There will be a " glorious ' ' revel and riot in paying these bills if such men as 
 these ever get control of the State again. 
 
 The ' ' bill of costs ' ' has not yet been paid by the State, though repeated de- 
 mands for it have been made on the present administration. It never will be paid 
 until the Democratic machine is put in power again, and then not only this "bill 
 of costs ' ' will be paid , but there will be a return to the policy of pillage and plun- 
 der which is so plainly shown by this pamphlet to exist under Democratic machine 
 government. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 While all this was going on the Democratic machine was squalling ' ' nigger ' ' 
 with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do You See; ? 
 
57 
 
 CHAPTER EIGHT. 
 
 ANOTHER LITTLE GRAB GAME NEATLY NIPPED. 
 
 The election of 1894 and the Legislature of 1895 foretold the doom of the Demo- 
 cratic machine in this State, but while there was some power left in it, it attempted 
 to "fix," everything in sight before all its power was everlastingly gone. The 
 " midnight 99-year lease " is one illustration of what it proceeded to do. It made 
 another grab for the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad, but did not make the 
 attempt at midnight, and the representatives of the people nipped the game. 
 
 The capital stock of the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad is one million and 
 eight hundred thousand dollars ($1, 800,000). The State owns $1,266,000 of this 
 stock. 'The road has, for the past three years, paid a dividend of two per cent., and 
 the State's share of this dividend has been $25,332 per year. The machine tried to 
 lease this road to a syndicate for a term of forty years, which syndicate was to pay 
 a dividend on the capital stock of one and one-half per cent, for the first ten years. 
 Under this agreement the State's share of the dividend would have been $18,990, a 
 loss of $6,342 a year for ten years, making a total loss to the State for that period of 
 time of sixty-three thousand four hundred and twenty dollars ($63,420), and as the 
 road was easily making two per cent. , it is clear that this sixty -three thousand dol- 
 lars would have gone into the pockets of the syndicate. 
 
 During the next ten years the sydicate was to pay two per cent, dividend. This 
 would have given the State no more than it was already receiving, yet there would 
 have been a period of twenty years in which population would have increased, the 
 country developed, and all lines of business greatly augmented. The road will 
 probably be paying four or five per cent, by that time, but under this deal the 
 State's loss would have been over sixty -three thousand dollars. For the third ten 
 years the syndicate was to pay two and one-half per cent., and for the last ten years 
 of the forty, the syndicate was to pay three per cent. 
 
 Ten years ago the road had never paid a cent of dividend. To-day, ten years 
 later, it is paying two per cent, regularly. Ten years from pow it will, in all 
 probability, pay four per cent., and yet the machine wanted to lease, it to the syndi- 
 cate for one and one-half per cent. Forty 3 7 ears from now it must easily pay six 
 per cent., for the country through which it runs is rapidly developing, and promises 
 to be a great and progressive section of the State ; yet the machine wanted to make 
 a deal by which the syndicate could lease the road at three per cent, forty years 
 in advance. 
 
 This is another one of the neat little schemes which the Democratic machine 
 has in ' ' soak, ' ' and one it will put into operation when the people elect it to power 
 again. The game was temporarily stopped by a restraining order from Judge 
 Robinson, and the Legislature of 1897 stopped it altogether. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 While such schemes as this for turning streams of money into a syndicate's 
 pocket was going on, the Democratic machine was squalling "nigger," with the 
 purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
58 
 
 CHAPTER NINE. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC DISTORTIONS ABOUT INCREASE OF THE 
 
 STATE'S EXPENDITURES. 
 
 \ 
 
 It is often possible to make a statement of fact in such a way as to distort the 
 truth and leave a totally false impression, and this is one of the schemes being 
 practiced by Democratic speakers and the Democratic machine press. Take an 
 illustration. Suppose a man begins a business. Let us say that the expense of 
 the business for the first year is ten thousand dollars ; the business grows, and 
 the second year the expense is fifteen thousand dollars ; the third year twenty 
 thousand dollars, and so on. But the business grows better and grows more profit- 
 able all the while, and the statement that the expense was more during the third 
 year than during the first year might simpty prove that the business was growing 
 in value and acquiring stability and solidarity. Yet, an assertion of an increase 
 in expenses could be made in such a way as to mislead anyone who did not inves- 
 tigate the business closely. 
 
 Democratic campaigners are announcing from the stump that during the years 
 1895, 1896 and 1897 (the years during which the Democratic party have had no 
 control of the Legislature), the expenses of the State have been greater than for 
 any three years during which the Democratic party did control the Legislature and 
 the State, and then they proceed to cry extravagance, mismanagement, bank- 
 ruptcy and everything else. 
 
 Now let this statement be carefully examined. For the years 1895, 1896, 1897 — 
 anti-Democratic years — the combined expenditures of the State have been $380,000 
 more than for the years 1892, 1893, 1894 — three Democratic years. Well, for the 
 years 1892, 1893, 1894, which were Democratic years — the combined expenditures 
 were $3,573,201 ; and for the years 1886, 1887, 188S, which were Democratic 
 years, the combined expenses were $2,897,483. So it appears that tor one recent 
 period of three consecutive Democratic years, the expenditures of the State were 
 $675,718 more than for another recent period of three consecutive Democratic 
 years. When this happened did the Democratic campaigners go around the State 
 whooping "extravagance, mismanagement, bankruptcy and everything else?" 
 No, they simply cried " nigger." Nobody was ever informed by these Democratic 
 campaigners as to what was going on in connection with the State's affairs. Now 
 let us take further illustrations : 
 
 Combined expenditures 1883, 1884, 188.5 • $2,607,030 
 
 Combined expenditures 1886, 1887, 1888 2,897,483 
 
 Combined expenditures 1889, 1890, 1891 3,289,434 
 
 Combined expenditures 1892, 1893, 1894 3,573,201 
 
 The above four periods of three years each, during all of which time the Demo- 
 cratic party was in control of the State, show a steady increase in expenditures, 
 the increase before the first and last period being $966,171. And yet when an 
 anti-Democratic Legislature authorizes an increased expenditure of $380,000 for 
 three years, these Democratic, campaigners squall themselves hoarse, tear their 
 hair, foam at the mouth, and would make the people believe the State is being 
 
59 
 
 run into wreck and ruin. Is not the hypocrisy and rascality of their efforts 
 apparent ? Does this not further show that their hope is to mislead and deceive 
 the people by leaving upon them a false impression ? 
 
 It may not have been so under Democratic rule, but under anti-Democratic ad- 
 ministration the increase of expenditures parallels the illustration of the business 
 man whose expenses grow as his business grows and becomes more thoroughly es- 
 tablished and solid. With the increase of population comes the necessary increase 
 of public expenditures. 
 
 The increase of expenditures for the last three years is practically accounted for 
 in four items. 
 
 First, The fact that the years 1895, 1896 and 1897 (anti-Democratic legislative 
 years) include the expenses of Two SESSIONS of the General Assembly, amounting 
 to about $140,000, while the years 1892, 1893 and 1894 (Democratic legislative 
 years) include the expenses of only one session of the General Assembly. 
 
 Second, The amount of $103,000 received from the United States Government as 
 appropriations to the A. and M. College and North Carolina Experiment Station, 
 and paid out to those institutions. This money had been received for some years 
 under Democratic regime, but it was not till 1895 that any official record was made 
 of its receipt or expenditure. 
 
 Third, Interest on the State debt $38,805.54. The interest is paid as coupons 
 from State bonds are presented at the Treasury, and the coupons presented during 
 1895, 1896 and 1897 amounted to $38,805.54 more than what was presented in 1892, 
 1893 and 1894. 
 
 Four, In the increased appropriations made for the public institutions of the 
 State for 1895, 1896 and 1897, such as the North Carolina Insane Asylum at Ral- 
 eigh, the State Hospital at Morganton, the Eastern Hospital for the colored race at 
 Goldsboro, the State Institutions for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind at Morganton 
 and Raleigh, the North Carolina College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts at 
 Raleigh, the Colored A. and M. College at Greensboro, the State University, the 
 State Normal and Industrial College for women at Greensboro and like purposes. 
 The public demand on these institutions is continually on the increase. If these 
 demands are met there is an unavoidable necessity for an increase of expenditure". 
 Let these sneaking, hypocritical, lying Democratic campaigners ask the heads of 
 these institutions if the appropriations for them are extravagant and unnecessary . 
 Let them ask Prof. Alderman (Democrat), President of the State University, if the 
 appropriation is too large. Let them ask Prof. Mclver (Democrat), President of 
 the State Normal and Industrial College, if the State is too liberal or extravagant 
 toward that institution. Let them ask Mr. John E. Ray (Democrat), Principal of 
 the Institution for the Blind, if the State gives that institution more than it needs. 
 Let them ask Prof. Goodwin (Democrat), Principal of the State School for the 
 Deaf and Dumb, if that institution gets more of the public fund than it knows 
 what to do with. Wonder if President Holladay (Democrat), of the Agricultural 
 and Mechanical College, thinks his school is suffering from a plethora of public 
 cash. Question Dr. Kirby (Democrat), of the Raleigh Insane Asylum. Question Dr. 
 Murphy (Democrat), of the Morganton Hospital, etc., etc. Are they crying extra- 
 vagance of appropriations and useless expenditure of the public fund ? 
 
 It is a fact that the appropriations made for the various public State institutions 
 by the Legislatures of 1895 and 1897 were made on the recommendations of leading 
 Democrats who were found at the heads of these institutions, and who are THERE 
 YET. Would they ask the State for more than was necessary for the proper care 
 
6o 
 
 and sustenance of the institutions under their care ? If so, are they fit to remain 
 at the heads of these institutions ? Answer this question, oh ye lying Democratic 
 campaigners! 
 
 Whatever may be said of these Democrats, to whom these institutions are in- 
 trusted, as to capacity, etc., they appear to be sadly wanting in the matters of can- 
 dor and courageous manhood. They come before the Legislature. They make 
 their wants known and submit their official recommendations. These recommen- 
 dations are approved and what they want in the way of appropriations is granted. 
 Then, when the contemptible, mendacious, lying press of their political party 
 raises the cry of extravagance, they sit mum, quiet and unresponsive, clearly show- 
 ing that they have made recommendations which they cannot defend, or that they 
 have not the courage to denounce and condemn the partisan falsifying of that 
 press. And it may as well be said here and now that such men are emphatically 
 marked for future consideration. 
 
 Special attention should be given by the people to a circumstance connected 
 with the increase in expenditures. If expenses have increased, the receipts 
 must necessarily have increased. From whence came the receipts which 
 have made it possible to spend $380,000 more during the past three years 
 than for any other period of three years? The Democratic machine did 
 not leave this money in the treasury, and the treasury balance has been 
 about the same for three years past. There has been no increase of taxes, 
 and nobody has given the State anything. Where did this money come 
 from ? It was realized by attention to public business. The State officials now 
 managing public affairs are performing their duty more effectively than it has been 
 done for twenty years. They are simply collecting the taxes as imposed, and this 
 attention to business and this performance of duty have enabled the State to meet 
 the necessary increase of expenditures — to "spend $ 380,000 more" for public 
 institutions and public benefit, and yet leave the handsome balance of about 
 $100,000 in the treasury — all without increase OF Taxes. 
 
 And now note carefully: 
 
 While this vast improvement is going on in the management of the various de- 
 partments of the State, the Democratic machine is squalling " Nigger " with the 
 purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do you SEE? 
 
6i 
 
 CHAPTER TEN. 
 
 THE STATE RECOVERING FROM DEMOCRATIC BLIGHT 
 
 AND BLAST. 
 
 It has been reported to the State Executive Committee of the People's Party 
 that certain Democratic speakers -are strenuously trying to keep pace with the 
 Democratic machine press in making misrepresentations and lying to the people 
 concerning the present State administration and various conditions which actually 
 exist. For example, a Democratic speaker of Rowan county, who has been sup- 
 posed to have some intelligence, is said to have made a declaration, on or about 
 the 20th of August, that the bonds of the State were worth nothing— that they 
 were valueless, and that nobody wanted them or would have them. When 
 that speaker made this statement, buyers were offering 103 for North Carolina 4 per 
 cent, bonds in New York, and 126 for 6 per cent, bonds, and not a man who owned 
 any of the bonds anywhere would sell them for the price offered. This is another 
 instance of how hopeless the Democratic machine and its touters are of winning 
 the confidence and support of the people by telling the truth, and of the hopeless 
 and futile effort they are making to deceive the few people who give them a hear- 
 ing. Neither the people in the State nor the people outside of the State can be 
 misled by any such procedure as this. The various State departments now fre- 
 quently receive letters from investors in different parts of the country congratu- 
 lating them on the splendid showing the State is making, and expressing gratifi- 
 cation and satisfaction at the safety of such securities as North Carolina State 
 bonds. Here is a sample letter of this character: 
 
 New York, July 13th, 1898. 
 Hon. State Auditor of North Carolina, Raleigh: 
 
 Dear Sir: — I bought, many years since, some of the first issues of your State 4 
 per cent, bonds that mature in 1910, at very much lower rates than they are now 
 selling at, all of which I now hold as a permanent investment, and I consider 
 them equally as good and safe to hold as the U. S. bonds. The coupons on them 
 have always been promptly paid, and a fexv days since I bought a few more of your 
 State 4s at 108, and also ten thousand of your State 6 per cents, which mature in 
 1919, at 129^, which shows a wonderful improvement in the credit and standing of 
 your State. I am, very truly, 
 
 A. B. Burbank, 
 140, Broadway Safe Deposit Company, New York City. 
 
 Now, what would that lying Rowan county Democratic speaker have replied to 
 such a letter as this ? Would he have said that this investor had made a mistake 
 in his investment ? Would he have told Mr. Burbank that the credit of the State 
 was no good, that her bonds were worthless, and that nobody wanted them ? If he 
 would not have so replied, why does he want to lie to the people at home who 
 hear him talk about it ? 
 
 It may interest those who scan these pages to know just what kind of a reply 
 Mr. Burbank did receive. Here it is: 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 Auditor's Department, 
 
 Raleigh, July 16th, 1898. 
 Mr. A. B. Burbank, Safe Deposit Company, New York: 
 
 Dear Sir: — This is to tender you an expression of thanks for the kind things 
 said of my State in your letter of July 13th. So far as matters human can be cer- 
 
62 
 
 tain , it is certain that the investments made by you in the securities of this State 
 are as good as the best that can be established. You can rest upon the assurance 
 that the administration of State affairs is now in the hands of an exceedingly earn- 
 est, painstaking and conscientious set of men, who regard the honor of the State 
 above all things ; and their administration is directed to the end that the credit of 
 the State shall be maintained on an unqestionabje basis. For the past twelve 
 months there has been a gratifying increase in the receipts of the State's revenue, 
 a marked increase in the valuation of taxable property, and an enthusing increase 
 in business investments — all going to show the strengthening of the State's re- 
 sources, and hence, a strengthening of her power to preserve her credit and meet 
 her obligations. Very respectfully, 
 
 Hai, W. Ay^r, State Auditor. 
 
 Now the reader may decide for himself as to the worth and character of two 
 citizens — one who seeks to blast the State's credit and character, or one who recites 
 iacts and declares an intention and purpose of seeing that her credit and character 
 shall always be upheld and sustained. 
 
 When non-residents ascertain facts, and on the strength of these facts seek the 
 State bonds as a safe investment, why should the people in the State be subjected 
 to such wild and lying statements as the Rowan coimty Democratic speaker is 
 reported to have made? 
 
 Plain and easily accessible figures show that the State is making unprecedented 
 progress, that it is rapidly recovering from the disastrous blow given it and the 
 blight put upon it by a National and State Democratic administration. This 
 terrific blight began with the year in which Democrat Cleveland was elected Pres- 
 ident, the same year in which the last Democratic machine administration, suffered 
 by this State, was elected to power. With the advent of that power, and its 
 obstructive and restrictive policy, a depression fell over the State and people. 
 Confidence and trust wavered and shook. Business trembled, tottered and crashed, 
 and during a period of six years, 1891-1896, the taxable value of real and personal 
 property in North Carolina decreased Twei/vE mixtion doi,i,ars ($12,000,000). 
 Panic and ruin stalked abroad in the land, and for the time paralyzed the efforts 
 and energies of the people. But hope dawned again in the latter part of 1896, 
 when the Democratic incubus was hurled away, and in 1897, the first year of the 
 present State administration, there was a recovery of effort and energy, and for the 
 first time in several years the property and work of the people showed an increase 
 in value. The returns made by the various counties of taxable values in 1897 
 showed an increase of about four mixtion doi^ars ($4,000,000) over the returns 
 of 1896. These returns will be stated in the Auditor's Report for 1898, and, together 
 with the advance in values of railroad property, will show a total increase of 
 taxable values of more, than eight mixtion dollars. And yet the Democratic 
 machine impudently and mendaciously goes before the people of North Carolina 
 with a platform, which deprecates the " deplorable conditions " of the State. Nor 
 is this all of this matter. The overwhelming defeat of the Democratic machine in 
 1896 gave hope and courage to the business element generally. Confidence has 
 been restored, and the spirit of enterprise is more active than ever before in the 
 history of the State. There are visible and tangible evidences which forcibly 
 attest this statement, but there is also an official record which gives indisputable 
 documentary proof of the fact. The Secretary of State is authorized by law to grant 
 charters to business enterprises of probity and character, and the records of his 
 office declare the truth of what has been presented above with irresistible eloquence. 
 Here is the record of that Department from 1894 to date : 
 
, 63 
 
 1894, business enterprises chartered 10 r 
 
 1895, business enterprises chartered 138 
 
 1896, business enterprises chartered 149 
 
 1897, business enterprises chartered 235 
 
 1898, to August 30, business enterprises chartered . . . 124 
 
 A most significant fact in connection with these figures is that a large number of 
 well-known business men from other States are participants in these ventures, but 
 by far the larger number of the promoters are well-known, substantial and reliable 
 citizens of North Carolina; and these facts show that the Democratic machine and 
 its defaming, lying press have totally failed to convince people, either at home or 
 abroad, that the reports sent out are worth consideration or notice. The enthusing 
 and exhilarating truth is that the " Old North State," freed from the selfish, nar- 
 row, bigoted and degrading shackles of the Democratic machine, is bounding for- 
 ward with the elasticity of strong, vigorous youth; is convincing all onlookers and 
 spectators that the legitimate and valid interests of every individual or organized 
 body are intensely respected and held sacred, and that an open and cordial invita- 
 tion is extended to all honest men who desire to do so to make their home within 
 its borders, with assurances that their rights, their opinions and their political 
 liberties shall have the noblest and best protection that an honest, loyal and brave 
 people can give. For twenty years prior to 1897, no such assurance as this could 
 have been honestly given. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 While all this advance and activity is going on in the commercial and material 
 interests of the State, the Democratic machine is squalling " Nigger," with the 
 purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do you SEE? » 
 
6 4 
 
 CHAPTER ELEVEN. 
 
 INCREASE OF PUBLIC REVENUE. 
 
 The efficiency and competency of the present State administration resulted in the 
 collection of $33,000 more for the public fund in 1897 than was collected in 1896 
 under the Democratic regime. This was accomplished in the face of the fact that 
 the taxable value of real and personal property on which taxes were collectible in 
 1897 was one million dollars less than the value of the same kind of property on 
 which taxes were collectible for 1896. It is true that the taxable value of railroad, 
 telegraph and steamboat property was increased in value to the extent of two mil- 
 lion and five hundred thousand dollars ($2,500,000), thus giving a total net increase 
 in the value of taxable property of one million and five hundred thousand dollars 
 ($1,500,000) in round numbers. But this increase in value afforded an increase in 
 revenue of only two thousand two hundred and fifty dollars ($2,250). Where did 
 the other thirty-one thousand dollars ($31,000) come from? • • 
 
 It was realized by efficient attention to official business. The public officers 
 insisted and required that all parties subject to the various license taxes imposed 
 by the State should pay those taxes,, and while some changes in the Revenue Taw 
 of 1897 caused a considerable decrease of receipts from some sources, the net 
 increase of public receipts was as above stated. This is accounted for by the 
 increase of license taxes charged by the State Auditor and collected by the State 
 Treasurer from various corporations, etc., and from the increase of fees and licenses 
 collected and reported monthly by the Secretary of State. 
 
 The Democratic machine may try to explain away this handsome showing by 
 claiming that there has been an increase in the lines of taxable business from which 
 these receipts were derived. Well, let them take either horn of the dilemma the 
 showing puts them on. The increase is due either to superior efficiency and com- 
 petency of public officials, or to an increase of business. 
 
 If to the first, it shows the great advantage to the State of an anti- Democratic 
 administration over a Democratic administration. If to the latter, it shows no less 
 forcibly that business conditions in the State are much more favorable under an 
 anti-Democratic administration than under a Democratic administration. . 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 The Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger" with the purpose of diverting 
 the attention of the people from either horn of the dilemma the machine is on. 
 
 Do You SEE? 
 
65 
 
 CHAPTER TWELVE. 
 
 COMPARISON OF CRIMINAL STATISTICS. 
 
 One of the lowest, meanest and most malignant efforts of the Democratic ma- 
 chine press, during the past two years, has been to attribute any crime that may 
 have occurred in North Carolina to the fact that the machine had been hurled from 
 power. It was a desperate effort to invent a basis on which to circulate lies. But 
 like all of the infamous fabrications of that press, its effort flies back and gives it 
 a terrific slap in the face, as shown by reliable statistics. 
 
 The New Orleans Times-Democrat, the leading machine daily paper of the South, 
 prints the following record as being as nearly correct as a compilation of reports 
 can make it: 
 
 Here are the numbers of lynchings in the United States for the last thirteen years; 
 
 188s.., 
 
 . 184 
 
 1SS9... 
 
 . 176 
 
 1892 . . , 
 
 ■ 235 
 
 1895 ... 
 
 . . 171 
 
 1886 .. 
 
 . 138 
 
 1890 . . 
 
 . 127 
 
 1893 .. 
 
 . 200 
 
 1896. . 
 
 . . 131 
 
 1887 . . . 
 
 . 122 
 
 1891... 
 
 . 192 
 
 1894.. 
 
 . . 190 
 
 1897.. 
 
 . . 166 
 
 1888.., 
 
 , . 142 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 They reached their highest point, it will be observed, in 1892, when they num- 
 bered 235, and have since that date been happily on the downgrade. 
 
 The Chicago Tribune, which "keeps tab" of these extra legal processes of 
 executions, distributed the 166 lynchings which took place during the last twelve 
 months among the States and Territories as follows : 
 
 Alabama 19 Mississippi 16 California ....... 1 
 
 Arizona 2 Missouri 4 Illinois 1 
 
 Arkansas 11 South Carolina. . 6 Indiana 5 
 
 Florida I2 Tennessee 7 Nevada 2 
 
 Georgia 14 Texas 25 Ohio 1 
 
 Kentucky 7 Virginia 5 South Dakota ... 2 
 
 Louisiana 14 North Carolina ... 1 North Dakota ... 3 
 
 Oklahoma 2 Alaska 3 Washington 2 
 
 Maryland 1 
 
 Of the t66 lynchings in 1897; 140 were in the Southern and 26 in the Northern 
 States. Of the 166 persons lynched 122 were negroes, 39 were whites, and 5 were 
 Indians. < 
 
 The alleged crimes for which the victims were lynched were as follows: Race 
 prejudice, 4; arson, 5; murder, 69; robbery, 18; assaults, 39; writing insulting 
 letters, 1; outlawry, 3; by white caps, 4; burglary, 6; elopement, 2; furnishing 
 information, 3; unknown offences, 5; train wrecking, 1; mistaken identity, 1; in- 
 sults, ] ; concealing a murder, 1 ; disobedience of regulations, r ; running quaran- 
 tine, 1. 
 
 One lynching, it -will be observed, was a clear and admitted case of mistaken 
 identity, and it would not be astonishing if a considerable number of other cases of 
 mistaken identity went to make up the list. 
 
 It will be seen by this report that the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, 
 Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and Texas, all of which have been controlled for 
 the past thirteen years by the general Democratic machine— the party of GOOD 
 government ! — are the States in which riot, crime and lawless anarchy prevail to 
 the greatest extent. 
 
 And now note carefully: 
 
 While all this is going on the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger," with 
 the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do YOU SEE? 
 
66 
 
 CHAPTER THIRTEEN. 
 
 PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 
 
 The Democratic machine orators and press stop at nothing in the way of per- 
 verting facts; when they think by so doing they can mislead and deceive the peo- 
 ple. 
 
 Only a few days ago the Charlotte Observer reported one of the machine orators 
 as saying that the school election in 1897 cost $65,000. This statement has been 
 completely nullified by the following letter : 
 
 To the Editor of the Observer: __ 
 
 I see in your Sunday's paper that Mr. Theo. Kluttz stated at Lincolnton that 
 the election for schools in 1S97 cost about $65,000. 
 
 I hope Mr. Kluttz never made any such statement. 
 
 East Fall, after the election was over, I sent out blanks to every county in the 
 State, in order to know just what the cost was. 
 
 From the seventy-two counties reported to me, the cost was $12,716.95. 
 
 I am sure that half of the remaining twenty-four counties held no election at all, 
 and of course had no expense. 
 
 It is safe to say that the election did not cost more than $15,000, all told. 
 
 I write in justice to the cause of public education, and feel sure Mr. Kluttz 
 has been misinformed and will not inj ure the cause of education for the sake of po- 
 litical or personal gains. 
 
 With best wishes. C. H. MebanE, 
 
 Superintendent Public Instruction. 
 
 Raleigh, August 29. 
 
 „ There has been no time in the State's history when there has beeu such vigorous 
 and enthusiastic work done for the cause of public education as has been done by 
 the present Superintendent of Public Instruction. 
 
 There is greater interest among the people to-day of all classes and parties than 
 ever before. This is largely due to the broad, liberal policy of Superintendent 
 Mebane. He has shown that he is earnest in his work, and has merited and won 
 the respect of all leading State educators, regardless of party. 
 
 Eleven townships voted a special tax for Public Schools at the last election. 
 The amount of tax voted was $2,260.07. This was duplicated by the State making 
 an extra fund for schools of these townships of $4,520.14. 
 
 About fifty townships raised private subscriptions, amounting to $8,596.63. 
 
 This amount was duplicated by the State, thus making a special fund under the 
 provisions for donations of $17,193.26. 
 
 Thus under the local tax act the school fund in these townships was increased 
 $21,713,50. 
 
 During the year 1897, the State Board of Education apportioned to the different 
 counties $56,849.13. Adding to this the fund from local tax and special subscrip- 
 tions donated, and we have an increase of $78,562.63 above the regular eighteen 
 cents on hundred dollars worth of property, and fifty-four cents on poll. 
 
 The Colored Normal Schools have had $4,000 additional appropriations for the 
 last two years, making $8,000 additional for training of colored teachers. 
 
 The State Normal College has had its appropriation increased from $12,500 to 
 $25 ,000, making it equal with the University. 
 
 The University was given $5,000 extra for improvements. « 
 
67 
 
 The Agricultural and Mechanical College $5,000 for improvements. 
 
 The Agricultural and Mechanical College (colored), $5,000 extra. 
 
 More funds have been spent for the cause of education during the last two years, 
 and a greater interest has been shown in the cause of education, than ever before. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 While all this is going on, the Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger," with 
 the 'purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do You See; ? 
 
68 
 
 CHAPTER FOURTEEN. 
 
 GREAT IMPROVEMENT IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
 COUNTY AFFAIRS. 
 
 Anti-Democratic management of county affairs has proven and continues to prove 
 to be of immense advantage to the people. In all counties where the Democratic 
 machine has been" removed from control there has been a marked improvement in 
 the administration of county affairs. All the illustrations at command cannot be 
 given here for want of space, but a few are presented for the information of the 
 public. Take for example some of the Eastern counties. 
 
 REDUCTION OF DEBT. 
 
 Brunswick has made a net reduction of its debt of $2,ooo; Duplin of $2,024.18; 
 Harnett from $34,000 to $25,000, a reduction of $9,000; Pamlico from $3,000 to $300, 
 a saving of $2,700; Robeson's debt of $17,000 has been practically paid; New Han- 
 over a decrease of $6,525; in Wilson a reduction of $4,756.15, and in Wake from 
 $48,970.56 under Democratic control in 1896, to $37,894.69 under a co-operative 
 board in 1897 a saving of $11,075.87. 
 
 These counties show that where the Democratic Commissioners were in debt in 
 1896 to the amount of $123,033.82; under the new administration, in just twelve 
 months, that debt has decreased to $67,952.65, or a saving of $54,081.20 in the 
 counties named. 
 
 Davidson county was under Democratic management from 1872 to 1897. At the 
 beginning of 1897 the county was $6,000 in debt, and a fusion government took 
 charge. To-day the county is out of debt, and in addition to this there have been 
 more county improvements than ever before. 
 
 In New Hanover county the rate of assessment of taxes for connty purposes was, 
 under Democratic rule in 1896, forty-seven cents. In 1898, under co-operative con- 
 trol, it has been reduced to thirty-two cents, and the amount of county taxes col- 
 lected from the people has been reduced from $75,723.59 in 1896, to #56,208.72 in 
 1897. • 
 
 CURRENT EXPENDITURE. 
 
 Beaufort county expended in 1895 $13,510.14, while under Democratic control, 
 and in 1897 under the new co-operative administration, $6,797.56, a saving of $6,- 
 712.58. 
 
 Brunswick county expended in 1896 $6,446.58, and in 1897 $5,613.99, a saving of 
 
 $832.59- 
 
 Camden in 1895 $2,975.47, and in 1897 $1,500, a reduction of $1,475.47. 
 
 Chatham in 1896 $13,703.40, against $11,775.52 of the new co-operative adminis- 
 tration in 1897, a saving of $1,927.88. 
 
 Columbus county expended in 1S96 $9,465.21, and in 1897 $8,130.41, a saving of 
 $1,334.80. 
 
 Craven in 1896 $21,478.27 to $15,990.27 expended in 1897 by the new officials; a 
 saving of $5,488. 
 
 Dare from $7,900.23 in 1896 to $2,505.23, a saving of $5,395. 
 
69 
 
 Duplin in 1895 expended $7,482.62, and in 1897 $5,331.01, a saving of $2,151.61. 
 
 Edgecombe, 1896 $14,016.51, and $13,216.23 in 1897, a saving of $800.28. 
 
 Halifax expended in 1896 $17,947.59, against $15,044.88 spent by the new board 
 in 1897, a saving of $2,002.71. 
 
 Nash $10,6 4.35 in 1896 against $8,533.34 in 1897, a decrease of $2,071.01. 
 
 New Han ver expended in 1896 $46,784.99 against $39,703.11 in 1897, a saving of 
 $7,081.88. 
 
 Pitt saved under the first two years of co-operative control $4,000. 
 
 Robeson's expenditures decreased from $16,994.96 in 1896 to $10,044.02 in 1897, 
 a saving of $6,950.94. 
 
 Wake expended under a Democratic board in 1896 $32,927.71 against $27,834.86 
 under co-operative control in 1897,' a saving of $5,092.28. 
 
 Washington in 1895 expended $3,135.90, and in 1897 $2,514.11, a saving of 
 $621.79. 
 
 The above shows that in the sixteen counties mentioned the total DEMO- 
 CRATIC expenditure amounted to $229,373.93, while in 1897, the first year of co- 
 operative control, it had fallen to $174,534.54, or a saving of $54,839.39 by the wise 
 a nd economical administration of anti-Democratic commissioners. 
 
 Under the last Democratic administration in the city of Newbertf the expendi- 
 tures were (for half year ending May, 1897,) $10,824.86, against $7,597.76 for the 
 corresponding period of 1898 under the new administration. The Democratic ad- 
 ministration has evidently run short, as they borrowed $2,265.50 from the Farmers' 
 and Merchants Bank to meet current expenses. 
 
 The new officials have not borrowed a cent, and had at the end of the half 
 year a balance of $1,330.54. The Democratic board left outstanding vouchers 
 amounting to about $2,000, and of this the new board has paid $1,000. It is charged 
 that the railroad tax fund (a trust fund) amounting to $2,153.27 in 1897, was un- 
 lawfully expended instead of being held in the Treasury, subject to the direction 
 of the court as is required, and this charge is laid up against the Democratic ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 All vouchers of the city are now at par. This same fact will be especially noticed 
 in those numerous counties where, under Democratic control, county script circu- 
 lated below par. / 
 
 Western counties that are under co-operative Control show the same improve- 
 ment in county finances. 
 
 In Stokes county the current expenditures were, in 1896, $490.22 in excess of 
 receipts, while in 1897, under co-operative control, this was changed to a surplus 
 of $112,90, although the Home for the Aged and some bridges had been improved 
 at a cost of $639.22. 
 
 In Yadkin county the amount of claims audited under the Democratic Commis- 
 sioners was in 1896, $3,816.65, against $3,339.20 under co-operative control in 1897. 
 
 In Buncombe county the expenditures for county purposes only increased $381,31 
 under co-operative control in 1897, although $20,000 of debts that had accumulated 
 under preceding Democratic administrations were paid out of the taxes collected. 
 
 Forsyth county, under Democratic control, expended in 1896, $24,601.46 ; under 
 the new administration, $19,490.39, or a saving of $5,111.07. 
 
 Now note some counties where Democratic Commissioners are in control. 
 
 The county of Caldwell expended in 1894, $4,480.69; in 1896, $6,532.15, and in 
 1897, $8,047.62. 
 
 Carteret county went from $5,133-08 in 1894, to $5,398.17 in 1896, and $5,975.14 
 in 1897. In connection with the Democratic management of the finances of this 
 
yo 
 
 county, it should be remembered that John D. Davis, ex-Collector of Customs, was 
 engaged as an expert to examine the condition of the county's finances, and to 
 ascertain the amount of the county debt, and report the same to the Board of Com- 
 missioners. If this report has ever been made it has never been given to the 
 public or thrown open to inspection, but it is said by reliable parties that the 
 floating debt is from $6,000 to $7,000. The county's paper is sold for 75 cents on 
 the dollar, and most of said paper has passed into the hands of the Democratic 
 bosses, and the county is paying six per cent, interest on this paper — one of the 
 few counties in the State where county paper draws interest, except in cases where 
 it is put into judgment. 
 
 Mecklenburg (general fund only) went from $104,517.41 in 1894, to $123,388.57 
 in 1897; and Rockingham county from $9,005.38 in 1894, to $9,734.01 in 1896, and 
 $11,131.17 in 1897. 
 
 Just these four counties show the result of Democratic financiering, and have 
 resulted in an increase in expenses of $25,405.94, and yet the Democratic machine 
 press is trying to make the people of the State believe that the Democratic system 
 of county finance was beneficial and saving to the tax-payers of the State. The 
 result is known to the people, and despite the attempts of a falsifying press to hide 
 the true issues of the present campaign, 4he people, with all the facts of the case 
 before them, will, on a greater day in one mighty assemblage, forever decide the 
 questions under dispute, by placing on economy the mark of their approval, and 
 crushing to the earth the falsehoods of error, the " Old North State" will con- 
 tinue to advance in the glory of the world. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 While all this is going on the Democratic machine is squalling " Nigger " with 
 the purpose of trying to divert the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do You See? 
 
CHAPTER FIFTEEN. 
 
 THE DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. 
 
 The North Carolina Department of Agriculture was established by an act of the 
 Legislature. The title of the act was: "To establish a Department of Agriculture, 
 Immigration and Statistics, and for the Encouragement of Sheep Husbandry, as 
 embodied in The Code." 
 
 In the Agricultural Building, and closely allied to it, are the offices and labora- 
 tory of the State Experiment Station and the State Chemist. The Director of the 
 Experiment Station is the Acting State Chemist, and he analyzes all the fertilizers 
 sold in the State, under the direction of the Commissioner of Agriculture. Inspec- 
 tors are employed, who go to every corner of the State and collect samples of fer- 
 tilizers, sending them in to be analyzed, under seal, and if these samples are found 
 not to contain as much, or more, of the ingredients as is claimed by the manufac- 
 turers, said manufacturers can be prosecuted, and the fertilizers condemned and 
 sold at public action. In the same building, mineral and other waters, soil, min- 
 erals, and many other articles are analyzed for farmers or other citizens of the 
 State. 
 
 It also contains the State Museum, the best of all State Museums, and the best 
 of any kind in the South, which is being more rapidly enlarged and improved than 
 ever before. Here can be seen specimens of all kinds of agricultural products 
 grown in the State, fruits and berries, minerals, curios, specimens of timber, build- 
 ing stones, gems, ores, and prepared specimens of all the fish, fowls and animals 
 found in the State ; also specimens of all the medicinal roots, herbs and barks. 
 
 The Agricultural Building has been enlarged in the past two years, and the 
 present officials have, within the past year, rearranged everything in the building, 
 put in new furniture, carpets, and added many important items to the collection, 
 including the famous " Stephenson collection " of minerals, formerly owned by a . 
 gentleman at Statesville. 
 
 About forty thousand people have visited the Museum in the past twelve months, 
 many of them from other States, and not a few from foreign lands. Every visitor 
 has expressed wonder and pleasure at the splendid exhibit, and the unanimous 
 opinion is that such a display of resources has never before been gathered together 
 from a territory no larger than that of the State of North Carolina. 
 
 The object here, however, is not to attempt to describe what can be seen in the 
 Agricultural Building, but rather to give the public a comparison between the man- 
 agement of the Department of Agriculture, the last year the Democrats had charge, 
 and the management during the first year of an anti-Democratic administration. 
 The people can then decide for themselves whether or not the present administra- 
 tion is doing its duty. 
 
 The Department is sustained by a tonnage tax of twenty-five cents per ton, paid 
 by the manufacturer, on all fertilizers sold in the State. No appropriation is made 
 for the Department by the Legislature. This tonnage tax is collected and is spent 
 for inspection purposes, for pay of officials, for analyzing fertilizers, and to adver- 
 tise the resources of the State in every way possible. A comparison of the finances 
 under the last year of Democratic management and the first year of anti-Demo- 
 cratic management shows up decidedly in favor of the " fusionists." 
 
72 « 
 
 From June 14, 1896, to June 14, 1897, under Democratic management 
 
 the Department collected in tonnage tax $ 52,602.73 
 
 During the same period they spent 67,470.79 
 
 They disbursed $14,868.06 more than they collected, and, of course, drew upon 
 surplus left over during former years. 
 The " f usionists, " the "incompetents," the " incapables, " took charge 
 
 on the 14th of June, 1897. From that date until June i, 1898, just 
 
 eleven and a half months, they collected $ 57,973.75 
 
 During the same period they spent 37>345- 2 5 
 
 Thus it is seen that the "f usionists" collected $5,371.02 more than the Demo- 
 crats during the comparative fiscal years and spent $30,125.54 less than they spent. 
 Now let the question arise as to who has made the best record. 
 
 The Democratic machine press has made some comment about a "great many 
 inspectors" being employed by the present management. Well, during the last 
 fiscal year, the " fusionists " employed two more inspectors than the Democrats 
 had during the previous year. They were only at work a few months of the year, 
 and the total cost of the seven inspectors employed by the " fusionists " during the 
 year was but $900 more than of the five inspectors employed by the Democrats 
 during the previous year. In other words, the present administration managed 
 the inspection so well that they collected $5,271.02 more tax than Democrats col- 
 lected, at an additional outlay of only $900. Was not that a wise investment with 
 good results ? 
 
 Now, farmer friend , who has managed your Agricultural Department with the 
 greatest efficiency? 
 
 It is proper to state that, during the past year, the Department has caused the 
 standard of commercial fertilizers to be raised, and another plan is on foot which 
 will result in still greater advantages to the fertilizer purchaser. 
 
 During the last year of Democratic management, the circulation of the monthly 
 "Bulletin," which is free to all farmers, was 21,000. The circulation is now a 
 little over 30,000 monthly. 
 
 During the past year the number of fertilizer samples taken and analyzed, was 
 about twenty-five per cent, in excess of the previous year. 
 
 And now note carefully. 
 
 The Democratic machine is squalling "Nigger" with the purpose of diverting 
 the attention of the people from such facts as these. 
 
 Do you SEE ? 
 
 / 
 
n 
 
 CHAPTER SIXTEEN. 
 
 SOME SAMPLE LIES. 
 
 In the foregoing pages of this pamphlet there are some remarks which ' ' inti- 
 mate " that the Democratic machine press is not over-careful about, telling the 
 truth. To emphasize those intimations it is proposed to present here some " sample 
 lies." The general supply for one year would fill a book about as big as all the 
 Democratic machine papers issued in the State for one year would make. They 
 are not presented consecutively, but they are numbered for the sake of convenience. 
 They are of all grades and sizes. 
 
 NUMBER 1. 
 
 [Charlotte Observer, Feb. 4.] 
 
 BLOOD ON THE TAR-HEED MOON. 
 
 Resistance to Supreme Court. 
 
 russeee wiee use the state guard to keep caedweee and pearson out of 
 
 the clutches of the supreme court, and if the guard mutinies, 
 
 the governor wiee faee back on captain c. s. e. a. 
 
 tayeor's company. 
 
 Washington, Feb. 3. — Governor Russell is quoted in Wilmington as saying that 
 he " will protect Railroad Commissioners Caldwell and Pearson against the rule 
 recently issued by the Supreme Court of the United States to the full extent of his 
 resources as commander-in-chief of the State militia." 
 
 He is reported as having advised resistance to the order of the Supreme Court, 
 saying that the object of the removal of the Wilsons as Railroad Commissioners 
 was to precipitate a conflict between the State and Federal Judiciary. " I will go 
 to jail," he is quoted as saying, " to make the question of Federal usurpation the 
 paramount issue in the next State campaign." 
 
 It is not believed here that the State Guard will respond to his call in the event 
 of resistance on the part of Commissioners Caldwell and Pearson. But the Gov- 
 ernor's Guard, a colored company of Charlotte, commanded by Capt. C. S. D. A. 
 Taylor, has offered its services in anticipation of the Governor's failure to utilize 
 the State Guard. 
 
 NUMBER 1 NAILED. 
 
 THE RUSSEDD FAKE STORY. 
 
 Charlotte Observer Prints a Correction and Comments Thereon. 
 
 [Charlotte Observer, Feb. 6.] 
 
 In an interview given out to-night, Governor Russell says : ' ' The statement 
 accredited to me with regard to remarks concerning resistance to the order or decree 
 of the Supreme Court of the United States, is unqualifiedly false, and has not even 
 the shadow of foundation, and was concocted by my enemies to injure me and my 
 appointees." 
 
 We are glad to see that Governor Russell denies having said, as reported in this 
 paper's Washington correspondence, and that he would resist, with force or other- 
 wise, the decree of the United States Supreme Court attaching his Railroad Com- 
 missioners for contempt. We regret that our Washington correspondent was mis- 
 informed in the matter. The Observer would not consciously do injustice to Gov- 
 ernor Russell, however much it opposes his administration of State affairs. In 
 this connection we call attention to the card of Capt. C. S. D. A. Taylor, in this 
 issue, denying that he had tendered the services of his company to the Governor, 
 or that they had been asked for. 
 
74 
 
 NOTE. — In the foregoing instance the touters over-did themselves in trying to take 
 back what they put out. They tried to make it appear that the Governor had given 
 them an interview in which he denied the statement. The truth is the Governor 
 never noticed them at all. 
 
 Capt. C S. L. A. Taylor "Didn't" Tender His Command. 
 
 In today's Charlotte Observer the captain of the only negro military company in 
 the State, and whose company was in Raleigh during the late negro State Fair, 
 uses the following denial of the soft impeachment, so far as he and his company 
 are concerned: 
 
 " I notice in your issue of to-day, in reference to a threatened tilt between Gov- 
 ernor Russell and the Supreme Court of the United States, it was published that I, 
 as commander of the Charlotte Light Infantry B, N. C. S. G., have tendered the 
 services of my command, in an anticipation of the Governor's failure to utilize the 
 State Guard. This stetement, unintentional, no doubt, is calculated to do me in- 
 justice, and to place me in a false light. In advance of a demand by our Governor 
 and commander-in-chief of the State military forces for the services of my com- 
 mand, it would have been, to say the least, highly improper for me to even inti- 
 mate that I would respond or refuse to respond to the order of my superior officer. 
 I may simply state that Governor Russell has made no such demand of me, or even 
 hinted that the services of my command would likely be required. 
 
 "C. S. L. A. Taylor, 
 " Com. C. L. I. Co. B, N. C. S. G." 
 
 NUMBER 2. 
 
 ABOUT A JUDICIAL SALARY. 
 
 \ News and Observer.~\ 
 
 In 1897 Ewart got an act through giving him, in addition, civil jurisdiction with 
 an increase in salary of $500. The Supreme Court held this latter act totally in- 
 valid, but the Auditor, under the advice of our blonde Attorney-General, is continu- 
 ing to pay the $500 for services which are not and cannot be rendered. 
 
 NUMBER 2 NAILED. 
 
 The letter of advice from the Attorney-General to the State Auditor stated that 
 it was not clear that Judge Ewart was entitled to the $500, and the records in the 
 Auditor's office will show that it was promptly discontinued. 
 
 NUMBER 3. 
 
 [Ne-ws and Observer, August 16.] 
 MR. HILL HAS ENOUGH. 
 
 Mr. Joshua B. Hill, Chairman of the Board of County Commissioners, is a Repub- 
 lican, and is not out hunting for Democra ic newspapers to talk about his party or 
 the actions of men elected by it. All the same, it has come out that Mr. Hill is 
 not at all pleased with certain things with which his position as Chairman of the 
 Commissioners has brought him in contact, and is pretty thoroughly tired and 
 disgusted. One of the chief of these thorns in the flesh has been and is that belated 
 settlement of Sheriff Jones. 
 
 So completely has Mr. Hill had enough that he does not propose to stand for 
 re-election to the Board of County Commissioners. Those who are anxious for the 
 job Mr. Hill has found ready cut out for him are welcome to it after his present 
 term expires. 
 
 NUMBER 3 NAILED. 
 
 A CARD FROM MR. HILL. 
 
 To the Editor: — Noticing the article in the News and Observer this morning, 
 headed, " Mr. Hill Has Enough," requires, I think, in justice to Sheriff Jones and 
 
75 
 
 myself, that I should make correction. Please allow this in to-morrow's paper. 
 It is not true that I refused to stand for election again as County Commissioner 
 because, as is alleged, of a belated settlement of Sheriff Jones of his taxes. Other 
 reasons move me to decline the honor, which I think is unnecessary to state here. 
 Sheriff Jones has settled in full, State and county taxes for 1897 — is all straight so 
 far as I know, and we are personally good friends. J. B. Hili,. 
 
 RaeEIGH, N. C, August 16. 
 
 NUMBER 4. 
 
 With flaming headlines, the News and Observer of August 14th, said : " It is a 
 Revolution: Members of State Alliance Return to Democracy." 
 
 And under these lines said the Alliance was disgusted with the administration of 
 Governor Russell. 
 
 NUMBER 4 NAILED. 
 
 The Alliance officially adopted the following resolution: 
 
 The North Carolina Farmers' Alliance return their thanks to His Excellency, 
 Governor Russell, for his efforts to further our demands in obtaining cheaper rail- 
 road charges, freight and passenger, for the people of the State, and that we hereby 
 express our confidence in his integrity and earnest desire to save the tax-payers of 
 the State useless expenditures. ' ' 
 
 NUMBER 5. 
 
 [Aform'ng Post, August 20.~\ 
 
 HOW HE HELPS JOE ROGERS. ' 
 
 Father-in- Law Mewboorne Lends a Hand and a State Buggy. 
 
 Father-in-law Mewboorne is taking not only a lively interest in the canvass of 
 Son-in-law J. J. Rogers for re-election to the office of Register of Deeds of Wake 
 county, but also unwarranted liberty with the State's property in rendering the as- 
 sistance. At St. Mary's township, on Thursday, at the primary of the Populists 
 to send delegates to the Populist County Convention, it was openly charged by a 
 Populist that Superintendent Mewboorne was using a horse and buggy belonging to 
 the State, and a member of the guard of the Penitentiary is tramping around the 
 county canvassing for Soft Joe. This is a gross abuse of privilege, so much so that 
 the Populists at St. Marv's denounced it, and declared a purpose to vote against 
 Mr. Rogers and proceeded to do so then and there. 
 
 NUMBER NAILED. 
 
 Mr. Mewboorne wrote to the Post denouncing the statement as false, and author- 
 ized Mr. Rufus Barbee, County Commissioner of Wake county, to say to the Popu- 
 list County Convention that the statement was a "lie." Mr. Barbee openly de- 
 clared it to be a lie before the convention, and the statement has not been repeated. 
 
 NUMBER 6. 
 
 ONE ON SENATOR BUTLER. 
 
 "If colored men commit outrages the Democrats pretend to be terribly shocked 
 in public, but when they get behind a wall they laugh until they grow fat, and if 
 the outrages are not frequent enough, they hire worthless negroes to commit them . ' ' 
 
 The above is an utterance which the Rocky Mount Argonaut, a Democratic 
 machine sheet, asserts Mr. Butler made in a speech delivered in that town. 
 
 NUMBER 6 NAILED. 
 
 The following gentlemen are residents of Nash and adjoining counties. All of 
 them heard Senator Butler's speech, and they all make affidavits that he made no 
 such statement : 
 
7 6 
 
 David Everett, P. A. May, G. W. Coley, Jas. J. Coley, B. F. Westray, G. T. 
 Coley, Van B. Carter, Jno. B. Lewis, W. G. Leigh, Jas. B. Lloyd, W. E. Fountain, 
 J. T. Dupree, Jas. D. Baker, W. S. Bailey, Jno. D. Mears, J. A. Farmer, N. C. 
 Cooper, J. H. Edwards, M. J. Battle, J. M. Cutchin, Jesse Proctor, M. B. Williford, 
 R. H. Armstrong, Jas. A. Thomas, H. A. Davis, G. W. Whitehead, G. R. Marsh- 
 burn, Jas. A. Evans, H. C. Davis, 
 
 There is more character in one of the above named gentlemen than there is in 
 the entire Democratic machine press of the State. The weight of evidence settles 
 the matter. 
 
 NUMBER 7. 
 
 THE MACHINE DEMOCRATS. 
 
 Are Greatly Worried Because People are not Jailed for Failure to 
 
 Pay Taxes. 
 
 Early in December, 1897, a " tax notice," with Judge Thos. H. Sutton's named 
 signed to it, appeared in the Charlotte Observer \ and was copied by the Democratic 
 papers throughout the State. These negro monopoly organs proceeded to comment 
 at length, saying that the fusion legislature had passed a law to put people in jail for 
 not paying their tax. They held up this "tax notice " as coming from a Republi- 
 can Judge to prove their statement. 
 
 NUMBER 7 NAILED. 
 
 The following, taken from the Charlotte Observer, December 17, explains itself : 
 
 THE NOTICE TO TAX-PAYERS. 
 
 Judge Sutton Did Not Write It, Sign It, or Authorize It. 
 
 important to tax- payers. 
 
 I instructed the Sheriff from the bench this (Monday), to prepare a delinquent 
 list of all parties not having paid their taxes by Saturday night, the 18th inst., and 
 to furnish the same to this Court. This list will then be handed to the Solicitor to 
 be dealt with according to law. The Sheriff has no voice in this matter. 
 
 Thomas H. Sutton, 
 Judge*)/ the Criminal Court. 
 
 To the Editor of the Observer: — Referring to the above advertisement, or 
 " notice to tax-payers," I desire to say that I never wrote it, nor authorized anyone 
 else to write or publish it. I did not inspire or suggest it, and was very much sur- 
 prised at seeing it in print when Mr. Tillett called it to my attention. 
 
 Of course I understand that I cannot, occupying the position that I do, go into 
 newspaper print, but may I not set myself right before the public by a denial of 
 this, as I would if I were charged with stealing your horse or burning your house ? 
 
 I believe, from the innate manhood of your nature, which every one concedes 
 that you possess, you will do me simple justice. The books of your business 
 department will show who is charged for this ' ' notice to tax-payers. ' ' Examine 
 them and see if I am, and if not, who? 
 
 Very respectfully, Thomas H. Sutton. 
 
 Charlotte, N. C, Dec. 18, 1897. 
 
 I heard Mr. Johnson, Deputy Sheriff of Mecklenburg county, say in the presence 
 of Judge Sutton that the latter was in no way responsible for the advertisement, 
 " important to tax-payers ; " that Sheriff Smith said his office clerk had written it, 
 and signed Judge Sutton's name without his authority. This 18th December, 1897. 
 
 J. L. WEBB, 
 Solicitor 11th District, N. C. 
 
 NoTE. — The Sheriff of Mecklenburg county is a Democrat. Thus far only 
 Democrats have shown any desire to jail people for not paying their tax. It has 
 been a source of great annoyance to the office-seeking machine Democrats that 
 people who thus far failed to pay their taxes have not been jailed. 
 
77 
 
 NUMBER S. 
 
 ABOUT A FREE PASS. 
 
 The Raleigh correspondent of the Wilmington Star says : 
 
 I am told that. Senator Butler went to the Nashville Exposition on a free pass. 
 He could hardly call this Caucasian business." 
 
 NUMBER 8 NAILED. 
 
 In the Caucasian Senator Butler writes as follows : 
 
 This is false. The papers that charge that Senator Butler rides on free passes 
 are publishing falsehoods, and they know it. 
 
 NUMBER 9. 
 
 [From Ne-vs and Observer.] 
 
 THE LOOTERS GET IN THEIR WORK. 
 
 The A. and M. College Parceled Out Among the Wreckers. 
 
 The State has received a blow from which it will not soon recover. Its indus- 
 trial development and educational advancement have been set back almost a de- 
 cade. 
 
 This Brutus stab has come from the Governor of the State and the Trustees of 
 the Agricultural and Mechanical College. The latter institution has been looted 
 and the Experiment Station destroyed to make place for political henchmen. 
 Good men — scholars and scientists — have been displaced by incompetents and 
 nincompoops. 
 
 In this nefarious work these men were backed up on one side by a lot of ig- 
 noramuses who know no law in the matter save the will of those whose tools the}- 
 are ; on the other side by a Governor whose only desire is to make political jobs for 
 those upon whose backs he hopes to ride into the United States Senate." 
 
 NUMBER 9 NAILED. 
 
 A CARD. 
 
 To the Editor : — The article in yesterday's issue of your paper making the 
 sweeping charge that the Trustees of the Agricultural and Mechanical College had 
 "looted" that institution is, we think, unjust to that body, unfair to us, and so 
 far from the facts that, if uncontroverted, it must do the college great harm. 
 While the board had the power to change every officer of the institution, it so far 
 from " parceling the college out among the wreckers," changed in the faculty 
 proper the head of only one department, and this we are assured was done solely to 
 effect a consolidation of the agricultural work of the college and of the Experi- 
 ment Station, and thereby to save in this department about seventeen hundred dol- 
 lars by assigning to one of the professors the work hitherto divided between two. 
 The only change in the faculty was in the adjunct professorship of Mathematics, 
 and the addition of one teacher to the official force. 
 
 While we, of course, cannot but deeply regret parting from men who have been 
 pleasantly and closely associated with us, and whom we respect and esteem most 
 highly, we, the undersigned members of the old faculty feel, in justice to ourselves, 
 to the board of trustees, to the institution that we have served so long, impelled to 
 deny that it has been "looted," nor can we be expected to admit with entire good 
 grace that "the institution has been turned over to incompetents and nincom- 
 poops." 
 
 We assure the people of our State, and especially the friends of technical educa- 
 
78 
 
 tion, that there is no cause to lose confidence in the institution, nor in its compe- 
 tency to do the great work for which it was founded. 
 
 Respectfully, Alexander Q. Holladay, 
 
 President. 
 W. F. Massey, 
 Professor Horticulture and Botany. 
 W. A Withers, 
 
 Professor' of Chemistry. 
 D. H. HiLL, 
 
 Professor of English. 
 W. C. Riddick, 
 Professor Mathematics and Civil Engineering. 
 Nathaniel R. Craighill, 
 Professor of Mechanical Engineering. 
 J. C. Gresham, 
 Captain Seventh Cavalry, Professor Military Science and Tactics. 
 
 NoTE. — All the Professors who "nailed " No. 9, are Democrats. 
 
 THE NEWS AND OBSERVER NAILS ITSELF. 
 This paper of August 31st says : 
 
 On Thursday of this week, the Agricultural and Mechanical College will open its 
 doors for a new year's work. Entrance examinations for new students will begin 
 this morning at nine o'clock. 
 
 This young college constantly takes on fresh life. This summer a department of 
 Biology and Veterinary Science has been added to the science side of the insiitution, 
 and a thoroughly competent man, Dr. Cooper Curtice, of New York, will occupy 
 it. The engineering departments have received thorough overhauling during vaca- 
 tion and many additions have been made to them. The mechanical laboratories, 
 drawing-rooms, and shops have all been arranged for steam-heat, and a bakery has 
 been added to the kitchen outfit. 
 
 NUMBER 10. / 
 
 \_Nezvs and Observer, January 6.] 
 
 MORE FUSION INCOMPETENCE. 
 
 The Bursar at the A. and M. College in Trouble. 
 
 HIS BOOKS IN A TANGLE, HAVE NOT BEEN BALANCED FOR FOUR MONTHS, AND 
 
 NOW THEY WON'T BALANCE — BUT IT'S ONLY A LITTLE MATTER OF SOME 
 
 $5,000 — THE FINANCE COMMITTEE GIVES HIM A 
 
 MONTH TO GET THEM STRAIGHT. 
 
 And still instances of Populist incompetency come to light. 
 
 When the News and Observer said that E. G. Butler, of Vance county, was in- 
 competent to fill the positions of Bursar and Assistant Professor of English at the 
 Agricultural and Mechanical College, the fusionists declared that he was one of 
 the best and most accomplished men in North Carolina. 
 
 Experience usually proves who's right in such matters. In this, as in many sim- 
 ilar instances, it has shown that the News and Observer was correct in its estimate 
 of Mr. Butler and that hisfusion defenders were wrong. 
 
 For two days the Finance Committee of the Board of Trustees of the Agricul- 
 tural and Mechanical College has been here examining the books of that institution. 
 This committee is composed of one Democrat and two Republicans, as follows : J. 
 W. Harden (Republican), of Raleigh; Dr. B. F. Dixon (Democrat), of Shelby ; 
 and Col. L. C. Edwards (Republican), of Oxford. 
 
 They met Tuesday afternoon and went over the books of Prof. W. A. Withers, 
 Director of the Experiment Station., These they found in good order and correct. 
 
 But yesterday when they came to the books of Butler, the Bursar of the College, 
 they found a very different state of affairs. His books are in a tangle — an awful 
 tangle — and the committee could tell absolutely nothing about the finance of the 
 institution. 
 
79 
 
 Butler has not balanced his books in four months, and now he can't balance 
 them. There's some five or six thousand dollars short, apparently. The commit- 
 tee does not believe he has made away with it. They have no means of knowing, 
 of course, but after looking at the condition of the books they are charitable 
 enough to give him the benefit of the doubt and attribute the discrepency to bad 
 book-keeping. 
 
 Of course, with such book-keeping, the committee could not go further, so they 
 gave Mr. Butler a month, with the voluntary assistance of Prof. Hill, the former 
 Bursar, and Mr. Harden, the Chairman of the Committee, to straighten his ac- 
 counts up, bring some ordor out of the chaos and show where that $5,000 went to. 
 
 This is the price the State is paying for fusion incompetence. 
 
 NUMBER 10 NAILED. 
 
 [Press- Visitor, January 6th.] 
 
 REPORT CORRECTED. 
 
 Discrepancy in Professor Butler's Books Oney Three Doeears and This 
 
 is in His Favor. 
 
 mr. j. w. hardin, chairman of the finance committee, gives the facts in 
 the case— the books neatey kept. 
 
 The finance committee of the Agricultural and Mechanical College adjourned 
 yesterday afternoon after completing their work of examining the books of the 
 Bursar, Prof. E. G. Butler. 
 
 Various reports have, been circulated about the result of the committee's work, 
 so this morning a Press- Visitor representative called on Mr. J. W. Hardin, of 
 this city, who is chairman of the finance committee, and asked him concerning 
 these reports. Mr. Hardin replied that there was only a discrepancy of about three 
 dollars, and this discrepancy was in Prof. Butler's favor. 
 
 Mr. Hardin said further that the books are neatly kept, and are in good condi- 
 tion, but his lack of experience in book-keeping, in the various departments required 
 to be kept separate, caused the difference. 
 
 Mr. Hardin»is one of the most efficient book-keepers in Raleigh, and knows just 
 how books- should be kept. His statement exonerates Prof. Butler from any 
 suspicion which the reports circulated may have caused in the minds of those who 
 do not know Prof. Butler. Upon those who are acquainted with Prof. Butler, the 
 reports made no impression. His reputation is good at his home, and he is respected 
 here. He is a member of the Good Shepherd Church, and a regular attendant. 
 
 HIT AGAIN. 
 
 BUFORD HOTEE, 
 
 ChareoTTE, January 6, 1898. 
 Prof. .£. G. Butler, Bursar A. and M. College, Raleigh, N. C: 
 
 Dear Professor: — * * * I was exceedingly mortified to read the false report 
 in the News and Observer this morning relative to you and your books. Being 
 the only Democrat on the committee, I am naturally fearful lest you should think 
 the reporter of that paper had gotten his information from me, and I wish to dis- 
 claim anything of the kind. With best wishes, 
 
 Yours very truly, B. F. Dixon. 
 
 Note. — The Neivs and Observer seems to have made a desperate effort to kill 
 the Agricultural and Mechanical College, and to slander the present administra- 
 tion, but every lie it told proved a boomerang to itself. 
 
8o 
 
 NUMBER 11. 
 
 ABOUT WHITE WOMEN ADMITTING A NEGRO TO THEIR PRIVATE 
 
 APARTMENTS. 
 
 [Clinton Democrat.] 
 
 " Miss Florence Duncan, the little blind daughter of Rev. H. J. Duncan, of this 
 county, while here on vacation this summer, told friends that Jim Young was 
 accustomed to inspect the White Blind Institution almost every week : that he 
 went through all the departments, vested with full authority to give orders to the 
 white lady teachers in charge. Miss Duncan said all this was considered a dis- 
 grace and a shame. This comes from one of the victims of the infamy which fusion 
 has brought upon poor old North Carolina. ' ' 
 
 NUMBER 11 NAILED. 
 
 CONGRESSMAN FOWLER SAYS MISS DUNCAN DID NOT MAKE THE 
 
 STATEMENT. 
 
 Hon. John E. Fowler, of Clinton, writes that the statement attributed to Miss 
 Florence Duncan, a blind pupil, that she saw Jim Young on his tour of inspection 
 at the white Deaf and Dumb Institution, is incorrect — that she did not make the 
 statement. 
 
 NUMBER 12. 
 
 This lie is the crowning glory and success of the Democratic Lying Machine for 
 the campaign of 189S. It is a composite sort of a lie in that it is made up of false 
 statements and lying illustrations. 
 
 It consists of two pictures or cartoons, one showing a negro man in a school 
 room with a white lady teacher and white pupils, and the other showing a negro 
 man in a white lady's apartment alone with the lady. The lady is represented as 
 a teacher in one of the State institutions. In this composite lie there are numer- 
 ous smaller lies which go to make up the whole. They may be mentioned as fol- 
 lows : • 
 
 A white lady submitting to the inspection of her private apartments by a negro, 
 which is a scoundrelly and villainous slander. A white lady admitting a negro 
 man ai/dne To HER apartment — a worse slander. The white lady makes no 
 protest — a still baser and more vile slander. No white man in North Carolina who 
 has within him the slightest instinct of decency could ever have made such a rep- 
 resentation as this. No white lady would, for a moment, stay in or near an insti- 
 tution that tolerated such a proceedure, and only such a low, sneaking, cowardly, 
 lying machine as the Democratic press of this State could have ever said they 
 would and did. 
 
 And a seventh feature in both is that the Democratic Principal of the institution 
 silently submits to what the " pictures " portray. Does the Democratic Principal 
 admit all this as a fact ? If he does not, and says it is not so, then somebody has 
 UED OUTRAGEOUSLY. 
 
 The statement under one of the pictures, is as follows : 
 
 Jim Young, the negro politician, is at the head of the Committee on Education 
 in the State White Institution for the Blind, located at Raleigh. It is the duty of 
 that committee to "endorse or prescribe all rules or regulations for the GOVERN- 
 MENT of pupils " (white blind children ) ; to settle all ' ' questions of discipline or of 
 misunderstanding between teacher and pupil, or teacher and Principal " (white 
 teachers, white blind children, white Principal); "to prepare and conduct, in con- 
 junction with the Principal, examination of teachers" (white teachers to teach 
 
white blind children); it is required by section 5 that " the Principal (white man) 
 shall report to Educational Committee (that is to the negro, Jim Young) annually 
 before the election of teachers (white teachers) upon the work of the several 
 teachers, their relative efficiency, and of their improvement professionally, and the 
 following additional power is conferred upon this negro politician : ' ' Teachers 
 (white ladies) shall instruct their pupils under the direction of the Principal and 
 the Educational Committee (Jim Young is the Committee) and PERFORM SUCK 
 OTHER DUTIES AS THEY MAY PRESCRIBE." 
 
 The statement under the other picture is this: 
 
 "Jim Young CONTROLS the Board of Directors of the only Institution in the State 
 at which the white blind children can be taught. Article 4 of the by-laws require ' 'the 
 Committee of Inspection to visit each department of the Institution twice every 
 month, and make a written report to the Board." It is the custom to appoint the 
 members of the Board by turns on the Inspection Committee, who shall visit the 
 rooms and apartments of the Institution, make an inspection, and report " as to 
 their condition." This picture illustrates the power conferred upon a negro poli- 
 tician in an Institution in which most of the teachers and pnpils are white ladies."' 
 
 There is in both these statements the evidence of a tricky, sneaking liar The 
 pictures show ONE Thing, but the miserable defamer and slanderer dares not say 
 in words what he tries to convey by illustration. 
 
 His pictures slander and malign every white lady in the institution, which is the 
 Institution for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind. 
 
 NUMBER 12 NAILED. 
 
 Die Number 12 is effectively nailed by the statements below. As a matter of 
 fact, there was no negro on the Board when the cartoons were made and sent out. 
 
 At the beginning of 1897, the Board was controlled by Democrats, and B„ E. 
 Montague, Democrat, was chairman. This chairman appointed Young at one time 
 asan inspector of the Colored Department of the institution. It should be remem- 
 bered that there are two departments — white and colored — and that they are about 
 a mile apart, but both are under the management of one Principal, Mr.. Jno»„ E, 
 Ray, who is a Democrat. 
 
 Here is what he says : 
 
 "The law provides for a Board of Trustees of seven members to manage the affairs- - 
 of the Institution. The Institution over which I have the honor to preside as prin- 
 cipal is divided into two departments, white and colored. These departments are- 
 in separate buildings, on opposite sides of the city of Raleigh, nearly a mile apart. 
 In selecting the Board of Trustees to be confirmed in March, 1897, Jas. H. Young 
 was selected, probably, with the view of HAVING A COLORED REPRESENTA- 
 TIVE ON THE BOARD TO GIVE SPECIAL ATTENTION TO THE COLORED' 
 DEPARTMENT. Young was confirmed with the others. Of course he met with 
 the board, and it was his privilege to vote on all questions. He generally voted 
 with his party friends, otherwise he avoided interference with the management of 
 the white department. He never came there except to attend the board meetings 
 more than two or three times. Then he saw me at my office, politely transacted 
 his business and retired. I don't remember that he ever served on any committee 
 of inspection of the white department. To me he seemed to studiously avoid doing 
 or saying anything that would in the least embarrass any lady. He has always 
 been respectful to me, both in my official and personal dealings with him. He re- 
 signed about June 1st, and has not attended a board meeting in three months. 
 There is not notv a colored representative on the board.' 1 ' 1 
 
 > 
 
 [See? Resigned June 1st, and the lying cartoons were sent out in August.] 
 
82 
 
 Mr. Wm. Royall, principal instructor of the white department, says : 
 
 I have always been treated with respect and courtesy. Though I have been ab- 
 sent from no duty during my connection with the Institution, yet I have never 
 seen Jas. Young within its walls, or known of his being there, except at the meet- 
 ings of the board in the Principal's office. As an instructor in the white blind de- 
 partment, I have had no reason to find fault with the general management at any 
 point. As far as my knowledge extends I feel that I may say as much of the 
 management as a whole. 
 
 Miss Laura B. Newsome, lady teacher in the white department, says : 
 
 I have at all times been treated with due respect and courtesy ; I did not see Jas. 
 Young the entire time he was a member of the Board of Trustees. He never 
 entered my school-room nor did I see him while employed with my duties as a 
 teacher; I never heard that James Young made his presence in the Institution in 
 any way offensive. The general management of the Institution is excellent, every- 
 thing working in perfect harmony. 
 
 And there are now on file similar statements from the following officers of the 
 white department : 
 
 Mrs. L. F. Cosby, teacher ; Miss Maggie Brumley, teacher ; Mrs. N. J. Simpson, 
 music teacher ; Miss M. H. Davis, teacher ; Miss Nina C. Parker, teacher ; Mrs. 
 Meadows, matron ; Miss Lynnie M. Grubbs, stenographer ; Miss M. E. Moore, 
 teacher ; Miss Mary D. Schenck, teacher ; Miss T. B. Floyd, teacher ; Miss Mary 
 P. Wright, teacher; Mrs. Mary C. Brinson, assistant music teacher; Mrs. C. W. 
 Costner, housekeeper ; L. D. Speare, carpenter ; M. D. Sawyer, engineer. 
 
 The Democratic machine press might have gotten the truth and facts from these 
 ladies and gentlemen, but it did not want facts. It wanted to lie, ue, and it has 
 lied. Even now, after what the ladies named above have said, that same Demo- 
 cratic machine press will continue its lying, and the Democratic machine will con- 
 tinue to circulate its slanderous cartoons. There will be no withdrawal of the 
 statements made by the lying press. It has grossly and villaineously slandered the 
 lady officers of the Institution, and this same contemptible, scoundrelly press will 
 stick to its statement, even though by so doing it declares that every lady named 
 above UES. But what else can be expected of such an infernal, lying horde of 
 political plunderers and pirates ? 
 
 FALSE IMPRESSIONS ABROAD. 
 
 One bad effect of the lying of the Democratic machine press is the impression 
 left on people abroad who do not know how North Carolina is cursed with such 
 liars. Here is an illustration : 
 
 A Kentucky paper, published in the interest of the Deaf, Dumb and Blind, wrote 
 an editorial deploring that the North Carolina Institution had fallen into bad hands. 
 The editorial was based upon articles appearing in our State papers about the 
 institution. But the editorial was so far from the truth that Principal Ray wrote 
 a reply to the Kentucky editor. We, reproduce the editorial and Mr. Ray's letter 
 below : 
 
 * * * * * * . , * * * * 
 
 The North Carolina School for the Blind and Deaf has a new Board of Trustees, 
 of which a negro politician by the name of Young has been made chairman. His 
 appointment has given great offense to the white people of the State, and stormy 
 times seem to be in store for the school. Our old superintendent, Mr. John E. 
 
§3 
 
 Ray, is the head of the school. His friends in Kentucky regret to hear of the 
 
 trouble. 
 
 ********** 
 
 On the authority of one of the leading daily papers in North Carolina, friendly to 
 Mr. Ray, and professing to speak by the card, the above item appeared in the 
 Standard last week. But a communication from Mr. Ray, who should certainly 
 understand the situation better than anyone else, states that things are by no means 
 as black as the article in question painted them. Though a majority of the gov- 
 erning body are new members, several old ones are left. The negro is not chair- 
 man of the Board, and Mr. Ray does not apprehend any trouble in consequence of 
 the change in the Board. It gives us great please to make the above correction. 
 It is a misfortune to any school for politics to get into it, and in addition, Mr. 
 Ray has worked with a zeal and earnestness for the welfare of the school that 
 deserves well at the hands of the people of the old North State. It is to be 
 regretted, though, that such articles as the one in question should appear in the 
 leading papers ofjthe State, when there is so little foundation for them. They 
 are calculated to stir up bitterness and make trouble where none already exists.' 
 
 THE CONDITION OF THE INSTITUTION TO-DAY. 
 
 Principal Ray submitted the following report to the Board at their November 
 meeting: 
 
 First day of session, 1896, there were enrolled in both departments about 188 (I 
 say " about," because no exact record was kept.) 
 
 First day of session, 1897, in both departments, actually present, 231. 
 
 First day of October, 1896, when I took charge, there were in both departments, 
 208 — 97 whites and 11 1 colored. 
 
 First day of October, ^1897, there were actually present in both departments, 
 262 — 124 whites and 138 colored. 
 
 To-day the enrollment is 127 whites and 148 colored — 275, and yet there are 6 
 more expected this week. 
 
 The work in nearly all departments of both Institutions is remarkably satisfactory. 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 John E. Ray. 
 
 This report shows that the attendance increased from 188 in 1896, to 275 in 
 October, 1897, an increase of 87 pupils. These 275 pupils were supported during 
 the school year of 1897- '98 upon the same appropriations as -were allotted in earlier 
 years when the attendance was less by 87 pupils. 
 
 IT COULD BE TWELVE HUNDRED. 
 
 Above are presented twelve samples lies of the Democratic machine. Tvjelve 
 hundred could easily be presented. There is just no end of them. It is outra- 
 geous to think that honest men and gentlemen can be attacked and lied about with 
 impunity by such a raft of vicious scoundrels as is shown to exist in this State by 
 the above samples. The people — the honest and respectable people are fast getting 
 tired of such infernal outrages and a sentiment is rapidly growing in favor of 
 peremptorily ordering them to stop, and if they won't stop — to STOP them. The 
 State has been maligned and slandered enough at their hands. 
 
 THINK UP A FEW MORE. 
 
 Any one who reads the Democratic machine press can easily recall a regular 
 avalanche of its lies by a little effort. I 
 
 There was the lie about Judge Robinson stuffing cotton in his ears to keep from 
 hearing a legal argument. 
 
8 4 
 
 There was the lie about Judge Sutton being intoxicated, which was launched by 
 the Wilmington contingent of the Democratic machine press. 
 
 There is the lie about the charge Judge Adams made at Columbus court. 
 
 There is the lie about Governor Russell riding on a free pass and asking the con- 
 ductor to " wait awhile " before he showed it. 
 
 There is the lie about desecrating and ruining the Capitol square, when, as a 
 matter of fact, the square is more handsome and in better shape than ever before. 
 
 There was the lie about the Governor going down to the beech on Sunday with 
 certain other prominent men and there holding a political caucus. Full details 
 were given of what was said and done, with particulars of time, place and circum- 
 stances. This stuff was copied in the goldfcmg sheets all over the State. It was all 
 a lie. The Governor on the Sunday mentioned was in Raleigh. There was no 
 such caucus. 
 
 There is the lie about John R. Smith to the effect that his salary as Commis- 
 sioner of Agriculture was increased so as to make it $2,500, the same as that he was 
 receiving as Superintendent of the State's Prison. This lie has been frequently 
 exposed, and yet their papers and speakers continue to tell it every day. The 
 truth is that Smith receives precisely the same salary paid to his Democratic pre- 
 decessor, that is, $1, 800. a year, the salary for the Commissioner of Agriculture 
 which was fixed under Democratic rule. 
 
 There is the lie about Governor Russell recommending that the First Regiment 
 be mustered out and the Second Regiment be retained in service for " political 
 ends." The official records will show just the contrary. 
 
 And so it goes on day after day — lies, lies, LIES — a mountainous landslide of 
 them. And then the Democratic machine imports some specially trained thug 
 from another State, and the same lies that are told here are scattered all over 
 another State. Surely there was never anything like it before. The slime and 
 filth and dirt and slander of this miserable, slandering lying Democratic machine, 
 are all squirted and thrown at public men of unimpeachable character ; at the 
 judiciary ; at the public institutions ; at the women of the State. Nothing is 
 respected or honored by this disreputable and detestable horde, which is seeking to 
 foist itself into a position that will enable it to renew the plundering and jobbery 
 and thieving of which it is so clearly shown, in these pages, to be guilty. 
 
 And now note carefully: 
 
 While all this lying is going on, the Democratic machine is squalling " Nigger," 
 with the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do YOU SEE? 
 
85 
 
 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN.. 
 
 DEMOCRATS APPOINT NEGRO "INVESTIGATORS" FOR 
 
 THE DEAF AND DUMB AND BLIND INSTITUTIONS, 
 
 AND AUTHORIZE THE APPOINTMENT OF NEGRO 
 
 "DIRECTORS." 
 
 A gentleman who may, for the time being, condescend to discuss Lie No. 12, in 
 the foregoing chapter with a machine Democrat, can make it mighty interesting 
 for that Democrat if he chooses. 
 
 Sections 2S53 to 2860 of The Code define the powers of legislative committees 
 of investigation. The rules of the Legislature require the appointment of a com- 
 mittee of "Investigation" for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institution. Any 
 member of this committee has full power to send for persons and papers, to compel 
 attendance, to administer oaths, and it is the invariable rule of such committees to 
 visit and "inspect" and " investigate " the institutions. The power of these com- 
 mittees is supreme. Nothing is higher in connection with the institutions. 
 
 Now, let's see if it is possible to start this hypocritical Democratic machine press 
 off in a tornado of denunciation of its own crowd for appointing what it is pleased 
 to call " negro inspectors," etc. 
 
 Jn the House Journal of 1879, P a g e 76, it appears that Stewart Ellison (colored) 
 and L. T. Christmas (colored) were appointed on the Committee of Investigation 
 for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Institutions. Two NEGROES ON This COMMIT- 
 TEE were appointed by a Democratic Legislature, of which Jno. M. Moring, Demo- 
 crat, was Speaker. Have you heard the Democratic machine press raising the cry 
 of " Nigger ' ' over this action ? 
 
 In the Senate Journal of 1891, page 75, it appears that L. Alston (colored), of 
 Warren county, was appointed on the "Committee of Investigation " for the Deaf 
 and Dum-b and Blind Institutions. Gov. Thos. M. Holt was President of the 
 Senate that made this appointment, and R. M. Furtnan, ex-Democratic Auditor, 
 was Secretary. Have you heard the Democratic machine press raising the cry of 
 •" Nigger " over this action ? 
 
 In the House Journal of 1893, page 33, it appears that J. M. Watson (colored), of 
 Vance county, was appointed on the Committee of Investigation for the Deaf and 
 Dumb and Blind Institutions. (1893 was the last year in which the Democratic 
 machine had any power, and note now, that such power was used for the very 
 purpose which the machine now professes to condemn). Lee S. Overman, Demo- 
 crat, of Rowan county, was Speaker of the House that made this appointment, and 
 he is now joining in the ridiculous, drivelling, sneaking, hypocritical cry of 
 "Nigger." 
 
 Just compare the above-named actions of the Democratic machine with its 
 present course. Does it not afford conclusive evidence that the machine is seeking 
 to gain by sneaking hypocrisy and disgusting inconsistency what it cannot win by 
 truth and record? 
 
86 
 
 A DEMOCRATIC LEGISLATURE AUTHORIZES AND "REQUESTS" THE 
 APPOINTMENT OF NEGRO DIRECTORS. 
 
 While the Democratic machine press is making such a great ado over the fact 
 that a negro was at one time a member of the " Board of Directors " of the Deaf 
 and Dumb and Blind Institution, is it not strange — very strange; — that this same 
 press does not condemn, its own machine for AUTHORIZING and REQUESTING 
 such appointments ? Why should this press condemn any procedure which its 
 own machine declares for ? 
 
 The Legislature of 1883 was Democratic — intensely Democratic. There were 
 about two Democrats to one of any other party. And yet that Democratic Legis- 
 lature passed the following resolution : 
 
 A RESOLUTION CONCERNING THE COLORED CHARITA- 
 BLE INSTITUTIONS OF THE STATE. 
 
 "RESOLVED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENT ATIVES, THE SENATE 
 CONCURRING: THAT IN THE APPOINTMENT OF DIRECTORS IN THE 
 COLORED INSANE ASYLUM AND THE INSTITUTION FOR THE COLORED 
 DEAF AND DUMB AND BLIND, THE COLORED RACE SHOULD HAYE 
 SOME REPRESENTATION, AND THE AUTHORITIES ARE REQUESTED 
 TO APPOINT SOME SUITABLE AND WORTHY REPRESENTATIVE COL- 
 ORED MEN TO SUCH POSITIONS. • 
 
 "IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY READ THREE TIMES, AND RATIFIED 
 THIS THE 12TH DAY OF MARCH, A. D., 1883." 
 
 (See Laws 1883, page 621.) 
 
 This resolution is practically mandatory and is in force and effect to-day. 
 
 So, one by one the frail props of the " issue " raised by the Democratic machine 
 snap and crash. There is nothing which that .machine professes to condemn, of 
 which it has not been egregiously guilty. Extended comment is not necessary. 
 
 It must be remembered that there has never been but ONE combined INSTITU- 
 TION for The Deaf and Dumb and The Bund in the State. That Institution is 
 divided into Two departments — one white, the other colored. Both have always 
 been under the management of one Board of Directors. A Democratic Legis- 
 lature REQUESTS the appointment of negroes on that Board, and when such an 
 appointment is made, Democrats raise a grand whooping-cry of ' ' Nigger. ' ' The 
 fact and the example speak for themselves. 
 
 And now note carefully : 
 
 While all this is going on, the Democratic machine is squalling " Nigger," with 
 the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do You SEE ? 
 
87 
 
 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. 
 
 THE TWINS OF DEFAMATION. 
 
 Reference has already been made in the foregoing pages to a matter which will 
 be mentioned more particularly here. The Democratic machine press is copying 
 and scattering from one end of the State to the other a vile and slanderous edito- 
 rial that appeared in a negro paper at Wilmington . The condemnation of such an 
 utterance is emphatically proper, but condemnation in this case has grown to be a 
 revel with the Democratic machine press. The greatest end it has in view is to 
 make " political capital " out of it, and this same detestable, disgusting press 
 would only be too glad if two or three more negroes would write two or three 
 more such scandalous effusions. They would immediately be taken up and reveled 
 in as " campaign thunder ' ' in the effort being made to hide incompetence and 
 rascality behind the cry of " Nigger." 
 
 Not very long ago there was another vile, slanderous article in another paper in 
 this State ; but there has never been a word of condemnation or denunciation of it 
 by the Democratic machine press. Why? Because the slanderous scandal was 
 printed by a Democratic machi?ie paper. Do YOU See? 
 
 Now, let the two defamations appear side by side. See how they compare : 
 
 WHAT THE NEGRO DEMOCRATIC WHAT THE WHITE DEMOCRATIC 
 EDITOR OF THE WILMINGTON EDITOR OF THE RALEIGH 
 
 RECORD WROTE. NEWS AND OBSERVER WROTE. 
 
 "Poor white men are careless in the "Soon she grew accustomed to the 
 
 matter of protecting their women, espec- negro's presence, and later, as her 
 ially on farms. They are careless about father was away for days and weeks, 
 their conduct toward them, and our ex- Bessie began to welcome the presence of 
 perience among poor white people in the negro, and look upon him as a pro- 
 the country teaches us that the women tector. Then something happened. It 
 of that race are not any more particular is useless to say that it is the old story 
 in, the matter of clandestine meetings of a weak woman tempted." 
 with colored men than are the white 
 men with colored women. Meetings of 
 this kind go on for some time until 
 the woman's infatuation or the man's 
 boldness, brings attention to them, and 
 the man is lynched for rape. Every 
 negro lynched is called a big, burly, 
 black brute, when in fact many of those 
 who have thus been dealt with had 
 white men for their fathers, and were 
 not only not "black" and "burly," 
 but were sufficiently attractive for white 
 girls of culture and refinement to fall in 
 love with them, as is well known to all. " 
 
 Doesthe reader pause ? No wonder ! The indescribable aud terrific outrageous- 
 ness of this " sweet-scented " pair of defamers is enough to shock one to a stand- 
 still. A negro Democrat defames the women of the State in a general way. A 
 white Democrat offers and asserts proof of what the negro Democrat says. 
 The Democratic machine press makes an awful outcry over what the negro Demo- 
 crat says. The Democratic machine press is silent as death over what the white 
 
Democrat says. These are two " Twins of Defamation." Why should one escape 
 
 being damned any more than the other ? 
 
 Do you believe now, Oh reader, that this rotten Democratic machine press is 
 
 ' ' flying to the rescue, " or do you believe it is seeking to intensify the cry of 
 
 ' ' Nigger ' ' for the purpose of hiding its villainy ? 
 
 Let us offer one more test of the " honesty " of the " Democratic machine press." 
 It has been published in the press, and sustained by the affidavits of ladies of the 
 
 highest character that a now famous preacher, named John C. Kilgo, in a lecture 
 
 delivered at Roxboro made this assertion : 
 
 " The average woman can be i,Ed any where with a diamond ring." 
 
 Where, Oh where, was the Democratic machine press when this libel and slander 
 on the women was uttered ? It is perhaps couched in more elegant language than 
 other slanders, because it comes from a "higher source," but it is none the less 
 vile and villainous. But where, Oh where, was the valiant (?), the gallant (?), the 
 defending (?) Democratic press when it was spoken? Ah, cowards! knaves! viper- 
 ous, vermin-like hypocrites!! Jump on a negro for defamation. Right, very 
 right. But why sneak away like so many cowardly curs when men, who make 
 some claim to be white men, indulge in the same defamation ? 
 
 The answer to all is that the outrageous, low and vile machine press thinks it 
 sees " campaign thunder " in one, and no campaign thunder in the other. 
 
 Do you believe now, Oh reader, that this rotten Democratic machine press is 
 4i flying to the rescue," or do you believe it is seeking to intensify the cry of " Nig- 
 ger " for the purpose of hiding its villainy ? > 
 
8 9 
 
 CHAPTER NINETEEN. * 
 
 DEMOCRATIC "NEGRO RULE" IN CRAVEN COUNTY. 
 
 It is clear that the Democratic machine in Craven county is making desperate 
 efforts to hide the ' ' negro rule ' ' which it inaugurated and kept in force there for 
 years by the frantic cry of " Nigger " that it is now making. There is no neces- 
 sity for particularizing, at length, the Democratic machine record. Here are some 
 of the facts. 
 
 The late Democratic Sheriff had two colored deputies. They were R. R. Davis 
 and David Barrom. Barrom was also the jailer. J. P. Stanley, colored, was con- 
 stable by election and grace of the Democratic machine. 
 
 Miles Shepard, colored, was on the Democratic ticket ', and was elected and put 
 in the office of Coroner of Craven county. 
 
 The Democratic Board of County Commissioners elected the following negroes as 
 "road overseers" for white men to work under: Peter Petaway, in No. 3 township; 
 Amos Koonce, in No. 8 township; George Artis, in No. 9 township. 
 
 Among the numerous negro magistrates appointed by the Democratic machine 
 were Alexander Bass and Jesse Brooks. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC NEGRO SCHOOL COMMITTEEMEN. 
 
 E. R. Dudley, a negro, has been elected by Democrats as school committeeman 
 for Newbern, in No. 8 Township, for many years, and has had to sign all the school 
 vouchers for the white teachers of Newbern. General Battle, an ex-Confederate 
 soldier, had to appeal to this Democratic pet to elect his daughter, who was the 
 support of the family, when she was about to be thrown out by the Democratic 
 machine. Dudley voted for her and she was retained. 
 
 DEMOCRATS MIX UP WHITE AND COLORED TEACHERS INDISCRIMI- 
 NATELY. 
 
 In 1885 or 1886, B. F. Grady, Superintendent of Public Schools for Duplin 
 county, held a Normal Institute for the teachers of the county in the Court House 
 at Kenansville. Both white and colored teachers attended, and were taught in the 
 same room and the same class by this Grady, who was and is a Democrat. The 
 teachers of both races were so near together that a white lady teacher found it con- 
 venient to call on Amos McCullough, a colored man and teacher, to sharpen her 
 pencil — he being nearer to her than anyone else. At the same "Normal Insti- 
 tute " a white lady and a negro woman sat at the same table writing together. 
 Since this occurrence, this same Grady and his action have been endorsed by Dem- 
 ocrats, who elected him to Congress for two terms, and he is yet a regular machine 
 gold-bug Democrat. The Secretary of this " Normal Institute " was a Democrat, 
 and he has been since then elected to the Legislature twice by Democrats. 
 
 NEGRO ROAD OVERSEERS IN ROBESON COUNTY. 
 
 Democratic regime appointed negroes as road-overseers in Robeson county, 
 among them being Needham McEachern, in Blue Springs township, and white 
 men had to work under them or hire substitutes. 
 
 DEMOCRATS APPOINT NEGRO "ROAD OVERSEERS" IN- DUPLIN. 
 
 The county of Duplin is one in which negro road overseers have been appointed 
 for white men to work under. In Faison township, Simon Loften, colored, was 
 appointed by H. D. Hicks, white Democrat. 
 
 NEGRO ROAD OVERSEERS IN WARREN COUNTY. 
 
 The Democratic machine always appointed negroes as road overseers in Warren 
 county. Among them were Gustin Alston, Hanson Williams, Ed. Lewis and others, 
 and white men had to work under them. 
 
 NOTE. — The appointment of negro overseers by the Democratic machine was 
 notoriously common. There is neither space nor necessity for but few examples. 
 
 And now note carefully : $ 
 
 While all this was going on the Democratic machine was squalling ' ' Nigger ' ' with 
 the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do you SEE ? 
 
90 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY. 
 
 AH THERE! PRETTY POPULIST!! COME ALONG POPULIST. 
 
 POPULIST WANT A CRACKER ? COME POPULIST! 
 
 WONT THE PRETTY POPULIST COME ? 
 
 The "secret circular" of Democratic Chairman F. M. Simmons, which was in- 
 tended to disfranchise voters in 1892, and which did disfranchise thousands is well 
 remembered by the people. That circular was in the nature of a " force bill " or 
 a " packed game. " Such a game could be played then because the Democratic 
 machine had charge of the ballot boxes, registration books, etc., which could be 
 manipulated pretty much as the machine directed. 
 
 Well, another " secret circular" is out by the same Democratic machine Chair- 
 man for the year of grace 1898. But what a change! There is no force of bull- 
 dozing in it. There is no "packed scheme" in it, all because present conditions 
 will not permit such things. 
 
 Of all the snivelling, absurd, ridiculous boot-licking documents ever issued, this 
 last Simmons secret circular is about the most pronounced. It be^s and pleads 
 and whines and whimpers with Populists to come to the aid of the Democratic ma- 
 chine, after the machine had done everything it could to insult the Populists and 
 slapped them in the face. _, 
 
 No Populist now worthy of the name, or who ever has been worthy of the name, 
 can regard this secret circular with anything but ridicule, fun and laughing con- 
 tempt. The very idea of a machine Democrat trying to " influence " a true Popu- 
 list!! It gives us the "funny grins." Here is an extract from the " secret circu- 
 lar :" 
 
 Dear Sir ; — I know you to be a zealous Democrat, anxious for the success of 
 your party, because it means good government and white supremacy, things of the 
 greatest moment to every honest man in the State. As Chairman of the State Com- 
 mittee, I want to make a personal and urgent appeal to you to exert every effort 
 just at this time to try to persuade your Populist friends that it is their duty to 
 themselves, their families and their neighbors to help us in this supreme struggle 
 to save the State from negroism and the recklessness of the men that now control 
 it. I firmly believe that more good can be done with our Populist friends, many 
 of whom are now wavering, because they love their families and love their State, 
 because they are honest and do not wish to do anything which they know will hurt 
 their State just at this time, than at any other stage of the campaign. They, are 
 wavering now, and hence it is the opportune time to approach them upon the sub- 
 ject and their duty. Now, let me beg you that if there be such in your neighbor- 
 hood or within your acquaintance, that you will see him and talk with him, as a 
 neighbor and a friend, about this matter. It will do more good than literature or 
 public speaking. It is the way, and the chief way, for us to get back these honest 
 men who have left our party and joined the Populist party. Again let me ask you 
 that during the month of August — for this is the best month for us to work — that 
 you will put forth especial efforts with your friends and neighbors, whether of the 
 Republican or of the Populist party, to bring them to a realization of the danger of 
 continuing the present undesirable condition of public affairs in North Carolina ; 
 that you will use your personal effort to arouse interest in this election wherever 
 you find a lukewarm or indifferent Democrat. I believe we are going to carry the 
 State, but I am satisfied if we do carry the State that we have got to carry it by the 
 individnal efforts of earnest and active Democrats like yourself. It is the quiet, 
 personal work of such men as you that we rely upon in this campaign. I know 
 this appeal to you will not be in vain. When the last day of August expires, I 
 believe the election will be lost or won in North Carolina. " As the tree, falls, so 
 it lies." Before men have taken their position firmly is the time to win them. 
 
 Please, if you have time, write me a letter and let me know what are the condi- 
 tions in your section, what our friends are doing, and what you are accomplishing 
 in the line of work that I have herein especially requested you to pursue. 
 
 Very truly, F. M. Simmons, Chairman. 
 
9 1 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE. 
 
 BURNING PROOF OF THE STATEMENTS IN ANOTHER 
 
 CHAPTER. 
 
 Since the writing — indeed since the printing — of the chapter on the Penitentiary 
 in this pamphlet, there has been reported an occurrence which emphasizes and 
 clamps the seal of proof on the statements set forth in that chapter. A convict has 
 died on one of the Penitentiary farms, and it appears quite clear that his death was 
 caused by brutal whippings and beatings. Jim Lowe is the dead convict, and Jim 
 Sears is the name of the guard who administered the whippings. Inasmuch as the 
 disgraceful and barbarous affair occurred during the present administration, it is 
 easy to suppose and natural to conclude that the present administration is respon- 
 sible for it. Well, let that conclusion rest, but LET THE FACTS in The case be 
 known. 
 
 Reference to the Penitentiary reports for 1893, 1894 and 1895 will show that J. 
 Sears (the name appears as James and Joe), was an employee of the Democratic 
 regime for those years. In 1896, the name of " N. Sears " appears, and it is well 
 known that a man named Sears was under Supervisor Mclver (Democrat), for a 
 number of years. All these names undoubtedly apply to the same individual, 
 the changes being probably due to typographical errors. 
 
 Unless he had been a Democrat, he could not have held employment under a 
 Democratic management. In some inscrutable way this man seems to have been 
 retained as a guard or overseer by the present management, and his retention 
 has brought disgrace on his retainers and employers. 
 
 Superintendent Mewboorne, of the Penitentiary, was advised of the convict's 
 death by Dr. H. B. Furgerson, and the following is an extract from his letter : 
 
 Halifax, N. C, Sept. 6, 1898. 
 Col. J. M. Meivboorne, 
 
 Dear Sir : — I reported the death the next morning in my monthly report. The 
 facts are these : Jim Lowe was a well convict ; he was brought in from the field 
 Thursday evening dead. I examined him and found that he had been whipped, by 
 the marks on his body, legs, chest and head. I then made a post-mortem examina- 
 tion. I examined his hair, heart, etc. , but did not find anything sufficient to cause 
 instant death. My opinion is that death was produced by over-heat, and I under- 
 stand that Jim Sears gave him two or three whippings during the day, and by 
 such force did cause his death. Mr. Summerell dischargfd him at once, 
 and I think he left the county. He and the balance of the overseers had 
 been given positive instructions only a short while ago not to whip 
 any convict. I write this so that you may take any action you may see fit. Any 
 information in regard to this case that I can give, will be glad to do so. I think 
 this a very aggravated and brutal affair, and told Sears so as soon as I made the 
 examination of the man. Very respectfully, 
 
 (Signed) H. B. Furgerson. 
 
 Now, the natural conclusions are these : Jim Sears is brutal and pitiless enough 
 to whip to death a helpless man. He was in the employ of the Democratic man- 
 agement for several years, and this is conclusive evidence of the existence of brutal 
 and barbarous deeds under that management. 
 
 He had been instructed not to whip convicts a short time ago, but disobeyed 
 his instructions. It must have been that he could not long refrain from old customs. 
 ' The present administration made the grand mistake of retaining a Democrat, for 
 which it must partially suffer the odium that attached to Democratic machine 
 Penitentiary management — all because of THE retention of a Democrat is 
 official service. Imprudence and misdeeds bring their own punishment, and 
 here is a living illustration of it. 
 
 The only thing the present administration can now do is to bring this brutal mis- 
 creant to justice. An effort to that end is being made. A warrant has been issued 
 for his arrest, and if caught he will be prosecuted to the utmost. This is, perhaps, 
 the only instance on record in this State in which an effort has been made to arrest 
 a Penitentiary employee for brutality to convicts. If there is such another instance, 
 it has not been made public. 
 
92 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO. 
 
 f 
 
 HOW THE MACHINE AND THE MACHINE PRESS WORK 
 
 TOGETHER. 
 
 Jobbery and plunder are the chief characteristics of the Democratic machine 
 and its press. They work together for boodle and pelf, as has already been shown, 
 and here is another little illustration. 
 
 In 1887, the Democratic machine Legislature established a " Shell Fish Com- 
 mission." The business of the Commission was to survey certain " oyster lands," 
 etc., and to publish the account of their survey in certain newspapers The fees 
 received from "entries" of these lands were to be applied to the EXPENSES of 
 the Commission. This whole procedure was a scheme to put money into the 
 pockets of the machine generally, though it did not " pan out" as profitable as it 
 was supposed it would. 
 
 The records show that the receipts from " entries" under this law were $835.84. 
 This money was divided up among certain newspapers as follows : 
 
 News and Observer $293 00 
 
 • Elizabeth City Economist 50 00 
 
 New Berne Journal 75 00 
 
 Fisherman and Farmer , 30 00 
 
 Wilmington Messenger 234 00 
 
 Total $682 00 
 
 It will be seen that the most disreputable, false and slanderous machine papers 
 in the State got the " lion's share" of -this deal, viz. : the Neivs and Observer and 
 the Wilmington Messenger. 
 
 The " divy " only left $153.84 of the fund realized, and the Shell Fish Commis- 
 sion " kicked " on such a small amount to be divided among themselves. So, in 
 1889, the Democratic machine Legislature passed a law appropriating $150 addi- 
 tional for each member of the Commission, and thus the deal was completed, 
 although it evidently fell far short of what the machine and its papers expected. 
 
 This is given as an additional illustration of the jobbery, trickery and pillage of 
 which the Democratic machine is continuously guilty when it is in power. 
 
 And now note carefully : 
 
 While all such as this was going on, the machine was squalling " Nigger," with 
 the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from it. 
 
 Do You See ? 
 
93 
 
 CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE. 
 
 GENERAL DEMOCRATIC INCOMPETENCE. 
 
 Among the many vicious efforts of the Democratic machine press has been one 
 to magnify every failure to dot an I or cross a T by anti-Democrats, and to pro- 
 claim in consequence thereof the incompetency of a "fusion" Legislature, etc. 
 It is known by those acquainted with the methods and course of legislation that 
 nearly all the mistakes to be found in the laws are directly attributable to the en- 
 grossment and enrollment of the bills. Let us see by Democratic authority if this 
 is not true. Octavius Coke, Secretary of State, in his report to Governor Holt. 
 December 1, 1892, has this to say in reference to Democratic Legislatures : 
 
 I feel it my duty to call to your attention the evils following from the enroll- 
 ment of the bills passed by the Legislature. These bills, in many cases, are so dis- 
 figured by erasures and blots as make them almost illegible. Omissions of one or 
 more words in other bills have lost, in one case, considerable revenue to the State, 
 and in others have destroyed the real purpose of the statute and impaired the 
 rights of individuals. , 
 
 (See Public Documents, Session 1893, of the Legislature.) 
 
 Many instances could be cited in proof of Capt. Coke's statement. 
 
 Take Scarborough v. Robinson. 81 N. C, 409. This was a bill to consolidate 
 and revise the Public School Law of the State. It passed its several readings in 
 the House and Senate, was duly enrolled and ratified, as app ars from the Journals 
 of the two Houses, and transmitted to the office of Secretary of State. It was soon 
 discovered that it had not been signed by the presiding officers. Mr. Scarbo- 
 rough, Superintendent of Public Instruction, applied for a mandamus to compel 
 Robinson, President of the Senate, and Moring, Speaker of the House, to sign the 
 said act after the Legislature of 1879 had adjourned. Judge Eure ordered the 
 writ to issue as prayed for. But the Supreme Court declared that there was error 
 in this judgment. Thus by carelessness, or as the Democrats would say, by gross 
 incompentency, a very important law, if not the most important law, of that Leg- 
 islature became a dead letter. "Oh ! consistency, thou art a jewel !" 
 
 Numerous other instances of Democratic blunders — gross, criminal blunders — 
 could be cited did space, patience and charity permit. 
 
 TOLERANCE vs. INTOLERANCE. 
 
 Under the administration of the Democratic Governors — especially of Elias 
 Carr, who joined the Farmer's Alliance, and by means of it got to be elected Gov- 
 ernor, and then betrayed them — no Populist or Republican could be appointed to 
 the little office of Notary Public. There was scarcely one in the State. Indeed 
 not even a Democrat could be appointed, unless he was recommended by the 
 Chairman of the Democratic machine in the county where he lived. 
 
 Under the present administration, pretty much every man who has got intelli- 
 gence is appointed upon his application and reasonable proof of capacity. The 
 Governor has frequently, no doubt, appointed some of the meanest and bitterest 
 Democratic howlers, and given them commissions as Notaries Public, and these 
 very men would rise in rebellion again=t a Democratic Governor who would 
 appoint a Populist or Republican. 
 

 CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 The conclusion of this pamphlet by no means concludes or exhausts what might 
 be told of the incompetence, jobbery, hypocrisy and dishonesty of the Democratic 
 machine. The purpose has not been to tell all that could be told, for the length 
 of the recital would take more time than is necessary to convince the intelligent 
 and honest voter of "his duty. The object has been to give a few illustrations of 
 the general practice of the Democratic machine. 
 
 It has been shown that this machine has no respect for the sanctity of the ballot. 
 
 It has been shown that this machine has looted and robbed and plundered the 
 State when in power, and attempted to do the same thing when out of power. 
 
 It has been shown that this machine has been grossly incompetent and barba- 
 rously cruel. 
 
 It has been shown that under the present administration the affairs of State are 
 being better managed than ever before. 
 
 It has been shown that the Democratic machine has resorted to the cry of 
 "Nigger" in the hope that it will be able to arouse the most devilish prejudice 
 and inflame the wildest passions, and by this to hide what has been exposed in 
 these pages. 
 
 That this last effort must fail ignominiously is as plain as the noon-day sun. 
 It effects no one of intelligence and character. The women of the State are clearly 
 seeing through the attempted scheme and deception. This is manifested by what 
 they are saying and writing, and absolute proof of this statement is accessible. 
 A lady recently wrote a strong essay on this very matter, and its presentation here 
 shall be the conclusion of this little document. 
 
 NEGRO SUPREMACY. 
 
 An E,ssay Read Before Bertie County Alliance by Mrs. Sarah 
 
 E. Mitchell. 
 
 Mr. President, Brethren and Sisters: 
 
 Perhaps some of you may be thinking that this subject is quite foreign to the 
 Alliance, and may be wondering why so strange a topic should be chosen on this 
 occasion. 
 
 But if you will just consider a few moments, you will easily remember when 
 there was such a panic among the people concerning this fearful and wonderful 
 bugbear, that the Alliance lost many of its members. 
 
 Every one of you whose hair is whitening, knows that when the negioes were 
 first emancipated, and given the franchise, that the Southern States were overrun 
 with men from the North, or elsewhere, going among the negroes and advising 
 them to vote for the Republican party— " the party that freed you," they said — and 
 warning them that if the Democratic party remained in power, the negroes would 
 be put back into slavery. This sounded plausible to the ignorant colored men, , 
 and they were quickiy proselyted, and that so securely that they vote the same 
 ticket until the present time, although they know that the Democratic party has 
 been in power in the Southern States during all these years, and no one has ever 
 heard of anything like '' going back into slavery." 
 
 Now, these men were evidently hired and sent on this mission, and it is quite 
 probable that some of the most influential negroes may have received bribes, for 
 we have not forgotten that they started in life remarkably well,, considering the 
 ■circumstances. 
 
95 
 
 Well, at the same time this other cry of " negro equality," " negro supremacy," 
 "negro domination." was heard in the land. 
 
 All this was part ot the deep-laid plots and plans of plutocracy to ruin this free 
 government, in order that the farmers and laborers, both white and colored, might 
 be brought into industrial slavery. 
 
 It reminds me of Aesop's fable of the eagle, the cat, and the swine. Like the 
 cat, the shylocks and money-sharks, set the white voters and colored voters to 
 watching each other, so that their eyes might be blinded to the real robbers, who 
 were impoverishing the masses and enriching themselves. How well they have 
 succeeded you are all able to bear witness. 
 
 After a time the Alliance was formed, and the framers found that unjust legisla- 
 tion was bringing; them into poverty; that demonetization of silver, contraction of 
 the currency, and that various other discriminations had reduced the price of pro- 
 duce and placed them at the mercy of others; that they were unable to pay their 
 debts and taxes; that their homes wtre slipping away from them, and that penury 
 and ruin stared them in the face. 
 
 So they set about to reform these matters. Some thought, with Col. Polk, that 
 a new political party was necessary, while others thought not. 
 
 Then the war began in the A liance. And this same horrible old scarecrow, 
 "" Negro Domination " was used until all the more easily frightened left the Alli- 
 ance, declaring that the Alliance had gone into politics, and gone into the " Third 
 Party," and now we should certainly have "negro supremacy." 
 
 Now, is there any truth in this unearthly shriek? Do the politicians who do 
 the howling themselves believe there is any danger? 
 
 I wi'l just refer you to one instance as proof that they do not. I recollect at 
 o.ne time some of the otfice-seekers came around during the campaign and bawled 
 and screamed themselves hoarse with this terrible yell of " Negro Domination," 
 " white man's government." etc., until I really began to think that possibly there 
 might be a little peril in the far off coming years. At least, I believed that they, 
 themselves, were honestly alarmed. 
 
 They were elected. Before the Legislature met some Northern syndicates 
 -commenced carrying off the negroes to colonize them on lands in the West, which 
 had been purchased by these syndicates. The Legislature met and passed a bill 
 taxing any agent who should carry one negro out of the State of North Carolina 
 
 FIVE THOUSAND DOLLARS! 
 
 Oh, consistency, consistency, most assuredly thou art a jewel! 
 
 Another thing that strikes me as peculiar is that there is no danger of negro su- 
 premacy except when political campaigns are being waged. After the election is 
 -over this frightful old phanton is tucked away, hid in a cave or den, and we hear 
 no more of him until the beginning of the next race for office. It would not do 
 for the office-hunters to keep this weather-beaten old ghost always in sight. If 
 they should the voters would become familiar with him, and familiarity with him 
 breeds contempt. His ghostship would cease to terrify any one. 
 
 And still another strange coincidence is, the women never seem to be nervous 
 • or fearful, even a little bit, at this ugly, thread-bare and inefficient apparation. 
 
 It is to be presumed, however, that this is due to ignorance and negligence on 
 their part! But I suppose one reason is, they do not hear these blatant, wild-eyed 
 orators, making the air hideou« with their false screechings, until the crows leave 
 the farmers' fields and hide themselves in dense thickets and impenetrable swamps, 
 there to remain until the awfully turbulent tirade ceases on the eventful election 
 day. 
 
 Well, brethren, I will tell you in good earnest, you may begin to draw on your 
 seven-league boots and prepare to do some swift running, for this grey-headed, 
 ghostly, old " bugbear" is again drawn forth from his hiding place, and will soon 
 be in his full glory. A few days ago I heard a gentleman ask, apparently in per- 
 fect seriousness : " What are we to do with this race problem ?" At the same time, 
 , admitting that there are not enough negroes in the State to rule it, and a still 
 smaller proportion in the Nation. For answer, I held up the five thousand dollar 
 tax law and inquired why it was enacted and why it had never been repealed. 
 
 Again, brethren and sisters : If the colored race in the Southern States is such a 
 .menace to good government, what will the United States do with Hawaii, Cuba, 
 . Porto Rica, the Ladrones and the Phillippines ? 
 
 . Now, brethren, you know that a white farmer and his colored tenants have the 
 
same interests ; both want low taxes, good laws and good prices for farm products 
 Therefore, they ought to vote together. But these two horrific hobgoblins — " going 
 back into slavery ' ' and ' ' negro supremacy ' ' have kept them separated for a third 
 of a century, and I fear will keep them disunited until the final scheme of the 
 money-power shall have been fully consummated, namely, until the homes of the 
 many shall have been transformed into the domains of the few ; and then there can 
 never be any redress whatever, for it is indisputably certain that those who possess 
 the land own all there is on it. 
 
 Look at Biltmoxe, for instance. How few the years, in which Mr. Vanderbil; 
 has been acquiring so enormous an estate. Not that I attach any blame to him. 
 however. Far from it. But I do censure the voters of this country for permitting 
 such things to be possible. 
 
 A great deal more might be said on this somewhat curious, but quite comprehen- 
 sive theme. The subject is very prolific, and not readily exhausted. But as you 
 all can speak on it much better than I can, I desist, wishing that the farmers may 
 quit allowing themselves to be hoodwinked, terrorized by something which is 
 doing them no harm, never has done, and never will do them any. In fact, a 
 mere name, wantonly applied to something which does not exist, except in the 
 imaginations of the misguided sons of men ; and hoping that the reformers of all 
 parties, classes and distinctions may get together and make one grand and noble 
 endeavor for the overthrow of corruption and oppression in this fair land of ours, 
 and for the establishment of a government of the people, by the people and for the: 
 people. And may the Lord so order it that their efforts shall be crowned with 
 success, and that the victory shall be theirs absolutely, undeniably and overwhelm- 
 ingly. 
 
 EPILOGUE. 
 
 Awake, ye freeborn voters ! 
 
 Awake, defend the right ; 
 L,et no false cry of Democrats 
 
 Hide scoundrels from your sight. 
 
 Arise, ye freeborn voters ! 
 
 Arise, keep down the wrong ; 
 Keep out the looters, thieves and liars, 
 
 By FIFTY THOUSAND STRONG.