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■ / - V' ■*■ V *
A HISTORY
AETICLES OF EELIGION
r
A HISTOEY
OF THE
ARTICLES OF RELIGION:
TO WHICH IS ADDED
A SEEIES OF DOCUMENTS,
FE03I AD. 1536 TO A.D. 1615;
TOGETHER WITH
ILLUSTRATIONS FROM CONTEMPORARY SOURCES.
IP A *-* ~* /
CHARLES HARDWICK, B.D.,
ARCHDEACON OF ELY, AND CHRISTIAN ADVOCATE IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
ORGE BELL & SONS, h & -
COVENT GARDEN.
1881.
LONDON :
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
REV. JAMES AMIRAUX JEREMIE, D.D.,
EEGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY AT CAMBRIDGE,
AND SUB-DEAN OF LINCOLN,
TO PROMOTE THE CULTIVATION OF ONE DEPARTMENT OF A STUDY
OVER WHICH HE PRESIDES
WITH EQUAL COURTESY, ELOQUENCE, AND ERUDITION,
IS
RESPECTFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY
INSCRIBED.
" It is much to be regretted that those, who have either pro-
fessedly or incidentally written upon our Articles, have not bestowed
that particular attention upon the history of their compilation which
the subject itself seems to require ; the scope of every attempt
having rather been to discover what construction peculiar expres.
sions would admit, as applicable to the favourite controversies of a
more recent period, than to determine their sense by ascertaining
the sources from which they were primarily derived." — Archbishop
Laurence.
"The History of the Articles will afford the true key, in most
critical points, to their right interpretation." — Professor Blunt.
PKEFACE.
npHESE Chapters are intended to supply a want
•*- which has been long and keenly felt by Theo-
logical Students both at home and in far-distant
branches of the Anglican Communion. The idea of
undertaking such a work is traceable to suggestions
of the late Archbishop Laurence, who complained
that while the doctrine of the Articles, abstractedly
considered, was evolved and harmonized in a suc-
cession of able treatises, no regular attempt was
made in any of those treatises to illustrate the
framing of the Formulary itself, by placing it
distinctly in connection with the kindred publications
of an earlier and later date, and by expounding it as
the peculiar product and reflection of the Refor-
mation-movement .
Much indeed of the material of this work is
indicated, if not actually gathered to our hands, in
documentary annals of the English Eeformation:
yet as many readers who are anxious to be accu-
Till PREFACE.
rately informed, are nevertheless precluded from
consulting the huge volumes of Strype, Le Plat, or
Wilkins, it was thought that a mere hand-book like
the present, if fairly put together, would be rendering
as important service to the Church at large as some
of the analogous elucidations of the Book of Common
Prayer.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
THE Second Edition of this Work contained a
considerable amount of fresh matter. It had
been in many places re-written ; and the volume was
just ready for publication at the time of the author's
sudden death. It was in fact his last finished work,
his legacy to the Church, in an historical elucidation
of its Kules of Faith and Discipline. One only of the
series of documents seemed wanting to its complete-
ness. The author had given a collation of the Forty-
five Articles of 1552, from the original MS., signed
by six Eoyal Chaplains, which is preserved among
the State Papers. This document is now printed at
full length, in Appendix III. In other respects, this
is a reprint of the Second Edition, as revised by the
author.
Self-educated, or with very scanty help, as the
son of a small Yorkshire farmer, Charles Hardwick
is an example of what may be done by industry to
supply defects of school, and of the use of those en-
dowments in our Colleges, which were appropriated
X PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
by their founders to certain schools or counties, but
which have now been made to give way to a general
system of open competition. It was one of these
wisely-appointed bye-Foundations — a Yorkshire Fel-
fowship at St. Catharine's College, Cambridge — which
gave Charles Hardwick a small but sufficient income,
with a home in the University, and time and means
to devote himself to those studies in Ecclesiastical
History and Divinity which were congenial to him.
The result was the production, between the years
1845 and 1859, of two editions of the History of the
XXXIX. Articles of Religion; the History of the
Christian Church during the Mediaeval Period, and in
the Reformation Period ; and four parts of a disquisi-
tion upon the Eeligions of the World, entitled Christ
and other Masters, issued as the Christian Advocate's
Publications for the years 1855 to 1858. Besides
these original works, Mr. Hardwick prepared, for the
Syndics of the University Press, the new Cambridge
edition of Sir Eoger Twj^sden's Historical Vindication
of the Church of England in point of Schism, as it
stands separated from the Roman, and was reformed
1° Eliz., with much additional matter found in the
author's interleaved copy in the Library of the British
Museum ; to which he added, as a companion volume,
Fullwood's Roma Ruit; or, the Pillars of Rome broken:
each of these books requiring much labour in the
examination of references. He also completed Mr.
Kemble's edition of the Saxon and Northumbrian
PEEFACE TO THE THIKD EDITION. XI
Version of St. Matthew's Gospel: finding time also
to print two MS. poems for the Percy Society, and
an Historical Enquiry touching St. Catharine of Alex-
andria, for the Cambridge Antiquarian Society. This
work fell naturally in his w&y while he was engaged
as Editor of the Catalogue of MSS. in the Cambridge
University Library, his own especial share being the
early English literature. His name also appears in
the series of Chronicles and Memorials, dec, published
under the direction of the Master of the Kolls, for
which he edited, in 1858, the Historia Monasterii
S. Augustini Cantuariensis ; and he had commenced
work upon Higden's Polychronicon for the same series.
His Fellowship also provided him with a title to
Holy Orders ; and, although he did not hold any cure,
he often assisted his friends, and especially the Eev.
G. Maddison at All Saints Church. His practised
hand and sound knowledge, combined with a serious
mind, made him an able writer of sermons. He
preached before the University, in Advent 1850 ; and
the Bishop of London (Blomfield) appointed him as
the Cambridge Preacher at the Chapel Koyal, White-
hall, for the two years, March 1851 to March 1853 ;
of which a record remains in a volume of Twenty
Sermons for Town Congregations.
Having completed the History of the Articles in
the summer of 1859, he commenced an examination
into the authenticity of the Second Epistle of St.
Peter, which he intended to be his Christian Advocate's
Xll PKEFACE TO THE THIKD EDITION.
Publication for 1859, the fifth and last year of his
holding that office. A few pages had been written,
and he had been appointed by the Bishop (Turton) to
the Archdeaconry of Ely, when his work on earth
ceased, at the age of thirty-eight years.
Archdeacon Hardwick was taking a short holiday
in the Pyrenees, and died by a fall on the Pic de
Sauvegarde, August 19, 1859. His mortal remains lie
buried in the south-west corner in the Protestant
portion of the Cemetery at Luchon.
F. P.
Witton, 1876.
3ht jiWnmmara.
"whatsoever thy hand findeth to do,
do it with thy might."
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I
THE REFORMATION.
PAGR
General cry for Reformation in the fifteenth century ... ... 2
Guiding principle of the English Reformation ... ... 3
Antiquity and catholicity of the principle ... ... ... 4
Papal Supremacy — its growth, excesses, and synodical abolition 5 — 7
Reasons for resisting it, from contemporary sources ... 7—10
Restorative aim of the Reformers ... ... ... ... 10
(1) English ... ... ... ... ... 11 (note)
(2) Lutheran ... ... ... ... 11, 12
CHAPTER II.
THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.
Its intimate connection with England ... ... ... 13
Condition of the German Reformers in 1530 ... ... 14
Divergence of the Lutheran and Zwinglian tenets ... 14 (and note)
Elements out of which the Augsburg Confession was framed 15
Schwabach Articles, 1529 ... ... ... ... 15 16
Torgau Articles, 1530 ... ... ... ... ... 22
Augsburg Confession strictly Lutheran .. . ... ... 16
Manner of its composition ... ... ... 16
Presented to the Emperor (June 25, 1530) ... ... 17
Analysis of its contents ... ... ... ,,. 17 24
Desire of the Reformers to mediate ... ... 24 (and note)
Confutation of the Augsburg Confession (1530) ... ... 25
Its nature and contents ... ... * 26 27
Fresh attempt at mediation ... ... ... 27
Final breach with the Lutherans ... ... 28
Momentary hope of reunion at Ratisbon (1541) ... ... 29
How frustrated ... ... ... 3Q
XIV
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536.
PAGE
Two great parties in the Church of England ... ... 31
' Old and new learning ' ... ... ... .. 31 (note)
Gardiner and Cranmer ... ... ... ... ... 32
Revolutionary or ' Anabaptist ' faction ... ... ... 32
General disquiet of the Church ... ... ... ... 33
Origin of the Ten Articles (1536) ... ... ... 34
Remonstrance of the Lower House of the Southern Convocation 34
False opinions then current ... ... ... ... 35 (note)
Germs of truth among them ... ... ... 35 (note)
Proceedings of the Bishops ... ... 36
The Royal message, conveyed by Cromwell ... ... ... 36
Disputes on the state of the Church ... ... ... 37 — 39
Ten Articles, the result of a compromise ... ... ... 39
Variations in the title ... ... ... ... 39
By whom composed ... ... ... ... ... 40, 41
Two Lists of Subscriptions ... ... ... ... 41
Transitional character of these Articles ... ... ... 42
Analysis of their contents ... ... ... ... 43 — 48
How far they were accepted ... ... ... ... 48
Disaffection in the North of England ... ... ... 48
Publication of the Articles f llowed by revolt ... ... 49
How superseded ... ... ... ... ... 50
Institution of a Christian Man, and Necessary Doctrine 50 (notes)
CHAPTER IV.
THE THIRTEEN ARTICLES :— CONFERENCES WITH THE
LUTHERANS.
General sympathy between English and German Reformers ... 52
Actual negotiations (1535) ... ... ... ... 53
Frustrated or deferred by Gardiner ... ... ... 54
Private conferences at Wittenberg ... ... ... 54
Articles drawn up ... ... ... ... 55 (and note)
Negotiation resumed ... ... ... ... 55, 56
Lutheran Legation to England ... ... ... ... 5(3
Its proceedings ... ... ... ... ... 57
When and why it failed ... ... ... ... ... 57 ; 58
Six Art icles (1539) ... ... ... ... 59 (and note)
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XV
Result of the Conference with the Lutherans still extant
Importance of the XIII. Articles
Connection with other Articles exhibited
(?) Articles drawn up in 1540 ...
CHAPTER V.
THE FORTY-TWO ARTICLES OF 1533.
Accession of Edward VI. (1547)
Influence and character of Cranmer ... ...
His opinions, with one exception, Lutheran ...
His doctrine of the Eucharist in 1548 ...
His reverence for antiquity-
Plan of a General Reformed Confession ...
How frustrated
Earliest traces of the Forty-two Articles (1549)
Drawn up by Cranmer
Circulated among the Bishops
Revised by Cranmer
Submitted to Cheke, Cecil, and six Royal chaplains
Returned to the Council, Nov. 24, 1552
Mandate for subscription, June 19, 1553
Publication of the Articles
Separately and in company of the Catechismus Brevis >>
Traces of the Articles during their formation
Records of Hooper's visitations, 1551 and 1552 ...
Controversy with Joliffe and Johnson
Nature of Hooper's 'Articles ' ... ... .
Their resemblance to the Articles of 1553 ...
Questions respecting their authority ... ... ,.
Their number
Why so few were answered by Joliffe
Against whom were the Articles directed ... ....
Internal evidence
The Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum : its value as a
mentary
Sittings of the Council of Trent
Evidence from the history of the times
Rise of the ' Anabaptists '
Their numerous heresies
Progress in England
Royal Commission against them (1548)
PAGE
59, 60
60, 61
61—63
63—65
66
66, 67
67
67 (note)
67—69
69, 70
70, 71
71
72
73
73
73
74
74
75
75
76—80
76, 77
77
77, 78
78
78,79
80
80, 81
81
82
81 (note)
82 (note)
. 83, 84
84
85—87
87—90
89
XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PACE
Growth of Arianism in England ... ... ... 90
Royal Commission (1552) against a new sect (Family of Love?) 90, 91
Domestic controversies ... ... ... ... 91 — 96
Hooper's objections to three Articles ... ... ••• 92
Are sacraments means of grace ? ... ... ... 92,93
Are sacraments merely obsignatory of grace ? ... ... 94
Controversies among Reformers respecting Baptism (1552) ... 95
No change effected in the Formularies ... ... ... 96
Distinct aim of the several Articles .., ... 96 — 105
Did the Articles of 1553 ever pass the Convocation ? . .. 105
Objections and answers ... ... ... ... 105 — 109
Positive proof of their synodical authority ... ... 109 — 111
Summary of the steps taken for this purpose ... Ill, 112
Reaction under Mary ... ... ... ... 112
Gardiner's series of XV. Articles (1555) ... ... ... 113
Four Articles compiled by Convocation (1558) ... ... 113
CHAPTER VI.
THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES.
Accession of Elizabeth, and her early measures
Conservative character of Parker
Suspension of the Edwardine Articles for some years ...
Articles of Christian Doctrine, drawn up by the exiles (1559)
The Eleven Articles compiled (1559)
Analysis of their contents
Articles of the Principal Heads of Religion (? 1559) ...
Eleven Articles enjoined in Ireland (15G6)
How superseded in England
Rapid return to the Reformed doctrines
Forty- Two Articles revived
Corrected by Parker, Guest, and others ...
Fresh traces of Lutheran sympathies
Many of the corrections from the Wiirtemberg Confession ...
Four new Articles
Other additions
Substitutions ...
Omissions ...
Summary of changes
Meeting of Convocation (1563)
Deliberations of the Bishops
...
114
115,
116
116,
117
117 (note)
118
119,
120
113
note
120
120,
121
121,
122
122,
123
123
123
124—126
126
126,
127
127,
128
129
130
131
132
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XV11
Have we an authentic record of their labours ? ...
The Parker MS.
Three more Articles erased in Convocation
Clause dropped in Art. III., and reason ... ... 1;
„ „ the Art. respecting the Lord's Supper, an I
reason
Remaining alterations of the Upper House
XXXIX. Articles sent to the Lower House, and subscribed
Approved by the Queen, and printed in Latin
Contents of this copy
Evidence respecting the disputed clause in Art. XX.
Proceedings in connexion with the Articles in 1566
Plan for legalising subscription ... ...
Opposed by the Queen, but finalty carried
Probable causes of the change in her views
Puritanical attempt to establish a New Confession
Light thrown by it on Stat. 13 Eliz. c. 12
Proceedings in connexion with the Articles in the Convocation
ofl571
Re-adoption of Art. XXIX.
Were the Articles, now revised by the Prelates, submitted to the
Lower House ? ... ... ... ... 1 ;
No allusion made to Statute 13 Eliz. c. 12 ... ... 153, 15-1
Nature of the alterations in 1571 ... ... ... ... 154-
Are the Latin and English Articles equally authoritative? ... 155, 15G
The Articles not a solitary standard of doctrine ... 156 — 158
TACK
132
133
134
134
(and
note)
135-
-137
137
138
138
139
140
141
142-
-144
145
146
140,
147
147
148
148,
149
149
m
150
151
153
CHAPTER VII.
THE LAMBETH ARTICLES.
High repute of St. Augustine among the Reformers
Influence of Calvin and his school
His system divergent from that of St. Augustine
1 Calvinism ' embraced by many of the Marian exiles
Yet not engrafted on the Anglican formularies
Increase of ' Calvinism ' in the reign of Elizabeth
Origin of the Lambeth Articles
The Calvinistic contest at Cambridge
Professor Baro's teaching ...
Proceedings against William Barrett
Appeal to the Primate
Whitgift at first somewhat favourable to Barrett
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
165
166
167
168
168, 16£
xvm
TABLE OF CONTEXTS.
Influence of Dr. Whitaker ...
Controversy renewed...
The Primate endeavours to mediate
Calvinistic Conference in London, Nor. 1595
First draft of the Lambeth Articles
Conduct of "Whitgift in assenting to them
Changes introduced into the original draft
The offensive and innovating character of these Articles
Destitute of all ecclesiastical authority
Their immediate suppression ...
Reaction from ' Calvinism ' ...'
CHAPTER VIII.
THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615.
Irish Reformation like the English ...
Brief Declaration of 15G6
Were the English Articles of 15G3 authorized in Ireland?
Causes leading to the formation of a new series
Influence of Ussher
Said to have made the first draft of the Irish Articles
Summary of their contents
Their general character :..•
Amount of their authority before 1G35
Doubts on this subject
Were the Bishops empowered to demand subscription?
Proceedings of the Irish Convocation (1G35)
English Articles synodically accepted
Irish Articles virtually withdrawn
172.
FAGR
170
170
171
172
. !" ;!
170
174
175
175
176
17G, 177
178
178
179
179
179
179
180
180
180
181
181
181,
182
182
183
184
184
... 184-
-187
CHAPTER IX.
THE SYNOD OF DORT, AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION.
State of the Quinquarticular Controversy ... ... ... 188
Rise of 'Arminianism' (1G04) ... ... ... 189-191
The Remonstrance (1610) ... ... ... ... ... 191
Meeting of the Synod of Dort (1618) ... ... ... 192
Patronised by James I. ... ... ... ... ... 192
His deputation of Divines ... ... ... ... 193
Their character and instructions ... ... ... 193,194
Proceedings of the Synod ... ... ... ... 195
Expulsion of the Arminians ... ... ... ... 196
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIX
PAGE
Moderation of the English delegates ... ... ... 19(3-
Their parting advice ... ... ... ... 196,197
Fresh outbreak of disputes in England on the Five Points ... 197
Attempt of the King (James) to repress them ... ... 198, 199
Similar attempts of Charles ... ... ... ... 199
Proclamation of 1626 ... ... ... ... 199,200-
His Majesty's Declaration prefixed to the Articles (1628) ... 201
Its general nature ... ... ... ... ... 201
Effects of its circulation ... ... ... ... 202,205
Vow of the House of Commons ... ... ... 203
Bearing of this agitation on the true character of the Articles 203, 204
CHAPTER X.
OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES AT DIFFERENT PERIODS.
Earliest examples (1563)
Admonitions to the Parliament (157 '2)
Puritans opposed to the general doctrine of the Church
And in some measure to the Articles
Bolder denunciation of the Articles (1587) ...
Dissatisfaction betrayed by the Lambeth and Irish Articles
Attempt to annex the Lambeth Articles (160-1)
Objection of the Puritans to Art. XVI. ...
„ „ „ to Art. XXIII.
„ „ „ to Art. XXV. ..
Proposed Addition to Art. XXXVII.
Revision of the Articles by the Assembly of Divines (1613) .
Nature of the changes
Further agitation against the Articles (1660)
„ „ „ (1689), and subsequently
How affected by the Act of Toleration ...
CHAPTER XL
HISTORICAL NOTICES OF SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES.
General purport of subscription ... ... ... ... 219
Mode of interpreting the Articles ... ... ... 220
Five rules, or canons, proposed ... ... ... ... 221
Subscription to the Articles first publicly enjoined, June 19, 1553 222
Intermitted as a general rule from 1559 to 1571 ... ... 223
205 (and
note)
205
20S
206
207
207
203-
208
209
20&
210
...
211
211
211
212
213-
-215.
215
216
216,
217
,
217
•xx
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
Enjoined afresh by Stat. 13 Eliz. c. 12 ... ... ... 223
Was any indulgence granted as to the number of the Articles? ... 224
Evidence, affirmative and negative ... ... ... 224 — 226
Proceedings of Convocation (1571) on the same subject 226, 227
Eesistance of the Nonconformists ... ... ... 227
Laxity of other Prelates repaired by Whitgift (1584) ... ... 228
Fresh laxity, and complaints of Bancroft thereon ... ... 229, 230
Subscription ordered by the Canons of 1004 ... ... 230,231
Extended to the Universities ... ... ... ... 231
Revived at the Restoration ... ... ... ... 232
Subsequent efforts to remove it ... ... ... 232, 233
Agitation headed by Biackburne (1771) ... ... ... 233
Defeated in the House of Commons ... ... ... 234,235
Present state of the question ... ... . . 235, 23G
Appendix I.
Ten Articles of 1536
237
Appendix II.
Thirteen Articles of 1538
259
Appendix III.
Articles of Edward VI. and Elizabeth (1552 — 1571) ...
277
Eleven Articles of 1559
Appendix IV.
355
Appendix V.
Lambeth Articles of 1595 ...
361
Irish Articles of 1615
Appendix VI.
369
Contemporary Illustrations of the Thirty-Nine Articles
389
HISTOBY
OF THE
AETICLES OF RELIGION.
CHAPTER I.
THE ENGLISH EEFORMATION.
T'HE Articles are a distinct production of the sixteenth
century. They were constructed step by step amid the
heavings of those mighty controversies, which enlivened
and convulsed the Church of England at the time of the
Reformation. The original design of the compilers will
be, therefore, ascertained exactly in proportion to the clear-
ness of our view as to the leading character of the event
which brought them into being.
This, indeed, is not the place for entering on the details
of a question so momentous and so complicated ; but no
history of the Articles can be regarded as complete, which
does not lead us backward to the standing-ground of the
compilers, and enable us from thence to estimate the
special fitness of that manifesto as one permanent expres-
sion of English orthodoxy.
Now that ' reformation ' of some kind or other had been
long the passionate cry in almost every province of the
"Western Church is patent and indisputable. Those writers
who are loudest in denouncing the Lutheran movement (as
Bellarmine and Bossuet and Mohler) have been driven
to confess that in the age immediately preceding, the
whole system of the Church was grievously out of joint.
'According to the testimony of those who were then alive,
2 THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. [CH.
there was almost an entire abandonment of equity in tlie
ecclesiastical judgments ; in morals no discipline, in sacred
literature no erudition, in divine things no reverence;
religion was almost extinct.' 1 Examples of the prevalent
disorganisation could be multiplied indefinitely. 2 They
formed the staple of gravamina and reformanda which
were pressed on the attention of successive popes and
kings, of parliaments, of councils, and of diets. They gave
birth to ' Reformation-colleges,' like that of Constance, 3
and ' select committees ' of cardinals and other prelates,
such as that appointed by pope Paul III. in 1538, ' De
emendanda Ecclesia ; ' 4 and although it must be granted
that the acts of these reformers do not often penetrate
below the surface, there can be no doubt that in the
honest sifting and corrections of ' disciplinary abuses,' they
were sometimes touching more or less directly on higher
and deeper points, with which the outward blemish or
excrescence was vitally connected. In addition to such
milder efforts emanating from the chief authorities in
church and state, there was no lack of earnest individuals,
friars, clerics, monks and laymen, who contended that a
reformation, to be really efficacious, must commence with
deeds of daring, not to say of violence — with rooting up
the aftergrowths of error, that had smothered, or at least
obscured, the genuine dogmas of the Gospel. 5 Such was
1 Bellarm. Concio xxvin. Opp. vr. 206, Colon. 1617. Bossuet's
admission will be found in his Hist, des Variations, liv. I. § I : and
Mohler's in the Symlolilc, II. 31, 32, Engl, trans, and in his Schriftcn
und Aufs'dtze, II. 28, 29, Regensburgb, 1840.
2 See, for instance, the present writer's Ch. Hist. 'Middle Age,'
pp. 371—413, and 'Reformation,' pp. 1—6, pp. 274—300, ed. 1874.
3 Lenfant, Hist, du Concilc de Constance, II. 309 sq., Amsterdam,
1727, has given a list of the resolutions passed in this assembly.
4 Le Plat, Monumenta Condi. Trident, n. 598, Lovan. 1782. It is
a significant fact that this document was afterwards thrust by one of
its own authors into the 'Index Prohibitorum : ' see Mendham's
Literary Policy of the Church of Rome, pp. 48, 49. If more decisive
proof of its genuineness be called for, see a letter entitled Johan.
Stnrmius Cardinalibus caterisque prailatis delectis, Argentorati, 1538,
where a copy of the Report itself is added.
5 The terms in which the author of the Philosophic Positive alludes
to these ' Reformers before the Reformation ' are well worthy of
notice, especially as M. Comto's religious sympathies, if he had any,
I.] THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 3
the prevailing spirit of the Wycliffites in England, yet the
movement they originated here and also in Bohemia
issued in comparative failure. Many of their principles
were vitiated from the first by feverish, wild, or revolu-
tionary ideas : and hence it was that when the Reformation
of this Church and country was accomplished, the pro-
moters of it took their stand upon a very different basis.
How then did the Church of England, in the sixteenth
century, meet the urgent clamour of the age, and enter on
the reformation of abuses ? She revived the ancient
theory of national independence, as distinguished from the
modern theory of papal universalisni.
Her guiding principle was this : — A national Church,
and therefore the 'Ecclesia Anglicana,' through the me-
dium of its representative synods, acting under royal
licence, has authority from Christ Himself to extirpate
abuses, whether of doctrine or of discipline, of ritual or of
polity, existing within its own jurisdiction ; nay, is abso-
lutely bound by its allegiance to Christ and by regard to
the well-being of the people committed to its charge, to
vindicate and re-affirm the truths of Christianity, as once
for all delivered to the saints and current in the Early
Church.
The nature of the jurisdiction which prescribed all
future changes in our own ecclesiastical system had been
indicated by the Preamble to Stat. 24° Hen. VIII. c. 12
(a.d. 1532 — 3), which proved the harbinger of Reforma-
tion. There it is declared, on the authority of ' sundrie
olde autentike histories and cronicles,' that this realm of
England is an empire made up of spiritualty and tempo-
ralty, and that it has been the custom when any cause ' of
the Lawe Devine,' or ' of spirituall lernyng,' came in ques-
tion, to have such controversy decided ' by that parte of
the said bodye politike called the spiritualtie, nowe beyng
were entirely on the side of Medievalism. ' The Lutheran revolution,'
ne writes (Liv. VI. c. x), 'produced no innovation, in regard to
discipline, ecclesiastical orders or dogma, that had not been, per-
severingly proposed long before ; so that the success of Luther, after
the failure of premature reformers, was mainly due to the ripeness of
the time : a confirmation of which is found in the rapid and easy
propagation of the decisive explosion.'
4 THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. [CH.
usually called the Englishe Ghurchc, -which alwaies hath
been reputed, and also founde, of that sorte that both for
knowlege, integritie, and sufficiencie of nombre, it hath
ben alwaies thought, and is also at this houre, sufficiente
and mete of itselffe, without the intermedlying of any
exterior personne or personnes, to declare and determyne
all suche doubtes and to administre all suche offices
and dueties as to their ronies [rooms] spirituall doth
appei-teyne.'
Nor in asserting this great principle of national inde-
pendence did our legislators overstep the powers which
had been claimed and exercised by the domestic synods of
the best and purest ages. Till the founding and consoli-
dation of the papal monarchy such bodies had been always
held not only competent but morally responsible for the
correction of all heresies and errors which sprang up in a
particular Church. ' This right of provincial synods, that
they might decree in causes of faith, and in cases of reforma-
tion, where corruptions had crept into the sacraments of
Christ, was practised much above a thousand years ago by
many, both national and provincial synods. For the
council at Rome under pope Sylvester, anno 324, con-
demned Photinus and Sabellius (and their heresies were
of a high nature against the faith). The council of
Gangra about the same time [between 325 and 380] con-
demned Eustathius for his condemning of marriage as
unlawful. The first council at Carthage, being a pro-
vincial, condemned rebaptization, much about the year
348. The provincial council at Aquileia, in the year 381,
in which St. Ambrose was present, condemned Palladius
and Secundinus for embracing the Arian heresy. The
second council of Carthage handled and decreed the belief
and preaching of the Trinity ; and this a little after the
year 424. The council of Milevis in Africa, in which St.
Augustine was present, condemned the whole course of the
heresy of Pelagius, that great and bewitching heresy, in
the year 416. The second council of Orange, a provincial
too, handled the great controversies about grace and free-
will, and set the Church right in them in the year 444
[529]. The third council of Toledo (a national one), in
the year 58D, determined many things against the Arian
I,] THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 5
heresy, about the very prime articles of faith, under four-
teen several anathemas. The fourth council of Toledo did
not only handle matters of faith, for the reformation of
that people, hut even added also some things to the Creed
which were not expressly delivered in former creeds. Nay,
the bishops did not only practise this to condemn heresies
in national and provincial synods, and so reform these
several places and the Church itself by parts, but they did
openly challenge this as their right and due, and that
without any leave asked of the see of Rome ; for in this
fourth council of Toledo they decree, ' That if there
happen a cause of faith to be settled, a general, that is,
a national synod of all Spain and Galicia shall be held
thereon ; ' and this in the year 643 : where you see it was
then Catholic doctrine in all Spain that a national synod
might be a competent judge in a cause of faith. And I
would fain know what article of faith doth more concern
all Christians in general, than that of Filioqtte ? — and yet
the Church of Rome herself made that addition to the
Creed without a general council. . . . And if this were
practised so often and in so many places, why may not a
national council of the Church of England do the like ? ' l
The earliest triumph which these principles achieved
on their resuscitation in the sixteenth century was the
absolute repudiation of the ultra-papal claims. Originally
independent of the Latin Church, this country had been
gradually reduced into a state of bondage. Roman modes
of thought so largely intermingled in our Anglo-Saxon
Christianity had overpowered the influences exerted for a
time by the surviving British Church and by the mis-
sionaries out of Ireland ; till at length the deepest defer-
ence, not to say servility, had been manifested by the king,
the clergy, and the people, in their dealings with the court
of Rome. Anterior to the Norman Conquest the pre-
dominant feeling might be one of gratitude and filial
reverence, — such indeed as we can trace at present in the
language of our brethren in America while reviewing their
relations to the Church of England : but as soon as ever
1 Archbp. Laud, Conference with Fisher, Sect. 24, pp. 126, 127,
Oxf. 1839.
6 THE ENGLISH EEFOEMATION. [OH.
the pretensions of the papacy had grown into the towering
shape which they assumed in Hildebrand and his suc-
cessors, the demeanour of the English was considerably
altered, and in speaking of the Roman pontiffs they be-
trayed from, time to time the workings of that ardent
nationality which issued in the Reformation. From the
period of the troubles of archbishop Anselm — when 'the
king and his nobles, the bishops also, and others of inferior
rank, were so indignant as to assert that rather than sur-
render the privileges of their forefathers, they would depart
from the Roman Church' 1 — until the closing struggle in
the reigns of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, the encroach-
ments of the pontiff had been calling up a spirit of deter-
mined opposition ; and in cases even where his interference
might be salutary, and as such was cordially desired by
the great body of the nation, it is quite impossible to watch
the temper of the English parliament, 2 without discovering
many a trace of that profound exasperation which eventu-
ally repelled all foreign intermeddling, and gave freedom
to the English Church.
The usurpations of the papacy consisted in the main
of these particulars :
(1) A judicial power in matters ecclesiastical, or cases
of appeal.
(2) The right of granting licences and dispensations.
(3) The liberty of sending legates into England and
through them of overruling the domestic synods.
(4) The power of granting investiture to bishops, of
confirming their elections, and dispensing the
church-patronage.
'5) The privilege of receiving the first-fruits, the
tenths of English benefices, and goods of
clergymen who died intestate.
1 Archbp. Anselm's Letter to Paschalis II., in Twysden's Vindica-
tion, p. 16, Camb. edit. The Constitutions of Clarendon ' were an
actual subversion, as far as they went, of the papal policy and system
of hierarchy introduced by Gregory VII.' Turner, Middle .Age?, I.
216, ed. 1830 ; and at one time there was a general idea that
Henry II. would have anticipated the resistance of his eighth name-
Bake, p. 259.
2 See a list of protestant acts during the Middle Ages, in Fullwood,
Roma Euit, chapters vm. — xm.
I.J THE ENGLISH EEFOKMATION. 7
We have no concern at present with the motives of the
English monarch in whose reign this country was relieved
from foreign usurpations. What is really important to us
is the fact that Henry manifested no desire, in re-asserting
his prerogative, to suppress or supersede the action of the
English spiritualty. It was the Church herself, canoni-
cally represented, that came forward to resolve the ardu-
ous questions mooted in this country. All of them were
severally examined on their own distinctive merits, just
as similar controversies were discussed and settled by the
Church of earlier times. In 1534, for instance, after
statutes pointing in the saine direction had been carried in
the parliament, it was deliberated in the two provincial
synods of Canterbury and York, Whether the bishop of
Rome has in Holy Scripture any greater jurisdiction, within
the kingdom of England, than any other foreign bishop ? —
and the question was then answered in the negative with
scarcely one dissentient voice. This judgment was again
corroborated by the English universities, after five weeks
of deliberation, and was echoed by cathedral chapters
and conventual bodies ; so that, with the almost solitary
exception of Eisher, bishop of Rochester, the verdicts
of the several church-authorities were adverse to the old
pretensions of the Roman pontiff. 1
The general grounds on which this memorable judg-
ment had been based, are stated in the following extracts
from contemporary documents. They prove, what is else-
where apparent, that the English prelates and divines were
instigated by no spirit of ecclesiastical revolution, but pro-
ceeded to their task deliberately, in armour they had drawn
from their familiar converse with Christian antiquity.
'I believe that these particular Churches, in what
place of the world soever they be congregated, be the
very parts, portions, or members of this Catholic and Uni-
versal Church. And that between them there is indeed
no difference in superiority, pre-eminence, or authority,
neither that any one of them is head or sovereign over the
other; but that they be all equal in power and dignity,
and be all grounded and builded upon one foundation ....
1 Rymer's Fcedera, xiv. 487 — 527, ed. 1728; Wilkins, Condi, in.
748 sq.
8 THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. [CH.
And therefore I do believe that the Church of Rome is
not, nor cannot worthily be called the Catholic Church, but
only a particular member thereof, and cannot challenge or
vindicate of right, and by the Word of God, to be head of
this Universal Church, or to have any superiointy over the
other Churches of Christ which be in England, France,
Spain, or in any other realm, but that they be all free
from any subjection unto the said Church of Rome, or unto
the minister or bishop of the same. And I believe also
that the said Church of Rome, with all the other parti-
cular Churches in the world, compacted and united
together, do make and constitute but one Catholic Church or
body .... And therefore I protest and acknowledge that
in my heart I abhor and detest all heresies and schisms
whereby the true interpretation and sense of Scripture is
or may be perverted. And do promise, by the help of God,
to endivre unto my life's end in the right profession of
faith and doctrine of the Catholic Church.' 1
If it be urged that the rejection of the papal claims
is made to turn almost exclusively upon a theory of the
Church, another extract from the same book will bring
before us the historical reasons which had weight among
the members of the English synod :
1 As for the bishop of Rome, it was many hundred
years after Christ before he could acquire or get any
primacy or governance above any other bishops, out of his
province in Italy. Sith the which time he hath ever
usurped more and more. And though some part of his
power was given unto him by the consent of the emperors,
kings, and princes, and by the consent also of the clergy in
general 2 councils assembled ; yet surely he attained the
most part thereof by marvellous subtilty and craft, and
specially by colluding with great kings and princes ; some-
time training them into his devotion by pretence and
colour of holiness and sanctimony, and sometime constrain-
ing them by force and tyranny : whereby the said bishops
1 Institution of a Christian Man; A.D. 1537; 'Formularies of
Faith,' pp. 55—57, Oxf. 1825.
2 This epithet was applied at the time of the Reformation to other
synods besides those which were strictly cecume?iical. (Cf. Art. xxi.
of the present series.)
L] THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. 9
of Rome aspired and arose at length unto such greatness
in strength and authority, that they presumed and took
upon them to be heads, and to put laws by their own
authority, not only unto all other bishops within Christen-
dom, but also unto the emperors, kings, and other the
princes and lords of the world, and that under the pretence
of the authority committed unto them by the Gospel : l
wherein the said bishops of Rome do not only abuse and
pervert the true sense and meaning of Christ's Word, but
they do also clean contrary to the use and custom of the
primitive Church, and also do manifestly violate as well
the holy canons made in the Church immediately after the
time of the Apostles, as also the decrees and constitutions
made in that behalf by the holy fathers of the Catholic'
Church, assembled in the first general Councils : and
finally they do transgress their own profession, made in
their creation. For all the bishops of Rome always, when
they be consecrated and made bishops of that see, do make
a solemn profession and vow, that they shall inviolably
observe and keep all the ordinances made in the eight first
general Councils, among the which it is specially provided
and enacted, that all causes shall be finished and deter-
mined within the province where the same be begun, and
that by the bishops of the same province ; and that no
bishop shall exercise any jurisdiction out of his own
diocese or province. And divers such other canons were
then made and confirmed by the said Councils, to repress
and take away out of the Church all such primacy and
jurisdiction over kings and bishops, as the bishops^ of
Rome pretend now to have over the same. And we find
that divers good fathers, bishops of Rome, did greatly
reprove, yea and abhor, (as a thing clean contrary to the
Gospel, and the decrees of the Church,) that any bishop of
Rome or elsewhere, should presume, usurp, or take upon
him the title and name of 'the universal bishop,' or of
'the head of all priests,' or of 'the highest priest,' or
any such like title. For confirmation whereof, it is out
of all doubt, that there is no mention made, neither in
1 For this reason the point brought before Convocation in 1534
was respecting the Scripturalness of the papal claims.
10 THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. [CH.
Scripture, neither in. the writings of any authentical doctor
or author of the Church, being within the time of the
apostles, that Christ did ever make or institute any distinc-
tion or difference to be in the pre-eminence of power,
order, or jurisdiction between the apostles themselves, or
between the bishops themselves ; but that they were all
equal in power, order, authority and jurisdiction. And
that there is now, and sith the time of the apostles, any
such diversity or difference among the bishops, it was
devised by the ancient fathers of the primitive Church, for
the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholic
Church ; and that either by the consent and authority,
or else at the least by the permission and sufferance of the
princes and civil powers for the time ruling.' 1
This subject, when resumed soon after in the ' Necessary
Doctrine for any Christian Man' (1543), was handled in
precisely the same fashion, and elucidated by still further
references to history and canon-law. 2
It is impossible indeed to study the productions of the
early Reformers without feeling that their aim had never
been to found a novel Church or system of their own, but
rather to re-edify and re-invigorate the system of their
fathers which was rapidly falling to decay. They did not
wish to break away in a schismatic temper from the rest of
Christendom, bat only to extinguish the unlawful jurisdic-
tion of a proud and bold usurper, and, by following in the
footsteps of the primitive Church, to rescue for their nation
many a pure and evangelic element of faith, of feeling, and
of ritual, which had long been deadened or distorted in the
speculations of the leading schoolmen. 3 As these points
have been so frequently insisted on with reference to the
Church of England, the production here of further evidence
1 Ibid. pp. 117, 118.
2 pp. 282—286.
3 See Field, Of the Church, i. 165 sqq. and especially Appendix to
Book in., 'wherein it is clearely proved that the Latino, or West
Church in which the Pope tyrannized, was, and continued a true,
orthodox, and protestant Church, and that the devisers and main-
tainors of Romish errors and superstitious abuses, were only a faction
in the same, at the time when Luther, not without the applause of all
good men, published his propositions against the prophane abuse of
papal indulgences.' II. 1—387, ed. E.H.S. 1849.
I.] THE ENGLISH REFOBMATION. 11
is deemed superfluous: 1 but the reader may be interested
to observe tbat the same principle of reverence for the
primitive faith was no less definitely advocated in a foreign
document, drawn up by certain of the Lutheran states,
(March 5, 1537) and rendered into English: 'For the
sklaunder is moost fals,' they write, ' which our adversaries
do oftentymes cast forth, that errours somtjme condemned
are scattred abrode and olde heresyes renewed of our men \
and therfore they denye that ther is any nede of tryall.
Nother is it onye harde thynge to refute this sklaunder,
our Confession 2 once shewed fourth. For thys pure
1 e.g. ' Reformatio non aurum abstulit, sed purgavit a Into : non vel
fundamenta evertit, vel parietes diruit aufc tecta, sed vepres solum
exscidit, et firnuui ejecit : non carnem, ossa aut sanguinem corpori
detraxit, sed saniem et humores pestiferos expulit. Ant si clarius
hsec dici velis : quicquid aureum, solidnm, f undamentale, quicqnid
catholicum et antiquum est, retinuit : ea solum quae internis sordibus
vestra, lutea, morbida, et fundamento assuta, quicquid novum,
hsereticum, idololatricum, aut antichristianum erat, amputavit. De
substantia antiquse et catholicoe fidei, nihil quidquam a nobis
immutatum : quicquid tale est amplectimur ambabus ulnis, exoscu-
lamur, tuemur.' Crakanthorp, Dejensio Eccl. Anglican, p. 601, ed.
Wordsworth, 1847. The same is even more distinctly affirmed by
Bp. Overall (then dean of St. Paul's) in the Convocation of 1G05,
■where he was prolocutor (Camb. Univ. MS. Gg. i 29, p. 158). He
contends : ' Nihil nos in doctrina, religione, ecclesia, ministerio ac
ordine ecclesiastico, sacris et sacramentis, aut ulla re alia ad Eccle-
siam Christianam et Catholicam pertinente, essentiale et necessarium
detraxisse aut immutasse, ab ilia forma doctrinoe et religionis quam a
Christo et Apostolis traditam, in Primitiva Ecclesia receptam, agni-
tarn, stabilitam fuisse constat : sed tantum nasvos et labes, super-
stitiones et abusns, supervacanea et non necessaria, quae temporis
tractu hominumque vitio accesserant et irrepserant, et tanquam
zizania, diaboli invidia, superseminata sunt expurgasse : idque non
inordinate, turbulenter, temere, ad hominum privatorum placita ac
deer eta ; sed publica et synodica authoritate, justa consultatione et
maturojudiciolegitimeprcecedente,juxtaVerbumDei,consensumPatruin,
usum veterum Synodorum, ac praxim antiquioris et purioris Ecclesice.'
2 The allusion is to the Augsburg Confession, where, among other
statements of a like character, it is declared : ' Heec fere summa est
doctrinse apud nos, in qua cerni potest, nihil inesse, quod discrepet a
Scripturis, vel ab ecclesia Catholica, vel ab ecclesia Romana, quatenua
ex Bcriptoribus nota est {Germ, aus der Vater Schrift.)' Confessio
August. Pars I. § xxn. : Libri Symbol. Eccl. Lutheran, p. 25, ed..
Francke, 1847. Bucer, in like manner, did not scruple to occupy the
same ground as late as 1544: see the Scripta Duo Adversaria JD,
12 THE ENGLISH ItEFOKMATION. [CH. I.
doctryne of the Gospel whiche we haue embraced is, wyth-
out doute, euen tlie verye consente of the catholyke Church
of Christ : as the testimonies of the olde Church and of
holye fathers do euydentlye declare. For we do not receaue
or approue any wycked opynions, or such as fyghte with
the consent of the holy fathers ; yee rather in many artikles
we do renew the teachynges of the old synodes and fathers,
which the latter age had put out of the way, and for them
had geuen forth other false and conterfette doctrynes,
wyth the which oure aduersaryes do shamefully fyghte
wyth the judgementes of the fathers and authoryte of the
synodes.' 2
Barthol. Latomi et Martini Buceri, p. 5. Argentor. 1544: 'Statutum
autem habeo decertare veris armis et instrunientis, hoc est, Scriptnrie,
traditionibus vere apostolicis et sententiis catholicis ac orthodoxis S.
Patrum, non convitiis.' He justly discriminates, however, between
the two authorities, Scripture and Church-tradition (e.g. pp. 136,
137), asserting that the Fathers are to be accepted by us 'ut testes,
non ut authores, sacrorum dogmatum vel ceremoniarum.'
2 The Causes ivhy the Germanes will not go, nor consente vnto that
Councel, etc. (the proposed synod of Mantua) sign. A. v. Sowthwarke,
1537. The original is printed in Le Plat, Monurnenta, u, 577.
CHAPTER II.
THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.
HTHE observations made at tlie conclusion of the previous
-*- chapter have enabled us to understand the general
drift and purpose of the first of the Reformed Confessions,
published in the spring of 1530, and therefore nearly three
years anterior to the elevation of Cranmer to the see of
Canterbury. It was this remarkable document which
suggested the idea so generally adopted in the middle of
the sixteenth century ; and had no further basis of affinity
subsisted between it and our own Articles of Religion,
it might fairly have demanded at our hands a more than
passing notice.
But there is a second and imperative reason for
embracing an account of the Augsburg Confession in the
limits of the present volume. That Confession is most
intimately connected with the progress of the English
Reformation ; and besides the influence which it cannot fail
to have exerted by its rapid circulation in our country, it
contributed directly, in a large degree, to the construction
of the public Formularies of Faith put forward by the
Church of England. The XIII. Articles, drawn up, as we
shall see, in 1538, were based almost entirely on the
language of the great Germanic Confession ; while a similar
expression of respect is no less manifest in the Articles
of Edward VI., and consequently in that series which is
binding now upon the conscience of the English clergy.
For this reason it is necessary to ascertain the temper
and position of the Wittenberg Reformers in the year
1530, when they laid a formal record of their tenets at the
feet of Charles V.
Now it is clear that since the meeting of the Diet of
Worms in 1521, the movement, of which Luther was the
ruling spirit, had been growing far more moderate in its
14 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH.
tone, 1 and far more purely theological. Its earlier vehe-
mence had been expended in decrying all the disciplinary
abuses of the age, and the extravagant pretensions of the
Roman pontiff. It had afterwards entered for a while into
a partial union with the bolder and less-balanced followers
of Zwingli, and had so incurred the risk of falling in with
his political maxims, and accepting the more neoteric of
his theological opinions : but the conference held at Mar-
burg 2 in 1529 had proved conclusive, both to others and
themselves, that the two schools of reformers (Swiss and
Saxon) were in many ways divergent, and that warmly as
they might agree in their repudiation of 'Romish' errors,
it was quite impossible to bring them, either by persuasion
or by pressure, to subscribe a common formulary of faith.
One great historian of the period furnishes an apt
epitome of the contending factions in the masterly contrast
he has drawn between the animus and idiosyncrasy of their
respective leaders : ' Whereas Luther wished to retain
everything in the existing ecclesiastical institutions that
was not at variance with the express words of Scripture,
Zwingli was resolved to get rid of everything that could
not be maintained by a direct appeal to Scripture. Luther
took up his station on the ground already occupied by the
Latin Church ; his desire was only to purify, to put an
end to the contradictions between the doctrines of the
Church and the Gospel. Zwingli, on the other hand,
thought it necessary to restore, as far as possible, the
primitive and simplest condition of the Church ; he aimed
at a complete revolution.' 3
1 See a detailed account of Luther's consternation at the rise of
Anabaptism and the outbreak of the Peasants' War, in Hardwick's
Reform, pp. 37 sq.
2 Ranke, Reformation in Germany, III. 189 sqq. Engl. Trans. 1847.
Luther had despaired of this conference from the first, and his
language at the close of it was most pregnant : ' Ihr habt einen
andem Geist als wir.' See Daniel's Cod. Liturg. Eccl. Reform.
* Proleg.' § i, Lips. 1851.
3 Ibid. in. 8G, 87. 'The Reformers [i.e. the Zwinglians, as opposed
to the Protestants or Lutherans] would have nothing but the simple
Word. The same end was proposed in all the practices of the
Church. A new form of baptism was drawn up, in which all the
additions "which have no ground in God's Word" were omitted.
The next step was the alteration of the mass. Luther had contented
II.] THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. 15
The peculiar features of this contrast could not fail to
be imprinted on the minds of all the Wittenberg reformers
when, immediately after the great breach at Marburg,
they proceeded with the compilation of the Augsburg
formulary.
The idea of presenting an apology for their religion
was suggested by Pontanus (or Briick), the senior chan-
cellor of Saxony; 1 and on obtaining the consent of his
master, the elector Johu, the chief promoters of the object
took as the main basis of their work a series of somewhat
older Articles, which had been carefully compiled in the
previous year. This document was known by the name of
the ' Schwabach Articles,' — so entitled from the convent
where it was adopted (Oct. 10, 1529), as the indispensable
condition of membership in a reforming league. It was
also in its turn no more than the corrected version of a test
which had in vain been offered to the Zwinglian delegates
some days before in the great meeting held at Marburg 2
(Oct. 3).
The Schwabach Articles are seventeen in number. 3
They imply in their whole structure the profound and
almost fundamental separation, which was thought to have
grown up between the Lutheran body and those who had
himself with the omission of the words relating to the doctrine of
sacrifice, and with the introduction of the sacrament in both kinds.
Zwingli established a regular love-feast (Easter, 1525) : ' p. 88.
1 The following was the advice given by Pontanus (March 14, 1530) :
* Dieweil Kais. Mt. Ansschreiben vermag, dass eins Itzlichen Opinion
nnd Meinung gehort soil werden [i.e. at the ensuing Diet,] will uns
fur gat ansehen, dass solche Meinung, dai'auf misers Theils bisanher
gestanden und verharret, ordentlich in Schriften zusammen gezogen
werden mit grimdlichcr Bevrahrung derselbigen aus gottlicher Schrift,
•damit man solchs in Schriften furzutragen hat, wo man den Standen
auch die Predigcr in den Handelungen die Sachen furzutragen lassen
je nit wiirde verstatten wollen.' Forstemann, Urlamden-buch zu der
Gesch. des Reichstages zu Augsburg in J. 1530, I. 42 sqq. It is clear
from the imperial edict, as well as from other sources, that the
Augsburg Confession was not meant to be a complete system of doctrine,
but only an apologetic statement of the Lutheran position with
respect to different subjects actually in dispute : cf. Guerike,
Kircheng. n. 174 (note).
2 Eanke, Reform, in. 197.
3 See them at length in Weber, Kritische Gesch. der Augsb. Conf. I.
App. 2.
16 THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. [CH.
persisted in their predilections for the rival school of
Zwingli (or the Gerinan-speaking Swiss).
We have no reason, therefore, to anticipate that when
Melancthon was deputed to remodel the ' Schwabach
Articles,' and to insert additional matter on the subject of
ecclesiastical abuses, he was acting in the least degree as
the exponent of other than his own communion ; and on
studying the result of his endeavours in the Augsburg
Confession, the inference which might thus have been
derived from general knowledge of the times, is found to be
supported by internal testimony. That production is
distinctly Lutheran, — opposed to Zwinglian tenets on all
controverted points, and breathing the same cordial defer-
ence for the teaching of the past, 1 which characterises
nearly all the writings of Melancthon. In the mildness of
its tone, the gracefulness of its diction, and the general
perspicuity of its arrangement, it is worthy of its gifted
author^ while in theological terminology it everywhere
adheres, as closely as the truth permitted, to existing
standards of the Western Church. Melancthon seems
indeed to have been confident that he was treading in
the steps of St. Augustine and the Early Fathers ; all
his protests were, accordingly, confined to modern inno-
vations and distortions by which sectaries and schoolmen
had been gradually corrupting the deposit of the Christain
faith.
A draft of this Confession, which was first made in
Latin, and sent (May 11) to Luther, then at Coburg, was
accompanied by a request from the Elector of Saxony, that
he would read and revise it with the greatest caution.
His reply (May 15) expresses the entire satisfaction with
which he had perused the labours of his colleague. ' I
have read over Mr. Philip's Apology (the original name of
the Confession) : it pleases me very much. I know not
how to improve or alter anything, if that would not indeed
be unbecoming in me, for I cannot tread so gently and
1 The following statement of his was quoted with peculiar satis.
faction by Bp. Overall (Carrib. Univ. MS. Gg. i. 29, p. 161) : 'Noyi
dogmatis in Ecclesia Dei nee author esse volo nee defensor.' It is
found in Melancthon's Works, II. 824, ed. Bretschneider.
II.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 17
softly. Christ our Lord grant that it may bring forth
abundant fruit, even as we hope and pray.' 1
A fresh revision by Melancthon and others, more espe-
cially by the chancellor Pontanus, was not terminated till
the 31st of May, 2 when copies of the Latin Articles 3 were
put into the hands of all the Lutheran princes who were
present at the Diet. It is probably to the effect of criti-
cisms which it received in this interval that we should
attribute not a few of the various readings which appear
in all the earlier editions. 4 The revision was in truth
unfinished when a message from the emperor informed the
Lutherans that he would listen to their Apology on the
25th of June. Accordingly a German version, also from
the pen of Melancthon, was on that day read aloud to the
assembled States at Augsburg in the chapter-room of the
episcopal palace. 5 This copy of the work, as well as the
Latin original, was then delivered to the emperor, but not
until it had received the signatures of the Elector of Saxony
and other members of the Diet, who expressed themselves
in favour of the Lutheran theology. 6
After the above description of the circumstances which
attended its original presentation, we may now proceed to
give an abstract of its principal contents. It consists of
two Parts, the first having reference to matters of faith,
the second to ecclesiastical or disciplinary abuses. The
former is distributed in twenty-two articles ; the latter in
seven.
The first article is entitled 'De Deo,' and in it the
1 Luther's Briefe, iv. 17, ed. De Wette.
2 Libri Symbolici F.ccl. Lutheran, ed. Francke, Lips. 1847, Prolegom.
p. xvi. note (10) .
3 Melancthon next undertook the German version, which was
completed on the 14th of June. Ibid. p. xvii.
* See Eanke, in. 274; Guerike, II. 176. Notwithstanding the
prohibition of the emperor, the Confession passed through seven
editions in the course of 1530. Francke, ubi supra, p. xxiv.
5 Eanke, in. 277.
6 The names stand in the following order : John, the elector of
Saxony; George, the markgrave of Brandenburg; Ernest, duke of
Luneburg; Philip, landgrave of Hesse; John Frederick, electoral
prince of Saxony; Francis, duke of Luneburg; Wolfgang, prince of
Anhalt ; the senate and magistracy of Nuremberg ; and the senate of
Reutlingen.
18 THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. [CH.
Lutheran states declare their full acceptance of the Catholic
definitions touching the Unity of the Divine Essence, and
the Trinity of the Divine Persons. They also are equally
prepared to execrate all heresies by which this doctrine of
the Church has been impugned in ancient and modern
times. 1
The second article is on the subject of original sin (' de
peccato originis,') affirming that all men naturally sprung
from Adam are born in sin, and that this primary disease
(' morbus seu vitium') is sin, and so entails eternal death
on all persons who are not regenerated by baptism and the
Holy Spirit. On its negative side this article condemns
the Pelagians and other misbelievers. 2
The third article adopts the current language of the
Creeds respecting the Incarnation of our Lord, His life,
His death, His resurrection, His ascension, with their salu-
tary fruits ; subjoining (in the German copy) an emphatic
condemnation of all heretics who have impugned these
fundamental verities.
The fourth article proceeds to handle the doctrine of
justification, declaring that men are not made acceptable in
the sight of God by any works or merits of their own, but
are justified gratuitoiTsly for the sake of Christ through
faith (' propter Christum per fidem').
The fifth article, ' de ministerio ecclesiastico,' affirms
that the Holy Ghost, who produces faith, is given us by
the medium of the Word and Sacraments (' tanquam per
instrumental . It condemns the Anabaptist innovators,
who were circulating their distempered notions on this
subject as on others.
The sixth article, ' de nova obediential maintains that
faith must ever issue in good works ('debeatbonos fructus
parere'), while denying that we are entitled to allege them
as the means of justification before God. It appeals, in
proof of this statement, to the words of Holy Scripture,
and ecclesiastical antiquity.
1 Some of the 'neoterici' here condemned were Servetus and his
partj', whose opinions were then spreading in Germany. Francke,
p. 13, note 7 : Hardwick's Reform, pp. 262 sq.
8 In the Apologia Confessionis, p. 57, ed. Francke, Melancthon
specifies ' scholastici doctores.'
/JI.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 19
The seventh article, admitting that the Chnrch is one,
holy, and perpetual, defines it as a congregation of saints
(or, of all the faithful), in which the Gospel is rightly-
taught, and the sacraments rightly administered : implying,
that communities in which these two conditions are fulfilled
belong to the true Church.
The eighth article explains that, notwithstanding the
former definition, there are always in this life a multitude
of hypocrites commingled with the faithful. It affirms,
moreover, that the Word and Sacraments in virtue of the
ordinance of Christ are efficacious, even when administered
by evil men, and so condemns Donatism and all other
•systems 1 where this doctrine is or was impugned.
The ninth article, ' de Baptismo,' declares that this
sacrament is necessary to salvation ; that the grace of God is
offered or communicated by it ('per baptismum offeratur'),
and that children ought to be baptized, in order to be
thereby introduced to the favour of God. It also denounces
the original misconception of Anabaptism.
The tenth article, ' de Ccena Domini,' declares that the
Body and Blood of Christ are truly present (' vere adsint ' 2 )
and are distributed to the recipients. It also adds a censure
of the Zwinglian 3 who was teaching otherwise.
The eleventh article, ' de Confessione,' declares that
private absolution ought to be retained, while it denies
that the enumeration of all sins should be regarded as
essential to the efficacy of the act.
The twelfth article, ' de Poenitentia,' affirms that sin
committed after Baptism is truly remissible, and defines
penitence as consisting of contrition and faith together with
the fruits of penitence, viz., good works. It condemns the
'Anabaptists,' who asserted that persons once justified
could never lose the Holy Spirit. It handles the Novatians
1 The followers of Wycliffe were included; see Apol. Confess.
p. 149 : yet this censure was probably misapplied, if we may trust
the Wycliffite treatise, edited by Mr. Forshall, with the title Remon-
strance against Romish Corruptions, p. 123. On the other hand, see
Apology for the Lollards, ed. Todd. ' Introd.' pp. xxxi. xxxii.
2 Germ. ' wahrhaftiglich unter Gestalt des Brots tuid Weins im
Abendmahl gegenwartig sey.'
3 Francke, p. 16, n. 12.
20 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH.
with like severity, and repudiates tlie idea then pre-
valent among scholastics, who maintained that grace was
merited by human satisfactions.
The thirteenth article, ' de usu sacramentorum,' teaches
that sacraments are not mere badges ('notse') of our
Christian calling, but are rather signs and testimonies of
God's will towards us, ordained for the purpose of exciting
and confirming faith. It also denounces those who hold
that sacraments justify ' ex opere operato,' x or, in other
words, mechanically, and neglect to teach that faith in
God's promise is a necessary precondition or concomitant.
The fourteenth article, ' de ordine ecclesiastico,' simply
states that no one ought to preach or administer the sacra-
ments who is not rightly called ('rite vocatus').
The fifteenth article, ' de ritibus ecclesiasticis,' affirms
that festivals and other kindred institutions, though not
essential to salvation, may justly be retained, so long as
they are celebrated without sin, and are consistent with
tranquillity and good order in the church. It protests,
however, against the notion that any such traditions have
inherent virtue so as to merit the grace of God, or make
atonement for sins.
The sixteenth article, 'de rebus civilibus,' is meant to
vindicate the high authority of the civil powers against the
lax and revolutionary dreams of Anabaptism. It also
vindicates the lawfulness of war, of property, of oaths,
of marriage.
The seventeenth article, ' de Christi reditu ad judicium,'
re-affirms the ancient doctrine of the resurrection and final
judgment, the eternal happiness of the holy, and the
endless misery of wicked men and devils. It condemns the
Anabaptists, who maintained that future punishment is
1 This phrase is explained in Apol. Confessionis : 'quod sacrarnenta
non ponenti obicera conferant gratiarn ex opere operato sine bonomotn
utentis,' p. 203 (cf. the ninth English Article of 1538). The further
explanations of Luther with respect to the bearing of this point on
infant baptism may be seen at length in his Catechismus Major,
Part. iv. s. 41 sqq. For a lucid definition of the phrase 'ex opere
operato' as contrasted with the phrase 'ex opere operantis,' see
Gabriel Biel, Sentent. Lib. iv. Dist. r. qu. 3. In the former case,
the ' exhibition ' or application of the external sigu suffices : ' noa
requiritur bonus niotns interior in suscipiente.'
H.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 21
terminable, as well as those who were engaged in
■circulating ' Judaical opinions,' with respect to some reign
of faithful men on earth before the resurrection.
The eighteenth article, ' de libero arbitro,' while it
grants that the human will possesses a certain liberty of
choice and action, 1 denies that man can work out spiritual
obedience, or do things pleasing to God, without the grace
of the Holy Spirit. It makes this doctrine rest upon the
language of St. Augustine, and with him condemns Pela-
gians and all others who exaggerate our natural, unassisted
faculties.
The nineteenth article, 'de causa peccati,' declares that
the cause of sin is traceable to the will of all ungodly
spirits, human and diabolic, which has turned itself away
from God.
The twentieth article, ' de fide et bonis operibus,' is a
'diffusive answer to the popular objection that Lutheranism
discouraged active piety, and prohibited good works. 2 It
urges, chiefly on the authority of St. Paul, and sometimes
in the very words of St. Augustine, that we are received
into the favour of God solely for the merits of our Lord
Jesus Christ, distinguished from any merits of our own ;
that we partake of this gratuitous justification by faith
only (' tantum fide,' or ' fiducia'), and that, owing to the fact
of reconciliation and indwelling of the Holy Spirit, we
exhibit new affections and are fruitful in good works.
The twenty- first article, ' de cultu sanctorum,' while it
recognizes the duty of imitating the good examples of the
saints, affirms, as the distinctive doctrine of the Bible, that
Christ is the one Mediator, Priest, and Intercessor, and on
1 'Ad efficiendam civilem justitiam (Germ, ausserlich ehrbar zu
leben) et deligendam res rationi subjectas.'
2 It begins by noticing a great improvement in tbe general
language of the clergy : ' De quibus rebus olim parum docebant con-
cionatores ; tantum puerilia et non necessaria opera urgebant, ufc
certas ferias, certa jejunia, fraternitates, peregrinationes, cultus
sanctorum, rosaria, monochatum et similia. H(BC adversarii nostri
admoniti nunc dediscunt, nee perinde prsedicant hsec iuutilia opera,
ut olim. Preeterea incipiunt fidei mentionem facere, de qua olim
miruiu erat silentium : docent nos non tantum operibus justificari,
Bed conjungunt fidem et opera, et dicunt, nos fide et operibus justifi-
eari. Quee doctrina tolerabilior est priore, et plus afferre potest conso-
lationis, quam vetus ipsorum doctrina.'
22 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH.
that ground solemnly repudiates all invocations of the
creature.
The twenty-second article closes the First Part of the
Confession, by declaring that there is nothing in the
doctrine of the Lutheran body which is fundamentally diver-
gent either from the Scriptures, or the ancient Church.
The prevalent dissension (it goes on to state) was due to
certain practical abuses (' quibusdam abusibus ') which had
gradually crept into the Church, but were established by
no competent authority. The object therefore of the
German Reformers was to interpose and check the progress
of those mighty evils, but no wish existed on their part to
change the standard of doctrine, or even to abolish ancient
rites and ceremonies if these latter could be purged from
the abuses then adhering to them.
Many of the corruptions which excited the hostility of
Luther and his friends have been enumerated in the
Second Part of their Confession. As some elements of the
former half had pre-existed in the ' Schwabach Articles,'
this Second Part is based upon a series called the ' Torgau
Articles,' which was similarly constructed by Lutheran
divines, who met the Elector at Torgau early in the spring
of 1530, in anticipation of the Augsburg diet. 1
The first article, ' de utraque specie,' is occupied in
vindicating the right of laymen to communion in both
kinds. This right is based upon the unequivocal language
of Holy Scripture and the practice of the Early Church.
The second article, ' de conjugio sacerdotum,' relates to
many scandals which arose from the compulsory non-
marriage of the clergy. It asserts the honour of the married
state, and quotes St. Cyprian as maintaining that even
those who promise to live single are not absolutely fettered
by such promise.
The third article is entitled ' de missa.' It begins by
stating emphatically that ' the mass ' had never been
abolished by the Lutherans, but was celebrated by them
with the greatest reverence, 2 only with some changes in
•
1 See Gieselcr, Kirchgesch. in. i. p. 246, n. 4.
2 • Falso accusantur ecclesiaa nostra), quod missam aboleanfc. Reti-
netur enim missa apud nos et summa reverentia cclebratur.' John
II.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 23
the ceremonial, and with the addition of some German
hymns for the instruction of the people. The ' private
masses ' were, however, discontinued on account of the
profane and mercenary spirit in which they had been
generally performed. The false ' opinion ' was repelled
which taught men to regard the mass as a mechanical
rite effacing the iniquities of dead and living, ' ex opere
operato ; ' and unwonted stress was laid upon the Eucharist
in its character of a communion, in accordance with the
spirit of the ancient Church.
The fourth article, ' de Confessione,' while denying the
necessity of a particular enumeration of sins, declares that
confession had not been abolished by the Lutherans, but
was positively enjoined as a pre-requisite to their partici-
pation in the Eucharist. It further taught that absolution
is a very great benefit ('maximum beneficium').
The fifth article, ' de discrimine ciborum et traditioni-
bus,' affirms that an opinion had prevailed in all quarters
respecting the efficacy of those human ordinances in
making satisfaction for sin ; and then proceeds to dwell on
the disastrous consequences which resulted from the error.
On the other hand, the Lutherans did not prohibit self-
discipline and mortification of the flesh, retaining also
such traditional usages as might conduce to the decorous
performance of Divine service, but denying to them
any meritorious value.
The sixth article, ' de votis monachorum,' maintains
that in the time of St. Augustine religious associations
were still purely voluntary, and that vows were only
introduced as discipline became corrupt. It discounte-
nances the idea that the monastic is the highest form of
Christian life ; and, after vindicating the dignity of
marriage, dwells upon the dangerous effects of confiding
in recluse habits as the ground of an especial sanctity.
The seventh article, ' de potestate ecclesiastica,' distin-
guishes between the functions of the spiritual and secular
Sturmius, Epist. ad Cardinales Belectos (sign. E. 3, Argent. 1538),
extends this remark to the mode of administering the sacrament of
baptism : ' Credo enim et certo sciomajorem apud nos et Eucharistisa
et Baptismo reverentiam adhiberi qnam in illis locis ubi vestra adhuc
consuetudo valet.'
24 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH.
authorities, respecting which, disputes had long been
agitated in all quarters. To the former, as the representa-
tives of the apostles, it assigns the preaching of the Word,
the power of the keys, and the administration of the sacra-
ments ; while the secular princes are to occupy themselves
in protecting the persons and property of their subjects,
and in illustrating the same ordinance of God under a
different aspect. It ends by hinting that the Lutherans had
no wish to wrest the spiritual jurisdiction from the hands
of the lawful bishops, but that schism was likely to ensue
if these persisted in demanding the obedience of the clergy
with the same imperious rigour.
It is finally stated in the ' Epilogue,' subjoined to the
Confession, that the points above enumerated are 'the
principal articles which seemed to be the subjects of con-
troversy ; ' that a longer list of practical abuses might have
been drawn up, extending to the question of indulgences,
of pilgrimages, and the like ; but that, as the Lutherans
had been placed on the defensive, they confined them-
selves to matters respecting which they felt constrained to
speak distinctly, lest a handle should be left for the prevail-
ing imputation, that they had embraced as portions of
their system what was contrary to Holy Scripture or the
Catholic Church. 1
This meagre abstract of the Augsburg Confession is
enough to demonstrate that in presenting it to the imperial
Diet the Reformers had been influenced by a strong desire
to keep within the boundaries of the Latin Church, and to
approximate as closely as possible to doctrines generally
received. 2 Their moderation is peculiarly discernible in
1 Tantum ea recitata sunt, quae videbantur necessaria dicenda esse,
ut intelligi possifc in doctrina ac ca?remoniis apud uos nihil esse
receptum contra scripturam aut ecclesiam catholicam, quia mani-
festum est, nos diligentissime cavisse, ne qua nova et impia dogmata
in ecclesias nostras serperent.' p. 50.
2 Eanke, Reform. III. 270, 271. 'They wished for nothing but
peace and toleration ; they thought they had proved that their
doctrines had been unjustly condemned and denounced as heretical.
Luther brought himself to entreat his old antagonist, the Archbishop
of Mainz, who now seemed more peaceably disposed, to lay this to
heart : Melancthon addressed himself in the name of the princes to
the legate Campeggi, and conjured him not to depart from the
II.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 25
the silence they maintained respecting the encroachment of
the papal power, as well as a long series of abuses in the
penitential system which had stimulated their original
protest. They were now indeed most anxious to assert and
justify their own ecclesiastical position, to keep clear of the
more violent reformers, whether Zwinglian or Anabaptist,
and by following this conciliatory path to win from Charles
V. and from the Romish section of the states at least a
plenary toleration, till their grievances could be authori-
tatively redressed by the assembling of a general council. 1
Yet the gentle measures of Melancthon and his col-
leagues were unable to disarm the rage of their opponents.
Some of the more violent among them advocated an imme-
diate appeal to persecution, in obedience to the edict
that was levelled at the Saxon friar in the Diet of Worms :
but, nevertheless, the counsels of a party more pacific or
forbearing were at last adopted by the emperor. On their
suggestion, a committee of divines, who happened then tc
be at Augsburg, such as Eck, Wimpina, Faber, and
Oochlasus, was appointed to draw up a formal confutation
of the articles which had been recently submitted to their
notice. It was not, however, till the third of August 2
that the princes, who employed them, were induced to
give a hearing to their spirited report. 3 When read in
moderation which he thought he perceived in him, for that every
fresh agitation might occasion an immeasurable confusion in the
Church.' p. 276.
1 The following are the points which were at this time regarded as
indispensable by Melancthon — sacrament in both kinds, marriage of
priests, omission of the canon in the mass, concession of the secu-
larised church-lands, and lastly, discussion on the other contested
questions at a council. Ranke, p. 286. It is worthy of remark that
Hermann, the archbishop of Cologne, was in like manner looking
forward to a general council, and that he was acting in the mean
time provisionally. ' Which thinges neuertheles we set f urth to be
receyued and obserued of men committed to our charge, none other-
wise than as a beginninge of such holie and necessarie a thinge vntil
a generall reformacion of congregacions be made by the holie empire
by a fre, and Christian councel, vniuersall or nationall, etc. 5 Her-
mann's Consultation, sign. Er. ii. Lond. 1547.
. 2 The first draft appears to have been shown to the emperor on the
13th of July, after which it underwent extensive modifications.
3 Ranke, p. 283.
26 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH.
public, it excited tlie applause of all the enemies of
Lutheranisni. 1
This counter-manifesto is most interesting to the
theological student, because it gives an ample opportunity
of judging how far the representatives of the scholastic
system, at a later period of the conflict, were disposed to hold
or to recede from the extreme positions which had proved
offensive to the first reformers. It is found that some
articles of the Augsburg Confession are therein absolutely
approved ; that others are as absolutely rejected ; while the
remnant are in part accepted and in part condemned.
The articles which fall into the first division are those
enunciating the doctrines of the Holy Trinity and the
Incarnation, the necessity of baptism and the efficacy of the
sacraments (the sole objection being that the number
' seven ' is not specified), the mission of the clergy, the
authority of the magistrates, the final judgment, and the
resurrection. We may also add, the article on the holy
Eucharist, with the terms of which no fault is found,,
excepting that the Lutherans are required in explanation of
it to accept the doctrine of concomitance, — in other words,.
to recognise the non-necessity of communion in both kinds.
With refei'ence to those points where approbation was-
most positively withheld, it is important to observe how far
the Romish theologians modified the language of their
masters. They no longer taught that sacraments justify
'ex opere operato,' apart from the volition or the receptivity
of the human subject, nor that works done without grace
are of the same nature as those which are the fruits of the
Holy Spirit. They were far more willing to repudiate all
theories of human merit, and, while censuring the Lutheran
formula of ' sola fides,' they maintained that faith and good
works are the free gifts of Grod, and absolutely nothing
('nulla sunt et nihil,') when compared with the rewards
which He has mercifully attached to them. The Lutheran
1 See it at length in Francke, Append, pp. 41—69. A more
candid statement of objections taken by the Romish party to the
Augsburg Confession is the Consilium of ■ Cochlgeus, presented to the
king of the Romans, at his own request, June 17, 1540 ; in Le Plat, II*
657 — 670 : cf. also the Consultatio of G, Cassander, a.d. 1564, Ibid. VI.
664 sqq.
II.] THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. 27
definition c de ecclesia,' was rejected as seeming to imply
that sinners are in no way members of the Church. Those
also bearing on the invocation of saints, the denial of the
cnp, and the compulsory celibacy of the priesthood, were
assailed by references to Holy Scripture, to the usage of
the Primitive Church, and to the statements of the Forged
Decretals. 1 The propitiatory sacrifice of the mass, the use
of the Latin language, monastic vows, and other kindred
topics, were all similarly re-affirmed and justified by the
citation of authorities : and even where some hope was
given that disciplinary abuses should hereafter be corrected,
there is no abatement of those magisterial claims which
had been long propounded by the Latin Church and recog-
nised by many of its members.
Of the articles accepted in some measure only, one was
that relating to original sin (exception being taken to the
term 'concupiscence') : others were the Lutheran definitions
of confession and of penitence ; the first of which was
censured as too lax ; the second as underrating or denying
the necessity of satisfaction.
It was obvious that the general feeling of the Diet, after
listening to this Confutation, was more hostile than before
to Luther and his party. Charles himself avowed a fierce
determination to proceed as the hereditary champion of the
holy Roman Church : and there is reason for believing
that if he had not been alarmed by the unflinching attitude
of the Elector of Saxony and rumours of a Turkish war,
he would have finally abandoned all attempts at mediation.
As it was, he now consented once again to the suggestions
of the more moderate members of his party, and, on the
16th of August, a conference was opened with a view of
framing some pacificatory scheme, and so of re-establishing
the unity of the Germanic Churches. The reformers were,
on this occasion, represented by Melancthon, Brentz, and
Schnepf. 2
' We are told that the dogmatical points at issue pre-
1 Hardwick's Middle Age, pp. 134 sq. 4th edition.
2 Luther himself was vehemently opposed to some of the con-
cessions of his friends, and on the 20th of September he wrote with
great earnestness forbidding them to proceed with the discussion^
Brtefe, ed. De Wette, it. 171.
28 THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. [CH.
sented no insuperable difficulties. On tlie article of original
sin, Eck gave way as soon as Melancthon proved to
him that an expression objected to in his definition was, in
fact, merely a popular explanation of an ancient scholastic
one. Respecting the article on justification 'through faith
alone,' Wimpina expressly declared that no work was
meritorious if performed without grace ; he required the
union of love with faith, and only in so far he objected to
the word 'alone.' In this sense, however, the protestants
had no desire to retain it ; they consented to its erasure ;
their meaning had always been merely that a reconciliation
with God must be effected by inward devotion, not by
•outward acts. On the other hand, Eck declared that the
; satisfaction which the catholic Church required to be made
by penitence was nothing else than reformation — an
explanation which certainly left nothing further to be
objected to the doctrine of the necessity of satisfaction.
Even on the difficult point of the sacrifice of the mass, there
was a great approximation. Eck explained the sacrifice as
merely a sacramental sign, in remembrance of that which
was offered on the Cross. The presence of Christ in the
Eucharist was not debated. The protestants were easily
persuaded to acknowledge not only a true, but also a real
• or corporal presence. It was certainly not the difference
*in the fundamental conceptions of the Christian dogma
which perpetuated the contest. . . .The real cause of rupture
lay in the constitution and practices of the Church.' 1
The agent of this rupture was the papal legate Cam-
peggi, who, though recognizing the approximation of the
•disputants in point of doctrine, 2 was, on other grounds, the
most implacable of Luther's enemies. He argued that the
ordinances of the Church, to some of which the Lutherans
1 Ranke, III. 306, 307. The truth of this last statement has been
illustrated by the whole history of the papacy. To recognize the
absolute authority of the Roman pontiff was the only indispensable
condition required of our own Church in the time of Queen Elizabeth
(Twysden, Vindication, pp. 198 sqq. Camb. ed.) ; and it is still exacted
with the same rigour from all who submit to the Roman communion.
In the case also of the Russian ' Uniates,' we are told that ' nothing
is required but the one capital point of submission to the pope.'
Mouravieff's Hist, of the Russian Church, p. 142, Engl. Transl. cf.
p. 390 (note). 2 Gieselcr, in. i. 2G0, n. 22.
II.] THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 29
ventured to object, were all dictated by the Holy Spirit ;
and the States, alarmed and irritated by bis representations,
finally decreed, that till the verdict of the long-expected
council, the reformers should appoint no more married
priests ; that they should inculcate the absolute necessity
of confession as practised in former years ; that they should
neither omit the canon of the mass, nor put a stop to
private masses; and, especially, that they should ho]d
communion in one kind to be as valid as in both. 1
It was this arbitrary edict of the Augsburg diet that
extinguished the last hope of reconciliation, hitherto ao
warmly cherished by the moderate of both parties : for
although another effort was eventually made, in 1541,
under the auspices of Gaspar Contarini, whom the pope
deputed as his legate to the colloquy of Ratisbon, 2 it also
was completely thwarted, on the one hand by the arro-
gance and stiffness of the Roman court, and on the other
by the stern uncompromising spirit of the more decided
Lutherans. 3
1 Eanke, ill. 310. The refusal of the Lutherans to comply with
this edict, and the project of a Kecess which was based upon it,
suggested the composition of their second symbolical book, the
Apologia Confessionis ; in which the main points of their system, are
brought out more fully, and in a style less Mediaeval.
2 See the best account in Melancthon's Works, ed. Bretschneider,
iv. 119 sq. The basis of the conference was an essay called the Booh
of Concord or Interim of Ratisbon (Ibid. pp. 190 sq.), so constructed
as to evade as far as possible the most prominent points of difference.
3 The Pope, as usual, had required in the first place the acknow-
ledgment of his own supremacy, but Contarini kept it back till other
questions had been settled. Melancthon and Bucer advocated the-
cause of the Beformers. It is most remarkable that the whole
assembly came to an agreement on the three important articles: of the
state of man before the fall, on'ginal sin, and even justification. The-
friends of Contarini congratulated him on the success of his
endeavours ; and, among others, we find Cardinal Pole addressing him in
these terms : 'When I observed this unanimity of opinion, I felt a
delight such as no harmony of sounds could have inspired me with j.
not only because I see the approach of peace and concord, but because
these articles are the foundation of the whole Christian faith. They
appear, it is true, to treat of divers things, of faith, works, and
justification ; upon the latter, however, — justification — all the rest
are grounded ; and I wish you joy, and thank God that the divines
of both parties have agreed upon that. We hope that He who hath
30 THE AUGSBUKG CONFESSION. [CH. II.
The approbation of the pontiff and of Luther was
equally withheld from the conclusions of that mediating
body ; and a few years after, the council of Trent x was
placing an insuperable bar against all kindred efforts,
by its rigorous definition of the Romish tenets, and its
absolute denunciation of the Lutheran movement.
l)egun so mercifully will complete His work.' Quoted from Pole's
Letters, in Kanke, Popes, I. 164, 165, by Austin, 2nd ed. The pro-
ceedings at Eatisbon were, however, repudiated by Luther in violent
language, and afterwards by some of the Cardinals, and the Pope.
Bncer's remark on this occasion was too sadly verified in the result :
* Most reverend Sir,' he declared to Contarini, who was finally over-
ruled by fresh instructions from Rome, ' the people are sinning on
both sides ; we, in defending some points too obstinately, and you in
not correcting your many abuses.' Beccatelli, Vit. Contarini, apud
■Quirini. Diatrib. in. 110.
1 In the history of the Council we have frequent proofs of the
unreasoning prejudice which all suggestions in the way of Reformation
had to encounter, merely because they seemed to justify the clamours
of the Lutherans. Thus, when the report of the select Committee of
Cardinals was discussed in a full consistory, the following sentiments
of Cardinal Schomberg prevailed : ' II ajouta que par-la Ton don-
neroit lieu aux Lutheriens de se vanter d'avoir force le Pape a cette
reforme ; il iusista beaucoup a faire voir que ce seroit un pas non
seulement pour retrancher les abus, mais aussi pour abolir les bons
usages, et pour exposer a un plus grand danger toutes les choses de
la religion ; parceque la reformation que Ton feroity etant une espece
d'aveu que les Lutheriens avoient eu raison de reprendre les abus
ausquels il avoit fallu remedier, serviroit a fomenter tout le reste de
leur doctrine.' Sarpi, Hist, du Concile de Trent) I. 151, ed. Courayer.
CHAPTER III.
THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536.
T^7E have seen already that the first grand triumph of
the English Reformation was the orderly rejection
of the papal supremacy, in 1534. In carrying out that
measure the intelligent members of the Church had very
generally acqiviesced. But notwithstanding so much har-
mony of action in the outset of the movement, there
existed little or no ground for hoping that its progress
would conciliate an equal share of public approbation.
The Church of England, like all other provinces of
western Christendom, was then agitated by a number of
hostile parties, widely differing in the details of their
system, but reducible under one of two popular descrip-
tions, as the friends of the ' old ' or of the ' new learning.' l
One school symbolized most fully with Stephen Gardiner,
who was promoted to the see of Winchester in 1531; the
other, on excluding the more violent and distempered,
found a champion in archbishop Cranmer, who was
consecrated in the spring of 1533.
1 See Archbishop Laurence, Bampton Lectures, p. 198, Oxf. 1838.
In strictness of language, however, this distinction was untrue, and
as such it was combated by some of the reforming party : ' Surely
they that set asyde the blynde iudgemente of the affeccion, and loke
earnestly vpon the matter, iudge otherwyse of vs : For the olde
■auncient fathers dyd neuer knowe or heare tell of the moost parte of
those thynges whyche oure condempners do teache : than ye maye be
sure that theyr leamynge oughte not to be rekened for olde learnynge
and apostolicall. Farthermore not euery thynge that the olde fathers
wrote sauoureth of the syncerenesse and purenesse of the sprete of
the apostles. Certayn thynges ivhyche were deuised ivythin these
foure hundreth yeares, yee rather euen of late haue bene receaued by
and by of them, as soone as they were made, namely thys is theyr
learnynge and so olde, that they desyre for thys, that the Gospell
almoost shoulde be cast awaye, and counted as a new teachyng and
learnynge.' A Comparison betivene the Olde learnynge and the Newe,
translated out of Latyn unto Englysh by Wyliam Turner, 1538, sign.
A. iii. Cf. Archbp. Cranmer's Works, i. 375, ed. Jenkyns.
32 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH.
In Gardiner we nave a prelate of no ordinary powers ;.
yet, like too many of his great contemporaries, he imagined
that the work of reformation was well-nigh complete, when
the encroachments of the foreign pontiff were successfully
repelled. In that emancipation of the English Church 1
he acted a conspicuous part ; but when he found that the
established creed and ritual of his country were exposed
to fierce assault, and not unfrequently to furious vitu-
peration, he stood forward in the front of the reactionary
(anti-reformation) party, and contested every inch of ground
with equal courage and sagacity.
Cranmer, on the other hand, while ranking high above
his rival in the area and solidity of his learning and his
deep religious earnestness, became the centre of the moral
and doctrinal reformers. He was gradually made conscious
of the errors and abuses in this province of the Christian
Church, and, as befitted his exalted name of ' primate of
all England,' was determined to promote the work of
purification and revival.
It is most unfair, however, to identify the principles of
Cranmer and his party with those of the more sweeping
' Gospellers,' — still less with the positions of a host of
turbulent spirits both at home and on the continent, who
were assailing the more cardinal doctrines of the Bible, and
erecting their eccentric institutions on the ruins of the
papal monarchy. We have seen already that the views
of Luther and. the Wittenberg divines were quite in-
capable of sympathetic union with the bolder and less-
balanced theories of Zwingli ; and the same discrimination
is still needed when we try to ascertain the attitude and
tendencies of men who led the way to reformation in this
country. We discover that the conflict of a Cranmer and
a Gardiner was only one important aspect of a many-sided
struggle, which the Church of England had been destined
to encounter in that stormy crisis.
Very soon after the rejection of the papal supremacy,
a multitude of misbelievers, known by the generic name
1 See his Oration Be Vera Obedientia, with Bonner's Preface, in
Brown's Fasciculus, II. 800 — 820. Doubts have, however, been
thrown upon tho genuineness of the Preface, in Dr. Maitland's
Reformation Essays, No. xvn., No. xvur.
III.] THE ENGLISH AETICLES OF 1536. 33
of 'Anabaptists,' but departing from the Church on almost
every fundamental doctrine, 1 had begun to propagate their
creed in England as in other parts of Europe. As early
as Oct. 1, 1538, a royal commission 'contra Anabaptistas,' 2
stigmatizes them as both pestiferous and heretical, and
excites the primate and his comprovincials to devise
immediate measures for their confutation or extermination.
The injection of these foreign elements could hardly fail
to quicken and exasperate the feuds already raging in the
Church of England. Everywhere was clamour, bickering,
and disquiet. ' Too many there be,' wrote the Homilist, 3
; which, upon the ale-benches or other places, delight to
set forth certain questions, not so much pertaining to
edification, as to vain-glory, and showing forth of their
cunning ; and so unsoberly to reason and dispute, that
when neither part will give place to other, they fall to
chiding and contention, and sometime from hot words to
further inconvenience.' And examples of the taunts and
nicknames bandied round from mouth to mouth are added 4
1 Kanke, for example (Reform. III. 588 seqq.), has an excellent
chapter on the ' Unitarian ' and other Anabaptists. Evidence will be
adduced respecting their extreme heresies when we come to consider
the main classes of misbelievers against whom the XLII. Articles
were levelled.
8 Wilkins, Concil. III. 836 : cf. Mr. Froude's Hist, of England, in.
337 sq., where he gives a letter of warning from Philip, Landgrave of
Hesse, calling upon Henry VIII. to interpose in favour of truth and
social order,
3 Sermon against Contention and Brawling, p. 135, Camb. ed. The
same kind of language is employed in a more nearly contemporary
document, entitled ' The king's proclamation for uniformity in
religion,' cir. a.d. 1536; Wilkins, nr. 810.
4 Ubi sup. Another curious illustration of these disputes has been
preserved in the last speech of Henry VIII., whose object was by
pressure or persuasion to bring about external uniformity : ' Behold
then what love and charitie is amongst you, when the one calleth
another lieretike and Anabaptist ; and he calleth him againe Papist,
hypocrite, and pharisey...I heare daily that you of the cleargie preach
one against another, teach one contrary to another, envying one
against another, without charity or discretion. Some be too stiffe in
their old mumpsimus, other be too busie and curious in their new
sumpsimus. Thus all men, almost, be in variety and discord, and
fewe or none preach truely and sincerely the Word of God according
as they ought to do.' Stew's Chron. p. 590, Lond. 1631.
D
34 THE ENGLISH ABTICLES OF 1536. [CH.
by tlie writer : ' He is a pliarisee, lie is a gospeller, lie is
of the new sort, lie is of the old faith, he is a new-broached
brother, he is a good catholic father, he is a papist, he is
an heretic'
The more minute consideration of this strife of tongues,
which seemed to wax in virulence from day to day, has
been reserved for an ulterior stage of our inquiry. It is
only noticed here to illustrate the title of the earliest code
of doctrine promulgated by the Church of England at
the time of the Reformation. That document consists of
1 Articles to stably she Christen quietnes and unitie amonge
us, and to avoyde contentious opinions.'' 1
The proximate causes of its compilation must be sought
for in the history of the Church in 1536, and more par-
ticularly in proceedings of the southern Convocation, which
assembled on the 9th of June. The lower house at once
determined to draw up a representation of errors 'then
publicly preached, printed and professed ; ' and on the
23rd of June, Richard Gwent, archdeacon of London and
prolocutor, carried their gravamina into the upper house, 2
requesting that order might be taken to stop the further
propagation of all such dangerous positions. In this
report, they are divided into sixty-seven heads ; and though
Fuller, who transcribed them from the records of Con-
vocation, is disposed to view them as ' the protestant
religion in ore,' there is much justice in the criticism
which Collier passed upon his language, viz., that ' unless
we had found a richer vein, it may very well be questioned,
whether the mine had been worth the working.' 3 Fuller
indeed admits, that ' many vile and distempered expres-
sions are found therein ; ' nor is it possible to read the
list without arriving at a clear conviction that profaneness
and dogmatic misbelief were calling for a ' special reform-
ation ' in this quarter also. The majority of the points
adverted to are truly described by Carte, as ' erroneous
opinions, which had been held by the Lollards formerly,
1 These Articles will be found at large in Appendix, No. I.,
together with collations of the several forms in which they have been
recorded.
2 Wilkins, in. 804.
3 ii. 121 j ed. 1714.
III.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OP 1536 35
or started now by the Anabaptists and others.' 1 At the
same time, it must be acknowledged, that in more than
one of the obnoxious propositions, we discern the rudi-
ments of evangelic Christianity ; 2 and in contemplating
these both Cranmer and the more advanced of the reform-
ing party may have felt a secret satisfaction. It is even-
probable that one of the concluding articles of the
remonstrance had been levelled at the primate and his
colleagues ; for the lower house complain, that ' when
heretofore divers books had been examined by persons
appointed in the Convocation, and the said books found
full of heresies and erroneous opinions, and so declared;
the said books are not yet by the bishojjs expressly con-
demned, but suffered to remain in the hands of unlearned
1 III. 137 ; ed. 1752. The following are a few of the objectionable
tenets : ' Divers light and lewd persons be not ashamed or afraid to
say, Why should Tseo the sacring of the high mass ? Is it anything
else but a piece of bread, or a little pretty round Robin ? ' — ' Priests
have no more authority to minister sacraments than the laymen have.'
— ' All ceremonies accustomed in the Church, which are not clearly
■expressed in Scripture, must be taken away, because they are men's
inventions.' — ' A man hath no free will.' — ' God never gave grace nor
knowledge of Holy Scripture to any great estate of rich men, and
they in no wise follow the same.' — ' It is preached and taught that all
things ought to be common.' — 'It is idolatry to make any oblations.'
— ' It is as lawful at all times to confess to a layman as to a priest.'
— ' Bishops, ordinaries, and ecclesiastical judges have no authority to
give any sentence of excommunication or censure, ne yet to absolve
or loose any man from the same.' — ' All sins, after the sinner be once
converted, are made by the merits of Christ's passion venial sins,
ihat is to say, sins clean forgiven.' — ' The singing or saying of mass,
mattens, or evensong, is but a roring, howling, whistling, murmuring,
tomring, and juggling; and the playing at the organs a foolish
■vanity.' — ' It is sufficient and enough to believe, though a man do no
•good work at all.' — ' No human constitutions or laws do bind any
■Christian man but such as be in the Gospels, Paul's Epistles, or the
INew Testament ; and that a man may break them without any
•offence at all.'
4 e.g. 'They deny extreme unction to be a sacrament.' — 'All those
are antichrists that do deny the laymen the sacrament of the altar
sub utraque specie.' — ' Priests should have wives.' — ' There is no mean
place between heaven and hell wherein souls departed may be
afflicted ' (referring to the Mediaeval doctrine of purgatory, and not
to the intermediate state of expectation, as now recognised by the
.English Church).
36 THE ENGLISH AETICLES OF 1536. [CH.
people, which, niinistreth to them matter of argument and
much unquietness within this realm.' 1
"While these and other kindred topics were exciting the
displeasure of the lower house, the bishops in their turn
appear to have been occupied with similar controversies.
They were now divided into nearly equal parties, the one
side advocating further changes, both in doctrine and
discipline ; the other rigorously adhering to a state of
things which they had found predominant at the time of
their consecration, with the sole exception of the papal
monarchy. In the first division, we may reckon Cranmer,
archbishop of Canterbury, Goodrich, bishop of Ely, Shax-
ton, bishop of Salisbury, Latimer, 2 bishop of Worcester,
Fox, bishop of Hereford, Hilsey, bishop of Rochester, and
Barlow, bishop of St. David's. The second consisted of
Lee, archbishop of York, Stokesley, bishop of London,
Tonstal, bishop of Durham, Gardiner, bishop of Winchester,
Sherburne, bishop of Chichester, Kite, bishop of Carlisle,
and Nix, bishop of Norwich.
It was during the first session of this synod, that Crom-
well, who attended in his capacity of ' vicar-general of the
realm,' delivered a significant address, assuring the assem-
bled prelates of the deep concern exhibited by his royal
master for the speedy termination of religious discord.
4 The king studyeth day and nyght,' he says, 'to set a quiet-
nesse in the Churche, and he cannot rest, vntil all such
controuersies be fully debated and ended, through the
determination of you and of his whole parliament. For
although his speciall desire is to set a stay for the vnlearned
people, whose consciences are in doubt what they may
behie, and he himselfe, by his excellent learning, knoweth
these controuersies wel enough ; yet he will suffer no*
common alteration, but by the consent of you and of his-
whole parliament.' 3 He next admonished them in the
1 Wilkins, III. 807.
2 By Cranmer's appointment he had preached the Sermon at th&
opening of the Convocation (Latimer's Sermons, pp. 33 sqq. ed. P.S.),.
and had remonstrated in his out-spoken manner with the rest of his
brother prelates for tolerating superfluous ceremonies and a variety
of superstitions. He had also condemned the ' monster, purgatory,'
and the impious sale of masses : pp. 50, 55.
3 See the speech at le?igth in Fox, p. 1182; ed. 1583. Atterbury
m.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 37
name of Henry, ' to conclude all thinges by the Woord of
God, without all brawling or scolding,' since he would not
.-suffer 'the Scripture to be wrasted and defaced by any
•gloses, any papisticall lawes, or by any authority of doc tours
or counselles, and muche lesse will he admitte any article
or doctrine not conteyned in the Scripture, but approued
onley by continuance of time and olde custome, and by
vnwritten verities.'
A disputation then arose, in which the bishop of Lon-
don, Stokesley, was the principal speaker on one side, and
Cranmer on the other. The characteristic speech of the
archbishop, which has been preserved x with more or less of
accuracy, commences with an exhortation to cease from
debating about words, so long as agreement is obtained
' in the very substance and effect of the matter.' ' There
be waighty controuersies,' he continues, ' nowe mcued and
put forth, not of ceremonies and light thinges, but of the
true vnderstanding, and of the right difference of the lawe
and of the gospell ; of the maner and waye how sinnes be
forgeuen ; of comforting doubtfull and wauering con-
sciences ; by what meanes they may be certified, that they
please God, seeing they feele the strength of the lawe,
accusing them of sinne ; of the true vse of the sacramentes,
whether the outward worke of them doth iustifie men, or
whether we receaue our iustification by fayth. Item, which
be the good workes, and the true seruice and honour which
pleaseth God : and whether the choyce of meates, the
difference of garmentes, the vowes of monkcs and priestes,
and other traditions which haue no worde of God to con-
firme them, — whether these (I say) be right good workes,
and suche as make a perfect Christian man or no. Item,
whether vayne seruice and false honouring of God, and
mans traditions doe binde mens consciences or no ? Finally,
whether the ceremony of confirmation, of orders, and of
annealing, and such other (whiche cannot be proued to be
institute of Christ, nor haue anye worde in them to certifie
(TZiyMs of Convocation, p. 367, ed. 1700) contends that this meeting
of the bishops took place in the year 1537 : but Collier, Burnet, and
others, refer it to the present year : cf. Hardwick's Reform.
p. 182, n. 5.
1 Pox, Ibid.
38 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH.
vs of remission of sinnes) ought to be called sacraments,
and be compared with Baptisme and the Supper of the
Lord, or no ? '
Such statement of the questions more especially de-
manding the attention of the upper house, is an important
illustration of the Articles, to -which those questions led
the way. If we may credit the account of Fox, the
principal debate now turned xipon the meaning of the word
' sacrament,' and on the number of those Christian rites to
which it is legitimately assigned . One speaker Alane, or
Aleskis, 1 a canon of St. Andrew's and a refugee, whom
Cromwell introduced to the assembly as a learned doctor,
went so far as to argue that the term sacrament, though
fairly capable of wider application, should in future be
confined to those ordinances of the Gospel ' which haue
the manifest Word of God, and be institute by Christ to
signify vnto us the remission of our sinnes.' 2 He grounded
this restricted use of ' sacrament,' on the authority of St.
Augustine ; but Fox, bishop of Hereford, who had lately
been commissioned to negotiate with the foreign reformers,
urged the Scotchman to uphold his argument by simple
reference to Holy Scripture ; declaring also that the
Germans had made ' the text of the Bible so playne and
casye by the Hebrue and Greeke tongue, that now many
thinges may be better understand without any gloses at all,
then by all the commentaries of the doctours.' The chief
spokesman of the Medieval party on this question, as on
others, was the bishop of London, Stokesley, who 'en-
deauonred himselfe with all his labour and industry, out
of the old schoole gloses, to maynteyne the seuen sacra-
ments of the Churche.' He was not indeed unwilling to
regard the Bible as the written Word of God, but still
asserted that the Bible had itself commanded us to re-
ceive a number of oral traditions, which may fairly be
1 His true name was Alexander Alane, but, on being driven from
his own country (see Hardwiek's Reform, p. 133, n. 1) lie adopted the
pseudonym Alesius. He seems at one time to have read ' a lecture of
the Scripture' at Cambridge.
2 Fox, p. 1183. It is worth observing that when the bishops were
assembled on the following day, Cranmer sent a message to Alane
' commanding him to abstain from disputation.' Ibid. p. 1184.
III.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OP 1536. 39
denominated ' the Word of God unwritten,' and may-
claim no less authority than that conceded to the Holy
Scriptures.
The destruction of the Convocation-records in the fire
of 1666 prevents us from pursuing these debates through
all their ramifications. It has also left us in complete
uncertainty as to the way in which the spirited remon-
strance of the lower house was handled by the prelates.
Enough, however, is surviving to attest the sad disunion
of the pastors of the Church as well as of the people,
and to illustrate the urgent need of healing and pacific
measures.
It is probable that the discussions in both houses were
followed by a sort of compromise ; for the ' Ten Articles
about Religion,' which grew out of the deliberation of that
synod, bear indubitable traces of conflicting principles, and
must have, therefore, been the fruit of mutual concession.
They seem to have been brought into the Convocation-
bouse by Cromwell, 1 and were probably drawn up by some
committee appointed for the purpose ; but the numerous
variations and corrections existing in the several MS. copies
of tbem leave no doubt that representatives of different
schools of thought had been employed, if not in the con-
struction, at least in the revision, of them. 2
According to one of the present versions 3 they are
entitled ' Articles devised by the King's Highness] etc., and
are said to have been ' also approved by the consent and
determination of the hole clergie of this realme : ' while
another copy 4 describes tbem as ' Articles about Religion,
set out by the Convocation, and published by the King's
authority.' The former of these titles has created a belief
1 Herbert's Hen. VIII., p. 466.
2 An example of this is given by Dr. Jenkyns (Cranmer's Works, I.
XV.) where Tonstal inserted a sanction of the practice of invoking
saints, while Cranmer added a qualification that it must ' be done
without any vain superstition.' Both clauses are retained in the
printed copies.
3 See the edition of Thomas Berthelet (the king's printer), Lond.
1536, reprinted in the Appendix. This was also the title in Fox's
copy, p. 1093.
4 In Burnet, Addend, to Yol. I. 459 sqq. from a MS. in the Cotton
Library (Cleop. E. Y. fol. 59).
40 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH.
that the original document was fashioned by the king him-
self, when he had witnessed the inextricable fends in which
the upper and lower houses were gradually entangled ; nor
is other testimony wanting which will give to such hypo-
thesis an air of plausibility. In the royal ' Iu junctions '
issued during the same year (1536), it is stated that ' cer-
tain Articles were lately devised aud put forthe by the
King's highnesse authority, and condescended upon by the
prelates and clergy of this his realme in Convocation.' 1
In like manner he declares in a letter written at the same
juncture, that the growing discord of the realm constrained
him 'to put his own pen to the book, and to conceive certain
Articles, which were by all the bishops and whole clergy of
the realm in Convocation agreed on as catholic ; ' 2 and he
proceeds to charge the bishops, whom he is addressing,
openly in their cathedrals and elsewhere to read and
declare what he entitles 'our said Articles,' plainly and
without additions of their own.
But though such passages appear to claim the author-
ship of the Articles absolutely for the king himself, it is
most difficult to reconcile that supposition with what is"
stated in the royal Declaration prefixed to them in nearly
all existing copies. Henry there states that being credibly
advertised of the diversity of opinions which prevailed in
all parts of England, he had ' not only in his own person
at many times taken great pain, study, labours, and
travels, but also had caused the bishops, and other the most
discreet and best learned men of the clergy to be assembled in
Convocation, for the full debatement and quiet determination
of the same.'
After weighing all this evidence together, the most
natural inference is, that a rough draft of the Articles was
made by a committee, 3 consisting of the moderate divines
1 Wilkins, in. 813.
2 Ibid. 825. From this passage, without reference to any other,
and with no attempt to weigh the evidence dispassionately, Mr.
Fronde (Hist. in. 67) assigns the whole merit of the document to his
royal hero.
3 Strype (Cranmer, Lib. I. c. xi. ; i. 83, ed. E. H. S.) conjectures
that the Archbishop of Canterbury had ' a great share therein,' but
gives no proof or reason. Archbishop Laurence has noticed a
correspondence between the article on justification and the definition
HI.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 41
of each party, and presided over by the king himself, or
placed in frequent communication with him by means of
the ' vicar-general.' After various modifications had been
introduced to meet the wishes of discordant members, and
the censorship of the royal pen had been completed, 1 the
draft was probably submitted to the upper house of Con-
vocation, and perhaps was made to undergo some further
criticism at the hands of the remaining prelates who had
not assisted in the compilation. There is also ample reason
for concluding that the edition printed by Berthelet, in
1536, contains the most authentic record of the Articles :
partly on account of the correction, in that copy, of errors
which are found in the Cotton Manuscript, and partly from
the subsequent incorporation of the Articles as there printed
with the ' Institution of a Christian Man,' which was made
public in the following year. 2
A further discrepancy of importance has been noticed
in the different copies of the Articles, apart from certain
minor points, to be exhibited hereafter. Of the two lists
of subscriptions as preserved by Collier, one is considerably
shorter than the other. The first was derived from a
Manuscript in the State- Paper Office, from which also he
has printed the copy of the Articles 3 contained in his
' History of the Church.' It may have been intended as a
record for the single province of Canterbury, since we find
in it the signatures of those members only who belonged to
the southern jurisdiction. The second and much longer
list of assentients is transmitted in the Cotton Manuscript 4
contained in Melancthon's Loci Theologici (Bampton Lectures, p. 201,
Oxf. 1838), which, together with the Lutheran tendency of some of
the other Articles, would point to the influence of Cranmer and the
reforming party. Professor Blunt, relying on evidence adduced by
the same writer, believes that Melancthon had a voice in the drawing
up of this document. Reform, p. 186, Lond. 1843.
" * Burnet, in. 237, states that he had seen copies of some portions
of it, with alterations by the king's own hand ; and Dr. Jenkyns adds
(Cranmer, I. xv.) that MSS. corresponding to Burnet's description
are still extant among the Theological Tracts in the Chapter-House
at Westminster.
2 Formularies of Faith, p. vii. Oxf. 1825.
3 Probably one of the earliest drafts, as we may argue from its
incompleteness, and the absence of the royal Declaration. Ibid.
* A fac-simile of the signatures is prefixed to Vol. I. of Dodd's
Church History, ed. Tierney.
42 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH.
alluded to above ; and as that list includes the names of
both the Archbishops, we are almost entitled to conjecture
that in the final sanctioning of the manifesto, the convoca-
tions of Canterbury and York had learned for once to act
in concert, 1 as a kind of national synod.
We may now pass forward from this sketch of the
external history of the Articles, to a consideration of their
purport and contents.
As seen by us, from the position we now occupy, those
Articles belong to a transition-period. They embody the
ideas of men who were emerging gradually into a different
sphere of thought, who could not for the present contem-
plate the truth they were recovering, either in its harmonies
or contrasts, and who consequently did not shrink from
acquiescing in accommodations and concessions, which to
riper understandings might have seemed like the betrayal
of a sacred trust. It is ungenerou s to suppose with Fox,
that both the king and the reforming members of the
council had deliberately consented to adulterate the Gospel,
through false tenderness for ' weakelings, which were
newely weyned from their mother's milke of Rome ; ' and
yet we must allow, on a minute comparison of the fruits of
the discussion with the principles avowed in different
stages of its progress, that the leading speakers on both
sides were often willing to recast or modify their system.
They were treading upon ground of which but few of them
as yet had any certain knowledge, and we need not, there-
fore, wonder if the best among them sometimes stumbled,
or completely lost his way.
A singular example of this want of firmness or con-
sistency is traceable in the conduct of the honest Latimer.
Although a sermon which he preached at the assembling of
the Convocation is distinguished by a resolute assault on
the received doctrine of purgatory, 2 he was ultimately
induced to sign a statement of the Articles in which men are
enjoined to ' pray for the souls of the departed in masses
and exequies, and to give alms to others to pray for them,
whereby they may be relieved and holpen of some part of their
1 Lathbuiy, Hist, of Convocation, p. 125, 2nd ed.
2 See above, p. 36, note (2).
III.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 43
fain^ In the same way, bishop Fox, according to his
namesake, was disinclined to lay stress upon the testimonies
of ' doctors and scholemen, forsomuch as they doe not all
agree in like matters, neither are they stedfast among them-
selves in all poyntes ; ' — a sentiment, in which he was but
echoing the stronger speech of Cromwell. Nevertheless
the names of both are found appended to the document,
wherein it is absolutely enjoined that all bishops and
preachers shall construe the words of Holy Writ according*
to the Catholic Creeds, and 'as the holy approved doctors
of the Church do entreat and defend the same.' 2
If these and other like examples all betray the not.
unnatural oscillation of men's minds, while contemplating
the disputed questions of the Reformation-period, they
evince still more completely both the magnitude and depth
of the disturbing forces which then operated in all quarters.
And the Articles of 1536 are a reflection and expression of
the same internal struggles.
The first of them declares that ' the fundamentals of
religion are comprehended in the whole body and canon of
the Bible, and also in the three Creeds or Symbols : where-
of one was made by the Apostles, and is the common creed
which every man useth ; the second was made by the holy
council of Nice, and is said daily in the mass ; and the
third was made by Athanasius, and is comprehended in
the Psalm Quicunque vult.' It adds that whosoever shall
' obstinately affirm the contrary, he or they cannot be the
very members of Christ and His espouse the Church, but
be very infidels and heretics and members of the devil,
Avith whom they shall perpetually be damned.' It also
recognises the authority of ' the four holy councils, that is
to say, the council of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and
Chalcedonense,' and repudiates the heresies condemned in
all those synods.
This article was probably directed against the tenets of
1 In Collier's copy, most probably an early draft, the language
here italicized -was much softer, but it still involved the doctrine
against which bishop Latimer had protested. It is of course just
possible that Latimer was contemplating only an extreme view of
purgatory, like that repudiated at the end of the same Article.
2 Art. I.
44 THE ENGLISH AETICLES OF 1536. [CH.
the ' Anabaptists,' many of whom denied (as we shall see
hereafter) both the doctrine of the Holy Trinity and of the
Saviour's Incarnation.
The second article relates to the Sacrament of Baptism,
and was still more obviously intended to repel the same
class of misbelievers, as we gather from internal evidence.
It declares that baptism was instituted by our Saviour ' as
a thing necessary for the attaining of everlasting life '
(John iii.) ; that by it all, as well infants as such as have
the use of reason, obtain ' remission of sins, and the grace
and favour of God ; ' that infants and innocents ought to
be baptized, because the promise of everlasting life pertains
to them also ; that dying in their infancy they ' shall un-
doubtedly be saved thereby, and else not ; ' that they must
be ' christened because they be born in original sin,' and
this sin can only be remitted ' by the sacrament of baptism,
whereby they receive the Holy Grhost ; ' that re-baptization
is inadmissible ; that the opinions of Anabaptists and
Pelagians are 'detestable heresies;' that in ' men or children
having the use of reason,' repentance and faith are needed
in order to the efficacy of baptism.
The third article is entitled ' The Sacrament x of
Penance.' By contrasting it with the propositions which
were reprobated at the same time in the Lower House of
Convocation, its bearing on the actual circumstances of
the Church is far more clearly seen. 2 It begins by affirm-
ing that penance is a sacrament instituted by our Lord in
1 Hall {Chron. fol. ccxxviii. ed. 1583) noticed in the new book of
Articles, as one of the most prominent points, that it specially
mentions only three sacraments. This has become a very general
observation ; and the re-introduction of Matrimony, Confirmation,
Orders, and Extreme Unction, with the title of sacraments, into the
Institution of a Christian Man in the following year, is deplored as a
retrogressive step. But Dr. Jenkyns (Cranmer's Works, i. xv.) has
•called attention to a MS. fragment of the Articles of 1536, subscribed
by Cranmer, and other members of the reforming party, in which
the above sacred rites are actually denominated after the manner of
the ' old learning,' though defined in such a way as to distinguish
them entirely from the rest. This circumstance led Dr. Jenkyns to
the conclusion that Stokesley, Gardiner, and others of the anti-refor-
mation school, preferred to remain silent on the subject in 1536,
rather than to adopt those restricted definitions.
2 See §§ 26—31 : Wilkins, in. 805, 806.
HI.] THE ENGLISH AETICLES OF 1536. 45
the ~New Testament as a thing absolutely necessary to
salvation, in the case of sins committed after baptism.
According to it, penance consists of contrition, confession,
and amendment of life. The first of these parts is made
tip of a sorrowing acknowledgment of sin and of a deep
confidence in God's 'mercy, whereby the penitent must
conceive certain hope and faith that God will forgive hini
his sins, and repute him justified and of the number of His-
elect children, not for the worthiness of any merit or work
done by the penitent, but for the only merits of the blood
and passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ.' Respecting the
second part of penance, it declares ' that confession to the
minister of the Church is a very expedient and necessary
mean,' and must in no wise be contemned, for that ' the
words of absolution pronounced by the priest are spoken
by authority given to him by Christ in the Gospel.' As
to the remaining part of penance, — amendment of life, — it
consists in prayer, fasting, almsdeeds, restitution in will
and deed, and all other good works of mercy and charity.
These must be diligently performed in order to obtain
everlasting life, and also to ' deserve remission or mitiga-
tion of pains and afflictions in this world ; ' for though
' Christ and His death be the sufficient oblation, sacrifice,
satisfaction, and recompense, for the which God the Father
f orgiveth and remitteth to all sinners ' the eternal con-
sequences of their sin, the temporal consequences are
to be abated or rescinded by the efforts of the penitent
himself.
The fourth article, entitled the ' Sacrament of the
Altar,' had been similarly levelled at the ' mala dogmata '
condemned in the lower house of Convocation. It declares,
in emphatic language, that ' under the form and figure of
bread and wine, which we there presently do see and per-
ceive by outward senses, is substantially and really com-
prehended the very selfsame body and blood of our Saviour.,
which was born of the Virgin Mary and suffered upon the
cross for our redemption : ' ' that the very selfsame body
and blood of Christ, under the same form of bread and
wine, is corporally, really, and in very substance, exhibited,
distributed and received unto and of all them which receive
the said sacrament ; ' and that as a consequence the holy
46 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH.
sacrament is to "bo used with all due reverence and only
after careful self- examination.
The fifth article defines ' justification ' as ' remission of
our sins, and our acceptation or reconciliation unto the
grace and favour of God, that is to say, our perfect reno-
vation in Christ.' This question had been very warmly
controverted, not only in the continental schools, hut also
in our country ; and the definition here adopted was raosjf"
probably a compromise between the advocates of what is
called the ' Lutheran ' tenet and the tenet stereotyped as
' Roman ' by the Council of Trent. For the ensuing para-
graph asserts that justification is attained by contrition and
faith, joined with charity, ' not as though our contrition,
or faith, or any works proceeding thereof, can worthily
deserve to attain the said justification,' but are required
hy the Almighty as accompanying conditions. He com-
mandeth also, that ' after we he justified we must have
good works of charity and obedience towards God, in the
observing and .fulfilling outwardly of His laws and
commandments.'
The five articles immediately relating to points of faith
are followed by five other articles ' concerning the laudable
ceremonies of the Church ; ' 1 — a designation which included
many topics of the deepest practical moment. Like the
former series of decisions, these are also traceable directly
to the special circumstances of the times, and illustrated in
a greater or less degree by the long list of ' mala dogmata,'
to which attention was before directed.
The first, ' Of Images,' allows the use of statues and
pictures as the ' representers of virtue and good example,
as kindlers and stirrers of men's minds,' specifying the
images of ' Christ and our Lady ; ' hut at the same time
commands the clergy to reform their abuses, 'for else,' it
adds, ' there might fortune idolatry to ensue ; which God
forbid.' It also enjoins the bishops and preachers to
instruct their flocks more carefully with regard to censing,
kneeling and offering to images, ' that they in no wise do
1 In the King's Injunctions (Wilkins, in. 813), after drawing a
like distinction between the two divisions of these Articles, he
charges all ' deanes, persones, vicars, and other curates,' to open and
declare it in their sermons.
III.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 47
it, nor think it meet to "be done to the same images, but
only to be done to God and in His honour.'
The next is entitled ' Of honouring of Saints,' and
while it sanctions a modified reverence of them, partly on
the ground that ' they already do reign in glory with
Christ,' and partly ' for their excellent virtues which He
planted in them,' it is careful to guard against the
supposition that the saints are worthy of the kind of
honour which is due to God Himself.
The next Article, ' Of praying to Saints,' is favourable
to the practice of invoking them, so long as they are viewed
as intercessors, praying with us and for us unto God. It
also adds a specimen of the kind of prayer then believed to
be exempted from the charge of superstition. We are
warned, however, that ' grace, remission of sin, and
salvation,' can be obtained of God only 'by the mediation
of our Saviour Christ, which is the only sufficient Mediator
for our sins ; ' a further caution being added against
supposing that ' any saint is more merciful, or will hear us
sooner than Christ, or that any saint doth serve for one
thing more than another, or is patron of the same.'
The next article embarks upon the general question of
* Rites and Ceremonies,' vindicating many of those in use
from the prevailing accusations on the ground that they
are ' things good and laudable, to put us in remembrance
of those spiritual things that they do signify ; ' yet adding
as before, a sort of caveat or corrective, viz., that 'none of
these ceremonies have power to remit sin, but only to stir
and lift up our minds unto God, by whom only our sins be
forgiven.'
The last article, ' Of Purgatory,' commences by affirm-
ing that ' it is a very good and charitable deed to pray for
souls departed,' resting the observance on the due order of
charity, on the Book of Maccabees, on the plain statements
of ancient doctors, and the usage of the Church from the
beginning. It accordingly insists upon the duty of com-
mitting the departed to God's mercy in our prayers, and of
causing others ' to pray for them in masses and exequies,'
in order to facilitate their rescue from a state of present
suffering. It adds, however, that we know but little either
of their place or of the nature of their pains, and therefore
48 THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. [CH.
that we must refer particulars respecting them to Cod
Himself, ' trusting that He accepteth our prayers for them.'
In the mean time it denounces the most scandalous abuses
' which under the name of purgatory hath been advanced,'
— specifying in the number ' pope's pardons,' and ' masses
said at Scala Cceli.'
It is now impossible to ascertain by what majorities
these articles were finally carried in the two houses of
Convocation. In the longer series of subscriptions there are
eighteen bishops (including Stokesley, but not Gardiner,)
and forty abbots and priors'; while the number of assen-
tients in the lower house is fifty, all of them belonging to
the province of Canterbury. They consist of four deans of
cathedrals, twenty-five archdeacons, 1 three deans of colle-
giate churches, seventeen proctors for the parochial clergy,
and one master of a college. 2 If the two provincial synods
were actually combined on this occasion, as the signatures
of Lee, archbishop of York, and Tonstal, bishop of Durham,
have been thought to indicate (at least with reference to
the prelates) it would follow that the lower house of the
northern Convocation must have either dissented in a body, 3
or else (what is not easy to conceive under all the circum-
stances) the record of their acquiescence was distinct from
that belonging to the southern province.
We may readily imagine that some members of Convoca-
tion would be slow in setting out on a long journey to
London, especially when they foresaw that it would end in
disputations, if it did not actually involve them in fresh
oaths and protests which they could not cordially adopt.
And there is reason to believe that in the northern pro-
vince such reluctance did exist in a peculiar measure. The
' old learning ' was there cherished with unreasoning fond-
ness, so that few, as in the southern and midland counties,
1 It is worthy of note that two of these were Italians, viz., Polydore
Vergil, archdeacon of Wells, and Peter Vannes, archdeacon of
Worcester.
2 Some members of the lower house subscribed in double capacities,
which makes tho official signatures more numerous. Atterbuiy,
Rights of English Convocation, p. 149, ed. 1700.
3 The only exception seems to be the archdeacon oi Chester.,
William Knyght.
£11.] THE ENGLISH ARTICLES OF 1536. 49
had abandoned their belief in the most central of the
Romish dogmas — the papal supremacy. An ' Opinion of
the clergy of the north parts, in Convocation, upon Ten
Articles sent to them,' is printed both in. Strype and
Wilkins ; and although it is not certain that the articles x
adverted to were the identical document which forms the
subject of the present chapter, answers then elicited from
the northern clergy 'in Convocation' testify the deep,
repugnance of that district to the measures of their brethren
in the south. This hatred, based on Mecliceval theories
and wounded superstition, was exasperated by the recent
acts of the civil legislature, which had called upon the
northern clergy to exhibit dispensations granted to them
by the pope. No sooner therefore had the bishops given
orders for circulating 2 the new 'Articles about Religion,'
than the disaffected of all classes flew to arms in vindication
of the ancient system. ' This booke,' as Hall observes, 3
' had specially mentioned but three sacramentes, with the
whiche the Lyncolneshyremen (I mean their ignoraunt
priestes) were offended, and of that occasion depraued the
Kinges doynges.' In the sketches left by him and others
1 They are dated 1536, and from their allusion to Stat. 28 Hen. VIII.
c. 16, respecting dispensations from the see of Rome, must have been
written in the summer or autumn. They prove beyond a doubt that
the northern convocation %cas assembled in this year (cf. Wake, State
of the Church, p. 491) ; whatever be the true mode of solving questions
adverted to above. Besides advocating the extreme view of the papal
jurisdiction, they 'think it convenient, that such clerks as be
in prison, or fled out of the realm, for withstanding the king's
superiority in the Church, may be set at liberty and restored without
danger.' Wilkins, in. 812 ; Strype, Eccl. Mem. i. 247, 248, ed. 1721.
From evidence lately brought to light by Mr. Froude (Hist. ill. 173)
we may gather that these anti-reformation Articles were drawn up
(Nov. 27, 1536) by the insurgent clergy of Yorkshire, assembled in
Convocation at Pontefract; just after archbishop Lee had been
dragged out of the pulpit, where he was preaching against the rebels.
2 They had been charged to do so on every holy-day by the king,
(Wilkins, in. 825), and a mandate of the bishop of Lincoln (Long-
land) enjoins the beneficed clergymen to avoid all controversial
topics, and to preach four times a year, 'secundum Articulos, qui
nuper per serenissimam regiam majestatem, ac totum hujus regiii
Anglias clerum in convocatione sua sanciti f uere.' Ibid. 829.
3 Chronicle, fol. ccxxviii. ed. 1583. For a graphic picture of the
whole struggle, see Froude, Hist. in. 95 sq.
E
50 THE ENGLISH AKTICLES OF 153G. [CH.
of the frightful insurrection which, now blazed in every
town and village to the north of the Trent, we see how
strong and general was the feeling that the bishops would
not rest until they had completely undermined the funda-
mental doctrines. 1
. One of the last incidents connected with the publica-
tion of the Ten Articles grew out of this rebellion in the
north. To do away with the suspicion of abetting heresy,
to satisfy the formidable insurgents that the document in
question had been duly sanctioned by the Church, and was
accordingly no wanton innovation of the monarch or his
council, printed copies of it were liberally dispersed by
the commander of the royal forces, who had also with him
the original work as signed and authorized in Convo-
cation. 2
But this early set of articles was virtually superseded
in the course of the next year (1537), on the appearance of
a second Formulary of Faith, entitled the ' Institution of a
Christian Man.' On it, however, many of the Articles of
1536 had been substantially engrafted ; and as the new
work never gained the formal sanction 3 either of Convoca-
tion or the Crown, those articles were really in force until
supplanted by the ' Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for
any Christian Man,' set forth as late as 1543. 4
1 Collier, ii. 131.
2 Strype, Cranmer, I. 84, ed. E. H. S.
8 Jenkyns' Cranmer, i. xviii. and the ' Letter ' there referred to.
The Institution was drawn up by a number of Commissioners (Collier
most erroneously affirms three years before its circulation, II. 139) ;
but never regularly submitted to Convocation ; and although published
by the king's printer, it was not, like the former book of Articles,
provided with a preface by his Majesty, commanding it to bo received
by his subjects. Being thus destitute of the royal authority, it was
called the Bishops' Book. It consists of an Exposition of the Creed,
the Seven Sacraments, the Ten Commandments, the Paternoster,
Ave-Maria, Justification, and Purgatory. The introduction to it is
no more than a letter from the Commissioners to the king announcing
its completion. This drew from him a very guarded answer (Jenkyns'
Cranmer, I. 188) which, while assenting to the publication of the
Bishops' Book, docs not commit him to a full sanction of the contents.
4 This work (the King's Boole) is on the whole a revised edition of
the Bishops' Book, although (as Collier observes) 'it seems mostly
to lose ground, and reform backwards' (n. 191: cf. Prof. Blunt's
III.] . THE ENGLISH AETICLES OF 1536. 51
Reform, pp. 190 sqq.) Unlike its predecessor, however, it was not
only drawn up by a committee of Divines, but actually approved in
Convocation, and enjoined by a royal mandate: Wilkins, in. 868;
Jenkyns' Cranmer, i. xxxvii. ; cf. i. 188, 189 (note). This account
of the authority of the two ' Books ' is the reverse of what has been
commonly received; but it is well supported by Dr. Jenkyns, and
seems to me the only hypothesis which is capable of explaining all
the evidence on the subject. Respecting Burnet's strange mistake,
eee Abp. Laurence, Bampt. Led. i. note (4) .
CHAPTER IV.
THE XIII. ARTICLES :— CONFERENCES WITH
THE LUTHERAN REFORMERS.
""VTOTHLTSTG- was more natural in the earlier stage of
■*-* Reformation than the strong anxiety evinced by many
of the English to secure the good opinion of their fellow-
workers in Germany. They all had felt the pressure of the
papal yoke ; they had lamented, each in his own province
of the Christian Church, the rank and deadly weeds which
had been mingled with the true religion ; they had all
embarked with equal earnestness of purpose on the same
remedial project ; and, despairing in the end of a ' true
general council,' they had simultaneously arrived at the
conclusion that it was the paramount duty of 'every
prince to redress his own realm.' 1
The greatest obstacle in the way of friendly intercourse
had been the quarrel which broke out in 1521 between
Henry VIII. and Luther ; but as neither of the combatants
appeared unwilling to forget his early fulminations, the
estrangement could no longer be regarded as incurable.
A positive bond of union was moreover furnished by the
partiality which Henry afterwards conceived for Luther's
chief companion. As early as the spring of 1534, Melanc-
thon was invited to come over and assist in the reforming*
of the English Church, — an invitation which appears to
have been warmly supported by the King himself on many
subsequent occasions. 2 Henry saw that while Melancthon
and his colleagues were possessed by the idea of national
1 Cf. the Causes why the Germans did not recognise the Council of
Mantua (quoted above, pp, 11, 12), with the contemporary Protestation
of the English on this subject, in Fox, p. 1085.
2 Archbp. Laurence, Bampton Lectures, Serm. i. noto (3) : Serm.
ti. note (3). In 1538, Henry wrote as follows to tlio Elector of
Saxony; 'Pro his, quae feliciter agi ccepta sunt, folicius absolvcndis
concludendisque expectamus, ut Dominum Philippum Mclancthonem,
in cujus excellenti eruditione et sano judicio a bonis omnibus multa
epes reposita est, doctosque alios et probos viros, primo quoque
tempore, ad nos niittat.' Seckendorf, Histor. Luther. Lib. III. § 66;
€H. IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 53
independence, and contended also for the primitive faith,
they felt no sympathy with the licentiousness and misbelief
which sometimes followed in the track of reformation both
at home and on the continent. The Saxons had, for
instance, kept aloof entirely from the wild and rationalistic
speculations of such men as Carlstadt ; they had vigorously
opposed the fermentation of political theories which resulted
in the ' Peasants' War ; ' they had repudiated the whole
swarm of sectaries who bore the name of 'Anabaptists.'
Their main principles had thus been vindicated in the eyes
of all candid critics ; and therefore we are not surprised to
witness the increasing confidence reposed in them by many
of our cautious fellow-countrymen who had no dealings
with the school of Zwingli and the other 'Swiss' reformers.
A perception of this common basis in religious matters,
aided by strong reasons of diplomacy, suggested the com-
mencement of negociations with ' the princes of the Augs-
burg Confession,' as early as the year 1535. The first
English envoy sent among them was Robert Barnes, the
victim, only five years later, of his predilection for the new
opinions. He was followed to Germany in the autumn of
1535 by Bishop Fox and Dr. Heath, 1 who found the
Lutheran States in anxious consultation respecting the
religious and political alliance entered into at Schmalkald
in 1534 The message of the English monarch, as delivered
by the delegates (Dec. 24), was gratefully acknowledged
by the members of the ' Schmalkaldic League,' who signified
their readiness to take him into their confederacy on his
acceding to the usual conditions. Of these the most im-
portant was that he should publicly adopt, or should at
least approve in general terms, 2 the true doctrine of Christ,
add. I : Francof . 1692 : cf. Ratzeberger's Hanclschr. Geschichte uber
Luther, etc., ed. Neudecker (Jena, 1850), pp. 79, 80. Melancthon was
finally appointed divinity professor at Cambridge (May, 1553), but
owing to the death of Edward never came into residence.
1 Strype, Eccl. Mem. I. 225 — 228. They had an interview with
Pontanus and Burckhardt, Dec. 15 : Melancthon. Opp. II, 108, ed.
Bretschneider.
2 The English were required to conform to the Confession and
Apology, ' nisi forte qusedam ... ex verbo Dei merito corrigenda aut
mutanda videbuntur.' Eanke, ill. 661 : cf. Strype, ubi sup. Append.
No. ixiv.
54 THE XIII. AETICLES : — [CH.
as laid down in the Confession of Augsburg, and hereafter
join them, in defending it, under the title of ' Patron and
Protector of the League.'
This project, full of most momentous bearings, seems
to have been frustrated almost entirely through the arts of
bishop Gardiner, 1 then acting as ambassador at the court
of France. He represented that the King would be so
entangled by this treaty in the affairs of the German nation
as to be unable without their consent ' to do what the
Word of God shall permit ; ' that as Henry was ' head of
the Church of England,' by the authority of Scripture, so
the emperor was ' head ' of the Germanic Churches ; and
that consequently princes who were subject to his jurisdic-
tion ought not to combine for public objects without his
consent. By these and other arguments, applied with his
peculiar tact, the bishop of "Winchester succeeded in restrain-
ing the alacrity of his master, and eventually defeated the
intentions of the League. At present, it is true, the
language of the English monarch, though less cordial than
his first communication, opens out some distant prospect
of success. He does not absolutely decline the honour
proffered to him by the German princes, but postpones the
acceptance of it, until ' agreement shall be had betwixt him
and their Orators,' respecting the particular terms of a
religious union. ' For it should not be sure nor honourable
for his Majesty, before they shall be with his Grace agreed
upon a certain concord of doctrine, to take such a province
upon his Highness. And forasmuch as his Majesty desireth
much that his bishops and learned men might agree with
theirs ; but seeing that it cannot be, tmless certain things in
their Confession and Apology shotdd o\j their familiar con-
ferences he mitigate; his Grace therefore would their Orators,
and some excellent learned men with them, should be sent
hither, to confer, talk, and common upon the same.' 2
But while Henry was thus faltering on the subject of
communion with the German League, a conference had
been opened on the spot between the English delegates and
a committee of Lutheran theologians. Luther was himself
a party to it from the first, and Melancthon came soon
1 Strype, Ibid. 22G, and Appoud. No. txv.
a Strype, Ibid. Append. No. lxvi. p. 163.
IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 55
afterwards 1 (Jan. 15, 1536). The place of meeting was at
Wittenberg, in the house of Pontanus (Brack), the senior
chancellor of Saxony, where Fox dilated on the Lutheran
tendencies of England, and more especially of his royal
master.
An account has been preserved in Seckendorf 2 of certain
Articles of Religion, which were drawn up by the mediating
party in the winter of 153g. Of these one article has
reference to the Lord's Supper, and is merely an expanded
version of the Augsburg definition ; a second absolutely
denies that ' any primacy or monarchy of the Roman bishop
doth now obtain, or ever hath obtained, by Divine right.'
The Germans had moreover insisted very strongly on the
abolition of all private masses, and the relaxation of the law
for enforcing clerical celibacy ; but on these, as well as on
some other points pertaining to the ritual and organisation
of the Church, the English were not authorised to give the
same degree of satisfaction.
In the following year (1536) the conferences, at least in
their religious bearing, went on still more slowly ; 3 for the
Wittenberg divines were losing confidence in Fox, and saw
good reason for suspecting the motives of his master, who
appeared to them more anxious to secure political advan-
tages, or their assent to the propriety of his divorce, than
to facilitate the progress of true religion or the purification
of the Western Church. 4
It seems, however, that in 1538 the apprehensions of a
continental war, combining with the earlier causes, had
1 See his communication to Burckhardt ; Opp. III. 26.
2 Comment, de Lutheran. Lib. in. § xxxix. : ' Extat elaborata a
Wittenbergensibus, acceptata etiam et domum reportata a legatis
Anglicis, repetitio et exegesis qumdam Augustomce Confessionis,' p. in,
Erancof. 1692. These Articles are said to exist both in Latin and
German: Melancthon, Opp. in. 104, note (2). An expression in a
letter dated Nov. 28, 1536, implies that either the same Articles
revised, or a fresh compilation, were again recommended by the
English to the notice of their Saxon friends, III. 192.
3 On the 9th of March the divines were engaged in purely doc-
trinal discussions (Ibid. in. 45) ; and on the 30th, after much
hesitation, they had agreed ' de plerisque.' On the 24th of April the
English ambassadors departed.
4 Strype, Ibid. 229, 230.
56 THE XIII. ARTICLES : [CH.
induced hiin to reopen his negociation with the Germans,
and to press for his admission to the League with a
redoubled earnestness. The ' princes of the Augsburg Con-
fession ' had assembled early in the year at Brunswick,
whither he despatched a confidential messenger, with some
preliminary questions. He spoke ' of his Christian zele and
propension of mind towards the Word of God, and of his
desire to plant the sound doctrine of Christian religion in
his kingdoms, and wholly to take away and abolish the
impious ceremonies of the bishop of Rome.' 1 But as the
Germans still persisted in demanding that all who entered
the confederacy should recognise the truth of their Con-
fession, Henry begged them to fulfil their former promise,
and send over a legation of divines (including his peculiar
favourite Melancthon), 2 to confer on the disputed points
with a committee of English theologians. In this overture
the Lutheran princes readily acquiesced, except as it con-
cerned Melancthon, who was more than ever needed in his
own country to assist in the deliberations of the State and
give instructions to the University of Wittenberg. The
persons actually chosen for this mission were Francis Burck-
hardt, vice-chancellor to the elector of Saxony ; George
Boyneburg, 3 a nobleman of Hesse, and doctor of laws ; and
Frederic Mekum or Myconius, ' superintendent ' (quasi-
bishop) of the Church at Gotha. Burckhardtwas the head
of the legation and bore with him a commendatory letter to
King Henry, dated May 12, 1538. 4 The English monarch
is therein implored to fix his eyes upon the imminent perils
of the Church, and aid in framing measures which may
tend at once to the establishing of firm consent among
the friends of Reformation, and also to dissuade some
other European princes from participating in the papal
cause.
As soon as this Lutheran embassy arrived, a small
committee, consisting of three bishops 5 and four doctors,
1 Strype, Ibid. I. 329.
3 Herbert, Life of Henry VIII. p. 4-94.
8 On this person, see Rommels, Phillip der Grossmilthigc, I. 26.
4 Strype, Ibid. App. No. xciv.
6 Cranmer and Tonstal were of the number, and represented
different schools. Herbert, p. 495.
IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 57
was nominated by the King, to act as organs of the Chnrch
of England. The whole course of the discussion was
apparently determined by the plan and order of the Augs-
burg Confession ; and we learn that points of faith had
been alone sufficient to engage the interest of the dis-
putants for nearly two months. 1 Although it is not easy
to trace out the several steps of this important conference,
there is reason for supposing that the delegates arrived
at an agreement on the fundamental doctrines of the
Gospel, and proceeded ' to put their articles in writing. ' 2
Strype asserts that queries of the King were all submitted
in the first instance to the ' Orators ' (for so the German
envoys were commonly entitled), and that after the replies
had been returned they were examined by the English
committee. 3 Be this, however, as it may, the fact of their
ultimate accord, respecting the more central points of
Christian faith, is stated in a letter addressed by Myconius
to Cromwell, 4 a short time before his departure (Sept. 7,
1538).
Still their labours in the second province of investiga-
tion did not lead to such an amicable issue ; Henry was
inexorable in his demands, and when the Germans took
their leave of him he clung to many of the errors and
abuses against which they had been contending from the
first with unabated sternness. These ' abuses ' were — the
prohibition of both kinds in the administration of the
Lord's Supper, the custom of private propitiatory masses,
and the absolute injunction of clerical celibacy. 5 Cranmer
had long striven but in vain to interest the English section
1 See the Brevis Summa of the Germans, in Strype, App. No. xcvi.,
where they also inform us that ' they could not stay for the rest of
the disputation concerning abuses;' p. 261. This account tallies
with a letter of Cranmer (No. ccxxx. ; i. 261, ed. Jenkyns), dated
Aug. 18, in which he states that the ' Orators of Germany ' durst not
tarry, ' forasmuch as they have been so long from their princes,' and
were fully determined to depart within eight days from that time-
However, they were finally induced to remain a month longer.
2 Cranmer's Letters, ubi sup. and p. 264.
3 Eccles. Memor. I. 330 : cf. Original Letters, ed. P. S. pp. 612 613.
4 In Sfcrype's Eccles. Memor. I. Append. No. xcv.
5 See the ' Judgment concerning Abuses,' composed by the German
•envoys on this occasion. Ibid. No. xcvi.
58 THE XIII. ARTICLES : [CH»
of the conference in this part of the discussion ; for in a
letter to Cromwell (Aug. 23) he remarks that when the
Orators of Germany were anxious to proceed ' in their
book, and entreat of the abuses, so that the same might
"be set forth in writing as the other articles are,' he had
' effectiously moved the bishops thereto,' but they made
him this answer : ' That they knew that the King's Grace
hath taken upon himself to answer the said Orators in that
behalf, and therefore a book is already devised by the
King's majesty ; and therefore they will not meddle with
the abuses, lest they should write therein contrary to that
the King shall write.' 'Wherefore,' he continues, 'they
have required me to entreat now of the sacraments of
matrimony, orders, confirmation, and extreme unction;
wherein they know certainly that the Germans will not
agree with us, except it be in matrimony only. So that I
perceive that the bishops seek only an occasion to break:
the concord.' 1
The 'book ' alluded to by Cranmer in this passage
was actually drawn by Henry, with the aid of bishop
Tonstal, 2 one of the committee who was still devoted to
the ' old learning.' It indicates, what the archbishop had
on other grounds good reason for suspecting, that the anti-
reformation party had of late been gaining fresh ascend-
ancy at court, 3 and that, however much the King was
willing on some points to acquiesce in Lutheran definitions,
there was little or no hope of weaning him from other
vices in the doctrine and administration of the Church.
It is most true that, on the eve of their departure, he in-
vited the envoys to return to England, for the purpose of
considering afresh those points in which the conference
was divided ; and in the letter which Melancthon wrote
to him, 4 March 26, 1539, an expectation is indulged, that
as he had begun to take away ' wicked superstitions,' he
would abolish such as still remained : but in the mean-
while Henry's feelings had been more and more estranged
from every class of continental reformers ; and when
1 Works, r. 263, 2(5 i ; ed. Jenkyns.
8 In Burnet, i. Add. Nos. 7, 8.
3 Prof. Blunt's Reform, p. 189, note (5).
4 In Strype, I. Appen. No. CI.
IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 5$
Burckkardt and his friends renewed their visit to this-
country in the spring of the following year, 1 the power of
Gardiner was found sufficient not only to defeat all fresh
negociations with them, 2 but to carry in the southern
Convocation and in Parliament the 'Act for the Abolishing
of Diversity of Opinions,' or, as it is not unfrequently
entitled, the 'Bloody Statute of the Six Articles.' 3
Our present object does not make it necessary for us
to investigate the origin of those Six Articles, or to ex-
patiate on the persecutions which for several months at
least accompanied their enactment. An inquiry more-
congenial to our pui'pose is suggested by the mission of
the Wittenberg reformers. We have seen that traces are-
surviving of a partial disagreement between them and the
committee of English theologians ; yet we also know that
union was effected to a very great extent, and that a
number of Articles were actually compiled as the result
of their deliberations on the leading points of Christianity.
A manifesto embodying this agreement is of special
interest to all students of the Reformation both in England
and in Germany ; and at length it has been, for the first
time, placed within their reach by the researches of a
living writer. In looking for remains of Archbishop Cran-
mer, Dr. Jenkyns discovered among a bundle of papers
1 Strype, Eccl. Mem. I. 341.
2 In a document drawn up on this occasion (Strype, Eccl. Mem. i_
341; Collier, II. 171), it is remarkable how far the Lutherans were
disposed to make concessions in favour of the 'older learning;' cf.
Luther's Schri/ten, XVII. 342—345 : ed. 1745.
3 This ' whip withe sixe stringes,' as Hall terms it— though Dr.
Maitland (Reform. Essays, No. xn.) represents it as comparatively in-
operative — enforces a belief in the following articles : (i) of transub-
stantiation, or the entire physical change of the elements in the-
eucharist, (2) the non-necessity of communion in both kinds, (3) the
sinfulness of marriage after receiving the order of priesthood, (4) the
absolute obligation of the vows of chastity or widowhood, (5) the pro-
priety and necessity of 'private masses,' (6) the expediency and
continual obligation of auricular confession. (Stat. 31° Hen. VIII.
c. 14). All these dogmas, excepting, perhaps, the first, refer to
recent negociations with the Germans, and on that account are
strongly censured by Melancthon, in a letter addressed by him to the
English monarch, Sept. 22, 1539. Fox, pp. 1172 sqq. ; cf. Melanc-
thon, Op<p. in. 783, 784.
CO THE XIII. ARTICLES : [CH.
belonging to that prelate, a thin folio manuscript, entitled,
' ABoke conteynwg clivers Articles cle Unitate Dei et Trinitata
Personarum, cle Peccato Originali,' etc. He informs us,
that the other documents tied up in the same bundle relate
chiefly to negociations with the Lutheran envoys in the
year 1538 ; and believes that the 'Articles ' were those
agreed upon at the conference held in London at that
time. ' The ' boke ' itself is manifestly founded on the
Confession of Augsburg, often following it very closely,
and departing from it exactly in those instances where the
mixture of English and German theology might have been
expected to cause a variation. It is also in Latin, and this
circumstance adds to the probability of its having been
composed in concert with foreigners ; for such other
Formularies of this reign as were designed for domestic use
are in English. And, lastly, the only Article, namely, that
on the Lord's Supper, which there is an opportunity of
comparing with the conclusions approved by Fox and
Heath in Germany, is word for word the same. ' 1 This
argument is further strengthened by the circumstance
that the manuscript Articles do not embrace any of those
topics on which the English and German delegates had
failed to arrive at a perfect understanding; while three
other separate papers, 2 also in Latin, of the same general
form, and of nearly the same length, refer to points which
were then actually disputed, and are probably the drafts of
articles not accepted by the Lutheran divines.
But other reasons may be urged for drawing the atten-
tion of the reader to the Thirteen Articles of 1538. They
will not only indicate the disposition of our leading re-
formers to acquiesce in the dogmatic statements which had
been put forward in the Augsburg Confession, but have
also a prospective bearing of still more importance, as.,
1 Cranmer's Works, I. xxii. xxiii.
2 Ibid. iv. 292 sqq. This bundle was re-examined for the benefit
of the present work. It was found to contain, among other valuable
pieces, the exposition of the 'Sacrament of Confirmation,' contained
in the Institution of a Christian Man (which is said to have been
' agreed upon communi consensu ') .- and also ' Certen Articles ad-
mytted in Germany,' endorsed by Sir Ralph Sadleyr, who became
Secretary of State in 1540. The latter document seems to be an
abstract of one alluded to above, p. 59, n. 2.
IV.] THE LUTHERAN CONFERENCES. 61
in many ways, the ground-work of Articles now in nse.
Wo one can deny that the compilers of the Forty-two
Articles in the reign of Edward VI. drew largely from the
Lutheran formulary of 1530; but the recent discovery of
the Thirteen Articles has made it probable that such
derivation, instead of being (as was hitherto supposed)
direct, took place entirely through the medium of the
Anglo- German channel. This conclusion is supported by
the fact, ' that the expressions in Edward VI.'s Formulary,
usually adduced to prove its connection with the Confession
of Augsburg, are also found in the Book of Articles ; while
it contains others, which can be traced as far as the Book
of Articles, but which will be sought for in vain in the
Confession of Augsburg.' From what is known of their
general character, the framers of the Edwardine Articles
would be ' anxious, in the execution of their undertaking,
to meet, if possible, the views of their brethren on the
continent, as well as of their countrymen at home ; and
they could scarcely pursue a surer method of attaining-
their object than by borrowing from a form of doctrine
already approved by both.' 1
The Articles thus serving as a species of connecting-
link between the Formularies of the two countries are
distributed under the following heads : (1) De Unitate Dei
et Trinitate Personarum ; (2) De Peccato Originali ; (3)
De duabus Christi naturis : (4) De Justificatione ; (5) De
Ecclesia ; (6) De Baptismo ; (7) De Eucharistia; (8) De
Pcenitentia ; (9) De Sacramentorum usu ; (10) De Minis-
tris Ecclesioe ; (11) De Bitibus Ecclesiasticis ; (12) De
Rebus Civilibus ; (13) De Corporum Resurrectione et
Judicio extremo.
An opportunity of comparing this new series with the
Augsburg Confession on the one hand, and the subsequent
English Articles on the other, is provided in a separate
Appendix " to the present volume ; but a cursory persual
of them is sufficient to convince the reader, with how much
fidelity they have adhered, in their arrangement and their
substance also, to the elder of those Formularies, and at
1 Ibid. i. xxiv.
8 See App. No. n.
62 THE XIII. AKTICLES : [CH.
the same time how distinctly they anticipate materials
made available in the composition of the later.
The first of the XIII. Articles, though bearing a
different title, is almost a verbal copy of Art. I. of the
Augsburg Confession, and includes the first of the XLII.
Articles.
The second cori'esponds with Art. II. of the Augsburg,
but, like the eighth of the XLII. Articles, it speaks of
' peccatum originale ' instead of ' peccatum originis,' and
contains the expression ' originalis justitia,' which is not in
the Augsburg series.
The third is identical with Art. III. of the Augsburg,
and includes the second of the XLII. Articles.
The fourth is a much longer statement on the subject
of justification than Art. IV. of the Augsburg ; yet both
affirm that men are accepted by God ' gratis propter
Christum per fidem.' The English definition is, however,
different in some measure from the German, including,
like the Articles of 1536, the thought of 'true renovation
in Christ ' as equivalent to ' remission of sins.' This
Article also embodies a portion of Arts. V. and VI. of the
Augsburg, but has no expressions in common with the
corresponding Articles of 1553.
The fifth is a considerable departure from Art. VII. of
the Augsburg, though manifestly copying some expressions
from thence, as also from Art. VIII. It views the Church
under two aspects, either as completely holy and as the
mystical body of Christ, or as the congregation of those
who have been baptized and not excommunicated. This
latter it describes as the Catholic and Apostolic Church
composed of all national and particular Churches, exactly
in the Spirit of the 'Institution of a Christian Man.' No
trace exists in it of the twentieth Article of 1553 (the
nineteenth of our present series) ; but, what is remarkable,
it includes the thirty-third and the twenty-seventh of the
Edwardine code, employing language in both cases which
is not found in the Augsburg Confession.
The sixth, on the subject of Baptism, is much fuller
than Art. IX. of the Augsburg scries, though stating
precisely the same doctrine. It seems to have much in
common with the Articles of 153G, and, so far as language
IV.] THE LUTHEKAN CONFERENCES. 63
is concerned, has no affinity whatever with the twenty-
eighth of the Eclwardine Articles.
The seventh is also an expansion of Art. X. of the
Augsburg series, and agrees verbatim, with the statement
on the Eucharist adopted in Germany during the Con-
ferences of 1535. It has no terms in common with the
twenty-ninth of the XLII. Articles.
The eighth is a diffuse and for the most part an
original essay on ' Penitence.' It may however be com-
pared with Arts. XI. and XII. of the Augsburg.
The ninth, respecting the efficacy of the sacraments,
has much in common with Art. XIII. of the Augsburg
series, but far more with the twenty-sixth of the XLII.
Articles, where the language is almost identical. 1
The tenth, though bearing a different title, is based
upon Art. XIV. of the Augsburg series, and agrees still
further with the twenty-fourth of the XLII. Articles.
The eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth, are long disser-
tations, in the main agreeing with Arts. XV. XVI. and
XVII. of the Augsburg ; but, if we except a few general
sentiments, they have no parallels whatever in the later
English Articles.
It is worthy of a passing notice, that rough drafts of
different parts of the above document exist in our public
repositories ; some exhibiting corrections in the handwriting
of archbishop Cranmer, and one in the handwriting of the
King himself. Until the recent discovery of the copy
containing the XIII. Articles in their collected form, it
had been usual to assign those drafts to labours of a select
committee appointed in April, 1540, to prepare a ' Declara-
tion of the principal Articles of the Christian belief.' a
Henry had been now considerably propitiated by the
burning of unhappy ' Gospellers,' who dared to speak
1 A fuller example of this adoption of much older theology may be
remarked in the Homilies for the Passion and the Resurrection,
■which had appeared almost verbatim in Taverner's Postils, as early
as 1540.
2 Archbp. Laurence, Bampton Lectures, Serm. i. note (5). The
.names of the Commissioners are given in Strype (Mem. of Craniner,
i. 173), who describes them as 'generally learned and moderate
men.' Gardiner was not of the number.
64 THE XIII. AETICLES : — [CH.
against the ' Six Articles.' He tad even manifested a
fresh desire to mediate between the two rival schools,
denouncing the ' rashness and licentionsness of some, and
the superstition and stiffness of others:' 1 yet there is no
satisfactory evidence to show that the commissioners ever
undertook a compilation such as that above described.
The patient Strype, who has collected six of the Articles, 2
and who assigns them to this new committee, confesses,
notwithstanding, that many of the accompanying papers
were ' drawn up by the divines for the King's use' in the
discussions with the German envoys. 3 And it may be
doubted whether the same statement does not equally apply
to all the definitions of Christian doctrine which he has
preserved in his ' Appendix ;' for besides the fact that they
are drawn in Latin, which might favour this conjecture, the
indubitable records of the commission organised in 1540
refer almost entirely to ' Questions and Answers concerning
the sacraments, and the appointment and power of bishops
and priests.' 4 Fox, indeed, intimates that 'a Book of
Articles' was then completed in accordance with the views
of Cranmer, but no perfect Formulary answering his de-
scription is now extant ; and if such a work existed, it
appears to have been speedily abandoned or suppressed,
before obtaining either royal or ecclesiastical sanction. A
corroboration of this view, which is suggested partly by the
absence of the document itself, and partly by the lack
of other historical testimony, may be also gathered
from the Injunctions of bishop Bonner in 1542, 5 who di-
rected his clergy to procure and study ' The Institution of a
Christian Man;' which he could hardly have dared to do in
this public manner had there been a later work invested
with supreme authority. It is however a possible supposi-
1 Strype, Ecd. Mem. i. 356.
2 ' De ecclesia,' ' de justificatione,' ' de eucharistia,' ' de baptismo,'
' de poeniteutia,' ' de sacramentoram usa : ' Eccl. Mem. x. App. No.
oxii., where they are printed with notes of the King in the margin.
They present considerable variations in language, but accord in
doctrine (so far as they go) with the XIII. Articles.
3 Mem. of Cranmer, I. 179.
4 Ibid. App. Nos. xxvi.*, xxvir., xxvin., xxvm. * ; cf . Cranmer's
Works, ed. Jenkyns, I. xxiii. (note), xxix. sqq.
Quoted by Dr. Jenkyns, ubi supra.
IV.] THE LUTHEEAN CONFEEENCES. 65
tion, and "by no means inconsistent with the view here
advocated, that the Articles of 1538 were partially revived
two years later by means of this commission. The opera-
tion of the 'bloody statute' was suspended in 1540, as Ave
know from various sources, among others from a further
correspondence, which took place in the spring of that
year, between Henry VIII. and the Germanic princes. At
the request of Henry a fresh series of well-digested
arguments was forwarded to him by certain of the
Lutheran theologians; 1 but no traces of the correspondence
have been found after April 12, 1540. The same con-
struction was, perhaps, implied in the spring of 1543, when
the repressive Act 2 ' for the advancement of true religion '
led the way to the compiling of the last public Formulary
in the reign of Henry VIII. 3
1 Melancthon, Opp. ill. 1005—1016.
2 Statutes of the Realm, 34° and 35° Henry VIII. c. 1. Among other
things it orders that recourse must be had to the Catholic and
Apostolic Chnrch for the decision of controversies, and abolishes ' all
books comprising any matter of Christian Doctrine, Articles of the
Faith, or Holy Scripture [i.e., in vernacular translations], contrary to
the doctrine set forth sithence a.d. 1540, or to be set forth by the
King.'
3 A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man. In
spite, however, of the traces of reaction which are visible at the
close of Henry's reign, it is remarkable that attempts were set on
foot by Convocation in 1541 and 1542 for revising the Mediaeval Ser-
vice-Books (Wilkins, III. 861 — 863 ; iv. 15, 16), and that Homilies
(such as Taverner's Postils, ed. Cardwell) were actually submitted to
that body : cf. Lathbury, Hist, of Conv. p. 130, n. 4 ; pp. 147 j 148.
2nded.
CHAPTER V.
THE XLII ARTICLES OF 1553.
'THE death of Henry, which took place in 1547, like that
-*- of Luther in the previous year, excited a most lively
joy among the members of the counter-reformation party
then assembled at Trent. 1 Their triumph was, however,
premature, and in so far as it related to ourselves was
utterly illusive ; for the reign of Edward VI. was destined
to extend the breach already opened by his predecessor,
and established the whole structure of the English Reforma-
tion on a deeper and more permanent basis. The reaction-
ary school, with Gardiner its chieftain, was discredited and
rapidly displaced ; it had no chance of counterworking the
determined spirits who stood first in royal favour ; and if
aught like apprehension mingled with the joy of sober and
devout reformers, it was prompted by misgivings lest the
boyish flexibility of the monarch should be used by an
ill-regulated zeal or by political partisanship for propelling
the more sanguine of his subjects into rash and revolution-
ary changes.
Of the men who were raised up to guide their country
through the perils of that stormy crisis, and who finally
succeeded in rebuilding for us what has proved itself a
sanctuary not only from the malice of the Romanist, but
also from a flood of Puritanical innovations, none was so
illustrious and untiring as the Primate of all England.
After granting that the life of Cranmer was disfigured
here and there by human blemishes ; after granting that
the caution and timidity of his nature bad degenerated, on
some rare occasions, into weakness and irresolution ; he is
still, if we regard him fairly as a whole, among the bright-
est worthies of his age : to him we arc indebted, under
God, for much of the sobriety of tone that marks the
1 Sarpi, i. 257, 467 ; ed. Coarayer.
CH. V.] THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. 67
English Reformation, or in other words, for the accordance
of our present system with the Apostolic models.
For this reason it becomes important to inquire into
the leading principles of Cranmer in the years immediately
after the accession of king Edward ; since, although we
ought not to identify the teaching of the Church with that
of individual writers, the opinions of a man like Cranmer
must have always exercised a mighty influence on the
public formularies of the age. An answer to our question
has been partly furnished by the fact, that in the first year
of the new reign (1548) he had 'set forth' an English
Catechism, of a distinctly Lutheran stamp, 1 indeed origi-
nally composed in German and translated into Latin, by
Justus Jonas the elder, one of Luther's bosom-friends.
With the exception of one single tenet, on the nature and
manner of the Presence in the holy Eucharist, 2 the views
of Cranmer afterwards underwent no variation with
respect to any of the agitated questions of that day. His
predilections were again most clearly manifested in the
framing of the First Service-Book of Edward VI., which
came into use on Whitsun-day, 1549 ; for, like the kindred
compilations of the Saxon reformers, 3 our own Prayer-
1 Laurence, Hampton Lect. 16, 17 (note) : see Hardwick's Reform.
p. 194, and n. 1. In a copy of this catechism (Camb. Univ. Lib.) the
following entry is made on the title-page: 'This Catechisme is but
a meer translation of a Catechisme set forth Vitebergce ex officina
Petri Seitz. an. 1539.'
2 This change seems to have commenced in 1548 (Hardwick's
Reform, pp. 197, 207 sq.). It is often attributed to the influence of
John Laski or a Lasco, whose opinion at the very same period is said
to be ascertainable from the following passage : ' Mysterium porro
omnium summum in coena esse puto, communionem corporis et
•sanguinis Christi : in hoc vero nullum usque dissidium video. Omnes
enim ingenue fatemur, nos in ccena vero Christi corpori et sanguini
vere etiam communicare, quicunque Verbo Illius credimus. Quod
jam attinet, quo modo id fiat,' etc. Letters of a, Lasco, quoted in
Dr. Jenkyns' Cranmer, I. lxxx. This, however, it should be remem-
bered, though approximating to the Calvinistic (later Swiss) view, is
very different from the Zwinglian (early Swiss) view. The whole
subject has been discussed elsewhere (Hardwick's Reform, pp. 153
sq.).
3 In Luther's own life-time the Services in use were all avowedly
nothing more than simplifications and corrections of corresponding
Latin eervices : see Eichter's Evangel. Kirclienordnungen, Vol. I.,
68 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH,
Book is substantially derived from old or Mediaeval
Liturgies, — the Daily Service from the Sarum Portiforium,
and the Office for the Holy Communion from the Sarum
Missal.
The conservative temper, everywhere displayed in tho
adoption of these measures, is still more discernible on
contrasting the English Prayer-Book as originally
arranged by Cranmer and his colleagues, with the earliest
forms of worship substituted for the Mediaeval services by
Zwingli and the German- speaking Swiss ; or with the
less denuded system subsequently introduced by Calvin at
Geneva. Of the latter even it has been remarked, with
equal justice and severity, that Calvin ' chose rather to be-
come an author than a compiler, preferring the task of
composing a new Liturgy to that of reforming an old one.' 1
And the Second Prayer-Book of king Edward, though
considerably modified, and maimed (as some have thought)
in more than one particular, evinced no disposition to with-
draw from the traditional ground on which its predecessor
had been planted. The great bulk of the materials out of
which it was constructed are the heirloom of far-distant
ages ; so that, while it practically bears witness to the
continuity of Church-life, it illustrates the guiding spirit
of the English reformers.
Deference to the general teaching of the past is afe©
traceable on every page of the first book of Homilies
(1547), and more especially perhaps in those portions
which are known to have proceeded from the pen of
archbishop Cranmer ; while even his polemical Treatises
on the vexed question of the Euchai'ist, in which, if ever,
he has been occasionally betrayed into the use of language
varying from the primitive standards, all abound with fresh
professions of adherence to the doctoi'S of the Early Church.
' Lest any man,' he writes, ' should think that I feign any-
thing of mine own head, without any other ground or
authority, you shall hear, by God's grace, as well the
Weimar, 1846, and Daniel's Codex Litunj. Eccl. Lutherance, TAjiB. 1848.
See also The Consultation of Hermann, Arclibp. of Cologne, drawn up
by Melancthon with the aid of Bucer, published in 15-13, and trans-
lated into English in 1547 (more correctly, 1518).
1 Laurence, Bampton Led. 1. note (6).
?.] THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. 69
errors of the papists confuted, as the Catholic truth
defended, Loth by God's sacred Word, and also by the most
old approved authors and martyrs of Christ's Church.'
And again : ' This is the true Catholic faith, which the
Scripture teacheth and the universal Church of Christ hath
ever believed from the beginning, until within these four
or five hundred years past, that the bishop of Rome, with
the assistance of his papists, hath set up a new faith and
belief of their own devising.' x Or, to take another extract
from his memorable appeal, in 1556, when he was standing
on the very brink of death : ' Touching my doctrine of the
sacrament, and other my doctrine, of what kind soever it be,
I protest that it was never my mind to write, speak, or
understand, anything contrary to the most Holy Word of
God, or else against the holy Catholic Church of Christ ;
but purely and simply to imitate and teach those things
only which I had learned of the Sacred Scripture and of
the holy Catholic Church of Christ from the beginning ;
and also according to the exposition of the most holy
and learned Fathers and Martrys of the Church.' 2
Carrying with us, thei'efore, these important indications
of the hind of influence which presided over the con-
struction of our later Formularies of Faith, we pass to the
particular inquiry opened in the present chapter.
It has seemed surprising to most writers that so long
an interval was suffered to elapse from the death of king
Henry VIII. in 1547, to the publication of the XLII. Ar-
ticles in 1553; because a consequence had been that the
' Necessary Doctrine of a Christian Man ' continued to be
one of the accredited standards of belief, so far as it was
not repressed or overruled by the more recent teaching of
the Homilies, the Ordinal, and the Prayer-Book. Now,
whatever else may have contributed to this delay, one
cause must be unquestionably sought in a scheme which
Cranmer cherished at the time, with the idea of embracing
all Reformed communions in one great society. The thought
had been suggested as far back as 1539, in a letter of
1 Defence of the true and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament,
published in 1550: Works, II. 313, 356, ed. Jenkyns. Cf. Answer to
Smythe's Preface, III. 23 : Answer to Gardiner, III. 41-43.
2 iv. 126.
70 THE XLII. AKTICLE3 OF 1553. [CH.
Melancthon to king Henrj VIII. ■ It was revived in 1542,
and afterwards propounded more distinctly at the opening
of the reign of Edward. 1
Captivated by a project, which, in days of controversy
and religious isolation, was peculiarly attractive to a mind
like his, archbishop Crammer lost no time in his arrange-
ments for attempting its immediate execution. In July
1548 we find some learned men arriving from the continent 2
upon this errand ; and although Melancthon's slackness to
participate in the new plan appears to have deferred and
ultimately to have frustrated the business of the conference,
the anxiety of Cranmer to secure the help of Saxon theolo-
gians is evinced by his repeated applications, one of which
was sent to them as late as March 1552. 3 Their slackness,
and especially Melancthon's, may have been occasioned in
some measure by political perplexities, 4 and the domestic
troubles of the Wittenberg reformers ; but the failure of
the scheme of comprehension they had been invited to
consider is attributable to its own inherent difficulties.
A congress of the kind now contemplated by the English
primate was to be attended not by Lutherans only, nor
by members of the ' mediating school ' as represented by
the pliant Bucer, but also by the different shades of
Swiss reformers, 5 who were now beginning to exert some
influence in England. The discussions must have there-
fore turned ere long upon the doctrine of the Eucharist,
respecting which, as had been shown by recent efforts, there
1 See Laurence, Serm. II. note (3) : Cranmer's Works, ed. Jenkyus,.
I. 337, 338, note (r).
* ' Accersivimus igitur et te (writing to Laski) et alios quosdam
doctos viros ; qui cum non gravatim ad nos venerint, ita ut nullum
fere ex iis praeter tc et Melancthonem desideremus,' etc. Cranmer's
Letters, cclxxii.: Ojop. I, 330. The whole of this Letter is im-
portant.
8 Dr. Jenkyns' ' Pref .' cv., and Letters there referred to.
* Todd's Cranmer, II. 226, ed. 1831.
5 See Cranmer's Letter to Melancthon (cctxxxv.), where he adds;
' Scripsi ad D. Calvinmn ct ad D. Bullingerum, eosquo hortatus sum,,
ne operi tarn nccessario, adeoque utili reipublicco Christianas deesse
vellent.' In writing to Calvin he asks, 'Adversarii nostri hahent
nunc Tridenti sua concilia, ut errores stabiliant, ct nos piam synodum
congregare negligemus, ut errores rcfutare, dogmata repurgare et
propagare possimus ? ' Letter cclxxxiv.
V.] THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. 71
was little or no hope of harmony between the Saxon and
the Swiss divines. 1 Indeed, a letter written by John
Laski (Jnly 19, 1548), before his own arrival in England,
represents the calming of the ' sacramentary contention,' 2
as the principal object of the meeting ; and though Cran-
nier (March 24, 1552) was himself desirous of extending
the discussion to a great variety of controverted topics, —
to ' all the heads of ecclesiastical doctrine, and not only to
the things themselves, but also to the forms of speech,' —
he could not fail to hear, amid dissensions on the 'sacra-
ment of unity,' a most emphatic reason for the course he
had pursued. 3
We have no means of ascertaining the precise time
at which this theory was abandoned ; but it is indispu-
table 4 that some such project was still cherished both by
Cranmer and his friends long after they began to fashion
a domestic Formulary. A sketch of the new document,
which constitutes, as we have reason to believe, the basis
of our present Articles, appears to have been made as
early as the autumn of 1549, if not, indeed, still earlier. 5
1 In Switzerland the French-speaking reformers under Calvin and
the German. speaking reformers under Bullinger did effect a union on
this subject, as on others, in the Consensus Tigurinus (1549) ; but the
old feud between the Saxons and the Swiss continued almost as
implacable as ever to the end of the century.
2 ' Contentio sacramentaria coepit illic exagitari per quosdam, estque
instituta ecu de re publica disputatio, ad quam niagnis multarum
precibus vocor. Bucerua expectatur. Franciscus noster Diyander
jam adest. Et de Calvino mussatur, nisi quod Gallus est.' Ibid. i. 330,
note (a). Bucer had arrived with Paul Fagius in May, 1519. Their
influence over the Archbishop was looked forward to with apprehen-
sion by Burcher (who regarded them as Lutherans, and therefore
dangerous" men) : ' I wish they may not pervert him, or make him
worse.' Original Letters, ed. P. S. 652. For another specimen of this
jealousy, see Ibid. p. 61. 3 Letter cclxxxiv. passim.
4 The last letter of invitation is the one above mentioned, bearing
date, March 20, 1552, and in a subsequent communication of Calvin
the project is spoken of as relinquished. Cranmer's Worlcs, I. 317 :
Laurence, Serm. II. note (4). Calvin himself revived it early in the
reign of Elizabeth (Strype's Parker, I. 69, ed. 1711), but died
immediately after it was submitted to the royal Council.
5 This is just possible ; for Fox, as we have seen (above, p. 64)
implies that something of the kind was prepared in the last years of
Henry VIII. : cf. p. 65, n. 2.
72 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
In a letter from Micronius to Bullinger, dated ' London,
May 28, 1550,' we discover that some kind of Articles
had been already offered as a test to Hooper; 1 and the
following extract from one of Hooper's own epistles, 2 bear-
ing date ' Feb. 27, 1519,' enables us to carry back the
origin of such Articles into the previous year : ' The arch-
bishop of Canterbury entertains right views as to the
nature of Christ's presence in the Supper, and is now very
friendly towards myself. He has some Articles of Reli-
gion to which all preachers and lecturers in divinity are
required to subscribe, or else a license for teaching is not
granted them.' This statement is repeated 3 ' Feb. 5, 1550,'
and with no expression of distrust or disapproval ; yet on
Hooper's nomination to the see of Gloucester (May 15,
1550), he objected strongly, as will be hereafter noticed
more at length, to three important members of the series.
The existence of a code of Articles, so early in the
reign of Edward, was unknown until the publication of the
letters just referred to. Strype, and others following in
his track, assigned the preparation of such a document to
the summer of 1551 ; the king and privy council having
then directed 'the archbishop to frame a book of Articles of
Religion, for the preserving and maintaining peace and
unity of doctrine in this Church, that being finished they
might be set forth by public authority.' 4 If this state-
ment be correct, the series which the primate had been
using as a test of doctrine, for at least two years, was
either an early draft of the great Formulary afterwards
issued as the XLII. Articles, or else was a distinct produc-
tion of his own, as well as circulated on his own authority.
The former supposition is more probable, on various
grounds, especially when we bear in mind that Cranmer
is himself declared to be the principal framer 5 of both
documents.
1 Orig. Letters, ed. P. S. p. 563.
2 Ibid. p. 71.
3 Ibid. p. 76.
4 Cranmer, Lib. n. c. 27 (Vol. ir. 366, ed. E. H. S.).
6 With regard to the authorship of the XLII. Articles, it is plain
that Cranmer had a principal share in them, both from the wording
of the royal instructions and his own admission at his trial. Fox,
V.] THE XLII. AKTICLES OF 1553. 73
But be this as it may, we are entirely justified in
stating that the work which grew at last into the Articles
of Religion, was transferred by Cranmer, long before its
final publication, to the other English prelates. It re-
mained with them until the spring of the following year
(1552), when a communication from the privy council,
bearing date May 2nd, called on the Archbishop to send the
Articles that ' were delivered the last year (1551) to the
bishops, and to signify whether the same were set forth
by any public authority, according to the minutes.' 1 They
were now forwarded to the council in obedience to this
order, but soon afterwards appear to have returned to the
Archbishop, in whose hands they remained until Sept. 19.
He next digested them more carefully, and after adding
titles and some supplementary clauses, sent a copy of them,
to Sir Wm. Cecil and Sir John Cheke, 2 the great lay
* patrons of the Reformation at the court,' desiring their
opinion and revision. The document was finally submitted
to the king himself, with a request that measures might be
taken to secure for it authority, entitling prelates to enforce
it as a test on all the clergy of both provinces.
Delays, however, still continued to intervene ; for on
the 2nd (or 21st) of the following October a letter was
addressed to six royal chaplains, Harley, Bill, Home,
Grindal, Perne, and Knox, directing them to ' consider
certaine Articles exhibited to tbe Kinges Ma tie , to be sub-
scribed by all suche as shal be admitted to be preachers
or ministers in any part of the realme and to make report
of theyr opinions touching the same.' 3 At this particular
indeed, represents him as avowing on this last occasion that the worL
was absolutely one of his doings ; but the official report of his language
is slightly different : ' Quoad Catechismuni et Articulos in eodem
fatetur se adhibuisse ejus consilium circa editionem ejusdem.' Lam-
beth MS. quoted by Todd, n. 286.
1 Strype, ubi sup.
2 ' I have sent the book of Articles for Eeligion unto Mr. Cheke, set
in a better order than it was, and the titles upon every matter, add.
ing thereto that which lacked.' Cranmer to Cecil, Sept. 19, 1552 :
Strype's Cranmer, II. App. No. lxvi.
3 MS. Council Register, ' Edw. VI.' Vol. in. p. 624. Todd, Cran-
mer, II. 288, drew attention to a version of the Articles in Latin,
subscribed by the six chaplains. This MS., containing 45 Articles, is
74 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
stage the Articles, though not in substance very different
from, the final issue, were forty-five in number, and entitled
' Articles concerning an TJniformite in Iiclligion.' Having
passed this further scrutiny, the work was remitted
(Nov. 20) to the archbishop at one of his country-houses,
for the ' last corrections of his judgment and his pen ; ' and
on the 24th of the same month he sent it to the council,
accompanied by the following observations : ' I have sent
unto the same [your good lordships] the Book of Articles,
which yesterday I received from your lordships. I have
sent also a schedule inclosed, declaring briefly my mind
upon the said book ; beseeching your lordships to be means
unto the King's majesty, that all the bishops may have
authority from him to cause all their preachers, archdea-
cons, deans, prebendaries, parsons, vicars, curates, with all
their clergy, to subscribe to the said Articles. And then I
trust that such a concord and quietness in religion shall
shortly follow thereof, as else it is not to be looked for
many years.' 1
How far the fresh procrastination of the court was due
to the assembling of Convocation in the following March,
or how far it was connected with the scruples felt in
certain quarters on the use of anti-Zwinglian phraseology
in speaking of the Sacraments, we may determine more
conveniently hereafter. It is now important to observe that,
in compliance with Cranmer's wish, a mandate (June 19,
1553) was issued, in the name of the King, to the officials
of the province of Canterbury, requiring them to see that
the new Formulary was publicly subscribed ; 2 and in the
few remaining days of Edward's reign, the order was
obeyed, to some extent at least, in two or three dioceses
of the realm. 3
among the State-Papers, ' Domestic,' Edward VI. Vol. xv. (see Mr.
Lemon's Calendar of State Papers, 'Domestic,' 1547-15S0, p. 4G),and
is printed at length in the present volume : sec Appendix, No. ill.
1 Strype's Cranmer, II. App. No. lxiv.
2 Sec the mandate in Wilkins, iv. 79. It extended also to school-
masters, and apparently to members of the university on admission
to degrees. Todd, II. 293.
3 On the 22nd of June (not the 2nd, as in Strypc),the clergy of
Canterbury were cited for this purpose, but it is uncertain how many
of them actually subscribed. According to Burnet, the Articles were
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 75
There can be no doubt, however, that a fortnight or
three weeks before this date, the Articles had been in
general circulation ; as we learn, among other sources,
from the following title : ' Articles agreed on by the bishops
and other learned men in the synod at London, in the year of
our Lord God 1552 [=1553], for the avoiding of controversy in
opinions, and the establishment of a godly concord in certain
matters of religion. Published by the King's Majesty's
commandment, in the month of May, 1553. Rich. Graf-
tonus, typographus regius excudebat. Lond. mense Junii,
1553.' This work, it should be noted here, was printed
separately? and in English; but another edition of 1553,
which issued from the press of Raynold Wolfe, exhibits
the Articles in Latin, appended to a distinct treatise, with
the title ' Catechismus Brevis Christianae Disciplinse.' *
These two productions, similarly connected, but in Eng-
lish, were published in the same year, ' by the King's
Majesty's authority;' and the royal Injunction prefixed to
the Catechism is dated May 20, 1553. 3 In both cases the
Articles are said to have been ' agreed on by the bishops
and other learned and godly men in the last Convocation *
(in ultima synodo), a.d. 1552 [=1553], but in describing
not circulated widely on account of the death of Edward, which
followed Tery soon after (July 6) : in. 3G5-367. When examined by
Queen Mary's commissioners, Cranmer declared that he only ' ex-
horted such as were willing to subscribe ; but against their wills he
compelled none.' Fox, p. 1877. The bishops were permitted to*
suspend all compulsory measures for a period of six weeks. Tcdd,.
II. 296.
1 An important consideration, proving (as Dr. Cardwell remarks)
that the Articles were not treated as a mere appendage to the
Catechism, with which they were often combined. Synod, i. 6.
2 The author of the Catechism is unknown. It has been ascribed
to Ridley, Ponet, and Nowell ; but the reasons are strongest in favour
of the second. See a Letter of Sir John Cheke, June 7, 1553, and the
remarks upon it, in Cranmer's Works, ed. P. S. I. 422, note (2).
3 A very short interval must have elapsed between this order and
the actual publication, for in a letter of Utenhovius to B-ullinger,.
dated London, June 7, 1553, he remarks that 'Articles are now printed,
in the Icing's name, to which all persons must subscribe who are to be*
appointed to any office in the Church, as also those who are already
appointed, under pain of deprivation. Original Letters, ed. P. S.
p. 594-.
76 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
their object the language somewhat varies 1 from that
employed above, in Grafton's copy.
It has been remarked already, that the earliest draft of
this important manifesto was made by archbishop Cran-
mer, and by him submitted to a series of revisions during
eighteen months, and probably a longer period. With the
sole exception of the form it had assumed when in the
hands of the royal chaplains (Oct. 1552) we have no
definite means of judging as to the degree of modification
it was made to undergo in the course of this protracted
criticism; and yet the letter of the King to Ridley, bearing'
date June 9, 1553, as well as that of the Archbishop to
Cecil in the previous September, lead us to suppose that
the amount of alteration had been considerable ; for it
describes the Articles, which were then publishing in their
final form, as ' devised and gathered xoith great study, and bij
counsel and good advice of the greatest learned part of our
•bishops of this realm and sundry others of our clergy.'' 2 ' We
are, therefore, justified in concluding that the work had
been submitted to a searching criticism, and gradually
amended by a number of auxiliary hands, before sub-
scription to it was enforced upon the clergy by royal
mandate.
Some of the uncertainty in which this question has
been long enveloped is dispelled by records appertaining
to the visitations of bishop Hooper in 1551 and 1552, 3 —
the very time, as we have seen, in which the Articles were
in process of formation, but not publicly enjoined by
Convocation or the Crown. In one of his pastoral letters
to the clergy of Gloucester, bearing date 1551, and
signifying his intention to visit that diocese in the follow-
ing summer, he informs them that, ' according to the talent
and gift given him of the Lord, he had collected and
.gathered out of God's holy Word a few Articles, which
he trusted would much profit and do them good.' In the
course of the visitation he proceeded to require subscription
1 ' For to roote out the discord of opinions, and stablish the agreement
of trew religion.'
2 Strype, Eccl. Mem. II. 421. According to Mr. Lemon's Calendar,
as above, p. 51, there is a copy of this letter dated May, 1553.
3 Stiype, Cranmer, Book II. ch. xviii., and 'Documents.'
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OP 1553. 77
to these Articles, as we infer from his account in writing
to Cecil, July 6, 1552. x That step, however, had been
taken solely on his own responsibility ; for in the letter he
expresses a desire that some such document, more binding
on the clergy, might be circulated from still higher
quarters. 'For the love of God,' writes Hooper, 'cause
the Articles, that the King's Majesty spake of when we
took our oaths, 2 to be set forth hy his authority.' In
October, 1552, he arrived at Worcester in continuation of
the same visit ; but was there resisted by two Romanizing
prebendaries, who declared themselves unwilling to accept
a portion of the doctrines he propounded in his Articles
of Religion. This resistance on their part resulted in a
vehement disputation with the bishop, an account of which
was instantly communicated by him to the royal council
(Oct. 25, 1552) ; while Joliffe, one of the refractory
prebendaries, after the accession of Queen Elizabeth, gave
the controversy to the world in a small volume published
at Antwerp, in 1564. His work 3 comprises some of the
main arguments of the objectors, together with replies
returned to them by Hooper, and a confutation of his
answer from the pen of Gardiner, who had been thrown
into the Tower ; but more interesting still is the discovery
that Joliffe has preserved an actual copy of the Articles,
which formed the moving cause of the dispute.
We may at first sight be inclined to view those Articles
as totally distinct from the great Formulary afterwards
enjoined by Edward for subscription in the Church of
England. Such indeed appears to be the inference of
Strype; 4 and the expressions used by Hooper, where he
1 Ibid. App. No. xlviii. One of his ' interrogatories ' on the same
occasion was : ' how many priests in the deanery have subscribed unto
the Articles that I put forth unto them ?' Eccl. Mem. n. 355.
3 i. e., on his appointment to the bishopric of Worcester (which he-
held ' in commendam'), May 20, 1552.
3 See some account of it in Strype's Eccl. Mem. ir. 354. The title
of a copy in the Library of the University of Cambridge is as
follows : Responsio venerabilium sacerdotum Henrici Ioliffi et Roberti
Jonson, sub protestatione facta ad illos Articulos Ioannis Hoperi,.
episcopi Vigornice nomen gerentis in quibus a Catholicafide dissentiebat,
etc. Antv. 1564.
4 ' When he visited them he gave them articles concerning Christian. ,
78 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
speaks of Articles ' gatliered ' by himself out of the Scrip-
tures, all unquestionably point us to the same conclusion.
Yet there is, upon the other hand, most satisfactory proof
that those two documents were closely related to each
other if they did not actually proceed from a common
source ; for out of the nineteen Articles animadverted on
by the refractory prebendaries, ten are found to coincide
precisely (some few instances of varying phraseology
excepted) with the Latin Articles of 1553, although the
order in which they stand is different throughout ; while
of the nine remaining Articles, seven as obviously agree
in substance, though less fully stated than the parallel
definitions of the latter Formulary. The only Articles
of which no traces were preserved in those of 1553 are
the first and eighteenth in Joliffe's publication ; the former
being levelled at prevailing errors on the subject of our
Saviour's Incarnation, and the oneness of His great pro-
pitiatory sacrifice ; l the latter, at the superstitious service
of the mass as commonly celebrated in the age preceding
the Refoi'mation.
There are some expressions also in this correspondence
which, although not easily reconcilable with Hooper's
previous language, intimate that Articles tendered by him
to the Worcester clergy had been either positively sanc-
tioned by the King, or were at least in plain accordance
with another Formulary which could claim the royal
sanction, and which Hooper and his brethren had pre-
religion, to the numler of fifty,' Cranmer, II. 220. A full account of
the visitation was perused by Strype in a certain folio MS. of which
n copy from Dr. Williams' Library has been obligingly furnished to
the present writer, by the Editor of Bp. Hooper's Remains (since
published by the Parker Society). The title there given describes
the Articles as composed for ' the unity and agreement, as well for
the doctrine of God's Word, as also for the conformity of the cere-
monies agreeing with God's Word ' (p. 120).
1 ' Christi corpus non ex virili somine, nee ex ulla alia materia nisi
tantum ex substantia Virginis Maria;, opera Spiritus Sancti factum est,
idque semel, et semel tantum, oblatum est : ' Art. i. fol. 13. ' Missa
quae consuevit a sacerdotibus dici, superstitionis et abusus plena erat,
et praeter epistolas, evangelia et verba ccense, perpauca instituta per
Christum habuit : sed a Romania Pontificibus et ab aliis ejusdem notse
hominibus inventa et excogitata est : ' Art. xviii. fol. 188 b.
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 79
viously subscribed. Such passages 1 have prompted the
idea that after the Articles were remitted by Cranmer to
the privy council in May, 1552, the King had by some
private act 2 encouraged all the well-affected prelates to urge
that manifesto on the notice of the clergy, with a view to
ascertain their willingness in the matter of subscription.
Tet we must remember, on the contrary, that quite as
early as the autumn of 1549, archbishop Cranmer had
made use of such a series, and in 1551 allusion had been
also made by Hooper to a series which he designated his
Articles. If, therefore, we are justified in thinking that
these documents were substantially the same, 3 and cognate
also with the test of doctrine offered to the prebendaries of
Worcester in 1552, it follows that a draft of the Articles,
afterwards published by supreme authority, was already in
the hands of the reforming prelates, and enforced by them
upon the clergy of their several dioceses.
Be this, however, as it may, there is not evidence
enough to waiTant the conclusion of Archbishop Laurence,
1 Hooper (or, as some suspected, Harley or Jewel) began his con-
futation of Joliffe in the following terms : ' Quod serius quam pro
vestra expectatione, ad ea quae in Articulos regios scripsistis re-
sponderim,' etc. fol. 6 b. ; and again : ' Quid hie de regis majestate,
qui milii author fait, ut heee suis omnibus, tarn qui in clero sunt,
quam qui in promiscua multitudine proponerem, suspicamini, aliis
divinandum relinquo. Me vero, meique loci et ordinis alios, qui his
jam pridem subscripsimus, quo ingenio alpecreais nota liberetis non video,
postquam hos articulos, quos verbo veritatis freti approbavimus,
sacras Scripture, analogise fidei, et ecclesiae determination! vestra
censura adversantur.' Fol. 7 b. It is clear also from Joliffe's state,
ment, that the royal authority was pleaded by those who enforced
subscription (fol. 5) ; but Gardiner in his Replication (fol. 8 b)
implies that no such authority had been brought to bear, except
indirectly and in terrorem.
2 Soames, Reform. III. 651.
3 The truth appears to be, that whatever was the precise com-
plexion of Cranmer' s Articles of 1549, the series in Hooper's Visita-
tion-Boole was nothing but a popular English form of the original
draft of the XLII. Articles enlarged by ritual and other injunctions
for the guidance of his clergy, and modified in different ways. Not a
few of his extreme statements, which remind us of his sojourn in
Switzerland, are softened down in the authorized Articles of 1553 ;
as may be seen indeed at once, from the collations in Append.
No. in.
80 THE XLII. AKTICLES OF 1553. [CH,
that the number of the Articles, as originally compiled at
Lambeth, did not exceed nineteen, or that the primate in
the first instance had composed little or nothing more than
a condemnation of ' Romish errors.' 1 It is obvious from
an extant copy that the English series of bishop Hooper
had amounted to no less than fifty Articles ; and if some
only of these last were openly refuted by the prebendaries
of Worcester, the true reason might have been that the
remainder were considered far less open to attack, or even
such as the objectors had no scruple in subscribing.
And this inference is supported by the testimony of the
work itself ; for in the ' argument ' prefixed by Joliffe, he
admits that while some of ' the many Articles ' were
heretical and impious, others entitled to the name of
' catholic ' had been artfully interspersed, in order that the
simple and incautious might the more easily be led astray. 2
In such a case it is quite evident that we can hope to
recover the Articles of 1553 from records of the Worcester
disputation, so far only as those Articles had proved
distasteful to the party who opposed the Reformation-move-
ment ; and accordingly, on noting down the subjects which
were handled in the longer of these series, but omitted in
the shorter, we shall find that they relate to questions
where disciples of the ' old ' and ' new learning ' were
generally agreed, and therefore were not likely to provoke
discussion in the champions of the ' Romish ' tenets. For
example, it has been remarked as somewhat singular, that
the first Article of 1553, relating to the doctrine of the
Holy Trinity, has no equivalent definition in the notice of
the controversy between Hooper and the Worcester clergy-
men ; and yet the presence of such Article in the series ho
submitted to them, has been placed, as it would seem,
beyond all reasonable doubt. In the True Copy of Bislwp
Hooper's Visitation-Boole, there is an order to the following
effect : ' That they faithfully teach and instruct the people
committed unto their charge, that there is but one God,
1 Baiwpton Lectures, II. note (6).
2 ' Is (i.e. Hoperus) sub annum sexturn Edouardi Regis VI. arti.
culos multos, alios errore atquo hosretica impietatc plcnos, alios
catholicos, quo simplices et incautos niagis deciperefc probandes
Bubscriptiouo postulavit atque docendos obtrusit.' Fol. 6.
f.] THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. 81
everlasting, incorporate, almighty, wise and good, Maker
and Conserver of heaven and earth, the Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ, by whom also he will be called upon by us.
And albeit there be but one God in essence and unity in
the Grodhead, nevertheless in the same unity there be Three
distinct Persons,' l etc. Fresh corroboration may also be
derived from the first Article in Joliffe's publication. That
article was chiefly aimed against the errors not of Roman-
lzers but of Anabaptists, as we gather from a great con-
temporary work, 2 the Reformatio Legum Ecclesiastic arum,
in which it re-appears ; yet as the closing observation was
intended to glance off at the scholastic dogma of repeated
oblations of our blessed Lord in the sacrament of the altar,
it was so far made the object of attack in the production of
the Worcester prebendaries : and to this alone are we most
probably indebted for the preservation there of all the
Article.
But while the theory of archbishop Laurence, both as
to the number and nature of the original draft, is shown
to be untenable, it is suggestive of important investigations
into the history of the Articles, and more especially of
one investigation, which has not been hitherto pursued
with the minuteness it deserves. What reasons chiefly
weighed with the Reformers in selecting the particular
subjects handled by them in the Articles of 1553 ? On
what principle may we explain the introduction of this
1 Art. ii.
8 The Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum (ed. Cardwell, 1850) was
in process of construction at the same time with the Articles, and
was the work of nearly the same hands. On this account it often
forms an excellent commentary on the Articles themselves (see Hard-
wick's Reform, p. 215, n. 4). The section ' de Hceresibus' contains a
strong denunciation of those phases of misbelief which at that time
existed in the Church of England : ' quarum prassens pestis in per-
niciem religionis nostrorum temporum, adhuc incuoat.' (c. 3.) In c. 5,
among other false opinions of the Anabaptists reprobated by the
compilers, there is one identical with that which comes out first in
the Worcester controversy (cf. above, p. 78) : ' Qui errores omnes
sacrarum Scripturarum authoritate sic corrigendi sunt, ut Christus
meliore natura Deus sempiternus accipiatnr, et quidem Eeqnalis sit
Dei Patris; humana vero corpus habeat ex tempore factum, neque
scepius quam semel, neque ex alia materia quam e% Marice virginis vera
et sola substantia.'
G
82 THE XLII. ARTICLES OE 1553. [CH.
point, or the omission of that ? Did they intend ns to
conclude that their new code of doctrine was put forward
as a system of theology ? Or did they mean it to express
the judgment of the English Church on a variety of
sacred topics strongly controverted in that age, within
the limits of her jurisdiction ?
The internal evidence afforded in the solving of these
questions may be stated very briefly. In the title of the
English Articles, 1 as published by Grafton in 1553, they
are said to have been constructed with reference to ' certain
matters of religion;' and in all the copies, to have aimed
at the ' establishment of a godly concord and the avoiding
of controversies' agitated at the time. 2 Two Articles (the
eighth and thirty-seventh) repudiate errors of the Ana-
baptists on original sin and a community of goods. Four
others (from the thirty-ninth to the forty-second) are
levelled at as many forms of misbelief relating to the
resurrection, the sleep of the soul, the theory of a millen-
nium, and the ultimate recovery of all human beings. The
eighteenth places its anathema on those who dared to rob
the Gospel of its claim to absolute supremacy. While
the twelfth and thirteenth reject ' the doctrine of the
schoolmen ' 3 touching human merit and works of super-
erogation ; and the twenty-third, their doctrine touching
purgatory, indulgence, and other figments which were
strenuously defended in all quarters by the anti-reformation
party.
1 This translation, according to Dr. Cardwell, was probably made
concurrently with the original Articles, and under the same direction.
Synod, i. 18.
2 This is noted in the Epilogue to the chapter Be Heeresibus, in the
Reformatio Legum, where many of the Articles re-appear in a some-
what different form : ' Posset magna colluvies aliarum haeresum
accumulari, sed hoc tempore illas norninare solum voluimus, qua3
potissimum hisce nostris temjporibus per Ecclesiam diffunduntur.'
p. 22.
3 This phrase was exchanged in the Articles of 1563 for 'the
Romish doctrine ; ' the council of Trent having in the mean while
spoken out distinctly and adopted as portions of the Christian faith a
number of opinions which had been long floating in the Church at
large, and advocated by scholastics. It should be remembered that
the sittings of the council had commenced in Dec. 1545 : they con.
tinued till 1547: after an interruption of four years they were
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 83
With regard to the remainder of the XLII. Articles,
though now impossible to speak with equal certainty, it is
not difficult to trace the circumstances which produced
them in contemporaneous annals of the English Church. 1
As in the case of the Augsburg Confession, which those
Articles have followed not unfrequently, the authors had
an eye in the first instance to existing dangers and
emergencies. In other words, their formulary was con-
structed so as to repel not one but many different classes of
critics and assailants. While protesting vigorously against
the over- drawn distinctions and the over-learned figments
of the ' orthodox' schoolmen, they endeavoured also to
impose a curb on the licentiousness of private speculation,
which was hitherto imperfectly kept under by the pressure
of the papal yoke. It is indeed impossible to doubt the
anti-Romish character of many of the Articles, or to dis-
pute the general want of such a safeguard at the time of
its construction ; but few persons seem to be alive to the
existence of other and of opposite evils, which were
threatening not so much the outworks as the citadel of
Christian truth. To borrow the emphatic language of an
able writer 2 on the period, ' the papal infallibility was
sometimes transferred to the leader of a petty sect : at
other times a dreaming enthusiast would become his own
pope, and would consult nothing but the oracle within
his own breast.' That age indeed was a most stirring
resumed in May, 1551 ; but before the business of the synod was
completed a very long suspension intervened, extending as far as
Jan. 18, 1562. The various decrees were finally confirmed by a papal
bull, bearing date Jan. 6, 1564. In several letters of Reformers we
observe the interest with which they were watching the contemporary
disputations at Trent, especially in the course of the eventful year,
1551 : e.g., Cranmer's Works, I. 346, 349.
1 This was certainly the view of Cranmer when he requested the
continental reformers to take part in such a compilation ; and Calvin
understood him in this sense, as we read in a letter which he addressed
to the Archbishop while the English Articles were in progress. He
there says that the doctors were invited, ' ut ex diversis ecclesiis,
quae puram Evangelii doctrinam amplexi sunt, convenirent precipui
qui que doctores, ac ex puro Dei verbo certam de singulis capitibus
liodie controversis ac dilucidam ad posteros confessionem ederent.'
Cranmer's Worlcs, I. 347.
2 Le Bas, Cranmer, u. 88.
84 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [OH.
crisis in the life of Western Europe; when the human
spirit, starting up from its long torpor and finding itself
free, was tempted to rush headlong into every kind of
•misbelief ; when rationalist and mystic, one of them cold-
hearted and the other feverish and impulsive, but alike
presuming on their unresisted faculties and emotions,
overleapt all ancient limits of religious thought as well as
all the immemorial forms and usages of Christian coun-
tries. Ridley, 1 for example, was constrained to cry not
long before his martyrdom : ' Whereas you write of the out-
rageous rule that Satan, our ghostly enemy, beareth abroad
in the world, whereby he stirreth and raiseth up so pesti-
lent and heinous heresies, as some to deny the Blessed
Trinity, some the Divinity of our Saviour Christ, some
the Divinity of the Holy Ghost, some the baptism of
infants, some original sin, and to be infected with the
errors of the Pelagians, and to re-baptize those that have
been baptized with Christ's baptism already, — alas ! Sir,
this doth declare this time and these days to be wicked
indeed.'
The ramification of these varied misbelievers may be
traced, in many cases, to the scene " of the original collisions
between the ' old' and ' new learning.' One of their
distinctive ez'rors, though not the grand characteristic
of their system, was the absolute rejection of infant
baptism ; and from this peculiarity came the title ' Ana-
baptists.' Mistaking or perverting what was urged by
Luther, 3 as to the necessity of active, conscious faith in
1 Worlcs, p. 367, ed. P. S.
2 'It is a matter of the first importance that the Word of God
should be preached here in German, to guard against the heresies
which are introduced by our countrymen.' Micronins to Bullinger,
in a letter dated London, May 20, 1550 : Original Letters, ed. P. S.
p. 560.
3 This connexion was manifest in the case of Nicholas Storch, who
had once been a disciple of Luther. His inference was, however*
vehemently confuted in the CatecMsmus Major, Pars iv. § 21 sqq.„
and elsewhere in the works of the Saxon Reformers. When Luther
first handled the subject in his Be Captiv. Babylon. Heel. (Opp. II.
fol. 274, 6, Jense, 1600), and before the rise of Anabaptism, he
contended: 'Hie dico, quod onmes dicunt, fide aliena parvulia suc-
curri, illorum qui offerunt eos ; ' at the same time indicating a
principle which he afterwards evolved more fully, viz., that ' a habit
V.] THE XLII. ABTICLES OF 1553. 85
all partakers of the sacraments, they soon proceeded to post-
pone the ministration of the initiatory rite until the sub-
jects of it had complied with all the requisite pre-conditions.
But the points at which they had departed from the
ground of the Reformers were not limited to infant baptism.
They proceeded to assail the Lutheran formula in which
salvation was attributed to ' faith only,' and in agitating
this they fell into a further question respecting the two
natures of our blessed Lord and His essential Divinity.
John' Denk, 1 and others, now affirmed that man may earn
salvation by his own virtuous actions, and regarded the
Founder of Christianity chiefly in His character of Teacher
and Exemplar. In Him, as one of the most spotless of
our race, the Father was peculiarly manifested to the
world, but to assert that Christ is the Redeemer, in the
ordinary meaning of the term, was to convert Him into
an idol. He was held to be a Saviour of His people,
"because He was the leader and forerunner of all who
would be saved.
While notions of this kind were spreading rapidly on
every side, 2 a second school of 'Anabaptists' was de-
vising a very different creed. 3 The tone of thought
prevailing in the former school was strongly rationalistic :
in the latter it was more entirely mystical. They intro-
duced a dualistic (quasi- Manichean) distinction between
the ' flesh' and ' spirit ;' and instead of holding, like the
former sect, that man, though fallen, may be rescued by
his natural powers, they alleged that the ' flesh' alone par-
ticipated in the fall, and further, that when the material
element in him was most of all obnoxious to the indig-
nation of God, the spirit still continued free and un-
contaminated by the vilest of the outward actions. They
attributed the restoration of harmony between these
of faith ' is then infused by Divine grace into the unconscious infant,
and forms the subjective ground on which the sacrament takes
effect.
1 See Eanke, Ref. in. 559 sq., and Heberle's article in the Studien
und Kritihen (1855), pp. 817 sq.
2 Eanke, 561, 562.
3 John Gastius, Be Anabaptistarum exordio, etc. ed. Basil, 1544, has
specified seven distinct sects, pp. 496-501.
86 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
elements of our nature to the intervention of the Logos,
but maintained that His humanity was peculiar, not
consisting of flesh and blood which He derived from the
substance of the Virgin. Not a few of these same ' Ana-
baptists' afterwards abandoned every semblance of belief
in the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, and so passed over
to the Arian and Socinian schools, then rising up in
Switzerland, in Italy, and in Poland. 1
In addition to these deadly errors, some of the original
Anabaptists had insisted on the dogma of an absolute
necessity. Others preached the restoration of all things,
and the ultimate conversion of the devil. 2 Others fancied
that the soul will sleep throughout the interval between
death and judgment ; while the great majority of them
cherished the belief that in a kingdom (the millennial) to
be speedily established, there would be no longer any need
of an external magistracy, nor even of the guidance fur-
nished by the "Written Word of God. In close connexion
with this hope, they now asserted the community of goods.
They censured military service of a merely secular kind,
and steadily objected to the taking of an oath in their
negociations with the world in general. Some moreover
held that the observance of the Lord's-day was anti-
christian ; others openly advocated a licence of polygamy,
and are even charged with holding that to those who
had received the Spirit, or, in other words, had passed
the Anabaptist ordeal of initiation, adultery was itself no
sin. By all it was agreed that Anabaptists were at liberty
to evade the jui'isdiction both of civil and ecclesiastical
tribunals, to denounce the latter more especially as a
grievous burden, and to aid in the emancipation of all
Christians from the discipline as well as doctrine of the
Catholic Church.
If we add to this imperfect sketch of continental
Anabaptism 3 one of the most prominent of its remaining
1 Hardwick's Reform, pp. 2G2. sqq.
2 It is observable (Ibid. p. 257, n. 5) that they sought to establish
this theory of ' universalisrn ' (fcho terminabilifcy of future punishment)
partly by referring to abstract ideas of God, and partly by broaching
new interpretations of the word ' eternal.'
3 These and other errors may be seen at large in Hermann's Con-
V.] THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. 87
features, we shall understand how formidable the system,
must have looked to all the sober and devout Reformers.
It was advocated as a leading principle that everj Ana-
baptist was not only able, but was bound, to execute the
office of a teacher as soon as he perceived within his breast
the motions of the Holy Spirit. The effect of this im-
mediate inspiration also made the preacher independent
of the Sacred Volume, which he sometimes ventured to
denominate ' mere dead letter,' — obsolete in itself, and in
'the course of its transmission falsified in such a manner as
to be unworthy of the faith of full-grown Christians. Thus
the last external check imposed on man's presumptuous
speculations ran the risk of being summarily demolished ;
and if Anabaptism had prevailed it would have reared its
throne upon the ruins of all ancient institutions, and have
trampled underfoot the Word of God itself.
The date at which the Anabaptist emissaries found
their way to England is not handed down exactly by
the chroniclers of the period. As the sect had no single
leader and no one locality, its movements were obscure and
desultory, and are therefore somewhat difficult to follow.
In the year 1538, however, its appearance in this country
had attracted the attention of the government, and elicited
a royal prohibition adverted to above. 1 A letter, written
sulfation, sign. t. iii. sq. Lond. 1547 ; in Zwingli's Elenchus contra
Catabaptistas ; in Melancthon's Propositions against the Doctrine of
the Anabaptists (German) ; in Luther's Schriften, xx. 2089 sqq. ed.
1745, where other evidence is given (2072-2229) ; in Bullinger's work
Adversus omnia Catabaptistarum prava Dogmata, ed. Tiguri, 1535.
See also Kanke, nbi sup., and Mohler's Symbolik, II, 155-158, Eng.
transl.
1 See above, p. 33. For other traces of them at this period, see
Institution of a Christian Man, pp. 93, 94 ; Wilkins, in. 843, 847. By
32 Hen. VIII. c. 49, § 11, all who held the following tenets were ex.
eluded from the pardon which had been granted by the King in July,
1540 : ' That infants ought not to be baptised, and if they be baptised
they ought to be re-baptised when they com to laufull age : That it
is not leafull for a Christen man to beare office or rule in the Commen
Welth : That no mans lawes ought to be obeyed : That it is not
leafull for a Christen man to take an othe before any judge : That
Christ toke no bodily substaunce of our blessed lady : That Synners
aftre baptisme cannot be restored by repentaunce : That every nianer
of Death, with the tyme and houre thereof, is so certainely pre-
scribed, appointed and determyned to every man of God, that neither
88 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
at the same time, by cerbain of tlie German princes, 1
intimates that revolutionary spirits who Lad long excited
apprehension on the continent were crossing over to this
side of the Channel : but the stringent measures instantly
adopted by Henry VIII. for the extermination of the
sectaries continued to retard their progress daring the
remainder of his reign. It seems, however, that in Edward's
time the vigilance of the executive was gradually relaxed ;
for Anabaptists rose at once into a considerable body, then
beginning, it is said, 'to look abroad and to disperse their
dotages.' 2 They flourished more particularly in Essex and
in Kent ; 3 and Hooper, foremost in his zeal against them,
left a frightful picture of their misbelief. In writing to
Bullenger, June 25, 1549, he says : ' The Anabaptists flock
to the place [i.e., of his lecture], and give me much trouble
with their opinions respecting the Incarnation of our Lord ;
for they deny altogether that Christ was born of the Virgin
Mary according to the flesh. They contend, that a man
who is reconciled to Cod is without sin, and free from all
stain of concupiscence, and that nothing of the old Adam
remains in his nature ; and a man, they say, who is thus
regenerate cannot sin. They add, that all hope of pardon
is taken away from those who, after having received
the Holy Ghost, fall into sin. They maintain a fatal
necessity, and that beyond and besides that will of His,
which He has revealed to us in the Scriptures, God hath
any prince by his sworcle can altre it, ne any man by his owne wilful-
nes prevent or chaunge it : That all things be common and nothing
severall.'
1 Seckendorf, lib. III. sect. XVII. § IXVI. p. 181. The princes affirm
that, besides the hostility of Anabaptism to the civil magistrate, it
had introduced an endless confusion of opinions, denying the Divinity
and the two natures of Christ, as well as original sin, and propagating
false and absurd notions on the doctrine of justification.
2 Heylin, Hist. Reform. I. 153; ed. Robertson: Carte, II. 252. The
latter authority, quoting Strype, mentions a very strange circum-
stance connected with the spread of Anabaptism. A letter dated
Delft, May 12, 1549, was addressed to bishop Gardiner acquainting
him that, in consequence of the projected organisation of the Re-
formers, it became necessary to introduce divisions among them,
and that this would bo best effected by preaching up the Anabaptist
doctrines.
3 Original Letters, cd. P. S. p. 87.
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 89
another will by which He altogether acts -under some kind
of necessity. . . . How dangerously our England is affected
by heresies of this kind, God only knows : I am unable in-
deed, from sorrow of heart, to express to yonr piety.
There are some who deny that man is endued with a soul
different from that of a beast, and subject to decay. Alas !
not only are these heresies reviving among us which were
formerly dead and buried, but new ones are springing
up every day. There are such libertines and wretches
who are daring enough, in their conventicles, not only
to deny that Christ is the Messiah and Saviour of the
world, but also to call that blessed Seed a mischievous
fellow, and deceiver of the world. On the other hand,
a great portion of the kingdom so adheres to the popish
faction as altogether to set at naught God and the lawful
authority of the magistrates ; so that I am greatly afraid
of a rebellion and civil discord.' 1
While Hooper and some others like him were thus
combating the errors which beset them in their daily
ministrations, a royal commission (Jan. 18, 1550) was
vigorously at work in aid of their endeavours. 2 Many
of the leading misbelievers were compelled to recant, or, in
the language of the time, ' to bear their faggots at Paul's
Cross.' From what has been recorded of proceedings of
this nature, we determine the precise complexion of the
heresy impugned ; and while it must be granted that some
persons, like Champneys, 3 did not venture to assail the
fundamental articles of the Christian faith, some others, as
Assheton 4 for example, openly denied the doctrine of the
Holy Trinity and the Incarnation of the Saviour." The
1 Ibid. pp. 65, 66: cf. Hooper's English 'Articles,' § 6. In the
course of the same year (1549) he put forth a special treatise against
the Anabaptists, entitled A Lesson of the Incarnation of Christ, ' Later
Writings,' ed. P. S. 1852.
2 Cf. Wilkins, iv. 66.
3 Strype, Cranmer, n. 92, 93. Among the propositions maintained
by him were the following : (1) That a man, after he is regenerate in
Christ, cannot sin : (2) That the outward man might sin, bnt the
inward man could not : (3) That God cloth permit to all his elect
people their bodily necessities of all worldly things.
* Ibid. p. 95.
5 Joan of Kent was burnt May 2, 1550, for maintaining a heresy
like that of the early Valentinians. She denied that our Lord took
90 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
appalling spread of Arian notions is deplored indeed by
a contemporary writer, as among the greatest and most
deadly of the manifold calamities then pressing on the
Church of England, and perplexing the spirit of her
teachers. ' We have not only (he writes) to contend with
the papists, who are almost everywhere ashamed of their
errors, but much more with the sectaries, and Epicureans,
and pseudo-evangelicals. 1 In addition to the ancient
errors 2 respecting pcedo-baptism, the Incarnation of Christ,
the authority of the magistrate, the [lawfulness of an]
oath, the property and community of goods, and the like,
neiv ones are rising up every day, with which we have
to contend. The chief opponents, however, of Christ's
Divinity are the Arians, who are now beginning to shake
our Churches with greater violence than ever, as they deny
the conception of Christ by the Virgin.' 3
In September 1552, a further missive, emanating
from the royal council urged the primate to repress the
evil-doings of another sect ' newly sprung up in Kent.' *
The name and character of this sect have not been dis-
tinctly placed on record, but we have good reason for
concluding that it formed the earliest wave of a disastrous
inundation which diffused itself extensively in England
during the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Becon, 5 writing
flesh of the Virgin, from a persuasion that He would in that case
have shared the sinfulness of man's nature. See above, p. 81, note
2. That this docetic view respecting the Incarnation was common
in 1549 we may infer from Hooper's Lesson of the Incarnation of
Christ.
1 Otherwise nicknamed ' Gospellers.' Fcr a sketch of them at this
period, see Becon's Works (' Catechism,' etc.), pp. 415, 416, ed. P. S.
2 The letter is dated London, Aug. 14, 1551. Cf. Zurich Letters,
i. 30, 92.
3 Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 574: cf. p. 560. 'On the 24th of
April, a Dutchman was burned in Smithfield for Arianism : ' Stow's
Chron. p. 605, Lond. 1632. Among other subjects of inquiry during
Hooper's visitation in this same year, he asks ' Whether any of them
speak unreverently of God the Father, the Son, or the Holy Ghost ? *
Strype, Eccl. Mem. n. 355.
4 Strype, Cranmer, II. 410.
5 Worlcs ('Catechism,' etc.), p. 415, ed. P. S. The name Davidians
is derived from the Dutchman, David George, the real founder of the
Family of Love (Hardwick's Reform, p. 268). In a letter written from
V.] THE XLH. ARTICLES OF 1553. 91
at the period when the sectaries arose entitles them
' Davidians,' or the followers of David, at the same time
classing their ' wicked and .ungodly opinions' with those
of the Anabaptists and the Libertines. Thej subsequently
bore the title ' Family of Love,' and under it became a
large association of distempered spiritualists, who set at
naught the letter of the Holy Scriptures and professed
to raise man out of his subjection to all outward, introduc-
try ceconomies. In this second stage of their existence,
they had found an active leader in Henry Eiclas or
Nicholas, a native of Amsterdam ; * and one of the directions
given by him to all who joined his standard indicates the
sweeping and annihilative temper of the system he was
building up : ' They must pass four most terrible castles
full of cumbersome enemies, before they come to the House
of Love ; the first is, of John Calvin, the second the
Papists, the third Martin Luther, the fourth the Ana-
baptists ; and passing these dangers they may be of the
Family, else not.' 2
But these external causes of anxiety and annoyance
were accompanied by dissension, irritation, and misgiving
in the bosom of the Church itself. The contest which
arose in 1550 between Hooper and Ridley on the subject
of ecclesiastical vestments 3 was a specimen of the incessant
struggle everywhere maintained between adherents of the
old and of the new ideas. 4 Hooper, fresh from Zurich,
London, May 20, 1550, it is stated that 'there are Arians, Marcionists,
Libertines, Demists, and the like monstrosities, in great numbers.' -
Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 560. The editor has added no explana-
tion of the term, Demists, but it seems to be intended for Davists
or Davidians. The form Davidistce occurs elsewhere in the same
sense.
1 The displaying of an horrible secte of grosse and iviclced Heretiques,
naming themselves the Family of Love, etc., by John Eogers, Lond.
1579, sign. A. iiij.
2 Ibid. A. iiij. b.
3 See Strype's chapter (Memorials of Cranmer, Bk. ir. ch. xvii.) on
this question ; and Heylin's Hist. Reform. I. 193, 194, ed. Robertson.
There are also frequent notices of it in the Original Letters, ed. P. S,
e.g. pp. 9, 91, 271, 486, 586, 672—675.
4 A notable instance occurred in the controversy with regard to-
kneeling at the Holy Communion (Hardwick's Ref. p. 206, and n. 4).
The scruples on this subject though strongly shared by Knox (Ibid. p.
92 THE XLII. AKTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
where lie had heen fascinated by the Zwiuglian usages and
also to a great extent infected by Swiss theology, was the
avowed opponent of the English Ordinal as well as of the
first of the Edwardine Prayer-Books. 1 He conformed
indeed, eventually (in 1551) on his promotion to the see of
Gloucester ; but throughout the reign of Edward he was
ever actively at work in fostering the growth of anti-
Mediaeval tastes, and pushing forward an ' entire purifica-
tion of the Church from the very foundation.' 2
It is most important to observe, as throwing light
upon the scruples of Hooper and his party, that when
Cranmer, in conjunction with the royal council, first made
use of Articles of Religion, in 1549, to test the orthodoxy
of preachers and lecturers in divinity, Hooper was unable
to acquiesce in three of those Articles (May 1550). The
two relating to the Ordinal and Prayer-Book were dis-
tasteful to him, as we might have readily predicted from
our general knowledge of his character and bias ; but
until the recent publication of letters 3 where those Articles
;are mentioned, no one seems to have suspected that
Hooper had been also brought into collision with such men
as Cranmer, Ridley and Bucer, on the nature and efficacy
of the Christian Sacraments. The third obnoxious Article
in that early series had made use of the expression ' sacra-
ments confer grace,'' — which, having been exposed already
to the stern denunciations both of Zwingli and Calvin, had
come to be regarded as a party badge, or war-cry, 4 alienat-
ing Swiss from Saxon theologians. While the schoolmen
136, n. 4) appear to have been generated by the influence of foreign
refugees; to whose proceedings, it is worthy of notice, Ridley was also
vehemently opposed. Original Letters, pp. 568, 569.
1 Hid. p. 563.
2 Hid. p. 674.
3 Ibid. p. 563. This particular letter was from Martin Micronius
to Bullinger, and bears date, ' London, May 28, 1550.' The articles
.(cf. above, p. 72) were proposed to him by the council on his nomina-
tion to the see of Gloucester ; but we may reasonably identify them
with the articles used by Cranmer in the previous December.
* See, for instance, the Consensus Tigurinus (printed in Niemeyer),
§ xvii. Calvin, however, whose appreciation of the sacraments is far
deeper than Zwingli's, objected chiefly to the phrase ' sacramenta per
se gratiam conferunt ; ' cf . Instit. Lib. IV. o. 17.
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 93
anxious above all tilings to establish the objective character
and virtue of the sacraments, insisted strongly on the
phrase ' continere gratinm,' Luther and his followers, in the
later stages 1 of their teaching, clung to such expressions
as ' conferre gratiam,' ' efficacia signa,' and the like ; by
which they inculcated the great fact that Sacraments are
used by God as channels of His grace without forgetting
the correlative truth of human susceptibility. So distinct
indeed were their conceptions as to the legitimacy of the
phrases 'sacraments confer grace,' ' baptism works or confers
regeneration,' that numerous examples have been put on
record where the contradiction of those statements is
vehemently condemned. 2 In England, 3 also, there had
never been a disposition to reduce the sacraments into
inoperative signs or outward badges. Both before and
after the Reformation they were termed ' effectual signs,'
'instruments with which and by which it pleases God
to work,' material means and vehicles through which, in
virtue of His institution, blessings were derived to every
member of the Church. With reference more particularly
to the sacrament of baptism, the Baptismal Office of our
own Reformers was derived in no small measure from
Luther's Taufbiicldein,* itself the offspring and reflection
1 Even Mohler (Symb. i. 294) fully acquits the Lutherans of the
charge of heresy on this subject ; though he contends that some of the
earlier language, both of Luther and Melancthon, was ' most decidedly
opposed to the Catholic Church,' in seeming to make the efficacy of
the sacraments depend entirely on human dispositions. He refers to
such passages as that of Luther, Be Capt. Babylon. Bed. (Tom. n.
fol. 272, Opp. Jense, 1600), where the phrase efficacia signa gratice, as
defining sacraments, is only accepted after some qualification (cf .
Henry VIII.'s critique in the Assertio Septem Sacramentorum, sign.
1.4; ed. 1522).
2 e.g., in the Saxon Articuli Tisitatorii (Fran eke, Bib. Symb. App.
p. 119), one of the propositions of the Swiss reformers there selected
for condemnation is~: ' Baptismum non operari neque conferre regene-
rationem, fidem, gratiam et salutem, sed tantum significare et obsig-
nare ista.' Cf. a remarkable passage on this subject in the Kirchen-
Ordnung for the duchies of Brunswick and Luneburg (1569), pp. 64,
65, Hanover, 1853.
3 See Notes and Illustrations, Art. xxv. Art. xxvu. at the end of
the present volume.
4 Daniel's Codex Bit. Bed. Buth. p. 185; Proctei', On the Prayer-
Boole, Part II. ch. iv. The derivation took place through the medium
of Hermann's Consultation.
94 THE XLII. ABTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
of far older Manuals. But a different state of feeling had
grown up respecting sacraments in all those parts of
Switzerland which were affected by the Reformation- move-
ment. Calvin and his school repudiated, it is true, the
frigid theories of Zwingli, and, unlike him, treated sacra-
ments not only as external badges of membership in a
religious body, but as ' organs' in the hands of God for
certifying faithful men of their connexion with Himself. 1
The sacraments were thus obsignatory ; they were signs
and seals of blessings which already appertained to the
recipient as a child of grace, and thus their real efficacy
was restricted to the single class of Christians who were
destined to be ultimately saved. To call a sacrament the
channel or conductor of grace was further deemed in
Switzerland ' a most insipid superstition.' 2
Now it is observable that when Hooper started his ob-
jections to the word ' confer' in the expression ' sacraments
confer grace,' he wished to substitute for it ' seal' or ' testify
to,' 3 exactly in the Swiss or Calvinistic manner. He was
probably supported in his view by several of the foreign
refugees, by Laski 4 for example and by Peter Martyr ;
though their colleague Bucer, as a moderate ' Lutheran,'
showed no sympathy with Hooper, 5 and made use of very
different language in speaking of the sacraments. 6 It
seems, moreover, that discussions on these topics, and
especially with reference to the benefits of infant baptism
had been waxing hot in England anterior to the spring
of 1552.
1 See Consensus Tigurinus, c. vir., and a full discussion of these
points in Schenkel, Das Wesen des Protestantismus, I. 466 sq. Schaff.
hausen, 1846.
2 Consensionis Capitum Explicable-, in Niemeyer, p. 209.
3 Orig. Letters, p. 563.
4 See Laski (a Lasco), Be Sacra/mentis Ecclesioc, fol. 10 b. Lond.
1552, where it is said that baptism is not a 'medium salutis nostras,'
but an ' obsignaculum.'
* See Orig. Letters, Dec. 28, 1550, p. 675.
6 He adhered to the obnoxious phrase 'conferro gratiam,' in his
Script. Anglic, p. 477 : cf. Original Letters, pp. 572, 652. On the Eu-
charist his ultimate position was : ' Quod panis et vinum sint signa
oxhibitiva quibus datis et acceptis simul detur et accipiatur Corpus
Christi : ' Schenkel, as above, p. 545, n. 3.
V.] THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. 95
A letter, 1 from Peter Martyr to Bullinger, bearing date
June 14 of that year, has mentioned that such controversy
was ' the chief reason why other things which were pur-
posed,' in addition to the reformation of the Prayer-Book,
' had not been effected ;' there perhaps implying that de-
lays which had arisen, 2 in regard to the authoritative issue
of the Articles, were caused in some degree by hesitations
among English prelates on the nature of the sacraments.
The author of this document, we should remember, leaned
himself in the direction of the Calvinistic theory. A ver-
sion of his 'book on the Lord's Supper could not be
printed' in 1550 ' owing to the bishops, and those two
Gospellers :' 3 and so strenuous was the opposition he had
always cherished to the Lutherans and the Augsburg Con-
fession, 4 that on quitting England he could not reside at
Strasburg, but betook himself to Zurich. It is not sur-
prising, therefore, if we find a man like Peter Martyr
writing mainly on the side of Hooper, and propounding
what are known as ' Calvinistic' tenets. In his view ' the
reception and use of the sacraments' in general 'is the
seal and obsignation of the promise already apprehended.' 5
' But,' he continues, ' in the case of children, when they are
baptized, since on account of their age they cannot have
that assent to the Divine promises which is faith, in them
the sacrament effects this, — that pardon of original sin,
reconciliation with God, and the grace of the Holy Spirit,
bestowed on them through Christ, is sealed, in them, and
that those belonging already to the Church are also visibly
implanted in it.' He adds, however, that this effort of the
Swiss or Calvinistic party to alter the received opinions of
the English, was opposed by the less sweeping section of
Reformers, persons neither few in number ' nor in other
respects unlearned or evil,' 6 all of whom contended vigor-
1 First edited by the Rev. W. Goode, Lond. 1850: cf. a Letter
to the Rev. W. Goode (respecting this document), by the Eev- F.
Massingberd, Lond. 1850.
2 Above, p. 74.
3 Orig. Letters, p. 561.
* Zurich Letters, II. 48, 111, ed. P. S.
s Unpublished Letter, etc. p. 6.
6 ' Sed reclamatum est ; et volunt mnlti, atque hi alias non indocti
neque mali, per sacramenta (ut aiunt) conferri gratiam. Neque
96 THE XLII. ARTICLES OP 1553. [CH.
ously that j grace is conferred, as they say, "by means of the
sacraments' (per sacramenta), and that children in par-
ticular are not 'justified or regenerated prior to their bap-
tism.' We are also told that in repelling the attempted
innovation, the Reformers took their stand especially upon
the works of St. Augustine, whose authority both Martyr
and his friends were held to have most seriously disparaged
if not utterly cast off. 1 The issue therefore had been
most unfavourable to the advocates of change, who com-
forted themselves by hoping to accomplish ' at some other
time what has now failed of success ;' and very noticeable is
the fact that Hooper, who began the controversy, seems to
have eventually adopted language in complete accordance
with the English formularies. In explaining the nature
of ' sacraments,' he urges that they 'are not only signs
whereby something is signified [the Zwinglian hypothesis],
but also they are such signs as do exhibit and give [? con-
ferunt] the grace that they signify indeed.' 2
By recollecting the existence of those feuds within the
camp of the Reformers we are able to discern additional
force and fitness in the Articles of 1553, attempting as they
did in a most feverish epoch to establish ' godly concord in
certain matters of religion.'
We turn, then, to the document itself, 3 in order to
point out the origin and purpose of its several definitions.
The first article, 'Of Faith in the Holy Trinity,' is
volunt concedere parvuloa justificatos ant regenerates ante baptis-
mum.' Ibid. p. 16.
1 • Ex eo tamen haud parva nobis movetur invidia, qnod ab Augus-
tino prorsus dissentiamus.' Ibid.
2 Later Writings, p. 45, ed. P. S. Although tbe actual words
' conferre gratiam ' do not appear in our present Articles, the thought
is found substantially in such phrases as 'efficacia signa per qua)
operatur,' and ' tanquam per instruruentuui.' The very words more-
over recur in the Heads of Religion, compiled by Parker and his
friends in 1559 (Strype, Annals, i. 216, 217). Bp. Ridley, who was
doubtless one of Martyr's • multi atque hi alias non indocti,' in his
Disputation at Oxford (Works, p. 24, ed. P.S.), makes use of precisely
the same kind of language : ' This sacrament [i. e., the^ Eucharist]
hath a promise of grace, made to those who receive it worthily,
because grace is given by it, as by an instrument.'
3 See Appendix, No. III., where these Articles are printed both in
English and Latin.
V.] THE XLII. ABTICLES OF 1553. 97
borrowed almost verbatim from the Augsburg Confession.
While condemning the pantheism and blasphemy of Ser-
vetus, 1 it extended also, like the corresponding article of
its prototype, to ' new ' as well as old disciples of Paul of
Samosata, of Arius, of Sabellius, of Photinus, who, in the
disguise of Anabaptists, were subverting the foundations of
the faith.
The second article, respecting the Incarnation of the
Word, is also borrowed from the Augsburg Confession. 2
The grand truth which it is meant to vindicate was
strenuously assailed by ' Anabaptists ' 3 and others, who are
censured in the Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticamm, 4 ' as
then actually infesting the Church of England.
The doctrine asserted in the third article (' Of the
going down into Hell') was in like manner agitated in
this country at the time we are considering. 5 We shall see
hereafter that the violence of the controversy to which it
had given rise induced the Convocation of 1563 to drop
the final clause as it was left in the present version. 6
The fourth article, on the ' Resurrection of Christ,' is
complementary to the second and third, affirming the
proper manhood of our blessed Lord, against the mystical
(half-docetic) class of Anabaptists. The fact of His resur-
rection, in the ordinary sense, had been impugned by a
Silesian noble, Caspar Schwenckfeld, 7 who, as early as
1528, contended that the flesh of Christ had never been
the flesh of a created being, and is now so deified as to
retain no semblance of humanity.
The fifth article, on the 'Sufficiency of Holy Scripture,'
1 See above, p. 86, and Art. i. of 1538, App. No. n.
2 See Art. n. of 1538, App. No. II.
3 See above, pp. 88 sq.
* Be Hceresibus, c. v. In the strange work of Myles Haggard, The
Displaying of the Protestantes, Lond. 1556, sign. B. ii. , we read of a
person condemned for holding ' how Christ was only incarnate and
suffred death for all those that died before His incarnation, and not
for them that died synce.'
5 Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 561, (dated, London, May 20, 1550).
6 Strype, Annals of Reform, i. 34S, ed. 1725. See some of the
numerous and conflicting theories on this subject, in Strype's Whit-
gift, p. 504, ed. 1718.
7 Hardwick's Reform, pp. 266 sq.
II
98 THE XLII. AETICLES OP 1553. [CH.
was originally constructed with a two-fold reference. It
asserted (1) the necessity of Scriptural proof for every doc-
trine of the Church, and so repudiated the scholastic and
Tridentine errors on the subject of 'the Word unwritten.' 1
It condemned (2) an opposite class of misbelievers, the
' Illuminati' of that period, who disparaged the authority of
the Bible as compared with the immediate inspirations of
which they were the fanatic channel. 2 It is also careful in
the second clause to guard against the misconceptions of
extreme Reformers, such as Zwingli, who maintained that
all the usages of the Church must be deducible from the
directions of Holy Scripture. 3
The sixth article, enjoining a due reverence for the Old
Testament, was manifestly levelled at the Anabaptist
emissaries, 4 many of whom denied, as did Servetus, that
the Jewish system was vitally connected with the Chris-
tian, or that worthies of the introductory ceconomy had
the faintest exjoectation of a life beyond the present. 5
The seventh article, exactly like the first of those
compiled in 1536, accepted the authoritative definitions
contained in the Three Creeds, condemning thereby all the
heresies of modern and of ancient growth, which were
assailing the more cardinal verities of the Gospel.
The eighth article, ' Of Original or Birth Sin,' is
1 See above, pp. 37 sq. The Council of Trent had stereotyped this
error in the year 1546 : Sarpi, i. 266, ed. Courayer.
2 ' In quo genere teterrimi illi sunt (itaque a nobis primum nomi-
nabuntur), qui Sacras Scripturas ad infirmorum tantum hominum
debilitatem ablegant et detrudunt, sibi sic ipsi interim pra3fidcntes 5
ut earuni authoritate se teneri non putent, sed peenh'arem quendam
spiritum jactant, a quo sibi omnia suppeditari aiunt, quaecunquo
docent et faciunt.' Reform. Leg. Eccl. ' de Haeresibus,' c. 3. Bp.
Alley (Poore Mans Librarie, I. 171a) is referring to this peculiarity
when he speaks of ' Swinckfeldians and other fantasticall heades,
which do depraue the holye Scripture : ' Loud. 1565 : cf. Dorman's
Disprovf of M. Nowelles Reprovfe, ch. xxiv. Antwerp, 1563.
3 Sec above, p. 14.
4 'Multi nostris temporibus inveniuntur, inter quos Anabaptistas
praocipue sunt collocandi, ad quos si quis vetus Testamenturn alleget,
illud pro abrogate jam ct obsoleto penitus habent, omnia qua3 in illo
posita sunt ad prisca majorum nostrorum tempora referentes.'
Reform. Leg. Tied. Ibid. c. 4.
5 Calvin, Instit. Lib. II. c. 10, § 1 : cf. Gastius, de Anabaptist.
p. 305.
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 99
levelled at the early misbelief whicli had been propagated
by Pelagius and his party ; ' whiche also the Anabaptistes 1
doe now-a-daies remie.' Like the second of the Augsburg
Articles, from which it was derived, it may have also been
intended to rebuke a prevalent error of scholastics touching
the entire eradication of original sin by the sacrament of
baptism, or even to repudiate the more definite determina-
tions on that subject, recently proceeding from the -Council
of Trent. 2 '
The ninth article, ' Of Free Will,' is intimately related
to the one preceding, and was meant to disavow all
sympathy with Anabaptism on the subject of preventing
and co-operating grace. 3
The tenth article, ' Of Grace,' was meant as a reply
to opposite errors current in a second school of Anabap^-
tism, 4 and adopted by a few of the more violent Reformers,
who were sometimes called the ' Gospellers.' 5 They seem
to have been pushing their belief in absolute predestina-
tion to such frightful lengths that human actions were
esteemed involuntary, and the evil choice of man ascribed
to a necessitating fiat of his Maker.
The eleventh article, touching our justification ' by only
faith in Jesus Christ,' is found to coincide almost entirely
with the fourth of the Augsburg Articles. Like that it
was directed against ideas of human merit, which had long
been propagated, more or less distinctly, in the whole of
Western Christendom. 6 It may have also been designed to
animadvert upon the kindred tenets of the Anabaptists on
the same vital question. 7
1 Cf. Reform. Leg. Eccl. Ibid. c. 7, and Hermann's Consult, sign. t.
vii. Lond. 1547.
2 See above, p. 18, n. 2. The question bad been decided by the
Tridentine divines, June 17, 1516 : Sarpi, I. 319.
3 See above, p. 85. This reference also is clearly established by
the testimony of Reformatio Legum. Ibid. c. 7.
4 See Bp. Hooper's Letter, above cited, pp. S8, 89.
6 Hooper's Earhj IVritings, p. 421. ed. P. S.
€ For some traces, however, of a sounder doctrine, more especially
among the Thomist schoolmen, see Field, On the Church, App. Book
ill. c. xii.
7 See above, p. 85 ; and compare Reform. Legum. Eccl. Ibid. c. 7.
In Hermann's Consult, sign. t. vii. we read : ' They (the Anabaptists)
boste themselues to be ryghtuous and to please God, not purely and
100 THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. [CH,
The twelfth article, entitled ' Works before Justifica-
tion,' or, more properly, ' Works before tlie grace of Christ/
repudiates the error of certain ' schole-aucthores,' who
affirmed and were affirming that the favour of God may
be recovered (or, in other words, that man may be entitled
to receive initial grace), as the reward of actions, which
resulted from his own strength, or had been wrought by
him without dependence on the Holy Spirit. 1
The thirteenth article, on ' Works of Supererogation,'
was similarly levelled at a well-known figment of some
later schoolmen. 2
The fourteenth article, affirming that our blessed Lord
alone was born without sin, impugns the Romish doctrine
with regard to the immaculate conception of the blessed
Virgin. 3
The fifteenth, ' Of Sin against the Holy Ghost,' is
borrowed chiefly from the Augsburg Confession, and
asserts distinctly the remissibility of sins committed after
baptism. The errors broached upon this subject in the
primitive Church were all revived (as we have seen) among
the Anabaptists at the period of the Reformation. 4
The sixteenth article, entitled ' Blasphemy against the
Holy Ghost,' defines the nature of this unpardonable sin,
apparently with a view of obviating strong temptations to
despair, which had been generated by the heresy denounced
in the preceding article.
The seventeenth article, ' Of Predestination and Elec-
tion,' was intended to allay the numerous altercations that
were stirred in the reforming body, 5 as well as in scholastic
absolutely for Cliristes sake, but for theyr owne mortification of
themselnes, for theyr owne good workes and persecution, if they
suffrc any.'
1 The Dominicans, at the council of Trent, condemned this idea of
merit tie congruo as Pelagian : Sarpi, I. 344.
2 Cf. Reformat. Legum Eccl. Ibid. c. 8 : Field, On the Church,
App. Book in. c. xiii. : Joliffe, Against Hooper, fol. 175.
3 See Field, Ibid. c. VI. : Joliffe, Against Hooper, fol. 165.
4 See above, p. 88, and compare Reform. Leg. Eccl. Ibid. c. 9.
s Many of the particulars of these disputes have been transcribed
by archbishop Laurence, from a MS. in the Bodleian, aud published
under the title Authentic Documents relating to the Predestinarian
Controversy. For still earlier traces of it, see Bp. Gardiner's Declara-
tion (against George Joyc), fol. b. sqq. Lond. 1516. From John'
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 101
and Anabaptist circles by these awful and mysterious
topics. It is careful at the same time to repudiate fatal-
istic errors into which some ' curious and carnal persons '
were betrayed by taking a one-sided view of doctrines then
discussed. 1
The eighteenth article is levelled at a philosophical
theory of the rationalistic school of Anabaptists, 2 who
contended that if men were sincere only in following out
their own systems, their deliberate rejection of the Saviour
of the world would prove no obstacle to their salvation.
The nineteenth contemplates another (mystical) branch
of the same faction, 3 who, by putting forth the plea of
preternatural illumination, made themselves superior to
the moral law, and circulated opinions respecting it ' most
evidently repugnant to the Holy Scripture.'
The twentieth article, while defining the ' Church ' 4 in
language very similar to that employed in the seventh of
the Augsburg series, negatives a plea then urged in many
quarters with respect to the infallibility of the particular
Church of "Rome.
The twenty-first Article, ' Of the authority of the
Church,' was levelled in like manner at the Romanizing
party ; 5 and although it advocates the Church's right of
Knox's Answer to a great nomber of blasphemous cauillations written
by an Anabaptist and aduersarie of God's eternal Predestination, yve
gather that the controversy continued to rage at least till 1560.
1 The prevalence of these perversions is thus noted in the Refor-
matio Legwn : ' Ad extremum. in Ecclesia rnulti feris et dissolntis
rnoribus vivunt, qui cum re ipsa curiosi sint, differti luxu, et a Christi
Spiritu prorsus alieni, semper prajdestinationem et rejectionem, vel,
ut usitate loquuntur, reprobationem, in sermone jactant, nt cum
seterno consilio Deus vel de salute, vel de interitu aliquid certi con-
stituent, inde latebram suis nialeficiis et sceleribus, et o mni a generis
perversitati qua3rant.' Ibid. c. 22.
2 See the Reformatio Legum, which characterizes this error as
* horribilis et immanis audacia.' Ibid. c. 11.
3 See above, p. 85.
4 The Worcester prebendary (Joliffe) thought this definition imper-
fect on account of its silence touching the oneness of the Church, and
the ' continuous succession of the vicars of Christ.' He admits that
the Roman Church had erred in the ' agenda ' of religion, but not in
the ' credenda,' fol. 80 : cf. Reform. Leg. Ibid. c. 21.
5 Joliffe, Against Hooper, fol. 82, 83.
102 THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. [CH.
acting as a -witness and keeper of Holy Scripture, it
pronounces her unauthorised to issue a decree at variance
with that record.
The twenty-second article, ' Of the Authority of General
Councils,' vindicates the right of the civil pow r er to call
together such assenihlies. It maintains moreover that
some councils commonly reputed ' general ' at the period
of the Reformation * had fallen into actual error.
The twenty-third determines that the ' doctrine of
school-authors,' with regard to pm^gatory, image- worship,
and some other kindred superstitions, 2 are follies and
figments unsupported by Holy Writ, or, rather, are antago-
nistic to the teaching of the Sacred Volume.
The twenty-fourth is manifestly levelled at a charac-
teristic error of the Anabaptists, who maintained that any
one, believing himself called to the work of the ministry,
was bound to exercise his functions as a preacher in defiance
of all church-authority. It is based upon the fourteenth of
the Augsburg Articles. 3
The twenty-fifth declares, in opposition to the Roman-
izing party, that the language of the public Service-Books
should always be intelligible to the people.
The twenty-sixth article, ' Of the Sacraments,' appears
to have a manifold application to the circumstances of the
times. The first and second clauses were designed (1) to
limit the number of evangelical rites to which the title
' sacrament ' is properly affixed, and (2) to warn against the
error of supposing that Baptism and the Eucharist produce
1 The Reformatio Legum is an excellent commentary on this Article.
It declares that we reverently accept the four great oecumenical
councils, and defer to the decisions of many of the later synods, so
far as they upheld the fundamentals of religion : ' De Summa Trinitate-
et Fide Catholica,' c. 14.
2 Cf. Reform. Leg. ' de Hceresibus,' c. 10, and Joliffo, Against
Hooper, fol. 90 sqq. It is remarkable that the copy of this Article,
as signed by the royal chaplains (Oct. 1552), contains a censure of
' praying for the dead,' which had been subsequently dropped
(perhaps in Convocation).
3 See above, p. 20: and comp. Reform. Leg. Ibid. c. 16. In Hug-
gard's Displaying of the Protestantes, sign. B. iii. we read: 'A briclt-
laer taken vpon him tho office of preachyng, affirmed he mygiib
laufully do it, though he were not called there vnto by y c Church.
For Spiritus vbi vult spirat.'
V.] THE XLII. AETICLES OF 1553. 103
effects without regard to the condition or susceptibility of
the recipient. On the contrary, the third clause, like
the ninth of the Thirteen Articles of 1538, is made to
combat a prevailing misconception, to the effect that
sacraments were no more than empty rites or outward
badges. 1
The twenty-seventh, which is included in the fifth of
the Thirteen Articles, maintains, in opposition to the
sectaries of the day, 2 that the validity of sacraments is
nndestroyed by personal unfitness in the minister.
The twenty- eighth, ' Of Baptism,' seems to be a pro-
longation of the censure passed with reference both to
Baptism and the Eucharist in Article XXVI. It states
expressly that Christian Baptism is far more than a profes-
sional badge or sign of membership in a society, and
vindicates 'the custom of the Church' in her retention
of infant baptism. 3
The twenty-ninth, ' Of the Lord's Supper,' while repu-
diating the chief errors of the Zwinglian School, condemns
with equal emphasis the opposite dogma of some physical
transubstantiation in the Eucharistic elements; on the
ground that such conversion is repugnant to the Word of
1 This intention is clearly established by the testimony of the
Reformatio Legum. In speaking of the ' heresies ' then current, it
observes : ' Magna quoque temeritas illoram est, qui sacramenta sic
extenuant, ut ea pro nudis signis, et externis tantum indiciis capi
velint, quibus tanquam notis hominuru Christianorum religio possit a
caeteris internosci, nee animadvertunt quantum sit scelus, luec sancta
Dei instituta mama et vacua credere.' Ibid. c. 17. Bp. Kidley, in
like manner, says (Works, p. 114) that ' in all ages the devil hath stirred
up some light heads to esteem the sacraments but bghtly, as to be
empty and bare signs.' Cf. Bp. Latimer's Remains, p. 252, ed. P. S. ;
■where the disparaging of sacraments is treated as a proof of Anabap-
tism.
2 The Reformatio Legum also speaks of Anabaptists, who separated
from the Lord's Table on the plea that they were deterred, 'vel
ministrorum invprobitate, vel aliorum fratrum,' c. 15. Cf. Alley, Poore
Mans Librarie, I. 242 b.
3 See Reform Leg. c. 18, c de Baptismo,' where we have also a
glimpse of errors rising from an opposite (Mediaeval) quarter. One
of these attributed the benefit of baptism to a quasi-physical union of
the Holy Spirit with the element of water, illustrating the probable
origin of scruples felt by the extreme Beformers with regard to the
expression ' conferre gratiam' (above, pp. 94, 95).
104 THE XLII. ARTICLES OP 1553. [CH.
God, and inconsistent with "belief in the humanity of the
Saviour and His local residence in heaven. 1
The thirtieth of our series, like the third article in the
Second Part of the Augsburg Formulary, urges the unique-
ness and completeness of the sacrifice which Christ our
blessed Lord has offered on the cross — in answer to a
current form of misbelief with reference to the repetition
of that offering in ' the sacrifices of masses.'
The thirty-first article is levelled at a Mediaeval error
which esteemed the marriage of the clergy absolutely
sinful. 2
The thirty-second and thirty-third relate to the internal
discipline and usages of the Church — a class of topics
which excited the most vehement disputation in the reign
of Edward VI. 3 The first denounces excommunicated
persons as unfit for the society of Christians ; while the
second rules that ' church- traditions ' — ceremonies, rites,
and customs — ought not to be violated at the impulse of
man's 'private judgment.' It is also worthy of remark
that nearly all the language of the second of these laws is
borrowed from the fifth of the Thirteen Articles of 1538.
The thirty-fourth simply authorises the use of the First
Book of Homilies, which had been circulating with the
royal sanction since the year 1547.
The thirty-fifth, in like manner, authorises and com-
mends the Ordinal and Prayer-Book previously put forth
' by the king and the parliament,' in 1550 and 1552.
The thirty-sixth, ' Of Civil Magistrates,' is levelled
partly at the Romanizing faction who continued to assert
the supremacy of the pope, 4 and partly at the Anabaptist
zealots, who impugned the jurisdiction of the civil magis-
tracy and the lawfulness of war. 5
The thirty-seventh and thirty-eighth have reference to
the same disorderly spirits ; one condemning their idea of
a community of goods, the others combating their scruples
on the subject of taking oaths. s
1 Cf. Beform. Leg. Ibid. c. 19.
2 Cf. the third of the ' Six Articles ' (above, p. 59, D. 3).
3 See above, p. 91. 4 Beform. Leg. Ibid. c. 21.
5 Hid. c. 13. See above, p. 8fi.
6 Reform. Legum, c. 14, and c. 15.
V.J THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 105
The four remaining articles, of which, three were bor-
rowed from the Augsburg Confession, are condemnatory of
four other notions inculcated in the reign of Edward by
the Anabaptist zealots. 1 One determines, that the resur-
rection of the dead will be extended to the body, and has
therefore not been realized already in the quickening of the
pious soul. The second, that the spirit does not perish
with the body, and retains its former consciousness and
personality in a state of separation ; the third that the
heretical fable of the ' Millenarii ' is repugnant to the Word
of God ; the fourth, that to believe in the eventual restora-
tion of all men is a dangerous and destructive error.
Having thus exhibited the bearing of the XLII.
Articles upon the circumstances of the times in which
they were constructed, it remains for us to ascertain the
natux - e and amount of the authority by which they might
originally challenge the adhesion of the English Church.
In doing this, we open an inquiry which is answered very
differently by the historians of the Reformation-period :
Were the Articles of 1553 submitted to the English Con-
vocation? Or were they circulated during the brief remainder
of the reign of Edward on the sole authority of the royal
council ?
As the latter view is urged by several writers, whose
opinions, on all subjects of this nature, 2 are entitled to
respect and deference, it may justly claim from us a candid
and minute examination. They are found to rest their in-
ference mainly on the fact that registers of the southern
Convocation, which was summoned for March 19, ' 1552,' 3
(in modern language 1553,) contained no mention whatever
of the Articles ; being, we are told expressly, ' but one
degree above blanks,' and ' scarce affording the names of
the clerks assembled therein.' 4
1 See above, p. 86 : and compare Reform. Leg. Ibid. c. 12.
2 Palmer, Treatise on the Church, r. 388, 3rd ed. ; Burnet, Reform.
ill. 361 sqq, ; Lamb, Historical Account of the XXXIX. Articles,
pp. 4, 5.
3 Wake, State of the Church, p. 598 ; yet he adds in the next page
that the Convocation actually met on the 2nd (? 22nd) of March.
4 This is the statement of Fuller (Church Hist. pp. 420, 421, fol.
ed.), who had the opportunity of examining the records before the
106 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
So long, however, as the absence of this public testi-
mony is explainable either on the supposition of carelessness
in the time of Edward, or of some deliberate mutilation in
the following reign, it will not lead to any clear presump-
tion that the Articles were destitute of all sy nodical
authority. The Convocation may have been ' barren,' (to
use Fuller's phraseology), because its proceedings were
either unreported, or were subsequently destroyed ; and
therefore we demur to follow him at once in drawing his
conclusion that the synod received 'no commission from
the king to meddle with Church-business.'
But it is contended, in the second place, that the origi-
nal title of the Articles of 1553 itself betrays a want of due
ecclesiastical sanction. They are merely said to have been
agreed on 'by the bishops and other learned men, in the
synod at London' ('inter episcopos et alios eruditos viros'): 1
whereas, in the subsequent promulgation of them in 1563,
great fire ; and Heylin (i. 25G) so far agrees with him, remarking that
' the acts of this Convocation "were so ill kept, that there remains
nothing on record touching their proceedings, except it be names of
such of the bishops as came thither to adjourn the house.' A like
uncertainty hangs over the proceedings of the Convocation of the
previous year, 1552 ; and yet from the expressions in the Preamble of
5 and 6 Edw. VI. (1552) c. 12 — ' the learned clergy of this realm,
who have determined the same [marriage of priests] to be most lawful
by the law of God in their Convocation, as well by their common
consent as by the subscription of their hands' — we are almost author-
ised to infer that a declaration like the 31st of the XLII. Articles had
been already sanctioned and subscribed. Does this allusion mean that
the Articles had been already considered and passed in Convocation
as early as the spring of 1552 ? Cf. above, pp. 73, 74.
1 Heylin has struck out a theory by which this language is readily
explained, but the theory is itself of course entirely conjectural ;
unless indeed he was alluding to the commission for framing the
Reformatio Legum in 1551. He thinks that the lower house of the
Convocation of Canterbury, to whom the Articles were submitted,
'had devolved their power on some grand committee, sufficiently
authorized to debate, conclude, and publish what they had concluded
in the name of the rest : ' i. 257.
A somewhat kindred solution has been proposed by Dr. Cardwcll,
who, while admitting the synodical authority of these Articles, sup-
poses that the sanction of the upper house was given, if not directly,
at least by delegation ; and that this sanction was considered to
involve the ratification of the whole synod. Synod i. 4, 5.
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 107
they are described as ' agreed upon by the archbishops and
bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergy,' etc.
The apparent vagueness of the former statement is r
however, not without its parallel in contemporary records
of the Church ; and that, in cases where no doubt can
possibly exist as to the convocational authority of docu-
ments to which such language is applied. 1 The argument;
derived from this consideration must be therefore deemed
as inconclusive as the one adverted to above.
A third and far more cogent reason for disputing the
synodical approbation of the Articles is furnished by the
language of Cranmer and Philpot, when questioned on this
very subject at the opening of the reign of Mary.
It has been already noticed, that when the Articles-
were completed in the spring of 1553, they were made
public in a separate form and also in the company of a.
certain ' Catechism.' Now, in reference to this second
work, complaints were made by Weston, the prolocutor of
the southern Convocation, which assembled in the following-
autumn, to the" effect that ' it bore the name of the honour-
able synod, although, as he understood, put forth without
their consent.' 2 Philpot, 3 who was present as archdeacon of
Winchester, explained at some length in what way ' it
might be well said to be done in the Synod of London,''
although the members of the present house ' had no notice
thereof before the promulgation.' He seems to have
imagined that when the clergy authorised certain persons
to make ecclesiastical laws, 4 they had transferred their own
1 See above, pp. 40, 41 : and compare an able article in the British
Critic for 1829 (vi. 84), attributed to Dr. Corrie, now Master of
Jesus College, Cambridge.
- In the violent sermon of Brokis (Brooks), Marian bisbop of Glou-
cester, which he preached at St. Paul's Cross, Nov. 12, 1553, we have
a repetition of this charge : ' Was there not,' he asks, ' one perilous,
pernicious, pestilente Cathechisme emong other thinges set fourthe of
late, with a commaundement to bee readde in al Grammare scholes
throug out the whole realme. And that also set furth as allowed by
the clergy in Synod. Londi. wheras the Conuocation without all
doubte (for the lower house at leaste) was neuer made priuie there-
unto : ' sign. D. vii.
3 Fox, p. 1410. The date was Oct. 20.
4 He must have been alluding to the Commission appointed in 1551
to draw up the Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum .
108 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH.
synodic rights to this committee. But Cranmer in his
' Disputation at Oxford,' in April, 1554, appears to have
supplied a somewhat different, if not contradictory, solution.
When charged by Weston with publishing ' a Catechism in
ihe name of the synod of London,' he answered: 1 'I was
ignorant of the setting to of that title; and as soon as I had
knowledge thereof, I did not like it ; therefore, when I com-
plained thereof to the Council, it was answered me by
them, that the book was so entitled, because it was set
forth in tlie time of the Convocation.'' Both these testimonies
-sanction the hypothesis that the Catechism in question had
never been regularly submitted to a synod of the southern
province, much less approved and authorised by the two
houses : and therefore, if the Articles are necessarily im-
plicated in the disclaimers here adduced, we are compelled
to acquiesce in the idea that they also had been put in
circulation by the royal Council, with no formal approba-
tion of the Church at large.
But, on the other hand, it may be argued that the
Catechism alone was comprehended in the terms of
Weston's censure. The Articles of 1553 had formed, as
we have seen, an independent publication; 2 and although
ithey were associated in some early copies with a more
extensive work, there is no adequate reason for concluding
'that they were originally viewed by friend or enemy as
•a, mere appendage to it. 3 While it is declared to have been
put forth ' by certain bishops and other learned men,' 4 they
1 Cranmer' s Works, iv. 64, 65.
2 See above, p. 75.
3 See Bp. Maddox, Vindication of the Church of England, p. 309, ed.
1733. The only instance where the two works seem to be actually
united is found in the language of Cranmer above quoted, p. 72, n. 5 ;
•but this does not necessarily imply more than their publication in
the same volume, which, as we have seen, was not unusual.
4 See the Royal Injunction prefixed to the Catechism of Edic. VI.
<ed. P. S.). The date is '20 Maii, anno regni 7' (i.e. 1553). It is
probable that Weston alluded to this expression when he spoke of
the Catechism as claiming to have been set forth by Convocation : for
there is no statement of that kind in the work itself, although Mr.
Lathbury (pp. 145, 146) affirms that it was so sanctioned in 1552.
The writer in the British Critic for 1820 (vr. 85, 8G), to whom this
part of our inquiry is much indebted, has shown cause for suspecting
that the Catechism censured in the reign of Mary was not the one
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 10!>
claim to be the work of 'the bishops,' and to have been
agreed upon by the Church assembled in Convocation.
And in further proof of the distinctness of these two con-
temporary documents, it is remarkable that notwithstanding
all the animadversions 1 which the Catechism excited in the
following reign, the Articles are never once attacked by
name in the surviving records, on the ground that they
were published surreptitiously, so that the assailant of the
former work appears to have acknowledged the ecclesias-
tical authority which they repeatedly assumed. We may r
accordingly, conclude in this as in the other cases, that no
adequate reasons have been urged for disbelieving or deny-
ing the synodic approbation of the latter Formulary of
Faith.
But there is other and more positive proof that it was
brought before the southern Convocation in the spring of
1553, and, if not actually debated in that body, was at least
to some extent accepted and subscribed.
The wording of the title in all extant copies of the
Articles expressly mentions their ratification ' in the last
synod of London.' They are publicly recited as possessing
such authority on their subsequent revival and enactment
in the Convocation of 1563, 2 and it appears almost in-
credible that these assumptions should have been allowed
to pass unchallenged, more especially by prelates like arch-
bishop Parker, in a critical synod, if the document had not
been really invested with the sanction which it claims.
usually called the Catechism of Edw. VI., but some other book with
which we are now unacquainted. Still the evidence seems to prepon-
derate in favour of the identification. It is not very improbable that
such a manual was printed in September 1552, and that a royal in-
junction to schoolmasters was prefixed to a subsequent edition in the
spring of 1553. Strype thinks that the injunction for printing it was
suspended in order that opportunity might be given for submitting it
to Convocation at the next meeting.
1 Instances are given above, pp. 107, 108. A third is supplied by the
account of Bp. Eidley's 'Examination' (Fox, p. 1449), who distinctly
disclaimed the authorslnp of the Catechism, but admitted with regard
to the Articles, ' They were set out, I both willing and consenting to
them. Mine own hand will testify the same.'
2 Reg. Convocat. in Bennet, Essay on the Thirty -nine Articles, p. 167:
' Ulterius proposuit {i.e. the Prolocutor) quod Articuli in Synodo Lon^
doniensi tempore nwper regis, Edw. VI a . (ut asseruit) editi,' etc.
110 THE XLII. ARTICLES OP 1553. [CH.
Our faith in the veracity of such language is still further
strengthened by an interesting communication from the
visitors to the Vice-Chancellor and Senate of Cambridge 1
(June 1, 1553), in which they speak of the Articles as
having been just before prepared by good and learned
men, and agreed tipon in the synod of London : and also
by a second contemporary letter 2 from Sir John Cheke to
Bullinger (June 7, 1553), where he informs his correspon-
dent that the Articles of the synod of London were then
published by royal mandate.
Some additional evidence, tending to establish the con-
vocational authority of these Edwardine Articles, Ave gather
•out of the memorials of a controversy on the subject of
clerical vestments 3 in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. When
certain ministers of London disputed the ' tradition ' of the
Church, and thus infringed the Article enacted for securing
the agreement of the clergy on this and other kindred
questions, it was urged against them by an advocate of
order, 4 that many of their party had actually subscribed
1 ' Cum antea in reintegranda religions multuni dcuiquc regia; Ma-
jestatis authoritate ct bonorum atque eruditormn viroruui judiciis sit
elaboratum, efc de Articulis quibusdam in synodo Londoniensi, A.D.
1553, ad tollendam opinionum dissentionem, conclusum, equisshrram
judicavimus eosdem regia authoritate promulgates et omnibus epis-
copis ad meliorem dioceseos sua> administrationem traditos, yobis
ctiam commendare et visitationis nostra) authoritate prsecipere etc.'
From a MS. in C. C. 0., Cambridge, quoted by Dr. Lamb, Historical
Account, pp. 4<, 5, note. This Convocation is placed in the year 1553,
because it continued until April 1. It assembled in the month
preceding, and therefore in what was (according to ecclesiastical
computation) the year 1552.
2 Original Letters, ed. P. S. p. 142.
3 An Answere for the Time, printed in 1566, with other Tracts on
the same question. It seems to have first arrested the attention of
archbishop Wake (State of the Church, pp. 599, 600). A copy is in
the Cambridge University Library, marked G. 6, 84.
4 Pp. 151 — 153. The ' Examiner ' appeals to ' the determination of
this Church in Englande, both agreed vpon in Kyng Edwardes dayes,
and also testified and subscribed by themselues, who nowe wouldo
gaynsay their owne doynges then.' He adds, ' The wordes which the
whole sinode were well pleased withall and whereunto all the clcargies
handes are set to be these,' (quoting the 33rd of the XLII. Articles).
The remark of the Aunswerer is as follows: 'The Articles of the
sinode haue such conditions annexed to them, that wee nede not fear -e
to subscribe to them againe,' etc.
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. Ill
the Edwardine Formulary in the Convocation of 1553, and
were accordingly bent on violating their own pledge by
' breaking the traditions and ceremonies of the Church.'
The answer of the Puritan makes no attempt to throw
discredit on this statement. He concedes that many of
the disaffected clergy set their hands to the 33rd of the
XLII. Articles in common with the rest, but argued that
they did so, with the reservation that nothing was or ought
to be commanded by the Church in contradiction to the
Word of God.
Such, then, being the most natural inference on this
subject, it becomes desirable to indicate the process which
had been most probably adopted in the composition and
ratification of the Edwardine Articles. An early draft of
them appears to have been made by Cranmer as far back as
1549. This document he used on his own authority, or in
•conjunction with the royal council, in the course of 1550.
In the following year, we find the same series of Articles,
or one suggested by it, in circulation among other prelates,
and the substance of it pressed by Hooper on his clergy
in the shape of a religious test. On the 2nd of May,
1552, the council ask of the Archbishop whether Articles
liave 'been set forth by any public authority;' and this
question naturally suggests the thought that some intention
then existed of submitting the new formulary to the
southern Convocation, which had been but recently pro-
rogued (April 16). 1 That such intention was then ex-
ecuted we have no means of proving ; but there is no doubt
that, in the interval which elapsed from this inquiry of
the council to the autumn of the same year, the Formulary
had been passed from hand to hand and made to undergo
still further modification. We lose sight of it upon the
:24th of November*, 1552, when a copy was remitted to the
xoyal council. In their custody it seems to have continued
till the meeting of the southern Convocation in the March
of 1553. If discussed at this time either in one or both
houses, the debate must have been speedily concluded ;
for on the 1st day of the following month the synod was
itself dissolved, and royal orders for the printing of the
1 Wake, State of the Church, p. 598 : cf. above, p. 105, n. 4.
112 THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. [CH,
Articles appeared on the 20th of May. 1 They would thus
have been 'prepared by the authority of the king and
council, agreed to in Convocation, and there subscribed by
both houses ; and so presently promulgated by the King's
authority, according to law.' 2
But this, like other fruits which had been ripening
in the reign of Edward, was soon after to be crushed and
buried in the midst of tempests and revulsions, which
accompanied his untimely death. The youthful monarch
breathed his last, on the sixth of July, 1553 ; and, strange
to say, the Convocation which assembled on the 6th of
October was either ' so packed or so compliant,' that only
six members of the lower house 3 stood forward to repudiate
the notion of a physical presence in the Eucharist, or
scrupled to take part in a denunciation of the ' Catechism *
adverted to above. In the ensuing year a large proportion
of the English people were formally 'reconciled' to the-
communion of the Roman pontiff ; Cardinal Pole, 4 as the
legatus a latere, presiding in the southern Convocation,
and administering the papal absolution. An impetuous
vigour was now manifest in all proceedings of the counter-
reformation party; and the objects first selected by the
Marian prelates for emphatic censure were the 'pestilent
books of Thomas Cranmer, late archbishop of Canterbury.' 5
It is true that, in the actual enumeration of public For-
mularies of Faith which were indebted so extensively to
Cranmer, his accusers make no special mention of the
XLII. Articles ; but these arc doubtless to be reckoned
in the list of ' other books as well in Latin as in English,
concerning heretical, erroneous, or slanderous doctrine.'
1 This view of their history and ultimate ratification in the synod,
generally accords with the able Article in the British Critic, alluded
to above.
2 Wake, p. 600. ■ Wilkins, iv. 88.
4 In his Decree on the Reformation" of England, dated Feb. 10,
1556, he lays it down as his future object, ' nt in hoc legationis
munere perseveremus, ut ca, quaa jam in ejusdem unitatis ncgotio
confecta erant, magis stabilirentur, utque ccclesia haec Anglicana,,
quae ob prseteriti schismatis calamitatem in doctrina et moribus
valde deformata esset, ad vetcrum patrum et sacrorum canonum.
normam ref or maretur. ' Lo Plat, Monument, iv. 571.
5 Wilkins, iv. 96 : cf. the ' Proclamation for the restraining of all
books and writings against the Pope,' etc. Ibid. pp. 128, 129.
V.] THE XLII. ARTICLES OF 1553. 113
And although the Articles were never formally abolished,
it would seem, in this or any future Convocation, their
effect was altogether counteracted by the new ascendancy
of Gardiner and others of the Romanizing school. An
instance of the virtual suppression of our document is
furnished by a series of Articles 1 (fifteen in number,) which
were forwarded on the 1st of April, 1555, to the University
of Cambridge. Gardiner himself was chancellor, and there-
fore added an injunction that no one should in future be
allowed to graduate or live in peace at Cambridge till he
vindicated his orthodoxy by subscribing the new test. And
in the closing year of Mary's reign, the zeal of the southern
Convocation was conspicuously embodied in a series of
dogmatic definitions, which have been described as ' the
last of the kind that were ever presented in England by a
legal corporation in defence of the popish religion.' 2
1 Ibid. pp. 127, 128. On the subscriptions of members of the
Senate, see Lamb, Documents, pp. 172 sq. Lond. 1838. It is remark-
able that in the Injunctions of Pole for the diocese of Gloucester, the
clergy are ordered, when there is no sermon, to read some portion of
the Necessary Doctrine, until such time 'as Homelies by th' authoritie
of the synode shall be made and published for the same intent and
purpose.' Ibid. pp. 146, 148. A small catechism in English and
Latin was also in contemplation. (Ibid. p. 156.) To which may be
added a translation of the New Testament, ordered by the legatine
synod. Ibid. p. 132.
2 Fuller, Church History, Book ix. p. 55. The first three are affir-
mations on the nature of the Eucharist, the fourth on the papal
supremacy, and the fifth on the propriety of committing ecclesiastical
judgments to the pastors of the Church, instead of leaving them in
the hands of laymen. Wilkins, iv. 179, 180.
CHAPTER VI.
THE ELIZABETHAN AETICLES.
HPHE proclamation of Queen Elizabeth, on the 17th of
J- November, 155S, was one of the most memorable
epochs in the annals of the English Church. Her long
and prosperous reign enabled her to regulate and carry on
the work which had been started by her predecessors, and
especially to heal the numerous breaches it had suffered at
the hands of her sister Mary.
Vet the calm and almost calculating spirit, that was
manifested in her early measures on the subject of religion,
did not satisfy the crowd of ardent exiles, whom the news
of her accession instantly emboldened to revisit their native
shores. 1 The pulpits were at first all silenced by a royal
order. 2 The service of the Church was still used in Latin, 3
with the sole exception of the ' Gospel and Epistle ' and
' the Ten Commandments in the "vulgar tongue.' A slight
majority* also of the royal council, as now constituted by
the Queen herself, was favourable to the ' old learning,'
while her general demeanour indicated a desire to carry
with her the affections of the country, by restraining every
form of partizanship and allaying the more hot and ardent
spirits on the right hand and the left. Thus, Bacon, the
lord-keeper, 5 stated to the Parliament on the authority of
1 Their dissatisfaction is well illustrated by the Letters of Bp.
Jewel, written at this period to some of his foreign friends.
2 Dec. 27, 1558 : Wilkins, iv. 180.
3 This practice continued till June 24, 1559, except in the case of
the Litany, which was said in English on the 1st of January preced-
ing.
4 Turner, Hist, of England, ill. 507 (note).
5 D'Ewes' Journals of Parliament, p. 19. In like manner, it was
ordered in the Queen's Injunctions of 1559, § 50, that her subjects
should 'forbear all vain and contentious disputations in matters of
religion, and not use, in despite or rebuke of any person, these
convitious words, Papist or Papistical Uerctick, Schismatick, or
Sacraaicntary, or any such like words of reproach.'
CH. VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 115
Ms royal mistress, ' that no party-language was to be kept
up in this kingdom, that the names of heretic, schismatic,
papist and such like, were to be laid aside and forgotten :
that on the one side there must be a guard against unlaw-
ful worship and superstition, and on the other, things must
not be left under such a loose regulation as to occasion
indifferency in religion and contempt of holy things.'
But much as this repressive policy was calculated to
perplex the chiefs of the reforming party, it was really no
proof of terror, vacillation, or indifference in the spirit of
the Queen herself. Amid the pomp and splendours of the
coronation, she had firmly purposed to attempt the restora-
tion of public worship to the state in which it had been
celebrated in the time of Edward ; and the crowd of perils
she was going to encounter by this step, when pointed out
by Cecil, 1 only deepened her determination and invigorated
all her measures.
An early instance of discernment in the choice of her
advisers, and indeed the brightest omen of her ultimate
success, was the appointment of Matthew Parker to the
archbishopric of Canterbury.
By nature and by education, by the ripeness of his
learning, the sobriety of his judgment, and the incorrupt-
ness of his private life, he had been eminently fitted for the
task of ruling in the Church of England through a stormy
period of her history ; and, though seldom able to reduce
conflicting elements of thought and feeling into active hai'-
mony, the vessel he was called to pilot has been saved,
almost entirely by his skill, from breaking on the rock of
Medieval superstitions, or else drifting far away into the
whirlpool of licentiousness and unbelief. 2 Like Cranmer,
his great predecessor, whom he valued so highly that he
1 See the statement in Burnet, v. 450 — 454.
2 'These times,' he writes, 'are troublesome. The Church is sore
assaulted ; but not so much of open enemies, who can less hurt, as of
pretended favourers and false brethren, who, under cover of reforma-
tion, seek the ruin and subversion both of learning and religion.'
Parker's Correspond, p. 434, ed. P. S. In writing to Cecil (Nov. 6,
1559,) he prays that God may preserve the Church of England from
such a visitation as Knox had attempted in Scotland, 'the people'
being 'orderers of things.' Ibid,, p. 105: cf. Hardwick's Reform.
pp. 226, 227.
116 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
1 wolde as moche rejoyce to wynne ' some of the lost writ-
ings of that prelate as he ' wolde to restore an old chancel
to reparation,' 1 — he was intimately acquainted with the
records of the ancient Church, and uniformly based his
vindication of our own upon its cordial adherence to the
primitive faith and to the practice of the purest ages.
' His great skill in antiquity ' (to quote the language of his
biographer) 2 'reached to ecclesiastical matters as well as
historical ; whereby he became acquainted with the ancient
liturgies and doctrines of the Christian Church in former
times. He utterly disliked, therefore, the public offices of
the present Roman Church, because they varied so much
from the ancient.' ' Pray behold and see ' writes Parker,
on addressing the ejected bishops (March 26, 1560), 'how
we of the Church of England, reformed by our late king
Edward and his clergy, and now by her Majesty and hers
reviving the same, have but imitated and followed the
example of the ancient and worthy fathers.' 3 And in his
last will he has declared : i ' I profess that I do certainly
believe and hold whatsoever the holy Catholic Church be-
lieveth and receiveth in any Articles whatsoever, pertaining
to faith, hope and charity, in the whole sacred Scripture.'
It is under the auspices of such a primate that we now
resume the history of our Articles of Religion, tracing-
them by gradual stages out of the obscurity to which they
were consigned on the death of Edward, and noting down
the principal modifications they experienced during the rest
of the Elizabethan period.
As the Formulary of 1553 had probably passed both
houses of the southern Convocation, and remained (so far
as we can judge) uncancelled in the time of Mary, it might
easily have been at once propounded to the clergy for
adoption and subscription. Yet no movement of this kind
1 Parker to Cecil, Aug. 22, 1563 ; in Strype's Cranmer, Appendix,
No. xc. He elsewhere speaks in precisely the same tone of literature
in general : ' Certainly the colleges and all the religious houses were
plundered before it was considered what great inconvenienco would
arise to the Church of Christ by this clandestine dispersion and loss,
of books.' Zurich Letters, II. 80.
2 Strype, Parker, p. 530.
3 Parker's Correspond, p. Ill, ed. P. S.
4 Strype, Parker, p. 500, and Appendix, No. O.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 117
appears to have been contemplated at the opening of the
new reign, nor even for some period after the general resto-
ration of the Prayer-Book. The Articles in truth were
kept almost entirely in the background, 1 till submitted for
discussion in the Convocation of 1563 ; nor, after they had
been considerably remodelled in that Synod, was subscrip-
tion to them regularly enforced until some further Acts of
Parliament and Convocation in 1571. 2
It seems, however, that throughout the interval which
elapsed from the accession of Queen Elizabeth to the latter
1 They are referred to, however, now and then, as in the following
passage of a document presented to the Queen in 1559, by some
of the refugees, in answer to the charge that 'their doctrine was
nothing but heresy, and they a company of sectaries and schismatics.'
They begin by stating : ' Although in this our Declaration and Con-
fession we do not precisely observe the words, sentence, and orders
ef certain godly Articles ty authority set forth in the time of King
Edward of most famous memory . . . yet in altering, augmenting or
diminishing, adding or omitting, we do neither improve [i.e., call in
question=' improbare '], nor yet recede from any of the said Articles,
but fully consent unto the whole, as to a most true and sound doc-
trine grounded upon God's Word, and do refer ourselves unto such
Articles there as in our Confession, for shortness' sake, we have
omitted.' Strype, Annals of Reform, i. 115, ed. 1725 ; who gives one
or two specimens of ' the Confession, and adds (p. 116) that ' on the
back-side of this Paper are writ these words by GrindaVs hand (as it
seems) Articuli Subscripti anno primo Regince nunc' The whole may
be seen in a MS. belonging to C. C. C. Cambridge (cxxr. § 20) ; and
as the authors of it allude to the public disputation at Westminster
which began on the last day of March, 1559, the document was
drawn up after that date. From a letter of Sandys to Parker
(April 30, 1559), we gather that the authors of it, anxious to stop
' the vain bruits of the lying Papists, designed to publish their work
so soon as the Parliament was ended.' Some points in which it
varied from the Edwardine Articles are worthy of notice. The
article on Predestination (§ 3) is much fuller. That on Justification
is almost entirely new. The article on the Eucharist (§ 14) does ' not
denye all maner of presence of Christes bodye and blonde,' and
affirms that ' to the beleuer and worthie receyuer is verily given and
exhibited whole Christ, God and man, with the fruites of His passion.'
While prefixed to the article on the civil magistrate is an earnest
■disavowal of sympathy with Knox's work on the Regiment of Women.
2 Wilkins, iv. 275, ' de Cancellariis,' etc. : cf. English Review, III.
165 sqq., where it is shown that occasional instances had occurred
in the meantime, where persons suspected of heterodoxy were called
upon to subscribe as equivalent to recantation.
118 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
date, the bishops were provided with another independent
test of doctrine, which we here entitle, for the sake of dis-
tinctness, the 'Eleven Articles of Religion.' It was com-
piled in 1559 or early in 1560, under the eye of archbishop
Parker, 1 with the sanction of the northern metropolitan
and other English prelates ; and of it the clergy were re-
quired to make a public profession, 2 not only on admission
to their benefices, but twice also every year, immediately
after the Gospel for the day. It was designed to further
' uniformity of doctrine,' and appointed to be taught and
holden of all parsons, vicars, and curates, as ' well in testi-
fication of their common consent in the said doctrine, to
the stopping of the mouths of them that go about to
slander the ministers of the Church for diversity of
judgment, as necessary for the instruction of their people.' 3
According to Collier's description 4 the Eleven Articles
were ' drawn upon a very near resemblance with those pub-
lished in 1552 (i.e. 1553) ; ' but while conceding that there
is a germ of truth in this assertion, with respect to the
main spirit of the Articles, a brief examination of the docu-
ment itself will demonstrate how widely it has varied both
in form and matter from the previous models. It delibe-
1 Strype, Annals, I. 220.
8 Hooper seems to have considered this kind of acquiescence far
more stringent than subscription : ' Subscribing privately in the
paper I perceive little availeth. For notwithstanding that, they
speak as evil of good faith as ever they did before they subscribed.'
Strypc's Cranmer, App. xlvii.
3 Wilkins, iv. 195 sqq. This document is reprinted below : Ap-
pendix, No. IV. It was first published by Richard Jugge (the
Queen's Printer) in 1561, and is said to exist in MS. among the
treasures of 0. C. C. Cambridge, although the present writer has
searched for it in vain.
4 Ch. Hist. ir. 463. A closer affinity exists between the Edwardine
Formulary and a Latin series of XXIV. Articles, characterised by
Strype as The Articles of the Principal Heads of Religion prescribed to-
Ministers : Annals I. 216, 217. They seem to have been drawn up by
the Archbishop and his friends, along with the XI. Articles in the
year 1559 (Ibid p. 215), but, whether from motives of prudence or
i'rom inability to gain the sanction of the Crown, they were not cir-
culated among the clergy. They are, however, most important as
contemporary illustrations of the XXXIX. Articles, and as such will
be employed for that purpose iu the Notes and Illustrations appended
to the present volume.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 119
rately avoids all mention of the numerous speculative
topics which were agitating both our own and foreign
communities.
The first article is almost verbally derived from the
first of the XLII. Articles, laying down the necessity of a
belief in the doctrine of the Holy Trinity in Unity. The
second recognises the sufficiency of Scripture for establish-
ing the truths of the Gospel, and also for the confutation of
' all errors and heresies ; ' while the three great catholic
Creeds are pointed out as summaries of the principal arti-
cles of our faith. The third acknowledges ' that Church to
be the Spouse of Christ, wherein the Word of God is truly
taught, the sacraments orderly ministered according to
Christ's institution, and the authority of the keys duly
used : ' adding, with the 33rd of the older Articles, that
every national Church has power to modify its ritual insti-
tutions. The fourth excludes from any office or ministry,
either ecclesiastical or secular, all persons who have not
been lawfully thereunto called by ' the high authorities.'
The fifth insists upon the doctrine of the royal supremacy, as
expressed in 'the late act of parliament,' and as expounded
in her Majesty's 'Injunctions.' The sixth repudiates the
papal monarchy, on the ground that such a notion is at
variance with Holy Scripture and the example of the Pri-
mitive Church. The seventh acknowledges the English
Prayer-Book to be 'agreeable to the Scriptures,' and
' catholic, apostolic, and most for the advancing of God's
glory.' The eighth declares that exorcism, oil, etc., do not
pertain to the substance of the sacrament of baptism, and
that they have been reasonably abolished. The ninth
denies that ' private masses ' were used amongst the fathers
of the Primitive Church ; and then proceeds to censure the
idea that ' the mass is a propitiatory sacrifice ' for quick
and dead, and ' a mean to deliver souls out of purgatory,'
urging that such a tenet is neither agreeable to Christ's
ordinance nor grounded xipon ' doctrine apostolic' The tenth
maintains the right of all the faithful to communion in
both kinds ; and, reasoning from the language of our
Saviour's institution and the practice of the ancient
' doctors of the Church,' denounces the withholding of the
'mystical cup,' as ' plain sacrilege.' The eleventh disallows
120 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
the extolling of images, relics, feigned miracles, and other
superstitions, on the ground that they ^have no promise
of reward in Scripture, but contrariwise threatenings and
maledictions,' and exhorts all men on the contrary to
diligent cultivation of good works.
It is nowhere stated that this Formulary had been recog-
nized, or put in circulation by Elizabeth and her council;
nor, as Convocation did not actually meet until the opening
of the year 1563, are we at liberty to claim for it the
regular sanction of the church-authorities, except so far
as the approval of the bishops carried with it the concur-
rence of the other clergy. Issuing, as that Formulary did,
however, from the royal press, and strengthened, as it was,
in its demands on all incumbents by a series of episcopal
injunctions, it may fairly be regarded as a public manifesto,
or, at least, as an authentic record of the teaching of the
English prelates in the interval between the date of its
publication and the re-enactment of the longer Articles in
the next Convocation.
As late as 1566 the Eleven Articles were actually pre-
scribed verbatim to the Church of Ireland, ' by order and
authority as well of the Right Honourable Sir Henry
Sidney, General Deputy, as by the Archbishops and
Bishops, and other her Majesty's High Commissioners for
causes ecclesiastical in the same realm,' l and thus, with the
exception of the Irish Prayer-Book, constituted the sole
formulary of the sister-Church, until 2 her own peculiar
' Articles of Religion ' were put forward by the Convoca-
tion of Dublin, in 1615.
It is plain, however, that in reference to this country,
the Eleven Articles had been intended as no more than
a provisional test of orthodoxy, which in practice would
be commonly superseded 3 when the great Elizabethan
1 This document was printed at Dublin, by Humfrey Powel, Jan. 20,
1566, and may be seen at length in Dr. Elrington's Life of Usslier :
App. pp. xxiii. xxix.
2 The English Articles of 1563 are said, however, to have been
subscribed in the meantime by Irish clergymen, at least in some few
cases (Mant, i. 382, 2nd ed.) ; but compare Elrington's Ussher, ubi
tup. pp. 42, 43.
3 Anrmg the 'Ordinances' of Archbishop Parker in 1564, is one
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 121
Articles passed the synod of 1563 and were enjoined on
all the English clergy by the canons of 1571.
To the prodnction, therefore, of these Articles onr
th.ongh.ts are now especially directed.
There is ample reason for believing that while 'many
popishly-affected priests still kept their hold by their out-
ward compliances,' 1 the great majority of English people,
in all ranks and orders, cordially accepted the important
changes which had flowed from the accession of Elizabeth
and the appointment of archbishop Parker. The labours
of a royal commission, which had been deputed in 1559 to
visit all the English dioceses, had contributed in no small
measure to secure this object, partly by confirming waverers,
and partly by imposing silence on 'recusants,' who might
either question the supremacy of the Queen, or vilify the
English Prayer-Book. Jewel, who himself was one of the
most zealous members of this deputation, has narrated their
proceedings at some length in writing to Peter Martyr, 2
relating to this Formulary, which was regarded by him as an authority
co-ordinate with the Articles of 1563 ; for, after enjoining the clergy
to read the Book of Articles, ' without notinge or expoundinge, as
theye be sett owte in the English Tounge, twyse in the yere,' he
adds, ' That theye reade also the Declaration for the unitye of
Doctrine sett owte for the same purpose. Strype, Parker, App.
xxviii. p. 48. An. allusion was probably made to the XL Articles in
the following extract from a dispute between the fellows and
the provost of King's College, Cambridge, in 1565. They allege
that when he was 'personn of St. Andrewes in London, besides
other defaultes and just causes of his depriuation, he was removed
by the bisshop of London, for refusing to read the generall confession
for the renouncinge of the pope and his doctrine.' Ancient Laws for
King's College, etc., ed. Heywood, p. 210.
1 Strype, Parker, p. 91, ed. 1711. The number of the clergy in
possession who refused to recognise the English Prayer-Book, on its
restoration by Elizabeth, was one hundred and eighty-nine. Annals,
I. 171, 172. It was not indeed till 1571 or 1572 that a reaction in
favour of the ' old learning ' excited much alarm in men like Parker.
Writing in the latter year, he attributes the change in feeling, among
other causes, to the exasperation produced in men's minds ' by the
disordered preachings and writings of some Puritans, who will never
be at a point : ' Correspond, p. 392, ed. P. S.
2 Works, vin. 128—130, ed. Jelf. The whole letter is curious and
instructive, and should be compared with a letter of the Earl of
Sussex to Cecil on the state of Ireland (July 22, 1562) : Original
Letters (relating to the Irish Eef ormation) , pp. 117, 118, ed. Shirley.
122 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
November 2, 1559: 'Everywhere,' he says, 'we found the
minds of the multitude sufficiently alive to religion, and
that even where all things were supposed to be most diffi-
cult and disheartening. Still it is incredible what a harvest,
or rather, what a wilderness of superstition had shot forth
again during the darkness of the Marian period .... The
cathedrals were no better than dens of thieves. ... If we
had to encounter obstinacy and malice in any quarters, it
was entirely among the priests, and especially those who had
once been of our own way of thinking. I suppose they are
now disturbing all things in order that they may not seem
to have changed their minds without sufficient considera-
tion. But let them create as much confusion as they like :
we have in the meantime ejected them (' conturbavimus ')
out of their priestly office.'
Partly as the fruit of these repressive measures, but
still more of the increasing bias of the Church at large in
favour of the Reformation, they who acted as her represen-
tatives, on the convening of the first Elizabethan synod,
were unanimous in their hostility to errors and abuses
which had been resuscitated in the previous reign. How
much soever they might disagree in their appreciation of
particular dogmas, — some disliking all ' Germanical natures'
and adhering scrupulously to patristic modes of thought
and feeling ; others tinctured by their sojourn on the con-
tinent with the peculiar prejudices of the Swiss divines,
— they all were, notwithstanding, actuated by a wish to
forward and consolidate the Reformation as distinguished
from the Mediaeval system which it was striving to replace.
The royal writ which summoned the two Convocations
of Canterbury and York to meet for the despatch of business
on the 12th of Jan. 1562 (i.e. 1503), was dated on the 11th
of the previous November. 1 In this interval, and probably
1 It is well to remember that the Council of Trent was sitting at
the same time : see above, p. 82, n. 3. After promulgating a decree
on the 'sacrifice of the mass' (Sept. 17, 1562), a vehement contest
was being waged between the Italian bishops on one side, and the
French and Spanish on the other, touching the extent of the papal
jurisdiction, or rather the Divine appointment of episcopacy : Sarpi,
ii. 261 sq. The same spirit of national independence, manifested by
French prelates on this occasion, had been witnessed under a different
aspect in the autumn of 1561, at the ' Colloquy of Poissy,' where
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 123
for some time before, archbishop Parker bad been sedu-
lously engaged in modifying the XLII. Articles of 1553;.
with the intention of submitting them to the next synod as
the basis of a Formulary of Faith to be considered by that
body. He was aided in his delicate task by several of his
brother-prelates, especially by bishop Cox of Ely, and still
more perhaps by Guest of Rochester, who had already
taken a most active part x in the revision' of the Prayer-
Book. They adopted as the basis of revision the Latin
Articles of 1553 ; and it is interesting to find that one
result of this preliminary criticism has been preserved
among the Parker manuscripts 2 surviving in Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge. We are thus enabled to
describe the various changes which the present Articles
have undergone with more of fulness and exactness than
was possible in tracing the formation of the kindred
documents discussed in previous chapters.
Now in estimating the main spirit of the changes intro-
duced at this revision, it is most important to observe that
Parker and his friends, instead of drawing hints from
' Swiss ' Confessions, which were high in favour with the
Marian exiles, had recourse to a series of Articles of
' Saxon ' origin, particularly distinguished by the modera-
tion of their tone. We find, indeed, that very soon after
the accession of Elizabeth one considerable party of Re-
formers in this country was desirous of reverting to the
ground which had been occupied at first by the compilers
of the Augsburg Confession. 3 Guided by their counsels,
attempts were made to conciliate the Huguenots by means of a
species of national synod, and without invoking the aid of the Roman
pontiff. Flenry, Hist. Eccl. liv. clvii. s. 1— 27; Bossnet, Variations,
liv. ix. s. 90 ; Smedley, Hist, of Reform, in France, 1, 175 sq. In a
contemporary letter of Parker to Cecil, we see the interest felt by
the English with regard to the fruits of this ' Colloquy.' Parker's
Correspond, p. 147.
1 See Dugdale's Life and Character of Edmund Geste, pp. 37 sq.
Lond. 1840.
2 Dr. Lamb, in 1829, published, among other documents, an exact
copy of the Latin Articles of 1563, as presented by Parker to the
Convocation. It contains also the marks of numerous corrections
which the Formulary had itself experienced while under the notice
ol that body.
3 Strype, Annals, a.d. 1558, i. 53, 174, Lond. 1725.
124 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
overtures proceeded from the English court, with the idea
of joining the great Lutheran, or Schmalkaldic, league ; 1
to the annoyance of those churchmen, who were still
•evincing sympathy with Peter Martyr, 2 who were satisfied
with the Helvetic Confession, 3 and who spoke of Lutherans
as mere ' papists ' in disguise. 4 IsTegociations on the subject
of this union were continued eagerly for a while and then
broken off ; but notwithstanding the failure of the project,
no small part of the fresh matter in the Articles of 1563
was borrowed from a Lutheran document, itself in turn an
echo of the Augsburg Confession. It bears the title of
'Confession of Wiirtemberg,' 6 and was presented to the
1 See Jewel to Peter Martyr, April 28, 1559 j Zurich Letters, i. 21 :
cf. pp. 54, 55, and n. 48.
2 He was strongly opposed to the Augsburg Confession, and had
migrated from Strasburg to Zurich on account of the Lutheran
tendencies of the former place : Ibid. II. Ill : cf. his own letter to
Sampson (March 20, 1560) : Ibid, n. 48.
3 Grindal writing to Bullinger (August 27, 1566) declared that
' notwithstanding the attempts of many to the contrary,' the English
fully agreed with the Swiss, and with the Confession they had 'lately'
set forth (meaning perhaps the second 'Helvetic Confession') : Ibid.
i. 169.
4 Thus Grindal in the letter cited above has classed the Lutherans
with ' Ecebolians ' and ' semi-papists,' and intimates that they were
menacing the Church of England (cf. II. 261, 262). Grindal and
Home (i. 177) writing jointly to Bullinger and Gualter (Feb. 6, 1567)
declare that their forced adoption of the authorized vestments wa3
the only means of preserving the Church from 'a papistical or at least
a Luther nno -papistical ministry:' cf. II. 143, when the same plea for
conformity is alleged by Gualter in writing to Beza (Sept. 11, 1566).
He had just before (July 23, 1566) stigmatised the English Clergy as
'wolves, papists, Lutherans, Sadducees and Hcrodians' (n. 125). The
root of his hatred lay in what he deemed the half-measures of the
Lutherans, who ' invent a form of religion of a mixed, uncertain, and
doubtful character, and obtrnde the same upon the churches under
ihe pretext of evangelical reformation : from which the return to
papistical superstition and idol-madness is afterwards most easy'
(Ibid. II. 11). And in this sentiment he is echoed by George Withers,
the great organ of the disaffected English (Ibid. II. 157).
5 See it at length in Le Plat, Monum. iv. 420 sqq. The resem-
blance of our own to this Formulary was first pointed out in
Laurence's Bampton Led. p. 40, and notes. It professes to be in exact
accordance with the Augsburg Articles ; and although designed for
the single State of Wiirtemberg, it will be found to be a mere com-
pendium of the Repetitio Confcssionis Auguslana:, drawn up at the
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN AETICLES. 125
Council of Trent in 1552 by the ambassadors of that
state. 1
From it has been derived the clanse in oar second
Article, touching the eternal generation and consub-
stantiality of the Son ; the agreement being absolutely
verbatim. 2
The same is true respecting the third Article, ' Of the
Holy Spirit,' which has no equivalent in the Edwardine
series, but exists entire among the Wiirtemberg Articles. 3
An appendix to the sixth of our present list (the fifth
of the Edwardine), stating that those books are to be re-
puted as component parts of the Sacred Canon, ' of whose
authority there has never been any doubt in the Church,'
is manifestly copied from the same quarter. 4
The tenth Article, 5 on ' Free Will,' the new portion of
the eleventh, 6 on ' Justification,' and the twelfth, 7 on ' Good
Works,' though not agreeing to the letter with the language
of the same Formulary, are no less obviously adapted from
same period by the Saxon Churches for presentation at the Council of
Trent (Francke, Libri Symbol. Append, pp. 69 — 116).
1 Sarpi, ii. 104, ed. Courayer.
2 ' Credimus et confitemur Filium Dei, Doniinnm. nostrum Jesum
Christum, ab ceterno a Patre suo genitum, verum et ceternum Deum,
Patri suo consubstantialem.' De Filio Dei. For the corresponding
English Articles, see App. No. III.
3 ' Credimus et confitemur Spiritum Sanctum ab seterno procederc
a Deo Patre et Filio, et esse ejusdem cum Patre et Filio essentia?,
majestatis, et gloria?, verum ac a?ternum Deum.' De Spiritu Sancto.
4 ( Sacram Scripturam vocamus eos Canonicos libros veteris et novi
Testamenti, de quorum authoritate in Ecclesia nunquam dubitatum
est.' De Sacra Scriptura.
5 ' Quod autem nonnulli affirmant homini post lapsum tantam animi
integritatem relictam, ut possit sese naturalibus suis viribus et bonis
operibus, ad fidem et invocationem Dei convertere ac prazparare, haud
obscure pugnat cum Apostolica doctrina, et cum vero Ecclesise Catho-
lics consensu.' De Peccato.
6 ' Homo enim fit Deo acceptus, et reputatur coram eo Justus, propter
solum Filium Dei, Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, per fidem.' De
Justificatione, and still more closely in the statement, ' De Evangelio
Christi.'
7 ' Non est autem sentiendum, quod iis bonis operibus, qua? per nos
facimus, in judicio Dei ubi agitur de expiatione peccatorum, et placa-
tione divina? ira?, ac merito a?terna? salutis, confidendum est. Omnia
enim bona opera, qua? nos facimus, sunt imperfecta, nee possunh
severitatem divini judicii ferre.' De Bonis Operibus.
126 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
it; while the oft-disputed clause of our twentieth Article 1
(to which we shall advert hereafter) is analogous to
language there employed by Wurtemberg theologians with
regard to the judicial functions of the Church.
But in addition to important hints derivable from this
foreign source, the copy of the Formulary as submitted
by archbishop Parker to the southern Convocation in 1563,
exhibits a variety of other changes.
We discover that the twenty-ninth and thirtieth of
our present set were now introduced by him ; the first
attempting to discountenance an error then prevailing with
respect to the communication of Christ 2 to the unworthy
receiver of the Lord's Supper ; and the second indicating
the propriety of communion in both kinds. The fifth and
twelfth on ' the Holy Spirit ' and ' Good Works ' respec-
tively, though traceable as we have seen to the Confession
of Wurtemberg, were both entirely new in this rough draft
of the Elizabethan Articles. The first had been designed,
we may conjecture, to complete dogmatic statements of the
Church in opposition to the Arians, and the second to
repudiate the conclusion of the Solifidians ; both of whom
were following in the track of the reforming movement. 3
Other amplifications indicate the same anxiety to check
the progress of new forms of error and to obviate mis-
conception with regard to earlier statements. 4 Such is the
1 ' Credimns et confitemur quod . . . hveo Ecclesia habeat jus
judicandi de omnibus doctrinis, etc . . . Quod hasc ecclesia habeat jus
niterpretandse Rcripturse.' De Ecclesia.
2 This article, however, as we shall see hereafter, did not appear in
the early printed copies of the Articles, as finally put forth.
3 That such enemies continued to look formidable in the early years
of Elizabeth is clear, among other proofs, from the following expres-
sions of Parker (March ], 1558-9) : 'They say that the realm is full
of Anabaptists, Arians, Libertines, Free-will men, etc., against whom
only I thought ministers should have needed to fight in unity of doc-
trine. As for the Romish adversaries, their mouths may be stopped
with their own books and confessions of late days.' He then alludes
to internal discords : ' I never dreamed that ministers should bo
compelled to impugn ministers, etc' Parker's Correspondence, ed.
T. S. p. 61 : cf. p. 321.
* Other additions, though only verbal, and as such passed over now,
deserve to be carefully noted by the student ; e.g., in the Article ' de
Prasdestinatione' the Edwardine reading is ' decrevit eos quos elegit;'
the Elizabethan, • decrevit eos quos in Christo elegit.'
VI. J THE ELIZABETHAN AURICLES. 127
design of matter added to the second, fifth, and eleventh
of the XLIL Articles. The fifth was also noAV enlarged
by a specification of the books accepted as canonical ; the
sixth by adding to it a new clause insisting on the present
obligation of the moral law, — which clause however was
transferred from the nineteenth of the elder series.
A more adequate definition on the freedom of the will,
and on its forfeiture by Adam's fall, was introduced into
the earlier article relating to that question.
The twenty-sixth was now modified in such a way as
to deny distinctly that Confirmation, Penance, Orders,
Matrimony, and Extreme Unction, are ' Sacraments of
the Gospel.'
The thirty-third was subjected to similar enlargement,
for the purpose of declaring the authority of a national
Church to institute and to abolish ceremonies.
The thirty-fourth was made to specify the titles of the
Homilies (with the exception of that against Rebellion,
which was published afterwards).
The thirty- sixth, in answer to misgivings and objec-
tions, dwelt upon the sense in which the royal supremacy
had been accepted by the Church in matters ecclesiastical. 1
The same regard to present wants and fresh emergen-
cies may be observed on turning to the principal substihi-
tions, in the copy of the Articles revised by Parker and his
colleagues, and at length adopted in the Synod.
Certain dogmas which had been denounced in the
twenty-third Article of 1553 as fictions of some ' school-
men,' are significantly described in 1563 as the ' doctrina
Romcmenswm; ' the Tridentine doctors having then made
1 'The Queen is unwilling to be addressed either by word of
mouth, or in writing, as the head of the Church of England. For she
seriously maintains that this honour is due to Christ alone,' etc.
Jewel to Bullinger, May 22, 1559 ; Zurich Letters, I. 33 ; cf. p. 24,
and Sandys to Parker (April 30, 1559) in Burnet, ' Becords,' Part II.
Bk. in. N. II. who says the scruple was suggested to the Queen by
Lever. Parker still thought that the claims of the civil power were
excessive in some cases : ' Whatsoever the ecclesiastical prerogative
is,' he writes to Cecil (April 11, 1575), 'I fear it is not so great as
your pen hath given it her in the Injunction, and yet her governance
is of more prerogative than the head papists would grant unto her : '
Correspond, p. 479
128 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
further progress in the building and consolidation of the
neo-Romish system.
The use of other than vernacular language in the per-
formance of Divine woi'ship is more strongly interdicted.
Infant baptism is declared to be not only tenable, 1 as
seems to be implied in the Edwardine Articles, but ' most
agreeable to the institution of Christ.'
The theory of transubstantiation is now said to ' over-
throw the nature of a sacrament : ' 2 yet while the Romish
doctrine of the Eucharist was thus rejected, a new para-
graph was added, on the motion of bishop Guest, 3 to vindi-
cate the truth from opposite perversions ; for this paragraph
declares that 'the Body of Christ is given, taken, and
eaten in the Lord's Supper,' though 'only after an heavenly
and spiritual manner.'
The lawfulness of clerical marriage is now positively
advocated, in the place of the assertion in the former series
that no precept could be urged against it.
The Ordinal is mentioned by itself, and also is defended
from the cavils 4 of the Romanizing party, who objected
that, owing to an informality in acts of parliament, all
1 Cf. Hardwick's Reform, p. 252, n. 2.
2 The phrase was not new, however, since we find its equivalent ' a
natura sacramenti discrepat ' in the Reform. Legum. ' De Hseres.*
c. 19 : and in the 'Declaration of Christian Doctrine' (MS. C. C. C.
Camb. No. cxxi. p. 155), drawn up in 1559, the same thought recurs:
' So dothe it utterly denye the nature of a sacrament.' It is also
worthy of notice, that this very point had been strongly urged by
Beza at the recent ' Colloquy of Poissy ' and had there excited the
deepest indignation. Fleury, liv. clvii. s. 6.
3 This fact has lately been established by the discovery among the
State Papers of a letter from Guest to Cecil (Dec. 22, 156G) ; where
he justifies the use of the adverb ' only,' and says that he never in-
tended it to exclude ' the presence of Christis body from the sacra-
ment, but onely the grossenes and sensiblenes in the receavinge
thereof.'
4 In repealing the Prayer-book, Queen Mary had also mentioned
the Ordinal by name ; but on the accession of Elizabeth, when the
Prayer-Book was restored, the Ordinal was not so specified, being
regarded as part of the former. On the ground of this omission, ifc
was urged by Bonner and some others of his school, that ordinations
which had been made since the year 1559, according to the Edwardine
form, were in the eye of the law defective. See Courayer, On English
Ordinations, pp. 120 sqq. Oxf. 1844.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN AETICLES. 129
persons consecrated or ordained, according to this form,
since the accession of Elizabeth, possessed no legal status as
the clergy of the Chnrch of England.
Other modifications of the Articles, as we inspect them
in the Primate's copy, may be classed under the head of
retrenchments or omissions. These also are both numerous
and important.
Four Articles were dropped entirely :
(1) The tenth, on ' Grace.'
(2) The sixteenth, on ' Blasphemy against the Holy
Ghost,' — abandoned, it may be, from a reluctance to define
the nature of the irremissible sin, or, as in other cases, from
the partial disappearance of the sect at which it had been
levelled.
(3) The nineteenth, on the obligation of the moral
Law — a portion of it haying been incorporated in the
seventh of the new Articles.
(4) The forty-first, against the ' Millenarii ' — owing, it
may be, to the suppression of fanatic teachers who had
formerly converted Millenarian expectations l into pretexts
for licentiousness, both moral and political.
In tracing out omissions in the Parker Manuscript, we
should notice that one passage, in the Article on Holy
Scripture, had been dropped, as it would seem, upon the
ground that toleration ought on no account to be conceded
to ecclesiastical usages which stood at variance with express
injunctions of the Word of God.
A clause had also been withdrawn from the Article on
Predestination, which affirmed that ' the Divine decrees
are unknown to us.'
The Article ' Of the Sacraments,' was made to undergo
considerable dislocation ; but of passages omitted, none
was more important than that containing the scholastic
phrase ' ex opere operato,' which had been originally cen-
sured on the ground that it was foreign to Holy Scripture
and was likely to engender a superstitious sense. The
condemnation of such phraseology was now omitted; it
1 Some, however, denounced the hypothesis in toto. See a contem-
porary account of the ' Milenaries,' in Alley's Poore Man's Librarie, I.
222 sqq.
K
130 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
may be, as the result of explanations recently offered in
the Council of Trent, 1 as well as in the work of individual
polemics. 2
The effect, then, of this searching criticism of Parker
and his colleagues was, first, to add four Articles ; secondly,
to take away an equal number ; thirdly, to modify, by
partial amplification or curtailment, as many as seventeen
of the remainder. And no higher proof can be afforded of
the care with which these changes were conducted than
the general disposition to adopt them in the Synod, 3 to
whose notice they were nest submitted.
1 See Sarpi, i. 423, 424, and Courayer's excellent annotations.
2 The following specimen occurs in Joliffe against Hooper, while
commenting on this Article : ' Quod enim dicimus gratiam et remis-
sionem peccatorum in nobis fieri ex opere operate, nihil est aliud quam
earn fieri in nobis, non propter opus, aut merit um hominis operantis,
sed propter opus Christi per visibile aliquot! sacramentum largient'is
gratiam : veluti cum infans baptizatus justificatur, non per ullum
opus suum, aut suscipientis, aut ministri, seel 2>er ipsum opus operatum,
hoc est, per ipsurn baptismi sacramentum, gratiam et remissionem
peccatorum assequitur, propter Christum in illo Sacramento operan-
tem,' fol. 173, b. It has also been pointed out to me that Jewel's
recent controversy with Harding, where the phrase ' ex opere
operato ' was examined at some length, might have suggested the
propriety of withdrawing all refereuce to expressions, which both
Joliffe and Harding could make use of, without confounding the
efficacy of Sacraments with their mechanical administration.
3 Parker's language respecting the character of the clergy there
assembled is curious and suggestive. He writes to Cecil (shortly
after April 14, 1563), on reviewing the 'qualities of all his brethren'
as manifested in the ' Convocation Societies : ' ' I see some of them
to be pleni rimarum, hac atque iliac effluunt, although indeed the
Queen's Majesty may have good cause to be well contented with her
choice of the most of them,' etc. He adds, ' Though we have dono
amongst ourselves little in our own cause, yet I assure you our
mutual conferences have taught us such experiences, that I trust we
shall all be the better in governance for hereafter.' Correspondence,
p. 173. With regard to the relative strength of church-parties at the
time, it is remarkable that ritualistic scruples had already appeared
in great numbers (see Strype's Annals, I. 335 sq. ed. 1725). One
batch of rejormanda on this subject was signed by the Prolocutor and
thirty-two other members of the lower house. An attempt was also
made to modify the 33rd Article ' Of Traditions ' after it had passed
both houses ; and was only defeated by a majority of one. ' Those,'
writes Strype 'that were for alterations and for stripping the English
Church of her ceremonies and usages then retained and used, were
Yjl THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 131
The Convocation of Canterbury assembled on the day
appointed in the royal writ (Jan. 12, 1563), and on the
13th, after service at St. Paul's, proceeded to the solemn
business for which it had been called together. Parker, as
primate of all England, was the president, and was sup-
ported by the following bishops of the southern province :
Edmund (Grindal) of London ;
Robert (Home) of Winchester ;
William (Barlowe) of Chichester ;
John (Scory) of Hereford;
Richard (Cox) of Ely ;
Edwin (Sandys) of Worcester;
Roland (Merick) of Bangor ;
Nicholas (Bolingham) of Lincoln ;
John (Jewel) of Salisbury ;
Richard (Davis) of St. David's ;
Edmund (Guest) of Rochester;
Gilbert (Berkeley) of Bath and Wells ;
Thomas (Bentham) of Coventry and Lichfield ;
' William (Alley) of Exeter;
John (Parkhurst) of Norwich ;
Edmund (Scambler) of Peterborough ;
Thomas (Davies) of St. Asaph;
Richard (Guest) of Gloucester and commendatory of
Bristol. 1
In his opening speech the president congratulated the
two houses on the opportunity thus given them for pro-
moting the well-being of the Church, and at the same
time intimated with how much of zeal and interest both
Elizabeth and the English nobles were awaiting the con-
clusions of the present Synod. He then directed the lower
house, as usual, to proceed with the election of a Prolocutor;
such (as I find by their names subscribed) as had lately lived abroad.'
p. 337.
1 Strype, ParJcer, p. 121. It should be remembered, that the
original Registers of this Convocation are not extant, having been
destroyed in the fire of London, 1666. An important extract, en-
titled 'Acta in superiore Domo Convocationis anno 1562,' is, however,
fortunately preserved (Strype, Annals, I. 315 : Bennet, Essay, pp. 165
sqq). This paper not only assists us in tracing the Articles through
the upper house of Convocation, but also illustrates the proceedings
of the lower house during the same period.
132 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. |_CH.
and on the lGth of January 1 they presented Alexander
Nowel, dean of St Paul's, to serve in that capacity. It
seems that on the 19th the Synod re-assembled at West-
minster, instead of the more customary place of meeting in
the chapter-house of St. Paul's. On this occasion, the
prolocutor, in the name of all the clergy, who appear to
have evinced the greatest ardour in the cause of reforma-
tion, reported to the prelates that ' the Articles published
in the Synod of London, during the reign of Edward, had
been handed to a committee of the lower house, in' order
that they might weigh and re-construct them (if such
changes were thought proper), in time for the following
session.' 2 The bishops in the mean while had been occu-
pied by independent deliberations on the same absorbing
topics ; and, as the primate would naturally take the lead
in all such matters, it is highly probable that he submitted
to his brother-prelates the particular copy of the Articles
which had been previously revised under his own eye. On
the 20th, the 22nd, the 25th, and the 27th of January, 3
other faint and fragmentary traces may be found of dispu-
tations then excited in the upper house by the projected
formulary ; and on the 29th, at an early session in St.
Paul's, 4 a further conference ' respecting some of the
Articles,' was followed by subscription on the part of all
the prelates then assembled.
One at least of the authentic vouchers for this fact
is extant in the Latin manuscript of Archbishop Parker
noticed on a former page. The signatures which it con-
tains are manifestly autographs ; and, as some prelates of
the northern province are included in the number of
subscribers e there recorded, we are tempted to infer that
this was the identical copy of the Articles transmitted for
the sanction of the clergy then assembled in the northern
Convocation.
But formidable doubts have been excited as to the
1 Strype, Parlcer, Ibid.
2 Bennet, p. 167.
3 Strype, Parlcer, Ibid.
4 'Inter horas 8 am et 9* m ante meridiem.' Bennet, Ibid.
5 They are Thomas (Young) of York, James (Pilkington) of Durham,
William (Downham) of Chester.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 133
supreme authority of the Parker Manuscript by collating 1
portions of it with an extract taken from the actual register
of Convocation in the time of Archbishop Laud, and for-
mally attested by a public notary to satisfy or silence his
accusers. 1 Besides exhibiting a different version of one
article ' On the Authority of the Church ' (to be considered
afterwards), the extract from the Convocation-records has
preserved a catalogue of the assentient prelates, varying in
some noticeable points from that surviving in the Parker
Manuscript : 2 and fresh perplexity is added to this question
1 He had been accused of forging the disputed clause in Art. XX. ;
and, after appealing to four printed copies of the Articles, one of
them as early as 1563, and all of them containing the very passage
which the Puritans disliked, he added : ' I shall make it yet plainer :
for it is not fit concerning an Article of Religion, and an Article of
such consequence for the order, truth, and peace of this Church, you
should rely upon my copies, be they never so many or never so
ancient. Therefore I sent to the public records in my office, and here
tinder my officer's hand, who is a public notary, is returned to me the
twentieth Article with this affirmative clause in it, and there is also the
whole body of the Articles to be seen.' Remains, n. 83 (quoted with
remarks by Bennet, p. 166). The copy, thus taken before the
destruction of the records, is said to be still in existence. Bennet
himself made use of it, and has printed it in his Essay, pp. 167 — 169.
2 This MS. contains the subscriptions of the archbishop of Canter-
bury, and the bishops of London, Winchester, Chichester, Ely, Wor-
cester, Hereford, Bangor, Lincoln, Salisbury, St. David's, Bath and
Wells, Coventry and Lichfield, Exeter, Norwich, Peterborough, and
St. Asaph, — besides the three above mentioned who belonged to the
other province. The copy of the record produced by archbishop
Laud omits the three northern prelates, as well as those of Chichester,
Worcester, and Peterborough. It, however, includes the name of
■Guest, bishop of Rochester, although some persons have doubted
whether he subscribed or not (Bennet, p. 184) — a suspicion which is
somewhat strengthened, so far as Parker's draft is concerned, by
what is known of Guest's opinions on the Eucharist. But when the
3rd clause in the Art. ' De Coena Domini,' appearing to favour Zwing
ban views as to the nature of the Presence, was struck out by the
Convocation, Guest would be entirely satisfied, and so might sub-
scribe ; — which strongly favours the conclusion that the extract
produced at Laud's trial was taken from a later and more authoritative
document. On the other hand, Cheynie, bishop of Gloucester, though
occasionally present at meetings of the Synod, never acquiesced in
some of the decisions, which explains the omission of his name in all
the lists (Strype, Annals, I. 563). The bishopric of Oxford was not
full ; and Kitchen of Llandaff (apparently from want of sympathy)
took no part in the proceedings.
134 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
by the circumstance, that both the series of episcopal signa-
tures are said to have been appended to the Articles on the
same day and in the same place.
If one may safely hazard a conjecture in the midst of
these clashing statements, it is possible that after the house
of bishops had subscribed the primate's copy on the 29th
of January, it was transmitted to the Northern Convocation,
without waiting for the criticism of the lower house, who
had continued their discussions for another week ; and that
on its return it was deposited, like other private papers,
with the Parker Manuscripts, where it is now surviving ;
while the copy of the Articles as left when finally authorized
by the whole Synod on the fifth of the following month
had found its natural place among the other records of
Convocation, vis., in the registry belonging to the see of
Canterbury, at St. Paul's cathedral.
But if cogent reasons l do exist for thus disputing the
supreme authority of the Parker Manuscript, and even for
rejecting claims put forth on its behalf as constituting the
most finished copy of the Articles, the form they had
assumed at the rising of the Convocation — that Manuscript
is, notwithstanding, a most valuable guide in tracing out
their early progress, and determining the nature and
amount of changes which had been impressed upon them in
the house of bishops. 2
When first presented to that house about the 19th of
January, the Articles, by reason of the balance in previous
changes were still forty-two in number : but on the 29th,
which is the date of the episcopal subscriptions, three more
Articles had been erased. These were the thirty- ninth, the
fortieth , and the forty-second of the Edwardine series, all of
them relating, like the forty-first, which had been previously
1 See more on this subject in Bennet, c. viii., and Strype, Parlccr,
pp. 319, 320, where it is argued that this MS., as well as a second of
1571, are no more than ' first schemes or drafts preparatory.' The
fact of their being left in the 'private library of Parker, the variety of
corrections in the documents themselves, and the absence of all men-
tion of royal approbation, naturally form the main arguments of those-
learned antiquaries.
- These alterations arc distinguished in the MS. by the marks of a
red minium pencil, and by the Archbishop's own handwriting. Dr.
Lamb, Hist. Account, p. 17. ■
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN AETICLES. 135
withdrawn by Parker, to the theories of Anabaptisin ; and
the cause of the suppression was most probably that above
suggested, viz., the comparative disappearance of the sect
whose tenets had been previously denounced.
A fresh omission is observable in the statement on our
blessed Lord's 'Descent into Hell,' which had been justified
in earlier Articles by pointing to the well-known language
of St. Peter. That allusion to a single text was now
abandoned ; as we may conjecture, on account of violent
controversies which had been excited in some districts,
more particularly in the diocese of Exeter, 1 by theorizing
on this very subject.
A third erasure of importance had been made in the
article respecting the ' Lord's Supper,' which, as we have
1 Among the paper3 of Alley, bishop of that see, which had been
drawn np for the synod of 1563, there is one relating to this very
subject. After expressing his desire that the clergy might all preach
one kind of doctrine, and not inveigh against each other, he proceeds :
' First, for matters of Scripture, namely, for this place which is writ-
ten in the epistle of St. Peter, that Christ went down into hell, and
preached to the souls that were in prison. There have been in my dio-
cese great invectives between the preachers, one against the other, and
also partakers with them; some holding, that the going down of
Christ His soul to hell, was nothing else but the virtue and strength
of Christ His death, to be made manifest and known to them that
were dead before. Others say, that descendit in inferna is nothing
else but that Christ did sustain upon the cross the infernal pains of
hell. . . . Finally, others preach, that this article is not contained in
other symbols, neither in the symbol of Cyprian, or rather Eufine.
And all these sayings they ground upon Erasmus, and the Germans,
and especially upon the authority of Mr. Calvin and Mr. Bullinger.
The contrary side bring for them the universal consent and all the
Fathers of both Churches, both of the Greeks and the Latins . . .
Thus, my right honourable good lords, your wisdoms may perceive,
what tragedies and dissensions may arise for consenting to or dissent-
ing from, this Article.' See Strype, Annals, i. 348, ed. 1725; and for
some notice of a warm controversy at Cambridge on the same question
in 1567, Life of Parker, p. 258. In the volume of theological Miscel-
lanies by bishop Alley, entitled The Poore Mans Librarie, (Lond. 1565)
he ' declares at large the opinions and judgements as well of the olde
Fathers as of later writers, concerning this article of the faith,' (Tom.
II. fol. 72 — 77) and concludes by saying, ' One thinge I would wishe,
that neither this article, nor any other conteyned in the symbole,
commonly called Sijmbolum Apostolorum, shoulde be lightlye shaken
of, but to. be beleued as they stande there.'
136 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
seen, was partially re-cast by the Archbishop and his friends
before the meeting of the Synod. A long paragraph,
adapted from the older series, disappears entirely from the
Articles of 15G3 ; and, even had we no historical evidence
by which to illustrate the motives for this change, we
might have readily assigned it to a disagreement of the
prelates with regard to the peculiar shade of doctrine thus
abandoned or withdrawn. But in the history of the
Elizabethan period there are numberless allusions to the
quarrel which had only been exasperated by this article in
its original form. The clause of it ejected by the Synod
was to many minds suggestive of interpretations favourable
to the school of Zwingli. It appeared to question the
presence of our blessed Lord's humanity, in any way what-
ever, at the celebration of the Eucharist : and this would
doubtless be a reason for the change effected, in the
judgment of one class of prelates. 1 The ejected clause
had also opened an ulterior question, which was agitated
at that very juncture with peculiar bitterness among the
continental Reformers, 2 viz., whether the humanity of our
Lord, as now glorified, is so absolutely and inseparably
associated with His Divinity, that we are justified in
1 Dorman, who wrote his Disprovfe of all Nowelles Reprovfe in 1565,
alludes to this controversy in the ' new church,' as he calls it (fol. 52,
a) ; affirming that while some, like Edmund Guest (of Rochester),
preached for the ' real presence,' and others, like Grindal, denied it,
Parker was ' suspected to be a Lutheran : ' cf. fol. 103. It is prob-
able that all these statements are somewhat exaggerated ; but Nowel,
in his ' Confutation of Dorman,' does not deny that disunion existed
on the subject (fol. 362). In 1571, however, the archbishop writes
as if no material differences had been perpetuated (Corresp. p. 379).
Still it is indisputable that the change effected in 1563 in this Article
was most distasteful to the ' Swiss ' party. In proof of this it is
sufficient to adduce an extract from a Letter of Humphrey and
Sampson to Bullinger, July, 1566. They are pointing out the ' blem-
ishes ' which still attach to the Church of England : ' Lastly, the
Article composed in the time of Edward the Sixth, respecting the.
spiritual eating, which expressly oppugned and took away the Eeal
Presence in the Eucharist, and contained a most clear explanation
of the truth, is now set forth among us mutilated and imperfect.'
Zurich Letters, i. 165.
2 See Le Bas, Life of Jewel, pp. 129, 130. The Lutheran Brenz had
fully developed this doctrine, as to the omnipresence of our Lord's
glorified humanity, in 1561 : see Hardwick's Reform, p. 158.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN AKTICLES. 137
speaking of His Body as present in many places at one
and the same time.
Whatever may have been the number of voices ad-
vocating this or that side of the dispute, it closed like the
preceding altercations on the subject of our Lord's descent
to Hades ; the expressions which had formed a stumbling-
block to many, or which seemed to minister incentives to
a fruitless controversy, were eventually withdrawn by their
proposers. Such withdrawal may be taken as a further
testimony to the latitude and brotherly forbearance which
were constantly exhibited, on minor points, in the decisions
of the English Church : and if some persons have been
ready to condemn this silence as a mark of hesitation or
indifferentism, they may discover an abundant justification
of it, with regard to one large group of speculative truths,
not only in the general history of Councils, but in some of
the most stirring records of the Synod of Trent itself.
The few remaining alterations of the upper house were
limited to single phrases, nearly all of which, however, are
deemed worthy of some cursory notice.
The eighth article of the elder series had read in one
version of (ppovrjfia oapico<s the word ' studium ' only, and
the omission had not been observed by archbishop Parker;
but 'carnis' was now added by the Convocation for the sake
of completing the sense. 1
In the title of the fifteenth article Parker had retained
*in Spiritum Sanctum,' which phrase was subsequently
underscored in the Manuscript, and the words ' after
baptism ' introduced.
In the twenty-second of the Edwardine Articles ' verbo
Dei ' was substituted for ' verbis Dei.'
In the margin of the twenty-ninth a passage of St.
Augustine, which had there been cited, was distinctly
verified by reference to the treatise 2 out of which it was
taken.
1 In the English Articles of 1553 the passage stood correctly, 'The
■desire of the flesh.'
2 The reference so appended was 'super Joann. Tract. 26,' which
afterwards gave rise to some 'nibbling.' See Strype's Parker, pp.
.331, 332 : cf. Porson, Letters to Travis, p. 229 and • Pref.' p. xxxiii. ;
where, however, he forgets, in speaking of the quotation as spurious
138 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
And in the thirty-third, on ' Traditions Ecclesiastical,'
the word ' temporuni ' was added after ' regionum,' to make
the statement of the principle more full and comprehensive.
By such further modifications the whole number of the
Articles was now reduced to thirty-nine ; and in the form
which it assumed at this stage, 1 the document appears to
have been sent into the lower house of Convocation. We
have seen already that the members of that house had
manifested a peculiar eagerness for the revival of the
Articles of 1553, 2 and even had proceeded to organize a
committee, under the sanction of the bishops, for consider-
ing what changes were required before such Articles could
be re-published. The 20th of January was the day ap-
pointed for the bringing up of their report ; and if this
order were punctually obeyed, their criticism was under
the notice of the bishops during all their own deliberations.
It is now of course impossible to ascertain how many of the
changes ultimately adopted are attributable to the hints of
or interpolated, that the words extruded by the Benedictine editors
of St. Augustine are found in Bede, Alcuin, and others.
1 It may be remarked, on taking leave of the Parker MS., that the
following statement is appended to this copy of the Articles : Hos
Articulos fidei Christiana?, continentes in universum novemdecim
paginas in autographo, quod asservatur apud Reverendissimum in
Christo patrem dominium Matthceum Cantuariensem archiepiscopum y
tocius Angliae primatem et metropolitanum (then follows an enumera-
tion of the Articles in each page), nos archiepiscopi et episcopi utrius-
que provincial in sacra Synodo provinciali legitime congregati,.
recipimus et profitemur, et ut veros atque ortodoxos, manuum
nostrarum subscriptionibus approbamus, vicesimo nono die mensis
Januarii anno Domini secundum computationem Ecolesias Anglicanae
millesimo quingen sexagesimo secuudo, illustrissimas Principis Eliza-
bethae Dei gratia Anglia?, Francise, et Hibernioa regina?, fidei
Defensoris etc. dominao nostras clernentissiinaa, anno quinto.' The
subscriptions are then added, as enumerated above, p. 133, n. 2.
2 A list of ' Matters to be moved by the clergy in the next parlia-
ment and synod,' which Strype has printed in his Annals, I. 317, sq.
proceeded from some of the more zealous reformers. It includes the
following note, among others : ' Certain Articles containing the
principal grounds of Christian religion are to bo set forth, in which
also is to be determined the truth of those things which in this ago
are called in question. Much like to such Articles as wore set forth
a little before the death of King Edward. Of which Articles the
most part may be used with additions and corrections, as shall be.
thought convenient.'
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 139
this committee ; but on comparing the first edition of the
Articles, as put forth in 1563, with the Manuscript contain-
ing the episcopal signatures, we gather most unquestion-
ably that the lower house of Convocation acquiesced almost
implicitly" in the copy which received the approbation of
the bishops on the 29th of January : — the only variations,
between the printed series and the Parker Manuscript
being (1) the existence in the former of the disputed clause
of Article XX., on Church-authority ; and (2) the omission
from it of the whole of Article XXIX., on the effect of
unworthy partaking. To these two important modifica-
tions we shall presently recur.
At a session held on the 5th of February, the prolocutor 1
and six other members were called up into the presence
of bishop Grindal (acting in the room of Parker), and were
questioned with regard to the ' Book of Doctrine ' lately
forwarded from the bishops for subscription in the lower
house. The prolocutor, on replying to the summons,
exhibited a copy of the Articles, remarking that they had
already passed, and had been signed by several of the
members ; but as others seem to have betrayed reluctance
in following that example, he proceeded to request that
orders might be issued from the prelates to enjoin subscrip-
tions in all cases. For this reason it was now decreed
unanimously that the names of persons who continued in
the list of non- subscribers at the next meeting should be
noted by the prolocutor. Many fresh names accordingly
appear to have been added before the day when Convoca-
tion re-assembled (Feb. 10) ; and as no further measures
were adopted after the 12th of this month, for stimulating
the reluctant or coercing the refractory spirits, it is probable
that nearly all the members of the lower house gave in then"
acquiescence either in person or by proxy. 2
1 The only authentic information now obtainable respecting these-
proceedings is derived from brief extracts above mentioned (p. 131,
n. i) : and as they all were taken from the journals of the upper
house, the light reflected from them on the lower is but casual and
indirect.
2 A list of subscribers has been published in Strype, Annals, I. 327
— 329 ; but there seems no sufficient ground for supposing that it is.
a full and perfectly authentic copy, (cf. Dr. Lamb's Hist. Ace. 20
sqq., Bennet, c. yi. passim). The number of representatives in the
140 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
When the labours of the Synod 1 were thus brought
to an harmonious conclusion, in so far at least as they con-
cerned the new formulary, we might naturally expect to
follow it at once into the chamber of the privy council, and
there witness the affixing of the royal approbation. Coke
indeed has stated 2 that the Articles of 1563 were ratified in
the most formal manner, by passing under the great seal
of England ; but, however this may be, it is apparent that
some time elapsed 3 before the labours of the Convocation
were given to the public. That first edition of the Articles,
bearing date 1563 and in Latin, issued from the royal press.
It also urges that the work to which an imprimatur was
thus granted had been diligently read and sifted by her
Majesty in person. 4 There is consequently little or no
doubt that, in the absence of the Manuscript 5 which had
been finally accepted by the Crown, the most authentic
representation of the Articles of 1563 exists in the Latin
text, as printed under the direct authority of Elizabeth
herself. Invested, as it was, with the concurrent sanction
lower house was one hundred and forty-four : twenty -two deans, fifty-
three archdeacons, twenty-four prebendaries (or proctors of chapters),
forty-four proctors of the diocesan clei'gy, and one precentor (St.
David's). All the signatures in Strype amount to ninety-one ' propriis
manibus,' and fifteen others, ' per procurationem.'
1 Though the northern Convocation, as a body, had no direct
influence in the compiling of the Articles, its concurrence was to some
extent implied in the signatures of the archbishop of York and his
two suffragans. In 1605 all doubts and scruples on this question
were set at rest by the formal acceptance of the Articles in the
Convocation of York.
2 Instit. Part IV. c. 74, quoted by Bennet, p. 220.
3 See Bennet, c. xvn. Others, less correctly, make the interval
jiearly one year : e.g., Cardwell's Synod, i. 38.
4 The language is very noticeable : ' Quibus omnibus Articnlis
serenissima princeps Elizabctha Dei gratia Anglia?, Francise, et
Hibernias regina, fidei Defensor, etc., per seipsam dilig enter lectis et
examinatis regium suum assensum pnebuit.'
5 I am disposed to think that the Latin MS. from which this first
edition of the Articles was printed is now among the Elizabethan
State Papers, ' Domestic,' Vol. xxvn. § 41, A. The draft is not dated
and is without heading, but is manifestly an early copy. It omits the
XXIXth Article ; while the disputed clause in Art. XX. filling just
one line and somewhat crowding the page, was clearly introduced in,
■the same hand, after the draft itself was made.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 141
of the civil and ecclesiastical powers, 1 it alone, of the exist-
ing copies, exercised a binding force upon the conscience of
the English clergy.
Now, as we have seen already, one of the new Articles, 2
relating to unworthy participation of the Eucharist and
standing as the XXIXth in Parker's Manuscript, is
altogether wanting in this printed copy; and, still more,
it actually contains the celebrated clause affirming the
authority of the Church in controversies of faith. These
changes may of course have been adopted at the instance 3:
of the lower house of Convocation after the episcopal
signatures were all appended to the Parker Manuscript,
or, what is far more probable, they were inserted by the
royal council in compliance with the wishes of the monarch
or the scruples of her chief advisers : 4 but in either case it
1 See Dr. Cardwell's remark, Synod. I. 38, 39.
2 Bennet argues that it had passed the Convocation, but was sub-
sequently withdrawn (cf. below, n. 4), through tenderness to
the extreme or Eomanising party, who were still in communion with
the Church of England. At the time when this Article was re-
admitted (1571) the secession of that party was taking place, and
therefore the same need of forbearance no longer existed ; pp. 233,.
234.
3 With respect to the disputed clause in Art. XX. it is evident from
the existence of a similar passage in the Wurtemberg Confession of
1552 (above, p. 126), from equivalent affirmations in Art. XXXIV.,
from the sequel of Art. XX., and even from the language used by
members of the Puritanic party in the Elizabethan period, that no
reasonable ground existed to the introduction of such statements into
the new Formulary. See, for instance, the language of Fox, in
Strype's Annals, i. 326. It was not until the troublous time of
Charles I. that the obnoxious character of the Article was clearly
discovered or any definite controversy opened on the subject.
4 Cardwell's Synod, i. 39. This view is urged by Dr. Lamb, pp. 34,
35, and receives some degree of probability from what happened
during an interview (cf. above, p. 137, n. 2) between Parker and
Cecil in 1571 (Strype's Parker, pp. 331, 332); where Cecil called in
question the fairness of the quotation made in the 29th Article from
the writings of St. Augustine. His own scruples, or still more his
gentleness in dealing with adherents of the ' old learning ' (whether
Eomish or Lutheran), might have thus occasioned the withdrawal of
the Article from the Convocation-records ; and examples given by
Mr. Soames (Elizabeth. Hist. pp. 222, 223, notes) appear to demon-
strate that such acts of interference on the part of the Crown and.
Royal Council were not uncommon at the time.
142 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
is indisputable that tbe changes were admitted, without
protest, if not cordially adopted in the Church at large.
One discrepancy, it is true, was speedily adjusted, since
the twenty-ninth article was re-adopted by the bishops on
May 11, 1571, and finds its place in all the printed copies
■of that date, whether English or Latin. Its suspension,
therefore, lasting for so short a period, has excited far less
criticism than the conflicting versions of the twentieth
article ; for these, affirming or omitting, as they did, the
claim of synods and of Church-tribunals to adjudicate in
controversies of the faith, were touching on a class of
questions, which, at least in all the seventeenth century,
gave rise to the most formidable altercations and collisions. 1
The precise amount of evidence adducible on both sides
of this vexed question 2 may be briefly stated thus :
The controverted clause is not foiTnd
(1) In the Latin MS. of Parker, which was signed by
himself and the other bishops, on the 29th of January,
1563.
Nor (2) in an English 'minute' of the Articles, among
the Elizabethan State Papers, 3 dated January 31, 1563
(two days later).
Nor (3) in a fair copy of this English draft, also
among the State Papers/ and endorsed ' Articles of
Religion agreed on, 1562, in the Conuocation hous.'
• Nor (4) in the English version of the Articles, as
printed by Jugge and Cawood, in 1563.
1 Some account of an early disputation on this topic will be found
in the Life of Heylin, who selected' Church-authority as the subject
for an exercise in the schools. His opponent was the Professor him-
self (Dr. Prideaux) : Life of Heylin, pp. xcii., xciii., prefixed to his
History of the Reform, ed. Kobcrtson.
2 The disputed clause, it will be noticed, begins at the opening of
the 20th Article in the following terms : ' Habet Bcclesia ritus [sive
ceremonias] statuendi jus, et in fidei controversiis auctoritatem ;
■quamvis.' The two words in brackets, though represented in the
English version, do not appear in the original Latin edition, nor in the
transcript made in 1637 i'rom the Convocation-records ; nor (which is
again remarkable) in the set of Articles, among the State Papers, as
described above, p. 140, n. 5.
3 'Domestic,' Vol. XXVII. § 40.
4 Ibid. § 41.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 143
Nor (5) in the English. Manuscript of Parker signed by
the bishops in the Convocation of 1571.
Nor (6) in one Latin and one English edition, printed
by Jagge and Cawood, in 1571.
On the other hand, it is found
(1) In an early Latin draft of the Articles, among the
Elizabethan State Papers, 1 where it was inserted by the
same hand, after the draft itself was made, so as to fill
exactly one line.
(2) In the Latin edition of Reynold "Wolfe, 1563, as
expressly authorised by the Queen.
(3) In two or more English editions of Jugge and
Cawood, 1571.
(4) In six or more English editions from 1581 to
1628 ; and in all subsequent copies.
(5) In the transcript made in 1637 from an original
oopy of the Articles, as deposited in the registry of the see
of Canterbury.
Now those persons who maintain that the clause in
question was foisted into the Articles without authority,
either from the Convocation or the Crown, should recollect
that the importance of the Manuscript evidence against
it rests on the assumption that the documents now extant
in the Parker Library present us with the ultimate form of
the Articles, — the forcn in which they stood when finally
passed by Convocation and sanctioned by the Crown ; but
(as both Strype and Bennet argue) 2 an assumption of this
kind is utterly precluded (1) by the slovenly condition of
the manuscripts themselves, (2) by their place in a private
repository, and above all (3) by their deficiency in tokens
which invariably appear in acts and instruments put
forward under royal approbation.
With regard to those early printed copies in which the
paragraph is also wanting, they are more than balanced by
the weight and number of others in which it actually
exists. On one side is the Latin text of 1563, the very
earliest publication of the Articles, issuing from the press
1 'Domestic,' "Vol. xxvu. § 41, A : cf. above, p. 140, n. 5.
2 See references above, p. 134, n. i, and compare British Critic
i(1829), pp. 96, 97.
144 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
of the Queen's printer, and containing her emphatic sanc-
tion ; on the other, is an English version laying claim to
no kind of authority, either civil or ecclesiastical, and if
made, as there is every reason to believe, from the Parker
Manuscript, entitled to no higher appreciation than the
Manuscript itself.
But even if it be conceded that the printed, evidence is
equal, the fact that such a clause had been inserted in the
Convocation-record, as attested by a public notary in 1637,
is absolutely fatal to the plea that it had found its way
into some printed copies in defiance both of civil and eccle-
siastical authority. It may possibly have issued from the
Synod at a later stage of their proceedings and before the
Articles had been submitted to the Queen, or else, which is
more likely, it might afterwards have been interpolated
while the document was in the hands of the royal council ;
but no reasonable man will doubt the fairness of its claim
to be regarded as a genuine portion of the copy which had
long existed in the archives of St. Paul's cathedral, and
which perished in the fire of 1666. The testimony of that
record was produced upon the trial of archbishop Laud, in
the most open and explicit manner, at a time when it was
perfectly accessible to his accusers, or was I'ather in the
hands of his infuriated enemies, and yet ' not one of them
ever ventured to question the truth of the assertions, or
attempted to invalidate the proofs on which his defence
had rested.' 1
From these remarks on the revision of the Articles in
1563, we may proceed to the investigation of some further
changes that befel them in the course of the Elizabethan
1 British Critic, as above, p. 96. Attention is there drawn to the
farther statement of Archbishop Laud, that the contested clause was
also found in the Articles subscribed by the lower house in 1571.
Heylin, Examen Historicum, in alluding to the same discussions,
writes as follows (pp. 144, 145) : ' Having occasion to consult the
records of Convocation, I found this controverted clause, verbatim, in,
these following words : Habet ecclesia ritus statucndi jus et in fidei
controversiis authoritatem ; ' where also it is worthy of notice, the
two words, ' sive ceremonias,' are wanting. One of the stoutest
opponents of the genuineness of the clause was Antony Collins, in his
Priestcraft in Perfection, 1710, and also in a work entitled Historical
and Critical Essay on the XXXIX. Articles (in reply to Bennet), 1724-
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 145
period. The last touches were applied on the assembling
of Convocation in 1571 ; for then the series was reduced
exactly to the form in which it is transmitted to ourselves,
and also was imposed as a preliminary test on candidates
for Holy Orders.
In the interval, however, that elapsed between the
passing of the code in 1563 and its final ratification, it had
not unfrequently been chosen as a subject of debate in the
civil legislature, where attempts were made by sundry of
the Commons to exact subscription from the clergy. For
example, on the 5th of December, 1566, we read 1 that
'the bill with a Little Booh printed in the year 1562, 2
(which was the fourth or fifth of her Majesty's reign) for
the sound Christian religion, was read the first time.' The
' Little Book,' it is now universally conceded, was a copy
of the Elizabethan Articles of Religion, and most probably
the second English edition, in very small octavo, from the
press of Jugge and Cawood. 3 It is again mentioned in the
'Journals of Parliament,' on the 10th of December, when
the bill which claimed for the new document a wider cur-
rency was read the second time. 4 On the 13th of Decem-
ber, some fresh traces of it are detected ; ' the bill, with
the Articles printed 1562 for Christian Religion,' being
passed at the third reading. 5 On the next day (the 14th)
it was sent up to the House of Lords, but there abruptly
'steyd by commandement from the Queen : ' her reason
being, as we learn from one of Parker's letters (Dec. 21,
1566), not that she disliked the 'doctrine of the Book of
Religion, for that it containeth the religion which she
1 D'Ewes, Journals of Parliament, p. 132, Lond. 1682.
2 According to modern, computation, 1563. Similar notices of it
occur on subsequent days in the Journals of the House of Commons ;
and on reaching the Lords the entry in their Journals is j 'Die Sab-
lati, 14° Decembris (present Archbishop of York and seventeen
Bishops) allate sunt due Bille a Domo Communi, videlicet. . . . An
Act for Uniformity of Doctrine, que prima vice lecta est.'
3 It is reprinted in Dr. Lamb's publication, where it may be noted
that although the 29th Article is wanting, the number is made ' nine
and thirty,' by dividing the 6th Article into two portions.
4 D'Ewes, ubi supra.
5 Ibid. p. 133.
L
145 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
doth openly profess, but the manner of putting forth the
book.' 1
The primate, and indeed the bishops generally, appear
to have been most desirous of accelerating the course of
this bill about Religion through the House of Lords ; as we
conclude from a petition or address 2 exhibited by them 'to
the Queen's Majestye the 24th of Decembre anno 1566.'
Although the credit or discredit of the measure "was due
entirely to the Lower House, the bishops urge that they
accepted it as likely to produce a greater uniformity of faith
and practice. They declare, that ' thapprobation of thies
Articles by your Majestie shal be a verie good meane to
establyshe and confirme all your Highnes subjects in one
consent and unitie of true doctrine, to the great quiete and
saf ctie of your Majestie and this your realm ; whereas now
for want of a playn certeintie of Articles of Doctrine by law
to be declared, great distraction and dissention of myndes
is at this present among your subjects, and dailie is like
more and more to encrease, and that with verie great
daunger in policie, the circumstances considered, if the said
Boke of Articles be now steyd in your Majesties hand or
(as God forbid) rejected.'
Their petition was, however, unavailing; for the Queen,
immoveably resolved to guard what she considered her
prerogative, cut short all further ' doings of the Commons '
by dissolving Parliament on the 2nd of January. Her
strong conviction at this period harmonized entirely with
the message she sent down upon a similiar occasion, when
the project for securing uniformity in religion was revived
in 1571. ' She approved their good endeavours, but would
not suffer these things to be ordered by Parliament ; ' s and,
with especial reference to the Articles, it was reported on
the 1st of May, ' that the Queen's Majesty having been
made privy to the said Articles, liketh very well of them
and mindeth to publish them [i.e., in a fresh edition],
and have them executed by the bishops, by direction of
1 Parker's Corresp. p 291.
2 Parker's Corresp. pp. 292 sq. Bennet, pp. 258 — 260. It is inter-
lined in the handwriting of archbishop Parker, and is written in the
name of ' the Archebyshope and Byshops of both the Provinces.'
3 D'Ewes, p. 185.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 147
her Majesty's regal authority of supremacy of the Church
of England, and not to have the same dealt in by Par-
liament.'
But, strange as it may be, the rigour which gave utter-
ance to this magisterial language, speedily relaxed ; and
when the same measure had been introduced afresh into
the House of Commons (April 7, 1571), and from thence
transmitted to the Lords on the 3rd of May, Elizabeth was
forced into compliance ; and the bill, 1 entitled ' For the
order of ministers,' or ' For the ministers of the Church to
be of sound religion,' after passing the Upper House on
the 21st, obtained her wavering assent on the 29th of the
same month.
We may imagine that the fears awakened at that
juncture by the partisans of Mary, Queen of Scots, the
1 Stat. 13 Eliz. c. 12. It enacts ' by the authority of the present
parliament, that every person under the degree of a bishop, which,
doth or shall pretend to be a priest or minister of God's holy Word
and Sacraments, by reason of any other form of institution, con-
secration, or ordering, than the form set forth by parliament in the
time of the late king of most worthy memory, King Edward the
Sixth, or now used in the reign of our most gracious sovereign lady,
before the feast of the Nativity of Christ next following, shall, in the
presence of the bishop or guardian of the spiritualities of some one
diocese where he hath or shall have ecclesiastical living, declare his
assent, and subscribe to all the Articles of Religion, which only concern
the confession of the true Christian faith and the doctrine of the
Sacraments, comprised in a book imprinted, entitled 'Articles where,
upon it was agreed by the archbishops and bishops of both provinces,
and the whole clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the year
of our Lord God one thousand five hundred sixty and two, according
to the computation of the Church of England, for the avoiding of the
diversities of opinions and for the establishing of consent touching true
religion : put forth by the Queen's authority.' ' It is enacted further,
that a testimonial of such assent and subscription shall be procured
from the bishops, and read together with the Articles in Church.
The ' said Articles ' are also ordered to be subscribed in the presence
of the ordinary, and publicly read in Church by every one at his
admission to a benefice. On disputes which have arisen as to the
particular edition of the Articles referred to in this Act, see Dr.
Lamb's Hist. Ace. p. 26 ; British Critic, as above, pp. 92, 93 ; and
Dr. Swainson's Essay on the History of Art. XXIX. and of the 13th
Elizabeth, c. 12, Camb. 1856. Dr. Swainson has brought out dis-
tinctly that the edition of the Articles mentioned in this Act could
not have contained the 29th Article of the present series, which was
•only re-adopted by the bishops on May 11, 1571.
148 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
menacing attitude of early Puritanism, and, most of all, the
excommunicatory bull, 1 which had just before been levelled
at this nation by the Roman pontiff and had stimulated many
Romanizers to fall off entirely from the Church, 2 would all
have weight in mitigating the hostility of the Crown to
parliamentary interference in religious matters : for nothing;
but extraordinary pressure could have reconciled a soveriegn
like Elizabeth to the abandonment of what she always felt
to be the highest branch of the prerogative.
When it is further borne in mind that the series of
measures on Church-affairs, in which the bill about the
Articles stood foremost, 3 were the work of a new party in
the State, with puritanical and democratic leanings, the
eventual acquiescence of Elizabeth is all the more sur-
prising. One of the promoters of the Act of 1571 was 'an
ancient gentleman of hot zeal,' named Strickland, 4 who
was bent on making further changes in the ritual Offices of
the Church, 5 and ventured even to propose the framing of
1 See it in Camden's Annales Bl'iz. p. 183; ed. 1625. The true
date is April 27, 1570.
2 This was the origin of the Anglo-Roniisk schism. See Fullwood's
Roma Ruit, Appendix (A), pp. 317, 318, ed. 1817. The number of
such secessions was increased soon after by enforcing subscription to
the Articles : for it was chiefly against persons ordained in the time
of Mary that the Bill was pointed ; and until the works of Davenport
(Fran, a Sancta Clara) in the time of Charles I. no one attempted to
reconcile the Anglican with the Tridentine standard of Christian
orthodoxy.
3 In the original Journal-Boole, it is called ' Bill A,' being one of a
series of measures ' touching Religion and Church government '
(D'Ewes, p. 185) : but, as Dr. Swainson has pointed out, this ' Bill A'
was ' dashed' by the Queen and replaced by ' Bill B,' 'For the order
of Ministers,' which, although of precisely the same character and
object, was finally assented to (May 29).
4 Strype, Annals, II. 63, 64. ' The Queen liked not all these pro-
ceedings, reckoning it struck at her prerogative So that during
the time of Easter, in the holy-days, Strickland, for his exhibiting a
bill for the reformation of ceremonies, and his speech thereupon, was
sent for before the Lords of the Privy Council; and required to
attend upon them:' Ibid. In many minds the restraining of tho
Queen's prerogative was becoming more or less associated with the
advancement of the Puritanic interest.
5 The ' sour leaven ' of Puritanism, in reference to matters ritual,
had already begun to woi'k at Cambridge (see Dr. Lamb's Collection
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN AETICLES. 149
a new Formulary of Faith upon the model of the Swiss
Confessions. 1 Strickland was supported by Wentworth,
another of the early Puritans ; and when a deputation, of
which Wentworth was a member, waited on the primate
'for answer touching matters of religion,' it was noticed
that the version of the Articles which they were advocating
dropped all mention of the Homilies, the Ordinal, and other
topics which related to the hierarchy and ceremonial of the
Church. The primate, startled by this change, desired an
explanation ; on which Wentworth declared that certain
subjects were omitted from the series because the Commons
had no time ' to examine them how they agreed with the
Word of God.' 'What?' asked Parker; ' surely you mis-
took the matter; you will refer yourselves wholly to us
therein,' i.e., have recourse to the ecclesiastical aiithorities
in the determination of such points. But Wentworth
answered, ' No ! by the faith I bear to Cod, we will pass
nothing before we understand what it is, for that were but
to make you popes ; make you popes who list, for we will
make you none.' 2
The language of the puritanical party both on this and
other like occasions is in favour of a supposition not un-
sanctioned by the wording of the Act itself, that in the
confirmation of the Articles by parliament in 1571, it was
intended to enforce subscription only to such statements as
embrace the fundamental points of Christian faith and the
true doctrine of the Sacraments ; the fact that efforts had
been made in the direction of some new Confession by the
chief promoters of that measure being taken as corrobora-
tory of the same hypothesis. But as the question will be
re-considered at a later stage of our inquiry when we come
to the historical notices of subscription, we shall here
proceed to ascertain as far as possible the course pursued
in reference to the Articles by members of the southern
Convocation, which was sitting in connection with the
Parliament of 1571.
of Letters, etc., p. 356), and in 1572 appeared the great manifesto of
this party called the ' Admonition to the Parliament.'
1 Strype, Ibid. p. 66.
2 P'Ewes, p. 239: Strype, Annals, n. 67. Wentworth's 'freedom'
afterwards brought him into the custody of the sergeant.
150 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
The opening sermon was preached on April 3 by Dr.
"Whitgift, who, after dwelling at some length on the au-
thority of synods, and the lawfulness of vestments and
ecclesiastical decorations, adverted to the present enemies
of the Church, whom he divided into Puritans and Papists. 1
As the preacher made no special reference to the Articles,
much less to any changes in the series of 15G3, it is most
probable that the idea of re-considering them arose entirely
from the agitations on the subject afterwards excited in fche
House of Commons. However, on the 7th of April, the
very day when a string of bills concerning Religion was
read in that House, an order had been issued from the
primate, 2 enjoining that all members of the lower House of
Convocation ' who had not formerly subscribed the Articles
of Religion, agreed on in the year 1562 [1563], should sub-
scribe them now, or upon their absolute refusal or delay (if
such persons existed) that they should be wholly excluded
from the house.' In deference to this order the ' Book of
Articles ' was read aloud and personally subscribed by
__ members of both Houses ; but no more is heard of it until
the following month, when the deliberations of the Com-
mons were harmoniously concluded, and their bill for
legalising the Articles of Religion was already introduced
into the House of Lords (May 3). As one result, we may
conjecture, of this progress, and in order to multiply copies
1 Bennet, p. 262. Bnrghley (Cecil) complains, in the same spirit,
not long after (Sept. 11, 1573), of being 'bitten with a viperous
generation of traitors, papists, and (he adds) I fear of some domestic
hidden scorpions : ' Parker's Corresp. p. 444.
2 Ibid. Dr. Lamb thinks this order was directed against Cheynie,
bishop of Gloucester (above, p. 133, n. 2), who was excommunicated
for non-attendance at the synod, and afterwards absolved in the
person of his proxy ; but the terms of the order confine it to the
members of the lower house. Camden speaks of Cheynie as ' most
addicted to Lnther,' probably on account of his doctrine of the
Eucharist and his retention of pictures in churches. He refused, as
we have seen, to subscribe the Articles in 15G3 : Strype, Annah, I.
563. Jewel, in writing to Bullinger (Feb. 4, 1567), refers both to
Cheynie and others of his way of thinking : ' One alone of our
number, the bishop of Gloucester, hath openly and boldly declared in
Parliament his approval of Luther's opinion respecting the Eucharist,
but this crop will not, I hope, be of long continuance: Zurich
Letters, I. 185, 186.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN AKTICLES, 151
of the formulary which, might claim the definite sanction
of the Church and correspond with the specification of the
bill requiring the articles to be nsed in English, the bishops
forthwith undertook a fresh revision of the whole series.
Minutes to the following effect were thereupon inserted in
the register of Convocation, 1 at its fifth session (May 4) :
' Post tractatum aliquandiit inter Reverendissimum et
confratres suos secrete habitum, tandem unanimiter con-
venit, ut sequitur ; viz. : That when the Book of Articles
touching Doctrine shall be fully agreed upon, that then
the same shall be put in print by the appointment of my
Lord of Sarum [Jewel], and a price rated for the same
to be sold.'
'Item, That the same being printed, every bishop to
have a competent number thereof, to be published in their
synods throughout their several dioceses, and to be read in
every parish-church four times 2 a year.'
At the next session (May 11), which was held at
Lambeth, and was also strictly private, the bishops seem to
have been anxiously engaged in fresh deliberations on
the Book of Articles, 3 and possibly with reference to the
re-adoption of Article XXIX. ; — a surmise which is counte-
nanced and strengthened by the fact that on the same day
an English Manuscript, surviving in the library of arch-
bishop Parker, 4 and containing the Article in question,
1 Bennet, pp. 262, 263.
2 Archbp. Pai'ker had before enjoined the reading of them twice a
year (Strype's Parlcer, App. p. 48), together with the 'Declaration'
above mentioned (p. 117), which was also to be read twice. Grindal,
a.d. 1571, makes the same order with regard to the ' Articles ' (Card-
well's Docum. Annals, I. 370), and enjoins the use of them (a.d. 1576)
when there was no sermon (Ibid. i. 401). They were also ordered to
be read twice a year as late as the time of Charles II. (Ibid. II. 308.)
3 Bennet, p. 263. The minute is remarkable : ' Episcopi in
ccenaculo Lambethano congregati de et super rebus Ecclesias et
Libro Articulorum de Doctrina, ut apparuit, secrete semotis omnibus
arbitris tractarunt.'
* An exact copy is contained in Dr. Lamb's publication, No. iv.
It was probably a transcript from the Little Booh (see above, p. 145),
amended so as to meet the wishes of Parker and his friends ; and so
acting as an intermediate stage in the production of the document
finally authorised. For the variations between it and the printed
copies of 1571 i?nply that some further revision of it took place after
152 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
was subscribed by the primate and ten other bishops of the
southern province. 1 The same subject may have possibly
been re-considered in the eighth session on the 23rd of
May ; for then, we know, the prelates held another meet-
ing of two hours' duration, and had thus an opportunity
of sanctioning some emendations which had in the mean
while been incorporated into both the Latin and the
English texts. 2 But in the absence of all definite note of
these proceedings, we can offer only guesses as to their
precise character, until the Convocation was itself dissolved,
in the tenth session, on the 30th of May.
It is natural to expect that the Articles in their revised
condition would be finally submitted to both houses of
Convocation and again be regularly subscribed. Such
inference is implied or hinted in the royal ratification
appended to editions both English and Latin, which were
given to the public in the same year. 3 But as the original
copy, or copies, of the Avork have altogether perished, like
the labours of the previous Convocation, we are now unable
to determine the degree of unanimity by which this last
revision was ultimately approved. Bennet 4 draws atten-
tion to one copy of the Latin edition of 1563, accompanied
by names of members of the lower house who had sub-
scribed the Articles of Religion in the course of 1571 ; but
the 11th of May : Bennet, pp. 311 — 315. The same industrious
■writer shows that the ' Canons ' of this year were, in like manner,
authoritatively modified, after the subscriptions of the bishops were
appended, pp. 345, 346.
1 These were Robert (Home) of Winchester, John (Scory) of Here-
ford, Richard (Cox) of Ely, Nicholas (Bolingham) of Worcester, John
(Jewel) of Salisbury, Edmund (Guest) of Rochester, Nicholas (Robin-
son) of Bangor, Richard (Curteis) of Chichester, Thomas (Cooper) of
Lincoln, William (Bradbridge) of Exeter. They describe themselves
as follows : ' We, tharchbisshoppes and bisshoppes of either Province
of this realme of Englande,' etc. ; — intending, it may be, to forward a
copy of the document to the northern Convocation (cf. above, p. 133).
They also mention the Articles as ' thirty-eight ' in number, two, viz.
the 35th and 36th (respecting the Homilies and the Ordinal), being
in this copy united in one Article.
2 Bennet, chap. xxii. passim.
3 The Latin, 'apud Johannem Daynm, typographum. An. Domini,
1571:' the English, 'at London in Powles Churchyard, by Richarde
Iuggo and Iohn Cawood, Printers to the Queenes Maicstie, in Anno
Domini, 1571.'
4 Chap. xx.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 153
there is reason for believing that the time at which those
signatures had been appended was the earlier part of April,
when, as we have seen, the representatives were ordered to
subscribe as an initial step on pain of exclusion from the
Synod. Still, the fact that one whole Article, the 29th, as
well as a variety of minor changes, were henceforward to be
absolutely enforced on all the clergy, would doubtless have
suggested the propriety of submitting the Formulary to
both Houses when the task of revision was completed ; so
that, much as we deplore the loss of the original document,
we are entitled to believe that the particular version of the
Articles eventually ordered to be ' holden and executed ' by
the ratification of the Queen, was duly sanctioned, like its
predecessor, by the Church-authorities.
It is worthy of especial notice that neither in this royal
sanction, nor the Book of Canons, passed in the later
sessions of the present Synod and stipulating 1 that all can-
didates for holy orders shall henceforward sign the Articles,
do we discern the slightest reference to the Act of Parlia-
ment by which the code of doctrine had been previously
incorporated into the statutes of the realm. This silence,
on the part of Queen Elizabeth, is readily explained by her
unflinching maintenance of what she deemed the true pre-
rogative of the Crown ; while on the part of bishops and
1 ' Quivis minister Ecclesiae, anteqtiam in sacram functionem ingre-
diatur, subscribet omnibus Articulis de religione Christiana, in quos
consensum est in synodo ; et publice ad populum, ubicunque episco-
pus jusserit, patefaciet conscientiam suam, quid de illis Articulis, et
universa doctrina sentiat.' Cardwell, Synod. 1. 120. And in the famous
canon ' Concionatores,' after declaring, that preachers shall never teach
anything as matter of faith except that which is agreeable to the doc-
trine of the Old and New Testament, and which Catholic fathers and
ancient bishops have collected out of the same doctrine, it is added :
' Et quoniam Articuli illi religionis Christianas, in quos consensum est
ab episcopis in legitima et sancta synodo, jussu atque authoritate
serenissimaa principis Elizabethae convocata et celebrata, haud dubie
collecti sunt ex sacris libris Veteris et Novi Testamenti, et cum coelesti
doctrina, quae in illis continetur, per omnia congruent ; quoniam etiani
liber publicarum precum et liber de inauguratione archiepiscoporum,
episcoporum, presbyterorum et diaconorum nihil continent ab ilia ipsa
doctrina alienam ; quicunque inittentur ad docendum populum illorum
Articulorum authoritatem et fidem, non tantum concionibus suis, sed
etiam subscriptione confirmabunt.' Ibid. 127. Cf. 'Articuli per
archiepiscopum etc. in Synodo/ 1584, Ibid. I. 141.
154 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
clergy, it had risen from a strong dislike to recognise
distinctions, which to all appearance had been sanctioned in
the Act of Parliament, between doctrinal and other Articles.
Both Queen and clergy were beginning to foresee most
clearly that the intermeddling of the House of Commons,
in the province of theology, was intimately connected at
that period with the growth of democratic elements, and
might result, if not abated by the application of more
vigorous checks, in the subversion both of throne and altar.
As early as 1573, the two archbishops in a joint communi-
cation had the foresight to declare : ' In the platform of
these new builders, we evidently see the spoliation of the
patrimony of Christ, a popular state to be sought. The
end will be ruin to religion and confusion to our country.' *
Actuated by forebodings of this kind, the Convocation
was so far from bending under the attacks of Wentworth
and his party, that the Articles on issuing from this last
review had suffered none of the threatened mutilations, nor
indeed experienced any formidable change. The twenty-
ninth (as we have seen already) was inserted now in every
copy ; and the clause affirming the authority of the Church
in controversies of faith, though wanting in the draft sub-
scribed on May 11 by the eleven bishops, as also in the
English edition of 1563, on which that Manuscript was
modelled, 2 is found in all the English copies of 1571
which have the slightest claim to be regarded as authentic. 3
The disputed clause is wanting, it is time, in one Latin
edition of 1571, printed by John Day; but, on the con-
trary, it seems to have existed in other copies, 4 in the
same language, of the same date, and by the same printer ;
1 Parker's Corresp. p. 434. He expressed the same forebodings in
1566 (pp. 284, 285), and also afterwards (p. 437).
2 Bennet, p. 336.
3 Ibid. c. xxiv. This point is proved from a minnte correspondence
between an English copy (in Bennet's work marked E) and the
language of a letter of Archbishop Parker (dated Juno 4, 1571, i.e.,
immediately after the close of the Convocation). In this edition,
authenticated by the allusion of the primate, the disputed clause
is found.
4 e.g., in the Latin edition, by John Day, printed in Bp. Sparrow's
Collection, which differs in three other material particulars from the
extant copy of Day's edition.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 155
so that whether we attribute the omission to design or
accident, to the unscrupulous intrigues of Leicester 1 and
his Puritan allies, or the timidity of Bishop Jewel, 2 the
editor appointed by the Synod to superintend the publica-
tion of the Articles, there can be little doubt of its synodical
adoption at that time, and none whatever of its universal
obligation 3 since the year 1605.
The other changes which are met with in the autho-
rised versions of this period will be afterwards exhibited
more fully : 4 it is here sufficient to observe that they have
left the character impressed upon the Articles in 1563
entirely unaffected. They are either emendations in the
wording of thirteen titles, or corrections introduced into
the English from the older Latin copy, or occasional
explanations of phraseology believed to have been capable
of misconstruction. One positive addition will be found
in the completed list of the ' Apocryphal ' writings, now
appended to the sixth Article.
There is, however, an important consideration belong-
ing to this stage of our inquiry, which has been suggested
partly by the fact that we possess the Articles of 1571 in
two forms, English and Latin. Are, then, these two ver-
sions equally authentic, or, in the event of discrepancies 5
1 Fuller speaks of him as the ' patron-general of non-subscribers ; '
and there can be no doubt as to his violent dislike of Parker -and the
more conservative Eeformers. Parker's Corresp. p. 472.
2 This is the supposition of Mr. Soames, Elizabethan Hist. p. 152.
If any such omission was made by that prelate, he clearly exceeded
the powers which had been granted by the synod : for so far from
constituting him an irresponsible reviser the order was that his duty
of editor commence 'when the Articles shall be fully agreed upon.'
3 The disputed clause occurs in the English copy of the Articles
subscribed by the Southern Convocation in 1604, and by the Northern
in 1605. It enters therefore into the series contemplated by the 36th
canon.
4 See Append. No. III., where the Articles, in this their final shape,
are printed at length in Latin and English, by the side of the Forty-
two Articles, together with collations of the most authentic copies of
1563.
5 A few such variations have been pointed out : e. g., in the ninth
Article, the English, 'for them that believe and are baptized' =the
Latin, ' renatis et credentibus ; ' and just before, the English, 'there
be no condemnation '=the Latin, ' nulla propter Christum est con-
demnation Similarly, in the twelfth Article, the English, ' follow
156 THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. [CH.
between them, which may be regarded as of paramount
authority ?
This question is so clearly and succinctly answered by
Waterland in his ' Supplement to the case of Arian Sub-
scription,' that his language may with great advantage be
transferred to our own pages : ' As to the Articles, English
and Latin, I may just observe for the sake of such readers
as are less acquainted with these things ; first, that the
Articles were passed, recorded, and ratified in the year
1562 [1563], and in Latin only. Secondly, that those Latin
Articles were revised and corrected by the Convocation of
1571. Thirdly, that an authentic English translation was
then made of the Latin Articles by the same Convocation,
and the Latin and English adjusted as nearly as possible.
Fourthly, that the Articles thus perfected in both languages
were published the same year, and by the royal authority.
Fifthly, subscription was required the same year to the
English Articles, called the Articles of 1562, by the
famous act of the 13th of Elizabeth.
' These things considered — -I might justly say, with
Bishop Burnet, that the Latin and English are both equally
authentical. Thus much, however, I may certainly infer,
that if in any places the English version be ambiguous,
where the Latin original is clear and determinate, the
Latin ought to fix the more doubtful sense of the other,
(as also vice versa,) it being evident that the Convocation,
Queen, and Parliament intended the same sense in both.' *
Another and more general class of questions cannot
fail to have been prompted in the course of the investiga-
tion now drawing to a close. We saw in every step how
intimate as well as constant was the sympathy or corre-
spondence between -the structure of the English Articles
and the condition of the Church of England at the time of
their compilation and revision. Now this fact, attested
as it is not only in contemporaneous writings, but in all
after justification '=tlio Latin, ' justificatos sequuntnr.' The English
heading of Art. XVIII. is, ' Of obtaining eternal salvation only by the
name of Christ ; ' the Latin is, ' Tantum in nomine Christi speranda
est seterna salus.' In Art. XXV. the Latin words, 'quomodo nee
Poenitentia,' have no English equivalent.
1 Works, ir. 316, 317. Oxf. 1813.
VI.] THE ELIZABETHAN ARTICLES. 157
successive titles of the document itself, may fairly be in-
voked to modify our judgment with, regard to its distinctive
character and office as a test of Christian truth. The
Articles, if viewed under one aspect, were pacificatory : they
strove by silence, or at least by general statements, to
divert and calm the speculations of the English clergy on
mysterious and scholastic questions which remain unsolved
in Holy Scripture, and transcend the present limits of the
human understanding. On the other hand those Articles
were meant to be denunciatory ; plain and positive errors
were unsparingly rebuked. Criteria had been there pro-
vided, so that advocates alike of Romanism and Ana-
baptism, Papist and fanatic, Puritan and Zwinglian
1 sacramentary,' were all excluded from the office of public
teachers in the Church of England. But a clear perception
of these characteristic traits is absolutely fatal to the
argument which labours to exalt the Articles of 1571 into
a full and systematic body of theology — reaching to all
topics and sufficient for all times. The Articles may claim
to be, and are, an adequate exponent of the Church's mind
with reference to the questions which they rule affirma-
tively ; but in cases where '"""jy merely censure some
obnoxious form of misbelief . ■ of malpractice, without
accurately defining truths of which those errors are cor-
ruptions, or distortions, or negations, we must seek for the
whole teaching of the Church of England on such topics in
a somewhat different quarter — in the Prayer-Book and
other writings which have been invested with a like
authority. 1
Such has ever been the language held by those who
in the sixteenth century, as well as in all subsequent
crises, have stood forward as our champions against error
1 It is worthy of note that in the year 1675, during the discussions
on the Test-Bill, Lord Shaftesbury (the profligate leader of what
were then called the ' low-churchmen ') asked in the house of peers,
'How much is meant by the Protestant Religion?' Whereupon
several bishops explained, ' that the Protestant Religion is compre-
hended in the Thirty-nine Articles, the Liturgy, the Catechism, the
Homilies, and the Canons of the Church of England.' Lord Camp-
bell's Lives of the Chancellors, III. 323. Cf. the language of the
prolocutor in the Convocation of 1689 ; Cardwell's Hist, of Coiu
ferences, p. 445, Oxf. 1841.
158 THE ELIZABETHAN AKTICLES. [OH VI.
on the right hand and the left. Their judgment as to
the true province of the Articles is quite in harmony with
memorable words of bishop Peai'son, who, like older pre-
lates, while encountering the arts and malice of the Church
of Rome, had also to do battle with an opposite party who
were panting after the more perfect ' reformation of the
public doctrine.' 1 He remarks, most truly, that on the Puri-
tan hypothesis, the Book of Articles must always seem irre-
gular and defective, and then adds the following weighty
answer to the prevalent mistake. That Book, he says, ' is
not, nor is pretended to be, a complete body of divinity, or
a comprehension and explication of all Christian doctrines
necessary to be taught ; but an enumeration of some truths,
which upon and since the Reformation have been denied
by some persons ; who upon their denial are thought unfit
to have any cure of souls in this Church or realm ;
because they might by their opinions either infect their
flock with error, or else disturb the Church with schism,
or the realm with sedition.' 2
We shall next endeavour to describe the framing of
some kindred documents which serve to throw especial
light on the interpretation of the earlier series ; and shall
then present the reader with some sketches of the efforts
made in various schools of misbelief, to alter its contents or
to unsettle its authority.
1 No Necessity of Reformation : 'Minor Works,' II, 169; ed. Churton.
2 Answer to Barges, Ibid, u, 215.
CHAPTER VII.
THE LAMBETH ARTICLES.
OF all the ancient ' clerks,' whom leaders of the Refor-
mation-movement had continned to regard with a
peculiar deference, none was so conspicuous and command-
ing as the bishop of Hippo-Regius, — the incomparable
Augustine. In the writings both of ' Swiss' and ' Saxon'
theologians, Luther, Zwingli, Bucer, Bullinger, Calvin, and
Melancthon, the time-honoured name of St. Augustine con-
stantly recurs : while the profuse citations from his works
which meet us everywhere in studying the productions of
our own Reformers, 1 testify how much of confidence they
also had reposed in his authority, and their delight in his
sacred learning.
It is not to be disguised, however, that in spite of this
determination to enthrone Augustine as the doctor of the
West, some portions of his theological system were at
variance with the corresponding statements of other and
still earlier Fathers. 3 The portentous controversies which
were^ kindled in all quarters by" the zeal of the Pelagian
party drove him to reflect more deeply on the nature and
necessity of Grace ; and the direction of these grand
investigations, coinciding with the bias of his natural
temperament, conducted him ere long to the ulterior
problem, which attempts to reconcile the truth of God's
supreme fore-knowledge with the parallel fact of individual
freedom, and the consciousness in man of his own moral
1 Their reverence for hini has been made the ground of animad-
version by Bp. Horsley, Sermon on i. St. Peter iii. 18 — 20, who thinks
that the change made in the Article on our Lord's descent into Hades
(1563) was owing to doubts which had been entertained by St.
Augustine as to the import of this passage.
2 Paber, Primitive Doctrine of Election, I. 96 — 111, Lond. 1836:
Blunt, Sketch of the Church, Serm. iv. pp. 167—177, Camb. 1836.
This discord or divergence did not escape the criticism of Bp.
Gardiner, Declaration (against Joye), fol. Ixxix.
160 THE LAMBETH ABTICLES. [CH. VII.
responsibility. The treasures both of wisdom and ex-
perience thus accumulated by Augustine in a long and
painful process of inquiry furnished a most copious stock
of theses for the mock-encounters of the schools, as well as
ample food for some of the more philosophic spirits of the
Middle Ages; 1 and from thence it was that Calvin, in the
second generation of Reformers, had rejoiced 2 to draw
materials for the masterly system of theology which he
bequeathed to a succession of disciples and admirers.
The extent to which our English Reformation was
affected by peculiarities associated with the name of Calvin
has been often made a matter of debate. It may be true,
as some have argued, that his first distinct avowal of the
doctrines here considered can be traced no further back than
1551 ; 3 and therefore that the compilation of our Articles
and Prayer-Book cannot possibly bear any impress of the
' Calvinistic' modes of thought: but nevertheless if it be
1 ' Of predestination and reprobation, it is our part to speak ad-
visedly. But that the only will of God is the cause of reprobation,
being taken as it is contrary to predestination, not only St. Paul and
St. Augustine, but the best and learnedest schoolmen have largely
and invincibly proved.' Dr. Whitaker to the Archbishop, in Strype'a
Whitgift, App. No. xxv. p. 200. For the interesting disputes on
these questions at the Council of Trent, see Sarpi, I. 367, sqq. On
the contemporaneous agitation of the same topics among our own
Reformers, see above, p. 100 ; and on Luther's earlier controversy
with Erasmus, see Hardwick's Reform, p. 44.
2 Instit. Lib. III. c. 22, § 8, where, however, he disingenuously
affirms that St. Augustine claimed the support of the other Fathers ;
the fact being that Augustine appeals only to three writers of the
age before his own : Faber's Doctrine of Election, ubi sup.
3 Archbp. Lam-ence, Scrm. n. note (14). The name of Calvin was,
however, well known in England before this period, for, as we have
seen, he was of the number invited to take part in the religious ' Con-
ference ' projected as early as 1519 : see above, pp. 70. sq. His
Institutio had, moreover, been circulating since the year 1536 ; and
there is no good reason for maintaining that his ox'iginal view of
election was very different from that finally developed. It is curious
that one of the first strictures passed upon him, by an English
reformer, occurs in a letter of Hooper to Bucer (dated Zurich,
June 19, 1518) : 'I do not rightly understand what you write respect-
ing Calvin. I had never any intention of using my pen either against
him or Farell, although his commentaries on the first Epistle to the
Corinthians displeased me exceedingly.' Original Letters, ed. P. S.
p. 48.
VII.] THE LAMBETH ABTICLES. 1G1
granted that his teaching on Election and the other cognate
questions was identical with that of St. Augustine, both
the Articles and other Formularies of the Church may still
have been considerably tinctured with 'Calvinism,' though
such admixture was not actually derived from treatises of
Calvin.
This identity, however, will no longer be maintained by
any one who makes himself familiar with the systems of
theology as fabricated in the schools of Hippo and Geneva :
for, extensively as Calvinists have been indebted to their
African predecessor, they have so exaggerated various
portions of his teaching, and have so curtailed or con-
tradicted others, that in spite of similarity of language
a profound if not a fundamental change is frequently ob-
servable on comparing the positions of the ancient and
the modern doctor. For example, as one proof of such
diversity we may select the doctrine of ' final perseverance,'
or the inadmissibility of regenerating grace. In both those
systems it was equally contended that a remnant only
of the human family are made partakers of the special
gift which schoolmen term the ' grace of perseverance : '
yet Augustine uniformly held that other persons, not
included in this remnant, may be verily regenerate and
actually possessed of living faith in Christ, which not-
withstanding they will forfeit altogether; while Calvin,
who identified the gifts of perseverance and regeneration,
had been driven to deny the possibility of spiritual life
except in those whom a Divine decree had also irreversibly
exempted from the chance of ultimate perdition. 1 In tho
1 Cf. the Angustinian Treatise, Be Correptione et Gratia, c. 6 and
c. 13, or Be Prcedestinatione Sanctorum, c. 14, with Calvin's Institutio,
Lib. in. c. 24, § 6. It is very observable that this distinction was
keenly felt at the compiling of the Lambeth Articles ; for in the
emendations of Whitaker's theses by the archbishop and his col-
leagues, an important change was made in Art. V. : 'In autographo
Whitakeri verba erant " in iis qui semel ejus participes fuerunt,"
pro quibus a Lambethanis substituta sunt, "in electis," — sensu piano
alio et ad mentem Augustini; cum in autographo sint ad mentem
Calvini. Augustinus enim opinatus est, veram fidem quse per dilec-
tionem operatur, per quam contingit adoptio, justificatio et sancti-
ficatio, posse et intercidi et amitti ; fidem vero esse commune donuin
electis et reprolis, sed perseverantiam electis propriarn : Calvinua
-LI
1G2 TIIE LAMBETH AETICLES. [CH.
Augustinian system there was left a positive check upon
the desolating influence of presumption and the tendency
to recklessness and desperation : in the Calvinistic system,
where both justifying and regenerating grace were held
to be not given excepting to the finally saved, we need
not wonder if the feeling of responsibility for human
actions had been seriously endangered.
It is probable, indeed, that no forebodings of this kind
had been suggested to the refugees, who had found shelter
on the continent from the Marian persecutions, beneath
the hospitable roofs of ' Calvinistic ' reformers, and had on
their return been chiefly instrumental in the opening of
disputes still agitated in the Church of England. In the
number of such exiles, which was very considerable, we
can recognize a large majority of those who, from the
special nature and emergency of the times, had been ad-
vanced on the accession of Elizabeth to some of the most
honourable positions in their native country. The effects
of their association with the leading Swiss reformers arc
especially visible if we contrast their future bearing with
the conduct of a smaller band of scholars, such as Alley,
Guest, and Parker, who had never crossed the seas. These
latter were in almost every case untainted by the disci-
plinary sciuiples of their brethren, and, still more, evinced
no tenderness for the extreme opinions on dogmatic points,
which not a few of the ' predestinarian zealots ' had
imbibed from the instruction of their foreign masters. 1
Parker and his friends were acting as conservative
autern, veram et justificantern fidem solis salvandis et electis contin-
gere.' See Append. No. v. Hutton, Arcbbisbop of York, suggested an
alteration in Art. VI., on the ground that as it stood it was opposed
to St. Augustine, who taught, ' Reprobi quidem vocati justincati, per
lavacrum rcgenerationis renovati sunt, et tamen exeunt ' etc. Strype's
WJiitgift, p. 4G1, cd. 1718. Cf. the Augsburg Confession, Part i.
§ 12 ; where, notwithstanding the uniform reverence for St. Augus-
tine, the notion that ' persons once justified cannot lose the Holy
Spirit,' is denounced as an error of the ' Anabaptists.' Tins charge
seems to have been actually made against the Cambridgo 'Calvinists'
in 1595 : Strype's Whitgijt, p. 434.
1 Some of these did not blush to say, that 'all evil springeth of
God's ordinance, and that God's predestination was the cause of
Adam's fall, and of all wickedness.' See other instances in Heylin,
Hist, of the Presbyterians, p. 243, Oxf. 1G70.
yn.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES.- 165
elements amid the heavings of a stormy and most anxious
period, when continual struggles were made ' to throw off
the godly orders of the Church,' or ' break in pieces those
constitutions on which it was established ; ' and had no
such better elements survived, ' it would in all probability
have never been able to have subsisted afterwards.' 1 The
wider introduction of the doctrines of Geneva might have
easily paved a way for its ' pretended holy discipline,' and
thus the fears expressed at the conclusion of the sixteenth
century by men like Hooker might ere long have been
accomplished.
It is likely that the reverence felt on every side for the
authority of St. Augustine had continued to facilitate the
circulation of strong ' Calvinian ' tenets, or, at least, disarm
the indignation and hostility of some who could not fail to
have foreseen the consequences into which those tenets
might be pushed by their less scrupulous admirers. It
was taxing all the courage and sobriety of Parker, 2 and
a few of his more trusty coadjutors, to resist the constant
efforts of the ' Swiss ' party, who were anxious to infuse a
more distinctively Genevan spirit into all our public
Formularies. As early as 1559, when many of the exiles
just returning to their homes presented a declaration of
their doctrine to Elizabeth, they laid particular stress upon
the tenet of Predestination, 3 as ' a thing fruitful and
profitable to be known,' appealing also to the high example
of St. Augustine ; yet the reader will have looked in vain
for any mention of that tenet in the Eleven Articles, — the
test which was, immediately after, put in circulation both
in this and in the sister island; and in 1563, on the revision
of the Edwardine Formulary, it is noticeable that the
1 Strype's Observations on Archbp. Parker; Life, p. 543.
2 See a curious account of one Richard Kechyn, whom the arch-
bishop preferred, ' charging him not to preach controversial sermons
on the Divine Counsels,' in Mr. Haweis' Sketches of the Reformation,
p. 95. The obedient clerk was afterwards rebuked for his silence by
one of the itinerant preachers, who declared that 'Predestination
should and ought to be preached in every sermon and in every place,
before all congregations, as the only doctrine of salvation,' etc.
3 See' above, p. 117, n. 1, and Strype's Annals, i. 116. They admit,
however, that ' in this our corrupt age ' discreet ministers should
speak ' sparely and circumspectly ' of such matters.
164 THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. [CHV
language 1 of the Article on Predestination was in one-
point softened or restrained, instead of having contracted
the more rigorous tone which through the zeal and energy
of the exiles was pervading the great body of the Church
of England.
Yet the controversy, in which that doctrine always
stood conspicuous, had continued rather to increase than
to diminish with the lapse of the Elizabethan period : and
indeed it may be confidently affirmed that during an
interval of nearly thirty years the more extreme opinions
of the school of Calvin, not excluding his theory of irre-
spective reprobation, were predominant in almost every
town and parish. Calvin thus became, if we may use
the pointed parallel of Hooker, 2 what the ' Master of the
Sentences ' had been in the more palmy period of scholas-
ticism ; ' so that the perfectest divines were judged they
which were skilfnllest in Calvin's writings.' Even the
repulsive dictum 3 ' which speaks little better of our
gracious God than this, that God should design many
thousands of souls to hell before they were, not in eye to
their faults, but to His own absolute will and power,' — was
grown, to cite the burning words of Harsnet, in 1584, 'high
and monstrous, and like a Goliah, and,' he continues, ' men
do shake and tremble at it ; yet never a man reacheth to
David's slins; to cast it down. In the name of the Lord of
1 For instance, one clause, ' although the decrees of predestination
are unknown unto us,' was then dropped; and instead of the naked
reference to election 'out of mankind,' the Article of 15G3 speaks of
election ' in Christ out of mankind.'
2 'Pref.' to Heel. Pol. chap. n. § 8. In a MS. note of Hooker on A
Christian Letter, etc., he asks ironically, ' What should the world doe
with the old musty doctors ? Alleago Scripture, and show it alleaged
in the sense that Calvin alloweth, and it is of more force in any man's
defense, and to the proofe of any assertion, than if ten thousand Au-
gustines, Jeromes, Chrysostomes, Cyprians, or whosoever els were
brought foorth. Doe we not daily see that men are accused of hercsie
for holding that which the Fathers held, and that they never are cleere,
if they find not somewhat in Calvin to justify themselves!" Ibid, note
(33), ed. Keble.
3 Calvin himself sajs, ' horribile qnidem decretum fateor,' in
contemplating his own theory of reprobation. Instit. Lib. in.
c. 23, § 7.
VII.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 165
Hosts, we will encounter it; for it hath reviled not the
host of the living God but the Lord of Hosts.' 1
Such, therefore, was the general aspect of the popular
theology, with reference to the dogma of absolute predesti-
nation, when the party, then in the ascendant, made a
vigorous effort to perpetuate their system, by compiling
an important string of definitions which have since been
commonly entitled the ' Lambeth Articles.'
The origin of this new movement may be traced, with
more or less exactness, to the rigorous ' Calvinism ' of Dr.
Whitaker, the foremost of polemics in his time, and
Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge. Aided^by
two others, Chadderton and Perkins, 2 the latter of whom
had always been distinguished for his reckless theorizing
on these subjects, Whitaker began to publish a crusade for
checking the advances of ' Pelagianism and Popery,' — two
names by which it was the fashion to describe all kinds of
teaching which was held to vary from the ' Calvinistic '
standard. At the head of the opposing or remonstrant
party was the Margaret Professor of Divinity, Baro
(Baron), of Prench extraction, who, as a Reformer, fled for
refuge to this country at an early period of his life, and by
the favour of Burghley (Cecil) was promoted to a chair at
Cambridge, in 1574 or 1575. Although his gentle and
retiring spirit indisposed him for this kind of warfare,
Baro seems to have stood forward manfully in opposition
to extravagancies then advocated by his brother professor,
and espoused by a majority of the senior members of the
Senate. His lectures, also, had a tendency to lower the
exorbitant value which was set upon the writings of the
Swiss reformers : and exactly as a generation of students,
moulded by his teaching, had been gradually replacing the
1 Quoted in Heylin, Histor. Quinqu-Articul. Part III. ch. xvii. § 4.
There are two theses of Harsnet among the HarleianMSS., No. 3142,
pp. 107 sq. The titles are : ' Nemo necessario damnatur,' and ' Certi-
tudo uniuscujusque salutis non est certitudo fidei.'
2 His Armilla Aurea, containing the order of the causes of salvation
and damnation, was published in 1592, for the use of students, and
tended, perhaps, more than the writings of the other party, to
damage the character of ' Calvinism ' by pushing some of its more
startling principles into their logical results.
166 THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. [CH.
admirers of Calvin and Bullinger, the ' Institutio,' the
'Decades ' and a host of similar text-books were exchanged
for volumes of the Fathers and occasionally of the School-
men. 1
Not long after the arrival of Baro at Cambridge he had
ventured to maintain distinctly, from the history of the
Ninevites, that ' it is the will of God we should have
eternal life, if we believe and persevere in the faith of
Christ ; but if we do not believe, or believing only for
a time, do not persevere, then it is not the will of God wo
should be saved.' 2 And further expositions of this
doctrine are still extant in a ' concio ad clerum ' which he
preached in 1595, on the occasion when the Lambeth
Articles were first projected. lie was ready to uphold
these three assertions: (1) 'That God created all men
according to His own likeness in Adam, and so conse-
quently, to eternal life ; from which He chased no man,
unless because of sin. (2) That Christ died sufficiently for
all, showing that the denial of this doctrine is contrary to
the Confession of the Church of England, and the Articles
approved by the Parliament of this kingdom, and con-
firmed by the Queen's authority. (3) That the promises
of God made to us, as they are generally propounded to us,
were to be generally understood, as it is set down in the
seventeenth Article. ' 3 [' gcneraliter propositi '].
In spite, however, of the moderation of these statements
and the ' modest ' way in which they are reported to have
been delivered, the unfortunate professor was cited before
1 In a report of the Vice-Chancellor and others to Whitgift, who
had sanctioned their search into private rooms and studies at Cam-
bridge (Strype's Whitgift, p. 438), it is even mentioned, that things
had already come to such a pass, that ' instead of godly and sound
writers, among their stationers, the new writers were very rarely
bought ; and that there wero no books more ordinarily bought and
aold than popish writers,' etc.
2 Prcelect in Jonam Prophet am, p. 217 : Lond. 1579.
3 Strype's Whitgift, p. 466. See also his ' Orthodox Explanation of
the nine propositions concluded upon at Lambeth.' Ibid. App. No. xxvr.
and the ' Assertions ' of his accusers, Ibid. 470. Their great objection
was to his doctrine of 'universal redemption.' See on this latter a
discussion of Baro's, entitled Cur fructus mortis Christi ad omncs
Adami postcros non perveniat, among the Camb. Univ. MSS. Gg. I. 29,
fol. 46 sq. (date circ. 1594).
VII.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 167
the Vice-CIiancellor of the University (Dr. Groade) : and
though proceedings then instituted were eventually stopped
by the good office of his patron Burghley, Baro could not
be induced to offer himself for re-election (1596). 1
But while a genial friend of Overall and Andrewes, and
the able champion of English orthodoxy, was thus driven
from his post by the intolerant zeal of the ' Calvinian '
party, a fresh victim, second to him both in age and repu-
tation, was exciting their activity and ardour to a still more
feverish pitch. William Barrett was a fellow of Caius
College, and one of the warmest spirits in the number who
'liked not Calvin's scheme.' A 'concio ad clerum,'
preached by him at Great St. Mary's church on the 29th
of April, 2 ] 595, contained a strong if not a virulent attack
upon the popular theology ; in which, besides denying in
emphatic terms the indefectibility of grace and the received
doctrine of assurance, he indulged in a succession of dis-
paraging reflections on Calvin, Beza, Peter Martyr, and
others, all of whom had sanctioned the idea of irrespective,
unconditioned, reprobation. 3 Soon after the delivery of
this sermon the offender was summoned before the Vice-
Chancellor and heads of colleges, and was urged by them
at several meetings to retract expressions which had given
offence. He finally consented to this course, and on the
10th of May recited in St. Mary's church a form of
recantation* which had been provided by the University
authorities, if not by Dr. Whi taker himself. The hollow -
ness and insincerity of this act, like many of the similar
recantations in all ages, was immediately apparent ; and as
early as the 26th of the same month the old disputes had
been re-opened by the ' Calvinistic ' members of the Senate,
who presented a memorial to the Vice-Chancellor and his
1 Strype, Whitgift, p. 473.
2 Heylin, Hist. Quinqu-Artic. Part in. c. 20, § 6, 7.
3 Strype, Whitgift, p. 436 : and cf. Bk. iv. App. No. xxni.
4 Ibid. App. No. xxii. It is observable in tbis form of recantation,
tbat Barrett was tangbt to discern the doctrine of reprobation in tie
XVIIth Article ; although Whitaker in writing to the archbishop is
more cautions. His words are, ' For the points of doctrine, we are
fully persuaded, that Mr. Barrett hath taught untruth, if not against
the Articles, yet against the religion of our Church, publicly received,'
etc. lb. Bk. iv. No. xxv.
168 THE LAMBETH AETICLES. [CH.
colleagues, denouncing Barrett's sermon on the ground,
that it 'savoured of Popish doctrine in the whole course
and tenour thereof,' and censuring the 'unreverend man-
ner ' in which it was withdrawn.
The quarrel, appertaining as it did to academic rather
than episcopal jurisdiction, was now carried by both parties
to Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury. A letter of the
heads of colleges (bearing date June 12) complained of
Barrett's misbehaviour, and denounced his teaching as
injurious to the worthy learned men of our times,' as
' strongly savouring of the leaven of Popery,' and as ' con-
trary to the doctrine of the nature of faith set forth in the
Articles of Religion and Homilies, appointed to be read in
Churches.' 1 Barrett, on the other hand, appealed from the
v^ice-Chancellor to the Primate, alleging that his fierce
opponents were no more than a puritanical faction in the
University, for that many of the residents who studied
truth and peace refused to join the present persecution.
He admitted that in preaching he had handled Calvin
roughly, but reserved his strongest censures for a work of
Perkins, — ' On the Apostles' Creed,' — which, notwithstand-
ing the denial in it of an article of the faith, 2 had not, as
he complained, been hitherto discountenanced or forbidden
by any of the academical authorities. On these and other
grounds he prayed that Whitgift would interpose in his
behalf and save him from the further malice of his
enemies, who had already punished him severely by stop-
ping his degree. 3
The first impressions of the Primate seem to have been
favourable to the cause of the appellant. In a message to
the Vice- Chancellor and heads of houses, he condemned
the hot precipitation of their late proceedings, and asserted
his own right to sit in judgment on this class of questions.
He objected more particularly that some portions of the re-
tractation they had forced on Barrett were ' contrary to the
doctrine holden and expressed by many sound and learned
1 Strype, Whitgift, pp. 437, 438.
2 Alluding to the article on the 'descent into Hell,' which Calvin-
ists, and Perkins with them, expounded of our Lord's mental sufferings
in the place of the damned.
3 Strype, Ibid. pp. 438, 439.
VII.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 169
divines 1 in the Church of England,' and positions "which,
for his own part, he rejected as ' false and contrary to the
Scriptures.' On alluding to the contumelious language in
which Barrett animadverted on the Calvinistic writers, he
expressed his utter disapprobation of it, adding that he ' did
not allow the same towards Augustine, Jerome, and other
learned Fathers, which nevertheless had often been abused
in the University without control. And yet,' he proceeded,
' if a man would have occasion to control Calvin for his bad
and unchristian censure of King Henry the VIII., or him
and others in that peremptory and false reproof of the
Church of England in divers points, and likewise in some
other singularities, he knew no Article of Religion against
it. Much less did he know any cause why men should be
violently dealt withal for it, or termed ungodly, popish,
impudent. For the doctrine of the Church of England did
in no respect depend upon them.' 2
Emboldened by the measure of success which had re-
sulted from this application, or apprehensive lest his enemies
in Cambridge would have strength enough remaining to
deprive him of his fellowship, Barrett next proceeded to
solicit from the Primate a more formal statement of the
truths then controverted in the University of Cambridge.
Many of the heads of colleges in the meanwhile had been
starting an objection with regard to the Archbishop's right
of interference in matters like the present, so that owing to
1 One of these was Hooker's bosom-friend Saravia, and a favourite
of Whitgift. He was frequently at Lambeth and wrote (apparently
for the Archbishop) a Censure of Barrett's Retraction, Ibid. Bk. iv.
App. xxiv. It is a sober and elaborate production, breathing far more
the spirit of Augustine than of Calvin, and quoting the former
authority throughout. He concludes by censuring the acrimonious
language of Barrett, and by declaring : ' Fuerunt et sunt adhuc hodie
in diversis ecclesiis quamplures fideles Christi servi bene de Ecclesia
meriti, qui non idem de prsBdestiuatione sentiunt, qui tamen se mutua
charitate fuerunt amplexi, nee ullius sese mutuo hajreseos insimulant,'
p. 198. — There is also a Censura Censurod D. Barreti, among the Minor
Works of Bp. Andrews, Oxford, 1846 : pp. 301 sqq. It is confined,
however, to one point, viz., the certainty of salvation, which Whitaker
and his school maintained. In the same place will be found the
* Judgment ' of Bp. Andrewes touching the Lambeth Articles.
2 Strype, Whitgift, p. 441. See another example of his indepen-
dence on these subjects in Nicolas's Life of Hatton, p. 487.
170 THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. [CH.
the warmth evoked by this collateral disputation, it seemed
likely that the case of Barrett would be thrown into the
background, if not utterly forgotten.
Whitaker, however, had been now induced to mediate
between the three contending parties. The great service
rendered by him to the Church in answering the objections
of Cardinal Bellarmine placed him high in the opinion of
Archbishop Whitgift, while the moderate and conciliatory
tone which he adopted at this stage of the dispute con-
tributed still more to the promotion of his general object.
He no longer ventured to assert that the opinions of Barrett
flatly contradicted the language of the Articles ; he even
went so far as to concede that many of the controverted
points 'were not concluded and defined by public autho-
rity ; ' * yet, pleading that the Church had been most vio-
lently disturbed, and that opinions of his adversary were
both novel and offensive, he requested the Archbishop to
employ his influence in exacting from the culprit a more
ample recantation.
A comparative lull now followed for some weeks ; but
in the month of September the whole question was revived
by the ' Calvinian ' heads of houses, who forwarded a duti-
ful communication to the Primate, urging him to institute
a far more rigorous inquiry into the op'inions of Barrett, in
order that the scandal which had been occasioned ' not only
to malicious enemies but also to weak professors ' might at
length be done away. 2 In deference to this wish a string-
of pointed questions 3 ' nicely propounded and suited criti-
1 Strype, Whitgift, App. No. xxv. p. 199 : cf. the remarks of Dr.
Waterland on this letter ; Works, II. 313, 344. Oxf. 1843.
8 Strype, Ibid. pp. 451, 452. In this document they characterize the
positions of Barrett as ' contrary to the doctrine of our Church set
down in the Book of Articles, in the Apology of the Church of Eng-
land, and in the Defence of the same, in Catechisms commanded by
authority to be used, and in the Book of Common Prayer : ' but, as
Waterland remarks, ' they neither specify those positions, nor at that
time point to any Article, or particular passage of the Catechisms or
Common-Prayer, so that this general charge is of little or no moment.'
Ibid. p. 344.
3 They were eight in number, and related to the indefectibility of
'justifying faith,' and other kindred tojjics which were handled in St.
Mary's by the anti-Calvinistic preacher. Strype, Ibid. pp. 452, 453.
VII.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 171
cally to the principles of Whitaker ' was now transmitted
to the culprit, who answered them, as we may judge, in
person at Lambeth Palace. His replies were sent directly
to the heads of houses, and by them submitted to the criti-
cism of Whitaker, who, in opening his denunciations, spoke
of them ' as not only indirect and insufficient, but for the
most part Popish also.' He contended, in particular, that
the views of Barrett, with respect to the nature of faith,
were not in harmony with the accredited language of the
Articles, 1 but did not specify in what he held the discord to
consist ; and on the 17th of September, the heads of houses,
with untiring zeal, prepared and forwarded another list 2 of
animadversions, in addition to the set which Whitaker had
previously transmitted to the Primate.
Whitgift, in his turn, was now the mediator, and, while
censuring several of the answers which Barrett had just
given him, argued with regard to another (one indeed of the
most serious points of difference) that he could not see
how it varied from the Articles of Religion. 3 He declared,
however, that he also was annoyed by the habitual want of
reverence for the academical authorities, which the culprit
seems to have betrayed at every stage of the existing dis-
pntation : 4 and as all misunderstandings between the heads
of houses and himself were now amicably adjusted, he was
not unwilling to assist them in correcting an unruly spirit,
whom they all were anxious to humiliate, or banish from
the University. Acting in this spirit he appointed a second
meeting at Lambeth Palace, where Barrett was examined
in the presence of a deputation from Cambridge, Whitaker
himself included ; and on modifying his dogmatic state-
ments, and recalling his most acrimonious observations
upon Calvin, the defendant finally consented to put forth
some public retractation in terms of his own devising, a
pledge, however, which he seems to have delayed till the
commencement of the following year, and then to have
abandoned altogether. 5
1 Strype, Whitgift, p. 453.
2 Ibid. p. 454.
3 Ibid. pp. 455, 456.
4 Ibid. p. 457.
s A letter of his to Dr. Goade (in Heylin's Histor. Quinqu-Artic.,.
172 THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. [CH.
But while this controversy was still pending, a fresh
plan had been suggested to Professor Whitaker and his
party for obtaining a more definite sanction of their ' Cal-
vinistic ' tenets, so that they might have the power of
extruding Baro as well as Barrett from the precincts of
the University, if not entirely from communion with the
Clhurch of England.
Having cleared the way before him in a vehement
sermon 1 from the pulpit of St. Mary's, Whitaker went up
to London early in November, 1595, at the desire, we may
-again conjecture, of the heads of houses, to be present
at a conference which was called together for allaying
animosities excited everywhere by the proceedings just
described. Another member of the deputation was Tyndal,
-dean of Ely, who had also taken a most active part in
prosecuting Barrett, and was present at the final examina-
tion. How long this private conference lasted it is difficult
to ascertain. We know that Whitaker was in London on
the 19th of November, as is stated in a letter he then wrote
to Burghley (Cecil), 2 the Chancellor of Cambridge; and as
reasons can be urged from other quarters for believing that
disputes among the Calvinists themselves were long and
animated, 3 it is probable that they had met together very
early in the month. Heylin and other writers * inform us
that the ' Propositions ' which exhibit the result of their
labours were submitted to the Primate on the 10th of
November; while Strype 5 mentions that the work was
actually completed on the 20th of the same month. The
Part in. ch. xx. § 10) appears to establish this point in opposition to
Strype. He there says : ' But if you and the rest of your assistants
(whom I reverence) do purpose to proceed in disquieting and traduc-
ing me as you have done by the space of three quarters of this year,
and so in the end mean to drive me out of the University, I must
take it patiently, because I know not how to redress it : but let God
foe judge between you and me.' According to Fuller, he afterwards
went abroad and conformed to the Church of Rome. Hist, qf Univ. of
'Cambridge, p. 286 ; new ed.
1 Strype, Whitgift, p. 460.
2 Ibid.
3 Articuli Lambcthani, p. 4, Lond. 1651.
4 Heylin, Hist. Qttinqu. Part m. ch. xxi. § 2: Collier, II. 644.
* Strype, Ibid. p. 461.
VII.] THE LAMBETH AETICLES. 173
truth will probably turn out to be that Wbitaker and the
friends who aided him in making the original draft of the
Lambeth Articles had held a series of preliminary meetings
which were strictly private ; x and that after they deter-
mined the exact complexion of their manifesto, it was
forwarded at once to the Archbishop for his approbation or
correction.
Whitgift's conduct in this matter has occasioned very
different guesses as to the chief motives which had swayed
him in bestowing what was held to be his sanction on the
speculations of the Cambridge doctors. In addition to all
inferences which might be drawn from his unswerving
patronage of men like Harsnet, 2 Hooker, 3 and Saravia, 4 his
own language in the case of Barrett would have led to the
conclusion that he shrank from the complete development
of the Genevan dogmas. Yet we cannot doubt, upon the
other hand, that he was sympathizing to no small extent
with Dr. Whitaker and the Calvinistic party : and if love
of peace 5 and dread of innovation may be thought to have
contributed to his acceptance of the Lambeth Articles, he
did not scruple to declare that after some important modifi-
cations had been introduced into the series, he 'agreed fully
with them and they with him.' 6
1 Perhaps at the house of Nowel, dean of St. Paul's, from whence
the above letter to Burghley is dated.
2 After the publication of the Sermon (see above, p. 164) in which
he had so strongly objected to the dogma of reprobation, he was made
the archbishop's chaplain, and was treated with peculiar kindness.
3 Hooker, in like manner, modified the Calvinistic theory, denying
the doctrine of reprobation altogether, and following the language of
St. Augustine on the efficacy of the sacraments. See his version of
the Lambeth Articles : Works, ed. Keble, Yol. I. p. cii. Eccl. Pol. v. lx.
§ 3, and App. to Bk. v. pp. 696, 697.
4 See the paper above referred to, p. 169, n. r ; from which it is
clear that the tenets of Saravia were strictly Augustinian, and opposed
to the system of "Whitaker and Calvin.
5 In the short history of this compilation prefixed to the ' Articuli
Lambethani,' Lond. 1651, we have the following statement, which
must be taken, however, with some qualification : ' Whitgif tus, princeps
ejus conventus, etsi Whitakeri dogmata minime probabat, facilitate ta.
men et metu discordice, cum suam probare aliis non posset, factus est
ipse alienos sententise accessio,' p. 4.
G See his own memoranda in Strype, p. 459. He adds, * I know
them to be sound doctrines and uniformly professed in this Church of
174 THE LAMEETH ARTICLES. [CH.
Throughout the conference which preceded the publi-
cation of this document, TVkitgift was assisted by Richard
Fletcher, recently translated to the bishopric of London, by
Richard Vaughan, bishop-elect of Bangor, and the deputa-
tion of divines from Cambridge. 1 They were all, so far
as we are able to determine, of the school from whose
conclusions Barrett and the Margaret Professor had both
ventured to dissent ; and it was consecpiently to be looked
for that the test devised on such occasion would be strongly
coloured by the partisanship in the midst of which it was
constructed. Yet upon comparing the rough draft of what
are called the ' Lambeth Articles,' as they proceeded from
the pen of Whitaker, with the form in which they finally
appeared, we shall perceive that they had undergone a
number of important modifications, all of which would tend
to make them less offensive to the anti-Calvinistic party.
For example, there had been a phrase in the original copy
declaring that ' all who had ever been partakers of true
faith and of the sanctifying Spirit' must eventually be
accepted : while in the amended Article, as propounded to
the Church, the indefectibility of Divine grace was stated
not in reference to all persons who had been regenerated
and justified, but only to a special class entitled ' the elect,'
— in plain accordance with the testimony of St. Augustine.
Similar deference was again evinced by modifications
introduced into a second Article, respecting the nature of
assurance, or 'the certainty of faith,' as well as into that
affirming the extent to which the saving grace of God has
been communicated or withheld in reference to mankind at
large. 2
England, and agreeable to the Articles of Religion established, by
authority. And therefore I thought it meet that Barrett should, in
more humble sort confess his ignorance and error : and that none
should be suffered to teach any contrary doctrine to the foresaid pro-
positions agreed upon.'
1 The corrected copy of the Articles in Strype is headed, ' Articnli
approbati a reverendissimis dominia D.D. Joanne archiepiscopo Cantua-
riensi, et Richardo cpiscopo Londinensi et aliis Theologis, Lambethae,
ISTovembris 20, anno 1595 : ' p. 461.
2 For these and other variations see Append. No. v., where tlio
Articles are printed in the original Latin, with notes and emenda-
tions by the bishops and divines.
VII.] THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. 175
In spite, however, of such mitigating clauses, all attri-
bntable to the influence of Whit gift and his friends, the
' Orthodoxal Propositions,' as some persons termed them,
have aroused in doctors of the subsequent period the most
sweeping and indignant condemnation. 1 And in reference
to the age when they appeared, it must be granted that the
harshness of their general tone, and their unshrinking affir-
mation of the ' horrible decree,' were calculated rather to
infuriate than to extinguish the prevailing disputations. It
was there attempted to impose upon the Church a series of
most arbitrary definitions, ill according with the tolerant
spirit of the men by whom the English Reformation was
effected, and in many points at variance 2 with the Prayer-
Book and the earlier Formularies of Faith. One class of
writers has attempted, it is true, to represent the ' Lambeth
Articles' as nothing more than a series of interpretative
statements, 3 all deducible from the Elizabethan Articles ;
but we despair of bringing them into connection with that
work by any of the ordinary processes of ratiocination. On
the other hand it is most reasonable to infer, from such
attempts to introduce more stringent measures and to speak
in a less faltering language, that with reference to the points
then advocated by the dominant school at Cambridge, all
the older manifestoes of the Church were silent, vague, or
insufficient, if not absolutely antagonistic.
But be this as it may, the Articles of Dr Whitaker,
though accepted, in some measure, by the Primate and a
few of his episcopal brethren, have no claim whatever to be
viewed as convocational decisions binding now or then
upon the Church of England. We may quote them as a
melancholy illustration of the age in which they were pro-
jected, or may welcome them as proofs that tenets which
we cherish were then strenuously pushed forward to their
logical results ; but as the Primate was careful to inform
1 See an extreme specimen in Warburton's Remarks on Neal's Hist,
of the Puritans : Works, VII. 899, Lond. 1788.
2 Collier, n. 645 sqq. ; Heylin, Histor. Quinqu-Art. Part II. ch. viii.
sqq. ; and Laurence, Hampton Lectures, passim.
3 See Fuller, Bk. ix. p. 232. Hutton, archbishop of York, who
yielded a general assent to them, employs a somewhat different lan-
guage : ' Has theses ex sacris Uteris vel aperte colligi vel necessaria
consecutione deduci possunt, et ex scriptis Augustini.' Strype, p. 461 -
176 THE LAMBETH ARTICLES. [CH.
the University of Cambridge (Nov. 24), the articles 'must
be so taken and used as the private judgments' of the com-
pilers, who thought ' them to be true and correspondent to
the doctrine professed in the Church of England, and es-
tablished by the laws of the land, and not as laws and
decrees.' l
It is said that the displeasure of Lord Burghley and his
royal mistress, 2 added to the death of Whitaker himself,
who seems to have enjoyed his triumph only a few days,
had the effect of suspending all further circulation of the
Lambeth manifesto, even in the University which called it
into being. The new articles were offered, it is true, to
Baro by some of the heads of houses, and were so the
means of implicating him still further in the feuds to which
we have before adverted : 3 but after the month of January,
1596, no more is heard 4 of making the 'Lambeth propo-
sitions' a test of doctrine or an authorized interpretation of
the Formularies of Faith, until the party, who had now
extorted them from Whitgift, made, in 1604, a fruitless
effort to engraft them into our own ' Articles of Religion.' 5
It was then too late, however ; for the Church was
daily strengthening her hold on the more sober truths
which had been vindicated in the early stages of the
Reformation ; and in Cambridge even, a new race of
scholars and divines, with Overall 6 at their head, was
rapidly displacing the adherents of Calvin, and the
advocates of the ' Genevan platform.' A reaction was
commencing, and the spell by which the able author of
the ' Institutio' had bewildered not a few of the finest
1 Strype, p. 462. Cf. Heylin, uli sup. Part in. ch. xx. § 3, 4.
2 Strype, pp. 463, 464. The letter of Whitgift to the Vice-Chan-
cellor (Dec. 8) advises him to comply with the royal wishes, and for-
bear urging them on the University. Fuller has a curious story of the
Queen reminding the Primate, half in jest, that his recent conduct in
' calling a council ' had exposed him to a praemunire.
3 See p. 165.
4 They continued, however, to excite ' much talk and resentment '
for some months later, as we gather from a communication of Hutton
to Whitgift, 'March 14, 1595' [i.e. 1596) : Strype, p. 478.
5 Ibid. p. 480.
6 Several of his disputations on the Five Points exist in the Camb>
Vniv. MS. Gg, I 29.
VII.] THE LAMBETH ABTICLES. 177
intellects of Europe was ere long to be entirely broken;
or if some of our divines continued to accept the leading
principles of 'Calvinism,' a clearer insight into other and
more comprehensive tenets issued in their virtual renuncia-
tion of the harsher dogmas of that system.
Such amelioration was, indeed, restricted for the present
to our own country : since in all the sister-island, as will
be observed in the following chapter, the Genevan spirit
rankled and prevailed for a much longer period, and
succeeded even in communicating to the Lambeth Articles
the semblance of ecclesiastical authority. •
CHAPTER VIII.
THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615.
T^HE Church of Ireland, reaching backward like our own
-*- to the first ages of the Gospel, had gradually contracted
the same errors and diseases, which, immediately before the
dawn of reformation, were corrupting the Church of Eng-
land. She awoke and threw them off, however, at the
same crisis, by her own intrinsic vigour, and, restoring
many articles of faith which had been long perverted or
forgotten, took her stand upon the tenets of her English
sister, in the struggle with the Roman pontiffs.
It appears, indeed, that in the reigns of Henry and
Edward, Irish prelates were induced to lean almost exclu-
sively on the decisions of the English Convocation, and
had so adopted the chief forms of faith and worship which
were emanating from this country under the ecclesiastical
supremacy of the Crown. 1 Yet, after the accession of Eliza-
beth, when the Prayer-Book, as restored amongst us, had
been regularly accepted by the Irish clergy, 2 in 1560, the
main character of the reforming movement was more strictly
national. In 1566, as we have seen already, 3 the ' Brief
1 The English Prayer-Book was first used on Easter Sunday, 1551,
at the commandment of Sir Anthony St. Ledger, the Lord Deputy.
Mant, Hist, of the Church, r. 204, 205; 2nd ed.
2 Elrington's Life of Archbishop Ussher, p. 42.
3 See above, p. 120. It is noteworthy that during the reign of
Elizabeth, and long after the Union of Scotland with England, the
Scottish Church, as well as the Presbyterians, had made use of the
Confession of Faith drawn up by Knox and his friends in 1560; and
also that the Knox-party in Scotland used the English Prayer-Book
till 1564, when the Order of Geneva was regularly introduced :
Stephen's Hist, of the Church of Scotland, I. 95. Loud. 1843; Lath-
bury, Hist, of Conv. p. 162, 2nd ed. The Presbyterians afterwards
adopted the 'Westminster Confession;' while the Episcopalians
accepted our own 'Articles,' in the Convocation held at Laurencekirk,
1804. In 1801 the 'Articles' had been also adopted (with some
modifications) by the Church in the United States of America.
CH. VIII.] THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 179
Declaration,' coinciding with our own 'Eleven Articles,' was
ordered to be read by all the Irish incumbents ' at their
possession-taking, and twice every year afterwards ; ' but
whether the Elizabethan Articles of 1563 were circulated
simultaneously in Ireland, as a species of co-ordinate au-
thority, does not seem to have been fully settled. Arch-
bishop Ussher, in a sermon which he preached in 1621,
before the English House of Commons, has declared : ' "We
all agree that the Scriptures of God are the perfect rule of
our faith ; we all consent in the main grounds of religion
drawn from thence; we all subscribe to the Articles of
doctrine agreed upon in the synod of the year 1562, for the
avoiding of diversities of opinions,' etc. It is, however,
contended, on the other hand, by one of his biographers,
that these expressions cannot fairly be considered as
decisive of the point, because we have to weigh against them
a large mass of evidence more explicit and direct. He
urges that archbishop Ussher ' might have used the words
in a general sense, as merely expressive of assent, and,
indeed, must have done so, for many of the persons [laymen]
he addressed had never subscribed the Articles.' l
We may conjecture even, that the lack of some minuter
test than the ' Eleven Articles ' of archbishop Parker was
one reason operating in the minds of Irish prelates when
they countenanced the compilation of the longer set of
Articles which form the subject of the present chapter.
Yet, while urging this conjecture, it should not be con-
cealed, that far more questionable agencies were influencing
at least some bishops and divines who aided in the framing
of such a Formulary. The rigorous ' Calvinism,' which
had already found a shelter in the Church of England, and
had struggled there to silence all dissentients by the im-
position of the Lambeth Articles, is said to have been still
more dominant at this period in the neighbouring kingdom;
a,nd, when ultimately baffled in our island, to have risen
there into an absolute supremacy of power. And the pro-
pagation of Genevan tenets, though attributed in some
measure, to political causes, 2 was at length facilitated more
than ever by the influence of James Ussher, who had
•'Elrington, ubi sup. p. 43, and note. 2 Ibid. p. 43.
180 THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. [CH.
passed with the most "brilliant reputation through subor-
dinate stages to the headship of the theological faculty at
Dublin. 1 Ussher's views were doubtless afterwards soft-
ened, 2 like those of many other theologians who became the
brightest luminaries of the Caroline period in our history ;
hut no less certain is it that in the years of which we are
now treating he was always the unflinching advocate of
'Calvinism,' thus ranking with the learned Whitaker and
others, who were labouring to purge out all ' Popish and
Pelagian' errors from the Cambridge colleges. It has been
stated, even, that the Irish Articles of 1615 were drawn
up by Ussher himself, upon the nomination of the Synod
which assembled in that year at Dublin and which sat con-
currently with the civil legislature, 3 in accordance with the
English usage. The president was Jones, Archbishop of
Dublin, but extremely few particulars survive in reference
to the acts of the Synod, or the cordiality with which the
members of it recognised the code of Articles that still bears
its name. 4
Those ' Irish Articles ' are a discursive compilation,
extending to one hundred and four paragraphs, arranged
under nineteen general heads. They comprehend a large
variety of definitions, or, more properly, disquisitions on the
following theological topics : The Holy Scripture and the
three Creeds ; faith in the Holy Trinity ; God's eternal
decree and predestination ; the creation and government of
all things ; the fall of man, original sin, and the state of
man before justification ; Christ the Mediator of the second
covenant; the communicating of the grace of Christ;
justification and faith ; sanctification and good works ; the
1 TJbi sup. p. 44. He was also Vice-chancellor in the previous year,
1614. Ibid. p. 49.
2 Waterland, Works, II. 346, and Dr. Elrington's Life, pp. 290 sq.
3 Parr, an older biographer of Ussher, implies that the two legis-
lative bodies were convened at the same time ; but the Parliament
met May 18, 1613, and the Convocation did not assemble till the end
of 1614, or the beginning of 1615. Elrington, p. 39.
4 'Articles of Religion, agreed upon by the. Archbishops and Bishops,
and the rest of the clcargie of Ireland, in the Convocation holden at
Dublin in the yeare of our Lord God 1615,' etc. They will bo found at
length in Append. No. VI., printed from a copy of the original edition
in Dr. Eh'ington's Life of Ussher, App. IV.
VIII.] THE IRISH ARTICLES OP 1615. 181
service of God ; the civil magistrate ; our duty towards
our neighbours ; the Church and outward ministry of the
Gospel ; the authority of the Church, General Councils, and
bishop of Rome ; the state of the Old and ISTew Testament ;
the Sacraments of the New Testament ; Baptism ; the
Lord's Supper ; the state of the souls of men after they be
departed out of this life, together with the general resur-
rection and the last judgment.
ISTot a few of the Articles, contained in one or other of
these main divisions, are borrowed from the corresponding
portions of the English series. Some, again, are of a
homiletic nature, relating wholly to Christian duties.
Others enter upon speculative questions, as the fall of
angels, and the aboriginal state of man. One article
pronounces absolutely that the pope is ' the Man of Sin '
and 'Antichrist.' 1 The paragraphs, however, which excited
the most bitter animadversion, 2 at the time of their appear-
ance and in subsequent ages, are those which have revived
the Lambeth Articles, or bear upon the angry controversies
out of which the Lambeth Articles had issued. It is true
they are not all incorporated in a body, but dispersed in
various sections of the work ; and further, the original copy 3
of the Irish series contained no reference to the English
manifesto of 1595 ; yet the identity is so complete, with one
or two verbal 4 exceptions, that no reader could have
doubted the connection which the franiers of the Irish
Articles were anxious to establish. 5
Referring the reader, as before, to an Appendix for the
1 A similar decree tad been made just before in a ' Calvinistio '
synod at Gappe : Collier, n. 708.
2 Mant, I. 385 sqq.
3 Bp. Manfc's copy had such a reference to each of the Nine Articles
of the Lambeth series ; but it must have been either the London
edition of 1629, or that which is appended to Neal's Hist, of the Puri-
tans : see Elrington's Ussher, p. 44, note (/).
4 One of these is important; for while the Irish Articles (§ 38)
affirm that true faith is not extinguished in ' the regenerate,' the fifth
of the Lambeth Articles had deliberately avoided this phrase and
spoken of the elect : ' see above, p. 174.
5 Some persons, like Heylin, asserted that the whole proceeding
was *' a plot of the Calvinians and Sabbatarians of England to make
themselves a strong party in Ireland : ' see Mant, I. 387.
182 THE IEISH ARTICLES OF 1615. [CH.
Articles themselves, it is desirable to investigate their
claims on the acceptance of the Irish clergy ; and the rather,
since this question has been more than once reopened, and
selected as the ground of resolute assaults on both the Irish
and the English Churches. Now the document itself (as
we have seen) professes to have been originally sanctioned
by the Convocation of Dublin, and a paragraph appended
to the first edition comprises the following decree : ' If any
minister, of what degree or qualitie soeuer he be, shall
publikely teach any doctrine contrary to these Articles
agreed upon, — if, after due admonition, he doe not conforme
himselfe and cease to disturbe the peace of the Church, —
let him bee silenced and depriued of all spirituall promotions
he doth enjoy.'
On the other band, the novelty apparent in the consti-
tution of the Synod of 1615, and various minor informali-
ties in its proceedings, 1 had excited doubts respecting the
ecclesiastical authority of the Dublin Articles at the very
time of their publication : for we find Bernard, the oldest
biographer of Ussher, and himself a uniform admirer of
the Irish Articles, attempting to repel this prevalent objec-
tion, and asserting, on the verbal testimony of his patron,
that the Formulary was actually signed ' by archbishop
Jones, the president of Convocation, by the prolocutor of
the lower House, in the name of the whole clergy, and also
by the Lord Deputy, by order of James I.' 2 But while it
1 Elrington's Ussher, pp. 39, 40.
2 Bernard's Life of Ussher, p. 50. Collier endeavours to explain the
motives of the English monarch in confirming so many Articles at
variance with his own opinions, II. 708. Cf. Hcylin, Hist. Quinqu-
Artic. Part in. ch. xxii. § 5 : but the solution of Wood (in Dr. Elring-
ton's Ussher, pp. 47, 48) is far more probable. Archdeacon Stopford
discredits the testimony of Bernard, suspecting that the deputy never
signed the Articles at all, and contending, that if ho did, such an
indirect exercise of the supremacy was invalid : ' Introduction.' to
Vol. in. of the MS. Irish Praijer Bool; p. Ixiii. ed. E. H. S. But the
following extract from an anti-Arminian pamphlet of 1633, entitled
The Truth of Three Things, etc., indicates that the royal sanction of
them was generally believed : ' I may add here unto the doctrine of
the Articles of the Chnrchof Ireland, which fitly may here be inserted,
as both looking to king James under whose authority and protection
it came forth and was maintained, and looking to the doctrine of the
Church of England, since it were an intolerable and impudent injury
Vni.] THE IRISH ARTICLES OP 1615. 183
may be granted that a portion of this evidence has been
discredited, it cannot be entirely set aside ; and, therefore,
while we are entitled to argue that the Irish Articles were
destitute of parliamentary sanction, and as such could not
have been enforced by temporal penalties, we, notwith-
standing, must admit that there is no sufficient ground 1
for questioning their formal recognition in some kind of
convocational meeting.
Whether or no they were originally offered to the clergy
for subscription, like the English series, after the Convoca-
tion of 1571, arid whether the Church at that, or any future
time, had authorized the prelates to exact subscription from
the candidates for holy orders, are distinct questions, and
questions which it is not easy to determine either one way
or the other. The reply, which seems to be most satis-
factory, 2 proceeds upon the supposition, that where any
individual bishops used the Irish Articles as a positive test
of doctrine, they were overstretching the authority con-
ceded to them by the Synod ; for in the decree appended
to the document itself no wish is manifested to impose
those Articles absolutely on the Church of Ireland, either
by the agency of subscription or by any other apparatus.
It declares, indeed, that whoever shall teach what is antago-
nistic to them shall be silenced and deposed, — in imitation,
it would seem, of the stern order which accompanied the
Lambeth propositions ; yet, unlike determinations of the
English Church in 1563, the Irish series claimed no more
than negative virtue, and must therefore have been serving
rather as so many Articles of discipline and self-defence,
than as a public Formulary of Faith.
But on whatever footing they were placed in the short
to the wisdome and religious knowledge of these times, to say that
betweene them there was not a harmonie,' pp. 29, 30. The pamphlet
however, it should be remarked, is full of special-pleading.
1 All the evidence against the legitimate adoption of the Articles
was ably stated in the Irish Ecclesiastical Journal, No. 118,
pp. 66, 67.
2 In this way only can we give a satisfactory explanation of the
language employed in 1634 by Strafford, Laud, and Bramhall. They
all speak as if the Irish Articles needed confirmation, and imply that
the Puritan party were fully aware of the defect. See Archdeacon
Stopford, ubi sup. pp. lxiii. lxiv.
184 THE IEISH AETICLES OF 1615. [CH.
interval from 1615 to 1635, those Articles were virtually,
if not in form, abolished by the Convocation of this latter
date. The leanings of the Irish Church in the direction of
Geneva had been now considerably adjusted, and with men
like Strafford and Bramhall regulating her affairs, it was
most natural to expect that efforts would be made to clear
away all obstacles that hindered her more cordial union
with the Church of England. As early indeed as 1634,
Strafford, in his character of Deputy, devised a plan for
this complete assimilation; and Laud, 1 with the concurrence
of his royal master, instantly adopted the proposal, and
commended its immediate execution. The project was
accordingly submitted to the Irish Convocation in the
ensuing year, and, by the powerful advocacy of Bramhall,
a new Canon was accepted, with but one dissentient voice. 2
It ran as follows : ' For the manifestation of our agreement
with the Church of England in the confession of the same
Christian faith, and the doctrine of the Sacraments, we
do receive and approve the Book of Articles of Religion,
agreed upon by the archbishops and bishops and the whole
clergy in the Convocation holden at London, in the year of
our Lord, 1562, etc. And therefore if any hereafter shall
affirm that any of these Articles are in any part super-
stitious or erroneous, or such as he may not with a good
conscience subscribe unto, let him be excommunicated,
and not absolved before he make a public recantation of
his error.'
There is thus no doubt whatever as to the regular
adoption of the English Articles of 1563 by the authorities
of the sister-Church ; but it is still disputed whether the
fact of such approbation had the power of absolutely
1 In writing to Strafford, Oct. 20, 1634, he says, ' I knew how you
would find my Lord Primate [i.e. Ussher] affected to the Articles of
Ireland ; but I am glad the trouble that hath been in it will end there,
without advertising of it over to us. And whereas you propose to
have the Articles of England received in ipsissimis verbis, and leave
the other as no way concerned, neither affirmed nor denied, you are
certainly in the right, and so says the King, to whom I imparted it,
as well as I. Go, hold close, and you will do a great service in it.'
Strafford, Letters i. 329 : cf. Bramhall's Worlcs, v. 80, and notes ; Oxf.
1845.
2 Mant, i. 491.
VIII.] THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 185
repealing the Dublin Articles. In answer to this question,
we may fairly urge that the original promoters of the
scheme regarded the Canon of 1635 from different points
of view. Archbishop Ussher, who was still unweaned
from the more rigorous of his Calvinistic tenets, though
the intimate friend of Laud, has left us his opinion of the
case in a contemporary letter addressed to Dr. Ward :
'The Articles of Religion agreed upon in our former synod,
anno 1615,- we let stand as we did before. But for the
manifesting of our agreement with the Church of England,
we have received and approved your Articles also, con-
cluded in the year 1562, as you may see in the first of our
Canons.' 1 On the other hand, it is indisputable that
Strafford and Bramhall were alike anticipating the abro-
gation of the Irish Articles as one result of their proposal
to adopt the English code. The former hinted that it had
been always his intention 'to silence them without noise : ' 2
the latter hoped to 'take away that Shibboleth which made
the Irish Church lisp too undecently, or rather, in some
little degree, to speak the speech of Ashdod, and not the
language of Canaan.' 3 Heylin has, indeed, asserted that
the Dublin Articles were actually ' called in ; ' 4 but there is
no sufficient proof that any order was given prohibiting
the use of them by individual bishops, arid the practice
of Ussher himself 5 in requiring subscription to hoth series
leads to the conclusion that they both were still in some
degree accepted or permitted. An attempt, however, of
the Primate, to procure a formal vote of Convocation,
which might rank them as a second or co-ordinate 6 rule of
doctrine in the Irish Church, was strongly discountenanced
by Strafford, and was ultimately abandoned ; so that while
1 Elrington's Life, p. 176.
2 Strafford, Letters, Dec. 16, 1634, i. 342 : cf. Neal, Puritans, II.
107, ed. 1733.
3 Manfc, i. 493, and Bp. Taylor's ' Sermon upon the Lord Primate'
[Brarehall] : Works, vin. 411, 412, ed. Eden.
4 Life of Laud, Part II. 271—274: Hist, of the Sabbath, Part II. c.
vin. § 9.
5 Elrington's Life, p. 176 : cf . a letter of Laud to Ussher, May 10,
1635 : Ussher's Works, xvi. 7, 8.
6 This appears from the draft of the following canon proposed in
the Convocation, but withdrawn through the influence of Strafford :
* Those which shall affirm any of the Articles agreed on by the clergy
186 THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. [CH.
considerable forbearance bad been exercised in reference
to all positive and direct repudiation of tbose Articles,
they bad in truth been tacitly withdrawn, together with
a Canon which distinctly aimed at placing them upon
a level with the English Articles.
It follows, therefore, that whatever may have been the
nature of their claims throughout the interval between the
two Convocations of 1615 and 1G35, they were in future
placed in the condition of a will, in which the latest
declaration has the force of absolutely overruling all the
earlier provisions, in so far as these had worn a different
aspect, or were held to be susceptible of a contrary mean-
ing. 1 Hence it is that, after the Rebellion, in the course
of which the Puritanism of Ireland had been moderated or
exploded, 2 we discover no fresh instance of a wish among
the Irish prelates to enforce subscription to the Dublin
Articles. The English have alone been used as a pre-
liminary test of orthodoxy on admission into holy orders, 5
so that long before enactments of the civil legislature at
the opening of the present century, the two communions
on the opposite sides of the Channel had been constituted
by ecclesiastical usage the united ' Church of England
and Ireland.' i
of Ireland afc Dublin, 1615, or any of the 39 concluded of in the Con-
vocation at London, 1562, and received by the Convocation at Dublin,
1634, to be in any part superstitious, or such as may not with a good
conscience be received and allowed, shall be excommunicated and
not restored but only by the Archbishop.' ' Iutrod.' to Vol. ill. of MS.
Book of Common Prayer for Ireland, E. H. S. p. cxviii. The note of
Strafford is remarkable as indicating some defect in the authority of
the Articles of 1615 : 'It would be considered here whether these
Articles of Dublin, 1615, agree substantially with those of London, or
confirmed equally by the King's authority ; else I see no reason of
establishing them under one penalty.'
1 See Collier's observation to this effect, II. 763.
2 It is well observed by a writer in the Irish Ecclesiastical Journal
for June, 1850, that notwithstanding the strength of feeling at this
period, in Ireland as elsewhere, against every thing ' Genevan,' the
Dublin Articles of 1615 were unnoticed by the Convocation (from 1661
to 1665) ; which is a strong proof that they were considered as no
longer possessed of tho slightest authority or obligation.
3 Elrington's Ussher, p. 177.
* e.g., in An Act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland, it is
VIII.] THE IRISH ARTICLES OF 1615. 187
provided (Stat. 40 Geo. III. c. 38, ' Ireland') : ' That it be the fifth
Article of Union, that the Churches of England and Ireland, as now
by law established, be united into one protestant episcopal Church, to
be called "The United Church of England and Ireland ; " and that the
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of the said United
Church shall be, and shall remain in full force for ever, as the same-
are now by law established for the Church of England.'
CHAPTER IX.
THE SYNOD OP DORT AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION.
/"\!N" the failure of the vehement effort which was made
^S at Cambridge, in. the hope of riveting the Lambeth
Articles upon the Church of England, the enthusiasm
which had suggested their compilation appears to have
been gradually subsiding. Calvinism was losing its as-
cendancy ; it was confronted everywhere by an array of
formidable opponents, 1 while the ablest of its champions
were, in many cases, falling off into positions of neutrality,
or passing over to the opposite camp. 2 A few, indeed,
and in that remnant some of the more gifted writers of
their age, continued to combine a partial acquiescence in
Genevan doctrines with a pure and unreserved attachment
to the Eormularies of the Church ; but, in the great
majority, it was apparent that extreme or supra-lapsarian
Calvinists were more and more identified with ' Puritans '
and 'Precisians,' whose deep-rooted horror of 'the cap, the
tippet, and the surplice,' had been driving them into the
1 See Bp. Young's remark at the time of Laud's ordination, in Le
Bas, Life of Laud, p. 6. The following order of the King to the
Universities in 1616, conduced to the same result : ' That young
students in divinity be directed to study such books as be most
agreeable in doctrine and discipline to the Church of England, and
incited to bestow their time on the Fathers and Councils, schoolmen,
histories, and controversies, and not to insist so long upon com-
pendiums and abbreviatures, making them the grounds of their
divinity.' Wilkins, iv. 459.
2 e. g., Dr. Thomas Jackson, of whom Prynne says that he ' dis-
graced his mother the University of Oxford, who grieved for his
defection:' Worlcs, Vol. i. p. xi. Oxf. 18-14. Hales of Eaton
abandoned his former opinions with the observation that he ' bade
John Calvin good night : ' Farindon's Letter, prefixed to Golden
Remains, Lond. 1659. Seo also Bp. Sanderson's remarkable state-
ment respecting the change of his own mind on these subjects:
Hammond's Works, i. 669, fol. ed.
CH. IX.] THE SYNOD OF DORT, ETC. 189
arms of men like Thomas Cart-wright, and at length to
a fresh platform 1 of their own devising.
Yet a cursory perusal of the Jacobean literature will
satisfy us that, in spite of all defections, there was still a
large and acrimonious party, both within and without the
Church, who went on preaching the ' Divine decrees ' as
the distinguishing feature of the Gospel. Even where
receding (as they now did) from the logical consequences
of their system, or, in other words, adopting as their own
the s«&-lapsarian hypothesis, by which the harshness of the
older teaching was considerably softened, they esteemed it
an imperative duty to denounce all deviations from their
ground as both Pelagian and Popish. 2 To deny that the
regenerating grace of God must issue in the saving of the
soul to which it is imparted ; to assert the universal appli-
cability of Christ's atoning work; to claim for man the
power of self-determination, or free choice, as one surviving
element of his moral constitution ; to suspend his full
acquittal at the day of judgment on the energy of his
faith, or on his faithful use of talents with which he is
entrusted, — would be sure to implicate the preacher in a
series of unseemly disputations : it was treason to the
majesty of Calvin ; it amounted to renunciation of the
genuine Gospel.
Agitations of this kind arising out of our domestic
1 The first ' conventicle' was organized in 1567. Mr. Haweis'
Sketches, p. 189 : Zurich Letters, I. 201.
2 The Vice-Chancellor of Oxford (Dr. Eoberfc Abbott) in a Sermon
before the University, 1614, made the following onslaught upon Laud,
who was then rising into eminence : ' Might not Christ say, What art
thou ? Eomish or English ? Papist or Protestant ? Or what art thou ?
A mongrel, or compound of both ? A Protestant by ordination, a
Papist in point of Free-will, inherent righteousness, and the like ? *
Le Bas, Life of Laud, p. 25. Carleton, in like manner, denounces
Montague as ' running with the Arminians into the depth of Pelagius
his poysoned doctrine,' and when the ' Appellant ' declares that he has
read nothing of the Arminians and utterly repudiates Pelagius, the
only answer he obtains from his stern ' Examiner,' is this : ' It
seemeth that you are an excellent scholler, that can learne your
lesson so perfectly without instructors.' Examination of those things
wherein the Author of the late Appeale holdeth the doctrines of the
Pelagians and Arminians to be the doctrines of the Church of JEngland t
pp. 19, 20 : 2nd ed.
190 THE SYNOD OF DORT. [CH.
quarrels, were still more exasperated at the opening of the
seventeenth century by the appearance of a kindred crop of
controversies in the republic of the Low Countries. Our
own Church, as Bishop Hall expressed it, began to sicken
of the ' Belgic disease,' or the ' five busy Articles ; ' x and
our preachers to indulge in most declamatory warnings
against the ' poison ' of Arminius. The chief leader of
that new assault upon the fashionable metaphysics was
professor in the university of Leyden, who is said to have
abandoned all his Calvinistic tenets after reading a pro-
duction of William Perkins, one of the most violent of the
English supra-lapsarians. 2 Startled, it would seem, by
principles enunciated in that work without the slightest
mitigation or reserve, Arminius had resorted to a milder
theory of the Divine decrees which seems to have been first
of all adopted by St. Ambrose. 3 There he found a clue,
facilitating his escape from the perplexities in which he
was entangled, and supplying what he deemed the one
intelligible method which enabled him to recognize the
love of the Almighty, and to vindicate the freedom of
His fallen creatures.
This revulsion in the spirit of Arminius occurred in
1604, and, as we might expect from the prevailing temper
of the age to which his theory was submitted, he became
at once the object of unsparing castigation. Nor upon his
own withdrawal from the theatre of strife (Oct. 1G09) was
the discussion he had raised in any way determined or
exhausted. On the contrary, it spread with fresh rapidity
1 ' Men, brethren, fathers, help ! Who sees not a dangerous fire
kindling in our Church, by these five fatal brands ? which, if they bo
not speedily quenched, threatens a furious eruption, and shall too
late die in our ashes.' Bp. Hall, Via Media, Works, x. 479. Oxf. 1837.
As early as 1597, these quarrels had begun in the Low Countries ;
many of the Dutch divines disputing the authority of the Confessio
Belgica and the Heidelberg Catechism : see A short Relation of the
Htirres in Holland concerning Predestination, etc., in Camb. Univ. MS.
Gg. I. 29, fol. 54 b.
2 William Perkins, Armilla Aurea (see above, p. 1G5). The ani-
madversions of Arminius are entitled Examen Prcedestinationis Per-
kinsiance.
3 See Mosheim, Ch. Hist, n. 93, and the Confessio sentential Pasto-
rum, qui in faederato Belgio Remonstrantes vocantur, p. 31, Herdewic.
1622.
IX.] AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 191
in every quarter, and was fast absorbing into the Arminian
school the very ablest men of Holland. Among others of
this class who were contributing to its extension and
defence Avere Episcopius and Uytenbogaert, 1 the former by
the agency of the press, the latter of the pulpit. They
were also aided by the powerful countenance of Hugo Gro-
tius and Olden-Barneveld : but the co-operation of these
eminent statesmen led ere long to the association of the
name and principles of Arminius with political combina-
tions, entered into for the purpose of resisting the supreme
authority which by the revolution was conferred upon the
leading House of Orange. For this reason, while particular
States of the ' United Provinces ' were ardent patrons of
Arminianism, it was exposed to the hostility and hatred
of Prince Maurice and the whole of his adherents. 2
In order to avert the indignation of the party then
ascendant, who not only wielded the civil sword, but threat-
ened to unsheath it in behalf of Calvinistic dogmas, the
Arminians now resolved to frame a solemn declaration of
their tenets, and present it at a general meeting of the
States, in 1610. This document was due to Episcopius
and his colleagiie, and the title which it bore (the Remon-
strance) has suggested the future appellation of the sect
('the Remonstrants'). It consisted of Five Articles, 3
(1) on predestination ; (2) the extent of Christ's death ;
(3) free-will and human depravity ; (4) the manner of our
conversion to God ; and (5) the perseverance of the saints :
yet, far from smoothing down the opposition which on
civil and religious grounds had been aroused against
Arminius, that apology resulted, after a tempestuous
interval of eight years, 4 in the convening of the Synod
of Dort.
1 Guerike, Kirclieng. II. 519.
2 Miller, Philosophy of Hist. in. 192, 193. 3rd ed.
3 See Acta Synod. Dordrecht, part in. ed. 1620, for the Articles
and also for the Judgments of the Divines upon each thesis in
succession.
4 During this interval (1611) a public disputation had taken place
at the Hague between the Remonstrants and the Contra-remonstrants,
but no concession having been made by either party and the toleration
of the Prince of Orange being exhausted, he imprisoned Grotius and
Olden-Barneveld : Collier, n. 716. The latter was afterwards be.
headed, in 1619 : Guerike, II. 521.
192 THE SYNOD OF DORT [CH.
The object of this meeting was to bring about the con-
demnation x of the five points embodied in the Dutcb
'Remonstrance, 'so that the pretensions of Arminianism were
all rejected before they -were synodically examined or dis-
cussed. At the end of November, 1618, sixty-one 2 of the
Dutch divines, comprising thirty-six ministers, five profes-
sors, and twenty elders, were assembled with this object in.
the town of Dort ; and there they welcomed eight and
twenty foreign coadjutors, wbo had come on invitation to
the synod from the various States of Europe, for the pur-
pose of conferring weight on its conclusions, but without
the privilege of aiding by their vote in the determination of
disputed points.
Among the others who had condescended to assist in
tbese proceedings was King James I. of England, though
the motives which bad influenced him in choosing such a
course have not been hitherto ascertained. The bitterness
whicb he had shown in censuring both tbe doctrine 3 and
ritual scruples of the Nonconformists at the Hampton
Court Conference (1604), and the unvarying patronage he
lavished on such men as Montague 4 and other sturdy
doctors of tbe anti-Calvinistic school, imply that bis own
personal bias never turned in the direction of the principles
asserted at the synod of Dort : and yet his fierce philippics
against Vorstius, 5 wbo succeeded to the theological chair
of Leyden, will be found to have included the most merci-
less denunciation of Arminius and some principles of his
party. On the whole it is most probable that the reasons
1 It has even been alleged that an oath was taken by the delegates
to proceed in this arbitrary manner, but Puller has shown satisfac-
torily with regard to the English divines at least, that no such obliga-
tion was imposed : Church Hist. Book xi. Sect. II. §§ 14, 15. In fact
the foreign deputies had no votes, and therefore might not be called
upon to take the oath administered to the others.
2 Kerroux, Abregi de VHist. de la Hollande, II. 500, 501, (quoted by
Miller), makes the number sixty -four.
3 See Cardwell's Hist, of Conf. pp. 180 sqq.
* The famous Appello Ccesarem (1624) was approved by James and
immediately licensed, with the declaration ' that there was nothing
contained in it but what was agreeable to the public faith, doctrine,
and discipline established in the Church of England.'
* Heylin, Hist. Quinqu-Arlic. Part in. chap. xxn. § 8.
IX.] AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 193
by which James was swayed in thus acceding to the wishes
of the Belgic States, were partly theological and partly
political. The wild and reprehensible speculations of
Vorstius * may have led him to conjecture that Arminius,
who was high in favour with the same body, had been
similarly tainted by heretical notions, or at least that the
Arminian dogmas had a tendency to generate in the mind
unworthy thoughts of the Divine Being : while, upon the
other hand, the friendship then subsisting between James I.
and the Prince of Orange might induce him to assist in
the depression of a party, which, through the admixture
of political elements before adverted to, was more and more
identified with opposition to the House of Orange.
The result, however, was that James, incited either by
these causes, or by others which have been suggested, 2 did
respond to the solicitations of the States, and sent to Dort
a private deputation 3 of English theologians. The men
selected were George Carleton, bishop of Llandaff, after-
wards of Chichester ; Joseph Hall, at that time dean of
Worcester, and eventually the famous bishop of Exeter
and Norwich ; John Davenant, Margaret Professor at Cam-
bridge, and afterwards bishop of Salisbury ; and Samuel
Ward, master of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, and
archdeacon of Taunton. 4 Of this number, Carleton was
reputed a most rigid Calvinist ; but the remainder may be
safely classed among the moderate Augustinians. They
were all opposed indeed to the peculiar notions of Armi-
nius with respect to the Divine decrees ; but, as we argue
from their language on the benefits of infant baptism, or
on the reception of regenerating grace by some who may
1 He had seemed to call in question the absolute perfections of
the Divine attributes : Ibid.
2 Collier, II. 716.
3 'Whatever this synod may signify in some places we have nothing
to do with it. The English that appeared there were no other than
four Court divines ; their commission and instructions were only from,
the King . . . they had no delegation from the bishops, and by conse-
quence were no representatives of the British Church : Ibid. p. 718.
4 They were joined in the following month by Walter Balcanqual,
a Scotchman, who was also the bearer of credentials from King
James. Collier, n. 717 : Hales's Letters from the Synod of Dort, p,
44, ed. 1659.
194 THE SYNOD OF DOBT [CH.
not afterwards have persevered, 1 their general doctrine had
been drawn exclusively from Hippo, in contradistinction to
Geneva. They were all on this account well fitted to pro-
mote the object of King James, by advocating principles
in the forthcoming synod which might ' tend to the miti-
gation of the heat on both sides,' and might dissuade the
Contra-remonstrants in particular from ' delivering in the
pulpit to the people those things for ordinary doctrines
which are the highest points of schools.' 2 It is affirmed,
moreover, that the King instructed them to lay especial
emphasis upon the doctrine of universal redemption, — a
tenet which ' pursued in its just consequences is sufficient
to overthrow the whole Calvinian system of the five
points.' 3
1 Dr. Ward, in writing to Archbp. Ussher (May 25, 1630), asserts
that the efficacy of baptism in infants had been discussed by Dave-
nant and himself at Dort, when they signified their judgment that
the case of infants teas not appertaining to the question of Perseverance :
Ussher's Works, xv. 504. ed. Elringtoni See also Ward's Deter mina-
tiones Theological, pp. 44 sqq. Lond. 1658, and Bedford's Vindicim
Gratia Sacramentalis, to which a letter of Davenant is prefixed
relating to the same question. These works, together with Ward's
Vindication, which Ussher, his bosom friend, published after his
death, demonstrate that a belief in the regeneration of all infants (as
distinguished from their final perseverance) was deemed in no way
incompatible with the strongest denial of the Arininian theory of
decrees. See the next note but one, and compare Ussher's Works,
xv. 505—520.
3 See the 'Royal Instructions,' in Collier, u. 716.
3 Dr. Waterland, Works, II. 348. Oxf. 1843. This question was
first handled by Balcanqual, the Scotch deputy of King James,
(Hales's Letters, p. 74) and from his own correspondence (I&icJ. p. 2)
we learn that Davenant and Ward agreed in maintaining that 'Christ
died for all particular men,' while Carleton and Goade (who took the
place of Hall) persisted in the belief that He died ' only for the elect,
who consist of all sorts of men.' The Calvinistic limitation jn'evailcd
for a while {Ibid. p. 4) ; but the following extract from a subsequent
letter of the same divine, April T 4 T , implies that the English theo-
logians had afterwards returned to the question : ' The deputies
appointed by the synod have taken pains, I must needs confess, to
give our Colledge all satisfaction : besides the second Article [on the
extent of Christ's death], some of our Colledge have been earnest to
have this proposition out : " Infideles damnabuntur non solum ob in-
fidelitatem, sed etiam ob omnia alia pcccata sua tarn originale quam
actualia : " because they say that from thcnco may be inferred that
original sin is not remitted to all who are baptized, which opinion hath
IX.] AND THE EOYAL DECLARATION. 195
On the assembling of the deputies at Dort the business
of the synod was begun, although the representatives of the
Arminian school did not arrive until the fourth of the fol-
lowing month. 1 The president was Bogermann, the strait-
est member of the Calvinistic party, who had previously
avowed his own opinion that all persons who declined to
acquiesce in the established dogmas should be punished by
the civil sword. 2 The other leading deputies had all been
trained in the sa"me rigorous school and had contracted the
same bias, so that when the party of Remonstrants, under
Episcopius, were admitted to the synod on the 7th of
December, it was easy to discover that the cause which they
expressed themselves desirous of defending had been abso-
lutely pre-determined. If one doubt existed on this point,
it must have been dispelled entirely by a circumstance
which happened on the morrow ; for two of the Arminian
deputies from Utrecht, who had taken their places with the
other members of the synod, were then ordered to renounce
that character, and to associate in all future meetings with
the thirteen others who were formally cited 3 as delinquents.
Episcopius vainly urged them to discuss the controverted
questions publicly and seriatim : his appeal to ' Scripture
and to solid, reason ' 4 was met by Bogermann and others, who
demanded of him an unquestioning adoption of the terms
imposed upon him by the synod ; and at last when the
been by more than one councel condemned as heretical : They have,
therefore, at their request put it out,' p. 34: cf. 'Sentenfcia Theologorum
Magnte Britanniae de Articulo secundo,' Acta Synod. Dordrecht. Tart
ii. pp. 100—106.
1 John Hales, who was an eye-witness of the proceedings for three
months, writes (Dec. 6, 1618, stylo novo): 'The armies have been in
sight one of another and have had some parley.' Letters, p. 23.
2 He had before this time translated into Dutch the notorious Trea-
tise of Beza, De Haireticis a civili rnagistratu puniendis.
3 Hales, ubi sup. pp. 26 sqq. A third deputy from Utrecht, ' pi*o-
fessed to submit himself to the judgment of the synod, if they shall
■decide according to his conscience,' p. 33.
4 Hid. p. 39. It was conceded by the synod that the Remonstrants
might propose their doubts both in the matter of election and repro-
bation, but must not venture to make any suggestion as to the best
mode of proceeding, p. 47. ' An absolute liberty of going as far as
they list in oppugning before the synod what opinions they pleased of
learned men, this was thought unfit,' pp. 48, 52.
196 THE SYNOD OF DORT [CH.
Remonstrants in defiant language went so far as to protest
against assumptions of authority which they believed to be
imperious and unjust, they were extruded one and all from
the assembly, were deprived of their ecclesiastical appoint-
ments, and were banished from the territory of the Dutch
Republic. Sad indeed were the emotions which these spec-
tacles excited in the bosom of the future Bishop Hall ! He
did not, however, stay at Dort until the end of the pro-
ceedings ; 1 for the failure of his health induced him to solicit
a recall, and his commission was accordingly transferred to
Dr. Groade, who, as we saw, had shown his Oalvinistic bias
by assisting in the prosecution of Barrett more than twenty
years before. The lapse of time had softened in some
measure the acerbity of his zeal ; and in the course of the
discussions, from the opening of the Synod -to its close,
we cannot fail to notice that the influence of the English
deputies, and more especially of Davenant and Ward, was
always on the side of primitive truth and Christian modera-
tion. When they finally returned to England 2 in April,
1619, they left the following most appropriate admonitions
ringing in the ears of their too-zealous colleagues ; ' If a
class of questions such as the reformed Churches have not
hitherto decided chances to spring into existence, and if
they are discussed by learned and holy men, without any
detriment to the faith, it is not seemly in grave and mode-
rate divines to obtrude upon all others their own way of
thinking. In such a case all is well, provided only the
diversity of opinions breaks not the bond of peace among
the clergy, nor be the means of disseminating faction. Wc
suggest, moreover, that of those things which are estab-
lished on the sure foundation of the Word of God, thero
are some, which ought not to be promiscuously inculcated
1 He had preached in the 16th Session of the Synod (Nov. 29) what
Hales described (p. 10) as ' a polite and pathctical Latine sermon,'
urging among other means of reconciliation a full discussion of
Eom. ix. by the two contending parties : ' Agite ergo, viri judices, si
me auditis, jubete, nt pars utraquo litigantium, brevem, claram,
apertanique sine fuco, sine ambagibus, illius loci paraphrasin, sancta>
Synodo, fraterna manu, exhibeat :' Acta Synodi Dordrecht, p. 46.
- Balcanqual's last letter is dated '25 of April stylo loci.' The
Synod itself closed May 9, 1619, with the 154th Session. Guerike, u..
522.
IX.] AND THE KOYAL DECLARATION. 197
upon all, but touched in the proper time and place with
tenderness and judgment. One of them is the sublime
mystery of Predestination, sweet indeed and most full of
comfort, but to them who are rooted in the faith, and
exercised in holy living ; for to such alone should it
commend itself as an unfailing bulwark in the grievous
struggles of the conscience. But whenever the impru-
dence of certain preachers exposes this profound inquiry to
men who have not learned as they ought the first princi-
ples of religion, and whose mind is still rioting in carnal
affections, it follows as a necessary consequence that while
they wrangle about the mysteries of predestination, they
abandon the life-giving gospel ; while they dream of nothing-
else but their predestination unto life, they enter not upon
the way eternal as marked out for the predestined. Still
greater need of caution is there in approaching the mystery
of reprobation, not only that it may be handled sparingly
and prudently, but also that in the expounding of it the
horrible and unscriptural opinions be avoided which lead
rather to desperation than to the edification of the people,
and which are now one of the most grievous scandals in
some of the Reformed Churches. Finally, let us so think
of the most precious merit of Christ's death that we spurn
not the opinions of the Early Church, nor the Confessions
of the Reformed Communions, and, what is of the highest
moment, that we never weaken the promises of the gospel
universally propounded in the Church.' 1
It had been well for our own country, as for others, if
the controversialists had hearkened to these sober counsels,
and, instead of inculcating their one-sided speculations on the
nature of Divine decrees, had laboured to unfold the practi-
cal aspect of religion and its bearing upon human conduct.
The return, however, of the deputies from Dort became the
signal for still deeper agitation of the topics there discussed.
' Already do we see the sky blacken,' was the language of
Bishop Hall 2 (himself one of the few mediators) ; ' we hear
the winds whistle hollow afar off, and feel all the presages
of a tempest, which the late example of our neighbours
1 Suffragium Collegiate Synodo Dordrecht, pp. 103, 104, Loud. 1626.
* Dedication of the Via Media.
198 THE SYNOD OF DORT [CH,
bids us fear.' One active school of English theologians
eagerly espoused the tenets of Arminius, and gave vent to
their unmeasured condemnation of the synod where those
tenets were proscribed ; another grew more clamorous in
their advocacy of the wildest Calvinism ; and though re-
strained from deeds of bloodshed, which accompanied the
suppression of the Dutch Remonstrants, it is scarcely pos-
sible to overstate the violence which they were breathing
in all quarters. Every pulpit of the rural parishes, as well
as of the towns, was now converted into an arena for
extending perturbations which had hitherto been chiefly felt
in Universities and schools. Some one or other of the
' Five Points ' was chosen as the favourite text of the
polemic preacher ; and as often as he held the Calvinistic
theory, which was frequently the case, he roused the
strongest passions of his audience by associating the
theological system of Arminius with the hated Babylonish
harlot ; 1 while the press, conspiring with the pulpit,
inundated the whole country with a class of publications,
which, for coarseness, rancour, and injustice have few
equals even in the sickening pages of the Qninqu-articular
disputations.
The intemperance, not to say the frenzy, which pre-
dominated everywhere in the discussion of these questions,
was enough to satisfy the King that his co-operation at
the Synod of Dort had been the means of calling up a
spirit of contention and disorder, which, if not allayed,
might speedily embody itself in a political agitation, and
might even shake him from his throne. Accordingly his
next endeavour was to place a curb on the contending
1 The House of Commons, who made then" religious discontent a
plea for political agitations, were manifesting the same spirit. The
following specimen occurs in their remonstrance agaiust the Duke of
Buckingham: 'And as our fear concerning change of subversion of
religion is grounded upon the daily increase of papists ... so are the
hearts of your good subjects no less perplexed, when with sorrow they
behold a daily growth and spreading of the faction of the Arminians,
that being, as your Majesty well knows, but a cunning way to bring
in popery, and the professors of those opinions, the common disturbers
of the protestant churches, and incendiaries in those States wherein
thny have gotten any head, being protestants in show, but Jesuites in
opinion,' etc. liushworth, Hist. Collect. I. 621, Lond. 1682.
IX.] AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 199
parties, and with this intention lie despatched a letter to
archbishop Abbott (August 4, 1622), deploring the abuses
and extravagances of the pulpit, and charging him to circu-
late a series of ' Directions concerning Preachers ' among
the clergy of the southern province. One of these, which
may be taken as a sample of the whole, was couched in the
following terms : 'That no preacher of what title soever,
under the degree of a bishop, or dean at least, do from
henceforth presume to preach in any popular auditory the
deep points of predestination, election, reprobation, or the
universality, efficacy, resistibility or irresistibility of God's
grace; but leave those themes to be handled by learned
men, and that moderately and modestly, by way of use and
application, rather than by Avay of positive doctrine, as
being fitter for the schools and Universities than for simple
auditories.' 1
But notwithstanding the fresh vigilance of the eccle-
siastical authorities, who grew from day to day as weary
as the King himself of fruitless 2 agitations, and were scan-
dalized by the ' indecent railing of their clergy,' royal orders
and episcopal charges were alike inoperative ; they were
immediately forgotten, or deliberately ignored. When
Charles I. succeeded to the throne in 1625, he found the
Church of England groaning under evils which had been
accumulating in the previous reigns, diverted from her
mission by unedifying contests, and exhausted by the fac-
tions which had been engendered in her by the virulence
of party-spirit. Fully conscious of these evils, Charles
betook himself in earnest to the use of remedies suggested
by his father, and, in concert with Laud and other bishops 3
drew up the memorable ' Proclamation ' of 1626. He there
1 Wilkins, it. 465. In the January following, Gabriel Bridges, of
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, was prosecuted under this order for
preaching against the theory of irrespective predestination. Heylin,
Histor. Quinqu-Art. Part III. ch. xxn. § 10.
2 Almost the only fruit of it was visible in defections from the
Church to ' Popery, Anabaptism, or other points of separation in some
parts of this kingdom : ' see ' Abbott's Letter explaining the above
doctrines,' in Wilkins, IV. 466.
3 Their object might be in some measure to deliver Montague from
his numberless assailants, among the rest from the House of Com-
mons, who had established a Committee of Eeligion and undertaken
200 THE SYNOD OF DOET [CH.
deplored the prevalence of theological dissension, and ' tho
sharp and indiscreet handling of some of either party,'
nrging as one cause of his regret that they had 'given
much offence to the sober and well-grounded readers, and
raised some hopes in the Roman Catholics that by degrees
the professors of our religion may be drawn, first to schism,
and afterwards to plain popery.' He then expressed his
own disapprobation of all persons who, from motives of a
different kind, adventured to innovate on the existing
usage of the realm, avowing his determination to visit
clergymen, whoever they might be, with severe penalties,
if they should raise, publish, or maintain opinions not
clearly warranted by the doctrine and discipline of the
Church. 1
In the Universities, as well as in the principal towns
where copies of this edict were immediately distributed, it
seems to have produced a great effect in silencing the hot
and boisterous polemics ; but a multitude of others in
remoter parts of England, ready almost to identify the
' Institutio ' of Calvin with the revelations of the Sacred
Volume, instantly perceived that by such measures their
own craft was seriously endangered, and their hopes of
further reformation in the Church defeated or destroyed.
The mutters of dissatisfaction were not long in reaching
the ears of Laud ; and it was obviously to check the ebulli-
tion of this temper, and oppose new barriers to the growth
of a commotion which was soon to be the agent for pre-
cipitating the whole Church into the miseries of the Great
Rebellion, 2 that King Charles was now advised to order
the censorship of the theological press. See Le Bas, Life of Laud,
pp. 87, 88.
1 Rushworth, i. 412.
- Many divines at that period were beginning to foresee the tend-
ency of the Genevan teaching. In a letter to the Duke of Buckingham
in 1625 from three of the bishops, it is affirmed ' that they cannot
conceive what use there can be of civil government in the common-
wealth, or of preaching and external ministry in the Church, if such
fatal opinions, as some which are opposite and contrary to those
delivered by Mr. Montague, shall be publickly taught and maintained.'
A still stronger affirmation on this subject may be seen in a Letter
,of Dr. Brooks, Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, Dec. 15, 1630 :
Heylin's Hist. Quinqu-Art. Part ir. ch. vi. § 10.
IX.] AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 201
a reprint of the Thirty-nine Articles, and in a preface to
insist with greater stringency upon the execution of his
recent edict.
The advertisement or preface, which appears to have
been settled at a conference with the bishops, 1 and has
ever since retained its place in front of our Articles, under
the title of ' His Majesty's Declaration,' was made public
in 1628.
After reminding the English people that he was the
supreme Governor of the Church, and therefore was desirous
of repressing all unnecessary disputations, he proceeds, with
the advice of the bishops, to declare that the Articles of
Religion contain true doctrine, and confirms them by his
royal approbation. He then states, in the two following-
olauses, that differences respecting the external polity of
the Church are to be settled by the clergy assembled from
time to time in Convocation, 2 and that from decisions of
this body he will not endure any varying or departing in
■the least degree. On approaching the dissensions which
had ' been ill raised ' among the clergy, he expressed his
satisfaction that all of them had cordially subscribed the
Articles established, and that even in ' those curious points
in which the present differences lie ' the disputants were on
both sides not unwilling to carry their appeals to that
1 Prynne, in his Canterburies Doome, has the following observation,
after charging Archbishop Land with the intention of establishing
Arminianism in England: 'To which end he procured his Majesty by
a printed Declaration prefixed to the Thirty-nine Articles, com-
piled by himself and other bishops, of which the most part were
Arminians,' p. 160 ; cf . Eushworth, i. 653. That Laud was in reality
actuated by 'moderate counsels' and an earnest desire for peace
is demonstrated by his private correspondence. Le Bas, Life, pp.
128, 129.
2 This clause aroused the special indignation of the puritan, Sir
John Elliot : ' And now to the particular in the Declaration, we see
what is said of Popery and Arminianism ; our faith and religion is in
danger by it, for like an inundation it doth break in at once upon us.
It is said, If there be any difference of opinion concerning the season-
able interpretation of the Thirty-nine Articles, the bishops and clergy
in the Convocation have power to dispute it, and to order which way
they please, and for aught I know, Popery and Arminianism may be
introduced by them, and then it must be received by all : ' Eushworth,
1.649.
202 THE SYNOD OF DORT [CH.
common standard. In respect, therefore, of questions-
rising out of the Quinqu-articular controversy, he ended by
the following order : ' We will that all further curious
search be laid aside, and these disputes shut up in God's
promises, as they be generally set forth to us in the Holy
Scriptures, and the general meaning of the Articles of the
Church of England according to them. And that no rnan
hereafter shall either print or preach to draw the Article
aside any way, but shall submit to it in the plain and full
meaning thereof : and shall not put his own sense or com-
ment to be the meaning of the Article, but shall take it in
the literal and grammatical sense.' l
A document more sober and conciliatory could not well
have been devised. The clergyman was simply bidden to
perform an obvious duty, by abstaining as an honest man
from all attempts to torture Articles of Religion till he made
them square with his own theories. Yet so factious was the
age in which this order was made public, that the passions it
was meant to calm and mollify 2 were all the more embittered
1 Wilkins, iv. 475. On Dec. 30, 1629, the king published instruc-
tions for causing the contents of the Declaration to be put in execu-
tion and punctually observed for the time to come : Heylin, ubi sup.
Part ill. ch. xxii. § 12.
2 The following passage from a 'Declaration' of the King on the
dissolution of parliament (March 10, 1628) is a strong j>roof of his
personal earnestness in this matter : ' Having taken a strict and
exact survey of our government, both in the Church and common-
wealth, and what things were most fit and necessary to be reformed,.
We found, in the first place, that much exception had been taken at
a book entitled, Appello Ccesarem, or, An Appeal to Co^sar, and
published in the year 1625, by Richard Montague, then Bachelor
of Divinity, and now bishop of Chichester; and because it did open
the way to those schisms and divisions, which have since ensued in
the Church, We did, for remedy and redress thereof, and for the
satisfaction of the consciences of our own good people, not only' by
our publick proclamation, call in that boolc which ministered matter of
offence; but to prevent the like danger for hereafter, reprinted tho
Articles of Religion, established in the time of Queen Elizabeth, of
famous memory ; and by a Declaration before those Articles, We did
tie and restrain all opinions to the sense of those Articles, that nothing
might be left to fancies and invocations [? innovations]. For we call
God to record, before whom we stand, that it is, and always hath
been, our heart's desire, to be found worthy of that title, which we
account the most glorious in all our crown, Defender of the Faith."
Rushworth, i. App. p. 4.
IX.] AND THE ROYAL DECLARATION. 203
and inflamed. A gronp of Calvinistic clergy in the neigh-
bourhood of London lost no time in framing a petition to
the King, in which they deprecated the restraint he bad
imposed of late upon ' the saving doctrines of God's free-
grace in election and perseverance.' They contended that
the ' Declaration ' placed them in a very grave dilemma,,
for that they must either disobey an earthly monarch by
attacking the ' Pelagian and Arroinian heresies,' or else-
must, on the other hand, provoke the heavier indignation
of the King of kings Himself, by failing to make known
' the whole counsel of God.' * And in the House of Commons,,
where the Puritan or Calvinistic party was predominant,
and where the members more than once had solemnly
averred that the suppression of ' Popery and Arminianism ''
was one of their own foremost duties, 2 a debate 3 upon the
royal ' Declaration ' resulted in the following vote or mani-
festo : ' "We the Commons in Parliament assembled do
claim, protest, and avow for truth, the sense of the Articles
of Religion which were established by Parliament in the
thirteenth year of our late Queen Elizabeth, which by the
publick act of the Church of England, and by the general
and current expositions of the writers of our Church, have
been delivered unto us. And we reject the sense of the
Jesuites and Arminians, and all others, wherein they differ
from us.'
How inconsistent are such protestations with the pre-
text that the Articles were framed entirely on a Calvinistic
hypothesis, it were superfluous to remark at length ; for as
the ' Declaration ' aimed at nothing more than to confine
the teaching of the clergy to those points which were sug-
gested by a plain and literal exposition of the public For-
mulary, the wild outcry raised against such principles of
1 Collier, n. 746, 747.
2 Rushworth, i. 652.
3 The speeches of Eous and Prynne are full of the most vehement
denunciations of Arniinianism: Ibid. pp. 645, 647. The latter asserts
it to be the duty of a parliament to establish true religion and to
punish false, declaring its superiority above the Convocation of
Canterbury, -which is but provincial and cannot bind the whole
kingdom, and adding, with respect to York, that ' it is distant and.
cannot do any thing to bind us or the laws.' Ibid. pp. 649, 650.
204 THE SYNOD OF DORT, ETC. {CH. IX.
exegesis seemed to justify the argument which Montague
and others were adopting, when they urged that ' Calvinism'
is not accordant with the letter of the Articles, and cannot
be deduced from them by any of the rules which judges
jommonly apply to the interpretation of a legal document. 1
1 See Dr. Waterland's remarks on this subject : Works, n. 850.
CHAPTER X.
OBJECTIONS TO THE AETIOLES AT DIFFERENT PERIODS.
HPHE earliest symptoms of dislike to the Elizabethan
-*- Articles resulted from the numerous scruples of the
school or party who, inheriting the predilections of Bishop
Hooper, armed at a still further simplification of the rites
and ceremonies of the Church. Though many of this
earlier race of Puritans could reconcile their deep abhor-
rence of the surplice and other ' defiled robes of Antichrist '
with their acceptance of the thirty-fourth article respect-
ing ' Traditions,' x that article was viewed by nearly all the
disaffected spirits as a harsh restriction, which they were
at liberty to criticise, to cancel, to evade. Accordingly the
bill ' For ministers of the Church to be of sound religion,'
which passed, as we have seen, in 1571, was so ambigu-
ously worded either by its framers or promoters in the
houses of Parliament, as to ' serve the turn of the Puritan
faction,' and relieve the non- conforming clergy (in their
own opinion) from the duty of subscribing to any other
Articles except those ' which only concern the confession
of the true Christian faith, and the doctrine of the sacra-
ments.' 2
But compromises of this kind did nothing to conciliate
the virulence of party-spirit, which was rapidly diffused by
the returning exiles on their not infrequent promotion to
the ministry of the Church. The 'Admonitions to the
Parliament,' of which the first appeared early in 1572, were
1 See above, p. 110, p. 130, n. 3. Other obnoxious Articles were
those relating to the consecration of Bishops and the Homilies.
Some persons, however, more consistently objected always to the
xxxivth of the Elizabethan Articles, and, as early as the Convocation
of 1563, proposed that ' the censure of those who disconf orm may be
softened, and let down to a gentler dislike : ' Collier, n. 486 : Hard-
wick's Reform, pp. 232, 247.
2 Neal, Hist, of the Puritans, i. 267, 268, Lond. 1732 ; Blackburne,
Works, v. 23, Camb. 1804. The Parliament of 1610 urged this
distinction expressly on behalf of the Puritans. Neal, n. 83.
206 OBJECTIONS TO THE AETICLES [CH.
bold and acrimonious demonstrations of the growing discon-
tent. Incited by a letter of Beza, Calvin's pnpil and
successor, which was actually appended to the first ' Ad-
monition,' the chief oracles of Non-conformity insisted
more impatiently than ever on the need of ' purity of dis-
cipline ; ' understanding, first of all, by that language, the
subversion of the English hierarchy, which they regarded
as the ' cheefe cause of backewardnesse, and of all breache
and dissention.' 1 But their zeal was not exhausted in
denunciations of the bishops, and of ' anti-christian rites.'
' Remoue Homylies, Articles, Iuiunctions,' was ere long
their undiscriminating clamour, ' and that prescripte Order
of seruice made out of the masse-booke : ' 2 while defenders
of the English Formularies, such as Parker and Burghley,
were classed among the enemies of reformation and stigma-
tised by many as ' great papists.' s
Some writers have, indeed, contended that the Puri-
tans, while agitating for ' their conceived discipline, never
moved any quarrel against the doctrine of our Church ; ' 4
but nothing is more certain than that authors of the
Admonitions to Parliament and other kindred publications,
stood on very different ground ; affirming with as much
sagacity as malice, that ' the righte gouernment of the
Church cannot be separated from the doctrine.' 6 They
maintained consistently that in addition to its ritual
deformities, the Prayer-Book was ' full of corruptions ; ' G
that in the Ordinal there was one paragraph at least
which they had never hesitated to condemn as ' manifest
blasphemy ; ' and some had, for this reason, steadily refused
to sign the Articles in 1571, when called into the presence
of the High Commissioners.
1 ' To the godly readers,' sign. A.
2 Ibid. sign. A. iiij.
3 Parker's Corresp. p. 479.
4 e.g., Bp. Carlcton, Examination (of Montague's Appeal), pp. 8,
121, Lond. 1626.
5 First Admonition, sign. C.
6 Ibid. sign. B., vii. Other examples may be found among the
Zurich Letters; e.g., George Withers, writing to the Prince Elector
Palatine (before 1567), declares (n. 162) : 'I will not touch upon the
■doctrine of our Church, which though sound iu most respects, is, how-
•ever, lame in others : ' cf. above, p. 136, n. I.
X.] AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 207
It is true, however, that the Articles, except so far as
they involved approval of the other Formularies of the
Church, were less obnoxious to the ISTon-conformists in the
reign of Elizabeth than in the following century. The
earlier Puritans were not unwilling to avow : x ' For the
Articles concerning the substance of doctrine, vsing a godly
interpretation in a poynte or two, which are eyther too
sparely or else too darhely set downe, we were and are ready
according to duetie, to subscribe vnto them.' But reser-
vations whicb accompany these early statements not
unreasonably excite suspicion that with reference even to
the document thus arbitrarily singled out for their approval,
the Puritans had not a few misgivings lest here also they
should ' be stoong with the tayle of Antichristian infection.'
And on turning to other pages of the same portentous
manifestoes, there is definite proof that scruples of this
kind were peeping forth more clearly in the authors of the
second Admonition. They are not content with uttering
their invectives on the persecuting and intolerant genius of
episcopacy, but have proceeded to point out more serious
blemishes, not sparing the Articles themselves : ' I praye
you are they not starke naught, yea, and so are diuers of
them, not onely for their bribing and corruption, their
arrogancie, and their tyrannie, but for flat heresie in
the sacrament ; and some bee suspected of the heresy of
Pelagius. For the first, that is, concerning the sacrament,
the bishops are notoriously knowne which erre in it ; and
for free-will not onely suspected, but others also. And in
deede the boolce of the Articles of Christian religion speaketli
very daungerously of falling from grace, . whicb is to be
reformed, bicause it too muche enclineth to their erroure.' 2
The disaffection, or at least misgiving, everywhere im-
plied in language of this kind was shared extensively by
English people in proportion as the principles imported
from Geneva were more consciously developed. In 1587,
appeared ' A Defence of the Government established in the
Church of England, by John Bridges, deane of Sarum,' —
1 See the passage at length and remarks upon it in Whitgift's
Answere to a certen Libell intituled 'An Admonition to the Parlia-
ment,' Lond. 1573, pp. 298, 299.
- Seconde Admonition to the Parliament, a.d. 1572, p. 43.
208 OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES [CH.
which is occupied in vindicating the Elizabethan Articles
no less than other Formularies of Faith from the objections
of the same unquiet spirits. They had ventured to ' speak e
against diners grosse and palpable errors that had escaped
the bishops,' in the compilation of the Book of Articles ; 1
alleging, it would seem by way of example, 2 only some of
the more obnoxious. One related to distinctions di'awn in the
sixth of our present Articles between Canonical and
Apocryphal books, although the cause of their dislike is
somewhat difficult to ascertain. 3 A second ground of
animadversion is the same as we have previously observed
in 'Admonitions to the Parliament.' Those Puritans con-
tended that the clause of the sixteenth Article which
recognized the possibility of falling from grace was capable
of an heretical interpretation, if it was not positively false. 4
They looked on the expressions 'justified' and 'elect,' as
interchangeable ; while Bridges in replying to their cavils
occupied a very different position. He maintained that
' diuers graces of the Holy Ghost may bee geuen to those
that are not elected,' 6 and consequently that the statement
of the Article is in no way at variance with the view of
predestination as held by himself and others of the Augus-
tinian school. A third objection went so far as to assail
the whole body of the Articles, upon the ground that they
were arbitrary dicta and the offspring of prelatical or
quasi-popish domination. To satisfy the Puritanical hypo-
thesis, they ought to have been severally proved by an
array of Scriptural texts ; whereas now ' they must be
accepted of all men, without either reason or testimonie of
the Scripture, and no man permitted to shew anye reason
or Scripture, that enforceth his conscience to the contraiy,
but onely to hang vpon the authority of bishops.' 6
It may seem unreasonable to connect the progress o£
ecclesiastical democracy in England with the purely theo-
logical movement which was agitating the University of
Cambridge in 1595 : for Non-conformists, who enlisted
1 pp. 1301, 1302, Lond. 1587. 2 Ibid, p. 1302.
3 Bridges says, after guessing for some time, pp. 1301 — 1308, that,
be can neither see nor feel ' the gross and palpable errors.'
* Ibid. p. 1308. 5 Ibid. p. 1310. 6 Ibid. p. 1314.
X.] AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 209
under the * Precisian ' banner of Thomas Cart-wright, were
devoting their chief energies to an attack npon the ritual
and the hierarchy, which Whitaker and others, who took
part in the compiling of the Lambeth Articles, most cor-
dially accepted. And the same is doubtless true of Ussher
and of members of the Dublin Convocation, who after-
wards embodied the Lambeth Articles into their national
creed, and bound them, in some sort at least, upon the
conscience of the Irish clergy. Yet, while granting this,
it must not be concealed that in attempts now started for
communicating a distinctly ' Calvinistic ' tone and bias to
our speculative theology, misgivings are betrayed by some
at least of their promoters as to the inadequacy of the
present Articles for the establishment of their ideas. Dr.
Whitaker, as we have seen, 1 admitted that the points which
he condemned in the teaching of Barrett ' were not con-
cluded and defined by public authority ; ' and similar
feelings must have actuated Irish prelates in departing so
completely from the English standard, where it seems to
give no positive sanction to the Calvinistic system.
And this method of explaining the conduct of an in-
fluential party is no mere conjecture. That the voice of
the Articles had seemed to waver was deliberately confessed
at the Hampton- Court Conference in 1604 ; for Puritans
then prayed, by Rainolds, their representative, himself the
ardent champion of Geneva, that ' the nine assertions ortho-
doxal, concluded upon at Lambeth, might be inserted into
the Book of Articles,' 2 — a motion which was strenuously
refused, however, on the ground that all such questions
. were best suited to the schools, and that when agitated
it was most desirable to determine them in seats of learn-
ing, and ' not to stuff the Book with all conclusions theo-
logical.' 3
It is observable indeed that Non- conformists were
complaining at this juncture, with fresh warmth and
acrimony, of ' the errors and imperfections of the Church,
as well in matter of doctrine as of discipline ;' 4 and at the
1 See above, p. 167, n. 4 ; p. 170.
2 Carclwell, Hist, of Conferences, p. 178.
3 Ibid. p. 185.
4 Ibid. p. 225.
210 OBJECTIONS TO THE AETICLES [CH.
Conference of 1604, which had been summoned in the hope
of moderating scruples and disarming opposition, it was
specified among the list of grievances submitted by Rainolds,
that ' the Book of Articles of Religion, concluded in 1562,
might be explained in places obscure, and enlarged where
some things were defective. For example, whereas Article
XVI. the words are these ; After we have received the Holy
Ghost we may depart from grace; notwithstanding the
meaning be sound, yet he desired, that, because they may
seem to be contrary to the doctrine of God's predestination
and election in the seventeenth Article, both these words
might be explained with this or the like addition ; yet
neither totally nor finally. ' x
In Bancroft's answer, which is of historical importance,
it was represented that ' very many in these daies, neg-
lecting holinesse of life, presumed too much of persist-
ing of grace, laying all their religion upon predestination
— If I shall he saved, I shall he saved ; which he termed
a desperate doctrine, showing it to be contrary to good
divinity, and the true doctrine of predestination, wherein
we should reason rather ascendendo than descendendo. t He
pointed at the same time to the teaching of the Church
of England in the last clause of Article XVII., where we
are admonished to receive God's promises in such wise as
they be generally (i.e., universally) set forth to us in Holy
Scripture. 2
1 Cardwell, Hist, of Conferences, p. 178. The same deepening
objection to the Articles is seen in an ' Apology of the Lincoln-
shire Ministers' in 1604 (Neal, II. 55), who affirmed that the Book
of Articles, as well as of Common-Prayer, ' contained sundry things
which are not agreeable, but contrary, to the Word of God.'
2 Ibid. pp. 180, 181. Overall (dean of St. Paul's) entered into the
same question (p. 186), re-affirming a statement he had made during
the discussion of the Lambeth Articles, to the effect that ' who-
soever (although before justified) did commit any grievous sin
did become ipso facto subject to God's wrath, and guilty of damnation
until they repented.' His opponents, who adoj)ted the rigorously.
Calvinistic tenet, maintained the absolute indefectibility of grace,
believing that all persons who were once truly justified, though
afterwards guilty of the most grievous sius, 'remained still just, or in
a state of justification, before they actually repented of those sins.'
See Overall's Sententia Eccl. Anglican, de Prcedeslinatione, etc., in
'Articuli Lambethani,' p. 41, sq. Loud. 1651.
X.] AT DIFFERENT PEEIODS. 211
A second animadversion 1 of the Puritan representa-
tives had reference to the wording of Art. XXIII., ' in the
congregation,' — as though it were implied that men (and
women also) 2 might both preach and minister the sacra-
ments out of the congregation, before they were lawfully
called. This cavil was, however, easily repelled by point-
ing to the fact that ' congregation' was intended to denote
the Church in its largest acceptation, and that ' by the
doctrine and practice of the Church of England, none but
a licensed minister might preach, nor either publikely or
privately administer the Eucharist.' 3
A third objection bad reference to the language of
Article XXV., in which Confirmation seems to be included
among rites that had ' grown partly of the corrupt following
the Apostles ;' whereas in the Confirmation- Service it is said
to be administered 'after the example of the Apostles.' 4
According to Bancroft, we should harmonize the discre-
pancy by supposing that while the Article had respect to
that undue elevation of the ordinance which ranks it on a
level with the two great 'sacraments of the Gospel,' the
Prayer-Book ' aims at the right use and proper course
thereof.'
A further emendation was proposed in Article XXXVII.,
by adding to the clause ' The bishop of Rome hath no
authority in this land,' the words ' nor ought to have :' but
such addition was declared to be redundant ; and when
Rainolds next proceeded to suggest the introduction of
a phrase, denying that the intention of the minister
was of the essence of a sacrament, his proposition was
again repelled upon the threshold, and the Formulary
left exactly as it issued from the hands of Convocation
in 1571. 5
1 Hist of Conferences, p. 179.
2 The objection was chiefly aimed at the practice of baptism by
xnidwives, which excited the displeasure of the Puritans; and to
meet their wishes the words 'lawful minister' were introduced into
the third rubric before the office for Private Baptism of Infants.
3 See Bancroft's Answer, lb. p. 181.
4 Ibid. p. 179. Hooper's laxity in speaking of Confirmation and
the other rites connected with it in our present Article is very
characteristic : Later Writings, p. 45, ed. P.S.
s In 'A Note of such things as shal be reformed in the Church,'
212 OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES [cH.
But farther efforts, threatening also to be more success-
ful, were originated by the party who bad uniformly shown
repugnance to one section of the Articles, and now were, for
the first time, armed with ample powers for carrying out
their wishes. At an early session of the conclave known
as the ' Assembly of Divines,' an order was received from,
both Houses of Parliament (July 5, 1643), requiring them
to consider the first ten of the XXXIX. Articles of the
Church of England, with a view ' to free and vindicate the
doctrine of them from all aspersions and false interpreta-
tions.' 1 A fresh series of instructions, issuing from the
same quarter, afterwards extended the authority of the
Assembly to the nine Articles following, which were also
in due course submitted to elaborate criticism. The orders
had been limited, however, in both cases to ' the clearing
and vindicating' of the Articles, and the Divines accord-
ingly, in their report to the House of Commons, proceeded
to acknowledge that, notwithstanding the additions and
modifications which they had inserted, veiy many things
continued to be ' defective,' and ' other expressions also
were fit to be changed.' "We know that when their work
was interrupted by fresh orders, bearing date Oct. 12,
1643, fifteen of the Articles had been thus 'sparingly'
revised ; but little or no further progress seems to have
been made at this or any subsequent time. 2 The care of
the Assembly was devoted, in the first instance, to the
subject of 'Church- Government, 'and afterwards to the com-
piling of a memorable ' Confession for the three kingdoms,
(Strype's Whitgift, p. 575) drawn up, it would seem, at the close of
the Conference, we find the following minute : • The Articles of
Religion to be explained and inlardged. And no man to teach or read
against anio of them.' The handwriting is thought to he Bancroft's ;
but it is not probable, after reading his speeches at the Conference,
that he was willing to make any change whatever.
1 See one of Six hundred copies of the proceedings of the Assembly of
Divines upon the Thirty -nine Articles of the Church of England, printed
' for the services of both Houses and the Assembly of Divines,' in the
Cambridge University Library, Ff. 14, 25. The Articles are signed
by 'Charles Herle, prolocutor, Henry Borrough, Scriba, Adoniram
Byfield, Scriba.'
2 We learn from a pamphlet (Lond. 1654) entitled 'Fourteen
Pillars of the Church of England,' that the revised Articles weroi
presented under this designation to Charles I. in the Isle of Wight.
X.] AT DIFFEKENT PEKIODS. 213
according to the solemn League and Covenant.' It seems
indeed that their intention was to throw the Articles aside
entirely, ' as a piece several ways imperfect, and the whole
as relating onely to the Church of England ;' but an order
from the House of Commons (Dec. 7, 1646) commanded
them to bring the fruits of the revision to their parliament-
ary employers — a circumstance to which we are most
probably indebted for the preservation of the work to our
own times. 1
The scope of this revision was exactly as described by
Neal, 2 'to render the sense of the Articles more express
and determinate in favour of Calvinism.' Indeed a super-
ficial examination of the terminology adopted in the new
series of definitions, is conclusive as to the specific
influences at work in all the ' reformations' of the seven-
teenth century. The fii'st, second, 3 fourth, 4 fifth, twelfth,
fourteenth, and fifteenth Articles, as might have been
expected from their general character, were left as they
were found, or altered so as to betray but little of the
dominant spirit. On examining the rest, however, it is
found that the third of the new series interprets the
1 Above, p. 212, n. 1. A few hints on this subject will be found in
Lightfoot's ' Journal of the Assembly of Divines,' Works, XIII. 5 sq.
ed. Pitman. On July 12, there was a great debate as to the propriety
of adducing Scriptural proofs for each Article, according to a wish
expressed by the Elizabethan Non-conformists; see above, p. 208.
This was carried in the affirmative, p. 5. On July 15, Selden and
others who had been appointed to search for authentic copies of the
Articles, made their report to the Assembly, p. 6. On July 28, the
third Article excited much discussion, some proposing that it should
foe altogether withdrawn, p. 7. The three Creeds were considered,
Aug. 18, and after a long agitation about translating them anew, and
about ' setting some gloss upon the preface and conclusion of Athan-
asius' Creed, which seems to be something harsh,' the question was
deferred till some future time, p. 10. It appears that the Divines
were ' very busy upon the sixteenth Article and upon that clause of
it which mentioneth departing from grace,' p. 17, when the work was
finally suspended by order of the Parliament.
2 Hist, of the Puritans, III. 68.
3 In the new Article, 'for our sakes truly suffered most grievous
torments in his soul from God '=' truly suffered ' in the authorized
Article.
* ' At the general resurrection of the body at the last day '==' at the
last day.'
214 OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES [cH.
' descent into Hell ' as equivalent to ' continuing in the
state of the dead, and under the power and dominion of
death.' The sixth omits all mention of the testimony of the
Church in ascertaining the component parts of the
Scripture-canon ; it eliminates the Apocrypha ; it furnishes
a list of the New- Testament -writings : and instead of
laying stress upon the canonicity of sacred boohs, it makes-
the fact of their inspiration the true ground of deference to
their teaching. In the seventh a new clause is added which
implies that civil precepts of the Law of Moses are binding
on the Christian, provided they be not such as were pecu-
liarly restricted to the Jewish commonwealth. 1 This article
is also made to say expressly that by the ' moral law' we
understand all the Ten Commandments taken in their full
extent. 2 The eighth, respecting the Three Creeds, was
finally accepted, with the proviso that they should all be
re-translated and explained in an Appendix to the new
edition of the Articles, 3 then under contemplation. The
ninth, on Original Sin, is made to bear the special impress
of Geneva. The Divines assert — (1) that original sin con-
sists of the ' first sin imputed,' as well as of inherent cor-
ruption ; (2) that man is not only ' very far gone from
original righteousness,' but ' wholly deprived' of it ; (8)
that he is of his own nature inclined only to evil ; (4) they
1 This clause is somewhat illustrated by the fact that during the
Protectorate of Cromwell there was a party who laboured to bring
about the abolition of the whole law of England, and to substitute
the Mosaic in its place. Lord Campbell, Lives of the Chancellors,
in. 88.
s The force of this decision is seen at once on comparing tho
scruples felt by Chillingworth a few years before. He maintained
that the fourth commandment was no part of tho moral law, and did
not appertain to Christians. See the Life prefixed to his Works-, ed.
1S20, p. 16. From other sources (e.g., Hook's Eccl. Biography, iv. 10),
wo know that, according to Chillingworth, ' praying to God to incline
our hearts to keep this law, imported that the Jewish Sabbath, or
Saturday, is still in force.' He also objected to Art. XX., Art. XIV.,
Art. XXXI., Art. XIII., and to Articles in general, ' as an impo-
sition on men's consciences, much like that authority which tho
Church of Rome assumes.' His scruples wore, however, obviated in,
the end, chiefly through the instrumentality of Sheldon.
3 See above, p. 213, n 1.
X.] AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 215
substitute ' regenerate' for ' baptized ;' and (5) affirm that
concupiscence 'is truly and properly sin.' Upon the tenth,
' Of Free-will,' a clause has been engrafted, which
describes ' the preventing grace' of God as ' working so
effectually in us, as that it determineth our will to that
which is good.' The eleventh, ' Of the Justification of man
(before God),' in order to explain the mode of our
acquittal, declares that the 'whole obedience and satisfac-
tion' of the Saviour ' is by God imputed unto us, and Christ
with His righteousness apprehended and rested on by faith
only ; ' while the thirteenth changes the expression ' works
done before the grace of Christ aud the inspiration of His
Spirit,' into 'works done before justification by Christ and
regeneration by His Spirit.'
One of the more leading members in the parliamentary
synod which had been entrusted with this criticism of the
Elizabethan Articles, and one of the assessors who took
part in the compiling of the Westminster Confession, was
Cornelius Burges. On the restoration of the English
monarchy, and with it of the English Church, he published
a new string of ' Reasons shewing the necessity of Reforma-
tion of the public doctrine,' - 1 as well as of worship and
government. He once again indulged in sharp attacks
upon the Articles of Religion, which he ventured to im-
pugn as either doubtful or defective.
Under the first head was included an emphatic censure
of the Royal Declaration, 2 on the ground that it was so
constructed as to yield a shelter to ' Arrninian' tendencies
among the English clergy. Burges also argued that to
keep that ' Declaration' as a kind of preface to the Articles
would check the circulation of salutary doctrine, and would
lead the way to many 'sad consequences,' sanctioning, as
he foreboded, a belief in the defectibility of grace, in the
judicial authority of the Church, and in some other ques-
1 The work professes to have been written ' by divers ministers of
sundry counties in England,' but Burges was the real author. See
Bp. Pearson's Minor Works, II. 165, and the Editor's note.
2 Bp. Pearson is not correct in speaking of the date of the Declara-
tion, as ' 10 Caroli.' The mistake is explained by Beniiet, p. 366 : cf.
' Pref.' to Minor Works, pp. xliii. sliv.
216 OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES [CH.
tionable topics which are interspersed iu all the Books of
Homilies, especially in that relating to Alnisdeeds. 1
On the other hand, it was attempted to prove that the
Articles were defective — (1) in failing to enumerate the
books of the New-Testament canon ; (2) in shrinking
from assaults on sundry points of Popery, or rather of
'Arminianisni,' which loudly called, in his judgment, for
emphatic animadversion ; 2 (3) in passing over many topics
of general divinity, such as the creation, the doctrine of
providence, the fall of man, sin, effectual calling, sabbath
or Lord's day, marriage, communion of saints, etc. It was
shown, however, in all cases, by Bishop Pearson, who
replied to Bui'ges, that the main objections were either false
in themselves, or else were resting on a false hypothesis as
to the nature of the formulary at which they had been
levelled. 3
Many cavils, emanating from the same quarter, have
recurred in writings of the later Puritans, 4 and nowhere
have they been more plausibly and fully stated than in
Baxter's ' English Non-conformity,' which appeared in
1680. Like a majority of his predecessors in this field of
criticism, that writer indicates a general willingness to
acquiesce in definitions of Christian doctrine as they stand
in our present series ; but, in common with the authors
of the Admonitions to Parliament, he feels himself con-
strained to add, by way of qualification, that 'the words of
the Articles in the obvious sense are many times liable to
exception, and there are many things in them that good
men may scruple.' 5 He proceeds accordingly to specify
examples where objections had been freely taken to some
one or other of them, by writers of his own age ; but his
1 See Pearson's replies to the objections seriatim, Ibid. n. 174, sqq.
2 The work of Barges specifics universal redemption, universal
grace, falling from grace, etc. See Pearson's remark, p. 1S9.
3 See as above, and Answer to Dr. Burges, II. 205, sqq.
4 They had publicly urged at the Savoy Conference, 1661, as one
of their many grievances, that their preachers were obliged to accept
the Articles as not contrary to the Word of God. Cardwell, Hist, of
Conf. p. 266 (note).
5 Chap. xxiv.
X.] AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 217
remarks, unworthy now of serious refutation, 1 are interest-
ing to us only as a further proof that notwithstanding all
the offers of the ISTon-conformist to comply with the con-
ditions of church-membership, provided the rank ' weeds
of Popery ' were banished from the Ordinal and Prayer-
Book, there was always lurking in such men as Baxter a
dislike of everything patristic and distinctive in the teaching
of the Church of England. She was true to the inheritance
she had received, not merely from the Reformation, but
through it from the most primitive ages of the faith ; while
he had little or no sympathy with ancient Christian worthies,
acting, if not arguing, as though Christ had no ' true
Church on the earth before these times.' 2
The hatred of the Non-conformist had, however, been
disarmed or softened by events which followed the poli-
tical convulsion of 1688. Thenceforward he was left to
the unfettered use of his own modes of worship ; and
although in licensing the Non-conformist minister the ' Act
of Toleration ' 3 insisted for a time on the formality of
signing the Articles of Religion, excepting the thirty-
fourth, the thirty-fifth, the thirty-sixth, the affirmative
clause of the twentieth, and a portion of the twenty-
seventh, 4 this latest point of contact or collision seems to
1 Bingham, in his French Churches Apology for the Church of Eng-
land, pp. 36 — 98, Lond. 1706, has examined most of tho objections
made by Baxter and others to the Articles of Beligion. A later critic
of distinction was John Wesley, who reduced the number of the
Articles to twenty-five, and inserted many characteristic changes.
The document, as thus curtailed and modified, was raised into a
species of ' symbolical book' by the American Wesleyans, and is now
used by them as a test of orthodoxy : see Baird's Religion in America,
pp. 490 sq. New York, 1856.
2 Bp. Pearson, On the Creed, ' To the Eeader.'
3 Stat, i Gul. et Mar. c. 18. § 8. It is noteworthy that the ' Com-
prehension Bill ' of 1689 attempted to relieve all ministers of the
Church from the necessity of subscribing the XXXIX. Articles. For
the Articles were substituted a Declaration which ran thus : ' I do
approve of the doctrine and worship and government of the Church
of England by law established, as containing all things necessary to
salvation, and I promise, in the exercise of my ministry, to preach
and practise according thereunto.' Macaulay, Hist, of Engl. in.
90,91.
4 For the relief of the dissenters ' who scruple the baptizing of
infants,' § 10.
218 OBJECTIONS TO THE ARTICLES- [CH. X.
have been gradually diminished 1 and is now removed
entirely.
The subsequent efforts of an Arian party, in the Church
itself, to break away from the unpalatable truths pro-
pounded in the more dogmatic Articles, we shall consider
most conveniently in the next chapter.
1 It appeara that in 1772, the subscription of the dissenting
minister was very seldom made. Letter to a Bishop, p. 56 : and ia
1779, the Act of 19 George III. c. 44, absolved him altogether.
CHAPTER XI.
HISTORICAL NOTICES OF SUBSCRIPTION TO THE
ARTICLES.
TT is not my purpose in the present chapter to discuss'
-*- the ethical meaning of subscription to a formulary
of faith, nor to adjudicate with special reference to the
Articles before us — (1) whether such subscription must be
viewed as a distinct and positive adoption of all tenets-
there defined ; or (2) whether it imply no more than general
willingness upon the part of the subscriber to restrain
himself within the limits there determined in his public
treatment of disputed points. Although the latter view
has been occasionally advanced by writers of the highest
reputation and ability, 1 the former seems to be consistent
with the nature and intention of the Articles as well as-
with the principle embodied by the Church of England in
the Canons of 1571. 2
Subscription to the Articles has been exacted with the
hope of securing uniformity of doctrine in those Churchmen
who deliberately assume the office of public teachers. It
accordingly involves their own appropriation of the Articles
as the exponent of their individual opinions— so far at
least as such opinions bear on subjects which have been
determined by authority in that code of doctrine ; and,
while pledging every clergyman to full and positive faith,,
subscription is the act by which he also formally renounces
errors and corruptions which are there repudiated or pro-
scribed. It does not indeed imply that every single defi-
nition in the Articles is capable of the same kind of proof,
or that they all are in the same way needful to salvation,
1 e.g., Bramhall, Works, II. 201, and elsewhere, Oxf. 1812 : but see
Bennet, c. xxxtv. on this and other similar passages.
2 ' Articuli illi .... hand dubie selecti sunt ex sacris libris Veteris et
Novi Testament], et cum coelesti doctrina quae in- illis continetur <£er
omnia congruunt.' Cardwell's Synod, i. 127.
220 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [cil.
find are therefore necessary terms of communion for the
laity ; yet even with respect to minor statements, some of
which may be regarded as no more than probable opinions,
find others as but matters of history and morals, every
candidate for holy orders certifies his willingness to shape
his future teaching by the public standard, and to yield
unwavering assent to the propriety of all the code.
The method of interpreting particular Articles was
made a further subject of discussion from the time of
their first appearance ; 1 one claiming to subscribe them
with the mental reservation — ' so far as in my judgment
they agree with Holy Scripture ; ' a second, epiestioning the
absolute obligation of the test, or struggling to evade it
whenever it appeared to vary from the language of an
•older school or system of theology ; 2 but reluctant though
we be to stigmatize 3 subscribers of this kind as utterly
1 See above, pp. 110, 205.
2 It is worthy of note in this connection that Archbishop Laud was
taxed on his impeachment in 1641, with sanctioning the works of
Davenport above mentioned (p. 148, n. 2) 'wherein the 39 Articles
■of the Church of England established by act of Parliament are much
traduced and scandalized.' The archbishop answered among other
things (see Troubles, etc., pp. 150 sq.) that he never expected Daven-
port ' to expound the Articles so that the Church of England might
have cause to thank him for it.' The Non-conformists afterwards
revived this charge of disaffection or disloyalty, affirming that many
clergymen who signed the Articles were infected with Romish errors;
^e.g., in Jenkyns' Celeusma, seu Clamor ad Theologos Hierarchies Angli-
cans, Lond. 1679, p. 30. He quotes a Jesuit writer (p. 28) who re-
joiced that together with sundry indications of a Romanizing spirit
'39 Articuli flexi in sensum Catholicum.' Jenkyns then sums up as
follows : ' Denique dnm vident Bramhallum, Taylerum, Thorudikum,
Hylenum, Sheiiocum [;'. e., William Sherlock], caeterosque qnampluri-
mos ejusdem furfuris publice scriptis suis Sacraa Scripturse lectioneci
promiscuam, imputationem Christi justitise, separationem ab ecclesia
Romana ut schismaticam damnare ; preces pro defunctis, adorationem
imaginum et hostiae in Eucharistia, justificationem per opera etc. pro-
pugnare; haec (inqaam) dum siccis oculis conspiciunt Pontificii, quis
de illis non credat, nos non ire, sed cuirere, totisque animis et velis
ad Papismum ferri ? '
3 Bp. Conybeare (Sermon on I Tim. vi. 3, 4) characterizes the former
view as 'trifling with common sense as much as with common honesty.'
The same principle was deliberately stated by the Arians at the begin-
ning of the last century. Waterland, Case of Arian Subscription,
passim.
XI.] SUBSCEIPTION TO THE AKTICLES. 221
disloyal to the Church, or as regardless of their own posi-
tion and their promise, such an exercise of ' private judg-
ment ' is assuredly incompatible with unity, and adverse to
the health of all religious associations.
The following rules or canons of interpretation, sanc-
tioned by some able writers on this subject, are more
reasonable in themselves and far more suited to the nature
of the document to which they are applied. It is desirable :
First, to weigh the history of the Reformation move-
ment in the midst of which the Articles had been produced.
Secondly, to read them in this light, approximating as
far as possible to the particular point of view which had
been occupied by all the leading compilers.
Thirdly, to interpret the language of the formulary in
its plain and grammatical sense (i.e., the sense which it had
borne in the Edwardine and Elizabethan periods of the
Church), bestowing on it ' the just and favourable con-
struction, which ought to be allowed to all human writings,
especially such as are set forth by authority.'
Fourthly, where the language of the Articles is vague-,
or where (as might have been expected from their history)-
we meet with a comparative silence in respect of any theo-
logical topic, to ascertain the fuller doctrine of the Church
of England on that point, by reference to her other
symbolical writings — the Prayer-Book, the Ordinal, the-
Homilies, and the Canons.
Fifthly, where these sources have been tried without
arriving at explicit knowledge as to the intention of any
Article, to acquiesce in the deductions which ' the catholic
doctors and ancient bishops ' have expressly gathered on
that point from Holy Scripture ; in accordance with the
recommendation of the Canon of 1571, in which subscrip-
tion to the present Articles had been enjoined upon the
clergy.
Although instances are found, in earlier times and foreign
countries, of the application of religious tests to academical
students, 1 the occasion which in England had first
1 See, for instance, Hardwick's Middle Age, p. 291, n. 6. At the
time of the Reformation, Osiander (1552) complained that academical
tests invaded the liberty of the students; whereupon Melancthon gave-
the following account of their introduction at Wittenberg, and the
222 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [CH.
witnessed the exercise of such principles upon a large scale
occurred in 1549 and the three following years, when
Articles resembling those of 1553 were put in circulation
by reforming prelates. 1 This, however, undertaken, as it
seems to have been, with no regular sanction either of the
Church or civil power, was frequently resisted by the
medieval party ; but the royal mandate of June 19, 1553,
enforced subscription on the clergy (students of the Univer-
sities included) before the expiration of six weeks from the
date of its appearance. By this pressure all incumbents
would have been constrained to sign the Articles on pain
of deprivation, and the test 2 was ordered to extend to those
who might in future be appointed to a benefice or any other
ecclesiastical office. But the death of Edward, some days
after, interrupted the circulation of the mandate, and sub-
scription to the Articles was consequently abandoned for a
period of eighteen years.
Meanwhile, however, it is found that Gardiner had
grounds on which they rested : ' Non recens a nobis excogitata est
hsec proinissio, sed instituta ab hoc C'ollegio (i.e., the theological
faculty) ante aunos fere viginti, videlicet a Luthero, Iona, et pastore
hujus Ecclesise Doctore Pomerano. Hos integerrimos viros magna
Injuria adficit Osiander, cum serit suspicionem quod volnerint tyran-
nidem constituere, quum honestissirna causa consilii in conspectu sit.
Et tunc vagabantur mnlti fanatici homines, qui subinde nova delira-
menta spargebant, Anabaptists?, Servetus, Campanus, Schwenkfeldius,
et alii. Et non desunt tales furise ullo tempore. Quantum igitur
humana diligentia cavere potuit, voluit hie Senatus bona ingenia de
rnodestia commonefacere, et metas ostendere extra quas non temere
erampendum esset. Voluit frscnare, quantum posset, minus quietos.
Hie mos fuit et Ecclesiss vetcris . . . . ' Melancthon, Liber Select.
Declam. : Opp. XII. 7, ed. Bretschncider.
1 See above, pp. 72 sq. The rigorous way in which subscription
had been urged upon the students in the University of Oxford and
also on the candidates for Church-preferment, is brought out distinctly
in the sermon preached by Brokis (Brooks) Nov. 12, 1553, at St.
Paul's Cross. Referring to the latter point, he asks (sign. D. viii) :
'Hathe there been anye spiritual promotion and dignitie, ye or almoste
anye meane liuyng of the churche, bestowed these few yeares paste,
but vppon such onely, as would ernestly set furth (either by preach-
ing, either by subscribing) al the erronious doctrine, falsi termed the
Kinges procedinges ? Hath there been any catholike of late yeares
refusyng subscription, but that hath been, other depriued, other
imprisoned, other banished their company, other at leaste silenced ?'
2 See above, p 7-1, n. 2.
XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 223
learned to profit by the stern example of his rival Hooper ;
and on forwarding his own series of fifteen Articles to
Cambridge, he had taken the precaution to enjoin that
they should all in future be subscribed by students in the
University before admission to degrees. 1
"We saw that during the early years of Queen Elizabeth
(1559 — 1571), the clergy, on admission to their benefices,
and twice also every year, had been required to signify their
acquiescence in a form of doctrine, called the ' Eleven
Articles.' This act, however, rested solely on the mandate
of Archbishop Parker and the other bishops, not upon a
regular order of Convocation or the Crown. The same
code of doctrine was also promulgated in Ireland as early
as the year 1566 ; although in neither country was atten-
tion drawn distinctly to the permanent fitness of the present
list of Articles till 1571 — excepting that the formal signa-
ture of members of Convocation, under whose auspices the
Articles had been revised, amounted to a general recognition
of the principle of subscription.
At the latter date two measures, independent in their
origin as well as in their operation, were adopted for the
purpose of promoting uniformity of doctrine, and excluding
all those persons from the ministry of the Church who
were unwilling to adopt the Articles as one test of ortho-
doxy. By the first of these measures, which, as we have
seen, is the famous Act 13 Eliz. c. 12, it was required that
' every one under the degree of a bishop, which doth or
shall pretend to be a priest or minister of God's Holy Word
and Sacraments, by reason of any other form of institution,
consecration or ordering than the form set forth by Parlia-
ment in the time of the late king, of most worthy memory.
Xing Edward the Sixth, or now used in the reign of our
most gracious sovereign lady, before the feast of the Nativity
of Christ next following, shall in the presence of the bishop,
or guardian of the spiritualities of some one diocese, where
he hath or shall have ecclesiastical living, declare his assent,
and subscribe to all the Articles of Religion, which only con-
cern the confession of the true Christian faith, and the doctrine
.of the Sacraments .... and shall bring from such bishop or
1 Wilkins, iv. 127.
224 HISTOEICAL NOTICES OF [CHT.
guardian of spiritualities in writing under his seal authen-
tick, a testimonial of such assent and subscription ; and
openly on some Sunday, in the time of the public service
aforenoon, in every Church where by reason of any
ecclesiastical living he ought to attend, read both the said
testimonial and the said Articles.'
The earlier portion of the above clause was obviously
intended to secure the acquiescence of the clergy who had
been ordained according to the mediaeval forms in the reign
of Mary, while the new Ordinal was in abeyance. For this
reason the provisions of the Act encountered the hostility
of the ' Admonition to the Parliament,' put forth in the
following year : but whether Articles to which subscrip-
tion was exacted by that statute from aspirants to eccle-
siastical promotion, were all the thirty-nine of the present
series, or those only of the number which may be regarded
as dogmatical, 1 is a question very difficult to answer.
In a later clause of the same Act it is enjoined that no
person shall hereafter be admitted to a benefice with cure,
' except he then be of the age of three and twenty years at
the least and a deacon, and shall first have subscribed the
said Articles in presence of the Ordinary,' — expressions
where the ambiguity of which we have complained above
is equally apparent.
Bennet 2 and other writers have contended that the word
' only ' was not designed to be restrictive but demonstrative,
declaring the nature of the subjects handled in the Articles,
or, in other words, importing that they all concern the true
Christian faith and the doctrine of the Sacraments.
But this argument must be regarded as precarious even
in respect of grammar ; and as soon as we have recollected
that distinctions of the kind supposed were actually drawn.'
as early as the introduction of the bill, by some of its chief
promoters, 3 were revived by Admonitioners to Parliament
1 The Articles relating to faith and doctrine (so far as these may
be separated from the rest) are 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15,.
16, 17, 18, 22. Bp. Gibson's Codex, p. 321.
2 C. xxii.: cf. Collier, II. 531; Bedford's Vindication of the Church
of "England, against 'Priestcraft in Perfection;' and Dr. Swainson's
Essay on the Hist, of Article XXIX. pp. 46 sq.
3 See above, pp. 148, 149.
XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 225
in the course of the following year, 1 as well as by some
members of the Convocation of 1575, 2 and were repeated
still more urgently in favour of the Puritans on the acces-
sion of James I., 3 it cannot be denied that the statute had
been construed from the first by those who were in search of
pretexts for their non- conformity, as binding the subscriber
only to one section of the Elizabethan Articles.
Selden 4 alludes to this circumstance in the following
passage of his ' Table-Talk : ' ' There is a secret concerning
the Articles,' he writes : ' of late ministers have subscribed
to all of them ; but by the Act of Parliament that confirmed
them, they ought only to subscribe to those Articles which
contain matters of faith and the doctrine of the Sacraments,
as appears by the first subscriptions. . . .But bishop Bancroft,
in the Convocation held in king James's days, he began it,
that ministers should subscribe to three things, to the King's
supremacy, to the Common-Prayer, and to the Thirty-nine
Articles ; though many of them do not contain matter of
faith.'
But writers on the other side allege a very definite
opinion from Coke's ' Institutes,' which is couched in the
following terms : ' I heard Wray, Chief Justice in the
King's Bench, Pasch. 23 Eliz., report that where one
Smyth subscribed to the said Thirty-nine Articles of
Religion with this addition "so far forth as the same were
agreeable to the Word of Cod," it was resolved by him and
all the Judges of England, that this subscription was not
according to the statute of 13 Eliz. Because the statute
required an absolute subscription, and this subscription made
it conditional ; and that this Act was made for avoiding of
diversity of opinions, etc., and by this addition the party
might by his own private opinion take some of them to be
against the Word of God, and by this means diversity of
1 See Whitgift's Defense of the Answere to the Admonition, p. 776,
Lond. 1574. Elsewhere, however, it would seem as if the Admoni-
tioners did not themselves recognize this distinction. They speak of
the ' pontificall, which is annexed to the booke of common-prayer, and
whereunto subscribing to the Articles we must subscribe also.' B. v.
2 Wilkins, iv. 284.
3 See above, p. 206, n. 2.
* Table Talk, ' Articles,' pp. 3, 4. Lond. 1789.
0,
226 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [CH.
opinions should not be avoided, — which was the scope
of the statute, — and the very Act itself made touching
subscription hereby of none effect.' 1
This strong opinion of the Lord Chief Justice, not long
after the passing of the Elizabethan statute, is entitled
doubtless to considerable weight, and yet it seems to rest
upon a mere conviction that reserve or limitation in such
cases is irreconcileable with the object of the Church in
framing Articles, instead of being drawn from careful study
of the Act itself, and due regard to the known feelings of
its chief promoters.
It has also been contended that the practice of the High
Commissioners, who had to deal with the first race of Non-
conformists, was in favour of the stringent interpretation o
the Elizabethan statute ; but this fact, while serving to
acquaint us with the feeling of the Church-authorities, does
nothing to clear up the ambiguity of passages above recited.
As late, moreover, as the opening of the reign of Charles II.
the king himself appears to have been recognising a
distinction between articles of doctrine and articles of dis-
cipline : 2 yet in the Act of Uniformity (13 & 14 Car. II.
c. 4), such difference is abandoned altogether ; and no
colourable plea 3 is left for seeking shelter in the limitatory
clause, which might have been adduced with no small show
of reason in the period just preceding.
While the House of Commons was thus bent upon
exacting a subscription to the Articles, in whole or part,
(1) from all the clergy who were not ordained according to
the English Reformed Ordinal, and (2) from all the future
incumbents on admission to their several cures, the Convoca-
tion of the same year was actively engaged in putting forth
a second and to some extent a supplementary provision. It
was there enjoined 4 that all persons approved as public
preachers should have their licences renewed only on con-
dition that they subscribed the series of Articles agreed on
at the Synod, and pledged themselves to preach in strict
1 Instit. Part iv. c. 74, pp. 323, 324.
2 Cai-dwell's Document. Annals, II. 300.
3 Yet Blackburne ventures to affirm that the limiting clause is not
abrogated by that Act : ' Preface' to 2nd edition of the Confessional.
4 Cardwell, Synod. I. 127.
XI.] SUBSCKIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 227
accordance with that public standard. In like manner,
every minister of a church before entering on his sacred
functions was enjoined 1 to give a satisfactory proof of
orthodoxy by subscribing, not a few, but all the Articles
of Religion ; — a decree in which the members of Convoca-
tion had an eye to the prevailing fancy that requirements
of the Church were all included in the recognition of
doctrinal Articles : and consequently, though subscription to
the rest might never have been legally enforced, it is in-
disputable that the whole production was henceforth made
binding on the English clergy, inforo conscientice.
It may have been this same consideration which was
moving the Commissioners to call for the subscriptions of
the clergy in the following year without regard to any
limitatory clause : and the severity with which the Articles
in general were imposed would form the sorest grievance of
the Puritans, and so give birth to many of the serious
agitations which now rose in every quarter. The most
early symptom of such disaffection may be gathered from
the following extract : 2 ' Whereas immediately after the
laste Parliament, holden at Westminster, begon in anno
1570, and ended in anno 1571, the ministers of God's holy
Word and Sacraments were called before her maiesties
hygh commyssyoners and enforced to subscribe vnto the
Articles, if they would kepe theyr places and liuyngs, and
some for refusing to subscribe 3 vnbrotherly and vncharit-
ably intreated, and from theyr offyces and places removed :
May it please therefore thys honorable and high court of
Parliament, in consideration of the premises, to take a view
of such causes as then dyd withhold, and now doth, the
foresayd ministers froru subscribing and consenting vnto
those foresaid Articles,' etc.
This onslaught was, however, turned ere long into a
general censure of the principle of subscription, in which
no regard was had to the distinctive purport of the docu-
1 Card well, Synod. I. 120.
3 ' Pref.' to the First Admonition to the Parliament.
3 The number actually deprived for non-subscription was about one
hundred. Neal, I. 284 : cf . ' Preface' to Rogers, On the Articles, who
describes the malcontents as ' divers of the inferior ministers in and
about London and elsewhere in this kingdom.'
22S HISTOPJCAL NOTICES OF [OH.
ment itself. It was denounced because it was put forward
by authority. ' The wound,' those critics now exclaimed, 1
' grows desperate, and wants a corrosive ; 'tis no time to
blanch, or sew pillows under men's elbows.' Yet no less
apparent is it that, instead of the Elizabethan prelates
acting vigorously at this conjuncture, and confuting Non-
conformity upon the threshold, not a few of them sank
down into lethargic acquiescence, if they did not wink at
its diffusion and ' feed its fond humour.' For example,
the whole primacy of Grindal had been marked by tender-
ness in favour of the Non-conformists, and in all his later
years he seems to have neglected to impose the Articles, or
any other test of doctrine, on the clergy of the southern
province. 2 The result was that on Whitgift's elevation to
the same post in 1583, he found himself compelled to
institute more stringent measures for preserving what he
felt to be the genuine rites and dogmas of the Church of
England from the rising inundations of that Puritanism
which issued in the Great Rebellion. He accordingly put
forward certain declarations which were known as ' Whit-
gift's Articles,' and which ere long received a formal
sanction in the 36th of the Jacobean Canons. These three
Articles he had designed for all who were admitted to the
cure of souls, 3 as well as for all those who should in future
be licensed to preach, read, catechize, minister the sacra-
ments, or execute any other ecclesiastical function. 4 One
relates to the supremacy of the Crown, the second to the
Prayer-Book and the Ordinal, and the third which bears
immediately upon our subject is expressed in the following
terms : ' That I allow the Book of Articles of Religion
agreed upon by the archbishops and bishops of both pro-
1 Neal, I. 285.
2 Fuller, Church Hist. Bk. tx. p. 138, fol. ed. Parkhurst, bishop of
Norwich, -was another example of this laxity. He ' is blamed even of
the best sort for his remissness in ordering his clergy. He winketh at
schismatics and Anabaptists, as I am informed. Surely I see great
variety in ministration. A surplice may not be borne here. And the
ministers follow the folly of the people, calling it charity to feed
their fond humour. Oh, my Lord, what shall become of this time P '
Cecil to Parker, Aug. 12, 1561 : Parker's Correspond, p. 149.
3 ' Pref .' to Kogers, On the Articles.
4 Bennet, pp. 398, 399.
XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 229
vinces, and the whole clergy, in tlie Convocation liolden at
London in the year of onr Lord God 1562, and set forth by
her Majesty's authority, and do believe all the Articles
therein contained to be agreeable to the Word of God. In
witness thereof I have subscribed my name.' 1
1 The Brethren,' as the Puritan party was now often
designated, were so pressed by this intrepid measure of the
Primate, 2 that 1584 is noted in their annals as 'the
woful year of subscription.' 3 Laity and clergy were alike
offended by such ' Articles as lately had been tendered in
divers parts of this realm ; ' and in December, 1584, we find
the House of Commons, which was more and more com-
pletely tainted by the Puritanic principle, addressing a
petition to the Lords spiritual and temporal, in which it
was desired that 'hereafter no oath or subscription be
tendered to any that is to enter into the ministry, or to any
benefice with cure, or to any place of preaching, but such
only as be expressly prescribed by the statutes of this
realm.' 4
Resisted as they were by Puritans in parliament, the
efforts of a band of men like Whitgift had but little force
1 For another form of subscription employed at this period, see
Bennet, p. 399. An early copy of Whitgift's Three Articles will be
found in the library of Caius College, Cambridge, MS. No. 197; § 6,
together with 'reasons which may persuade subscribinge' (fol. 167).
The reason urged in favour of the third Article runs thus : ' If not to
the last Article, then you denie true doctrine to be established in the
Churches of England, which is the maigne note of the Churches : And
so I see not reason whie I sholde persuade the Papiste to our religion,
and to come to our Churche, seeinge we will not allowe it ourselves.' In
writing to Sir Christopher Hatton (May 9, 1584), the archbishop gives
a melancholy account of his difficulties in reference to these matters ;
Nicolas's Life of Hatton, pp. 371, 372, Lond. 1847.
2 In the same year the Convocation put forth certain ' Articuli pro
clero,' enjoining among other things that no bishop shall hereafter
admit any person to Holy Orders, except he is of his own diocese ....
' vel saltern, nisi rationem fidei suas juxta Articulos illos Religionis ....
Latino sermone reddere possit, adeo ut sacrarum literarum testimonin,
quibus eorundem Articulorum Veritas innititur, recitare etiam valeat.'
Cardwell, Synod, i. 141.
3 Rogers, Ibid.
4 D'Ewes, p. 358. The Archbishop of York (Sandys) replied, that
'■ for subscription, he doubted not it was lawful and might prove the
cause of much order and quietness in the Church,' p. 360.
230 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [CH.
in mastering the disaffection which was rampant in the
middle classes of society now growing into fresh import-
ance. Non- conformity went on increasing, sometimes as
before, with the connivance of the bishops, till it leavened
nearly all the lump. ' How carelessly subscription is exacted
in England,' was Bancroft's lamentation in 1593, 'I am
ashamed to report. Such is the retchlessness of many of
our bishops on the one side, and their desire to be at ease
and quietness to think upon their own affairs ; and on the
other side, such is the obstinacy and intolerable pride of that
factious sort, as that betwixt both sides, either subscription
is not at all required, or if it be, the bishops admit them so
to qualifie it that it were better to be omitted altogether.' l
Bancroft was himself exalted to the primacy of England
early in the following century, and, both before and after
that promotion, was distinguished by his ardour in the
conflict which was being waged between the Church and
Non-conformists. He was also president of the southern
Convocation which assembled on the 20th of March, 1604 ;
and there it is recorded that the Articles of Religion ' all
and singular,' were subscribed ' by the byshops and the
whole cleargy of the province of Canterbury.' This solemn
act had doubtless been suggested by the known hostility of
Puritans to many of the Articles, as well as other Formu-
laries of the English Church, 2 — hostility which led again
to Bancroft's new proposal, to engraft the disciplinary
decrees of "VVhitgift 3 on the code of Canons, which were
formally enacted at this period and confirmed under the
1 Survey of the Pretended Holy Discipline, p. 219. Lond. 1593.
" At the Hampton. Court Conference just before, the leader of th©
Puritans had contended that ' subscription was a great impeachment
to a learned ministry, and therefore entreated it might not be exacted
as heretofore. 1 Cardwell's Hist, of Confer, p. 193. 'To subscribe-
according to the statutes of the realm, namely, to the Articles and the
King's supremacy they were not unwilling.' The Prayer-Book was
the great stumbling-block.
3 See above, p. 228, and cf . Canon xxxvi. which enjoins subscription
to the Articles universally on all, as well at ordination as at institution
to a benefice. The best ' Account of the Subscription of the Convoca-
tion to the Articles in 1604,' is given by the late Archdeacon Todd in
App. iv. of his Declarations of our Reformers on Original Sin, etc.
Lond. 1818.
XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE AETICLES. 231
Great Seal of England. By the absolute order for subscrip-
tion which this code embodied, a large number of the Non-
conformists, called the ' Brethren of the Second Separation,'
were driven to relinquish their positions in the Church ;
while many who adhered to her communion for a time,
were rendered more completely hostile to her government
and ritual system.
But the zeal of English rulers, though long dormant or
perverted, was now prompting them to undertake more
strenuous measures for repairing some of the sad breaches
which the Church of England had sustained. 1 The
Universities, too long the nursery of Puritanism, were now
to be included under the operation of the test prescribed by
the Canons in 1604. The officers of Cambridge, it is true,
and probably of Oxford also, had recourse to similar
methods for ascertaining the orthodoxy of their graduate
members, as early as the reign of Edward ; but his death,
as we have noticed, put an end to agitations which this
question was exciting, and it does not seem to have been
mooted any more in Cambridge till the reign of James I. 2
At Oxford, on the contrary, it was decreed in 1573, that
every candidate for the future, before taking his degree,
should subscribe the Articles of Religion; and in 1576 a
further law extended the application of the test to every
person above the age of sixteen, upon entering his name at
any College or Hall. The powers of both the Universities
were subsequently enlarged, 3 in 1616, by directions from
King James I. enjoining that all persons on admission to
degrees should sign not only the Articles of Religion, but
also the two other statements of the 36th Canon. But in
reference to Cambridge, if not Oxford also, it was ruled by
the ' Grand Committee for Religion ' (Jan. 19, 1641), that
to exact subscription from the students was against the
1 e.g., Bancroft inquires in 1605, and Abbott in 1616, whether any
impugn the Articles (Cardwell's Docum. Ann. n. 103, 221).
2 Some of the following facts are drawn from a Summary View of
the Laws relating to Subscriptions, etc., 2nd ed. Lond. 1772.
3 Three years earlier the King had prescribed subscription to the
three Articles of the 36th Canon in the case of candidates for divinity
degrees, but the rule was now made binding upon all who took any
degree whatever.
232 HISTOKICAL NOTICES OF [CH.
law and liberty of the subject, and ought not to be pressed
in future on any one whatever. 1
But on reaching the close of that gloomy interval which
next ensued, we find that on the Restoration of Charles II.
subscription to the Articles was universally imposed upon
the clergy with more stringency than ever. Close conform-
ity to rules and rubrics was now peremptorily ordered by
Sheldon and his colleagues, while the 3Gth of the Jacobean
Canons was obeyed by minister and prelate with unswerv-
ing punctuality. Among the other proofs of vigilance,
which rulers both in Church and State thought necessary
to exert, it may be noticed, that the Act of Uniformity, 13
and 14 Car. II. c. 4, requires every head of a college to
' subscribe unto the Nine and Thirty Articles of Religion,
mentioned in the statute made in the 13th year of the
reign of the late Queen Elizabeth .... and declare his
unfeigned assent and consent unto, and approbation of the
said Articles:' and in a subsequent proviso (§ xxx.) it
enacts, with the intention of removing every species of
evasion, that ' all such subscriptions shall be construed as
extending to the Ordinal mentioned in the six and thirtieth
Article, any thing in the said Article, or in any statute, act,
or canon heretofore had or made, to the contrary thereof,
in any wise notwithstanding.'
The Act of Toleration, we have seen already, limited
the number of the Articles to which ' dissenting ministers '
were still required to subscribe ; but in the application
of that test of doctrine to the clergy, it has undergone
no change whatever from the period of the Restoration
to the present time.
We should remark, indeed, that one large section o£
English clergymen, especially about the middle of the last
century, were loudly crying for emancipation from the
' fetters of subscription.' Their demand was not ' unlimited
toleration' as dissenters, but ' unlimited licence,' while dis-
charging their ministerial functions. The depriving of Non-
jurors had too frequently involved the introduction, in high
places, of a class of teachers whose ideas ill accorded with
the temper of the Prayer-Book, or the voice which other
1 Bush-worth, iv. 149.
XI.] SUBSCRIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 233
Formularies were continually uplifting in behalf of dog-
matic truth. The controversies with Deism, which broke
out in the succeeding period, were the means of lowering
the tone of clerical society, or limiting men's interest too
exclusively to wants of their own age ; while in proportion
as the study of patristic literature decayed, a school of
Arian and Socinian clergy had sprung up in England,
absolutely denying the necessity of faith in fundamental
doctrines of the Church, or striving to reduce the plain
credenda of the Gospel to the smallest possible number.
It is painful to record, that not a few of these writers
were willing, in the first instance, to encounter the
'formality,' as they esteemed it, of subscribing Articles to
which they rendered no allegiance, either as a step to
ordination or the honours and emoluments of office. They
contended that ' these Articles may conscientiously be
subscribed in any sense in which they themselves, by their
own interpretation, could reconcile them to Scripture,
without regard to the meaning and intention, either of the
persons who first compiled or who now imposed them.' l
But the hollowness of such a principle was very soon
discovered, and its chief abettors next resorted to a bolder
scheme for getting rid of oaths and declarations, which
were challenging their personal fitness for the work of
their high callings. Headed by Archdeacon Blackburne,
the unscrupulous author of the ' Confessional,' those
agitators argued that the doctrines of the Christian religion
cannot possibly be made clearer by human compilations
or Articles of faith ; that to demand a full and undoubted
assent to propositions, in themselves very doubtful and
obscure, is to tyrannize over the understanding of subscribers ;
that to disqualify a person on account of his religious scru-
ples is to subject him to pains and penalties, and that bare
compliance in the use of an established Liturgy without the
aid of Articles of Religion, or indeed of any test of doctrine
whatsoever, is security enough for all the decencies
of public worship, as well as for the peaceful continuation
of the present Church-establishment. 2
1 Waterland, Case of Arian Subscription: Works, n. 264, 265.
2 See these arguments soberly stated in a Letter to the Members of
the Honourable House of Commons, by a Christian Whig, Lond. 1772;
23-1 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF [CH.
And as the press was teeining for a while with publica-
tions in support of these sweeping measures, the objections
to religious tests assumed a formidable aspect under the
guidance of the same Archdeacon Blackburne, who had
been the foremost instrument in stirring up the general
agitation. In 1771, he published his 'Proposals for an
Application to Parliament, for relief in the matter of
subscription to the Liturgy and Thirty-nine Articles of the
Established Church of England ; ' 1 and the way being
already paved with great ability in his earlier productions,
there were ' learned and conscientious clergy ' at his beck
to aid him in his present undertaking. A petition, 2 known
as the 'Feathers Tavern Petition,' was accordingly pre-
pared and introduced into the House of Commons, Feb. 6,
1772. It set out by affirming 'the undoubted right of
Protestants to interpret Scripture for themselves; ' it pleaded
that habitual violence was done to this principle by exact-
ing the assent of candidates for orders to ' Articles and
Confessions of faith drawn up by fallible men ; ' and, after
dwelling at some length on other grievances, submitted
the cause of the petitioners, ' under God, to the wisdom
and justice of a British parliament, and the piety of a
Protestant king.'
It was a happy day for England when this feverish
struggle of the Arian party to escape from obligations they
had freely undertaken, was defeated in the House of Com-
mons. By whatever motives such decision had been mainly
influenced, whether by 'disinclination to religious changes,' 3
the Arian character of the movement is peculiarly manifest in ' Rea-
sons humbly offered for composing a new set of Articles of Religion ;
with XXI. Articles proposed as a specimen for improvement,' Lond. 1771.
In this ' improved set,' there is no allusion to the doctrine of the Holy
Trinity.
1 Works, vii. 1 sqq. Camb. 1804.
2 See it at length ; Ibid. pp. 15 sq. These petitioners, however,
adopted the old principle to some extent by proposing to subscribe to
the Scriptures as set forth in our Authorized Version ; but such a
test of doctrine would clearly be no test at all. Paley was among tho
advocates of the Feathers Tavern Petition ; and curious is it to remark
that Calvin himself refused subscription to Creeds, on the ground that
it was ' tryanny to make one man speak the language of another.'
Quarterly Rev. No. clxxvi. p. 540.
3 A Letter to a Bishop (by an advocate of the measure), p. 4. Lond.
1772.
XI.] SUBSCKIPTION TO THE ARTICLES. 235
' by the fashion of the times,' * or else by clear anticipation
of results which must have followed from the passing of
this measure, the petition was repulsed upon the threshold,
by 217 to 71, and Blackburne left to pour out his regrets
in a new series of ' Reflections ' on the fate of his darling
project.
Since that crisis there has been no organized attack
upon our Articles of Religion, nor, indeed, on any of the tests
of doctrine promulgated by the English Church. In spite
of the excessive coldness which pervaded our communion
at the close of the last century; in spite of individual
scruples, and of laxer theories of subscription which revive
from time to time, our Formularies have retained their
hold on the affections both of priest and people, and are
answering the salutary end for which they were compiled.
And now, perhaps, there is more hope than ever, that
the Articles will steadily resist the undermining of indif-
ferentism, as well as the more open onslaughts of heresy
and unbelief. 2 A flame of holier zeal is being kindled in
the hearts of Churchmen, and is diffused from year to year
through the dependencies of the empire. There, as here,
while stimulating higher aims and countenancing every
1 Blackburne, Reflections on the Fate of a Petition, etc. Works, VII.
37.
2 It is also gratifying to remark that with respect to tests of
doctrine, a wonderful reaction has taken place of late in Germany. At
a meeting of the Prussian Kirchenbunol (or confederation of churches
composing the Evangelische TJnirte Kirche of Germany) the following-
resolution was carried in September, 1853, by more than 2100 voices
against six dissentients :
' The members of the German Evangelical Kirchentag hereby make
known, that they with heart and voice hold and prof ess the Confession
presented by the Evangelical Princes and Estates to the Emperor
Charles V. at the Imperial Diet of Augsburg in the year 1530, and
hereby publicly testify their accord with it, as the oldest and simplest
common record of publicly acknowledged Evangelical doctrine in
Germany.'
In commenting upon this act, a writer in the Evangelische Kivchen-
Zeitung, No.xi (1854), forcibly remarks : ' Dass eine freie Versammlung
von solcher Ausdehnung sich wieder zur Augsburgischen Confes-
sion bekannt, und damit dem Teufel von Neuem entsagt hat, lasst
hoffen, dass diese wenigstens bei den Dienern der Kirche bald wieder
vollstandig in ihre urspriinglichen Kechte eintreten wircl.'
236 HISTORICAL NOTICES, ETC. [CH. XI.
project for the social and material good of the community,
it wakens a fresh love for the distinctive truths of super-
natural religion. It is widening our Christian sympathies,
and quickening in us the perception of her close affinity to
all the members of the Christian brotherhood. It urges us
to emulate the line of ancient worthies into some of whose
best labours we have freely entered ; and if only it be calm
and sober, patient and discriminating, as it certainly is
active and expansive, it will ultimately, with God's blessing,
make this Church of England the joy of all the earth.
APPENDIX
No. I.
ABTICLES*
DEVISED BY
THE KINGES HIGHNES MAJESTIE,
TO STABLYSHE CHKISTEN QUIETNES AND UNITEE
AMONGE US,
AND
TO AVOYDE CONTENTIOUS OPINIONS,
■WHICH ARTICLES BE ALSO APPROVED
BY THE CONSENT AND DETERMINATION OF THE HOLE
CLEEGIE OF THIS EEALME.
Anno M.D.XXXVL
* [Id the Cotton MS. tlie title is, 'Articles about Eeligion, set out
by the Convocation, and published by the King's authority.' See
above, pp. 39 sq.]
The text of the following Articles is that of the edition originally
printed by Thomas Berthelet, in 1536, which is preferred for the
reasons above stated, p. 41.
The collations marked B are derived from the Cotton MS.
Cleopatra, E. V. fol. 59 sq., through the medium of Burnet's
' Addend.' to Vol. I. 459 sq.
Those marked C represent the variations of the Articles as they
were drawn by Collier from the ' State Paper Office,' II. 122 sq.
Those marked F, the variations in a copy made by Fuller from
the Convocation-Records ; Church History, Book v. pp. 213 sq. ed. fol.
THE PREFACE
Henry the VIII. by the grace of God king of England and of
France, defensor 1 of the faith, lord of Ireland, and in earth
supreme head of the Church of England, to all, and singular
our most loving, faithful, and obedient subjects, greeting.
\ MONGr other cures appertaining 2 nnto this our princely office,
■£*- whereunto it hath pleased Almighty God of His infinite
mercy and goodness to call us, we have always esteemed and
thought, like as we also yet esteem and think, that it most
chiefly belongeth unto our said charge diligently to foresee and
cause, that not only the most holy word and commandments of
God should most sincerely be believed, and most reverently be
observed and kept of our subjects, but also 3 that unity and
concord in opinion, 4 namely in such things as doth concern our
religion, may increase and go forthward, and all occasion of
dissent and discord touching the same be repressed and utterly
extinguished.
For the which cause, we being of late, to our great regret,
credibly advertised of such diversity in opinions, as have grown
and sprung in this our realm, as well concerning certain articles
necessary to our salvation, as also touching certain other honest
and commendable ceremonies, rites, and usages now of long
time used and accustomed in our churches/ for conservation of
1 defensor] defender B.
' appertaining] committed B.
3 that it most chiefly ... but also] this to be most chief, most ponderous, and of
most weight, that His holy word and commandments may sincerely, without let or
hindrance, be of our subjects truly believed and reverently kept, and observed ; and
that B.
' opinion] opinions F.
* now of long time . . . churches] in our said church B.
* The whole of the Declaration or Preface is wanting in C
240 APPENDIX I.
an honest policy and decent and seemly order to be had therein, 1
minding to have that unity and agreement established through
our said Church concerning the premises, and being very
desirous to eschew not only the dangers of souls, but also the
outward unquietness which by occasion of the said diversity
in opinions (if remedy were not provided) might perchance
have ensued, have not only in our own person at many
times taken great pains, study, labours, and travails, but
also have caused our bishops, and other the most discreet
and best learned men of our clergy of this our whole realm,
to be assembled in- our convocation, for the full debatement
and quiet determination of the same. Where, after long and
mature deliberation, and disputations had of and upon the
premises, finally they have concluded and agreed upon the most
special points and articles, as well such as be commanded of
God, and are necessary to our salvation, as also divers other
matters 2 touching the honest ceremonies and good and politic
orders, as is aforesaid ; which their determination, debatement,
and agreement, for so much as we think to have proceeded of a
good, right, and true judgment, and to be agreeable to the laws
and ordinances of God, and much profitable for the establish-
ment of that charitable concord and unity in our Church of
England, which we most desire, we have caused the same to be
published, willing, requiring, and commanding you, to accept,
repute, and take them accordingly. And further we most
heartily desire and pray 3 Almighty God, that it may please Him
so to illumine your hearts, that you and every of you may have
no less desire, zeal, and love to the said unity and concord, in
reading, divulging, and following the same, than we have had,
and have in causing them to be thus devised, set forth, and
published.
And, for because we would the said Articles and every of
them should be taken and understanden of you after such sort,
order, and degree, as appertaineth accordingly, we have caused,
by the like assent and agreement of our said bishops and other
1 for conversation . . . had therein] for an honest policy and decent order heretofore
of long time used and accustomed B.
- the most special points . . . other matters] the said matters, as well those that be.-
commanded of God, and are necessary to our salvation, and as also the other B.
3 And further . . . pray] most heartily desiring and praying B.
APPENDIX I. 241
learned men, the said Articles to be divided into two sorts;
whereof the one part containeth such as be commanded 1
expressly by God, and be necessary to our salvation; and the
other containeth such things as have been of a long continuance
for a decent order and honest policy, prudently instituted and
used in the churches 2 of our realm, and be for that same
purpose and end to be observed and kept accordingly, although
they be not expressly commanded of God, nor necessary to our
salvation. 3 Wherefore we will and require you to accept the
same, after such sort as we have here prescribed them unto you,
and to conform yourselves obediently unto the same. Whereby
you 4 shall not only attain that most charitable unity and loving-
concord, whereof shall ensue your incomparable commodity,
profit, and lucre, as well spiritual as other, but also you shall
not a little encourage us to take further travails, 5 pains, and
labours for your commodities, in all such other matters as in
time to come may happen to occur, and as it shall be most to
the honour of God, the profit, tranquillity, and quietness of all
you our most loving subjects.
[I] The principal Articles concerning our Faith.
First, As touching the chief and principal articles of our
faith, sith it is thus agreed as hereafter followeth by the whole
clergy of this our realm, we will that all bishops and preachers
shall instruct and teach our people, by us committed to their
spiritual charge, that they ought and must most constantly
believe and defend all those things to be true, which be com-
prehended in the whole body and canon of the Bible, and also
in the three Creeds or symbols, 6 whereof one was made by the
apostles, and is the common creed, which every man useth ; the
second was made by the holy council of Nice, and is said daily
1 whereof the one part . . . commanded] that is to say, such as are commanded 11.
z churches] church F.
3 The order of the clauses of the sentence is inverted in B.
* Wherefore we will . . . Whereby you] which ye following, after such sort as we
have prescribed unto you B.
= you shall not . . . travails] ye conforming yourselves, and using these our saiij
Articles as is aforesaid shall not a little encourage us to take further travail B.
three Creeds or symbols] Creed and symbols C.
R
242 APPENDIX I.
in the mass; and the third was made by Athanasins, and is
comprehended in the Psalm Quicanqite vult: and that they
ought and must take and interpret all the same things accord-
ing to the selfsame sentence and interpretation, which the words
of the selfsame 1 creeds or symbols do purport, and the holy
approved doctors of the Church do entreat and defend the
same.
Item, That they ought and must repute, hold, and take all
the same things for the most holy, most sure, and most certain,
and infallible words of God, and such as neither ought, ne can
be altered or convelled, by any contrary opinion or authority.
Item, That they ought and must believe, repute, and take all
the articles of our faith contained in the said creeds to be so
necessary to be believed for man's salvation, that whosoever
being taught will not believe them as is aforesaid, or will
obstinately affirm the contrary of them, 2 he or they cannot be
the very members of Christ and his espouse the Church, but be
very infidels or heretics, and members of the Devil, with whom
they shall perpetually be damned.
Item, That they ought and must most reverently and
religiously observe and keep the selfsame words, according to
the very same form and manner of speaking, as the articles of
our faith be already contained and expressed in the said creeds,
without altering in any wise, or varying from the same.
Item, That they ought and must utterly refuse and condemn
all those opinions contrary to the said Articles, which were of
long time past condemned in the four holy councils, that is to
say, in the Council of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and
Chalcedonense, and all other sith that time in any point con-
sonant to the same.
[II.] The Sacrament of Baptism.
Secondly, As touching the holy sacrament of baptism, wo
will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our
people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that they
ought and must of necessity believe certainly all those things,
which hath been always by the whole consent of the Church
approved, received, and used in the sacrament of baptism; that
1 selfsame] Baid C. * them] G adds or anv of them.
APPENDIX I. 243
Is to say, that the sacrament of baptism was instituted and
ordained in the New Testament by our Saviour Jesu * Christ, as
a thing necessary for the attaining of everlasting life, according
to the saying of Christ, Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua et Spiritu
Sando, non potest intrare in regnum codorum: that is to say, 2 No
man can enter into the kingdom of heaven, except he be born
again of water and the Holy Ghost.
Item, That it is offered unto all men, as well infants as such
as have the use of reason, that by baptism they shall have
remission of sins, and the grace and favour of God, according to
the saying of Christ, 3 Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, salvus
erit : that is to say, Whosoever believeth and is baptized shall
be saved.
Item, That the promise of grace and everlasting life (which
promise is adjoined unto this sacrament of baptism) pertaineth
not only unto such as have the use of reason, but also to infants,
innocents, and children ; and that they ought therefore and must
needs be baptized; and that by the sacrament of baptism,
they do also obtain remission of their sins, the grace and favour
of God, and be made thereby the very sons and children of God.
Insomuch as infants and children dying in their infancy shall
undoubtedly be saved 4 thereby, and else not.
Item, That infants must needs be christened because they be
born in original sin, which sin must needs be remitted ; which
cannot be done but by the sacrament of baptism, whereby they
receive the Holy Ghost, which exerciseth His grace and efficacy
in them, and cleanseth and purifleth them from sin by His most
secret virtue and operation.
Item, That children or men once baptized, can, ne ought ever
to be baptized again.
Item, That they ought to repute and take all the Anabaptists'
and the Pelagians' opinions contrary to the premises, and every
other man's opinion agreeable unto the said Anabaptists' or the
Pelagians' opinions in this behalf, for detestable heresies, and
utterly to be condemned.
1 Jesu] Jesus B, C; the same elsewhere.
1 The translation in this and other instances wanting in B and Ci F gives the
English without the Latin.
3 saying of Christ] saying of John C.
-* savecTJ salved 0. This spelling is retained throughout.
211 APPENDIX I.
Item, That men or children having the use of reason, and
willing and desiring to be baptized, shall, by the virtue of that
holy sacrament, obtain the grace and remission of all their sins,
if they shall come thereunto perfectly and truly repentant and
contrite of all their sins before committed, and also perfectly and
constantly confessing and believing all the articles of our faith,
according as it was mentioned in the first Article. 1
And finally, if they shall also have firm credence and trust in
the promise of God adjoined to the said sacrament, that is to
say, that in and by this said sacrament, which they shall receive,
God the Father giveth unto them, for His son Jesu Christ's sake,
remission of all their sins, and the grace of the Holy Ghost,
whereby they be newly regenerated and made the very children
of God, according to the saying of St. John and the apostle St.
Peter, 2 Delictorum pxnibentiam agite, et laptizetur unusquisque
vestrum in nomen Jesu Christi in remissionem peccatorum, et
uccipietis donum Spiritus Sancti; that is to say, Do penance for
your sins, and be each of you baptized in the name of Jesu
Christ, and you shall obtain remission of your sins, and shall
receive the gift of the Holy Ghost. And according also to the
saying of St. Paul, Non ex operibus justitice qucefecimus nos, sed
secundum suam miser icordiam, salvos nos fecit per lavacrum regenc-
rationis et renovationis Spiritus Sancti, quern ejfudit in nos opulente
per Jesum Christum Servatorem nostrum, tit justificati illius gratia,
hceredes efficiamur juxta spem vitce ceternce ; that is to say, God
hath not saved us for the works of justice which we have done,
but of His mercy by baptism, and renovation of the Holy Ghost,
whom He hath poured out upon us most plentifully, for the lovo
of Jesu Christ our Saviour, to the intent that we, being justified
by His grace, should be made the inheritors of everlasting life,
according to our hope.
[III.] The Sacrament of Penance.
Thirdly, Concerning the sacrament of penance, we will that
all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people
1 in the first Article] in the article here before, or else not C: in the article, before
or else not B.
- saying of Saint John and the apostle Saint Peter] saying of Christ and His apostle
St. Peter B, O.
APPENDIX I. 215
committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought
and must most constantly believe, that that sacrament was
institute of Christ in the New Testament as a thing so necessary
for man's salvation, that no man, which after his baptism is
fallen again, and hath committed deadly sin, can, without the
same, be saved, or attain everlasting life.
Item, That like as such men which after baptism do fall again
into sin, if they do not penance in this life, shall undoubtedly be
damned ; even so whensoever the same men shall convert them-
selves from their 1 naughty life, and do such penance for the
same as Christ requireth of them, 2 they shall without doubt
attain remission of their sins, and shall be saved.
Item, That the sacrament of perfect penance which Christ
requireth of such manner persons consisteth of three parts, that
is to say, contrition, confession, and the amendment of the former
life, and a new obedient reconciliation unto the laws and will of
God, that is to say, exterior acts in works of charity according
as they be commanded of God, which be called in Scrip cure,
fructus digni pcenitentia, the worthy fruits of penance.
Furthermore, as touching contrition, which is the first part,
we will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach
our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that the
said contrition consisteth in two special parts, which must
always be conjoined together, and cannot be dissevered ; that is
to say, the penitent and contrite man must first knowledge the
filthiness and abomination of his own sin, 3 (unto which know-
ledge 4 he is brought by hearing and considering of the will of
God declared in His laws,) and feeling and perceiving in his
own conscience that God is angry and displeased with him for
the same; he must also conceive not only great sorrow and
inward shame that he hath so giievously offended God, but also
great fear of God's displeasure towards him, considering he hath
no works or merits of his own which he may worthily lay before
God, as sufficient satisfaction for his sins; which done, then
afterward with this fear, shame, and sorrow must needs succeed
a their] the said B, their said 0.
2 C adds the declaration of which followeth.
3 sin] sins C.
* unto which knowledge] wbereunto B, C.
246 APPENDIX I.
and be conjoined, the second part, that is to wit, a certain faith,
trust, and confidence of the mercy and goodness of God, whereby
■the penitent must conceive certain ho]:>e and faith that God will
forgive him his sins, and repute him justified, and of the number
of His elect children, not for the worthiness of any merit or work
done by the penitent, but for the only merits of the blood and
passion of our Saviour Jesu Christ.
Item, That this certain faith and hope is gotten and also con-
firmed, and made more strong by the applying of Christ's words
and promises 1 of His grace and favour, contained in His gospel,
and the sacraments instituted by Him in the New Testament;
and therefore to attain this certain faith, the second part of
penance is necessary, that is to say, confession to a priest, if it
may be had ; for the absolution given by the priest was instituted
of Christ to apply the promises of God's grace and favour to the
penitent.
Wherefore as touching confession, we will that all bishops
and preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by
us to their spiritual charge, that they ought and must certainly
believe that the words of absolution pronounced by the priest,
be spoken by authority given to him by Christ in the Gospel.
Item, That they ought and must give no less faith and
credence to the same words of absolution so pronounced by tho
ministers of the Church, than they would give unto the very
words and voice of God Himself if He should speak unto us out
of heaven, according to the saying of Christ, Quorumcunque
remiseritis 'peccata? remittuntur eis : quorumcunque retinueritis
retenta sunt: that is to say, "Whose sins soever ye do forgive,
shall be forgiven; whose sins soever ye do retain, shall be
retained. And again in another place Christ saith, Qui vos audit
me audit, etc. ; that is to say, "Whosoever heareth you heareth
me, etc.
Item, That in no wise 3 they do contemn this auricular con-
fession which is made unto the ministers of the Church, but
that they ought to repute the same as a very expedient and
necessary mean, whereby they may require and ask this absolu-
1 promises] promise B.
' The rest of the quotation not cited in B.
"• wise] ways IS.
APPENDIX I. 247
tion at the priest's hands, at such time as they shall find their
consciences grieved with mortal sin, and have occasion so to
do, to the intent they may thereby attain certain comfort and
consolation of their consciences.
As touching the third part of penance, "we will that all
bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people
committed by us to their spiritual charge, that although Christ
and His death be the sufficient oblation, sacrifice, satisfaction,
and recompence, for the which God the Father forgiveth and
remitteth to all sinners not only their sin, but also eternal pain
due for the same ; yet all men truly penitent, contrite, and con-
fessed, must needs also bring forth the fruits of penance, that is
to say, prayer, fasting, almsdeeds, and must make restitution or
satisfaction in will and deed to their neighbours, in such things
as they have done them wrong and injury in, and also must do
all other good works of mercy and charity, 1 and express their
obedient will in the executing and fulfilling of God's command-
ments outwardly, when time, power, and occasion shall be
ministered unto them, or else they shall never be saved; for this
is the express precept and commandment of God, Agite fructus
dignos pamitentice ; that is to say, Do you the worthy fruits of
penance : " and St. Paul saith, 3 Quemadmodum prcebuistis membra
vestra serva iramunditice et iniquitati ad aliam atque aliam iniqui-
tatem; sic et nunc prcebete membra vestra serva justitke ad sandi-
ficationem, etc. ; that is to say, Like as in times past you have
given and applied yourself and all the members of your body to
all filthy living and wickedness, continually increasing the same,
in like manner now you must give and apply yourself wholly to
justice, increasing continually in purity and cleanness of life :
and in another place he saith, Castigo coitus meum, et in servi-
tutem redigo; that is to say, I chastise and subdue my carnal
body, and the affections of the same, and make them obedient
unto the spirit.
Item, That these precepts and works of charity be necessary
works to our salvation, and God necessarily requireth that every
1 and must make restitution or satisfaction . . . charity] and all other good
works C.
2 penance] C inserts and Saint Paul saith ' Debitores sumus.'
3 Saint Paul saith] in another place he saith C.
248 APPENDIX I.
penitent man shall perform the same, whensoever time, power,
and occasion shall be ministered unto him so to do.
Item, That by penance and such good works of the same, we
shall not only obtain everlasting life, but also we shall deserve
remission or mitigation of these present pains and afflictions in
this world, according to the saying of St. Paul, Si nos ipsijudi-
caremus, non judicaremur a Domino ; that is to say, If we would
correct and take punishment of ourselves, we should not be so
grievously corrected of God : and Zacharias the prophet saith,
Cvnvertimini ad me, et ego convertar ad vos ; that is to say, Turn
yourselves unto me, and I will turn again unto you : and the
prophet Esay saith, Frange esurient i panem timm, et egenos vagos-
que indue in domum tuam. Cum videris nudum operi eum et
carnem tuam ne despexeris : tunc crumpet quasi mane lumen tuitm,
et sanitas tua citius orietur, et anteibit faciem tuam justitia tua, et
gloria Dei colliget te : tunc invocabis et Dominus exaudiet te,
clamabis, et dicet : Ecce adsum. Tunc orietur in tenebris lux tua
et tenebrce tuce erunt sicut meridies, et requiem tibi dabit Dominus
semper, et implebit splendoribus animam tuam, et ossa tua liberabit
et eris quasi hortus irriguus et sicut fons aquarum, cujus non
deficient aquce, etc. ; that is to say, Break and deal thy bread
unto the hungry, bring into thy house the poor man, and such
as want harbour ; when thou seest a naked man, give him clothes
to cover him with, and refuse not to succour and help the poor
and needy, for he is thine own flesh. And if thou wilt thus do,
then shall thy light glister out as bright as the sun in the morn-
ing, and thy health shall sooner arise unto thee, and thy justice
shall go before thy face, and the glory of God shall gather thee
up, that thou shalt not fall: and whensoever thou shalt call
upon God, God shall hear thee ; and whensoever thou shalt cry
unto God, God shall say, Lo, here I am, ready to help thee.
Then shall thy light overcome all darkness, and thy darkness
shall be as bright as the sun at noon day ; and then God shall
give unto thee continual rest, and shall fulfil thy soul with
brightness, and shall deliver thy body from adversity ; and then
thou shalt be like a garden, that most plentifully bringeth forth
all kind of fruits, and like a well-spring that never shall want
water.
These things, and such other, should be continually taught
APPENDIX I. 249
and inculked into the ears of our people to the intent to stir and
provoke them unto good works; and by the selfsame good
works to exercise and confirm their faith and hope, and look for
to receive at God's hand mitigation and remission of the
miseries, calamities, and grievous punishments, which God
sendeth to men in this world for their sins. 1
[IV.] Tlie Sacrament of the Altar.
Fourthly, As touching the sacrament of the altar, we will
that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach our people
committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought and
must constantly believe, that under the form and figure of bread
and wine, which we there presently do see and perceive by out-
ward senses, is verily, substantially, and really contained and
comprehended the very selfsame body and blood of our Saviour
Jesus Christ, which was born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered
upon the cross for our redemption ; and that under the same
form and figure of bread and wine the very selfsame body and
blood of Christ is corporally, really, and in the very substance
exhibited, distributed, and received unto and 2 of all them which
receive the said sacrament ; and that therefore the said sacrament
is to be used with all due reverence and honour, and that every
man ought first to prove and examine himself, and religiously
to try and search his own conscience, before he shall receive the
same : according to the saying of St. Paul, Quisquis ederit partem
hunc aut biberit de pocido Domini indigne, reus erit corporis et
sanguinis Domini ; probet igitur seipsum homo, et sic de pane illo
edat et de poculo illo bibat ; nam qui edit aut bibit indigne judicium
sibiipsi manducat et bibit, non dijudicans corpus Domini; that is to
say, Whosoever eateth this body of Christ unworthily, or drink-
eth of this blood of Christ unworthily, shall be guilty of the
very body and blood of Christ ; wherefore let every man first
prove himself, and so let him eat of this bread, and drink of
this drink. For whosoever eateth it or drinketh it unworthily,
1 Band C substitute for this last paragraph the following equivalent: Hseo sunt
inculcanda ecclesiis et ut exercitentur ad bene operandum, et in hiis ipsis operibus
exereeant et confirnient fidem, petentes et expectantes a Deo mitigationem prasentiuni
calamitatum.
- unto and] wanting B, C.
250 APPENDIX I.
he oateth and drinketh it to his own damnation; because he
putteth no difference between the very body of Christ and other-
kinds of meat.
[V.] Justification.
Fifthly, As touching the order and cause of our justification,
we will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach
our people committed by us to their spiritual charge, that this
word Justification signifieth remission of our sins, and our accep-
tation or reconciliation into the grace and favour of God, that is
to say, our perfect renovation in Christ.
Item, That sinners attain this justification by contrition and
faith joined with charity, after such sort and manner as we before
mentioned and declared ; not as though our contrition, or faith,
or any works proceeding thereof, can worthily merit or deserve
to attain the said justification ; for the only mercy and grace of
the Father, promised freely unto us for His Son's sake, Jesu
Christ, and the merits of His blood and passion, be the only suffi-
cient and worthy causes thereof: and yet that notwithstanding,
to the attaining of the same justification, God requireth to be
in us not only inward contrition, perfect faith and charity,
certain hope and confidence, with all other spiritual graces
and motions, which, as we said before, must necessarily concur
in remission of our sins, that is to say, our justification ; but
also he requireth and commandeth us, that after we be justi-
fied we must also have good works of charity and obedience
towards God, in the observing and fulfilling outwardly of
His laws and commandments : for although acceptation to
everlasting life be conjoined with justification, yet our good
works be necessarily required to the attaining of everlasting
life; and we being justified, be necessarily bound, and it is
our necessary duty to do good works, according to the say-
ing of St. Paul, Debitores sumus non carni, ut secundum carnem
vivamus. Nam si secundum carnem vixerimus, moriemur: sin
autem spiritu facta corporis mortificaverimus, vivemus ; ctenim
quicunque Spiritu Dei ducuntur, hi sunt filii Dei; that is to say,.
"We be bound not to live according to the flesh and to fleshly
appetites ; for if we live so, we shall undoubtedly be damned.
And contrary, if we will mortify the deeds of our flesh, and live-
APPENDIX I. 251
according to the Spirit, we shall be saved. For whosoever bo
led by the Spirit of God, they be the children of God. And
Christ saith, Si vis ad vitam ingredi, serva metadata; that is to
say, If ye will come to heaven, keep the commandments. And
St. Panl, speaking of evil works, saith, Qui talia agunt regnum
Dei 7ion jaossidebunt ; that is to say, Whosoever commit sinful
deeds, shall never come to heaven. Wherefore we will that all
bishops and preachers shall instruct and teach onr people com-
mitted by its nnto their spiritual charge," that God necessarily
requireth of us to do good works commanded by Him ; and that
not only oixtward and civil works, but also the inward spiritual
motions and graces of the Holy Ghost ; that is to say, to dread
and fear God, to love God, to have firm confidence and trust in
God, to invocate and call upon God, to have patience in all
adversities, to hate sin, and to have certain purpose and will not
to sin again, and such other like motions and virtues : for Christ
saith, Nisi dbundaverit justitia vestra plasquam Scribarum et
Pharisceorum, non intrabitis in regnum ccelorum ; that is to say, we-
must not only do outward civil good works, but also we must
have these foresaid inward spiritual motions, consenting and
agreeable to the law of God.
AKTICLES CONCERNING THE LAUDABLE CEREMONIES
USED IN THE CHURCH. 1
[VI.] And first of Images.
A S touching images, truth it is that the same have been used in
-^*- the Old Testament, and also for the great abuses of them
sometime destroyed 2 and put down ; and in the New Testament
they have been also allowed, as good authors do declare.
Wherefore we will that all bishops and preachers shall instruct
and teach our people committed by us to their spiritual charge,
how they ought and may use them. And first, that there may
be attributed unto them, that they be representors of virtue and
1 This division of the Articles is not found in B, nor C.
3 that the same . . . destroyed] that the same hath been said in the Old Testament
for the great abuses of them to have been sometime destroyed C.
252 APPENDIX I.
•good example, and that they also be by occasion the kindlers and
stirrers of men's minds, and make men oft to 1 remember and
lament their sins and offences, especially the images of Christ
and our Lady ; and that therefore it is meet that they should
stand in the churches, and none otherwise to be esteemed : and
to the intent the rude people should not from henceforth take
such superstition, as in time past it is thought that the same
hath used to do, we will that our bishops and preachers
diligently shall teach them, and according to this doctrine reform
their abuses, for else there might fortune idolatry to ensue,
which God forbid. And as for censing of them, and kneeling and
offering unto them, with other like worshippings, although the
same hath entered by devotion, and fallen to custom ; yet the
people ought to be diligently taught that they in no wise do it,
nor think it meet to be done to the same images, but only to be
•done to God, and in His honour, although it be done before the
images, whether it be of Christ, of the Cross, of our Lady, or of
;&ny other saint beside.
[VII.] Of honouring of Saints.
As touching the honouring of saints, we will that all bishops
and preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by
us unto their spiritual charges, that saints, now being with
-Christ in heaven be to be honoured of Christian people in earth ;
but not with that confidence and honour which are only duo
unto God, trusting to attain at their hands that 2 which must
be had only of God: but that they be thus to be honoured,
because they be known the elect persons of Christ, because they
be passed in godly life out of this transitory world, because they
already do reign in glory with Christ; and most specially to
laud and praise Christ in them for their excellent virtues which
He planted in them, for example of and by them to such as yet
are in this world to live in virtue and goodness, and also not to
fear to die for Christ and His cause, as some of them did ; and
finally to take them, in that they may, to be advancers of our
prayers and demands unto Christ. By these ways, and such like,
be saints to be honoured and had in reverence, and by nono
other.
1 oft to] often B, C, F. * that] wanting in C.
APPENDIX I. 253-
[VIII.] Of praying to Saints.
As touching praying to saints, we will that all bishops and
preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us
unto their spiritual charge, that albeit grace, remission of sin,
and salvation, cannot be obtained but of God only by the media-
tion of our Saviour Christ, which is only sufficient Mediator for
our sins ; yet it is very laudable to pray to saints in heaven
everlastingly living, whose charity is ever permanent, to be
intercessors, and to pray for us and with us, unto Almighty
God after this manner : " All holy angels and saints in heaven
pray for us and with us, unto the Father, that for his dear Son
Jesu Christ's sake, we may have grace of Him and remission of
our sins, with an earnest purpose, (not wanting ghostly strength,)
to observe and keep His holy commandments, and never to
decline from the same again unto our lives' end : " and in this
manner we may pray to our blessed Lady, to St. John Baptist,
to all and every of the Apostles or any other saint particularly,
as our devotion doth serve us ; so that it be done without any
vain superstition, as to think that any saint is more merciful, or
will hear us sooner than Christ, or that any saint doth serve for
one thing more than another, or is patron of the same. And
likewise we must keep holy-days unto God, in memory of Him
and His saints, upon such days as the Church hath ordained
their memories to be celebrated ; except they be mitigated and
moderated by the assent and commandment of us, 1 the supreme
head, to the ordinaries, and then the subjects ought to obey it.
[IX.] Of Bites and Ceremonies.
As concerning the rites and ceremonies of Christ's Church, as
to have such vestments in doing God's service, as be and have
been most part used, as sprinkling of holy water to put us in
remembrance of our baptism and the blood of Christ sprinkled
for our redemption upon the cross ; giving of holy bread, to put
us in remembrance of the sacrament of the altar, that all
Christian men be one body mystical of Christ, as the bread
is made of many grains, and yet but one loaf, and to put us
in remembrance of the receiving of the holy sacrament and
body of Christ, the which we ought to receive in right charity,
1 us] wanting in G,
254 APPENDIX I.
which in the beginning of Christ's Church men did more often
receive than they nse nowadays to do ; bearing of candles on
Candlemas-day in memory of Christ the Spiritual Light, of
whoin Simeon did prophesy, as is read in the church that
day : * giving of ashes on Ash- Wednesday, to put in remem-
brance every Christian man in the beginning of Lent and
penance, that he is but ashes and earth, and thereto shall
return, which is right necessary to be uttered from henceforth
in our mother-tongue always on the same day; bearing of
palms on Palm- Sunday, in memory of the receiving of Christ
into Jerusalem, a little before His death, that we may have
the same desire to receive Him into our hearts; creeping
to the cross, and humbling ourselves to Christ on Good
Friday before the cross, and there offering unto Christ before the
same, and kissing of it in memory of our redemption by Christ
made upon the cross ; setting up the sepulture x of Christ, whose
body after his death was buried; the hallowing of the font,
and other like exorcisms and 2 benedictions by the ministers of
Christ's Church ; and all other like laudable customs, rites, and
ceremonies be not to be contemned and cast away, but to be used
and continued as things good and laudable, to put us in remem-
brance of those spiritual things that they do signify ; f not suffer-
ing them to be forgot, or to be put in oblivion, but renewing
them in our memories from time to time. But none of these
ceremonies have power to remit sin, but only to stir and lift up
our minds unto God, by whom only our sins be forgiven.
[X.] Of Purgatory.
Forasmuch as due order of charity requireth, and the Book
of Maccabees, and divers ancient doctors plainly shew, 3 that it is
a very good and a charitable deed to pray for souls departed,
and forasmuch also as such usage hath continued in the Church
so many years, even from the beginning, we will that all bishops
and preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by
1 sepulture] sepulchre C. - exorcisms and] wanting in C. 3 shew] shewen B, F.
* [i.e., in the Gospel for the Feast of the Purification.]
f [See an interesting ' Book of Ceremonies,' in which the symbolical
import of Divine worship (as then practised) is illustrated at great
length, in Strype, Eccl, Mem. Hen. VIII. App. cix.]
APPENDIX I. 255
us unto their spiritual charge, that no man ought to be grieved
with the continuance of the same, and that it standeth with
the very due order of charity, a Christian man to pray for souls
departed, and to commit them in our prayers to God's mercy,
and also to cause other to pray for them in masses and exequies,
and to give alms to other to pray for them, whereby they may
be relieved and holpen of some part of their pain x : but foras-
much as the place where they be, the name thereof, and kind of
pains there, also be to us uncertain by Scripture ; therefore this
with all other things we remit to Almighty God, unto whose
mercy it is meet and convenient for us to commend them, trusting
that God acccpteth our prayers for them, referring the rest wholly
to God, to whom is known their estate and condition. Wherefore
it is much necessary that such abuses be clearly put away, which
under the name of purgatory hath been advanced, as to make
men believe that through the bishop of Home's pardons souls
might clearly be delivered out of purgatory, and all the pains of
it, or that masses said at Scala Coeli* or otherwhere, in any place,
or before any image, might likewise deliver them from all their
pain, and send them straight to heaven ; and other like abuses.
LONDINI IN .EDIBUS
THOMiE BER-
THELETT REGII IMPRES-
S0RIS.
[The following is the longer list of the signatures appended
to the Articles of 1536 : see above pp. 41, 42. It is here printed
from Burnet, ubi sup., and agrees with the second of the lists
preserved by Collier, except that the order of the names is
1 relieved and holpen of some part of their pain] sooner obtain the mercy of God and
fruition of his glory C.
* [Three shrines, borrowing this name from the Chapel of Scala
Coeli at Rome, appear to have existed in England anterior to the
Eeformation. The first was King Henry the Seventh's Chapel at
Westminster, the second was in the Church of St. Botolph at Boston,
the third was the Chapel of our Lady in the Church of the Augustine
Friars at Norwich. See further illustrations in • Notes and Queries,'
1st, series, I. p. 402.]
256
APPENDIX I.
occasionally altered. Like many similar documents of a transi-
tion-period, it is capable of furnishing the reader with some Yery
instructive facts.]
Signed,
Thomas Cromwell.
Eobertus ab. de Thorney.
T. Cantuarien.
Edvardus Ebor.*
Joannes London.
Cuthbertus Dunelmens*
Joannes Lincoln.
Joannes Lincoln, nomine pro-
curatorio pro dom. Joan. Exon
Joannes Bathonien.
Hugo Wygornen.
Joannes Eoffen.
Eich. Cicestren.
Thomas Elien.
Joannes Lincoln, nomine pro-
curatorio pro dom. Eowlando
Coven, et Lichfielden.
Joannes Bangoren.
Nicholaus Sarisburiens.
Edvardus Hereforden.
Willielmus Norwicensis.
Willielmus Meneven.
Eobertus Assaphen.
Eobertus abbas sancti Albani.
Willielmus ab. Westmonaster.
Joannes ab. Burien.
Eichardus ab. Glastonize.
Hugo ab. de Eedying.
Eobertus ab. Malmesber.
Clemens ab. Eveshamen.
Johannes ab. de Bello.
"Willielmus ab. S. Petri Glocest.
Eichardus ab. Winch elcombens.
Joannes ab. de Croyland.
Eobertus ab. de Waltham.
Joannes ab. Cirencest.
Joannes ab. Teuxber.
Thomas prior Coventr.
Joannes ab. de Oseney.
Henricus ab. de Gratiis.
Anthonius ab. de Eynsham.
Eobertus prior Elien.
Eobertus prior sive magister
ordinis de Sempringham.
Eichardus ab. de Notteley.
Hugo prior de Huntyngdon.
Willielmus ab. de Stratford.
Gabriel ab. de Buckfesttria.
Henricus ab. de Wardenor.
Joannes prior de Merton.
Eichardus pr. de Walsingham.
Thomas ab. de Gerendon.
Thomas ab. de Stanley.
Eichardus ab. de Bytlesden.
Eichardus pr. de Lanthoni.
Eobertus ab. de Thame.
Joannes prior de Newenham.
Eadulphus prior de Kyme.
Eichardus ab. de Brueria.
Eobertus ab. de Welhowe.
Bartholameus pr. de Overey.
Willielmus pr. de Burgaveni.
Thomas ab. de Abendon.
* In the MS. these names are not arranged as here, but stand alono
in the left-hand margin.
APPENDIX I.
257
Inferior Domus.
Bi. Gwent archidiaconus Lon-
don, et Breck.
Bobertus Aldrydge arcliid. Col-
cest.
Thomas Bedyll archid. Cornub.
BicardusStretearchid. Derbiee.
David Bole ar. Salop.
Eicardus Doke arcbid. Sarum.
Edmundns Bonner arcbid.
Leycestrise.
Thomas Bagbe archid. Suit.
Gamabel Clyfton decanus Here-
ford, et proc. capit.
Joannes London decanus Wal-
liugford.
Nicholas Metcalf. archid. Eof-
fens.
Eicardus Layton archid. Bucks.
Hugo Coren proc. cleri Here-
ford.
Eicardus Sparcheford proc.
cleri Hereford.
Mauritius Griffith proc. cleri
Eoffen.
Gulielmus Buckmastre pro-
curator cleri London.
Eicardus Bay/son archid. Essex.
Edmundus Cranmer archid.
Cant.
Polidorus Vergilius archid.
Wellen.
Eicardus Coren archid. Oxon.
Henricus Morgan procurator
cleri Lincoln.
Petrus Yannes archid. Wygor-
nen.
Georgius Hennage decanus
Lincoln.
Milo Spencer procurator cleri
Norwicen.
Willelmus Knyght archid. Ces-
trise.
Nieolaus Metcalf archid. Eoffen.
Willmus Hedge procurator
cleri Norwicen.
Adam Traves archid. Exon.
Eicardus Woleman dec. Wel-
len.
Tho. Brerewood archidiacan.
Bar. procur. capituli et cleri
Exon.
Georgius Carew archid. Totton
proc. capituh" et cleri Exon.
Thomas Bennet proc. cleri et
capit. Sarum.
Eicardus Arche proc. cleri et
capit. Sarum.
Petrus Ligham pr. cleri Cant.
Edmundus Steward proc. cleri
Winton.
Joannes Eayne pr. cleri Lin-
coln.
Leonardus Savile proc. cleri
archid. Lewen.
Simon Matthew pr. cleri Lon-
don.
Humfrid. Ogle archid. Salop.
Gulielmus Maye proc. cleri
Elien.
Eolandus Phylipsproc. capituli
eccles. St. Pauli. London.
Joannes Bell ar. Glocest.
258
APPENDIX I.
Bicardus Shelton mag. colleg.
de Metyngham ; per me Wil-
lielmiim Glyn. archi. Angles-
sem.
Robertus Evans decan. Ban-
goren.
Walterus Cretyng ar. Batho-
nien.
Thomas Bagard procurator
cleri "Wygornen.
Joannes Nase proc. cleri
Bathon. et Wellen.
Georgius Wyndam archid.
Norwicen.
Joannes Chambre dec. St. Ste-
phani archid. Bedford.
Nicolaus Wilson.
APPENDIX
No. II.
A BOOK
CONTAINING
DIVERS ARTICLES, DE UNITATE DEI ET TRINITATE
PERSONARUM, DE PECCATO OEIGINALI, &c.
(THE XIII. AETICLES OP 1538.)
For some account of the origin and importance of these Articles,
see above, pp. 59 sqq.
They are now reprinted from Dr. Jenkyns' edition of Crammer, IT.
273 sqq., and, as in that work, the passages or phrases which have
re-appeared in the Edwardine Articles, are denoted by Italics.
They are also printed in the Parker Society's edition of Cranmer's
Remains and Letters, App. No. XIII. pp. 472 sqq.
Six of the Thirteen Articles, as we have seen already, p. 64, n. 2,
were printed by Strype, Eccl. Mem. I., App. No. cxii., but with con-
siderable variations. A few of the more important are appended to
the several Articles in question.
The portions of the document which are almost identical with the-
Augsburg Confession have been included between [[...]]•
TABLE.
1. De Unitate Dei et Trinitate 8. De Poenitentia.
Personarum. 9. De Sacramentorum Usu.
2. De Peccato Originali. 10. De Ministris Ecclesite.
3. De Duabus Christi Naturis. 11. De Eitibus Ecclesiasticis.
4. De Justificatione. 12. De Piebus Civilibus.
5. De Ecclesia. 13. De Corporum Eesurrec-
6. De Baptismo. tione et Judicio Extreino.
7. De Eucharistia.
I. De Unitate Dei et Trinitate Personarum*
([De Unitate Essentise Divinse et de Tribus Personis, censemus
decretum Nicenae Synodi verum, et sine ulla dubitatione cre-
dendum esse, videlicet, quod sit una Essentia Divina, quae et
appellatur et est Deus, cetemus, incorporeus,imparttbiUs, vmmensa
potentia, sapientia, bonitate, Creator et Conservator omnium rerum
visibilium et invisibilium, et tamen tres suit personal ejusdem
essentice et potential, et eoseternse, Pater, Filius, et Sjuritus
Sanctus; et nomine persons utimur ea significatione qua usi
sunt in hac causa scriptores ecclesiastici, ut significet non
partem aut qualitatem in alio, sed quod proprie subsistit. Dam-
namus omnes hsereses contra hunc articulum exortas, ut
Manicheos, qui duo principia ponebant, bonum et malum : item
Valentinianos, Arianos, Euuomianos, Mabometistas, et omnes
horum similes. Damnamus et Samosatenos, veteres et neotericos,
qui cum tantum unam personam esse contendant, de Verbo et
Spiritu Sancto astute et impie rbetoricantur, quod non sint
personse distinctse, sed quod Verbum significet verbum vocale,
et Spiritus motum in rebus creatum.]]
II. De Peccato Originali.f
([Omnes homines, secundum naturam propayati, nascuntur
cum peccato originali; hoc est cum carentia originalis justitice
* Confess. August. Part i. § i.
f Ibid. § II. The extent of the Fall is stated less strongly in the
English than in the German Article.
2G2 APPENDIX II.
debits inesse, unde sunt filii ira3, et deficiunt cognitione Dei,
metu Dei, fiducia erga Deuin, etc. Et habent concupiscentiam,
repugnantem legi Dei ; estque hie morbus seu vitium originis
vere peccatum, damnans et afferens nunc quoque seternam mor-
tem bis qui non renascuntur per Baptismum et Spiritum
Sanctum. Damnamus Pelagianos, et alios, qui vitiuin originis
negant esse peccatum, et ut extenuent gloriam meriti et bene-
ficiorum Christi, disputant bominem viribus naturalibus sine
Sprritu Sancto posse legi Dei satisfacere, et propter honesta
opera rationis pronunciari justum coram Deo/fl
III. De Duabus Christi Naturis.*
QTtem docemus, quod Verbum, hoc est Films Dei, assumpserit
liumanam naturam in utero Beatce Marine Virginis, ut sint duce
naturce divina et humana, in imitate persona, inseparabiliter
conjunctce unus Christus, vere Deus, et vere homo, natus ex Virgin©
Maria, vere passus, crucifixus, mortuus, et sepultus, tit reconciliaret
nobis Patrem, et hostia esset non tantum pro culpa originis, sed
etiam pro omnibus actualibus hominum peccatis. Item descendit
ad inferos, et vere resurrexit tertia die, deinde ascendit ad ccelos,
ut sedeat ad dexteram Patris et perpetuo regnet et dominetur
omnibus creaturis, sanctificet credentes in ipsum, misso in corde
eorum Spiritu Sancto, qui regat, consoletur, ac vivificet eos, ac
defendat aclversus Diabolum et vim peccati. Idem Christus
palam est rediturus ut judicet vivos et mortuos, &c. juxta
Symbolum Apostolorum.J]
IV. De Justificatione.^
Item de Justificatione docemus, quod ea proprie significat
remissioncm peccatorum et acceptationem seu reconciliationem
nostram in gratiam et favorem Dei, hoc est veram renovationem
in Cbristo; et quod peccatores, licet non assequantur hanc
justificationem absque pcenitentia, et bono ac propenso motu
cordis quern Spiritus Sanctus efficit erga Deum et proximum,
[[non tamen propter dignitatem ant meritum pcenitentise ant
nllorum operum seu meritorum suorum justificantur, sed gratis
* Confess. August. § III. f Ibid. §§ IV. v.
appendix n. 263
propter Christum per fidem, cum credunt se in gratiam recipi,
et peccata sua propter Christum remitti, qui sua morte pro
nostris peccatis satisfecit. Hanc fidem imputat Deus pro
justitia coram ipso. Eom. 3°. et 4°]]. Fidem vero intelligimus
non inanem et otiosam, sed earn " quse per dilectionem operatur."
Est enim vera et Christiana fides de qua hie loquimur, non sola
notitia articulorum fidei, aut credulitas doctrinse Christian se
duntaxat historica, sed una cum ilia notitia et credulitate, firma
fiducia misericordite Dei promissse propter Christum, qua
videlicet certo persuademus ac statuimus eum etiam nobis
misericordem et propitium. Et hsec fides vere justificat, vere
est salutifera, non ficta, mortua, aut hypocritica, sed necessario
habet spem et charitatem sibi individue conjunctas, ac etiam
studium bene vivendi, et bene operatur pro loco et occasione.
Nam bona opera ad salutem sunt necessaria, non quod de impio
justum faciunt, nee quod sunt pretium pro peccatis, aut causa
justificationis, sed quia necessum est, ut qui jam fide justificatus
est et reconciliatus Deo per Christum, voluntatem Dei facere
studeat juxta illud : " Non omnis qui dicit mihi Domine, Domine,
intrabit regnum coelorum, sed qui facit voluntatem Patris mei,
qui in ccelis est." Qui vero hsec opera facere non studet, sed
secundum carnem vivit, neque veram fidem habet, neque Justus
est, neque vitam eeternam (nisi ex animo resipiscat, et vere
pceniteat) assequetur. 1
[[Ut banc fidem consequamur, institutum est ministerium
docendi Evangelii et porrigendi Sacramenta. Nam per verbum
et sacramenta tanquam per instrumenta donatur Spiritus
Sanctus, qui fidem efficit, ubi et quando visum est Deo, in
his qui audiunt Evangelium, scilicet quod Deus non propter
nostra merita sed propter Christum justificet poenitentes, qui cre-
dunt se propter Christum in gratiam recipi. Damnamus Anabap-
tistas, et alios, qui sentiunt Spiritum Sanctum contingere sine
verbo externo hominibus per ipsorum pneparationes et opera.]]
V. De Ecclesia,
Ecclesia prjeter alias acceptiones in scripturis duas habet
prsecipuas : unam, qua Ecclesia accipitur pro congregationo
omnium sanctorum et vere fidelium, qui Christo capiti vere
1 The rest wanting.
264 appendix n.
credunt et sanctificantur Spiritu ejus. Hsec autem vivum 1 est
et vere sanctum Christi corpus mysticum, sed soli Deo cognitum,
qui liominum corda solus intuetur. Altera acceptio est qua
Ecclesia accipitur pro congregatione omnium liominum qui
baptizati sunt in Christo et non palam abnegarunt Christum,
nee juste et per ejus verbum 2 sunt excommunicati. Ista Ecclesiae
acceptio congruit ejus statui in hac vita duntaxat, in qua boni
malis sunt admixti et debet esse cognita ut possit audiri juxta
illud : " Qui Ecclesiam non audierit," &c. Cognoscitur autem
per professionem Evangelii et communionem sacramentorum.
3 Hsec est Ecclesia catbolica et apostolica, quse non Episcopatus
Eomani aut cujusvis alterius Ecclesise finibus circumscribitur,
sed-universas totius Christianismi complectitur Ecclesias, quae
simul unam efficiunt catbolicam. In hac autem catholica
Ecclesia nulla particularis Ecclesia, sive Eomana ilia fuerit,
sive qusevis alia, ex institutione Christi supra alias Ecclesias
eminentiam vel auctoritatem ullam vindicare potest. Est vero
hsec Ecclesia uha, non quod in terris unum aliquod caput, seu
unum quendam vicarium sub Christo habeat aut habuerit
unquam, (quod sibi jam diu Pontifex Komanus divini juris
prastextu vindicavit, cum tamen re vera divino jure nihil amplius
illi sit concessum quam alii cuivis episcopo,) sed ideo una dicitur,
quia universi Christiani in vinculo j>acis colligati unum caput
Christum agnoscunt, cujus se profitentur esse corpus, unum
agnoscunt Dominum, unam fidem, unum baptisma, unum Deum
ac Patrem omnium.
Traditiones vero, et ritus, atque ceremonies, quse vel addecorem
vel ordinem vel disciplinam Ecclesise ab hominibus sunt institutse,
non omnino necesse est tit ecedem sint ubiquc aut prorsus similes.
Ha3 enim et varies, fuere, et variari possimt pro regionum et morum
divcrsitate, ubi decus, ordo, et utilitas Ecclesise videbuntur
postulare :
4 [Hse enim et varice fuere, et variari possimt pro regionum et
morum diversitcde, ubi decus decensque ordo principibus rectori-
1 vivum] una.
* juste et per ejus verbum] wanting.
3 The rest as far as Traditiones wanting.
* The following paragraph is written on a loose flip of paper, as if subsequently
added. In Strype's version we have, Sic tamen ut sint conscntientes Verbo Dei.
APPENDIX II. 265
busque regionum videbuntur postulare ; ita tamen ut nihil
varietur aut instituatur contra verbum Dei manifestum.]
Et quamvis in Ecclesia secundum posteriorem acceptionem
fmali sint bonis admixti atque, etiam ministeriis verbi et sacramen-
torum non nunquam prcesintl^ ; tamen cum ministrent non suo sed
Christi nomine, mandato, et auctoritate, licet eorum ministerio uti,
tarn in verlo audiendo quam in XQcipiendis sacramentis juxta illud :
" Qui vos audit, me audit." Nee per eorum malitiam rninuitur
effectus, aut gratia donor um Christi rite accipientibus ; ]£sitnt enim
■effieacia propter promissionem et ordinationem Christi, etiamsi per
malos exhibeantur.]]
VI. De Baptismo.*
De Baptismo dicimus, quod Baptismus a Christo sit insti-
tutus, et pit necessarius ad salutern, et quod per Baptismum
offerantur remissio peccatorum et gratia Christi]], infantibus
et adultis. Et quod non debeat iterari Baptismus. Et quod
infantes debeant baptizari. Et quod infantes per Baptismum
consequantur remissionem peccatorum et gratiam, et sint filii
Dei, quia promissio gratise et vitas seternse pertinet non solum
ad adultos, sed etiam ad infantes. Et hsec promissio per minis-
terium in Ecclesia infantibus et adultis admmistrari debet.
Quia vero infantes nascuntur cum peccato originis, habent opus
remissione illius peccati, et illud ita remittitur ut reatus tollatur,
licet corruptio naturae seu concupiscentia manet in hac vita, etsi
incipit sanari, quia Spiritus Sanctus in ipsis etiam infantibus est
efficax et eos mundat. 1 Probamus igitur sententiam Ecclesia)
■qua) damnavit Pelagianos, quia negabant infantibus esse pecca-
tum originis. [[Damnamus et Anabaptistas qui negant infantes
baptizandos esse]]. De adultis vero docemus, quod ita conse-
quuntur per Baptismum remissionem peccatorum et gratiam,
si baptizandi attulerint poenitentiam veram, confessionem articu-
lorum fidei, et credant vere ipsis ibi donari remissionem pecca-
torum et justificationem propter Christum, sicut Petrus ait in
Actis : " Poenitentiam agite, et baptizetur unusquisque vestrum
in nomine Jesu Christi in remissionem peccatorum, et accipietis
•donum Spiritus Sancti."
1 mundat] niundat suo quodam modo.
* Conf. August. § ix.
266 APPENDIX II.
VII. De Eucharistia.*
De Eucharistia constanter credimus et docemus, qnod in
sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini, [[vere, substantiahter,
et realiter adsint corpus et sanguis Ckristi]] sub speciebus panis
et vini. Et quod sub eisdem speciebus vere et realiter exhibentur
et distribuuntur illis qui sacramentum accipiunt, sive bonis sive
malis.
VIII. De Pcenitentia.f
Summam et ineffabilem suam erga peccatores clementiam et
misericordiam Dens Opt. Max. apud Prophetam declarans bisce
verbis, " Vivo ego, dicit Dominus Deus, nolo mortem impii, sed
ut impius convertatur a via sua et vivat," ut hujus tantae
clementise ac rnisericordise peccatores participes efficerentur,
saluberrime instituit Poenitentiain, quae sit omnibus rcsipi-
scentibus velut antidotum quoddam et efficax remedium
adversus desperationem et mortem. Cujus quidem Pcenitentia}
tantam necessitatem esse fatemur, ut quotquot a Baptismo in
mortalia peccata prolapsi sint, nisi in bac vita resipiscentes
Poenitentiam egerint, reternaa mortis judicium effugere non
poterint. Contra [vero] qui ad misericordiam Dei per Poeni-
tentiam tanquam ad asylum confugerint, quantiscunque
peccatis obnoxii sunt, si ab illis serio conversi Poenitentiam
egerint, peccatorum omnium veniam ac remissionem indubio
consequentur. Porro quoniam peccare a nobis est, resurgere
vero a peccatis, Dei opus est et donum, valde utile et neces-
sarium esse arbitramur docere, et cujus beneficium sit ut veram
salutaremque Poenitentiam agamus, et qurenam ilia sit ac quibus
ex rebus constet, de qua loquimur Pcenitentia.
Dicimus itaque Pcenitentiaa per quam peccator a morte animse
resurgit, et denuo in gratiam cum Deo redit, Spiritum Sanctum
auctorem esse ct effectorem, nee quemquam posse sine hujus
arcano afflatu, peccata sua salutariter vel agnoscere vel odio
habere, multo minus remissionem peccatorum a Deo sperare
* Conf. Aug. § x. : see above, p. 63.
f Strype has printed two Articles de Pcenitentia, the second of
which is on the whole, though not verbally, in accordance with the-
present.
APPENDIX II. 267
aut assequi. Qui quidem sacer Spiritus Pcenitentise initium,.
progressum, et finem, cseteraque omnia quae veram Poenitentiam
perficiunt in anima peccatrice, hoc (quern docebimus) ordine ac
modo operatur et efficit.
Principio, facit ut peccator per verbum peccata sua agnoscat,
et veros conscientia} terrores concipiat, dum sentit Deum irasci
peccato, utque serio et ex corde doleat ac ingemiscat, quod Deum
offenderit ; quam peccati agnitionem, dolorem, et animi pavorem
ob Deum offensum, sequitur peccati confessio, qua3 fit Deo dum
rea conscientia peccatum suum Deo confitetur, et sese apud Deum
accusat et damnat, et sibi petit ignosci. Psalm. 31. " Delictum
meum cognitum tibi feci, et injustitiam meam non absconds
Dixi, confitebor adversuni me injustitiam meam Domino, et tu
remisisti impietatem peccati mei." Atque hsec coram Deo confessio
conjunctam habet certam fiduciam misericordiae divinte et remis-
sions peccatorum propter Christum, qua fiducia conscientia jam
erigitur et pavore liberatur, ac certo statuit Deum sibi esse
propitium, non merito aut clignitate poenitentiae, aut suorum
operum, sed ex gratuita misericordia propter Christum, qui
solus est hostia, satisfactio, ac unica propitiatio pro peccatis
nostris. Ad hsec adest et certum animi propositum vitam totam
in melius cornmutandi, ac studium faciendi voluntatem Dei et
perpetuo abstinendi a peccatis. Nam vitas novitatem sive fructus
dignos Poenitentiae ad totius Pcenitentiae perfectionem necessario
requirit Deus, juxta illud, Eom. 6° : " Sicut exhibuistis membra
vestra servire inimunditise et iniquitati, ad iniquitatem, ita nunc
exhibete membra vestra servire justitise, in sanctificationem."
Atque hsec quidem omnia, agnitionem peccati, odium peccati,
dolorem pavoremque pro peccatis, peccati coram Deo confes-
sionem, firmam fiduciam remissionis peccatorum propter
Christum, una cum certo animi proposito postea semper a
peccatis per Dei gratiam abstinendi et serviendi justitise,
Spiritus Sanctus in nobis operatur et efficit, modo nos illius
afflatui obsequamur, nee gratise Dei nos ad Poenitentiam invi-
tanti repugnemus.
CaBterum cum has res qua? Poenitentiam efficiunt maxima
pars Christiani populi ignoret, nee quomodo agenda sit vera
Pcenitentia intelligat, nee ubi sj^eranda sit remissio peccatorum
norit, ut in his rebus omnibus melius instituatur et doceatur, non-
268 APPENDIX II.
solum concionatores et pastores diligenter in publicis concionibus
populum de hac re informare, et quid sit vera Pcenitentia, ex
sacris Uteris sincere prtedicare debent, verum etiam valde utilem
•ac summe necessarian! esse dicimus peccatorum confessionem,
quae auricularis dicitur, et privatim fit ministris Ecclesiae.
Quae sane confessio modis omnibus in Ecclesia retinenda est
•et magnifacienda, cum propter bominum imperitorum institu-
tionem in verbo Dei, et alia commoda non pauca, (de quibus
mox dicemus) turn prcecipue propter absolutionis beneficiuro,
hoc est remissionem peccatorum, quae in hac confessione con-
fitentibus offertur et exhibetur per absolutionem et potestatem
•clavium, juxta illud Christi, Joan. 20. "Quorum remiseritis
peccata," etc. Cui absolutioni certo oportet credere. Est enim
vox Evangelii, qua minister per verbum, non suo sed Christi
nomine et authoritate, remissionem peccatorum confitenti an-
nuntiat ac offert. Cui voci Evangelii per ministrum sonanti,
dum confitens certa fide credit et assentitur, illico conscientia
ejus fit certa de remissione peccatorum, et jam certo secum
.statuit Deum sibi propitium ac misericordem esse. Quce una
■profecto res Christ ianos omnes magnopere debet permovere, ut
■confessionem, in qua per absolutionem gratiee et remissionis
peccatorum certitudo concipitur et confirmative modis omnibus
•et ament et amplectantur. Et in hac private absolutione sacer-
•dos potestatem habet absolvendi confitentem ab omnibus
peccatis, etiam illis qui soliti sunt vocari casus rescrvati, ita
tamen ut ille privatim absolutus, nihilominus pro manifestis
criminibus (si in jus vocetur) publicis judiciis subjaceat.
Accedunt hue et alia confessionis arcanse commoda, quorum
unum est, quod indocti ac imperiti homines nusquam [com-
modius] aut melius quam in confessione de doctrina Christiana
institui possint, [modo confessorem doctum et pium nacti
fuerint.] Nam cum animos attentos ac dociles in confessione
afferunt, diligenter ad ea qua? a sacerdote dicuntur animum
jidvertunt. Quocirca et fides eorum explorari potest, et quid
peccatum sit, quamque horrenda res sit, et quae sint pecca-
torum inter se discrimina, ac quam graviter contra peccata
irascitur Deus, a doctis ac piis pastoribus seu confessoribus [ex
verbo Dei] doceri possunt ac informari. Multi enim, propterea
•4uod ]icqq iguoreut, in conscientiis scepe graviter anguutur, illic
APPENDIX II. 269"
trepidantes tiniore, ubi timor non est, qui (ut Servator ait)
" culicem excolantes, camelurn deglutiunt ; " in minimis levissi-
misque peccatis valde anxii, de maximis et gravissimis non
perinde pcenitentes. Sunt porro qui simili laborantes inscitia
propter immodicum timorem et animi pusillanimitatem de pecca-
torum venia fere desperant. Contra sunt, qui per hypocrisim
superbientes seipsos adversus Deum erigunt, quasi aut sine
peccato sint, aut ipsos pro peccatis Deus nolit punire.
Jam quis nescit quam utilis et necessaria istiusmodi homi-
nibus confessio sit, in qua hi verbo Dei dure increpandi arguen-
dique sunt, ut peccatores se agnoscant, atque intelligant, quam
horribiliter Deus peccata puniat. Contra, illis qui nimio timore
desperant, suavissima Evangelii consolatio afferenda est. Adi
hsec in confessione [ex verbo Dei] doceri homines possunt, non
solum qua ratione Diaboli tentationes vincant, et carnem morti-
ficent, ne ad priores vitse sordes postea relabantur, verumetiam
quibus remediis peccata omnia fugiant, ut non regnent in apsis.
Prseterea ilia animi humilitas qua homo homini propter Deum
sese submittit, et pectoris sui arcana aperit, multarum profecto
virtutum custos est et conservatrix. Quid quod pudor ille et
erubescentia peccati qua3 ex confessione oritur, prreterquam quod
animum a peccato ad Deum vere conversum indicat, etiam
multos mortales a turpibus factis retrahit ac cohibet. Postremo,
ut ille qui simpliciter et tanquam coram Deo peccata sua
ministro Ecclesise confitetur, declarat se verum Dei timorem
habere, ita hac animi humilitate discit Deum magis et timere et
revereri, et innatam in corde superbiam reprimere, ut Dei
voluntati facilius obsequatur et obtemperet. Jam vero, cum
hsec ita se habeant, nihil dubitamus, quin omnes viri boni hanc
confessionem tot nominibus utilem ac necessariam, non solum in
Ecclesia retinendam esse, sed magno etiam in pretio habendam
judicent. Quod si qui sunt qui earn yei damnant, Tel rejiciunt,
hi profecto se et in verbo Dei institutionem, et absolutionis
beneficium, (quod in confessione datur) et alia multa atque
ingentia commoda Christianis valde utilia, negligere et con-
temnere ostendunt ; nee animadvertunt se in orbem Christianum
maximam peccandi licentiam invehere, et magnam in omne
scelus ruendi occasionem praBbere.
Quod vero ad enumerationem peccatorum spectat, quemad-
'270 APPENDIX II.
modum non probamus scrupulosam et anxiam, ne Iaqueuni
injiciat liominum conscientiis, ita censemus segnem et supinani
negligentiam in re tam salutari magnopere periculosam esse et
fugiendam.
[IX.] De Sacramentorum Usu.*
[[Docemus, quod Sacramento, quae per verbum Dei instituta
sunt, non tantum sint notce professionis inter Christianos, sed
magis certa quazdam testimonia et ejficacia signa grutice, et bonce
voluntatis Dei erga nos, per quse Deus invisibiliter operatur in
nobis, et suam gratiam in nos invisibiliter diffundit, siquidem ea
rite susceperimus ; quodque per ea excitatur et confirmatur fides
in his qui eis utuntur. Porro docemus, quod ita utendum sit
sacramentis, ut in adultis, praeter veram contritionem, necessario
etiam debeat accedere fides, quse credat prsesentibus promis-
sionibus, quae per sacramenta ostenduntur, exhibentur, et
praestantur.]] Neque enim in illis verum est, quod quidani
dicunt, sacramenta conferre gratiam ex opere operato siue bono
motu utentis, nam in ratione utentibus necessum ' est, ut fides
etiam utentis accedat, per quam credat illis promissionibus, et
accipiat res promissas, quae per sacramenta conferantur. 2 De
infantibus vero cum temerarium sit eos a misericordia Dei
excludere, prresertim cum Christus in Evangelio dicat, " Sinite
parvulos ad me venire, talium est enim regnum ccelorum : " et
alibi, " Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua et Spiritu Sancto, non
potest intrare in regnum ccelorum : " cumque perpetua Ecclesiaa
Oatholicse consuetudine, jam inde ab ipsis Apostolorum tempori-
bus, receptum sit infantes debere baptizari in remissionem
peccatorum et salutem, dicimus quod Spiritus Sanctus efficax sit
in illis, et eos in Baptismo mundet, quemadmodum supra in
Articulo de Baptismo dictum est.
[X.] De Ministris Ecclesise.t
[[De Ministris Ecclesiae docemus, quod nemo debeat publice
docere, out Sacramenta ministrare, nisi rite vocatus,~]\ et quidem
1 necessum] necessarium. a conferantur] conferuntur.
* Confess. August. § xm. : but the English statement by intro-
ducing the epithet ' efficacia ' and the phrase - per quso Deus invisi-
biliter operatur in nobis' expresses the doctrine of the sacraments
more strongly. + Confess. August. § XIV.
APPENDIX II. 271
ab his, penes quos in Ecclesia, juxta verbum Dei, et leges ac
consuetudines uniuscujusque regionis, jus est vocandi et admit-
tendi. Et quod nullus ad Ecclesia? ministerium vocatus, etiamsi
episcopus sit sive Eomanus, sive quicunque alius, hoc sibi jure
divino vindicare possit, ut publice docere, Sacramenta ministrare,
vel ullam aliam ecclesiasticam functionem in aliena diocesi aut
parochia exercere valeat; hoc est, nee episcopus in alterius
episcopi diocesi, nee parochus in alterius parochia. Et demum
quod malitia ministri efficacia? Sacramentorum nihil detrahat, ut
jam supra docuimus in Articulo de Ecclesia.
[XL] De Eitibus Ecclesiasticis.*
[[Eitus, ceremonia?, et ordinationes ecclesiastical humanitus
instituta?, qua?cunque prosunt ad eruditionem, disciplinam,
tranquillitatem, bonum ordinem, aut decorem in Ecclesia,
servanda? sunt et arnplectenda?, ut stata festa, jejunia, preces, et
his similia.]]
De quibus admonendi sunt homines quod non sint illi cultus,
quos Deus in Scriptura prsecipit aut requirit, aut ipsa sanctimonia,
sed quod ad illos cultus et ipsam sanctimoniam admodum utiles
sunt, ac turn placent Deo, cum ex fide, charitate, et obedientia
servantur. Sunt autem veri et genuini cultus, timor Dei, fides,
dilectio, et csetera opera a Deo mandata. Ad qua? consequenda
et pra?standa, quoties ritus et traditiones adjumentum adferunt,
diligenter servanda? sunt, non tanquam res in Scripturis a Deo
exactse, aut illis veris et genuinis cultibus a?quanda?, sed tanquam
res Ecclesia? utiles, Deo grata?, et adminicula vera? pietatis. Et
quamvis ritus ac traditiones ejusmodi a Christianis observari
debeant, propter causas quas ante diximus, tamen in illarum
observatione ea libertatis Christiana? ratio habenda est, ut nemo
se illis ita teneri putet, quin eas possit omittere, modo adsit justa
violandi ratio et causa, et absit contemptus : nee per ejusmodi
violationem proximi conscientia turbetur aut la?datur. Quod si
ejusmodi ritus aut ordinationes alio animo ac consilio instituun-
tur, aut observantur, quam ut sint exercitia qua?dam, admoni-
tiones, et pa?dagogia?, qua? excitent et conducant ad eas res in
quibus sita est vera pietas et justitia ; nos talem institutionem et
observationem omnino improbandam et rejiciendam esse dicimup.
* Confess. August. § xv.
272 APPENDIX II.
Non enim remissio peccatorum, justificatio, et vera pietas tribu-
enda est ejusmodi ritibus et traditionibus, (nam remissionem
peccatoris et justificationem propter Christum gratis per fidem
consequimur) sed hoc illis tribuendum est, quod quemadmodum
nee sine legibus politicis civitas, ita nee sine ritibus ac traditioni-
bus Ecclesice ordo servari, confusio vitari, juventus ac vulgus
imperitum erudiri potest, qvtodque ejusmodi ritus et traditiones
ad pietatem et spirituales animi motus non parum adminiculantur
et prosimt. Quod si ullse traditiones aliquid prsecipiunt contra
verbum Dei, vel quod sine peccato prsestari non potest, nos
ejusmodi traditiones, tanquam noxias et pestiferas, ab Ecclesia
tollendas esse censemus : impias etiam opiniones et superstitiones
quse Christi gloriam ac beneficium lsedunt atque obscurant,
quoties vel populi ignorantia ac simplicitate, yel prava doctrina
aut negligentia pastorum, traditionibus ullis annectuntur et
hserent, resecanclas penitus et abolendas esse judicamus.
Prceterea etiam hoc docendi sunt homines, quod ejusmodi rituum
ac traditionum externa observatio Deo minime grata sit, nisi his,
qui illis utuntur, animus adsit qui eas referat ad pietatem,
propter quam institutse sunt. Ad hsec, quod inter prsecepta Dei,
et ritus sive traditiones quae ab hominibus instituuntur, hoc
discrimen habendum sit, nempe quod ritus sive traditiones
humanitusinstitutee, mandatis ac prseceptis Dei (quae in Scrip turis
traduntur) cedere semper et postponi ubique debeant. Et
nihilominus quoniam ordo et tranquillitas Ecclesiee absque
ritibus et ceremoniis conservari non potest, docemus adeo utile
esse et necessarium, Ecclesiam habere ritus et ceremonias, ut si
ab Ecclesia tollerentur, ipsa illico Ecclesia et dissiparetur et
labefactaretur.
Postremo ritus, ceremonite, sive traditiones, de quibus antea
diximus, non solum propter causas preedictas, verumetiam
propter prreceptum Dei, quijubet nos potestatibus obedire,
servanda? sunt.
[XII.] De Eebus Civilibus.
Misera mortalium conditio peccato corrupta, prseceps ad
iniquitatem et ad flagitia ruit, nisi salubri auctoritate retineatur,
nee potest publica salus consistere sine justa gubernatione et
obedientia; quamobrem benignissimus Deus ordinavit reges,
APPENDIX II. 273
principes, ac gubernatores, quibus dedit auctoritatem non solum
curandi ut populus juxta divinse legis prsescripta vivat, sed etiam
legibus aliis reipublicse commodis, et justa potestate eundem
populum continendi ac regendi ; bos autem in publicam salutem
deputavit Deus, suos in terra ministros, et populi sui duces ac
rectores, eisque subjecit universam cujusvis sortis multitudinem
rebquam. Atque ob earn causam multa ac diligenter de illis in
Scripturis tradit. Primum quidem, ut ipsi coelestibus prseceptis
erudiantur ad sapientiam et virtutem, quo sciant cujus sint
ministri, et concessum a Deo judicium et auctoritatem legitime
atque salubriter exerceant ; juxta illud, " Erudimini qiai judicatis
terrain, servite Domino in timore." Deinde vero prsecipit, atque
illis in boc ipsum auctoritatem dat, ut pro conditione reipubbcse
suae, salutares ac justas leges (quoad pro virili possint) provi-
deant atque legitime condant, per quas non solum sequitas,
justitia, et tranquilbtas in republica retineri, sed etiam pietas
erga Deum promoveri possit ; atque insuper ut legis Dei atque
Cbristianse religionis tuendse curam babeant, quemadmodum
Augustinus diserte fatetur, dicens, "In boc reges, sicut eis
divinitus preecipitur, Deo serviunt, in quantum reges sunt, si in
suo regno bona jubeant, mala probibeant, non solum quae perti-
nent ad humanam societatem, verum etiam quze ad divinam
religionem." Proinde principum ac gubernatorum potestas et
officium est, non solum pro sua et reipublicse incolumitate ac
salute justa bella suscipere, probos amplecti et fovere, in impro-
bos animadvertere, pauperes tueri, afflictos et vim passos eripere,
arcere injurias, et ut ordo et concordia inter subditos conservetur,
atque quod suum est cuique tribuatur curare; verum etiam
prospicere, et (si causa ita postulaverit) etiam compellere, ut
universi tarn sacerdotes quam reliqua multitudo officiis suis rite
et diligenter fungantur, omnem denique operam sviam adbibere,
ut boni ad bene agendum invitentur, et improbi a malefaciendo
cobibeantur. Et quamvis illi qui timore legum et poenarum
corporalium cobibentur a peccando, aut in officio continentur,
non eo ipso fiunt pii vel accepti Deo ; tamen bucusque proficit
salubris coercio, ut et illi qui tales sunt, interim vel minus sint
mali, vel saltern minus flagitiorum committant, viamque nonnun-
quam facilius inveniant ad pietatem, et reliquorum quies ac
pietas minus turbetur, scandala et perniciosa exempla auferantur
T
274 appendix n.
a Cbristianis ccetibus, et apertis vitiis aut blasphenriis nomen Dei
et religionis clecus quara minimum debonestetur.
Ad bsec quia necessum est, ut auctoritatem principum, rei-
publicee atque rebus humanis summopere necessariam, populus
tanquam Dei ordinationem agnoscat et revereatur ; idcirco Deus
in Scripturis passim prsecipit, ut omues cujuscuuque in republica
gradus aut conditionis fuerint, promptam et fidelem obedientiam
principibus prosstent, idque non solum metu corporalis poenae,
sed etiam propter Dei voluntateru; quemadmodum Petrus
diligenter monet : " Subditi (inquiens) estote omni humanas
creaturse propter Deum, sive regi quasi prsecellenti, sive ducibus,
tanquam ab eo missis ad vindictam malefactoruin, laudem vero
bonorum, quia sic est voluntas Dei." Paulus vero in hunc
modum; "Adrnone illos principibus et potestatibus subditos
esse, magistratibus parere, ad omne opus bonum paratos esse,
neminem blasphemare." Quod si malus princeps aut gubernator
quicquam injuste aut inique imperat subdito, quamvis illo
potestate sua contra Dei voluntatem abutatur, ut animam suam
lasdat, nihilominus subditus debet ejusmodi imperium, quantum-
vis grave, pati ac sustinere, (nisi certo constet id esse peccatum,)
IDotius quam resistendo publicum ordinem aut quietem perturbare;
quod si certo constet peccatum esse quod princeps mandat, turn
subditus neque pareat neque reipublicse pacem quovismodo
perturbet, sed pace servata incolumi, et causae ultione Deo
relicta, vel ipsam potius mortem sustineat, quam quicquam
contra Dei voluntatem aut proscepturn perpetret.
Porro quemadmodum de obedientia principibus exliibenda
Scriptura diligenter prsecipit, ita etiam ut csetera officia alacriter
illis prsestemus, monet atque jubet, qualia sunt tributa, vectigalia,
militiaj labor, et bis similia. Qua? populus, ex Dei prrecepto,
principibus pendere et prsestare debet, propterea quod respublicas
absque stipendiis, praBsidiis, et magnis sumptibus neque defendi
possunt neque regi. Est prsaterea et lionos principibus deferendus,
juxta Pauli sententiam, qui jubet, ut principibus bonorem exhi-
beamus. Qui sane honos non in externa duntaxat reverentia et
observantia positus est, sed multo verius in animi judicio et volun-
tate ; nempe ut agnoscamus principes a Deo ordinatos esse, et
Dcum per eos bominibus ingentia beneficia largiri : ad b?ec ut prin-
cipes propter Deum et metuamus et amemus, et ut ad omnem pro
APPENDIX II. 275
viribus graiiludinem illis prsestandam parati simus : postremo
lit Detim pro principibus precemur, uti servet eos, ac eorum
mentes semper inflectat ad Dei gloriam et salutem reipublicae.
Hsec si fecerimus, vere principes honorabimus, juxta Petri
praeceptum, " Deum timete, Eegem honorificate." Quae cum ita
sint, non solum licet Christianis principibus ac gubernatoribus
regna et ditiones possidere, atque dignitatibus et muneribus
publicis fungi, quae publicam salutem spectant, et undecunque
promovent vel tuentur, uti supra diximus, verum etiam quando
in ejusmodi functionibus respiciunt honorem Dei, et eodem dig-
nitatem suam atque potestatem referunt, valde placent Deo,
ejusque favorem, ac gratiam ampliter demerentur. Sunt enim
bona opera quae Deus praemiis magnificentissimis non in hac
duntaxat vita, sed multo magis in aeterna, cohonestat atque
coronat.
Licet insuper Christianis universis, ut singuli quique pro suo
gradu ac conditione juxta divinas ac principum leges et honestas
singularum regionum consuetudines, tabia munia atque officia
obeant et exerceant, quibus mortalis hsec vita vel indiget, vel
ornatur, vel conservatur. Nempe ut victum quserant ex honestis
artibus, negotientur, faciant contractus, possideant proprium, res
suas jure postulent, militent, copulentur legitimo matrimonio,
prsestent jusjurandum et liujusmodi. Qua3 omnia, quemadmodum
universis Christianis, pro sua cujusque conditione ac gradu,
divino jure licita sunt, ita cum pii subditi propter timorem Dei,
principibus ac gubernatoribus suis promptam atque debitam
prsestent obedientiam, c?eteraque student peragere, quse suum
officium et reipublicse utilitas postulat, placent etiam ipsi mag-
nopere Deo, et bona faciunt opera, quibus Deus ingentia praemia
promittit, et fidelissime largitur.
[XIII.] De Corporum Eesurrectione et Judicio Extremo.
Credendum firmiter atque docendum censemus, quod in con-
summatione mundi, Christus sicut ipsemet apud Matthaeum affir-
mat, venturus est in gloria Patris sui cum angelis Sanctis, et
majestate, ac potentia, sessurusque super sedem majestatis suae.
Et quod in eodem adventu, summa celeritate, in momento tem-
poris, ictu oculi, divina potentia sua suscitabit mortuos, sistetque
276 APPENDIX II.
in eisdem in quibus liic vixerunt corporibus ac carne coram
tribunali suo eunctos homines, qui unquam ab exordio mundi
fuerunt, aut postea unquain usque in illam diem futuri sunt. Et
judicabit exactissimo atque justissinio judicio singulos, et reddet
unicuique secundum opera sua, qua; in hac vita et corpore ges-
sit : piis quidem ac justis seternam vitam et gloriam cum Sanctis
angelis, impiis vero et sceleratis seternam mortem atque sup-
plicium, cum Diabolo et prsevaricatoribus angelis. Praeterea
quod in illo judicio perfecta et perpetua net separatio proborum
ab improbis, et quod nullum erit postea terrenum regnum aut
terrenarum voluptatum usus, qualia quidam errore decepti som-
niaverunt. Demum quod nullus post hoc judicium erit finis
tormentorum malis, qui tunc condemnabuntur ad supplicia,
sicut nee ullus finis beatitudinis bonis^ qui in illo die accepta-
buntur ad gloriam.
APPENDIX
No. III.
AKTICLES OF EELIGION
IN THE KEIGNS OP
KING EDWAED VI. AND QUEEN ELIZABETH.
The following series of Articles comprise —
I. The forty-five Articles (1552), from the copy in State-Papers
' Domestic,' Edw. VI. vol. xv. No. 28, signed by six royal
chaplains (see above, pp. 73, 74) ; and
II. In separate columns — ■
(1) the Latin edition published by Wolfe, in 1553 ;
(2) the English edition published separately in the June of the
same year by Grafton (see above, p. 75) ;
(3) the Latin edition of Wolfe, published in 1563, by the express
authority of the Queen (see above, p. 140) ;
(4) the English edition of 1571, printed by Jugge and Cawood,
and ' put foorth by the Queenes aucthoritie.'
The more important various readings derived from the MS. above
mentioned are marked A.
The Articles of 1553 have also been collated with a copy of the
edition published by Wolfe, as an appendix to the Catechismus Brevis,
in 1553 (see above, p. 75). The various readings obtained from thence
are marked B.
Other variations occur in Bishop Hooper's Articles, as circulated
in his dioceses during the years 1551 and 1552, apparently both in
Latin and English (see above, pp. 77 sqq.).
The particular variations contained in the record of Hooper's con-
troversy with Joliffe and Johnson are marked J.
In selecting the Latin Articles of 1563, and the English Articles
of 1571, my aim was to exhibit the series in a shape which has the
fairest claim to be regarded as the authorised expression of the-
Church's mind in each of those years respectively : see pp. 155 sq.
For the Latin Articles, collations have been drawn (1) from the
Parker Latin MS. of 1563, and (2) from the Latin edition of 1571,
printed by John Day, and published ' authoritate serenissimse Keginoe.'
These various readings are marked C and E respectively.
For the English Articles, collations have been drawn (1) from the
Parker English MS. of 1571, and (2) from the English version of the
Articles of 1563, entitled in the Bill of 1566 the Little Boole (see
above, p. 145).
These various readings are again distinguished by the letters D,
and LB, respectively.
A few more various readings, from other MSS. in the State-Paper
Office, will be noticed fully as they occur.
Where new matter was introduced into the Articles after the year
1553, attention is called to the change by a blank space included
within brackets [ ].
Where the whole or part of any Article was subsequently dropped,
it is here printed in small type.
Where the phraseology was modified, without involving the addi-
tion of entirely new matlcr, the limits of the substitution are denoted
by t ...• t-
In a few cases of simple transposition, the change will be pointed
out by a foot-note.
I.
THE XLY. ARTICLES, 1552.
I. De fide Trinitatis.
TTnus est vivos et verus Deus aeternus, incorporeus, impartibilis,
impassibilis, immensae potential, sapientiae, ac bonitatis, Creator ac
conservator omnium cum visibilium turn invisibilium ; et in unitate
hujus divinas naturae tres sunt personae ejusdem essentiee, potential
ac asternitatis, Pater, Filius, ac Spiritus sanctus.
II. Verium Dei verum liominem esse factum.
Filius qui est Verbum patris in utero beatae virginis naturam
humanam ex ejus substantia assumpsit, ita ufc duae naturae, divina et
humana, integre atque perfecte in unitate personae fnerint insepara-
biliter conjunctae, ex quibus est unus Christus, verus Deus et verus
homo, qui vere passus est, crucifixus, mortuus et sepultus, ut patrem
nobis reconsiliaret, essetque hostia non tantum pro culpa originis,
verum etiam pro omnibus actualibus hominuni peccatis.
III. De descensu Christi ad Inferos.
Quemadmodum Christus pro nobis mortuus est et sepultus, ita
etiam credendus est ad inferos descendisse : nam corpus usque ad
resurrectionem in sepulchro jacuit, Spiritus ab eo emissus cum
spiritibus qui in carcere sive inferno detinebantur fuit, illisque
praedicavit ; quemadmodum testatur Petri locus. At suo ad Inferos
descensu nullos a carceribus aut tormentis libera vit Christus Dominus.
IV. Resurrectio Christi.
Christus vere a mortuis resurrexit, suumque corpus cum carne,
ossibus, omnibusque ad integritatem humanas naturae pertinentibns
recepit, cum quibus in coelum ascendit, ibique residet, quoad extremo
die ad judicandos homines revertatur.
V. Divine Scripturce doctrina svfficit ad salutem.
Scriptura sacra continet omnia quae sunt ad salutem necessaria,
ita ut quicquid in ea ncque legitur neque inde probari potest, (licet
280 APPENDIX III.
interduma fidclibus ut conducibile ad ordinem et decorum admittatur,)
attamen a quoquani non exigenduin est, ut tanquam articulus fidei
tradatur, et ad salutis necessitateru requiri putetur.
VI. Yetus Testamentum non est rejiciendum.
Testamentuni Vetus quasi novo contrarium sit non est repudian-
dum, sed retinendum : quandoquidem tani in veteri quam in novo per
Christum, qui unicus est mediator Dei et hominum, Deus et homo,
aetcrna vita humano generi proposita est. Quare non sunt audiendi
qui veteres tantum in promissiones temporarias sperasse confingunt.
VII. Symbola tria.
Symbola tria, Nicennm inquam, Athanasii, et quod vulgo Apos-
tolieum vocatur, omnino recipienda sunt. Nam firmissimis Scrip-
turarum testimoniis pi'obari possunt.
VIII. Peccatum originate.
Peccatum originis non est, ut fabulantur Pelagiani, et hodie
Anabaptistae repetunt, in imitatione Adami situm, verum in unoquo-
que nascentium iram Dei atque damnationem meretur, et naturam
hominum ita vitiat et depravat, ut a prima institutione quam longis-
sime distet.
Manet etiam in renatis concupiscentia et depravatio naturae, qua
fit ut caro semper concupiacat adversus spiritum, et affectus carnis,
Gi'aece <pp6vri/xa (quod alii sapientiam, alii sensum, alii affectum, alii
stadium carnis vocant,) legi Dei non subjiciatur. Et quamquam
renatis et credentibus nulla propter Christum est condemnatio,
peccati tamen rationem in seso habere concupiscentiam fatetur
Apostolus.
IX. Be libero arbitrio.
Absque gratia Dei, quae per Christum est, nos preveniente ut
velimus, et cooperante dum volumus, ad pietatis opera facienda quae
Deo grata sunt et accepta nihil valemus.
X. Be gratia.
Gratia Christi sen Spiritus sanctus, qui per eundem datnr, cor
lapideuru aufert, et dat cor carncum, atque licet ex nolentibus quae
recta sunt volentes faciat, et volentibus prava nolentes reddat,
voluntati nihilominus violentiam nullam infert. Et nemo hac do
APPENDIX III. 281
caussa cum peccaverit seipsum excusare potest, quasi nolens ant
ooactns peccaverit, ideoque accusari non mereatur aut damnari.
XI. De liominis justijicatione.
Jnstificatio ex sola fide Jesn Christi, eo sensu quo in homilia de
justificatione explicatur, est certissima et saluberrima Christianornm
doctrina.
XII. Opera ante Justificationem.
Opera qua? finnt ante justificationem, cum ex fide Jesu Christi
non prodeant, minime Deo grata sunt, neque gratiam, ut muKi
vocant, de congruo merentnr : imo cum non sint facta ut Deus ilia
fieri voluit et prsecepit, peccati rationem habere non dubitamus.
XIII. Opera Supererogationis,
Opera, quae supererogationis appellant, non possunt sine arrogan-
tia et impietate praedicari ; nam illis declarant homines non tantum
se Deo reddere, quae tenentur, sed plus in gratiam ejus facere quam
deberent. Cum aperte Christus dicat, cum feceritis omnia quaecun-
que praecepta sunt vobis, dicite, Servi inutiles aumus.
XIV. Nemo proeter Christum sine peccato est.
Christus in nostras naturae veritate per omnia similis factus est
nobis, excepto peccato, a quo prorsus erat immunis turn in carne turn
in spiritu; venit ut agnus absque macula esset, qui mundi peccata
per immolationem sui semel factam tolleret, et peccatum, ut inquit
Joannes, in eo non erat : sed nos reliqui, etiam baptizati, et in
Christo regenerati, in multis tamen offendimus omnes, et si dixerimus
quia peccatum non habemus, nos ipsos seducimus, et Veritas in nobis
non est.
XV. De Peccato in Spiritum sanctum.
Non omne peccatum mortale post baptismuni voluntarie perpetra-
tum est peccatum in Spiritum sanctum, et irremissibile, Proinde
lapsis a baptismo in peccata, locus poenitentiae non est negandus.
Post acceptum Spiritum sanctum possumus a data gratia recidere
atque peccare, denuoque per gratiam Dei resurgere ac resipiscere.
Ideoque illi damnandi sunt, qui se, quamdiu hie vivant, amplius non
posse peccare affirmant, aut vere resipiscentibus poenitentiae locum
denegant.
282 appendix in.
XVI. Blasphemia in Spiritum sanctum quid sit.
Blasphemia in Spiritum sanctum est, cum quis verborum Dei
manifeste perceptam veritatem ex malicia et obfirmatione animi
convitiis insectatur, efc hostiliter insequitur : atque hujusmodi quia
maledicto sunt obnoxii, et reprobi, per pcenitentiam non amplius
restitni possunt; unde peccati hoc genus irremissibile a Domino
affirniatur.
XVII. De Prccdestinatione et electione.
Prsedestinatio ad. vitam est aeternum Dei propositum, quo ante
jacta mundi fundamenta suo consilio nobis quidem occulto constanter
decrevit eos quos elegit ex hominum genere a maledicto et exitio
liberare, atque ut vasa in honorem effieta per Christum ad seternam
salutem perducere : unde qui tarn prseelaro Dei beneficio sunt affecti,
spiritu ejus opportuno tempore vocantur, Tocationi per gratiam
credunt, justificantur gratis, adoptantur in filios, Unigeniti Christi
Jesu imagini ofSciuntur conformes, in bonis operibus sancte ambulant,
et demum ex Deimisericordiapertinguntad sempiternam foelicitatem.
Quemadmodum pra3destinationis et electionis nostras in Christo
pia consideratio dulcis, suavis, et ineffabilis consolationis plena est
vere piis, et hiis qui sentiunt in se vim Spiritus Christi, facta carnis
et membra quae adhuc sunt super terram mortificantem, animumque
ad superna et coslestia rapientem, turn quia fidem nostram de aeterna
salute per Christum consequenda plurimum stabilit atque confirniat,
turn quia amorem nostrum erga Deum vehenienter accendit; ita
hominibus curiosis, carnalibus, et spiritu Christi destitutis, ob oculos
perpetuo versari praedestinationis Dei sentcntiam, perniciosissimum
est praecipitium, unde illos Diabolus pertrudit vol in despci-ationem, vel
in aeque perniciosam impurissirnae vitas securitatem. Deinde licet pras-
destinationis decreta (quatenus homines de hominibus judicare possunt)
sint nobis ignota, promissiones tamen divinas (quibus fides inniteus
certos nos reddit de nostra salute) sic amplecti oportet, ut nobis in
sacris literis goneraliter propositas sunt, et Dei voluntas in nostris
actionibus ea sequenda est, quam in Verbo Dei habemus diserte
revelatam.
XVIII. Tantum in nomine Jesu Christi speran&a est salus oeterna.
Sunt et illi anathematizandi, qui dicero audent unumquemque in
lege aut secta quam profitetur servandum esse, modo juxta illam, et
lumen naturae, innocenter vixerit : cum sacra literao tantum Jesu
Christi nomen praedicent, in rmo salvos fieri homines oporteat.
APPENDIX III. 283-
XIX. Grumes obligantuT ad moralia legis prcecepta servanda.
Lex a Deo data per Mosen, licet quoad ceremonias et ritus
Christianos non astringat, neque civilia ejus prsecepta in aliqua
Eepublica necessario recipi debeant, niliilominus ab obedientia
mandatorum, quee moralia vocantur, nullus quantumvis Christianas
est absolutus : quare illi non sunt audiendi, qui sacras literas tantum
infirmis datas esse perbibent, et spiritum perpetuo jactant, a quo sibi
quse preedicant suggeri asserunt, quanquam cum sacris Uteris aper-
tissime pugnent.
XX. Be Ecclesia.
Ecclesia Cbristi visibilis est ccetus fidelium, in quo verbum Dei
purum prsedicatnr, atque Sacramenta, quoad ea quas necessario
exiguntur, juxta institutum Christi recte administrantur.
Sicut erravit Ecclesia Hierosolyniitana, Alexandrina, et Antiochena,
ita erravit et Ecclesia Eomana, non solum quoad agenda et ceremoni-
arum ritus, verum in hiis etiam quse credenda sunt.
XXI. De Ecclesia; author itate.
Ecclesiae non licet quippiam constituere, quod verbo Dei scripto
adversetnr, neque unum Scripturso locum sic exponere potest ut alteri
contradicat. Quare licet Ecclesia sit divinorum librornm testis et
conservatrix, attamen ut adversus eos nihil decernere, ita preeter
illos nihil credendum de necessitate salutis debet obtrudere.
XXII. Be Autoritate Conciliorum generalium.
Generalia consilia sine jussu et voluntate Principum congregari
non possunt ; et ubi convenerint, quia ex bominibus constant, qui non
omnes spiritu et verbis Dei reguDtur, et errare possunt, et interdum
errarunt, etiam in hiis quse ad summam pietatis pertinent. Ideo
quae ab illis constituuntur, ut ad salutem necessaria, neque robur
habent neque autoritatem, nisi ostendantur e sacris Uteris esse-
desumpta.
Possunt Eeges et pii Magistratus, non expectata conciliorum
generalium sententia aut convocatione, in Eepublica sua juxta Dei
verbum de rebus religionis constituere.
XXIII. Be Purgatorio.
Scbolasticorum doctrina de purgatorio, de precatione pro def unctis,
derindulgentiis, de veneratione et adoratione cum Imaginum turn
eliquiarum, nee non de invocatione Sanctorum, res est futilis,,
284 APPENDIX III.
inaniter conficta, et nullis scripturarum testimoniis innititur, imo
verbo Dei perniciose contradicit.
XXIV. Nemo in Ecclesia ministret, nisivocatus.
Non licet cuiquam sumere sibi munus publice praedicandi, aut
administrandi sacramenta in ecclesia bene constituta, nisi prius fuerit
ad hacc obeunda legittime vocatus et missus.
Atque illos legittime vocatos et missos existimare debemns, qui
per homines, quibus potestas vocandi ministros atque mittendi in
vineam Domini juxta verbum Dei publice concessa est in ecclesia,
cooptati fuerint et asciti in hoc opus.
XXV. Agendum in Ecclesia lingua quoe sit populo nota.
Decentissimum est, et verbo Dei maxime congruit, ut nihil in
ecclesia legatur aut recitetur lingua populo ignota, idqne Paulus
heri vetuit nisi adesset qui interpretaretur.
XXVI. Be Sacramentis.
Dominus noster Jesus Christus sacramentis numero paucissimis,
observatu facillimis, significations praestantissimis, societatem novi
populi colligavit. Sicuti est Baptismus, et coena Domini, quae duo
tantum in ecclesia pro Sacramentis a Christo Domino sunt instituta,
et quae sola sacramentorum propriam rationem habent.
Sacramenta non instituta sunt a Christo ut spectarentur, aufc
circumferrentur, set ut rite illis uteremur ; et in hiis duntaxat, qui
digne percipiunt, salutarem habent effectum, idque non ex opere, ut
quidam loquuntur, operato, quae vox, ut peregrina est et sacris literis
ignota, sic parit sensum minime pium, sed admodum superstitiosum :
qui vero indigne percipiunt, damnationem (ut inquit Paulus) sibi
ipsis acquirunt.
Sacramenta per Dei verbum instituta non tantum sunt notae
professionis inter Christianos, sed certa quaedam potins testimonia, et
efficatia signa gratia? atque bonae in nos voluntatis Dei, per quae
invisibiliter in nobis operatur, nostramque fidem in so non solum
excitat, verum etiam confirmat.
XXVII. Ministrorum malicia non tollit ejjicatiam institutionum
divinarum.
Quamvis in ecclesia visibili bonis mali sint semper admixti, atque
interdum ministerio verbi et Sacramentorum admiuistrationi praesint,
^arnen cum non buo sed Christi nomine agant, ejusque mandato et
APPENDIX III. 285
authoritate ministrent, illorum ministerio uti licet, cum in verbo Dei
audiendo, turn in sacramentis percipiendis, neque per illornm
maliciam effectus institutorum Domini tollitur, aut gratia donornm
Dei minuitur, quoad eos qui fide ac rite sibi oblata percipiunt, qua*
propter institutum Christi et promissionem efficatia sunt, licet per
nialos administrentur. Ad Ecclesiae tamen disciplinani pertinet ut in
eos inquiratur, accusentur ab hiis qui eorum flagitia novenint, atque
tandem justo convicti judicio deponantur.
XXVIIL Be Bwptismo.
Baptismus non est tantum signum professionis, aut discriniinis
nota, qna Christiani a non Christianis discernantur, sed etiam est
signum regenerationis, per quod tanquam per instrumentum recto
baptismum suscipientes Ecclesise visibiliter inserimnr, promissiones
de remissione peccatorum atque adoptione nostra in filios Dei per
spiritnm sanctum obsignantur, fides confirmatur, et vi divinse invo-
cationis gratia angetur.
Baptismus infantium Christianorum et laudandus est, et omnino
in ecclesia retinendus.
XXIX. Be Ccena Bominica.
Coena dominica non est tantum signum mutuse benevolentiaj-
Christianorum inter sese, verum potius est sacramentum nostras per
mortem Christi redemptionis, atque adeo rite, digne, atque cum fide
sumentibus panis quern frangimns est communicatio corporis Christi :
similiter et poculum benedictionis est communicatio Sanguinis
Christi.
XXX. Be transsubstantiatione.
Panis et vini transubstantiatio in Eucharistia ex sacris literis
probari non potest, sed apertis scripturse verbis adversatnr, et
multarum superstitionum dedit occasionem.
XXXI. Be Corporate Christi prcesentia in Eucharistia.
Quum naturae humanse Veritas requirat nt in multis locis simul
esse non possit, sed certo quodam et definite, idcirco Christi corpus
in multis et diversis locis eodem tempore praesens esse non potest.
Et quoniam, ut tradunt sacrae literae, Christus in coslum fuit sub-
latus, et ibi usque ad finem seculi est permansurus, non debet quis-
quam fidelium carnis ejus et sanguinis realem et corporalem, ut loquun-
tur, prsesentiam in eucharistia vel credere vel profited.
■28G APPENDIX III.
XXXII. Sacramentum Eucharisticc non asservandum.
Sacramentnm Eucharistise ex institutione Christi nee servabatur,
nee circumferebatur, nee elevabatur, nee adorabatur.
XXXIII. Be unica Christi oMatione in cruce perfeda.
Oblatio Christi seruel facta perfecta est redemptio, propitiatio, et
•satisfactio pro omnibus peccatis totins inundi, tam originalibus qnatn
actualibus, neque propter illam unicani est ulla alia pro peccatis ex-
piatio. Unde Missarum sacrificia, quibus vulgo dicebatur sacerdotem
offerre Christum pro vivis et defunctis, figmenta sunt et pernciosae
impostura?.
XXXIV. Coilibatus ex verbo Dei prcecipitur nemini.
Episcopis, Prassbyteris, et Diaconis non est mandatum ut ccelibatum
voveant, neque jure divino coguntur matrimonio abstinere, si donum
non habeant, tametsi voverint, quandoquidem hoc voti genus verbo
Dei repugnat.
XXXV. Excommunicati vitandi sunt.
Qui per publicam ecclesiao denunciationem propter capitalia erimina
ab unitate ecclesire praacisus est et excommnnicatus, Is ab universa
fidelium multitudine, donee per poenitentiam publice reconciliatus
fuerit arbitrio judicis competentis, habendus est tanquam ethnicus et
publicanus.
XXXVI. Traditiones ecclesiastics.
Traditiones atque ceremonias easdem non omnino necessarinm est
esse ubique, aut prorsus consimiles. Nam et varia? semper fuernnt,
et mutari possunt, pro regionnm et morum diversitate, modo nihil
contra Dei verbum instituatur.
Traditiones et ceremonias ecclesiasticas, qnaa cum verbo Dei non
pugnant, et sunt authoritate publica institutae atque probata), quis-
■quis privato consilio volens et data opera publice violaverit, is, ut qui
peccat in publicum ordinem Ecclesiaa, quique Isedit autoritatem
Magistratus, et qui infirmorum fratrum conscientias vnlnerat, publice
ut caeteri timeant arguendus est.
APPENDIX III. 287
XXXVII. HomMce.
Homiliee, nuper Ecclesise Anglicanse per injunctiones Eegias tra-
ditse atque commendatse, piso sunt et salutares, atque doctrinam ab
omnibus amplectendam continent: quare populo diligentur et expedite
clareque recitandse sunt.
XXXVIII. Be libro Ceremoniarum Ecclestai Anglicance.
Liber qui nuperrime aiithoritate Eegis et Parlamenti ecclesise
Anglicanse traditus est, continens modum et formam orandi et sacra?
menta administrandi in Ecclesia Anglicana : Similiter et Iibellus ille,
eadem authoritate seditus, de ordinatione Ministrorum ecclesise, quoad
doctrinse veritatem pii sunt, et quoad ceremoniarum rationem sain,
tari Evangelii libertati, si ex sua natura ceremonies illse a3stimentur,
in nullo repugnant, sed probe congruunt, et eandem in complurimis
inprimispromovent, atque ideo ab omnibus ecclesise Anglicanse fide-
libus membris, et maxime a Ministris verbi, cum omni promptitudine
animorum et gratiarum actione recipiendi, approbandi, et populo Dei
sunt commendandi.
XXXIX. Be Civilians Hagistratibus.
Rex Anglise est supremum caput in terris post Christum ecclesise
Anglicanse et Hibernicse, neque in universo orbe ullum seipso majorem
agnoscit, a quo sua potestas et autoritas pendeat.
Eomanus Pontifex nullam habet jurisdictionem in hoc regno
Anglise.
Magistratus Civilis est a Deo ordinatiis atque probatus : quamobrem
illi propter conscientiam obediendam est, nee ulli ex ejus subditis
licet ant vectigal aut tributum negare, ad regni seu Keipublicse statnm
tuendum et conservandum.
Leges Civiles possunt Cnristianos propter capitalia et gravia cri-
xnina morte punire.
Christianis licet ex mandato Magistratus arma portare, et juste
foella administrare.
XL. Christianorum bona non sunt communia.
Facultates et bona Christianorum non sunt communia, quoad ju3
et possessionem, ut quidam Anabaptistse falso jactant. Debet tamen
quisque de hiis qusa possidet pro facultatum ratione pauperibos
•eleernosynas benigne distribuere.
288 APPENDIX III.
XLI. Licet Christianis jurare.
Quemadiuoduni jnranientum vanum et temerarium a Domino
nostro Jesu Christo, et ab apostolo ejus Jacobo, Christianis hominibua
interdictum esse fatemur, ita Christianam religionem minime pro-
hibere censemus, quin jubente Magistratu in caussa fidei et charitatis
jurare liceat, modo id fiat juxta Propheta3 doctrinam in justicia,
judicio, et veritate.
XLIL Resurrectio mortuorum nondum facta est.
Eesurrectio mortuorum non adhuc facta est, quasi tantum acl
animum pertineat, qui per Christi gratiam a morte peccatorum
excitetur : sed extremo die quoad omnes qui obierint expectanda est :
tunc enim vita functis, ut scriptural manifestissime testantur, propria
corpora, carnes et ossa restituentur, ut homo integer, prout vel
recte vel perdite vixit, juxta sua opera, sive praamia, sive pcenas
reportet.
XLIII. Defunctorum animce neque cum corporibus inter eunt, neque
otiose dormiunt.
Qui animas defunctorum prsedicant usque ad diem judicii dormire r
aut illas asserunt una cum corpore mori, et extrema die cum ilia
excitandas, ab orthodoxa fide quae nobis in sacria literis traditur
prorsus dissentiunt,
XLIV. Milliarii.
Qui Milliariorum fabulam revocare conantur, sacris Uteris adver_
santur, et in Judaica deliramenta sese prsecipitant.
XLV. Non omnes tandem servandi sunt.
Hii quoque damnatione digni sunt, qui conantur hodie perniciosarn
opinionem instaurare, quod omnes, quantum vis impii, tandem servandi
sunt, cum definito tempore a justicia divina poenas de admissis flagitiis.
luerint.
Jo. Harley.
Willm 3 . Bin.
robertus horne.
Andreas Ferne.
Edmundus Grindalt.-
Jo. Knoks.
II.
ARTICLES, 1552—1571.
1552 [1553].
Articuli de quibus in Synodo Lon-
dinensi, Anno Bom. M.D.LII.
ad tollendam opinionum dissen-
sionem et consensum verse reli-
gionis firmandum, inter Epis-
copos et alios Eruditos Viros
convenerat. *
1552 [1553].
Articles agreed on by the Bishop-
pes, and other learned menne
in the Synode at London, in
the yere of our Lorde Godde,
M.D.LII. for the auoiding of
controuersie in opinions, and
the establishement of a godlie
Concorde, in certeine matiers
of Religion.
1562 [1563].
Articuli, de quibus in synodo Lon-
dinensi anno Domini, iuxta ec-
clesise Anglicanse computatio-
nem, M.D.LXII. ad tollendam
opinionum dissensionem, et fir-
mandum in uera Eeligione con-
sensum, inter Archiepiscopos
Episcoposqueutriusque Prouin-
ciee, nee non etiam uniuersum
Clerum convenit.
1571.
Articles whereupon it was agreed
by the Archbishoppes and Bi-
shoppes of both prouinces and
the whole cleargie, in the Con-
uocation holden at London in
the yere of our Lorde God. 1562.
according to the computation of
the Churcheof Englande,forthe
auoiding of the diuersities of
opinions, and for the stablish-
yng of consent touching true
Beligion.
1 B adds, regia authoritate in lucem editi.
290
APPENDIX IIT.
1553.
De fide in Sacrosanctam Trinita*
tern.
Unns est vivus et verus Deus,
aeternus, incorporeus, impartibi-
lis, impassibilis, immense poten.
tias, sapientise, ac bonitatis, crea-
tor et conservator oniniutn, turn
visibilium turn invisibilium. Et
in unitate hujus divinae naturaa
tres sunt personaa, ejusdem es-
sentia?, potential, ac seternitatis,
Pater, Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus.
1553.
I.
Of faith in the holie Trinitie. 1
Tbere is but one lining, and
truo God, and be is euerlasting,
with out bodie, partes, or pas-
sions, of infinite power, wisedome,
and goodnesse, tbe maker, and
preseruer of all tbinges botbe
visible, and inuisible, and in
vnitie of tbis Godbead there bee
three persones of one substaunce,
power, and eternitie, tbe Father,
the Soone, and the holie Ghoste.
IT.
Verbum Dei venom Jiominem esse
factum.
Filius qui est verbum patris,
] in ntero beataa Virginis,
ex illius substantia naturam hu-
manam assumpsit, ita ut duse na-
turae, divina & humana, integre
atque perfecte in unitate personaa
f uerint inseparabiliter conj uncta),
ex quibus est unus Christus, verus
Deus et verus homo, qui vere
passus est, crucifixus, mortuus et
sepultus, ut patrem nobis recon-
ciliaret, essetque bostia non tan.
turn pro culpa originis, verum
etiam pro omnibus actualibus
hominnm pecoatis.
II.
That the worde, or Sonne of God,
was made a very man.
Tbe sonne wbicbo is tbe woorde
of the father, [ ] tooke manne3
nature in the wombe of the
blessed virgine Marie of her Sub-
staunce, so that two hole, and
perfeicte natures, that is to saie,
the Godhead, and manhode were
ioigned together into one persone,
neuer to be diuided, wberof is
one Christe very God, and very
manne, who truely suffred, was
crucified, dead, and buried, to
reconcile his father to vs, and to
be a Sacrifice f for all sinne of
manne, bothe original], and ac-
tually
1 Cf. the 2nd of nonpar's Articles cited above, pp. 80, 81.
APPENDIX III.
291
U63i
1571.
De fide in Sacrosanctam Trinita-
tem.
Vnvs est viuus et uerus Deus,
aeternus, incorporeus, impartibi-
lis, impassibilis, immensae poten-
tiae, sapientiae ac bonitatis : crea-
tor et conseruator onminm turn
uisibilium turn inuisibilium. Et in
Vnitate huius diuinae naturae tres
sunt Personge, eiusdem essentias,
potentiaB, ac aeternitatis, Pater,
Filius, et Spiritua sanctus.
Offayth in the holy Trinitie.
There is but one lyuyng and
true God, 2 euerlastyng, without
body, partes, or passions,of infinite
power, wysdome, and goodnesse,
the maker and preseruer of al
things both visible and inuisible.
And in vnitie of this Godhead
there be three persons, of one
substaunce, power, and eternitie,
the father, the sonne, and the
holy ghost.
II.
Verbum Dei uerum hominem esse
factum. 3
Filius, qui est uerbum Patris,
ab aeterno a patre genitus uerus
et seternus Deus, ac Patri con-
substantialis, in utero Beatae
uirginis ex illius substantia natu-
ram humanam assumpsit : ita ut
duae naturae, diuina et humana,
integre atque perfecte in unitate
personae, fuerint inseparabiliter
coniunctae : ex quibus est 4 vnus
CHEISTVS, verus Deus et verus
Homo : qui uere passus est, cru-
cifixus, mortuus, et sepultus, ut
Patrem nobis reconciliaret, esset-
que 5 non tantum pro culpa origi-
II.
Of the worde or sonne of God
which ivas made very man. 6
The Sonne, which is the worde
of the Father, begotten from
euerlastyng of the Father, the
very and eternall GOD, of one
substaunce with the father, toke
man's nature in the wombe of the
blessed Virgin, of her substaunce :
so that two whole and perfect
natures, that is to say the God-
head and manhood, were ioyned
together in one person, neuer to
be diuided, whereof is one Christe,
very GOD and very man, who
truely suffered, was crucified,
dead, and buried, to reconcile his
2 D and LB add and he is he/ore euerlasting : cf. col. 2.
3 De verbo, siue nlio Dei, qui verus homo factus est E.
4 est] et C.
s essetque] A inserts hostia after this word, agreeing with the other copies,
amission, therefore, might be due to an error of the press.
6 That the Worde or Sonne of God was made verie man D, LB.
292
APPENDIX in.
1553.
1553.
III.
-De descensu Christi ad Inferos.
Quemadmodum Christus pro
nobis mortuus est et sepultus, ita
est etiam credendus ad inferos
descendisse. Nam corpus usque ad re-
surrectionem in sepulchre jacuit, Spiritus
ab illo emissus, cum spiritibus qui in
carcere sive in inferno detinebantur, fuit,
illisque pradicavit, quemmadmodum
testatur Petri locus.'
IV.
Resurrectio Christi.
Christus vere a, mortuis resur-
rexit, suumque corpus cum carne,
ossibus, omnibusque ad integrita-
tem humanse naturae pertinenti-
bus, recepit, cum quibus in ccelum
ascendit, ibique residet, quoad
extremo die ad judicandos [ ]
homines f revertatur.f
III.
Of the goyng doune of Christe into
Helle.
As Christ died, and was buried
for vs : so also it is to be beleued,
that he went downe in to hell.
For the bodie laie in the Sepulchre, untill
the resurrection : but his Ghoste depart-
ing from him, was with the Ghostes that
were in prison, or in Helle, and didde
preache to the Bame, as the place of S.
Peter dooeth testifie.
IV.
The Resurrection of Christe.
Christe didde truelie rise againe
from deathe, and tooke again his
bodie with flesh, bones, and all
thinges apperteining to the per-
fection of mannes nature, where-
with he ascended into Heauen,
and there sitteth, untill he retourne
to iudge [ ] men at the last
daie.
1 The jollowing sentence is added in A. .At sro mi inferos descensu nullos a
carver ibvis nut tormeiitis liberauit Christus Duminus.
APPENDIX III.
293
1563.
nis, uerum etiam pro omnibus
actualibus hominum peccatis.
1571.
father to vs, and to be a sacrifice,
not only for originall gylt, but also
for all 2 actuall sinnes of men.
III.
Be descensu Christi ad Inferos.
Qvemmadmodum Christus pro
nobis mortuus est et sepultus, ita
est etiam credendus ad Inferos
descendisse. 3
III.
Of the goyng downe of Christe into
hell.
As Christe dyed for vs, and was
buryed : 4 so also it is to be
beleued that he went downe
into hell.
IV.
Resurrectio Christi.*
Christus vere a mortuis resur-
rexit, suumque corpus cum carne,
ossibus, omnibusque ad integrita-
tem humanae naturaa pertinenti-
bus, recepit, cum quibus iu ccelum
ascendit, ibique residet, quoad ex-
tremo die ad iudicandos [ ] ho-
mines reuersurus sit.
V.
Be Spiritu sancto.
Spiritus sanctus, a, patre et filio
procedens, 'eiusdem est cum patre
IV.
Of the Resurrection, of Christe.
Christe dyd truely aryse s
agayne from death, and toke
agayne his body, with flesh, bones,
and all thinges apparteyning to
the perfection of mans nature,
wherewith he ascended into hea-
uen, and there sitteth, vntyll he
returne to iudge all 7 men at the
last day.
V.
Of the holy ghost.
The holy ghost, proceedyng
from the father and the sonne, is
2 all] The omission of th is important word in many modern copies of the Articles
/s without tlie least authority. It appears in the edition of 1628, but is dropped as
early as 1630, and (deliberati-ly) in the revised text of the Assembly of Divines (1643) :
zi. Orme's Life and Times of Baxter, r. 488, Lond. 1830.
3 Tlie second clause of Ai t. ill. col. 1 retained in C, but marked throughout with a
red pencil.
* dyed for vs and was buryed] dyed and was buryed for us LB: cf. col. 2.
6 De Resurrectione Christi E.
" aryse] ryse LB: cf. col. 2.
' all] wanting in Latin copies of 1563, but found in E: cf. cols. 1 and 2.
294
APPENDIX III.
1553.
1553.
Divince Scriptures doctrina sufficit
ad salutem.
Scriptura sacra continet 1 omnia
quas sunt ad salutem necessaria,
ita nt quicquid in ea nee legitur
neque inde probari potest, licet
interdum a fidelibus, ut pium et con-
ducibile ad ordinem et decorum a admit-
tatur, attamen t a quoquam non exi-
gendum est f ut tanquam articu-
lus fidei credatur, 3 et ad saluti3
necessitatem requiri putetur. [
V.
The doctrine of holie Scripture is
sufficient to Saluation.
Holie Scripture conteineth all
thinges necessarie to Saluation :
So that whatsoeuer is f neither f
read therein, nor maie be proued
therby, although it be somtirae re-
ceiued of the faithful, as Godlie, and
pro Stable for an ordre, and comelinesse:
Yeat t n0 manne ought to bee
constreigned to beleue it, f as an
article of faith, or repute it
f requisite to the necessitie f of
Saluation. [
3 continet] sufficientcr continet J.
' ad ordinem et decorum] wanting in J.
' credatur] tradatur A.
APPENDIX III.
295
1563.
et filio essentia, maiestatis, etglo-
riae, uerus, ac seternus Deus.
1571.
of one substaunce, 4 maiestie, and
glorie, with the father and the
sonne, very and eternall God.
VI.
Diuince Scriptural doctrina sufficit
ad salutem.*
Scriptura sacra continet omnia
qua? sant ad sal litem 6 necessaria,
ita nt quicquid in ea nee legitur, ne-
que inde probari potest, non sit a
quoquam exigendam, ut tanquam
Articnlns fidei credatar, ant ad
necessitatem salutis 7 reqairi
pntetnr.
Sacrse Scripturse nomine eos
Canonicos libros Veteris et Novi
testamenti intelligimns, de qao-
rnm autoritate in Ecclesia nun-
quam dubitatum est.
Catalogus librorum sacrcB Canonical
scriptural Veteris Testament!.*
Genesis.
Exodus.
Leniticus.
Numeri.
Denteronom.
Iosue.
Iudicum.
VI.
Of the sufficiencie of the Holy
Scriptures for saluation. 9
Holye Scripture conteyneth all
thinges necessarie to saluation :
so that whatsoeuer is not read
therein, nor may beproued therby,
is not to be required of anye man,
that it shoulde be beleued as an
article of the fayth, or be thought
requisite necessarie 10 to salvation.
In the name ' ' of holy Scripture,
we do vnderstande those Canoni-
call bookes of the olde and newe
Testament, of whose aucthoritie
was neuer any doubt in the
Churche.
Of 12 the names and number of the
Canonicall Bookes.
Genesis.
Exodus.
Leuiticus.
Numerie.
Deuteronomium.
Iosue.
Iudges. '
4 substaunce] essence LB.
5 De Diuinis Scripturis, quod sufficiant ad salutem E.
' sunt ad salutem] ad salutem sunt E.
* necessitatem salutis] transposed in E.
8 De nominibus, et numero librorum sacra? canonical Scriptura Veteris Testa-
menti E.
* The doctrine of holye Scripture is sufficient to saluation LB, D.
10 requisite necessarie] requisite as necessary LB, D : cf. col. 3.
" In the name] By the naming LB.
12 Of] wanting in LB, D.
2^6 APPENDIX in.
1553 * 1553.
APPENDIX III.
297
1563.
Rath.
2. Regum. 1
Paralipom. 2.
2 Samuelis.
Esdrse. 2.
Hester.
lob.
Psalmi.
Prouerbia.
Ecclesiastes.
Cantica.
Prophetse maiores.
Prophetse minores.
Alios autem Libros (ut ait
Hieronymus) legit quidem Ec-
clesia ad exempla uitse et for-
mandos mores, illos tamen ad dog-
mata confirmanda non adhibet :
ut sunt
Tertius et quartus Esdraa.
Sapientia.
lesus filius Syrach.
Tobias. Iudith.
Libri Michabaaornm. 2.-
c
1571.
Ruth.
The .1. boke of Samuel.
The .2. boke of Samuel.
The .1. booke of Kinges.
The .2. booke of Kinges.
The .1. booke of Chroni.
The .2. booke of Chroni.
The .1. booke of Esdras.
The .2. booke of Esdras.
The booke of Hester.
The booke of lob.
The Psalmes.
The Prouerbes.
Ecclesia. or preacher.
Cantica, or songes of Sa.
4. Prophetes the greater.
12. Prophetes the lesse.
And the other bookes, (as Hie
rome sayth) the Churche doth
reade for example of lyf e and in ■
structionof maners : 3 but yet doth
it not applie them to establishe
any doctrine. Such are these
followyng :
The third boke of Esdras.
The fourth boke of Esdras.
The booke of Tobias.
The booke of Iudith.
The rest of the booke of Hester. 4
The booke of Wisdome.
Iesus the sonne of Sirach.
Bartich, the prophet.
1 2 Regum] The order of the following books is slightly different in 0, E.
1 The same books are enumerated in State Papers, ' Domestic,' Vol. xxvu.
} 40 (Jan. 31, 1563); whereas in what is termed a fair copy of that draft (Ibid.
$ 41), the list is given as in 1571, except that the first two books are called The first
book of Esdras and The second book of Esdras. In $ 41, there is also no allusion
to the canonical books of the New Testament.
3 example of lyfe and instruction of maners] example and for good instruction of
lyuing LB.
4 The rest of the booke of Hester] wanting in LB.
298
APPENDIX III.
15E3.
1553.
]
VI.
Vetus Testamentum f non est
rejiciendum. f
f Testamentum Vetus, quasi
Novo contrarium sit, non est
repudiandum, sed retinendum,
quandoquidem tam in veteri quam
in novo per Christum qui unicus
est Mediator Dei et hominum,
Deus et homo, seterna vita hnmano
generi est proposita. Quare non
sunt audiendi, qui veteres tantuin
in promissiones temporarias spe-
rasse confingunt.f
r
VI.
The olde Tescamente f is not to be
refused.f
f The olde Testament is not to
bee put awaie as though it were
contrarie to the newe, but to be
kept still : for bothe in the olde,
and newe Testamentes, euerlast-
ing life is offred to mankinds by
Christ, who is the onelie media,
tour betwene Godde and manne,
being bothe Godde and manne.
Wherefore thei are not to be
hearde, whiche feigne that the
olde Fathers didde looke onely for
transitorie promises, f
[
APPENDIX III.
299
1563.
]
Noni Testamenti Libros omnes :
(ut uulgo recepti sunt) recipimus
et habemus pro Canonicis.
1571.
Song of the .3. Children.
The storie of Susanna.
Of Bel and the Dragon.
The prayer of Manasses. 2
The .1. boke of Machab.
The .2. Booke of Macha.
All the bookes of the newe Tes-
tament, as they are commonly
receaued, we do receane and ac-
compt them for Canonicall.
Til.
Be Veteri Testamento.
Testamentum vetus Nouo con-
trarium non est, quandoquideixi
tarn in veteri quam nouo, 3 per
Christum, qui vnicus est media-
tor Dei et hominum, Deus et
Homo, seterna vita humano ge-
neri est proposita. Quare male
sentiunt, qui veteres tantum in
promissiones temporarias spe-
rasse confingunt. Quanquam Lex
a, Deo data per Mosen, quoad
Ceremonias et ritus, Christianos
non astringat, neque ciuilia eius
prsecepta in aliqua Republica
necessarid recipi debeant : nihilo-
minus tamen ab obedientia man-
datorum, quas Moralia vocantur,
nullus quantumuis Christianus est
solutus. 4
VII.
Of the Olde Testament. 5
The olde Testament is not con-
trary to the newe, for both in the
olde and newe Testament 6 euer.
lastyng lyfe is offered to man-
kynde by Christe, who is the
onlye mediatour betweene God
and man, being both God and man.
Wherefore they are not to be
hearde whiche faigne that the
olde fathers dyd looke onlye for
transitorie promises. Although
the lawe geuen from God' by
Moyses, as touchyng ceremonies
and rites, do not bynde Christian
men, nor the ciuile preceptes
therof, ought of necessitie to be
receaued in any common wealth :
yet notwithstandyng, no Christian
man whatsoeuer, is free from the
obedience of the commaunde-
mentes, whiche are called morall. 4
1 Libros omnes] omnes libros C, E.
2 Baruch . . . Manasses] wanting in LB.
3 nouo] in nouo E.
4 The last clause of Art. vn. was transposed from Art. xix. of the elder series.
6 Touching the olde Testament LB. 6 Testament] Testamente.s LB, D.
' from God] wanting in LB.
300
APPENDIX in.
1553.
VII.
Symbola tria.
Symbola tria, Niceni, 1 Athana-
sii, et quod vulgo Apostolicum
appellatur, oninino recipienda
sunt [ ]. Nam firmissimis
divinarnm Scripturarum testi-
moniis probari possunt. 2
1553.
VII.
The three Creoles *
The three Credes, Nicene Crede,
Athanasius Crede, and that
whiche ia commonlie called the
Apostles Crede, ought throughly
to be received [ ] : f or thei
maie be proued by most certeine
warrauntes of holie Scripture.
VIII.
Peccatum Originale.
Peccatum origin is non est (ut
fabulantur Pelagiani, et hodie Ana-
baptists repetunt) in imitatione
Adami situm, sed est vitium et
depravatio naturae cujuslibet ho-
minis ex Adamo naturaliter pro-
pagati : qua fit ut ab originali
justitia quam longissime distet,
ad malum sua natura propendeat
et caro semper adversus spiritum
concupiscat : unde in unoquoque
nascentium, iram Dei atque dam-
nationem mcretur. Manet etiam
in renatis base natura? depravatio,
qua fit ut afFectus carnis, grasce
<pp6v-t]jxa aapKos, quod 4 alii sapien-
tiam, alii sensum, alii affectum,
alii studium s [ ] vocant,
VIII.
Of originali or birthe sinne.
Originali sinne standeth not in
the folowing of Adam, as the
Pellagianes doe vainelie talke,
whiche also the Anabaptistes doe now
a daies renue, but it is the fault,
and corruption of the nature of
euery manne, that naturallie is
engendred of the ofspring of
Adam, whereby manne is very
farre gone from fhis former
righteousnesse, whiche he had at
his creation f and is of his own?
nature fgeuenf to euill, so that
the fleshe desireth alwaies con-
trarie to the spirit, and therefore
in euery persone borne into this
worlde, it deserueth Goddes
wrath and damnation : And this
1 Nicenum inquam A.
2 Tria symbola Niceni, Athanasii et Apostolorum recipienda sunt et probantnr
scripturis sacris J.
• Of. Hooper's 3rd Article, for that as these Creeds are in such wise taken out of the
Word of God, they do containe in them the sum of all Christian doctrine.
* sed est vitium et depravatio . . . o-apxor, quod] verum in unoquoque nascentium
iram Dei atque damnationem nierctur, et naturam hominum ita vitiat et depravat
ut a prima institutione quam longissime distet. Manet etiam in renatis concupis-
centia et depravatio natura;, qua fit ut caro semper concupiscat adversus spiritum, et
affectus carnis Grnsce <pfj6vntia, quod A.
" A adds carnis.
APPENDIX III.
301
1563.
VIII.
Symbola trio,.*
Symbola tria, Nicaenum, Atha-
nasij, et quod vulgo Apostolicum 7
appellator, omnino recipienda
sunt et credenda. Nam firmissi-
mis Scripturarum testimony s
probari possunt.
1571.
VIII.
Of 9 the three Credes.
The three Credes, Nicene
Crede, Athanasius Crede, and
that whiche is commonlye called
the Apostles' Crede, ought
throughlye to be receaued and
beleued : for they may be
proued by most certayne war-
rauntes 9 of holye scripture.
IX.
Feccatum Originate. 10
Peccatum originis non est (vt
fabulantur Pelagiani) in imita-
tione Adami situm, eed est
vitium et deprauatio nature
cuiuslibet hominis ex Adamo
naturaliter propagati, qua fit, vt
ab originali iustitia quam lon-
gissime distet, ad malum sua
natura propendeat, et caro sem-
per aduersus spiritum concupis-
cat. Vnde in vnoquoque nas-
centium, iram Dei atque dam-
nationem meretur. Manet etiam
in renatis haec naturae deprauatio ;
qua fit, ut affectus carnis, graece
(j>p6vrjfj.a ffapKbs, (quod alij sapien-
tiam, alij sensum, alij affectum,
alij studium n [ ] inter-
pretantur) legi Dei non subjicia-
tur. Et quanquam renatis et cre-
IX.
Of originali or birth sinne.
Originali sinne standeth not in
the folowing of Adam (as the
Pelagians do vaynely talke) but
it is the fault and corruption of
the nature of euery man, that
naturally is engendred of the
of spring of Adam, whereby man
is very farre gone from originali
ryghteousnes, 12 and is of his
owne nature enclined 13 to euyll,
so that the fleshe lusteth 14 al-
wayes contrary to the spirite,
and therefore in euery person
borne into this worlde, it de-
serueth Gods wrath and damna-
tion. And this infection of
nature doth remayne, yea in
them that are regenerated,
whereby the luste of the fleshe,
called in Greke <pp6vt]jxa. aapicSs,
' Apostolicum] Apostolorum E.
9 warrauntes] warraunties LB, D.
" De Tribus Symbolis E.
8 Of] wanting' in LB, D.
10 De Peccato Originali E.
11 studium] C adds carnis in the margin. It is also found inE.
l " originali ryghteousnes] his originali righteousnes D; his former ryghteousnes
which he had at his creation LB: cf. col. 2.
13 enclined] geuen LB. " lusteth] desiereth LR.
302
APPENDIX III.
1553.
legi Dei non subjiciatur. Et
quamquam renatis ct credentibus
nulla propter Christum est con-
demnatio, peccati tamen in sese
rationem habere concupiscent iam
fatetur Apostolus.
IX.
De liber o arbitrio.
t Absque gratia Dei, qua3 per
Christum est, nos preveniente ut
velimus, et cooperante dum volu-
mus, ad pietatis opera facienda,
qua? Deo grata sint et accepta,
nihil valemus.f
1553.
infection of nature doeth remaine,
yea in theim that are baptized,
wherby the lust of the fleshe
called in Greko (ppovri^a crap/cbr,
(whiche some do expoune, the
wisedome, some sensualitie, some
the affection, some the desire of
the flesh) is not subiect to the
lawe of GOD. And although
there is no condemnation for
theim that beleue, and are bap-
tized, yet the Apostle doeth con-
fesse, that concupiscence, and lust
hath of it self the nature of sinne.
IX.
Of free wille.
f We haue no power to dooe
good woorkes pleasaunte, and ac-
ceptable to God, with out the
Grace of God by Christ, preuent-
ing us that wee maie haue a good
wille, and working in us, when
we haue that wille. f
X.
De gratia.
Gratia Cbristi, seu spiritus sanctus
qui per euntlem datur, cor lapideuua
aufevt, et dat cor carneum. Atque licet
ex nolentibus quae recta sunt volentes
faciat, et ex volentibus prava, nolentes
reddat, voluntati nihilominus violentiam
nullam infert. Et nemo hac de causa,
cum peccaverit, seipsum excusare potest,
quasi nolens aut coactus peccaverit, ut
earn ob causam 1 accusai: non mereatur
nut damnari.
X.
Of Grace.
The Grace of Christ, or the holie Ghost
by him geuen dothetake awaie the stonie
harte, and geueth an harte of fleshe.
And although, those that haue no will to
good thinges, he maketh them to wil,
and those that would euil thinges, he
maketh them not to wille the same : Yet
neuerthelesse he enforceth not the wil.
And therfore no man when he sinnctli
can excuse himself, as not worthie to be
blamed or condemned, by alleging that
he sinned unwillinglie, or by compulsion.
ut earn ob causam] ideoque A.
APPENDIX III.
303
1563.
dentibus nulla propter Christum
est condemnatio, peccati tamen in
sese rationem habere concupis-
centiam fatetur Apostolus.
1571.
which some do expounde the wis-
dome, some sensualitie, some the
affection, some the desyre of the
fleshe, is not subiect to the lawe of
God. And although there is no
condemnation for them that be-
leue and are baptized : yet the
Apostle doth confesse that con-
cupiscence and luste hath of it
selfe the nature of synne.
Be Libero Arbitrio.
Ea est hominis post lapsum
Adas conditio, ut sese naturalibus
suis viribus et bonis operibus ad
fidem et invocationem Dei con-
uertere ac praeparare non possit :
Quare absque gratia Dei, quae per
Christum est, nos prasueniente,
ut uelimus, et cooperante dum
volumus, ad pietatis opera faci-
enda, quae Deo grata sint et
accepta, nihil valeinus.
X.
Of free wyll.
The condition of man after the
fall of Adam is suche, that he can
not turne and prepare hym selfe
by his owne naturall strength
and good workes, to fayth and
calling vpon God : Wherefore we
haue no power to do good
workes pleasaunt and acceptable
to God, without the grace of God
by Christe preuentyng us, that
we may haue a good wyll, and
workyng with vs, 2 when we haue
that good wyll.
trtth vs] ft) vs LB, D: cf. col. 2.
304
APPENDIX in.
1553.
XI.
De Hominis justificatione.
f Justificatio ex sola fide Jesu
Christi, eo sensu quo in Homelia
de justificatione explicatur, est
eertissima et saluberrima Chris-
ti an orum doctrina.f
1553.
XI.
Of the Justification of manned
t Justification by onely faith
in Jesns Christ in that sence, as
it is declared in the homelie of
Justification, is a moste certeine,
and holesome doctrine for Chris-
tien menne.f
1
XII.
Opera ante justificationem.
Opera quae fiunt ante gratiam
Christi, et Spiritus ejus afflatum,
cum ex fide Jesu Christi non
prodeant, minime Deo grata sunt.
Neque gratiam (ut multi vocant) 2
XII.
Worhes lefore Justification.
Workes done before the Grace
of Christe and the inspiratione of
his spirite are not pleasaunt to
GOD, forasmocho as thei spring
not of faithe in Jesu Christe,
' Teacb the justification of man to come only by the faith of Jesus Christ and not
by the merit of any mans good workes, Hooper's 1th Article.
* fiunt ante gratiam . . . vocant] fiunt ante justificationem cum ex fide Jesu Christi
non prodeant minime Deo grata sunt, neque gratiam ut multi vocant A.
APPENDIX III.
305
1563.
XI.
Be Hominis IusUficatione.
Tantum propter meritum Do-
mini ac Seruatoris nostri Iesu
Christi, per fidem, non propter
opera et merita nostra, iusti
coram Deo reputamur : 3 Quare
sola fide nos iustificari, doctriua
est saluberrima, ac consolationis
plenissiina : ut in Homilia de
Iustificatione hominis fusius ex-
plicatur.
XII.
Be bonis Operibus.
Bona opera quae sunt f rue Ins
fidei et iustificalos sequuntur,
quanquam peccata nostra expiari 6
et diuini indicij seueritatem f erre
non possunt, Deo tamen grata
sunt et accepta in Christo, atque
ex uera et uiua fide necessario
profluunt, ut plane ex illis, asque
fides uiua cognosci possit, atque
arbor ex fructu inclicari.
XIII.
Opera ante Iustificationem. 7
Opera qnas fiunt ante gratiam
Christi, et spiritus eius afHatum,
cum ex fide Iesu Christi non pro-
deant, minime Deo grata sunt :
1571.
XI.
Of the iustification of man.
We are accompted righteous
before God, only for the merite
of our Lord and sauiour Jesus
Christe, by faith, and not for our
owne workes or deseruynges.
Wherefore, that we are iustified
by fayth onely, is 4 a most whole-
some doctrine, and very full 5 of
comfort, as more largely is ex-
pressed in the Homilie of iustifi-
cation.
XII.
Of good worlces.
Albeit that good workes, which
are the fruites of fayth, and
folowe after iustification, can not
put away our sinnes, and endure
the seueritie of Gods iudgement :
yet are they pleasing and accept-
able to God in Christe, and do
spring out necessarily of a true
and liuely fayth, in so muche
that by them, a lyuely fayth may
be as euidently knowen, as a tree
discerned by the fruit.
XIII.
Of 6 workes before iustification.
Workes done before the grace
of Christe, and the inspiration of
his spirite, are not pleasaunt to
God, forasmuche as they spring
reputamur] reputemur C, E.
is] it is LB, D (but corrected in the latter). B very full] full LB.
expiari] expiare C, E. ' Be operibus ante justificatirmem E.
Of] wanting in LB, D.
306
APPENDIX III.
1553.
de congruo merentur : Imo cum
non sint ' facta ut Dens ilia fieri
voluit et praecepit, peccati ratio-
nem habere non dubitamus.
1553.
neither do thei make menne mete
to receiue Grace, or (as the
Schole ancthoures saie) deserue
grace of congrnitie : but because
thei are not done as god hath
willed and commaunded theim to
bee done, we doubt not, but thei
haue the nature of sinne. 2
XIII.
Opera Supererogationi8.
Opera quae Supererogationis
appellant, non possunt sine arro-
gantia et impietate prsedicari,
nam illis 3 declarant homines non
tantum se Deo reddere quae
tenentur, 4 sed plus in ejus gra-
tiam facere quam deberent : cum
aperte Christus dicat, Cum fece-
ritis omnia qucecunque prcecepta
sunt vobis, dicite : Servi inutiles
sumus.
XIV.
Nemo prater Christum est sine
peccato.
Christus in nostra) naturae veri-
tate, per omnia similis factus est
nobis, excepto peccato, a quo
XIII.
WoorTces of Supererogation.
Voluntarie woorkes besides,
oner, and aboue Goddes com-
maundementes, whiche thei cal
woorkes of Supererogation, can-
not be taught without arro-
gancie, and + iniquitie.f For by
theim menne dooe declare, that
thei dooe not onely rendre to
GOD, as moche as thei are
bounde to dooe, but that thei
dooe more for his sake, then of
bounden duetie is required :
Whereas Christe saieth plainelie :
when you haue dooen al that are
commaunded you, saie, We be
unprofitable seruauntes.
XIV.
No man is tvithout sinne, but
Christe alone.
Christe in the tmeth of our
nature was made like unto us in
al thinges, sinne onely except,
: sint] sunt /.
3 albeit that good workes do necessarily follow justification ; the which before
Justification are of no value or estimation before God, Uoojjer's 1th Article.
3 illis] ilia J.
4 tenentur] teneantur J.
APPENDIX III.
307
1563.
neque gratiam (ut multi 5 uocant)
de congruo merentnr : Imo cum
non sint facta ut Deus ilia fieri
uoluit et prsecepit, peccati ratio-
nem habere non dnbitamus.
XIV.
Opera Supererogationis.' 1
Opera qnse supererogationis
appellant, non possunt sine arro-
gantia et impietate prsedicari.
Nam illis declarant homines non
tantum se Deo reddere quee
tenentur, sed pins in eius gratiam
facere qxiam deberent : cum
aperte Christus dicat : Cum fece-
ritis omnia qusecunque prsecepta
sunt nobis, dicite : Serai inntiles
sumns.
XV.
Nemo prceter Christum sine
peccato. 1 "
Christus in nostras naturae ueri-
tate per omnia similis factus est
nobis, excepto peccato, a quo
1571.
not of fayth in Jesn Christ,
neither do they make men meete
to receaue grace, or (as the
schole aucthours saye) deserue
grace of congruitie : yea rather
for that s they are not done as
GOD hath wylled and com-
mannded them to be done, we
doribt not but they haue the
nature of synne.
XIV.
Of s workes of supererogation.
Volnntarie workes besydes,
ouer and aboue Gods commaunde-
mentes, which they call workes
of supererogation, can not be
taught without arrogancie and
impietie. For by them men do
declare that they do not onely
render vnto God as muche as
they are bounde to do, but that
they do more for his sake then
of bounden duetie is required :
Wheras Christe sayth playnly,
When ye haue done al that are
commaunded to yon, 9 say, We
be vnprofitable seruantes.
XV.
Of Christe alone without sinne. il
Christe in the trueth of our
nature, was made lyke vnto vs
in al thinges (shine only except)
5 multi = Schole-aucthors. The same is observable in tlve elder Articles.
6 Tea rather for that] but because LB: cf. col. 2.
7 De operibus Supererogationis E. ' Of] wanting in LB, D.
' to you] wanting in LB. 10 Nemo prater Christum est sine peccato E.
11 No man is without sinne but Chryst alone LB, D.
308
APPENDIX III.
1553.
prorsus erat immunis, turn in
carne turn in spiritu. Venit 1 ut
agnus absque - macula esset, qui
mundi peccata per immolationem
sui semel factaui 3 tolleret : et
peccatum (ut inquit Joannes) in
eo non erat. Sed nos reliqui
etiam baptizati, et in Christo
regenerati, in niultis tamen offen-
dimus omnes, et 4 si dixerimus
quia peccatum non habemus, nos
ipsos seducimus, et Veritas in
nobis non est.
XV.
Be peccato fin spiritum
sanctum.f
Non omne peccatum mortale
post baptismuin voluntarie per-
petratum, est peccatum in spiri-
tum sanctum et irremissibile :
proinde lapsis a baptismo in
peccata, locus penitcntiEe non est
negandus. Post acceptum spiri-
tum sanctum possumus a gratia
data recedere atque peccare, de-
nuoque per gratiam Dei resurgere
ac resipiscere. Ideoque illi dam-
nandi sunt, qui se quamdiu hie
vivant, amplius non posse peccare
affirmant, aut vere resipiscentibus
pcenitentiae locum denepant.
1 Venit] Venit enim J.
* eemel factam] wanting in J.
' ctiam baptizati . . . omnes, etj qmcunque sumua J,
1553.
from whiche he was clearelie
uoide bothe in his fleshe, and in
his spirite. He came to be the ■
lambe without spotte, who by
sacrifice of himself made ones
for euer, should take away the
sinnes of the worlde : and sinne
(as Saint Jhon saieth) was not
in him. But the rest, yea, al-
thoughe we be baptized, and
borne againe in Christe, yeat we
all offende in many thinges : and
if we saie, we haue no sinne, wee
deceiue our selues, and the trueth
is not in us.
XV.
Of sinne f against the holie
Ghoste.f
Euery deadlie sinne willinglie
committed after Baptisme, is not
sinne against the holie Ghost, and
unpardonable : wherfore the
place for penitentes, is not to
bee denied to soche as fall into
sinne after Baptisme. After we
haue receiued the holie Ghoste,
we maie departe from grace geuen,
and fall into sinne, and by the
grace of GOD wee maie rise
again, and amende our lines.
And therfore thei are to be
condemned, whiche saie, thei can
no more sinne as long as thei
uve here, or denie the place for
penitentes to soche as trulie
repent, and amende their Hues.
* absque] sine J.
APPENDIX III.
309
1563.
prorsus erat immunis, turn in
carne turn in spiritu. Venit, ufc
Agnus absqne macula esset, 5 qui
mundi peccata per immolationem
sui semel factam, tolleret : et
peccatum (ut inquit Ioannes) in
eo non erat. Sed no8 reliqui,
etiam baptizati, et in Christo
regenerati, in multis tamen offen-
dimus omnes : Et si dixerirnus
quia 6 peccatum non habernus,
nos ipsos seducimus, et Veritas
in nobis non est.
1571.
from which he was clearley voyde,
both in his fleshe, and in his
spirite. He came to be the
lambe without spot, who by the
sacrifice of hym self once made, 7
shoulde take away the sinnes of
the worlde : and sinne, (as S.
John sayeth) was not in hym.
But al we the rest, (although
baptized, and borne agayne in
Christe) yet offende 8 in many
thinges, and if we say we haue
no sinne, we deceaue our selues,
and the trueth is not in vs.
XVI.
De Lapsis post Baptismum. 9
Non omne peccatum mortale
post baptismum uoluntarie perpe-
tratum, est peccatum in Spiritum
sanctum et irremissibile. Proinde
lapsis a baptismo in peccata,
locus pcenitentise non est negan-
dus. Post acceptum spiritum
sanctum, possumus a gratia data
recedere atque peccare, denuoque
per gratiam Dei resurgere ac
resipiscere. Idedque illi dam-
nandi sunt, qui se quamdiu hie
viuant, amplius non posse pec-
care affirmant, aut vere resipi-
XVI.
Of sinne after Baptisme.
Not euery deadly sinne will-
ingly committed after baptisme,
is 10 sinne agaynst the holy ghost,
and vnpardonable. Wherefore,
the graunt of repentaunce ll is not
to be denyed to such as fal into
sinne after baptisme. After we
haue receaued the holy ghost, we
may depart from grace geuen,
and fall into sinne, and by the
grace of God (we may) aryse 12
agayne and amend our lyues.
And therefore, they are to be
condemned, whiche say they can
5 esset] wanting in E. It exists, however, in other copies of 1571.
G quia] Some modem editions have quod, but without authority.
' once made] made once for euer LB.
8 al we the rest . . . offend] we the reste although baptised and borne againe io
Christe, yet we all offende, D: the rest, although we be baptised, and borne again it
Chryste, yet we offende LB: cf. col. 2.
9 De peccato post Baptismum E: De peccato in Spiritum Sanctum C
10 Not euery ... is] Euery ... is not LB: cf. col. 2
11 graunt of repentaunce] place for penitence LB, D: cf. place for penitentes col. 2
" aryse] ryse LB: cf. col. 2.
310
APPENDIX III.
1553.
1553.
XVI.
Bla.sphem.ia in Spiritum Sanctum.
Blasphemia in Spiritum Sanctum, est
cum quis Verborum Dei manifeste per-
ceptam veritatem, ex malitia et obfirma-
tione animi, convitiis insectatur, et hostili-
ter insequitur. Atque hujusmodi, quia
maledicto sunt obnoxii, 1 gravissimo sese
astringunt sceleri. Unde peccati hoc
genus irremissibile a Domino appellatur,
et 2 amrmatur.
XVII.
De Prcedestinatione et Electione.
Prsedestmatio ad vitam esb
Eeternutn Dei propositum, quo
ante jacta mnndi fundamenta
suo consilio, nobis quidem oc-
culto, constanter decrevit eos
quos [ ] elegit ex homi-
nuni genere, a maledicto et exitio
liberare, atque ut vasa in honoreui
efficta, per Christam ad aster-
nam saluteui adducere : 3 unde qui
tarn prasclaro Dei beneficio sunt
donati, illi, spiritu ejus opportuno
tempore operante, secundum pro-
positum ejus vocantur, 4 voca-
tioni per gratiam parent, 5 jus.
tificantur gratis, adoptantur in
filios, unigeniti Jesu Christi
imagini efiiciuntur conformes, in
XVI.
Masphemie against the holie Ghoste.
Blaspbemie against the holie Ghost is,
when a man of malice and stubburnesse
of minde, doeth raile upon the trueth of
goddes word manifestlie perceiued, and
being enemie therunto persecuteth the
same. And because soche be guilty of
Goddes curse, thei entangle themselues
with a moste grieuous, and hainous crime,
wherupon this lunde of sinne is called
and affirmed of the Lorde, vnpardonable.
XVII.
Of predestination and election.
Predestination to life, is the
euerlasting purpose of God,
whereby (before the foundacions
of the worlde were laied) he hath
constantlie decreed by his owne
judgemente secrete to vs, to
deliuer from curse, and damna-
tion those whom he hath chosen
i ] out of mankinde, and
to bring them to euerlasting
saluation by Christ, as vesselles
made to houour : whereupon,
soche as haue so excellent a
bonefite of GOD geuen unto theim
be called, according to Goddes
purpose, by his spirite, woorking
in duo seasone, thei through grace
obeie the calling, thei be justified
1 obnoxii] et reprobi per pcenitentiam non amplius restitui possunt ; unde A.
2 appellatur et] wanting in A.
3 adducere] perducere A.
4 donati illi . . . vocantur] nffecti, spiritu ejus opportuno tempore vocantur A.
'* parent] credunt A.
APPENDIX III.
311
1563.
ecentibus pcenitentise s locum de-
negant.
1571.
no more sinne as long as they
lyue here, or denie the place of
forgeuenesse to such as truely
repent.'
XVII.
De Prcedestinatione et Electione.
Prsedestinafcio ad uitam, est
ceternam Dei propositum, quo
ante iacta mundi fnndamenta, suo
consilio, nobis quidem occulto,
constanter decreuit, eos quos in
Christo elegit ex hominum genere,
a maledicto et exitio liberare,
atque ut uasa in honorem efficta,
per Christum ad aeternani salutem
adducere : Vnde qui tarn praeclaro
Dei beneficio sunt donati, illi
spiritu eius opportuno tempore
operante, secundum propositum
eius uocantur : uocationi per gra-
tiam parent : iustificantur gratis :
adoptantur in filios : vnigeniti
Iesu Christi imagini efficiuntur
XVII.
Of predestination and election.
Predestination to lyfe, is the
euerlasting purpose of God, wher-
by (before the foundations of the
world were layd) he hath con-
stantly decreed by his councell
secrete to vs, 8 to deliuer from
curse and damnation, those whom
he hath chosen in Ohriste out of
mankynde, and to bryng them
by Christe to euerlastyng salua-
tion, as vessels made to honour.
Wherefore 9 they which be indued
with so excellent a benefite of
God, 10 be called accordyng to
Gods purpose by his spirite work-
yng in due season : they through
grace obey the callyng : they be
c poenitentise] venias E.
' LB adds and amende theyr lyues : cf. col. 2, p. 308.
" by his councell secrete to us] wanting in LB: cf. col. 2.
" Wherefore] Wherevpon LB: cf. col. 2.
10 they which he indued with so excellent a benefite of God] such as haue so excel-
lent a benefite of God, giuen vnto them LB: they which be endued with so excellent a
bentfite of God, geven unto them D.
312
APPENDIX III.
1553.
bonis operibus sancte ambulant,
et demum ex Dei misericordia
pertingunt ad sempitemam f elici-
tatem.
Quemadmodum prasdestinati-
onis et electionis nostrse in Christo
pia consideratio, dulcis, suavis, et
ineffabilis consolationis plena est
vere piis, et bis qui sentiunt in se
vim spiritus Cbristi, facta carnis,
et membra qua? adbuc sunt super
terrain mortificantem, animum-
que ad ccelestia et superna rapien-
tem, turn quia fidem nostram de
a3terna salute consequenda per
Christum, plurimum stabilit atque
confirmat ; turn quia amorem
nostrum in Deum vebementer
accendit : Ita hominibus curiosis,
carnalibus, et spiritu Cbristi
destitutis, ob oculos perpetuo
versari praedestinationis Dei sen-
tentiam, perniciosissimum est
pra3cipitium, unde illos diabolus
pertrudit vel in desperationem,
vel in seque perniciosam impuris-
simge vita? securitatem.
Deinde licet praedestinationis decreta 1
sunt nobis ignota, promissiones tamen
divinas 2 sic amplecti oportet, ut
nobis in sacris literis generaliter
1553.
frely, thei be made sonnes by
adoptione, tbei bee made like the
image of Goddes onely begotten
Sonne Jesu Christe, thei walke
religiouslie in goode woorkes, and
at length by Goddes mercie, thei
atteine to euerlasting felicitie.
As the Godlie consideration of
predestination, and our election
in Christe is ful of swete, plea-
saunte, and vnspeakable coumfort
to godlie persones, and soche as
feele in themselues the woorking
of the spirite of Christe, morti.
fiyng the workes of the flesh,
and their earthlie membres, and
drawing vp their minde to high
and heauenly tbinges, aswel be-
cause it doeth greatly stablish
and confirme their faith of eternal
saluation to bee enioied through
Christe, as because it dooetb
feruentlie kindle their lone
towardes Godde : So for curious,
and carnall persones lacking the
Spirite of Christ, to haue con-
tinuallie before their yies the
sentence of Goddes predestina-
tion, is a moste daungerous
dounefall, whereby the Deuill
maie thrust them either iDto
desperation, or into a recbieles-
nesse of most vncleane lining, no
lesse perilous then desperation.
Furthermore, although the Decrees
of predestination are vnknowen unto us,
yeat we must receiue Goddes pro-
mises, in soche wise as thei bee
A adds quatenus homines de homiuibus judicare possunt.
A adds in a parenthesis quibus fides innitens certos nos reddit de nostra salute.
APPENDIX in.
313
1563.
conformes : in bonis operibus
sancte ambulant : et demirm ex
Dei misericordia pertingunt ad
8empiternam fcelicitatem.
Quemadmodum Prasuestinatio-
nis et Electionis nostras in Christo
pia consideration dulcis, suauis et
ineffabilis consolationis plena est
vere pijs et bis qui sentiunt in se
uim spiritua CHRISTI, facta car-
nis et membra quas adbuc sunt
super terrain mortificantem, ani-
mumque ad coelestia et superna
rapientem, turn quia fidem nos-
tramdeaaternasaluteconsequenda
per Cbristum plurimum stabilit
atque confirmat, turn quia amorem
nostrum in Deum uehementer
accendit : ita bominibus curiosis,
carnaUbus, et spiritu Cbristi
destitutis, ob oculos perpetud
versari Prasdestinationis Dei sen-
tentiam, perniciosissimum est
prascipitium, unde illos Diabolus
protrudit, uel in desperationem,
uel in seque perniciosam impuris-
simse vitae securitatem.
Deinde promissiones diuinas sic
finiplecti oportet, ut nobis in
sacris Uteris generaliter propo-
sitae sunt: et Dei voluntas in
nostris actionibus ea sequenda
1571.
instified freely: they be made
sonnes of God by adoption : tbey
be made lyke tbe image of bis
onelye begotten Sonne Jesus
Christe : tbey walke religiously
in good workes, and at length
by Gods mercy, tbey attaine to
euerlastyng felicitie.
As the godly consyderation of
predestination, and our election
in Christe, is full of sweete,
pleasaunt, and vnspeakeable com-
fort to godly persons, and such
as feele in themselues the work-
ing of the spirite of Christe,
mortifying the workes of the
fleshe, and their earthlye mem-
bers, and drawing vp their mynde
to hygh and heauenly tbinges,
aswel). because it doth greatly
establyshe and confirme their
fayth of eternal saluation to be
enioyed through Christ, as be.
cause it doth feruently kindle
their loue towardes God : So, for
curious and carnal persons, lack-
ing the spirite of Christe, to haue
continually before their eyes the
sentence of Gods predestination,
is a most daungerous downefall,
whereby the deuyll doth thrust
them either into desperation, or
into rechelesnesse of most vn.
cleane liuing, no lesse perilous
then desperation.
Furthermore, we must receaue
Gods promises in such wyse, as
tbey be generally set foorth to
vs in holy scripture : and in our
doynges, that wyl of God is to be
314
APPENDIX III.
1553.
propositi sunt : et Dei voluntas
in nostris actionibus ea sequenda
est, quam in Verbo Dei habemus
diserte revelatam.
XVIII.
Tantum in nomine Christi spe-
randa est ceterna salus.
Sunt et illi anathematizandi
qui dicere audent, nnumquemque
in lege ant secta quam profitetur
esse servandum, modd juxta illam
et lumen naturae accurate ' vixerit:
cum sacrae literse tantum Jesa
Cbristi nomen praedicent in quo
salvos fieri homines oporteat.
XIX.
Omnes obligantur ad moralia legit
prcecejita servanda.
Lex a Deo data per Mosen, licet quoad
ca?remonias etritus Christianos non astrin-
gat, neque civilia ejus pracepta in aliqua
Repub. necessario recipi debeant, nihilo-
minus ab obedientia mandatorum qua?
Moralia vocantur, nullus quantumvis
Christians est solutus. Quare illi non
sunt audiendi, qui sacras literas tantum
infirmis datas esse perhibent, et spiritum
perpetuo jactant, a. quo sibi qua? pradi-
cant suggeri asserunt, quanquam cum
eacris Uteris apertissime pugnent.
1 accurate]
1553.
generallie set foorth to vs in holie
Scripture, and in our doinges
that wille of Godde is to be
folowed, whiche we bane ex.
presselie declared vnto us in the
woorde of Godde.
XVIII.
Wee must truste to ohteine eternal
Saluation onely by the name of
Cliriste.
Thei also are to be had accursed,
and abhorred that presume to
saie, that euery man shalbe saued
by the Lawe, or secte whiche he
professeth, so that he bee dili-
gente to frame his life according
to that Lawe, and the lighte of
Nature : For holie Scripture doeth
sette out vnto vs onely the name
of Jesu Christ, wherby menne
must be saued.
XIX.
All men are lounde to kepe the moral
commaundementes of the Lawe.
The Lawe, whiche was geuen of GOD
by Moses, although it binde not Christian
menne, as concerning the Ceremonies, and
Kites of the same : Neither is it required,
that the Ciuile Preceptes and Ordres of it
shoulde of necessitie bee receiued in any
commune weale : Yet no manne, (bee he
neuer so perfeicte a Christian) is exempte
and lose from the Obedience of those
Commaundementes, whiche are called
Moral. AVherfore thei are not to be
barkened vnto, who affirme that holie
Scripture is geuen onlie to the weake,
and do boaste tbeimselues continually of
the spirit, of whom (thei sai) thei haue
learned soche things as thei teache,
although the same be most euidently
repngnaunt to the holie Scripture.
iunocenter A.
APrENDIX III.
315
1563.
est, quam in uerbo Dei habemus
diserte reuelatam
1571.
folowed, which we hane ex-
pi-eslye declared vnto vs in the
worde of God.
XVIII.
Tantum in nomine Christi spe-
randa est (sterna salus. 2
Svnt illi 3 anathema tizandi qui
dicere audent, vnumquenique in
Lege ant secta quam profitetur,
esse seruandnm, modo iusta illam
et lnmen naturae accurate vixerit :
cum sacrae literae tantum Iesu
Christi nomen praedicent, in quo
saluos fieri homines oporteat.
XVIII.
Of obtaynyng eternall saluation,
only by the name of Christe. 4
They also are to be had ac-
cursed, that presume to say, that
euery man shal be saued by the
lawe or sect which he prof esseth,
so that he be diligent to frame
his lyfe accordyng to that lawe, 5
and the light of nature. For
holy scripture doth set out vnto
vs onely the name of Jesus
Christe, whereby men must be
saued.
2 De speranda sterna Salute tantum in Nomine Christi E.
3 illi] et illi C, E.
4 We must trust to obteyne eternall saluation, only by the name of Chryst LB, D.
'- that lawe] the lawe D.
316
APPENDIX III.
1553.
XX.
Be Ecclesia.
Ecclesia Cliristi visibilis 1 est
coitus ndeliuin, in quo verbum
Dei purum prsedicatur, et Sacra-
menta quoad ea quae necessario 2
exiguntur, juxta Christi institu-
tum recte administrantur.
Sicut erravit Ecclesia Hyeroso-
lymitana, Alexandria et Antio-
cbena, ita et erravit Ecclesia
Rom ana, non solum quoad agenda
et caeremoniarum ritus, 3 verum in
bis etiam quae credeuda sunt.
XXI.
De Ecclesio? authoritate.
] Ecclesiae non licet
quicquarn instituere, 5 quod verbo
Dei scripto adversetur : neque
unum Scripturae locum sic ex-
ponere potest, ut alteri contra-
dicat. Quare licet Ecclesia sit
divinorum librorum testis et con-
servatrix, attamen ut adversus
eos nibil decernere, ita praeter
1553.
XX.
Of the Chwch*
The visible Churche of Christ,
is a congregation of faiethfull
Menne, in the whiche the pure
worde of God is preached, and
the sacramentes be duelie minis-
tred, according to Christes ordi-
naunce, in all those thinges that
of necessitie are requisite to the
same.
As the Churche of Jerusalem,
of Alexandria, and of Antioche
hath erred : So also the Churche
of Rome hath erred, not onely in
their liuing, but also in matiers
of their faith.
XXI.
Of the aucthoritie of the Churche.
! ] It is not lawefulle
for the Churche, to ordein any
thing, that is contrarie to Goddes
worde writen, neither maie it so
expoune one place of scripture,
that it be repugnaunt to an other.
Wherfore although the churche
be a witnesse and a keper of
holie writte j yet as it ought not
1 visibilis] wanting in J.
2 necessario] wanting in J.
3 et caeremoniarum ritus] wanting in J.
* The Church of God is the congregation of the faithful wherein the Word of God
is truly preached, and the sacraments iustly ministered according to the institution of
Christ, and his doctrine taught unto us by his holy Word, Hooper's 4th Article. He
then proceeds, The Church of God is not by God's Word taken for the multitude or
company of men as bishops, priests, and such other, but that it is the company of all
men hearing God's Word and obeying unto the same : lest that any man should be
seduced believing himselfe to be bound unto any ordinary succession of bishops and
priests, but only unto the Word of God and to the right use of his sacraments.
■ inatituere] constituere A, J,
APPENDIX III.
317
1563.
XIX.
Be Ecclesia.
Ecclesia Christi uisibilis est
ccetus fidelinm, in quo uerbum
Dei purum prsedicatur, et 6 sacra-
menta, quoad ea quae necessario
exiguntur, 7 iuxta Christi institu-
turu recte adiuinistrantnr. Sicut
errauit ecclesia Hierosolymitana,
Alexandrina et Antiochena : ita
et errauit Ecclesia Romana, non
solum quoad agenda et csere-
moniarum ritus, uerum in hijs
etiam quse credenda sunt.
1571.
XIX.
Of the Church.
The visible Church of Christe,
is a congregation of faythfull
men, in the which the pure worde
of God is preached, and the Sacra-
mentes be duely ministred, ac-
cordyng to Christes ordinaunce
in all those thynges that of
necessitie are requisite to the
same.
As the Church of Hiernsalem,
Alexandria, and Antioche haue
erred : so also the Church of
Rome hath 8 erred, not only in
their liuing and maner of cere-
monies, but also in matters of
fayth. 9
XX-
De Ecclesice autoritate.
Habet Ecclesia Ritus statuendi
ius, et in fidei controuersijs auto-
ritatem, quamuis 10 Ecclesise non
licet quicquam instituere, quod
verbo Dei scripto n aduersetur,
nee 12 unum scripturse locum sic
exponere potest, ut alteri contra-
dicat. Quare licet Ecclesia sit
diuinorum librorum testis et con-
seruatrix, attamen vt aduersus
XX.
Of the aucthoritie of the Church
The Church hath power to de-
cree Rites or Ceremonies, and
aucthoritie in controuersies of
fayth : And yet 13 it is not law-
full for the Church to ordayne
any thyng that is contrarie to
Gods worde written, neyther
may it so expounde one place of
scripture, that it be repugnaunt
to another. Wherefore, although
6 et] ut E, {error of the press).
' exiguntur] exigantur E, (perhaps a similar error).
' hath] haue LB.
8 matters of fayth] matters of theyr fayth LB: cf. col. 2.
10 Habet Ecclesia . . . quamuis] wanting in O, H, and elsewhere. See above, p. 142.
11 scripto] wanting in E.
12 nee] neque C, E.
13 The Church . . . And yet] wanting in LB, D.
318
APPENDIX HI.
1553.
illos 1 nihil credendum de neces-
sitate salutis debet obtrudere.
1553.
to decree any thing againste the
same, so besides the same ought
it not to enforce any thing to bee
belened for necessitie of salua-
tion.
XXII.
De authoritate Conciliorum Gene-
ralium
Generalia Concilia sine jussu et
voluntate Principum congregari
non possunt ; et nbi convenerint,
quia ex hominibus constant qui
non omnes spiritu et f verbis f
Dei reguntur, et errare possunt
et interdum errarunt, etiam in
his quae ad normam pietatis per-
tinent : ideo quaa ab illis con-
stituuntur, ut ad sahitem neces-
saria, neque robur habent neque
authoritatem, nisi ostendi pos-
sunt 2 e sacris Uteris esse de-
sumpta.*
XXIII.
De Purgatorio.
f Scholasticorum f doctrina de
Purgatorio, 4 de Indnlgentiis, de
veneratione et adoratione turn
XXII.
Of the aucthoritie of general
Counsailes.
Generall counsailes maie not
be gathered together, without
the commaundemente, and will
of Princes : and when thei be
gathered (forasmoche as thei be
an assemblie of men wherof all
be not gouerned with the spirite,
and woorde of GOD) thei maie
erre, and sometime haue erred,
not onely in -worldlie matters, but also
in thinges perteining vnto God.
Wherefore thinges ordeined by
theim, as necessarie to saluation,
haue neither strength, nor aucto-
ritie, onlesse it maie be declared,
that thei be taken out of holie
scripture.
XXIII.
Of Purgatorie.
+ The doctrine of Scholeauc-
thoures + concerning Purgatorie,
Pardones, worshipping, and ado-
1 attamen nt adversus . . . illos] ut prater illos J, (a line is probably omitted).
" ostendi possunt] ostendantur A.
3 A adds Possunt reges et pii magistrates non expectata conciliorum generalium
sententia aut convocatione in Republica sua juxta Dei verbum de rebus religionis
constituere.
* A adds de precatione pro defunctis. In like manner, we have in Hooper's 9th
Article, the doctrine of the schoolmen of purgatory, pardons, prayers for them that
are departed out of this world, &c.
APPENDIX III.
319
1563.
eos nihil decernere, ita preeter
illos nihil credendum de necessi-
tate salutis debet obtrudere.
1571.
the Churche be a witnesse and a
keper of holy writ : yet, as it
ought not to decree any thing
agaynst the same, so besides the
same, ought it not to enforce any
thing to be beleued for necessitie
of sahiation.
XXT.
De autoritate Conciliorum Gene,
ralium.
Generalia Concilia sine iussu et
uoluntate principum congregari
non possunt, et vbi connenerint,
quia ex hominibus constant, qui
non omnes spirito. et + uerbis f
Dei 5 reguntur, et errare possunt,
et interdum errarunt, etiam in
hijs quce ad normam pietatis per-
tinent : ideo 6 quee ab illis con-
stituuntur, ut ad salutem neces-
saria, neque robur habent, neque
autoritatem, nisi ostendi possint
e sacris Uteris esse desumpta.
XXI.
Of the aucthoritie of generall
Counselles.
Generall Counsels may not be
gathered together without the
commaundement and wyll of
princes. And when they be
gathered together (forasmuche
as they be an assemblie of men,
wherof all be not gouerned with
the spirite and word of God) they
may erre, and sometyme haue
erred, euen in thinges parteynyng
ynto God. Wherfore thinges
ordayned by them as necessary
to saluation,haue ney ther strength
nor aucthoritie, vnlesse it may be
declared that they be taken out
of holy Scripture.
XXII.
De Purgatorio.
Doctrina Eomanensium de Pur-
gatorio, de Indulgentijs, de vene-
ratione et adoratione turn Imagi-
num turn Reliquiarum, nee non
de inuocatione Sanctorum, res est
futilis, inaniter conficta, et nullis
XXII.
Of Purgatorie.
The Eomishe doctrine concern,
yng purgatorie, pardons, wor.
shipping and adoration as well of
images, as of reliques, and also
inuocation of Saintes, is a fonde
thing, vainly inuented, 7 and
verbis Dei] verbo Dei E. It is correcte I from verbis into verbo in C.
ideo] ideoque E.
inuented] fayned LB: cf. col. 2, p. 320.
320
APPENDIX III,
1553.
imagirram turn reliquiarum, nee
non de invocatione sanctorum, res
est futilis, inaniter conficta, et
nullis Scriptnrarum testimoniis
innititur, imo Verbo Dei perniciose
contradicit. 1
XXIV.
Nemo in Ecclesia ministret nisi
vocatus.
Non licet cuiquam sumere sibi
munns publice preedicandi, aut
adrninistrandi sacramenta in Ec-
clesia, 2 nisi prius fuerit ad hasc
obeunda legitime vocatns efc mis-
sus. Atque illos legitime vocatos
et missos existimare debemus,
qui per homines, quibus potestas
vocandi ministros atque mittendi
in vineam Domini 3 publice con-
cessa est in Ecclesia, cooptati
fuerint et asciti in hoc opus.
XXV.
Agendum est in Ecclesia lingua
quce sit populo nota.
fDecentissimum est et Verbo
Dei maxime congruit, ut nihil in
Ecclesia publice legatur aut re-
1553.
ration as well of images, as of
reliques, and also inuocation of
sainctes, is a fonde thing vainlie
f feigned f, and grounded vpon
no warraunt of scripture, but
rather repugnant to the woorde
of God.
XXIV.
No manne maie minister in the
Congregation, except he be called.
It is not lawful for any man to
take vpon him the office of Pub-
lique preaching, or ministring
the sacramentes in the congrega-
tion, 4 before he be lawfullie
called, and sent to execute the
same. And those we ought to
iudge lawfullie called, and sent,
whiche be chosen, and called to
this woorke by menne, who haue
publique auctoritie geuen vnto
them in the congregation, to cal,
and sende ministres into the
Lordes vineyarde.
XXV.
Menne must speake in the Con-
gregation in soche toung, as the
people vnderstandeth.
+It is moste senielie, and moste
agreable to the woorde of God,
1 res est futilis . . . contradicit] nullis innititur scripturarum testimoniis, sed est
res futilis et inaniter conficta J.
a A adds bene constituta.
3 A adds juxta verbum Dei.
* No maner of person of his own private authority to take upon him to preach the
AVord of God or to minister his sacraments openly, Hooper's 11th Article. He adds
that a lauful calling is to be known either by manifest signes and tokens out of
heaven, or els by such men unto whome appertained by office to appoint.
APPENDIX III.
321
1563.
Scriptnraram testimony's inniti-
tur, imo verbo Dei eontradicit. 5
1571.
grounded vpon no warrantie 6
of Scripture, but rather repug-
naunt to the worde of God.
XXIII.
Nemo in Ecclesia ministret nisi
uocatus. 7
Non licet cuiquam sumere sibi
munus publice prsedicandi, aut
administrandi Sacramenta in Ec-
clesia, nisi prius fuerit ad hasc
obeunda legitime uocatus et mis-
sus. Atque illos legitime uocatos
et missos existimare debemus,
qui per homines, quibus potestas
uocandi Ministros atque mittendi
in uineam Domini publice con-
cessa est in Ecclesia, cooptati
fuerint et asciti in hoc opus.
XXIV.
Agendum est in Ecclesia lingua
quce sit populo nota. 9
Lingua populo non intellecta
pnblicas in ecclesia preces pera-
gere, aut Sacramenta adminis-
trare, verbo Dei et primitiuae
XXIII.
Of mmistryng in the congrega-
tion.*
It is not lawful for any man to
take vpon hym the office of pub-
lique preachyng, or ministring
the Sacramentes in the congre-
gation, before he be lawfully
called and sent to execute the
same. And those we ought to
iudge lawfully called and sent,
whiche be chosen and called to
this worke by men who haue
publique aucthoritie geuen vnto
them in the congregation, to call
and sende ministers into the
Lordes vineyarde.
XXIV.
Of speaking in the congregation, in
such a tongue as the people
vnderstandeth. 10
It is a thing playnely repug-
naunt to the worde of God, and
the castome of the jtrimitiue
6 contradicit] pernitiose eontraclicit C, {but the adverb is run through").
6 warrantie] warrant D.
' De Vocatione ministrorum E.
* No man may minister in the congregation except he be called LB, D.
8 De Precibus publicis dicendis in Lingua Vulgari E.
" Men must speake in the' congregation in such tongue as the people understandeth
LB, D : cf. col. 2.
322
APPENDIX III.
1553.
citetur lingua populo ignota, idque
Paulus fieri vetuit, nisi adesset
qui interprstareturf.
XXVI.
De Sacra/mentis.
Dominus noster Jesus Christus Sacra-
mentis numero paucissimis, observatu
facillimis, significatione prEestantissimis,
societatem novi populi colli gavit, sicuti
est Baptiamus et Ccena Domini. 2
[
]
Sacramenta non instituta sunt
a, Christo ufc spectarentur aut cir-
cumferrentur, sed ufc rite ill is
uterernur : et in his duntaxat qui
digne percipiunt, salutavein ha-
bent effectutn, idque non ex opere (ut
quidam loquuntur) operato ; qure vox ut
peregrina est et sacris Uteris ignota, sic
parit sensum minime pium 3 sed admodum
superstitiosum : qui vero indigne
percipiunt, damnationem (ut in-
quit Paulus) sibi ipsis acquirunt. 4
Sacramenta per Verbum Dei
1553.
that in the congregation nothing
be openlie readde, or spoken in a
tongue vnknowen to the people, 1
the whiche thing S. Paule didde
forbidde, except some were pre-
eente that should declare the
samef.
XXVI.
Of the Sacramentes.
Our LORDE Jesus Christe hathe knitts
toguether a companie of newe people with
Sacramentes, moste fewe in numbre,
moste easie to bee kepte, moste excellent
in significatione, as is Baptisme, and the
Lordes Supper.
c
]
The Sacramentes were not or.
deined of Christe to be gased
vpon, or to be caried about, but
that we shoulde rightlie use them.
And in soche onely, as worthelie
receiue the same, thei haue an
wholesome effecte,and operacione,
and yet not that of the woorke wrought, 1
as some men speake, whiche worde, as it
is straunge, and vnknowen to holie Scrip-
ture : So it engendreth no Godlie, but
a verie supersticious sense. But thei
that receiue the Sacramentes vn-
1 Hooper adds to vernacular language due and distinct pronunciation.
2 A adds qua? duo tantum in ecclesia pro sacramentis a Christo Domino sunt instituta
et qua? sola sacramentorum propriam rationem habent. — Albeit that the imposition of
hands be tokens of the approbation of the ministers of the Church, according to the
example of the Apostles, yet it may not therefore be called a sacrament by like reason
as the other two sacraments are, Hooper's 39Wi Article.
' The Article in J ends here.
* Qui indigne ad baptismum et ad coenam Domini accedunt quamquam percipiunt
sacramenta, non tamen rem et salutarem effectual sacramentorum sumunt, imo,
quemadmodum Paulus dicit, damnationem sibi ipsis accersunt J.
' not of any force by vertue or strength of any outward worke of the same (which
of superstition is called opus operatum) but only by the vertue and meanes of tho
Iluly Ghost, TTonper's 2-itt Article.
APPENDIX III.
323
1563.
Ecclesise consuetudini plane re-
pugnat.
1571.
Churche, to haue publique prayer
in the Churche, or to minister
the Sacramentes in a tongue not
vnderstanded of the people.
XXV.
De Sacramentis.
Sacramenta a, Christo instituta,
non tantum sunt notse profes-
sionis Christianorum, sed certa
qusedam potius testinionia, et
efficacia signa gratiae atque bonae
in nos uoluntatis Dei, per quae
inuisibiliter ipse in nobis 6 opera-
tur, nostramque fidem in se, non
solum excitat, ueruiuetiam con-
firmat.
Duo a Christo Domino nostro
in Euangelio instituta sunt Sacra-
menta, scilicet Baptismus et
Coena Domini.
Quinque ilia uulgo nominata
Sacramenta, scilicet, Confirmatio,
Poenitentia, Ordo, Matrimonium,
et Extrema unctio, pro sacra-
mentis euangelicis habenda non
sunt, ut qua? partim a, praua
Apostolorum imitatione profluxe-
runt, 7 partim uitse status sunt in
scrip turis quidem probati, sed
sacramentorum eandem ciim bap-
tismo et coena Domini rationem
non habentes : quomodo nee
XXY.
Of the Sacramentes.
Sacramentes ordayned. of
Christe, be not onely badges or
tokens of Christian mens profes-
sion: but rather they be eertaine
sure witnesses and effectuall
signes of grace and Gods good
wyll toward.es vs, by the which
he doth worke inuisiblie in vs,
and doth not only quicken, but
also strengthen and confirme our
fayth in hym.
There are two Sacramentes
ordayned of Christe our Lorde
in the GosjDell, that is to say,
Baptisme, and the Supper of the
Lorde.
Those fyue, commonly called
Sacramentes, that is to say, Con-
firmation, Penaunce, Orders,
Matrimonie, and extreme Vnc-
tion, 8 are not to be compted 9
for Sacramentes of the gospel,
being such as haue growen partly
of the corrupt folowing of the
Apostles, partly are states of life
alowed in the scriptures : but yet
nobis] nos E.
profluxerunt] profluxerint 0.
Vnction] annoyling LB, D.
comptedj accompted LB.
324
APPENDIX III.
1553.
instituta, non tantum sunt notse
professionis Christianorum, sed
certa qnoBtlam potius testirnonia
et efficacia signa gratia? atque
bona? in nos voluntatis Dei, per
qnse invisibiliter ipse in nobis
operatur, nostrarnqne fidem in se
non solum excitat, verum etiam
confirmat. 1
1553.
woorthelic, 2 purchaee to theim-
selues damnatione, as Saincte
Paule saietb.
Sacramentes ordeined by the
worde of God be not onely
badges, and tokens of Christien
Mennes professione, but rather
thei bee certeme sure witnesses,
and effectuall sigues of grace,
and Goddes good will towarde vs,
by the whiche he dothe worke
inuisiblie in vs, and dothe not
onlie quicken, but also strengthen ,
and confirrne our faith in him. 3
XXVII.
Ministrorum malitia non tollit effi-
caciam institutionum divina-
vum.
Quamvis in Ecclesia visibili,
bonis mali siut semper admixti,
atque interdum ministerio verbi
et Sacramentorum administra-
tion! pra3sint, tamen cum non
suo sed Christi nomine agant,
ejusque mandate et authoritate
ministrent, il'orum ministerio uti
licet, cum in Verbo Dei audiendo,
turn in Sacramontis i^ercipiendis :
neque per illorum malitiam ef-
fectus institutorum Christi tolli-
XXVII.
Tiie tvichednesse of the Ministres
dooeth not take awaie the effect-
uall operation of Goddes ordi-
nances.
Although in the visible Churcho
the euill be euer mingled with
the good, and sometime the euil
haue chief aucthoritie in the
ministration of the worde and
Sacramentes : Yet forasmoche as
thei doe not the same in their
owne name, but dooe minister by
Christes commission, and auc-
toritie : we maie use their
ministerio bothe in hearing the
1 The whole of this clause, both Latin and English, is transposed in 1563.
* do r.ot receive the virtue and true effect of the same sacraments, although they
receive the externall signes and elementes of the sacraments, Hooper's 11th Article.
3 not only signes and notes of the profession of Christian men, but also certaine
impressions or prints of the grace and good-will of God towards us, which thing
is made perfect in us, when inwardly the Holy Ghost worketh that our faith may
apprehend the thing that is signified by the Word aud the sacraments, Hooper's 2'ird
Article.
APPENDIX III.
325
1563.
Pcenitentia, 4 ut quee sigrnim ali-
quod uisibile seu casrernoniaui a
Deo institutam 5 non habeat. 6
Sacramenta non in hoc insti-
tuta sunt a, Christo, ut spectaren-
tur, aut circumferrentur, sed ut
rite illis nteremur : et in liijs
duntaxat qui digne percipiunt,
salutarem habent effectum : qui
uero indigne percipiunt, dam-
nationem (ut inquit Paulus)
sibi ipsis acquirunt.
1571.
haue not lyke nature of Sacra-
mentes with Baptisme and the
Lordes Supper, for that they
haue not any visible signe or
ceremonie ordayned of God.
The Sacramentes were not or-
dayned of Christ to be gased vpon,
or to be caryed about : but that
we should duely use them. And
in such only, as worthyly receaue
the same, they haue a wholesome
effect or 7 operation : But they
that receaue them vnworthyly,
purchase to them seines damna-
tion, as S. Paul sayth.
XXVI.
Ministrorum malitia non tollit
efficaciam institutionum diui-
narum.*
Qvamuis in Ecclesia uisibili
bonis mali semper sint 9 admixti,
atque interdum ministerio uerbi
et sacramentorum administra-
tioni prsBsint, tanien cum non suo
sed Christi nomine agant, eiusque
mandato et autoritate ministrent,
illorum ministerio uti licet, cum
in verbo Dei audiendo, turn in
sacramentis percipiendis. Neque
XXVI.
Of the vnivorthynesse of the minis-
ters, which hinder not the effect
of the Sacramentes.™
Although in the visible Churche
the euyl be euer myngled with
the good, and sometime the euyll
haue cheefe aucthoritie in the
ministration of the worde and
Sacramentes : yet forasmuch as
they do not the same in their
owne name but in Christes, and
do minister by his commission
and aucthoritie, 11 we may vse
* quomodo nee Pcenitentia] omitted in E, but also found in tlie Latin form of 1563
in State Papers, Vol. xxvn. $ 41 a.
6 institutam] institum E.
G habeat] habeant E.
' or] and LB.
8 De vi Institutionum Divinarum, quod earn non tollat malitia ministrorum E.
sint] sunt C.
10 The wickedness of the ministers doth not take away the effectual operation of
God's ordinances LB, D : cf. col. 2.
1 1 but in Christes and do minister by his commission and aucthoritie] but do minister
by Christes commission and aucthoryte LB, D.
326
APPENDIX III.
1553.
tor, aut gratia donorum Dei
minuitur quoad eos, qui fide et
rite sibi oblata percipiunt, quso
propter institutionem Christi et
promissionem efiicacia sunt, licet
per rnalos adininistrentur. Ad
Ecclesias tamen disciplinam per-
tinet, ut in feosf inquiratur, ac-
cusenturque ab iis, qui eorum
flagitia noverint, atque tandem
justo convicti judicio, deponan-
tur.
1553.
worde of God, and in the receiu-
ing the sacramentes, neither is
the effecte of Goddes ordinaunces
taken awaie 1 by their wicked-
nesse, or the grace of Goddes
giftes diminished from soche, as
by faieth and rightlie receiue the
Sacramentes ministred vnto them ,
whiche bee effectuall, because of
Christes institutione and promise,
although thei be ministred by
euil men. Neuerthelesse it ap-
perteineth to the discipline of
the Churche, that enquirie be
made of t soche, f and that thei
bee accused by those that haue
knowelege of their offences, and
finally being founde guiltie by
iust iudgenient, be deposed.
XXYIII.
De Baptismo.
Baptismns non est tantmn sig-
num professionis ac discriminis
nota, qua Christiani a non Chris-
tianis discernuntur, sed etiam est
signum regenerationis, per quod
tanquam per instrumentum recte
Baptismum suscipientes, Ecclesise
inferuntur, 2 promissiones de re-
missione peccatorum atque adop-
tione nostra in filios Dei per
Spiritum Sanctum visibiliter 3
obsignantur, fides confirmatur,
XXVIII.
Of Baptisme.
Baptisme is not onelie a signe
of profession, and marke of dif-
ference, wherby Cliristien menne
are discerned from other that bee
not christened, but it is also a
signe, and seale of our newe
birth, whereby, as by an instru-
ment thei that receiue Baptisme
rightlie, are grafted in the
Churche, the promises of f orgeue-
nesse of shine, and our adoption
to bee the sonnes of God, [
1 The malice of the minister cannot derogate nor hurt the doctrine, verity and
majesty of God's word and his sacraments, Hooper's 25th Article.
* inferuntur] inseruntur B, visibiliter inserimur A.
• visibiliter] ivanting in A.
APPENDIX III.
327
1563.
per illorum malitiam effectus in-
Btitutorum Christi tollitur, aut
gratia donorum Dei minuitur,
quoad eos qui fide et rite sibi
oblata percipiunt, quee propter
institutionem CHRISTI efc pro-
missionem efiieacia sunt, licet
per malos administrentur.
Ad EcclesiEe tamen disciplinam
pertinet, ut in malos ministros
inquiratur, accusenturque ab hijs,
qui eorum flagitia nouerint, atque
tandem iusto conuicti indicio,
deponantur.
XXVII.
J)e Baptismo.
Baptismus non est tantum pro.
fessionis signum ac discriminis
nota, qua Christiani a non Chris-
tianis discernantur, sed etiam est
signum Regenerations, per quod
tanquam per instrumentum recte
baptismum suspitientes, 6 ecclesise
insemntur, promissiones de Re-
missione peccatorum atque Adop-
tione nostra in filios Dei, per
Spiritual sanctum uisibiliter ob-
1571.
their ministrie, both in hearing
the word of God, and in the re-
ceauing of the Sacramentes.
Neither is y e effecte of Christes
ordinaunce 4 taken away by their
wickednesse, nor the grace of
Gods gyf tes diminished from such
as by fayth and ryghtly do re-
ceaue the Sacramentes ministered
vnto them, which be effectuall,
because of Christes institution
and promise, although they be
ministred by euyll men.
Neuertheless, it apparteyneth
to the discipline of the Churche,
that enquirie be made of euyl
ministres, 5 and that they be
accused by those that haue know-
ledge of their offences : and
finally, beyng founde gyltie by
iust iudgement, be deposed.
XXVII.
Of Baptisme.
Baptisme is not only a signe of
profession, and marke of differ-
ence, whereby Christian men are
discerned from other that be not
christened : but is also a signe
of regeneration or newe byrth, 7
whereby as by an instrument,
they that receaue baptisme
rightly, are grafted into the
Churche : the promises of the
forgeuenesse of sinne, and of 8
* Christes ordinaunce] God's ordinaunces LB.
1 euyl ministers] such LB: cf. col. 2.
* suspitientes] an error of the press for suscipientes.
' a signe of regeneration or newe byrth] a Eigne and seale of oar newe byrth
LB: cf.col. 2.
* of] wanting in LB,
328
APPENDIX III.
1553.
et vi divinse invocationis gratia
augetur. f Mos Ecclesiee bap-
tizandi parvolos et laudandus et
oninino in Ecclesia retinendus.f 1
1553.
are visiblie signed and sealed,
faith is confirmed, and grace in-
creased by vertue of praier vnto
God. f The custome of tho
Churche to christen yonge chil-
dren, is to bee commended, and
in any wise to bee reteined in
the Churche. f
XXIX.
De Coma Domini. 2
Ccena Domini non est tantum
signum mutuse benevolenticC
Christianorum inter sese, verum
potius est Sacramentum, nostras
per mortem Christi redemptionis.
Atque ade5 rite, digne et cum
fide sumentibus, panis quern
frangimus est communicatio cor-
poris Christi : Similiter poculum
benedictionis est communicatio
sanguinis Christi.
XXIX.
Of the Lordes Supper.
The Supper of the Lorde is
not onely a signe of the loue that
Christiens ought to haue among
theim selues one to another, bub
rather it is a sacrament of our
redemption by Christes death,
insomoche that to soche as
rightlie, woorthelie, and •with
faieth receine the same, the
breade whiche we breake, is a
communion of the bodie of
Christe. Likewise the Cuppe of
blessing, is a Communion of the
bloude of Christe.
Transubstanciation, 3 or the
chaunge of the substaunce of
breade, and wine into the sub-
staunce of Christes bodie, and
bloude cannot be proued by holie
writte, but is repugnaunt to the
Panis ec vini transubstantiatio
in Eucharistia, ex sacris literis
probari non potest, sed apertis
Scripturse verbis adversatur
] et multaruin super-
stitionum dcdit occasionem.
1 Baptismus infantium Cbristianorum et laudandus est, et omnino in ecclesia
retinendus A. Wlicreas in the Articles of Christian Doctrine (above, p. 117, n. 1)
the clause stands : ' The baptising of younge children is to be comended and any wise
to be reteyned in the Churche of Christ as a thing fully grounded vpon Goddes worde
and alwaies contynued in the Church from the Apostles tyme.'
3 In A this article is divided into four, each consistingofa clause according to the
present subdivision. See above, p. 285.
3 or any maner of corporall, or locall presence of Christ in, under or with tho
bread and wine, Hooper's 'Jth Article. He adds that what we receive is the confirma-
tion and augmentation of all the merits and deservings of Christ.
APPENDIX III.
829
1563.
signantur, fides confirrnatur, et
ui diuinse inuocationis, gratia
augetur.
Baptismus paruulorum omnino
in ecclesia retinendus est, ut qui
cum Christi institutione optime
congrruat.
1571.
our adoption to be the sonnes of
God, by the holy ghost, are visibly
signed and sealed : fayth is con-
fyrmed : and grace increased by
vertue of prayer vnto God. The
baptisme of young children is in
any wyse to be retayned in the
Churche, as most agreable with
the institution of Christe.
xxvnr.
De Coena Domini.
Ccena Domini non est tantum
signum mutuse beneuolentia?
Christianorum inter sese, uerum
potiiis est sacramentum nostra?
per mortem Christi redemptionis.
Atque adeo rite, digue et cum
fide sumentibus, panis quern
frangimus, est communicatio cor-
poris Christi : similiter poculum
benedictionis, est communicatio
sanguinis Christi.
Panis et vini transubstantiatio
in Eucharistia, ex sacris Uteris
probari non potest, sed apertis
scripture verbis aduersatur,
sacramenti naturam euertit, et
multarum superstitionum dedit
occasionem.
XXVIII.
Of the Lordes Supper.
The Supper of the Lord is not
only a signe of the loue that
Christians ought to haue among
them selues one to another : but
rather it is a Sacrament of our
redemption by Christes death.
Insomuch that to suche as ryght-.
lie, worthyly, and with fayth
receaue the same the bread
whiche we breake is a parttak-
yng 4 of the body of Christe, and
like wyse the cuppe of blessing is
a .parttakyng of the blood of
Christe.
Transubstantiation (or the
chaunge of the substannce of
bread and wine) in the Supper
of the Lorde, 5 can not be proued
by holye writ, but is repugnaunt
to the playne wordes of scripture,
* parttaking] This word was exchanged for communion, which is the reading of
LB,D.
6 in the Supper of the Lorde] into the substance of Christ's body and bloode
LB, D.
The following clause was here added in C, but struck out in the Synod : Chris-
tus in ccelum ascendens, corpori suo Immortalitatem dedit, Naturam non abstulit;
humane enim nature veritatem, (iuxta Scriptures') perpetuo retinet, quam uno et
definito loco esse, et non in multa, vel omnia simul loca diffundi oportet. Quum
330
APPENDIX III.
1553.
Quum naturre humanae Veritas requirat,
tit unius ejusdemque hominis corpus in
niultis locis simul esse non posset, sed in
uno aliquo et definito [ ] loco esse
oporteat, 1 idcirco Christi corpus, in multis
et diversis locis, eodem tempore, praasens
esse non potest. Et quoniam, ut tradunt
Sacra litera?, Christus in Ccelum fuit
sublatus, et ibi usque ad finem seculi est
permansurus, non debet quisquam fide-
lium carnis ejus et sanguinis Realem et
Corporalem (ut loquuntur) prasentiam
in Eucbaristia vel credere vel proflteri.
Sacramentum Eucharistise ex
institutione Christ! 2 non serva-
batur, circumferebatur, eleva-
batur, nee adorabatur. 3
1553.
plaine woordes of Scripture, [ ]
and hath geuen occasion to many
supersticions.
Forasmoche as the trueth of mannes
nature requiretb, that the bodie of one,
and tbeeelf same manne cannot be at one
time in diuerse places, but must nedes be
in some one certeine place: Therefore tbe
bodie of Christe cannot bee presente at
one time in many, and diuerse places.
And because (as holie Scripture doeth
teache) Christe was taken vp into heauen,
and there shall continue vnto thende of
the worlde, a faithful man ought not,
either to beleue, or openlie to confesse the
reall, and bodilie presence (as thei terme
it) of Christes fieshe and bloude, in the
Sacramente of the Lordes Bupper.
The Sacramente of the Lordes
supper was not commaunded by
Christes ordinaunce to be kepte,
caried about, lifted vp, nor wor-
shipped.
igitur Christus in celum sublatus, ibi usque ad finem seculi permansurus, atque inde
non aliunde (ut loquitur Augustinus) venturus sit, ad iudicandum viuos et mortuosi
non debet quisquam fidelium, et carnis eius, et sanguinis, realem, et corporalem (ut
loquuntur) presentiam in Eucbaristia vel credere, vel profited. Corpus tamen Christi
datur etc.
1 ut unius ejusdemque .
certo quodam et definito A.
3 J adds nee ex usu primitives Ecclcsi*.
J nee adorabatur] ut adoretur J.
oporteat] ut in multis locis simul esse non possit, sed
APPENDIX III.
331
1563.
Corpus Christi datur, accipitnr,
et manducatur in coena, tantum
ccelesti et spirituali ratione.
Medium autem quo Corpus
Christi accipitur, et manducatur
in ccena, fides est.
1571.
onerthroweth 4 the nature of a
Sacrament, and hath geuen occa-
sion to many superstitions.
The body of Christe is geuen,
taken, and eaten in the Supper
only after an heauenly and spiri-
tuali maner: 5 And 6 the meane
whereby the body of Christe is
receaued and eaten in the Supper,
is fayth.
Sacramentum Eucharistise ex
institutione Christi non seruaba-
tur, circumferebatur, eleuabatur,
nee adorabatur.
The Sacrament of the Lordes
Supper was not by Christes ordi-
naunce reserued, caryed about,
lyfted vp, or 7 worshipped.
XXIX.
f» Of the wicked which do not eate
the oody of Christe in the vse
of the Lordes Supper.
The wicked, and suche as be
voyde of a liuelye fayth, although
they do carnally and visibly presse
* onerthruwfch] perverteth LB.
5 only after . . . maner] after . . . maner onely LB.
" And] But LB, D. ' or] nor LB.
8 This Article is wanting in State Papers, Vol. xxvn. J 41 a (see above, p. 140,
n. 5), and in all theprinted copies until 1571. It is found, however, in State Papers,
Vol. xxvn. $5 40, 41 ; and in the former there is adled, in a marginal note of the
same period: 'This in ye original, but not prynted.' It is also found in C and D,
in the former of which it stands as follows : Inipii, et fide viua destituti, licet carna-
liter et visibiliter (vt Augustinus loquitur) corporis et sanguinis Christi sacramentum
dentibus premant, nullo tamen modo Christi participes efficiuntur. Sed potius tante
rei Sacramentum seu Symbolum, ad judicium sibi manducant et bibunt.' Similarly
E. With respect to the marginal reference, ' super Joann. Tract. 26,' rvhich exists
in the Latin Parker MS., and in a unique copy of the English Articles <j/15Vl, see
above, p. 138, n. 1, and Mr. Swainson's Essay on Art. xxix. pp. 40, 41.
332
APPENDIX III.
1553.
1553.
XXX.
Be unica Christi oblatione in
cruce perfecta.
Oblatio Christi semel facta, 1
perfecta est redemptio, propi-
tiatio et satisfactio pro omni-
bus peccatis totius mundi, tam
originalibus quam actnalibus :
neque praster illam unicam est
ulla alia pro peccatis expiatio.
Unde Missamm sacrificia, quibus
vulgo dicebatur, Sacerdotem
offerre Christum in remissionem
pcense aut culpse 2 pro vivis et
defunctis, figmenta sunt, et per-
niciosse imposturas.
XXX.
Of the perfeicte oblation of Christe
made vpon the crosse.
The offring of Christe made
ones for euer, is the perfecte
redemption, the pacifiyng of
goddes displeasure, and satisfac-
tion for al the sinnes of the wholo
world, 3 bothe original and actuall :
and there is none other satisfac-
tion for sinne, but that alone.
Wherefore the sacrifices of
masses, in the whiche, it was
commonlie saied, that the Frieste
did jpffre Christe for the quicke
and the dead, to haue remis-
sion of peine or fsinne,f were
1 semel facta] semel in cruce facta J.
2 in remissionem poena; aut culpa'] wanting in A, J.
3 for all sins of all times to all men believing in the same sacrifice, Hooper's
15Mi Article.
APPENDIX III.
333
1563.
1571.
with their teeth (as Saint Augus-
tine sayth) the Sacrament of the
body and blood of Christ : yet in
no wyse are the[y] partakers of
Christe, but rather to their con-
demnation do eate and drinke the
signe or Sacrament of so great a
thing 1 .
XXIX.
Be Vtraque Specie.
Calix Domini Laicis non est
denegandus : utraque enim pars
dominici sacramenti ex Christi
institutione et prascepto, omnibus
Christianis ex aequo administrari
debet.
XXX.
Of both hindes.
The cuppe of the Lorde is not
to be denyed to the laye people.
For both the partes of the Lordes
Sacrament, by Christes ordinance
and commaundement, ought to be
ministred to all Christian men
alike.
XXX.
De unica Christi oblatione in
Cruce perfecta.
Oblatio Christi semel facta,
perfecta est redemptio, propi-
tiatio, et satisfactio pro omnibus
peccatis totius mundi, tarn
originalibus quam actualibus.
Neque praeter illam unicam est
ulla alia pro peccatis expiatio.
Vnde missarum sacrificia, quibus
uulgo dicebatur, Sacerdotem
offerre Christum in remissionem
posnaa aut culpae pro uiuis et de-
functis, blasphema figmenta sunt,
et pernitiosae imposturaa.
XXXI.
Of the one oblation of Christe
finished vppon the Crosse.
The offering of Christ once
made, 4 is the perfect redemption,
propiciation, and satisfaction 5 for
all the sinnes of the whole
worlde, both originall and actual],
and there is none other satisfac-
tion for sinne, but that alone.
Wherefore the sacrifices of
Masses, in the which it was com-
monly said that the Priestes did
offer Christe for the quicke and
the dead, to haue remission of
payne orgylt, were blasphemous 6
fables, and daungerous deceits.
* once made] once made for euer LB : cf. col. 2.
5 redemption, propiciation, and satisfaction] redemption, the pacifying of God's
displeasure and satisfaction LB.
6 blasphemous] forged LB, D : cf. col. 2.
334
APPENDIX III.
1553.
1553.
forged fables, and daungerouse
deceiptes. 1
XXXI.
■fCcelibatus ex verbo Dei prcecipi-
tur nemini.
Episcopis, Presbyteris et Dia-
conis non est mandatum ut coeli-
batum voveant : neque jure
divino coguntur matriraonio 2
abstinere.f 3
XXXI.
f The state of single life is com-
maunded to no man by the
worde of God.
Bishoppes, Priestes, and Dea-
cons are not commaunded to
vowe the state of single life
without mariage, neither by
Goddes lawe are thei compelled
to absteine from matrimonie.f
XXXII.
Exconvmunicati vitandi sunt.
Qui per publicam Ecclesia? de-
nunciationem rite 4 ab nnitate
Ecclesise prascisus etexcommuni-
catus, is ab universa fidelium
multitudine, donee per poeniten-
tiam publice reconciliatus fuerit
arbitrio Judicis competentis,
habendus est tanquam Ethnir.us
et Pnblioanns.
XXXII.
Excommunicate 'persones are to
bee auoided.
That persone, whiche by open
denunciacion of the Churche, is
rightlie cut of from the vnitie of
the Chnrche, and excommunicate,
ought to be taken of the whole
multitude of the faiethful, as an
Heathen and publicane, vntil he
bee openlie reconciled by pen-
aunce, and receiued into the
Churche by a Judge that hath
aucthoritie thereto.
1 The popish muss is a rueere enemy against God's word and Christ's institu-
tion . . . Albeit it doth retaine in it certaine Lessons of the Holy Scriptures, yet it
is nothing better to be esteemed than the verses of the sorcerer or enchanter that be
nothing more to be esteemed for certaine holy wordes murmured and spoaken in secret,
Hooper's 2Si/i Article.
2 matrimonio] a matrimonio J.
3 A adds si donum non habeant, tametsi vouerint, quandoquidem hoc voti genus
verbo Dei repugnat. Hooper adds thai the forbidding of marriage is the doctrine of
divells.
* rile] propter capitalia crimina A.
APPENDIX III.
335
15C3.
1571.
XXXI.
Be Coniugio Sacerdotum.
Episcopis, Presbyteris et Dia-
oonis, nullo mandate diuino prae-
ceptum est, ufc ant coelibatum
uoueant, aut a matrimonio absti.
neant. Licet igitur etiam illis, vt
cseteris omnibus Christianis, vbi
hoc ad pietatem magis facere
iudicauerint, pro sno arbitrate
matrimonium contrahere.
XXXII.
Of the manage of Priestes.
Byshops, Priestes,and Deacons,
are not commannded by Gods
lawe eyther to vowe the estate
of single lyfe, or to abstayne from
mariage. Therefore it is lawfull
also for them, as for all other
Christian men, to mary at their
owne discretion, as they shall
iudge the same to serue better to
godlynesse.
XXXII.
Excommunicati uitandi sunt. 5
Qvi per publicam Ecclesiaa de-
nuntiationem rite ab nnitate eccle-
sise prascisus est et excommuni-
cates, is ab uniuersa fidelium
multitudine, donee per pceniten-
tiam publice reconciliatus fuerit,
arbitrio Iudicis competentis, ha-
bendus est tanquam Ethnicus et
Publicamis.
XXXIII.
Of excommunicate persons, lioive
they are to be auoided. 6
That person whiche by open
denuntiation of the Churche, is
ryghtly cut of from the vnitie of
the Churche, and excommuni-
cated, ought to be taken of the
whole multitude of the faythfull
as an Heathen and Publicane,
vntill he be openly reconciled by
penaunce, and receaued into the
Churche by a iudge that hath
aucthoritie thereto.
" Da Excommnnicatis vitanclls E.
* Excommunicate persons are to be avoided LB, D.
333
ArPENDIX III.
1553.
XXXIII.
Traditiones Ecclesiastics.
Traditiones atque casrernonias
easdem non omnino necessarium
est esse ubique, aut prorsus con-
6imiles, nam varias et semper
/uerunt et mutari possunt pro
regionum [ ] et mormn
diversitate ; modo nihil contra
Dei verbnm instituater.
Traditiones et cajremonias Ec-
clesiasticas, quse cum Verbo Dei
non pugnant et snnt authoritate
publica institute atque probata?,
quisquis private consilio volens et
data opera publico violaverit, is,
ut qui peccat in publicum ordi-
nem Ecclesia3, quique laedit au-
thoritatem Magistrates, et qui
innrmorum fratrum conscientias
vulnerat, publice, ut cseteri time-
ant, arguendus est.
c
1553.
XXXIII.
Traditions of the CTiurclie.
It is not necessarie that tradi.
cions and ceremonies bee in all
places one, or vtterlie like. For
at al times thei haue been diners,
and maie bee chaunged, accord.
ing to the diuersitie of countries,
i ] and mennes maners, so
that nothing bee ordeined against
goddes worde.
Whosoeuer through his prinate
iudgement willinglie, and pur.
poselie doeth openlie breake the
tradicions and ceremonies of the
Churche, 1 whiche bee not repug-
naunte to the worde of God, and
bee ordeined, and approued by
common aucthoritie, ought to bo
rebuked openlie (that other maie
feare to doe the like) as one that
offendeth against the common
ordre of the churche, and hurteth
thauctoritie of the Magistrate,
and woundeth the consciences of
the weake brethren.
[
1 willingly or openly with slanders do violate and break any ceremonies made and
anproued by the Kings majesties authority, Hooper's 16th Article.
APPENDIX III.
337
15S3.
XXXIII.
Traditiones Ecclesiastic®. 2
Traditiones atque caeremonia3
easdem, non QTimino necessarium
est esse ubique aut prorsus consi-
miles. Nam et uariaa semper f ue-
runt, et mutari possunt, pro regio-
nnm, temporum, 3 et morum diuer.
sitate, modo nihil contra uerbum
Dei instituatur.
Traditiones et caaremonias eccle-
siasticas quae cum uerbo Dei non
pugnant, et suntautoritate publica
institutae atque probatae, quisquis
priuato consilio uolens et data
opera publice uiolauerit, is, ut
qui peccat in publicum ordinem
ecclesiae, quique lasdit autoritatem
Magi stratus, et qui infirmorum
fratrum conscientias uulnerat,
publice, ut cseteri timeant, ar.
guendus est.
Quaelibet ecclesia particulars,
siue nationalis, autoritatem habet
instituendi, mutandi, aut abro-
gandi caeremonias aut ritus Eccle-
siasticos, humana tantum autori-
tate institutos, modo omnia ad
aedificationem fiant.
4 Tomus secundus Homiliarum,
quarum singulos titulos huic Arti-
culo subiunxhnus, continet piam et
1571.
XXXIV.
Of the traditions of the Churche.
It is not necessarie that tradi-
tions and ceremonies be in al
places one, or vtterly like, for at
all times they haue ben diuerse,
and may be chaunged accordyng
to the diuersitie of countreys,
times, and mens maners, so that
nothing be ordeyned against Gods
worde. Whosoeuer through his
priuate iudgement, wyllyngly and
purposely doth openly breake the
traditions and ceremonies of the
Church, which be not repugnaunt
to the worde of God, and be or-
dayned and approued 5 by common
aucthoritie, ought to be rebuked
openly, (that other may feare to
do the lyke) as he 6 that offendeth
agaynst the Common order of the
Churche, and hurteth the auc-
thoritie of the Magistrate, and
woundeth the consciences of the
weak brethren.
Euery particuler or nationall
Churche, hath aucthoritie to or-
daine, chaunge, andabolishe cere-
monies or rites of the Churche or-
deyned onlye by mans aucthoritie,
so that all thinges be done to edi-
fiyng.
2 De Traditionibus Ecclesiasticis E.
3 temporum] added in C with a red pencil.
4 This is the natural point of division, but no title exists in C, D, or LB, to dis-
join the account of the Homilies from the foregoing Article. Where a number is
found at all it is affixed to the title of the first Homily; but the error is corrected in
E, which contains also the title De Homiliis.
6 ordayned and approued] ordeined and appointed D.
* he] one LB, D.
338 appendix in.
1553. 1553.
xxxiv. xxxrv.
f Homilice. f Homilies.
Homiliae nuper Ecclesiae Angh. TJiomelies of late geuen, and
canse per injunction es Regias tra- set out by the kinges aucthoritie,
ditse atque commendatse, piae sunt be godlie and hoi some, conteining
atque salutares, doctrinamque ab doctrine to bee receiued of all
omnibus amplectendam conti- menne, and therefore are to be
nent : quare populo diligenter, readde ! to the people diligentlie,
expedite, clareque recitandse distinctlie, and plainliet.
suntf.
without omission of any part thereof, Hooper's lith Article.
APPENDIX in.
339
1563.
salutarem doctrinam, et hijs tem-
poribus necessariam, non minua
quam prior Tomus Homiliarum
quae edita3 sunt tempore Edwardi
sexti. Itaque eas in ecclesijs per
ministros diligenter et clare, ut a,
populo intelligipossint, recitandas
esse iudicamus.
1571.
XXXIV.
Catalogus Homiliarum.
De recto ecclesiae usu.
Aduerstis Idololatrise pericula.
De reparandis ac purgandis ec-
clesijs.
De bonis operibus.
De ieiunio.
In guise atque ebrietatis nitia.
In nimis sumptuosos uestium ap-
paratus.
De oratione siue precatione.
De loco et tempore orationi des-
tinatis.
De publicis precibus ac Sacra-
mentis, idiomate uulgari omni-
busque noto, habendis.
De sacrosancta uerbi divini au-
toritate.
De eleemosina.
De Christi natiuitate.
De dominica passione.
De resurrectione Domini.
XXXV.
Of Homilies.
The seconde booke of Homi-
lies, the seuerall 2 titles whereof
we haue ioyned vnder this article,
doth 3 conteyne a godly and whole-
some doctrine, and necessarie for
these tymes 4 , as doth the former
booke of Homilies, whiche were
set foorth in the time of 5 Edwarde
the sixt : and therefore we iudge
them to be read in Churches 6 by
the Ministers diligently, 7 and
distinctly, that they may be vn-
derstanded of the people.
Of 8 the names of the Homilies.
1 Of the right vse of the Churche.
2 Agaynst perill of Idolatrie.
3 Of repayring and keping cleane
of Churches.
4 Of good workes,first of f astyng.
5 Agaynst gluttony and drunken-
3 seuerall] wanting in LB, D.
3 doth] do LB, D.
4 these tymes] this time LB, D.
5 in the time of] at London vnder LB.
* we iudge them to be read in churches] are to be read in our churches LB, D.
' LB and D add playnely.
" Of] wanting in LB, D.
340
APPENDIX in.
1553.
1553.
XXXV.
f Be Libro Prcecationum et ' ccere.
moniarum Ecclesice Anglicance.
Liber quinuperrimeauthoritate
Regis & Parliamenti Ecclesise An-
glicanae traditus est, continens
modum & formam orandi, & Sacra,
menta administrandi in Ecclesia
Anglicana : similiter & libellus
eadem authoritate editus de ordi-
natione ministronim Ecclesia?,
quoad doctrinae veritatem, pii
sunt, & salutari doctrinae Evan-
XXXV.
f Of the looke of Praiers, and
Ceremonies of the Churche of
Englande.
The Booke whiche of very late
time was genen to the Churche of
Englande by the kinges auctho-
ritie, and the Parlamente, contein-
ing the maner and fonrme of
praiyng, and ministring the Sacra-
mentes in the Churche of Eng-
lande, likewise also the booke of
ordring Ministers of the Churche,
set foorth by the f orsaied aucthori.
1 Praecationum et] wanting in A.
APPENDIX HI.
341
1563.
De digna corporis efc sanguinis
dominici in coena Domini
participatione.
De donis spiritus sancti.
In diebus, qui uulgo Rogationum
dicti sunt, concio.
De matrimonii statu.
De otio seu socordia.
De pcenitentia. 2
1571.
6 Against excesse of apparell.
7 Of prayer.
8 Of the place and time of prayer.
9 That common prayers and
Sacramentes ought to be
ministred in a knowen
tongue.
10 Of the reuerente estimation
of Gods worde. 3
11 Of almes doing.
12 Of the Natiuitie of Christe.
13 Of the passion of Christe.
14 Of the resurrection of Christe.
15 Of the worthie receauing of
the Sacrament of the body
and blood of Christe.
16 Of the gyftes of the holy
ghost.
17 For the Eogation dayes.
18 Of the state of Matrimonie.
19 Of repentaunce.
20 Agaynst Idlenesse.
21 Agaynst rebellion. 4
XXXV.
Libellus de Consecratione
Archiepiscopornm & Episcopo-
rum & de ordinatione Presby-
terorum & Diaconorum asditua
nuper temporibus Edwardi sexti,
XXXVI.
Of consecration of Bishops and
ministers. 6
The booke of Consecration of
Archbyshops, and Byshops, and
ordering of Priestes and Deacons,
lately set foorth in the time of
Edwarde 7 the sixt, and con-
2 The above titles are given in English by C, E (also in State Papers, Vol. xxvn.
} 41 a) ; with the Homily Of Repentance, preceding that Against Idlenes.
3 In the Book of Homilies entitled An Information for them which take offence at
certain places of Scripture.
* This Homily being first printed in 1571 is not mentioned in LB or D.
" Title wanting here and in C, but supplied as folloivs by E: De episcoporum et
Ministrorum Consecratione. " Title wanting in LB.
7 of Edwarde] of the most noble Kinge Edwarde LB, D.
342
APPENDIX III.
1553.
gelii in millo repugnant sed con-
gruunt, & eandem non parnm pro-
niovent & illustrant, atqne ideo '
ab omnibus Ecclesise Anglicanae
fidelibus membria, & maxime a
ministris verbi cum omni prompti-
tudine animorum & gratiarum
actione, recipiendi, approbandi, &
populo Dei commendandi suntf. 2
1553.
tie, are godlie, and in no poincte
repugnaunt to the holsome doc-
trine of the Gospel but agreable
thereunto, ferthering and beauti-
fiying the same not a litle, and
therfore of al faithfull membres
of the Churche of Englande, and
chieflie of the ministers of the
worde, thei ought to be receiued,
and allowed with all readinesse of
minde, and thankes geuing, and
to bee commended to the people
of Godf.
XXXVI.
Be civilihus Magistratibus.
fRex Anglias est supremum ca-
put in terris, post Christum, Eccle-
sise Anglicanse & Hibernicasf. 3
c
XXXVI.
Of Ciuile magistrates.
fThe king of Englande is Su-
preme head in earth, nexte vnder
Christe, of the Churche of Eng-
lande, and Jrelandef.
[
3
1 et salutari doctrinae . . . atque ideo] et quoad ceremoniarum rationem salutari
Evangelii libertati, si ex sua natura ceremonial illai jestimentur, in nullo repugnant
sed probe congruunt et eandem in complurimis inprimis promovent, atque ideo A.
a commendandi sunt] transposed in A.
a A adds neque in universo orbe ullum seipso majorem agnoscit a quo sua potestas
et autoritas pendeat. — The Kings ma'y of England is to be taken and known as the
only and supreame magistrate and power of the Church of England and Ireland,
Hooper's 3-U/i Article.
APPENDIX III.
343
1563.
& autoritate Parlamenti illis
ipsis temporibus confirmatus,
omnia ad eiusmodi consecra-
tionem & ordinationem necessaria
continet, & nihil habet quod ex se
sit ant snperstitiosnm autimpinm.
Itaqne qnicnnqne iuxta ritns
illius libri consecrati aut ordinati
sunt ab Anno secundo praedicti
Eegis Edwardi, usque ad hoc
tempus, aut in posternm iuxta
eosdem ritus consecrabuntur aut
ordinabunter rite, ordine, atque
legitime, statuimus esse & fore
consecratos & ordinatos.
XXXVI.
De ciuilibus Magistratibus.
Eegia Maiestas in hoc Anglise
Regno ac cseteris eius Dominijs,
hire 5 summam habet potesta-
tum, ad quam omnium statuum
huius Eegni siue illi ecclesiastici
sunt siue non, 6 in omnibus causis
suprema gnbernatio pertinet, &
nulli externas iurisdictioni est
subiecta, nee esse debet.
Cum Eegise Maiestati summam
gubernationem tribuimus, quibus
titulis intelligimus anhnos quo-
rundam calumniatorum offendi :
non damns Eegibus nostris aut
uerbi Dei aut sacramentorum
administrationem, quod etiam
1571.
fyrmed at the same tyme by
aucthoritie of Parliament, doth
conteyne all things necessarie to
suche consecration and order-
ing : neyther hath it any thing,
that of it selfe is superstitious or
vngodly. And therefore, whoso-
euer are consecrate or ordered
accordyng to the rites of that
booke, since the seconde yere of
the aforenamed 4 king Edwarde,
vnto this time, or hereafter
shalbe consecrated or ordered
accordyng to the same rites, we
decree all such to be ryghtly,
orderly, and lawfully consecrated
and ordered.
XXXVII.
Of the 7 Ciuill Magistrates.
The Queenes Maiestie hath the
cheefe power in this Realme of
Englande, and other her do-
minions, vnto whom the cheefe
gouernment of all estates of this
Eealme, whether they be Eccle-
siasticall or Ciuile, 8 in all causes
doth apparteine, and is not, nor
ought to be subiect to any for.
raigne iurisdiction.
Where we attribute to the
Queenes Maiestie the cheefe go-
uernment, by whiche titles we
vnderstand the mindes of some
slaunderous f olkes to be offended :
we geue not to our princes the
ministring either of God's word,
4 aforenamed] aforesaid in D, (but corrected into aforenamed).
5 iure] wanting in C, E. ' siue non] siue civiles E.
' the] wanting in LB. 8 or Ciuile] or not LB, £>.
344
APPENDIX in.
1553.
1553.
Romanns Pontifex rrallatn ha-
bet jurisdictionem in hoc Regno
Angliae. Magistrates civilis est a Deo
ordinatus atque probatus, quamobrem
illi, non solum propter iram, sed etiam,
propter conscientiam, obediendum est. 1
Leges civiles possunt Christia-
nos propter capitalia & gravia
crimina morte punire.
The Bishoppe of Rome hath no
iurisdiction 2 in this Realme of
Englande.
The ciuile Magistrate is ordeined, and
allowed of God : wherefore we must obeie
him, 3 not onely for feare of punishment,
but also for conscience sake.
The ciuile lawes maie punishe
Chrisfcien men with death, for
heinous, and grieuous offences.
Christianis licet ex mandato
Magistratus arma portare & justa
bella administrare.
It is lawefull for Christians, at
the commaundement of the
Magistrate, to weare weapons,
and to serue in laweful wares.
* quamobrem illi... obediendum est] quamobrem illi propter conscientiam obedien-
dum est, nee ulli ex eius subditis licet aut vectigal aut tributum negare, ad regni seu
reipublicae statum tuendum et conservandum A.
* nor by God's word or of right ought to haue any maner of authority power or
jurisdiction within this realme of England and Ireland or any part of the same, Hooper's
35£& Article.
* So that they do command nothing that is contrary unto God and his law, Hooper's
ZOth Article.
APPENDIX III.
345
1563.
Inianction.es ab Elizabetha Re-
gina nostra nuper aeditse, aper-
tissime testantur : sed earn tan-
tum praerogatiuam, quam in
sacris scripturis a Deo ipso om-
nibus pijs Principibus, uidemus
semper fuisse attributam, boo
est, ut omnes status atque ordines
fidei suae a Deo commissos, siue
illi ecclesiastici sint, siue ciuiles,
in officio contineant, & contu.
maces ac delinquentes, gladio
ciuili coerceant.
Romanus Pontifex nullam ha-
befc iurisdictionem in boc regno
Angliae.
Leges Ciuiles possunt Christi-
anos propter capitalia et grauia
crimina morte punire.
Cbristianis licet et ex mandato
Magistrates arma portare, et
iusta bella administrare.
1571.
or of Sacraments, tbe which
tbing tbe Iniunctions also lately
set f ortb by Ebzabetb our Queene,
dotb most plainbe testifie : But
tbat only prerogatiue wbicbe we
see to bane ben geuen alwayes to
all godly Princes in boly Scrip-
tures by God bim selfe, tbat is,
tbat tbey should rule all estates
and degrees committed to tbeir
charge by God, whether they be
Ecclesiasticall or Temporall, and
restraine with the ciuili sworde
the stubberne and euyll doers.
The bishop of Rome hath no
iurisdiction in this Realme of
Englande.
The lawes of the Realme may
punishe Christian men with
death, for heynous and greeuous
offences.
It is lawfull for Christian men,
at the commaundement of the
Magistrate, to weare weapons,
and serue in the warres.
346
APPENDIX III.
1553.
XXXVII.
Christianorum bona non sunt
communia.
Facilitates & bona Christiano-
rum. non sunt coinmunia, quoad
jus & possessionem, ut quidam
Anabaptist® falsd jactant; debet
tamen quisque de bis qua? possi-
det pro facultatum ratione, pau-
peribus eleeniosynas benigne dis.
tribuere.
1553.
XXXYII.
Christien mennes gooddes are not
commune.
The richesse and gooddes of
christians are not commune, as
touching the right title and pos-
session of the same (as certain
anabaptistes dooe falslie boaste) ;
notwithstanding euery man ought
of such thinges as he possesseth,
liberallie to geue almes to the
pore, according to his habilitie.
XXXVIII.
Licet Christianis jurare.
Quemadmodum juramentum
vanum & temerarium a Domino
nostro Jesu Christo & ab Apostolo
ejus Jacobo, Christianis homini-
bus interdictum esse fatemur, ita
Christianam religionem minime
prohibere censemus, quin jubente
Magistratu, in causa fidei &
charitatis jurare liceat, modo id
fiat juxta Prophetas doctrinam,
in Justitia, in Judicio & Veri-
tate.
XXXVIII.
Christien menne maie take an
Othe.
As we confesse that vaine, and
rashe swearing is forbed Chris-
tien men by our Lorde Jesu
Christ, and his Apostle James :
so we iudge that christien re-
ligion doeth not prohibite, but
that a man maie sweare, when
the magistrate requireth in a
cause of faith, and charitie, so it
bee doen (according to the Pro-
phetes teaching) iniustice, iudge-
mente, and trueth.
XXXIX.
Iiesurrectio mortuorum nondum est
facta.
Resurrectio mortuorum non adhuc
facta est, quasi tantum ad animum per-
tineat qui per Christi gratiam a morte
peccatorum excitetur, sed extremo die
quoad omncs qui obierunt, expectanda
est ; tunc enim vita defunctis (ut Scrip-
ture manifestissime testantur) propria
corpora, carnes & ossa restituentur, ut
homo integer, prout vel recte vel perdite
XXXIX.
Tim Resurrection of the dead is not yeat
brought to passe.
The Resurrection of the dead is not as
yet brought to passe, as though it only-
belonged to the soulle, whiche by the
grace of Christe is raised from the death
of sinne, but it is to be loked for at the
laste daie : for then (as Scripture doeth
moste manifestlie testifie) to all that bee
dead their awne bodies, fleshe, and bone
shalbe restored, that the whole man maie
APPENDIX III.
347
1563.
XXXVII.
Christianorum bona non sunt
communia. 1
Facilitates & bona Christiano-
rum non sunt communia quoad
ins & possessionem, vt quidam
Anabaptistse falso iactant. Debet
tamen quisque de bijs quae possi-
det, pro facultatum ratione,
pauperibus eleemosynas benigne
distribuere.
XXXVIII.
Licet Christianis Iurare.*
Qvemadmodum iuramentum
uanum & temerarium a Domino
nostro Iesu Christo, & Apostolo
eius Iacobo Christianis hominibus
interdictum esse fatemur : ita
Christianam s religionem minime
prohibere censemus, quin iubente
Magistratu, in causa fidei &
charitatis, iurare liceat, modd id
fiat iuxta Prophetae doctrinam,
in institia, in iudicio, & ueritate.
1571.
XXXVIII.
Of Christian mens goodes ivhich
are not common. 9
The ryches and goodes of
Christians are not common, as
touching the ryght, title, and
possession of the same, as cer-
tayne Anabaptistes do falsely
boast. Notwithstandyng euery
man ought of suche thinges as
he possesseth, liberally to geue
alrnes to the poore, 3 accord-
yng to his habilitie.
XXXIX.
Of a Christian mans othe. e
As we confesse that vayne
and rashe swearing is forbidden
Christian men by our lord Jesus
Christe, and James his Apostle :
So we iudge that Christian re.
ligion doth not prohibite, but that
a man may sweare when the
Magistrate requireth, in a cause
of faith and charitie, so it be
done accordyng to the prophetes
teaching, in iustice, iudgement,
and trueth.
1 De illicita bonorum Communications E.
* Christen mens goodes are not common LB, D.
3 to the poore] wanting in LB.
* De jurejurando E.
* Christianam] Christianorum E.
6 Christian men may take an othe LB, D.
348
APPENDIX III.
1553.
vixerit, juxta sua opera, sive praemia sive
poenas reportet.
1553.
(acccording to his workes) haue other
rewarde, or punishment, as he hath liued
vertuouslie, or wickedlie.
XL.
Defunctorum animce neque cum corpori-
bus intereunt, neque otiose dormiunt.
Qui animas defunctorum predicant
usque ad diem judicii absque omni
sensu ' dormire, aut illas asserunt una
cum corporibus mori, & extrema die
cum illis excitandas, ab orthodoxa fide,
qua? nobis in sacris Uteris traditur,
prorsus dissentiunt.
XL.
The soulles of them that departe this lifz
doe neither die with the bodies, nor
sleep iilie.
Thei whiche saie, that the soulles of
suche as departe hens doe sleepe, being
without al sence, fealing, or perceiuing,
vntil the daie of iudgement, or affirme
that the soulles die with the bodies, and
at the laste daie shalbe raised vp with
the same, doe vtterlie dissent from the
right beliefe declared to vs in holie Scrip-
ture.
XLT.
Millenarii.
Qui Millenariorum fabulam revocare
conantur, sacris Uteris adversantur, & in
Judaica deliramenta sese prajcipitant.
XLI.
Seretickes called Millenarii.
Thei that goe about to renewe the
fable of heretickes called Millenarii, be
repugnant to holie Scripture, and caste
them selues headlong into a Juishe
dotage.
XLII.
Non omnes tandem servandi sunt.
Hi quoque damnatione digni sunt, qui
conantur hodie perniciosam opinionem
instaurare, qubd omnes, quant umvis
impii, servandi sunt tandem, cum definito
tempore a justitia divina poenas de
admissis flagitiis luerunt.
XLII.
All men shall not bee saued at the length.
Thei also are worthie of condemnacion,
who indeuoure at this time to restore the
dangerouse opinion, that al menne, be
thei neuer so vngodlie, shall at length
bee saued, when thei haue suffered
paines for their sinnes a certaine time
appoincted by Goddes iustice.
Kvpie auaov rbv BaaiAea.
God saue the King.
1 absque omni sensu] wanting in A.
APPENDIX III. 849
1563. 1571.
The Ratification.
Hos Articulos fidei Christians, This Booke of Articles before
continentes in uniuersum nouem. rehearsed, is agayne approued,
decim paginas in autographo, and allowed to be holden and
quod asseruatur apud Reuerendis- executed within the Realme, by
simum in Christo patrem, Domi. the ascent and consent of our
num Matthseum Cantuariensem Soueraigne Ladye Ehzabeth, by
Archiepiscopum, totius Anglise the grace of GOD, of Englande,
Primatetn & Metropolitanuni; Fraunce. and Trelanne Qneene,
350 appendix in.
1553- 1553.
APPENDIX III.
351
1563.
Archiepiscopi & Episcopi utrius-
que Prouincise regni Angliae, in
sacra proainciali Synodo legitime
congregati, unanimi assensu reci-
piunt & profitentur, & ut ueros
atque Orthodoxos, manuum sua-
rrnn subscriptionibus approbant,
aicesimo nouo die mensis Ianu-
arij : Anno Domini, secundum
computationem ecclesiaa Angli.
canse, millesimo quingentesimo
sexagesimo secundo : uniuersus-
que Clerus Inferioris domus,
eosdem etiam unanimiter &
recepit & professus. est, ut ex
manuum suarum subscriptionibus
patet, quas obtulit & deposuit
apud eundem Eeuerendissimum,
quinto die Februarij, Anno prse-
dicto.
Quibus omnibus articulis, Sere-
nesima princeps Elizabeth, Dei
gratia Angliaa, Francise & Hiber-
niae Eegina, fidei Defensor, &c.
per seipsam diligenter prius
lectis & examinatis, Regium
suum assensum praebuit.
1571.
defender of the fayth, &c. Which
Articles were deliberately read,
and confirmed agayne by the sub-
scription of the handes of the
Archbyshop and Byshoppes of
the vpper house, and by the sub-
scription of the whole Cleargie
in the neather house in their
Conuocation, in the yere of our
Lorde GOD. 1571.
1 Of fayth in the Trinitie.
2 Of Christe the sonne of
GOD.
3 Of his goyng downe into
hell.
4 Of his Resurrection.
5 Of the holy ghost.
6 Of the sufficiencie of the
Scripture.
7 Of the olde Testament.
8 Of the three Credes.
9 Of originall sinne.
10 Of free wyll.
11 Of Justification.
12 Of good workes.
13 Of workes before iustifica-
tion.
14 Of workes of supereroga-
tion.
15 Of Christe alone without
Binne.
16 Of sinne after Baptisme.
17 Of predestination and elec-
tion.
18 Of obtayning saluation by
Christe.
19 Of the Churche.
20 Of the aucthoritie of the
Churche.
21 Of the aucthoritie of gene-
rall Counsels.
352 appendix in.
1553. 1555.
Excusum Londini, apud Regi- Richardus Graftonus typo-
naldum Wolfium, Begiao Majes- gravphus Regius excudebat.
tatis in Latinis Typographum, Londini mense Junii.
Anno Bom. 1553. An. do. M.D.LIII.
Cum priuilegio ad imprimeu-
dum solum.
APPENDIX III.
353
1563.
1571.
22 Of Purgatorie.
23 Of ministring in the con-
gregation.
24 Of speaking iD the con-
gregation.
25 Of the Sacramentes.
26 Of the vnworthynesse of
the Ministers.
27 Of Baptisme.
28 Of the Lordes supper.
29 Of the wicked whiche eate
not the body of Christe.
30 Of both kyndes.
31 Of Christes one oblation.
32 Of the mariage of Priestes.
33 Of excommunicate persons.
34 Of traditions of the
Churche.
35 Of Homilies.
36 Of consecration of Minis-
ters.
37 Of ciuill Magistrates.
38 Of christian mens goods.
39 Of a christian mans othe.
40 Of the ratification.
Excnsum Londini apud regi-
naldvm Wolfium, Eegiae Maiest.
in Latinis typographum. anno
DOMINI. 1563.
Tf Imprinted at London in
Powles Churchyard, by Richarde
Iugge and Iohn Cawood, Printers
to the Queenes Maiestie, in Anno
Domini 1571.
* Cum priuilegio Regias maies-
tatis.
APPENDIX
No. IV.
THE ELEVEN ARTICLES,
1559.
A Declaration of certain principal Articles of Religion set out by the
order of both archbishops metropolitans, and the rest of the bishops
for the uniformity of doctrine, to be taught and holden of all parsons,
vicars, and curates, as well in testification of their common consent in
the said doctrine, to the stopping of the mouths of them, that go
about to slander the ministers of the church for diversity of judgment,
as necessary for the instruction of their people; to be read by the
said parsons, vicars, and curates at their possession-taking, or first
entry into their cures, and also after that, yearly at tv:o several
times, that is to say, the Sunday next following Easter day, and
St. Michael the archangel, or on some other Sunday within one
month after those feasts, immediately after the gospel.
For some account of the following Articles, see pp. 118 sqq., and
for their circulation in Ireland after the year 15G6, pp. 120, 178.
They are here reprinted from Wilkins, iv. 195 sqq.
APPENDIX IV. 357
FORASMUCH as it appertaineth to all Christian men, bat espe-
cially to the ministers and the pastors of the Church, being
teachers and instructors of others, to be ready to give a reason of
their faith, when they shall be thereunto required ; I, for my part,
now appointed your parson, vicar, or curate, having before my eyes
the fear of God, and the testimony of my conscience, do acknowledge
for myself, and require you to assent to the same :
First, That there is but one living and true God, of infinite power,
wisdom, and goodness, the Maker and Preserver of all things; and
that in unity of this Godhead there be three Persons, of one sub-
stance, of equal power and eternity, the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Ghost.
II. I believe also whatsoever is contained in the holy canonical
Scriptures, in the which Scriptures are contained all things necessary
to salvation, by the which also all errors and heresies may sufficiently
be reproved and convicted, and all doctrine and articles necessary to
salvation established. I do also most firmly believe and confess all
the articles contained in the three Creeds, the Nicene Creed, Athana-
sius' Creed, and our common Creed called the Apostles' Creed; for
these do briefly contain the principal articles of our faith, which are
at large set forth in the holy Scriptures.
III. I do acknowledge also that Church to be the spouse of Christ,
wherein the word of God is truly taught, the sacraments orderly
ministered according to Christ's institution, and the authority of the
keys duly used ; and that every such particular church hath authority
to institute, to change, clean to put away ceremonies, and other
ecclesiastical rites, as they be superfluous, or be abused, and to con-
stitute other making more to seemliness, to order, or edification.
IV. Moreover I confess, that it is not lawful for any man to take
upon him any office or ministry, either ecclesiastical or secular, but
such only as are lawfully thereunto called by their high authorities,
according to the ordinances of this realm.
V. Furthermore I do acknowledge the queen's majesty's prero-
gative and superiority of government of all estates, and in all causes,
as well ecclesiastical as temporal, within this realm, and other her
dominions and countries, to be agreeable to God's Word, and of right
to appertain to her highness, in such sort, as is in the late act of
358 APPENDIX IV.
parliament expressed, and sithence by her majesty's Injunctions
declared and expounded.
VI. Moreover, touching the Bishop of Eome, I do acknowledge
and confess, that by the Scriptures and Word of God he hath no more
authority than other bishops have in their provinces and dioceses; and
therefore the power, which he now challengeth, that is, to be the
supreme head of the universal Church of Christ, and to be above all
emperors, kings, and princes, is an usurped power, contrary to the
Scriptures and Word of God, and contrary to the example of the
primitive Church, and therefore is for most just causes taken away
and abolished in this realm.
VII. Furthermore I do grant and confess, that the book of com-
mon prayer and administration of the holy sacraments, set forth by
the authority of parliament, is agreeable to the scriptures, and that it
is catholic, apostolic, and most for the advancing of God's glory, and
the edifying of God's people, both for that it is in a tongue, that may
be understood of the people, and also for the doctrine and form of
ministration contained in the same.
VIII. And although in the administration of baptism there is
neither exorcism, oil, salt, spittle, or hallowing of the water now used,
and for that they were of late years abused and esteemed necessary,
where they pertain not to the substance and necessity of the sacra-
ment, that they be reasonably abolished, and yet the sacrament full
and perfectly ministered to all intents and purposes, agreeable to the
institution of our Saviour Christ.
IX. Moreover, I do not only acknowledge, that private masses
were never used amongst the fathers of the primitive Church, I mean,
public ministration and receiving of the sacrament by the priest alone,
without a just number of communicants, according to Christ's saying,
"Take ye and eat ye," etc. but also, that the doctrine, that main-
taineth the mass to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead,
and a mean to deliver souls out of purgatory, is neither agreeable to
Christ's ordinance, nor grounded upon doctrine apostolic, but contrary-
wise most ungodly and most injurious to the precious redemption of
our Saviour Christ, and his only sufficient sacrifice offered once for
ever upon the altar of the cross.
X. I am of that mind also, that the holy communion or sacra-
ment of the body and blood of Christ, for the due obedience to Christ's
institution, and to express the virtue of the same, ought to be minis-
tered unto the people under both kinds ; and that it is avouched by
certain fathers of the Church to be a plain sacrilege, to rob them of
APPENDIX IV. 359
the mystical cap, for whom Christ hath shed his most precious blood,
seeing he himself hath said, "Drink ye all of this:" considering also,
that in the time of the ancient doctors of the Church, as Cyprian,
Hierom, Augustine, Gelasius, and others, six hundred years after
Christ and more, both the parts of the sacrament were ministered to
the people.
Last of all, as I do utterly disallow the extolling of images, relics,
and feigned miracles, and also all kind of expressing God invisible in
the form of an old man, or the Holy Ghost in the form of a dove, and
all other vain worshipping of God, devised by man's fantasies, besides
or contrary to the scriptures, as wandering on pilgrimages, setting
up of candles, praying upon beads, and such like superstition ; which
kind of works have no promise of reward in scripture, but contrary-
wise threatenings and maledictions ; so I do exhort all men to the
obedience of God's law, and to the works of faith, as charity, mercy,
pity, alms, devout and frequent prayer with the affection of the heart,
and not with the mouth only, godly abstinence and fasting, charity,
obedience to the rulers, and superior powers, with such like works and
godliness of life commanded by God in his word, which, as St. Paul
saith, "hath promises both of this life and of the life to come," and
are works only acceptable in God's sight.
These things above rehearsed, though they be appointed by com-
mon order, yet I do without all compulsion, with freedom of mind,
and conscience, from the bottom of my heart, and upon most sure
persuasion, acknowledge to be true and agreeable to God's word; and
therefore I exhort you all, of whom I have cure, heartily and obedi-
ently to embrace and receive the same, that we all joining together in
unity of spirit, faith and charity, may also at length be joined together
in the kingdom of God, and that through the merits and death of our
Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom with the Father, and the Holy Ghost,
be all glory and empire now and for ever. Amen.
APPENDIX
No. V.
LAMBETH ARTICLES.
The following is a copy of the Lamoeth Articles, in the form
which they ultimately assumed. It is taken from Strype, Whitgift,
p. 461, who thought it worthy of being entitled a ' correct and
authentic ' version. The truth is that we must carefully distinguish
between the 'Articuli a D. Whitakero Lambethse propositi,' and the
' Articuli approbati : ' and for the sake of impressing this difference
on the reader, the original theses are subjoined, together with a
number of emendations suggested by the bishops, to whom they were
afterwards presented. The commentary or critique of Whitgift and
the rest, is preserved in a small publication, entitled ' Articuli
Lambethani,' Lond. 1651, and afterwards appended to Elis's Artie.
XXXIX. Eccl. Anglican. Defensio (original in the Camb. Univ. MS.
Gg. 1. 29, pp. 218, sq.).
APPENDIX V. 368
Articuli approbati a reverendissimis Dominis, D.D. Joanne
Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, et Richardo Episcopo
Londinensi, et aliis Theologis, Lambetha3, Novembris
20, Anno 1595.
I. Deus ab a?terno pra3destinavit quosdam ad vitam, et quosdam
ad mortem reprobavit.
II. Causa movens aut efficiens prasdestinationis ad vitam non
est prasvisio fidei aut perseverantias, aut bonorum operum,
, aut ullius rei quaa insit in personis praadestinatis, sed sola
voluntas beneplaciti Dei.
III. Praedestinatorum prsefinitus et certus est Humerus, qui nee
augeri nee minui potest.
IV. Qui non sunt praedestinati ad salutem, necessario propter
peccata sua damnabuntur.
V. Vera, viva et justificans fides, et spiritus Dei sanctificans non
extinguitur, non excidit, non evanescit in electis, aut fiualiter
aut totaliter.
VI. Homo vere fidelis, id est, fide justificante prasditus; certus est
plerophoria fidei, de remissione peccatorurn suorum et salute
sempitema sua per Christum.
VII. Gratia salutaris non tribuitur, non couimunicatur, non con-
ceditur universis hominibus, qua servari possint, si vo-
luerint.
VIII. Nemo potest venire ad Christum nisi datum ei fuerit, et nisi
Pater eum traxerit. Et omnes homines non trahuntur a
Patre ut veniant ad Filium.
IX. Non est positum in arbitrio aut potestate uniuscujusque
hominis servari.
364
APPENDIX V.
Articuli LambetTiaB propositi Articuli Lambethae propositi
prout a cl. v. D. Whita-
kero in ipsius autographo
concepti, Episcopis aliis-
que Theologis Lambethas
proponebantur.
prout ab Episcopis reli-
quisque Theologis con-
cepti sunt, et de sensu,
quo adniissi sunt.
Deus ab ceterno prozdestinavit Admissus est hie Articulns to-
quosdam ad vitam, et quosdam ad tidem verbis. Nam si per primnm
mortem reprobavit. ' quosdam ' intelligantur ' creden-
tes,' per secundum ' quosdam,'
' increduli;' lis hie non intenditur, sedest verissimus Articulus.
II.
II.
Causa efficients Prcedestinationis
non est prcevisio fidei, aut perse-
verantioe, aut bonorum operum,
aut ullius rex quce insit personis
prwdestinatis, sed sola et absoluta
et simplex voluntas Dei.
Causa movens aut emciens Prae-
destinationis 'ad vitam' non est
' praevisio' fidei aut perseverantias,
aut bonorum operum aut alius rei,
quae insit in personis prasdesti-
natis ; sed ' sola voluntas bene,
placiti Dei.' Additur in hoc
secundo Articulo a Lambethanis 1° 'movens;' 2° 'ad vitam j' 3°
mutatur ' sola absoluta et simplex voluntas Dei,' in ' sola voluntas
beneplaciti Dei ; ' idque non sine justa ratione. Caussa enim movens
praedestinationis 'ad vitam,' non est 'fides,' sed 'meritum Christi,'
cum Deus servandis salutem destinavit non propter fidem, sed propter
Christum. ' Moventis ' vocabulum proprie ' merito ' convenit : Meri-
tum autem est in obedientia Christi, non in fide nostra. Additur ' ad
vitam,' quia licet praedestinationis ' ad mortem' causa sit 'praevisio'
infidelitatis et impoenitentiae, adeoque alicujus rei quae insit personis
praedestinatis ' ad mortem ; ' tamen nulla est causa praedestinationis
ad vitam,' nisi sola ' voluntas beneplaciti Dei ; ' juxta illud Augustini,
' Praedestinationis causa quaeritur et non invenitur ; reprobationis vero
causa quaeritur et invenitur.' 'Absoluta et simplex voluntas Dei'
majus quiddam dicit, quam sola voluntas beneplaciti. Nam et con-
ditionalis voluntas est beneplaciti, et vult Deus nos recte facere, si
nos velimus ejus gratiae non deesse : et placuit Deo servare singulos
homines, si crederent.
APPENDIX V. 365
III. III.
Prcedestinatorum prcefinitus et In hoc Articulo nihil mntatur :
certus est numerus, qui nee augeri verissimus enim est si de prsesci-
nec minui potest. entia Dei intelligatur quae nnn.
quam fallitur. Non enim plures
vel panciores servantur quam Deus prsesciverit.
IV. IV.
Qui non sunt prwdestinati ad In hoc Articulo nihil mntatur ;
salutem, necessario propter pec- verissimus enim est ; quia statuit
cata condemnabuntur. Deus non remittere peccata nisi
credentibus. Quod si ita hanc
thesin et priorem interpreteris ut et 'peccata' et ' damnationem '
necessitate quadam ex ipsa prasdestinatione deducas atque ex ea
fluere existimes, aperte Augustino, Prospero, Fulgentio, &c. con-
tradicis, et cum Hanichaeis Deum peccati autorem necesse est facias.
V. V.
Vera, viva et justificans fides et Vera, viva et justificans fides
spiritus Dei sanctificans non ex- et spiritus Dei sanctificans non
stinguitur, non excidit, non eva- exstinguitnr, non excidit, non eva-
nescit, in Us qui semel ejus par- nescit, in ' electis ' aut totaliter,
ticipes fuerunt, aut totaliter aut autfinaliter. InautographoWhit-
finaliter. akeri verba erant, ' in iis qui
semel ejus participes fuerunt ; '
pro quibus a Lambethanis snbstituta sunt ' in electis,' sensu plane
alio, et ad mentem Augustini ; cum in autographo sint ad mentem,
Calvini. Augustinus enim opinatus est, ' veram fidem quae per
dilectionem operatur, per quam contingit adoptio, justificatio et
sanctificatio, posse et intercidi et amitti : fidem vero esse commune
donum electis et reprobis, sed perseverantiam electis propriam : '
Calvinus autem, * veram et justificantem fidem solis salvandis et
electis contingere.' Et cl. v. D. Overal defendit et in Academia et
in Conventu Hamptoniensi, 1 ' justificatum, si incidat in graviora
peccata, antequam pcenitentiam agat, in statu esse damnationis : '
ibique contraria sententiaquae statuit, 'justificatum, etiamsi in peccata
graviora incidat, justificatum tamen manere,' a Regia Majestate
damnata est : ita in hoc Articulo nihil minus quam Whitakeri sententia
probata est.
1 See above, p. 210.
866 APPENDIX V.
VI. VI.
Homo vere fidelis, id est, fide ' Homovere fidelis, id est fide
justificante prcrditus, certus est, justificante praeditus,' certus est
certitudine fidei, de remissions 'plerophoria fidei' de 'remissione'
peccatorum suorum et salute peccatorum suorum et salute
sempiterna sua per Christum. sempiterna sua per Christum.
Nihil hie mutatur, nisi quod pro
' certitudine ' substituitur vox Graeca ' plerophoria.' Quidam autem
ex theologis volnerunt, pro fidei plerophoria, reponi spei plerophoriam :
verum eorum absentia cum transigeretur negotium, effecit ut maneret
vox ' fidei ' quam scripserat Whitakerus. Voce autem ' plerophoria? '
usi sunt, quia non designat plenam et absolutam certitudinem, qualis
est ' scientias vel principiorum fidei,' (cum fides sit talium rerum, qua-
rum est evidentia vel certa scientia), sed minorem quendam certitudi-
nis gradum, quippe cum etiam in judiciariis et forensibus probationi-
bus usurpetur.
Verissimus est hie articulus, si de certitudine praesentis status in.
telligatur, aut etiam futuri, sed conditionata. Credit enim fidelis se
credere, et credit credentem servatum iri; credit etiam perseveraturum
se ; sed non una omnino et eadem certitudine : quia certitudo haec
partim nititur Dei promissionibus, qui nos tentari ultra vires non
patitur ; partim pii propositi sinceritate, quae pro tempore futuro nos
Deo obedientiam prsestituros sancte in nos recipimus.
Alioqui si hie sensus affingitur assertioni, 'horuinem certitudine
eadem, qua Christum credit mortuum et esse munch salvatorem, cre-
dere debere, se esse servandum, sive electum,' repugnaret hsec assertio
Confessioni regis Edvardi, in qua legitur, ' decretum praedestinationia
incognitum est ; ' et Augustino, ' Praedestinatio apud nos, dum in praa-
sentis vitas periculis versamur, incerta est.' De Civit. Dei, Lib. xi.
cap. 12, et alibi, ' Justi, licet de suae perseverantiae praomio certi sint,
tamen de ipsa perseverantia reperiuntur incerti.'
VII. VII.
Gratia svfficiens ad salutem Gratia 'salutaris' non tribuitur,
non tribuitur, non communicatur, non communicatur, non conce-
non conceditur universis homini- ditur universis hominibus, qua
bus, qua servari possint, si velint. servari possint, si velint. Pro
* gratia sufficienti ad salutem,'
quod erat in Whitakeri autographo substitueruntLambethani, ' gratiam
salutarem ; ' ut plane appareat loqui eos de ea gratia, qua? est actu
ultimo salutaris sive actu efficax, seu quae per se, non addita nova
APPENDIX V. 367
gratia, salutem operatur. Hsec quidem non conceditur, sed ne offertur
tmiversis, cum sint plurimi (utpote pagani, &c.) quibus Evangelium
nee interna nee externa voce praedicetur. Ergo ilia verba ' qua servari
possint si velint ' intelligenda snnt de potentia proxima et immediata.
Nam si de potentia remotiore intellexissent, frustra induxissent vocem
'gratise sufficientis,' quae 'sufficiens' appellari solet, non quod sit
efficax, vel per se actu operetur salutem, sed quod sufficiens sit ad
salutem ducere, modo homo non ponat obicem. Et haec Augustini et
Prosperi fait sententia, qui ' gratiam saltern parciorem, occultioremque
omnibus datam ' aiunt, et talem quidem quaa ad remedium sufficeret.
Unde Fulgentius, ' Quod non adjuvantur quidam a gratia Dei, in ipsis
causa est, non in Deo.'
YIII. VIII.
Nemo potest venire ad Christum In hoc Articulo nihil mutatum :
nisi datum eifuerit, et nisi Pater non omnes trahuntur tractu ulti-
eum traxerit : et omnes homines mo. Sed qui negat omnes trahi
non trahuntur a Patre ut veniant tractu remotiore tollit opitulatio-
ad fiiium. nem illam generalem, sive com-
mune auxilium quo omnium hominum corda pulsari dicit Prosper.
Tractum autem Theologi Lambethani non intellexerunt (cum Whita-
kero) 'determinationem physicam irresistibilem ; ' sed Divinam opera -
tionem (prout communiter in conversione hominis operatur) quae
naturam voluntatis liberam non tollit, sed ad bonum spiritnale idoneam
primo facit, deinde et ipsam bonam facit.
IX. IX.
Non est positum in arbitrio aut In hoc quoque nihil mutatum :
potestate uniuscujusque hominis verissimum enim est, salutem nos-
servari. tram esse primario non in nobis,
sed a gratia praeveniente, excitante, concomitante et subsequente in
omni opere bono ; secundario ab arbitrio et voluntate hominis con-
sentiente atqne acceptante. Nulla potestas est arbitrii ad bonum
spirituale, nisi gratia non modo tollat impedimenta, sed et vires sup-
peditet. Non est ergo positum in arbitrio ' primitus et potissimum ; '
imo nullo modo in arbitrio est positum, ut homo qnilibet quolibet
momento ad salutem possit pervenire. At vero esse aliquam aliquan-
do in arbitrio potestatem gratiaa subordinatam et gratiaa consentien-
tem, nemo inficias iverit, qui Augustinum audiverit : ' Dtim tempus
est, (iDquit,) dum in nostra potestate est opera bona facere : ' et alibi,
de pcenis inferni loquens : 'Majus est (inquit) quod timere debes,
et in potestate habes ne eveniat tibi.'
APPENDIX
No. VI.
ARTICLES OF RELIGION
AGREED VPON BY
THE AKCHBISHOPS AND BISHOPS,
AND THE REST OF THE CLEARGIE OF IRELAND,
In the Convocation holden at Dublin in the yeare of oui
Lord God 1615, for the auoiding of Diuersities of
Opinions, and the establishing of consent
touching true Eeligion.
2b
For some acconnt of the appearance and authority of these
Articles, see above, pp. 180 sqq. They are now reprinted from a
copy of the original edition, which is appended to Dr. Elrington'a
Life of Archbishop Ussher.
IRISH ARTICLES OF RELIGION.
Of the holy Scripture and the three Creeds.
1. The ground of our Eeligion, and the rule of faith and all
bauing trueth is the word of God, contained in the holy Scripture.
2. By the name of holy Scripture we understand all the Canoni-
cal! Bookes of the Old and New Testament, viz. :
Of the Old Testament.
The 5 Bookes of Moses.
Iosua.
Iudges.
Euth.
The first and second of
Samuel.
The first and second of
Kings.
The first and second of
Chronicles.
Esra.
Nehemiah.
Esther,
lob.
Psalmes.
Prouerbes.
Ecclesiastes.
The Song of Salomon.
Isaiah.
Ieremiah, his Prophesie and La-
mentation.
Ezechiel.
Daniel.
The 12 lesse Prophets.
Of the New Testament.
The Gospells according
to
Matthew.
Marke.
Luke.
Iohn.
The Actes of the Apostles.
The Epistle of S. Paul to the
Eomaines.
Corinthians 2.
Galathians.
Ephesians.
Philippians.
Colossians.
Thessalonians 2.
Timothie 2.
Titus.
Philemon.
Hebrewes.
The Epistle of S. lames.
Saint Peter 2.
Saint Iohn 3.
Saint Iude.
The Eeuelation of S. Iohn.
372 APPENDIX VI.
All which wee acknowledge to be giuen by the inspiration of
God, and in that regard to be of most certaine credit and highest
authority.
3. The other Bookes, commonly called Apocryphall, did not pro-
ceede from such inspiration, and therefore are not of sufficient au-
thoritie to establish any point of doctrine ; but the Church doth reade
them as Bookes containing many worthy things for example of life
and instruction of maners.
Such are these following :
The thirde booke of Esdras. Baruch, with the Epistle of Ie-
The fourth booke of Esdras. remiah.
The booke of Tobias. The song of the three Children.
The booke of Iudith. Susanna.
Additions to the booke of Bell and the Dragon.
Esther. The praier of Manasses.
The booke of Wisedome. The First booke of Macchabees.
The booke of Iesus, the Sonne of The second booke of Macche.
Sirach, called Ecclesiasticus. bees.
4. The Scriptures ought to be translated out of the original
tongues into all languages for the common use of all men : neither is
any person to be discouraged from reading the Bible in such a
language, as he doth vnderstand, but seriously exhorted to read the
same with great humilitie and reuerence, as a speciall meanes to
bring him to the true knowledge of God, and of his owne duty.
5. Although there bee some hard things in the Scripture
(especially such as haue proper relation to the times in which they
were first vttered, and prophesies of things which were afterwardes
to bee fulfilled), yet all things necessary to be knowen vuto euerlast-
ing saluation are cleerely deliuered therein : and nothing of that
kinde is spoken vnder darke mysteries in one place, whieh is not
in other places spoken more familiarly and plainely, to the capacitie
both of learned and vnlearned.
6. The holy Scriptures containe all things necessary to saluation,
and. are able to instruct sufficiently in all points of faith that we are
bound to beleeue, and all good duties that we are bound to practise.
7. All and euerie the Articles contained in the Nicene Creede, the
Creede of Athanasius, and that which is commonly called the Apostles
Creede, ought firmely to bee receiued and beleeued, for they may be
proued by most certaine warrant of holy Scripture.
APPENDIX VI. 373
Of faith in the holy Trinitie.
8. There is but one liuing and true God, euerlasting, without
body, parts, or passions, of infinite power, wisedome, and goodnes, the
maker and presenter of all things, both visible and inuisible. And in
vnitie of this Godhead, there be three persons of one and the same
substance power and eternitie : the Father, the Sone, and the holy
Ghost.
9. The essence of the Father doth not begett the essence of the
Sonne ; but the person of the Father begetteth the person of the
Sonne, by communicating his whole essence to the person begotten
from eternitie.
10. The holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and the Sonne,
is of one substance, maiestie, and glory, with the Father and the
Sonne, very and eternall God.
Of God's eternall decree, and Predestination.
11. God from all eternitie did by his vnchangeable counsell
ordaine whatsoeuer in time should come to passe : yet so, as thereby
no violence is offred to the wills of the reasonable creatures, and
neither the libertie nor the contingencie of the second causes is
taken away, but established rather.
12. By the same eternall counsell God hath predestinated some
vnto life, and reprobated some vnto death : of both which there is a
certaine number, knowen only to God, which can neither be increased
nor diminished. 1
13. Predestination to life, is the euerlasting purpose of God,
whereby, before the foundations of the world were layed, he hath
constantly decreed in his secret counsell to deliuer from curse and
damnation, those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde,
and to bring them by Christ vnto euerlasting saluation, as vessels
made to honor.
14. The cause mouing God to predestinate vnto life, is not the
foreseeing of faith, or perseuerance, or good workes, or of anything
which is in the person predestinated, but onely the good pleasure of
God himselfe. 2 For all things being ordained for the manifestation
of his glory, and his glory being to appeare both in the workes of his
Mercy and of his Iustice ; it seemed good to his heauenly wisedome to
choose out a certaine number towardes whome he would extend his
vndeserued mercy, leauing the rest to be spectacles of his iustice.
15. Such as are predestinated vnto life, be called according vnto
1 [Lambeth Articles, I. m.] * [Ibid, n.]
374 APPENDIX VI.
Gods purpose (his spirit working in due season) and through grace
they obey the calling, they bee iustified freely, they bee made sonnes
of God by adoption, they be made like the image of his onely
begotten Sonne Iesus Christ, they walke religiously in good workes,
and at length, by God's mercy they attaine to euerlasting felicitie.
But such as are not predestinated to saluation, shall finally be con-
demned for their sinnes. 1
16. The godlike consideration of Predestination and our election
in Christ, is full of sweete, pleasant, and vnspeakeable comfort to
godly persons, and such as feele in themselues the working of the
spirit of Christ, mortifying the workes of the flesh, and their earthly
members, and drawing vp their mindes to high and heauenly things :
as well because it doth greatly confirme and establish their faith of
eternall saluation to be enioyed through Christ, as because it doth
feruently kindle their loue towardes God : and on the contrary side,
for curious and carnall persons, lacking the spirit of Christ, to haue
continually before their eies the sentence of Gods predestination, is
very dangerous.
17. Wee must receiue Gods promises in such wise as they be
generally set forth vnto vs in holy Scripture ; and in our doings, that
will of God is to be followed, which we haue expressely declared vnto
vs in the word of God.
Of the creation and gouernement of all tilings.
18. In the beginning of time, when no creature had any being,
God by his word alone, in the space of sixe dayes, created all things,
and afterwardes by his prouidence doth continue, propagate, and
order them, according to his owne will.
19. The principall creatures are Angels and men.
20. Of Angels, some continued in that holy state wherein they
were created, and are by God's grace for euer established therein :
others fell from the same, and are reserued in chaines of darkenesse
vnto the iudgement of the great day.
21. Man being at the beginning created according to the image
of God (which consisted especially in the Wisedome of his minde and
the true Holyness of his free will) had the couenant of the lawe
ingrafted in his heart : whereby God did promise vnto him euerlasting
life, vpon condition that he performed entire and perfect obedience
unto his Commandements, according to that measure of strength
1 [Lambeth Articles, iv.}
APPENDIX VI. 375
wherewith hee was endued in his creation, and threatned death vnto
him if he did not performe the same.
Of the fall of man, originall sinne, and the state of man before
iustification.
22. By one man sinne entred into the world, and death by sinne ;
and so death went ouer all men, for as much as all haue sinned.
23. Originall sinne standeth not in the imitation of Adam (as
the Pelagians dreame) but is the fault and corruption of the nature
of euery person that naturally is ingendred and propagated from
Adam : whereby it commeth to passe that man is depriued of
originall righteousnes, and by nature is bent vnto sinne. And there-
fore, in euery person borne into the world, it deserueth Gods wrath
and damnation.
24. This corruption of nature doth remaine euen in those that
are regenerated, whereby the flesh alwaies lusteth against the spirit,
and cannot bee made subject to the lawe of God. And howsoeuer,
for Christs sake there bee no condemnation to such as are regenerate
and doe beleeue : yet doth the Apostle acknowledge that in it selfe
this concupiscence hath the nature of sinne.
25. The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such, that he
cannot turne, and prepare himselfe by his owne naturall strength and
good workes, to faith, and calling vpon God. Wherefore we haue no
power to doe good workes, pleasing and acceptable vnto God, without
the grace of God preuenting vs, that we may haue a good will, and
working with vs when wee haue that good will.
26. Workes done before the grace of Christ, and the inspiration
of his spirit, are not pleasing vnto God, for as much as they spring
not of faith in Iesus Christ, neither do they make men meete to
receaue grace, or (as the Schoole Authors say) deserue grace of
congruitia : yea rather, for that they are not done in such sorte as
God hath willed and commaunded them to be done, we doubt not but
they are sinfull.
27. All sinnes are not eqnall, but some farre more heynous than
others ; yet the very least is of its owne nature mortall, and without
Gods mercy maketh the offender lyable vnto euerlasting damnation.
28. God is not the Author of sinne : howbeit he doth not only
permitt, but also by his prouidence gouerne and order the same,
guiding it in such sorte by his infinite wisedome, as it turneth to the
manifestation of his owne glory and to the good of his elect.
876 APPENDIX VI.
Of Christ, the mediator of the second Covenant.
29. The Sonne, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from
enerlasting of the Father, the true and eternall God, of one substance
with the Father, tooke mans nature in the wombe of the blessed
Virgin, of her substance : so that two whole and perfect natures,
that is to say, the Godhead and Manhoode were inseparably ioyned in
one person, making one Christ very God and very man.
30. Christ in the truth of our nature, was made like vnto vs in all
things, sinne only excepted, from which he was cleerely voyd, both
in his life and in his nature. He came as a Lambe without spott,
to take away the sins of the world, by the sacrifice of himselfe once
made, and sinne (as Saint Iohn saith) was not in him. He fulfilled
the law for vs perfectly : For our sakes he endured most grieuous
torments immediately in his soule, and most painefnll sufferings ii>
his body. He was crucified, and dyed to reconcile bis Father vnto vs,
and to be a sacrifice not onely for originall guilt, but also for all our
actuall transgressions. He was buried and descended into hell, and
the third day rose from the dead, and tooke againe his body, with
flesh, bones, and all things appertaining to the perfection of mans
nature : wherewith he ascended into Heauen, and there sitteth at
the right hand of his Father, vntil hee returne to iudge all men at
the last day.
Of the communicating of the grace of Christ.
31. They are to be condemned, that presume to say that euery
man shalbe saued by the law or sect which he professeth, so that he
be diligent to frame his life according to that law, and the light of
nature. For holy Scripture doth set out vnto vs only the name of
Iesus Christ whereby men must be saued.
32. None can come vnto Christ, vnlesse it bee giuen vnto him,
and vnlesse the Father drawe him. And all men are not so drawen
by the Father that they may come vnto the Son. Neither is there
such a sufficient measure of grace vouchsafed unto euerie man
whereby he is enabled to come vnto everlasting life. 1
33. All Gods elect are in their time inseperablye vnited vnto
Christ by the effectuall and vitall influence of the holy Ghost, deriued
from him as from the head vnto euery true member of his mysticall
body. And being thus made one with Christ, they are truely regene-
rated, and made partakers of him and all his benefits.
1 [Lambeth Articles, vn. vui. ix.J
APPENDIX VI. 377
Of Iustification and Faith.
34. We are accounted righteous before God, onely for the merit
of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ, applied by faith ; and not for our
owne workes or merits. And this righteousnes, which we so receiue
of Gods mercie and Christs merits, imbraced by faith, is taken,
accepted, and allowed of God, for our perfect and full iustification.
35. Although this iustification be free vnto vs, yet it commeth
not so freely vnto vs, that there is no ransome paid therefore at all.
God shewed his great mercie in deliuering vs from our former
captiuitie, without requiring of any ransome to be payd, or amends to
be made on our parts ; which thing by vs had been vnpossible to be
done. And whereas all the world was not able of themselues to pay
any part towards their ransome, it pleased our heavenly Father of
his infinite m-ercie without any desert of ours, to prouide for vs the
most precious merits of his owne Sonne, whereby our ransome might
be folly payd, the lawe fulfilled, and his iustice fully satisfied. So
that Christ is now the righteousnes of all them that truely beleeue
in him. Hee for them payd their ransome by his death. He for
them fulfilled the lawe in his life ; that now in him, and by him
euerie true Christian man may be called a fulfiller of the lawe :
forasmuch as that which our infirmitie was not able to effect, Christs
iustice hath performed. And thus the iustice and mercie of God
doe embrace each other : the grace of God not shutting out the
iustice of God in the matter of our iustification ; but onely shutting
out the iustice of man (that is to say, the iustice of our own workes)
from being any cause of deseruing our iustification.
36. 1 When we say that we are iustified by Faith onely, we doe
not meane that the said iustifying faith is alone in man, without true
Repentance, Hope, Charity, and the feare of God (for such a faith is
dead, and cannot iustifie), neither do we meane, that this our act to
beleeue in Christ, or this our faith in Christ, which is within vs, doth
of it selfe iustifie vs, or deserue our iustification vnto vs, (for that
were to account our selues to bee iustified by the vertue or dignitie of
some thing that is within our selues :) but the true vnderstanding
and meaning thereof is that although we heare Gods word and
beleeue it, although we haue Faith, Hope, Charitie, Repentance,
and the feare of God within us, and adde neuer so many good workes
thereunto : yet wee must renounce the merit of all our said vertues,
of Faith, Hope, Charitie, and all our other vertues, and good deeds,
1 [Cf. Homily, Of Salvation, Part n. p. 24, ed. Camb.]
378 APPENDIX VI.
which, we either haue done, shall doe, or can doe, as things that be
farre too weake and vnperfect, and vnsufficient to deserue remission
of onr sinnes, and our justification : and therefore we must trust
onely in Gods mercie, and the merits of his most dearely beloued
Sonne, our onely Redeemer, Sauiour, and Iustifier Iesus Christ.
Neuerthelesse, because Faith doth directly send vs to Christ for
our iustification, and that by faith given vs of God wee embrace the
promise of Gods mercie, and the remission of our sinnes, (which
thing none other of our vertues or workes properly doth :) therefore
the Scripture vseth to say, that Faith without workes ; and the
atmcient fathers of the Church to the same purpose, that onely Faith
doth iustifie vs.
37. By iustifying Faith wee vnderstand not onely the common
beleefe of the Articles of Christian Religion, and the perswasion of
the truth of Gods worde in generall : but also a particular application
of the gratious promises of the Gospell, to the comfort of our owne
soules : whereby we lay hold on Christ, with all his benefits, hauing
an earnest trust and confidence in God, that he will be mercifull
vnto vs for his onely Sonnes sake. So that a true beleever may bee
certaine, by the assurance of faith, of the forgiuenesse of his sinnes,
and of his euerlasting salvation by Christ. 1
38. A true liuely iustifying faith, and the sanctifying spirit of
God, is not extinguished, nor vanisheth away in the regenerate,
either finally or totally. 2
Of sanctification and good workes.
39. All that are iustified, are likewise sanctified : their faith
being alwaies accompanied with true Repentance and good Workes.
40. Repentance is a gift of God, whereby a godly sorrow is
wrought in the heart of the faithfull, for offending God their merci-
full Father by their former transgressions, together with a constant
resolution for the time to come to cleaue unto God, and to lead a
new life.
41. Albeit that good workes, which are the fruits of faith, and
follow after iustification, cannot make satisfaction for our sinnes, and
endure the seueritie of Gods iudgement : yet are they pleasing to
God and accepted of him in Christ, and doe spring from a true and
liuely faith, which by them is to be discerned, as a tree by the
fruite.
42. The workes which God would haue his people to walke in,
1 [Lambeth Articles, vi.] * [Ibid, v.]
APPENDIX VI. 379
are such as lie hath commaunded in his holy Scripture, and not sucb
workes as men haue deuised out of their own braine, of a blind zeale,
and deuotion, without the warrant of tbe worde of God.
43. The regenerate cannot fulfil the lawe of God perfectly in
this life. For in many things we offend all : and if we say, we haue
no sinne, wee deceaue our selues, and the truth is not in vs.
44. Not euerie heynous sinne willingly committed after bap-
tisme, is sinne against the holy Ghost, and vnpardonable. And there-
fore to such as fall into sinne after baptisme, place for repentance is
not to be denied.
45. Voluntary workes, besides ouer and aboue God's commande-
ments, which they call workes of Supererogation, cannot be taught
without ajjrogancie and impietie. For by them men doe declare that
they doe not onely render vnto God as much as they are bound to
doe, but that they doe more for his sake then of bounden duty is
required.
Of the seruice of God.
46. Our dutie towards God is to beleeue in him, to feare him,
and to loue him with all our heart, with all our minde, and with all
our soule, and with all our strength, to worship him, and to giue him
thankes, to put our whole trust in him, to call vpon him, to honour
his holy Name and his word, and to serue him truely all the days of
oar life. 1
47. In all our necessities we ought to haue recourse vnto God by
prayer : assuring our selues, that whatsoeuer we aske of the Father,
in the name of his Sonne (our onely mediator and intercessor) Christ
lesus, and according to his will, he will vndoubtedly grant it.
48. Wee ought to prepare our hearts before wee pray, and vnder-
stand the things that wee aske when wee pray : that both our hearts
and voyces may together sound in the eares of Gods Maiestie.
49. When altnigktie God smiteth vs with affliction, or some great
calamitie hangeth ouer vs, or any other waighty cause so requireth ;
it is our dutie to humble our selues in fasting, to bewaile our sinnes
with a sorrowfull heart, and to addict our selues to earnest prayer,
that it might please God to turne his wrath from vs, or supplie V3
with such graces as wee greatly stand in neede of.
50. 2 Fasting is a with-holding of meat, drincke, and all naturall
focde, with other outward delights, from the body, for the determined
1 [From the ' Catechism.'] - 2 [Cf. Homily, Of Fasting, p. 284.]
380 APPENDIX VI.
time of fasting. As for those abstinences which are appointed by
publike order of our state, for eating of fish and forbearing of flesh at
certaine times and daies appointed, they are no wayes ment to bee
religious fastes, nor intended for the maintenance of any superstition
in the choice of meates, but are grounded meerely vpon politicke
considerations, for prouision of things tending to the better preserua-
tion of the Commonwealth.
51. Wee must not fast with this perswasion of minde, that our
fasting can bring vs to heauen, or ascribe holynesse to the outward
worke wrought. For God alloweth not our faste for the worke sake
(which of it selfe is a thing meerely indifferent), but chiefly respecteth
the heart, how it is affected therein. It is therefore requisit that
first before all things we dense our hearts from sinne, and then direct
our fast to such ends as God will allow to bee good : that the flesh
may thereby be chastised, the spirit may be more feruent in prayer,
and that our fasting may bee a testimony of our humble submission
to Gods maiestie, when wee acknowledge our sinnes vnto him, and are
inwardly touched with sorrowfulnesse of heart, bewailing the same
in the affliction of our bodies.
52. All worship deuised by mans phantasie, besides or contrary
to the Scriptures (as wandring on Pilgrimages, setting vp of Candles,
Stations, and Iubilies, Pharisaicall sects and fained religions, praying
vpon Beades, and such like superstition) hath not onely no promise
of reward in Scripture, but contrariewise threatnings and maledic-
tions.
53. All manner of expressing God the Father, the Sonne, and
the holy Ghost, in an outward forme, is vtterly vnlawfull. As also
all other images deuised or made by man to the use of Religion.
54. All religious worship ought to bee giuen to God alone ; from
whome all goodnesse, health, and grace ought to be both asked and
looked for, as from the very author and giuer of the same, and from
none other.
55. The name of God is to be vsed with all reuerence and holy
respect : and therefore all vaine and rash swearing is vtterly to be
condemned. Yet notwithstanding vpon lawful occasions, an oath
may be giuen, and taken, according to the word of God, iustice,
iudgement, and truth.
56. The first day of the weeke, which is the Lords day, is wholly
to be dedicated unto the seruice of God : and therefore we are bound
therein to rest from our common and daily buysinesse, and to bestow
that leasure vpon holy exercises, both publike and priuate.
APPENDIX VI. 881
Of the Ciuill Magistrate.
57. The Kings Maiesty vnder God hath the Soneraigne and
chiefe power, within his Realmes and Dominions, ouer all manner of
persons, of what estate, either Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill, soeuer they
bee ; so as no other forraine power hath or ought to haue any supe-
riority ouer them.
68. Wee doe prof esse that the supreame gouernement of all estates
within the said Realmes and Dominions, in all causes, as well Eccle-
siasticall as Temporall, doth of right appertaine to the Kings highnes.
Neither doe we gine vnto him hereby the administration of the Word
and Sacraments, or the power of the Keyes : but that prerogatiue
onely, which we see to haue been alwaies giuen vnto all godly Princes
in holy Scripture by God himselfe ; that is, that hee should containe
all estates and degree committed to his charge by God, whether they
be Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill, within their duty, and restraine the stub-
borne and euil doers with the power of the Ciuill swoorde.
59. The Pope neither of himselfe, nor by any authoritie of the
Church or Se of Rome, or by any other meanes with any other, hath
any power or authoritie to depose the King, or dispose any of his
Kingdomes or Dominions, or to authorise any other Prince to inuade
or annoy him or his Countries, or to discharge any of his subiects of
their allegeance and obedience to his Maiestie, or to give licence or
leaue to any of them to beare armes, raise tumult, or to offer any
violence or hurt to his Royall person, state, or gouernement, or to
any of his subiects within his Maiesties Dominions.
60. That Princes which be excommunicated or depriued by the
Pope, may be deposed or murthered by their subiects, or any other
whatsoeuer, is impious doctrine.
61. The lawes of the Realme may punish Christian men with
death for heynous and grieuous offences.
62. It is lawfull for Christian men, at the commandement of the
Magistrate, to beare armes, and to serue in iust wars.
Of our duty towards our Neighbours.
63. 1 Ovr duty towards our neighbours is, to loue them as our
selues, and to do to all men as we would they should doe to us ; to
honour and obey our Superiours ; to preserue the safety of mens per-
sons, as also their chastitie, goods, and good names ; to beare no malice
nor hatred in our hearts ; to keepe our bodies in temperance, sobernes,
' [Cf . ' Catechism.']
382 APPENDIX YU
and chastitie ; to be true and iust in all otir doings ; not to conet other
mens goodes, but labour truely to get our owne liuing, and to doe our
dutie in that estate of life vnto which it pleaseth God to call us.
64. For the preseruation of the chastitie of mens persons, wedlocke
is commaunded vnto all men that stand in need thereof. Neither is
there any prohibition by the word of God, but that the ministers of
the Church may enter into the state of Matrimony : they being no
where commaunded by Gods Law, either to vow the estate of single
life, or to abstaine from marriage. Therefore it is lawf ull also for them>
as well as for all other Christian men, to marrie at their owne dis-
cretion, as they shall iudge the same to serue better to godlines.
65. The riches and goodes of Christians are not common, as
touching the right, title, and possession of the same : as certaine Ana-
baptists falsely affirme. Notwithstanding euerie man ought of such
things as hee possesseth, liberally to giue almes to the poore, according
to his ability.
66. Faith giuen, is to be kept, even with Hereticks and Infidells.
67. The Popish doctrine of Equiuocation and mentall Reserua-
tion, is most vngodly, and tendeth plainely to the subuersion of all
humaine society.
Of the Church, and outward ministery of the Oospell.
68. There is but one Catholike Church (out of which there is no
saluation) containing the uniuersall company of all the Saints that
euer were, are, or shalbe, gathered together in one body, vnder one
head Christ Iesus : part whereof is already in heaven triumphant, part
as yet militant heere vpon earth. And because this Church consist-
eth of all those, and those alone, which are elected by God vnto sal-
nation, & regenerated by the power of his spirit, the number of whome
is knowen only vnto God himselfe ; therefore it is called the Catholike
or vniversall, and the Inuisible Church.
69. But particular and visible Churches (consisting of those who
make profession of the faith of Christ, and liue vnder the outward
meanes of saluation) be many in number : wherein the more or lesse
sincerely according to Christs institution, the word of God is taught,
the Sacraments are administred, and the authority of the Keyes is
vsed, the more or lesse pure are such Churches to bee accounted.
70. Although in the visible Church the euil bee euer mingled
with the good, and sometimes the euill haue chiefe authoritie in the
ministration of the word & Sacraments : yet, for as much as they doe
not the same in their owne name, but in Christs, and minister by hia
APPENDIX VI. 383
commission and authority, we may vse their ministery both in hearing
the word and in receauing the Sacraments. Neither is the effect of
Christs ordinance taken away by their wickednesse : nor the grace of
Gods gifts diminished from such as by faith and rightly doe receaue
the Sacraments ministred vnto them ; which are effectuall, because of
Christs institution and promise, although they be ministred by euill
men. Neuerthelesse it appertaineth to the discipline of the Church,
that inquiry be made of euill ministers, and that they be accused by
those that haue knowledge of their offences, and finally being found
guiltie, by iust iudgement bee deposed.
71. It is not lawfull for any man to take vpon him the office of
publike preaching or ministring the Sacraments in the Church, vnless
hee bee first lawfully called and sent to execute the same. And those
we ought to iudge lawfully called and sent, which bee chosen and
called to this worke by men who haue publike authoritie giuen
them in the Church, to call and send ministers into the Lords vine-
yard.
72. To haue publike prayer in the Church, or to administer the
Sacraments in a tongue not vnderstood of the people, is a thing
plainly repugnant to the word of God, and the custome of the Primi-
tiue Church.
73. That person which by publike denunciation of the Church is
rightly cut off from the vnitie of the Church, and excommunicate,
ought to bee taken of the whole multitude of the faithfull, as a
Heathen and Publican, vntill by Repentance he be openly reconciled
and receaued into the Church, by the iudgement of such as haue
authoritie in that behalfe.
74. God hath giuen power to his ministers, not simply to forgiue
sinnes, (which prerogatiue he hath reserued onely to himselfe) but in
his name to declare and pronounce vnto such as truely repent and
vnf ainedly beleeue his holy Gospell, the absolution and f orgiuenesse of
sinnes. Neither is it Gods pleasure that his people should bee tied to
make a particular confession of all their knowen sinnes vnto any mor-
tall man : howsoeuer any person grieued in his conscience, vpon any
speciall cause, may well resorte vnto any godly and learned Minister,
to receaue aduise and comfort at his hands.
Of the authoritie of the Church, generall Councells, and Bishop
of Rome.
75. It is not lawfull for the Church to ordaine any thing that is
contrary to Gods word : neither may it so expound one place of Scrip-
ture, that it be repugnant to another. Wherefore although the Church
384 APPENDIX VI.
bee a witnesse, and a keeper of holy writt : yet as it ought not to
decree any thing against the same, so besides the .same ought it not
inforce any thing to be beleeued vpon necessitie of saluation.
76. Generall Counoells may not be gathered together without the
commaundement and will of Princes ; and when they be gathered toge-
ther (for as much as they be an assembly of men not alwaies gouerned
with the spirit and word of God) they may erre, and sometimes haue
erred, enen in things pertaining to the rule of pietie. Wherefore
things ordained by them, as necessary to saluation, haue neither
strength nor authority, vnlesse it may be shewed that they bee taken
out of holy Scriptures.
77. Euery particular Church hath authority to institute, to change,
and cleane to put away ceremonies and other Ecclesiasticall rites, as
they be superfluous, or be abused ; and to constitute other, makeing
more to seemelynes, to order, or edification.
78. As the Churches of Ierusalem, Alexandria and Antioch haae
erred : so also the Church of Rome hath erred, not onely in those
things which concerne matter of practise and point of ceremonies,
but also in matters of faith.
79. The power which the Bishop of Rome now challengeth, to be
Supreame head of the vniversall Church of Christ, and to be aboue all
Emperours, Kings and Princes, is an usurped power, contrary to the
Scriptures and word of God, and contrary to the example of the
Primitiue Church ; and therefore is for most iust causes taken away
and abolished within the Kings Maiesties Eealmes and Dominions.
80. The Bishop of Rome is so farre from being the supreame
head of the vniuersall Church of Christ, that his workes and doctrine
doe plainely discover him to bee that man of sinne, foretold in the holy
Scriptures, whome the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth,
and abolish with the brightnes of his comming.
Of the State of the old and new Testament.
81. In the Old Testament the Commaundements of the Law were
more largely, and the promises of Christ more sparingly and darkely
propounded, shaddowed with a multitude of types and figures, and so
much the more generally and obscurely deliuered, as the manifesting
of them was further off.
82. The Old Testament is not contrary to the New. For both
in the Old and New Testament euerlasfcing life is offered to mankinde
by Christ, who is the onely mediator betweene God and man, being
both God and man. Wherefore they are not to be heard, which faino
APPENDIX VI. 385
that the old Fathers did looke onely for transitory promises. For they
looked for all benefits of God the Father through the merits of his
Sonne Iesus Christ, as we now doe : onely they beleeued in Christ
which should come, we in Christ already come.
83. The New Testament is full of grace and truth, bringing ioyfull
tidings vnto mankinde, that whatsoeuer formerly was promised of
Christ, is now accomplished : and so in stead of the auncient types and
ceremonies, exhibiteth the things themselues, with a large and cleero
declaration of all the benefits of the Gospell. Neither is the ministery
thereof restrained any longer to one circumcised nation, but is indiffe-
rently propounded vnto all people, whether they be Iewes or Gentils.
So that there is now no Nation which can truly complaine that they be
shut forth from the communion of Saints and the liberties of the people
of God.
84. Although the Law giuen from God by Moses, as touching
ceremonies and rites be abolished, and the Ciuill precepts thereof be
not of necessitie to be receaued in any Common-wealth : yet notwith-
standing no Christian man whatsoeuer is freed from the obedience of
the Commaundements, which are called Morall.
Of the Sacraments of the New Testament.
85. The Sacraments ordained by Christ be not onely badges or
tokens of Christian mens profession : but rather certaine sure witnesses,
and effectuall or powerf ull signes of grace and Gods good will towards
us, by which he doth worke inuisibly in vs, and not onely quicken
but also strengthen and confirme our faith in him.
86. There bee two Sacraments ordained of Christ our Lord in the
Gospell, that is to say, Baptisme and the Lords Supper.
87. Those fiue which by the Church of Rome are called Sacra-
ments, to witt, Confirmation, Penance, Orders, Matrimony, and Ex-
treame vnction, are not to be accounted Sacraments of the Gospell :
being such as haue partly growen from corrupt imitation of the
Apostles, partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures, but yet
haue not like nature of Sacraments with Baptisme and the Lords
Supper, for that they haue not any visible signe or ceremonie ordained
of God, together with a promise of sailing grace annexed thereunto.
88. The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed vpon,
or to be carried about ; but that we should duely vse them. And in
such onely as worthyly receaue the same, they haue a wholesome
effect and operation ; but they that receaue them vnworthylie, thereby
draw iudgement vpon themselues.
2 C
386 APPENDIX VI.
Of Baptisme.
89. Bapiisme is not onely an outward signe of oni' profession,
and a note of difference, whereby Christians are discerned from such
as are no Christians ; but much more a Sacrament of our admission
into the Church, sealing vnto vs our new birth (and consequently our
Trustification, Adoption, and Sanctification) by the communion which
we hane with Iesus Christ.
90. The Baptisme of Infants is to be retained in the Church, as
agreeable to the word of God.
91. In the administration of Baptisme, Exorcisme, Oile, Salte,
Spittle, and superstitious halloicing of the water, are for iust causes
abolished : and without them the Sacrament is fully and perfectly ad-
ministred, to all intents and purposes, agreeable to the institution of
our Sauiour Christ. 1
Of the Lords Supper.
92. The Lords supper is not onely a signe of the mntnall lone
which Christians ought to beare one towards another, but much more
a Sacrament of our preseruation in the Church, sealing vnto vs ovr
spirituall nourishment and continuall growth in Christ.
93. The change of the substance of bread and wine into the sub-
stance of the Body and Bloud of Christ, commonly called Transub-
stantiation, cannot be proued by Holy Writ ; but is rej)ugnant to
plaine testimonies of the Scripture, ouerthroweth the nature of a
Sacrament, and hath giuen occasion to most grosse Idolatry, and
manifold superstitions.
94. In the outward part of the Holy Communion, the Bodie and
Bloud of Christ is in a most liuely manner represented ; being no
otherwise present with the visible elements than things signified and
sealed are present with the signes and seales, that is to say, symboli-
cally and relatiucly. But in the inward and spirituall part the same
Body and Bloud is really and substantially presented vnto all those who
haue grace to receaue the Sonne of God, euen to all thoso that beleeue
in his name. And vnto such as in this manner doe worthylie and
with faith repair vnto the Lords table, the Bodie and Bloud of Christ
is not onely signified and offered, bnt also truly exhibited and com-
municated.
95. The Bodie of Christ is giuen, taken, and eaten in the Lords
* [Cf. ' Eleven Articles,' $ vm.]
APPENDIX VI. 387
Supper, onely after an heauenly and spirituall manner ; and the
meane whereby the Body of Christ is thus receaved and eaten is
Faith.
96. The wicked, and such as want a liuely faith, although they
doe carnally and visibly (as Saint Augustine speaketh) presse with
their teeth the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ, yet in no
wise are they made partakers of Christ ; but rather to their con-
demnation doe eat and drincke the signe or Sacrament of so great a
thing.
97. Both the parts of the Lords Sacrament, according to Christs
institution and the practise of the auncient Church, ought to be minis-
tred vnto Gods people ; and it is plain sacriledge to rob them of the
mysticall cup, for whom Christ hath shed his most precious bloud. 1
98. The Sacrament of the Lords Supper was not by Christs
ordinance reserued, carried about, lifted vp, or worshipped.
99. The sacrifice of the Masse, wherein the Priest is said to offer
vp Christ for obtaining the remission of paine or guilt for the quicke
and the dead, is neither agreeable to Christs ordinance nor grounded
upon doctrine Apostolike ; but contrarywise most ungodly and most
iniurious to that all-sufficient sacrifice of our Sauiour Christ, offered
once for euer vpon the Crosse, which is the onely propitiation and
satisfaction for all our sinnes.
100. Priuate Masse, that is, the receiuing of the Eucharist by
the Priest alone, without a competent number of communicants, is
contrary to the institution of Christ.
Of the state of the soules of men, after they be departed out of this life :
together tvith the generall Resurrection, and the last Iudgement.
101. After this life is ended the soules of Gods children be pre-
sently receaued into Heauen, there to enjoy vnspeakable comforts ;
the soules of the wicked are cast into Hell, there to endure endlesse
torments.
102. The doctrine of the Church of Rome, concerning Limbus
Patrum, Limbus Puerorum, Purgatorie, Prayer for the dead, Pardons,
Adoration of Images and Relickes, and also Inuocation of Saints is
uainely inuented without all warrant of holy Scripture, yea and is
contrary vnto the same.
103. At the end of this world the Lord Iesus shall come in the
clouds with the glory of his Father ; at which time, by the almightie
power of God, the liuing shalbe changed and the dead shalbe raised ;
1 [Cf. ' Eleven Articles,' J x.]
388 APPENDIX VI.
and all shall appeare both in body and soule before his iudgemeufc
seat, to receaue according to that which they haue done in their
bodies, whether good or evill.
104. When the last iudgement is finished, Christ shall deliuer vp
the Kingdome to his Father, and God shalbe all in all.
The Decree of the Synod.
If any Minister, of what degree or qualitie soeuer he be, shall pub-
likely teach any doctrine contrary to these Articles agreed vpon. If,
after due admonition, he doe not conforme himselfe, and cease to dis-
turbe the peace of the Church, let him bee silenced, and depriued of
all spiritual! promotions he doth eDjoy.
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS.
The following Notes and Illustrations, where not drawn exclusively
from, authorized or ' symbolical ' writings of the Roman and Reformed
Communions, are suggested by works of the Reformation-period, in
which the language is strikingly parallel or else as strikingly anta-
gonistic to expressions in the XXXIX. Articles. The value of such
contemporary illustrations of our present series will appear in cases
where the phraseology is technical, or strongly coloured by the special
controversies of the sixteenth century.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
ARTICLE I.
Source: Augsburg Confession, Art. I. from which, it
was borrowed, apparently through the medium of the XIII.
Articles of 1538 (see above, p. 61).
Object: directed against Pantheists and Anti-trini-
tarians (see above, p. 97, and references there).
The following is the version of this Article in the Reformatio
Legum Ecclesiasticarum, ' De Sitmma Trinitate,' c. 2 : ' Omnes filii
Dei per Jesum Christum renati, ex corde puro, conscientia bona, et
fide non ficta credant et confiteantur, uiram esse vivmn et verum
Deum aeternum et incorporeum, impassibilem, immensse potentise,
sapientise et bonitatis, Creatorem et Conservatorem omnium rerum
turn visibilium turn invisibilium : et in unitato ejus divinae naturas
tres esse Personas, ejusdem essentia? ac aoternitatis, Patrem, Filium,
et Spiritum Sanctum : Patrem vero a seipso esse, nee ab alio qucquam
vel generari vel procedere ; et Filium quidem a Patre generari :
Sphitum Sanctum vero et a Patre et a Filio procedere : nee ullam
naturae diversitatem aut inEoqualitatem in ista Personarum distinc-
tione poni, sed qnoad substantiam, vel, ut dicunt, essentiam divinam,
omnia inter eos paria et aBqualia esse.' Cf . Gardiner's ' xv. Articles,'
§ I. (in Cardwell's Docum. Annals, No. xxxyiii.) ; Irish Articles, §§8
—10 (above, p. 373).
AETICLE II.
Source : Augsb. Confess. Art. in. from which the first
draft of the English Article was mainly borrowed (see
above, pp. 62, 262) ; while the clause respecting our Lord's
eternal generation and consubstantiality was introduced in
1563, from the Wiirtemberg Articles of 1552 ; see above,
p. 125.
Object : directed chiefly against a docetic form of ' Ana-
baptism' (see above, pp. 88, 97).
392 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
In the Reformatio Legum, 'De Summa Trin.' c. 3, we have the
following version of it : ' Credatur etiam, cum venisset plenitudo
temporis, Filium qui est Verbum Patris, in utero beatae virginis
Marias, ex ipsius carnis substantia, naturam hurnanam assumpsisse,
ita ut dua3 naturas, divina et humana, integre atque perfecte in uni-
tate Personam fuerint inseparabiliter conjunctae ; ex quibus unus est
Christus, verus Deus et verus homo : qui vere passus est, cruoifixus,
mortuus et sepultus, descendit ad inferos ac tertia die resurrexit,
nobisque per suum sanguinem reconciliavit Patrem, sese hostiam
offerens illi, non solum pro culpa originis, verum etiam pro omnibus
peccatis quce homines propria voluntate adjecerunt.'
The Irish Articles allude to a mysterious question respecting the
mode in which the Son is derived from the Father : see § 9 (above,
p. 373).
ARTICLE III.
Object : designed to quiet existing agitations (see above,
pp. 97, 135, and notes, where also we discern the causes
which led to the abbreviation of this Article in 1563). The
longest form it had assumed occurs in the xlv. Articles of
1552, as signed bj the royal chaplains, see pp. 279, 292,
n. 1.
The Assembly of Divines in their revision made the Article run as
follows : ' As Christ died for ns, and was buried ; so it is to be
believed that he continued in the state, of the dead and under the
power and dominion of death, from the time of his death and burial,
until his resurrection ; which hath been otherwise expressed thus, He
went down into hell.'
The view commonly received amongst Anglican Divines, was
stated as follows in Nowell's Catechismus : ' Christum vt corpore in
terras viscera, ita, anima a corpore separata, ad inferos descendisse ;
simulqne etiam mortis suae virtutem, atque efficacitatem ad mortuos
atque inferos adeo ipsos ita penetrasse, vt et incredulorum anima?
acerbissimam iustissimamque infidelitatis suae damnationem, ipseque
inferorum princeps Satanas tyrannidis suae et tenebrarum potestatem
omnem debilitatam, fractam atque ruina collapsam esse, persentiret :
contra vero mortui Christo dum vixerunt fidentes, redemptionis suae
opus iam peractum esse, eiusque vim atque virtutem cum suauissima
ccrtissimaque consolatione, intelligerent atque pcrcipcrent,' p. 71, ed.
Lond. 1572: see Bp. Alley's account of all the different theories,
above, p. 135, n. 1.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 393
ARTICLE IV.
Object: -directed chiefly against the docetic (Schwenck-
feldian) form of Anabaptism (see above, p. 97) : but also
in some minds connected with, the true doctrine of the
Eucharistic Presence (see Art. xxix. of 1553, above, p 330).
Reformatio Legum, ' de SUnrma Trin.' c. 4 : ' Credatur item
Dominus noster Jesus Christus, etiam post resurrectionem, duplici
natura constare ; divina quidem, immensa, incircumscripta, et infinita,
quse ubique sit et omnia impleat ; humana vero, finita et descripta
humani corporis terminis ac finibus, qua, postquam peccata nostra
perpurgavisset, in coelos ascendit, ibique ita sedet ad dcxteram Patris,
ut non ubique sit, quippe quern oportet in coelo remanere, usque ad
tempus restitutionis omnium, cum ad judicandum vivos et mortuos
veniet, ut reddat cuique juxta opera sua.'
ARTICLE V.
Source : Wurtemberg Confession (see above, p. 125).
Object : directed, like Art. L, against Anti-trinitarians
(see above, p. 126).
Reformatio Legum, ' de Hasresibus,' c. 6: 'Quomodo vero hoec
putida membra sunt ab Ecclesiae corpore segreganda, quae de Ckristo
capite tarn perverse sentiunt [above, p. 81, n. 2], sic illorum etiam
est execrabilis impudentia, qui cum Macedonio contra Spiritum
Sanctum conspiraverunt, ilium pro Deo non agnoscentes : ' cf. Art. I.
of 1538, which condemns the modern ' Samosateni,' who represented
the Holy Spirit as impersonal (above, p. 261).
ARTICLE VI.
Source : the clause relating to the testimony of the
Church in determining what books are canonical, derived,
in 1563, from the Wurtemberg Confession (above, p. 125).
Object : to condemn (] ) Mediaeval errors on the ' Word
unwritten,' and (2) the errors of spiritualists or anti-book-
religionists (above, p. 98).
After enumerating the canonical Books, of both the New and Old
Testament, the Reformatio Legum proceeds, ' de Summa Trinitate,'
<c. 9 : ' Hasc igitur generatim est sancta Scriptura, qua omnia creditu
ad salutem necessaria, pleno et perfeofce contineri crerlimus, usque
394 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
adeo ut quicquid in ea nou legitur, nee reperitur, nee denique ex
eadera aut consequitur, aut convincitur, a nenrine sit exigenduui nt
tanquam articulus fidei credator.' The absolute supremacy of Holy
Scripture is then affirmed with like emphasis (c. 10) : ' Divinae
Scripturos tanta credatur authoritas, ut nulla creaturao cujusvis-
excellentia ipsi vel anteponenda sit vel asquanda.'
One of The Articles of the Principal Heads of Religion, (above, p.
118, n. 4) : ' S. Scriptura in se continet omnem doctrinam pietatis ;
ex qua snfncienter et error omnis convinci possit et Veritas stabilh'i.'
of whose authoi-ity was never any doubt in the Church.}
This mode of ascertaining the component parts of the Canon did not
satisfy the French and Belgic reformers. E.g. in Art. iv. of the
Gallic Confession, (1561), it is stated: 'Nous connoisons ces livres
estre canoniques, et reigle tres certaine de nostre Foy non tant par le
commun accord et consentement de VEglise, que par le tesmoignage et
interieure persuasion du S. Esprit, qui les nous fait discerner d'avec
lesautres livres Ecclesiastiques[=Apocryphal]. Surlesquels (encore
qu'ils soyent utiles) on ne peut fonder aucun article de Foy.'
(Niemeyer, pp. 314, 315) : cf. Confess. Belgic. Art. v. (Ibid. pp. 361,
362.) The Irish Articles, § 2, after enumerating the books both of
the New and Old Testament, acknowledges them to be given by
inspiration of God, and bases their authority on that inspiration.
The Apocryphal books, according to the Reformatio Legum, c. 7,
are ' libri sacri, non tamen canonici,' and ' leguntur quidem a fidelibus
et in ecclesia recitantur, quod ad aedificationeni plebis plurima in illis
valeant, quibus tamen non tantum authoritatis tribuitur, ut fidei
nostra? dogmata ex ipsis solis et separatim citra alios indubitatse
Scriptura? locos constitui, constabilirique, vel possint, vel debeant.
Sunt ergo et cum judicio et sobrie isti turn audiendi turn legendi.'
The Roman Church, since April 8, 1546, has included the books of
Tobit, Judith, Baruch, "Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, and the 1st and 2nd of
Maccabees, in the Old-Testament canon, (Concil. Trident. Sess. iv.) :
and the same decree (which was the work of five cardinals and forty-
eight bishops) after declaring that tho Christian revelation is trans-
mitted ' in libris scripitis et sine scripto traditionibus,' orders both to
be received 'pari pietatis affectu ac reverentia.' Of this dogma, Alley
speaks as follows, Poore Mans Librarie, i. 58 : 'It is therefore a new
inuention and lye, innented lately in the dinels shoppe that all
doctrine of religion cannot be proued out of tho Scriptures, and that
mens traditions, without and besides the Scriptures, aro necessary
workes to saluation:' cf. Parker's Correspond, p. 110 (ed. P. S.).
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 395'
ARTICLE VII.
Object: directed against 'Anabaptisin' (see above, p. 98,
and the references there).
' Here I note onely one thing, which is [the] temeritie, ignoraunce-
and blasphemy of certaine phantastical heades, which hold y' the-
prophots do write onely to the people of y c old Testament, and that
their doctrine did pertain onely to their time ; and would seclude al
y e fathers y* liued vnder y e law from the hope of eternal saluation.
And here is also a note to be gathered against them which vtterly
reiect y e old testament, as a boke nothing necessari to y e christians
which Hue vnder y e Gospel. But as I haue said before, ther is no-
difference betwene the Old Testament and the newe, but onelye in
circumstaunce and nothing in substaunce. And therefore the one is
as wel to be allowed and receiued as the other.' Alley, Poore Mans
Lilrarie, II. 97 : cf. Homilies, ' 2nd Part of Faith,' p. 38, Camb. ed.
ARTICLE VIII.
Object : to assert the catholic and conservative character
of the English Reformation (see Art I. of 1536, above,
p. 43).
Reformatio Legum, ' de Summa Trim' c. 5 : ' Efc quoniam omnia
ferme, qua? ad fidem spectant catholicam, turn quoad beatissimam
Trinitatem, turn quoad mysteria nostra? redemptionis, tribus Sym-
bolis, hoc est, Apostolico, Niceno, et Athanasii breviter continentur j.
idcirco ista tria Symbola, ut fidei nostra? compendia qusedam recipimus
et amplectimur, quod firmissimis divinarum et canonicarum Scriptu-
rarum testimoniis facile probari possint.'
The Articles of the Principal Heads of Religion subjoin to a similar
statement : ' Qui istis non crediderint inter veroa Catholicos non sunt
recipiendi.'
ARTICLE IX.
Smtrce : It is based on Art II. of the Augsburg Confes-
sion, from which it was drawn through the medium of the
XIII. Articles, above, p. 62.
Object: directed mainly against ' Anabaptism ' (see
above, p. 99).
396 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Reformatio Legum, ' de Hseresibus,' c. 7 : 'In labe peccati ex ortu
Tiostro contracta, quam vitium originis appellainus, primum quidem
Pelagianorum, deinde etiam Anabaptistarum nobis vitandus et sub-
movendus est error, quorum in eo consensus contra veritatein sacra-
rum Scripturarum est, quod peccatum originis in Adamo solo hseserit,
et non ad posteros transierit, nee ullam afferat naturas nostrse perver-
sitatem, nisi quod ex Adanii delicto propositum sit peccandi noxiuni
exemplum, quod homines ad eandem pravitateni invitat imitandum et
usurpandum.'
Catechismus Brevis, 1553, (see above, p. 75) : ' Quo factum est,
ut statim uterque mortui sunt, hoc est, non tantum morti corporis
•obnoxii f uerunt, verum o.nimi quoque vitam amiserunt, quce est justitia ;
ct protinus in illis imago offuscata est, ac lineamenta ilia justitia;,
sanctitatis, veritatis et cognitionis Dei, longe pulcherrima, confusa
sunt et pene deleta ; reliqua vero fuit imago terrena cum injustitia
conjuncta, fraude, affectione carnali, et de rebus divinis ac coelestibus
ignoratio summa. Inde autem nata est carnis nostras infirmitas ;
inde ista corruptio et confusio affectionum et cupiditatum omnium;
hinc ilia pestis, hinc illud seminarium et nutrimentum peccatorum
omnium, quo genus humanum inficitur, et Peccatum Originis appel-
latur.' B. vii. seqq.
very far gone from original righteousness.] The ' Assembly
of Divines ' preferred the phrase ' wholly deprived of original righteous,
r.ess,' which brought the Article into harmony with some of the one-
sided statements of the earlier Lutherans ana the general tenour of
the Calvinistic dogmas. The Gallican Confession, Art. IX. may be
quoted as a specimen : Nous croyons que l'homme ayant este cree
pur et enticr, et conforme a 1'image de Dieu, est par sa propre faute
descheu de sa grace qu'il avoit recue, et ainsi s'est aliene de Dieu,
qui est la fontaine de iustice et de tous biens, en sorte que sa nature
est du tout corromjpus ; et estant aveugle en son esprit et deprave
en son coeur, a perdu toute inUgrite sans en voir rien de residu.'
{Niemeyer, p. 316).
original righteousness.] By this phrase the Schoolmen
generally described the moral and spiritual condition of man anterior
to the fall; some, however, making the ' donum originalis justitias'
no more than a superadded grace, and not a connatural quality.
See Field, On the Church, n. 176—205 ; ed. E. H. S. In the view of
these latter, the effect of the fall was svmply privative, whereas the
Article before us regards it as a positive, though not entire, corruption
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 397
or vitiation of Man's nature : cf . Confess. Saxon. Art. n. (apud Francke,
App. p. 75).
concupiscence and lust hath of itself the nature of sin.]
According to the version of the Assembly of Divines, it 'is truely and
properly sin,' and similarly the Saxon Confession, ubi sup. On the
contrary, the council of Trent (in 1546) decreed as follows: 'Hanc
concupiscentiam, quani aliquando Apostolus peccatum appellat,.
sancta synodus declarat, ecclesiam Catholicam numquam intellexisse
peccatum appellari, quod vere et proprie in renatis peccatum sit, sed
quia ex peccato est et ad peccatum inclinat.' Sessio v. § 5. It is
very remarkable that in a former passage of the same section the
view is anathematised, which affirms that in the sacrament of baptism
' non tolli totum id, quod veram et propriam peccati rationem habet.'
The English Article retains the phrase ' peccati rationem habere,*
but drops the epithets ' veram et propriam,' and has thus occupied a
sort of intermediate place between contending parties.
The following is the view of Gardiner and others of the anti-
reformation school : ' Althoughe the gylte of oryginall synne be taken
awaye in baptysme, yet the scarre of it (as it were), y' matter of it
doth remayne, whiche as it troubleth and letteth man's perfection in
vertue, and therby is maynteyned a continual strife and debate, so it
is not to be accompted our synne tyll we conceyue it by embracyng
and agreynge to such carnall motions.' Declaration (Against Joye),
fol. cxxi.
Bonner, Profitable and Necessarye Doctryne, N. ii. a, writes in the
same strain : ' Albeit baptysme be of this great efficacye, yet ye shall
vnderstand, that there remayneth in vs that be baptized, a certayne
infirmitie, or inclination, to synne, called concupiscence whiche by
lustes and desyres doth moue vs many tymes to synnes and wicked-
nes : neuerthelesse, almyghty God of hys greate mercy and goodnes,
hath geuen vs such grace in this his holye sacrament of baptysme,
that such carnall and fleshly lustes and desyres shall not ne can in
any wyse hurte vs, excepte we do first consent vnto them.'
Hooper, as we might expect, has put the question very differently :
' I believe that sin dwelleth still in man, yea in the very saints and
children of God after their new birth through baptism and the Holy
Ghost.' Later Writings, ed. P. S. p. 60.
ARTICLE X.
Source : the former clause was introduced from the
Wurtemberg Articles, above, p. 12-5 ; the latter is almost
398 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
verbatim from St. Augustine, De Gratia et Libcro Arbitrio,
c. xvii. al. xxxin.
Object : directed against ' Anabaptism ' (see above,
p. 99).
Reformatio Lcgum, ' de Hasresibus,' c. 7 : ' Similiter nobis contra
illos progrediendum est, qui tantum in libero arbitrio roboris et
nervorum ponunt, ut eo solo sine alia speciali Christi gratia recte ab
hominibus vivi posse constituant.'
Necessary Doctrine and Erudition, 'Article of Free-will:' 'And
so likewise although there remain a certain freedom of will in those
things which do pertain unto the desires and works of this present
life [cf. Augsburg Confess. § xviii.], yet to perform spiritual and
heavenly things free-will of itself is insufficient : and therefore the
power of man's free-will, being thus wounded and decayed, hath need
•of a physician to heal it, and an help to repair it ; that it may receive
light and strength, whereby it may see, and have power to do those
godly and spiritual things, which before the fall of Adam it was able
and might have done.' Formularies of Faith, pp. 360, 361.
Gardiner's Declaration (Against George Joye) : 'All such textesof
Scripture as seeme to attribute to man power and faciilte of him selfe
to do good, howe playnely so euer they be, I maye gather no sence or
Tnderstandynge of them, but suche as may agre with those testes of
Scripture that shew how man of himself e can not do any good thinge,
not so muche as thynke a good thought, but it be by the speciall
gyfte and grace of God. And howe playne so euer some of the textea
of Scripture seme, so to considre man as to resemble him to au
earthpot at the pleasure of the potter, and onely to do as he is
ordeined to do by God, yet must we forbeare to make any other sence,
then such as may agre with other textes of Scripture, that declare
mans fre choise to receiue grace when it is offred hym, or to refuse it
and continue in synne.' fol. XL.
ARTICLE XI.
Source and Object : cf. Augs. Conf. Art. IV. above, p. 18 ;
Art. v. of 1536, above, p. 46 ; Art. iv. of 1538, above, p. 62 ;
Art. XI. of 1553, above p. 99, and notes ; Wiirtemberg
Confess, above, p. 125.
Reformatio Legum, ' de Hasresibus,' c. 7: 'Ncc illi sunt audiendi,
quorum impietas salutarem et in sacris Scripturis fuudatam justifi-
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 399
cationis nostras doctrinam oppugnat, in qua tenendum est, non operum
momentis, justitiam honrinum collocari.'
Catechismus Brevis : ' Quoties igitur dici solet, sola nos fide justi-
ficari et servari, ita dictum est quia fides, aut potius fiducia sola
apprehendit, intelligit, et cognoscit nostram justificationem nobis a
Deo gratis dari, hoc est, nullis nostris meritis, sed ex gratuita gratia
Omnipotentis Patris.' d, vi.
Confessio [Augustana] Variata, a.d. 1540 : ' Quum igitur dicimus
Fide justificamur, non hoc intelligimus quod justi simus propter ipsius
virtutis dignitatem, sed haoc est sententia : consequi nos remissionem
peccatorum et imputationem justitias per misericordiam propter Chris-
tum.' Apud Francke, Lib. Symbol. App. p. 14 : also in Sylloge
Confessionum, p. 181, Oxon. 1827.
Gardiner, Declaration (Against Joye) : ' I euer affirmed that we
be frelye iustified and frely saued, and yet God in giuinge vs this
fredome, for Christ, worketh so in ordre and so wylleth vs to obserue
it, which I call the condycyon, as for wante thereof wo shal eyther
not atteyne fredome, or loose oure fredom when we haue atteyned it,'
fol. ciiii. . . . ' And surelye al the disputacyon, in this artycle of
iustification is deduced by discussion thus farre, that for all the only
and onely, with so many onlyes which they haue added to faythe, to
make y e speach litigious, there now is none founde amonge lerned
men, but that saye (as ye mayster Joye say) that charite is not
excluded from faith in iustification, [cf. Horn. Of Salvation, p. 24.
Camb. ed.], but that there is in the iustification of man fayth and
charitie. But the newe secte (whiche ye prof esse), to mayntayne
the aduerbe onelye, saye the offyce of fayth is onely to iustifie, and
yet charitie is present, but is not effectuouse therein,' fol. cxiiii. :
cf. the 6th of Gardiner's XV. Articles.
The following is the view taken of the doctrine by the Council of
Trent, in 1547 : ' Hanc dispositionem seu prasparationern justificatio
ipsa consequitur : quaa non est sola peccatorum remissio, sed efc
sanctificatio, et renovatio interioris hominis [cf . Art. v. of 1536, above,
p. 46.] per voluntariam susceptionem gratiae et donorum. Unde
homo ex injusto fit Justus et ex inimico amicus, ut sit hasres secundum
spem vitas acternas. Hujus justificationis causae sunt ; finalis quidem,
gloria Dei, et Christi, ac vita a?terna ; efficiens vero, misericors Deus,
qui gratuito abluit et sanctificat, signans et unguens Spiritu pro-
missionis sancto, qui est pignus hasreditatis nostras : ineritoria autem,
dilectissimus unigenitus sxius, Dominus noster Jesus Christus ; qui,
cum essemus inimici, propter nimiam charitatem qua dilexit nos, sua
400 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
sauctissima passione in ligno crucis, nobis justificationem meruit, et.
pro nobis Deo Patri satisfecit : instrumentalis item, sacramentum
baptismi, quod est sacramentum fidei, sine qua nulli unquam contigit
justificatio. Demum unica formalis causa est justitia Dei, non qur«
i]3se Justus est, sed qua nos justos facit ; qua videlicet ab co donati
renovamur spiritu mentis nostras, et non modo reputamur sed vero
justi nominamur et sumus, justitiamin nobis recipientes, unusquisque
suam secundum mensuram, quam Spiritus Sanctus partitur singulis
prout vult, et secundum propriam cujusque dispositionem et coopera-
tionem.' Sess. vi. c. vn.
AETICLE XII.
Source : borrowed in part from the Wiirtemberg Con-
fession (see above, p. 125, and n. 7).
Object : directed against Solifidianism (see above,
p. 126.)
Articles of 1538, or 1540, (see above, p. 63) : ' Nam bona opera ad
salutem sunt necessaria : non quod de impio justum faciunt, nee quod
sunt pretium pro peccatis, aut causa justificationis ; sed quia necesse
est, ut qui jam fide justificatus est, et reconciliatus Deo per Christum,
voluntatem Dei facere studeat,' etc. (above, p. 263).
Confessio Variata, ' de Bonis Operibus,' § 2 : ' Docemus etiam, quo-
modo hsec inchoata obedientia placeat Deo. Nam in hac tanta infirmi-
tate et immunditie naturas sancti non satisfaciunt legi ; opus igitur
est piis consolatione, ut sciant, quomodo ha;c exigua et imperfecta
obedientia Deo placeat. Non enim ideo placet quia legi satisfaciat,
sod quia personam reconciliatas et justaa sunt propter Christum et
credunt sibi condonari imbecillitatem suam . . . Quamquam igitur
hajc nova obedientia procul abest a perfectione legis, tamen est
justitia et moretur prajinia, ideo quia persona) reconciliatte sunt.'
The Council of Trent, Sess. VI. c. XVI. maintains that the word
' merit ' (as in the above extract froin a Lutheran manifesto) may bo
properly applied to Christian works ; and then adds the following
denunciation of all those who questioned the assertion (Can. xxxii.):
' Si quis dixerit hominis justificati bona opera ita esse dona Dei, "•'
non sint etiam bona ipsius justificati mcrita, aut ipsum justificatuin
bonis operibus, quae ab eo per Dei gratiam et Jcsu Christi meritum,
cujus vivum membrum est, hunt, non vore mereri augmentum gratia:,
vitam seternam, et ipsius vita; a?tcrn?e, si tamen in gratia decesserit,
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 401
consecutionem, atque etiam gloriaa augmenturn, anathema sit ; ' cf.
Gardiner's Declaration, fol. xx., and the 7th of his XV. Articles.
justificatos sequuntur.] This mode of speech appears in St
Augustine, De Fide et Operibus, c. xiv : ' Sequuntur enim [opera bona]
justificatum, non praecedunt justificandum : ' cf. Homily of Fasting,
p. 280, Camb. ed.
ARTICLE XIII.
Object : to condemn a scliolastic theory respecting merit
de congruo (see above, p. 100, and note). The discrepancy
that exists between the title ' works before Justification '
and the body of the Article ' works done before the grace of
Christ ' is explained by referring to an early draft of the
Articles of 1553 (see above, pp. 281, 304, n. 2). The old
title was retained, although the wording of the Article was
considerably modified (cf. the version of the Assembly of
Divines, above, p. 215).
The inability of man to do good works without the preventing
grace of God (' sine prseveniente Spiritns Sancti inspiratione atque
ejus adjutorio') was strongly affirmed at the Council of Trent (Sess. VI.
Can. I, in), in opposition to a party of Pelagian Schoolmen. But the
doctrine that all works wrought before justification are truly sinful
(' vere peccata, vel odium Dei mereri ') was laid under a severe
anathema (Can. vn). Gardiner, in like manner, distinguishes
between ' bona opera ' and ' opera poenitentiaa/ of which the former
follow justification, while the latter precede it, fol. xxxviii. He
afterwards taxes his opponent with ignorance as to the true meaning
of the terms 'meritum de congruo' and 'meritum de condigno/
fol. clxvi. b.
Luther, (quoted by Archbp Laurence, Serm. iv. p. 76) : ' Hie
adversarii opponunt exemplum Cornelii . . . Corneliug, inquiunt,
teste Luca, vir bonus, Justus, timens Deum, faciens eleemosynas
multas populo et deprecans Deum semper, ergo merebatur de congruo
rcmissionem peccatorum . . . Errant igitur sophistae, cum dicunt, pro
statuendo opere congrui Comelium operibus naturalibus rationis et
moralibus consecutum esse gratiam, et rcmissionem Spiritus Sancti.
Nam justum et timentem Dei, etc. esse, affectus sunt non hominis
Gentilis aut naturalis scd spiritualis, qui jam fidem habet.'
2d
402 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
On the moral qualities ascribable to ' the works of heathen men,'
which formed a source of great perplexity to Chillingworth, when he
was called upon to subscribe this Article, we hare the following
opinion of Bp. Woolton, Christian, Manual, p. 43, ed. P. S: 'Albeit
the works of heathen men are not to be compared with the good
works of faithful men engraffed in the Church of Christ; yet for
many causes, and principally for that without all controversy all good
gifts and endowments, even in the paynims, are God's good gifts, they
have the title and name of good works in some respects given nnto
them.'
ARTICLE XIV.
Object : to condemn the scholastic figment with respect
to 'supererogation' (see above, p. 100, and note).
Reformatio Legum, 'de Hajresibus,' c. 8 : 'Turn et illorum arro-
gantia comprimenda est, et authoritate legum domanda, qui superero-
gationis opera quasdam importaverunt, quibus existimant non solum
cumulate Dei legibus, et explete satisfieri, sed aliquid etiani in illis
amplius superesse quam Dei mandata postulent, unde et sibi mereri
et ahis merita applicari possint.'
ARTICLE XV.
Object : aimed, apparently, at a scholastic dogma which
asserted the immaculateness of the blessed Virgin (see
above, p. 100).
Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 165: 'Hvnc articulum sanum ct
vemm esse afhrmamus ; vcruntamen quoties fit quaostio de peccato,
Mariam virginem excef)tam intelligimus.' He afterwards (fol. 160)
quotes the following from Gabriel Biel, ' eruditissimns sacra3
Theologise licentiatus ; ' ' Caeteri quoque sancti, etsi qnidam corum
ab omni actuali tarn mortali quam veniali peccato (sicut de Ioanne
Baptista et Ieremia propheta constat) fuere liberi, originali tamen
culpa non caruerunt, quamuis ab ea, priusquam nascerentur, sunt
mundati : sola virgo Maria ita ex vtroquo parente fuit concepta, vt
tamen ab originali peccato pra?rogatiua singulari sit pra>scruata.'
See the decision of the Council of Trent under the following
Article.
NOTES AND .ILLUSTRATIONS. 403
ARTICLE XVI.
Object : to condemn a ' Novatian' form of Anabaptisin
(see above, pp. 88, 100). The character of the Article is
further seen in the hostility which it provoked by teaching
that the justified may fall from grace (see pp. 207 sq.).
Reformatio Legum, 'de Heeresibus,' c. 9 : ' Etiara illi de justificatis
perverse sentiunt, qui credunt illos, postquam justi seniel fact! sunt,
iu peccatum non posse incidere, aut si forte quicquam eoruni faciunt,
quae Dei legibus prohibentur, ea Deum pro peccatis non accipere.
Quibus opinione contrarii, sed iinpietatc pares sunt, qui quodcumque
peccatum niortale, quod post baptismum a nobis susceptuni voluntate
nostra committitur, illud omne contra Spirituni Sanctum affirmant
gestum esse et remitti non posse.'
Necessary Doctrine, (in Formal, of Faith, p. 367) : 'It is no doubt,
but although, we be once justified, yet we may fall therefrom by our
own freewill and consenting unto sin. . . . And here all phantastical
imagination, curious reasoning, and vain trust of predestination, is to
be laid apart.'
Augsburg Confession, Art. xn. § 3: 'Damuant Anabaptistas, qui
negant semel justificatos posse amittero Spiiitum Sanctum. . . Dam-
r.antur et Novatiani qui nolebant absolvere lapsos post baptismum
redeuntes ad poeuitentiam : ' cf. Confess. Helvet. Poster. ' de Poenitentia'
(in Niemeyer, p. 493).
Council of Trent, Sess. VI. Can. xxiii : ' Si quis hominem semel
justificatuni dixerit amplius peccare non posse, neque gratiam
amittere, atque ideo eum qui labitur et peccat nuuquam vere fuisse
justificatum, aut contra, posse in tota vita, peccata omnia etiam
venialia vitare, nisi ex speciali Dei privilegio, quemadmodum de beata
virgine Maria tenet ecclesia, anathema sit.'
Gardiner (Against Joye), fol. clvi. : ' I haue learned and therafter
speake, that a sinner cannot turne without the grace of God, whicli
God dystributeth by degrees, as y e sonne sheweth herselfe (sic) in the
morninge, in whom there is encrease by successe tyl the sonne come
to the highest at noon. Men fall sodenly doune the hyll from God,
but they be drawen vp the hyll to hym by degrees.'
ARTICLE XVII.
Source : the general wording of this Article is thought
to bear some resemblance to Luther's Preface to his-
404 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Comment, on the Epistle to the Romans (see Bp Short's Hist, of
the Church, pp. 323, 324). The concluding paragraph, in.
which. God's promises are said to be ' general ' or ' universal,'
is more clearly traceable to language of Melancthon
(Laurence, Bamvp. Lect. p. 179).
Object : to allay the angry disputations then prevalent
on the subject of Predestination (see above, p. 100). It
commends, in general terms, one view of predestination,
while denouncing all approach to fatalistic notions.
The Reformatio Legum, ' de Hasresibus,' c. 22, after mentioning the
practical evils which had sprung from a perversion of the doctrine of
predestination, goes on to speak as follows : 'Nos vero sacris Scripturis
eruditi talem in hac re doctrinam ponimus, quod diligens et accurata
cogitatiode praodestinatione nostra et electione suscepta, (de quibus Dei
vohmtate determinatnm fuit antequam mundi fundamenta jacerentur;)
hasc itaque diligens et seria, quam diximus, his de rebus cogitatio,
piorum hominum animos spiritu Christi afflatos et carnis et mem.
broruin subjectionem persentiscentes, et ad ccelestia sursum tendentes,
dulcissima quadam et jucundissima consolatione permulcot, quoniam
fidem nostram de perpetua salute per Christum ad nos perventura
confirmat, vehementissimas charitatis in Deuui fiammas accendit,
mirabiliter ad gratias agendas exsuscitat, ad bona nos opera propin-
quissime adducit, et a peccatis longissime abducit, quoniam a Deo
sumus electi, et filii ejus instituti. Quae singularis et eximia conditio
summam a nobis salubritatem morum, et excellentissimam virtutis
perfectionem requirit : denique nobis arrogantiam minuit, ne vh'ibus
nostris geri credamus, qua) gratuita Dei beneficentia et infiuita boni-
tate indulgentur. Praaterea neminem ex hoc loco purgationem cen-
semus vitiomm suorum afferrc posse ; quia Deus nihil ulla in re injuste
constituit, nee ad peccata voluntates nostras unquarn invitas trndit.
Quapropter omnes nobis admonendi sunt, ut inactionibus suscipiendis
ad decreta praxlcstinationis se non referant, sed universam vitao sua*
rationem ad Dei leges accommodent ; cum et promissiones bonis, et
minas malis, in sacris Scripturis gencraliter propositus contemplentuiv
Debemus enim ad Dei cultum viis illis ingredi, et in ilia Dei voluntato
commorari, quam in sacris Scripturis patefactam esse vidomus.'
On the phrase ' gcneraliter propositi' as equivalent to ' universa-
iiter proposita?,' sec above, p. 1GG.
Gardiner (Against Joye), fol. xxxix : 'I acknowledge God's pre-
NOTES AND ILLUSTKATIONS. 405
destination as whereof I am most certeynly assured by scripture, and
also conf esse the textes of scripture by me rehersed to conteyne a most
certeine truth and ought therefore to be worshypped and reuerenced.
And am sory to se the high mysterye of Goddes predestinacion and
the scriptures lykewise to be abused vnsemely by noughtye men, to
■suche ende and effecte as the Grekes and infidels vsed the false opinion
of destinye.' . . . Again (fol. lii) : ' For and their opinion were true,
there neded no preachynge, prayer, ministracion of sacramentes or
any memory or remembraunce of Christ, but as the Turkes do, ones
in a weke tell the people out of the stepyll, ye that are predestinate,
shal be of necessitie saued, ye that are not pi-edestinate, shal be of
necessitie dampned.' Again, (fol. lxxiiii) : 'The true teachynge of
Christes churche abhoreth necessitie, and yet worshyppeth for moost
oertayne truthes Goddes prouidence, election, and predestinacion,
whereby we be taughte that God is auctor of al our helth, welth and
saluacion, the cyrcumstaunce of which workyng in God in his election
and predestinacion, althoughe it be as impossible for mans wit to
frame with our choyse and free wyll, as to deuise howe a camell
shulde passe through the eye of an nedle without makyng the nedles
eye bygger or the camell lesse ; yet that is impossible for man, is not
impossible for God.' He then goes into a long argument with the
hope of dispelling some portion of the mystery in which this question
is enveloped, ' by distincting Goddes knowledge from His election as
the cause from the effect.'
Prologe vpon the epistle to the Romayns (May 23, 1551) : ' But now
is God sure that his predestinacion cannot deceyue hym, neyther can
any man withstand or let him : and therfore haue we hope and trust
agaynst synne. But here muste a marke be set vnto those vnquyet,
busy and hygh clymyng spyrytes, how farre they shal go : whych fyrst
of al brynge hyther theyr hygh reasons and pregnaunte wyttes, and
begyn fyrst from an hyghe, to searche the bottomles secretes of Gods
predestinacyon, whether they be predestinat or not. These must
nedes either cast themselues doune headlonge into desperacyon, or els
commytte themselues to fre chaunce careles.'
The opinions of all the leading English reformers of this country
on the question of Divine decrees have been collected several times,
and shewn to be unfavourable to the strictly ' Calvinistic ' hypothesis :
c. g. in Winchester's Dissertation on the XVIIi/i Article, Laurence's
Authentic Documents relating to the Predestinarian Controversy, and
Bampton Lectures, pp. 383 seqq. See also Dean Kipling's pamphlet
entitled The Articles of the Church of England proved not to be Calvin-
istic, 2nd ed. Camb. 1802.
406 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Calvin's doctrine is thus stated by himself in the Institutw, Lib.
in. c. 21, § 5, and is elsewhere intensified : ' Proedestinationern
Yocamus setemum Dei decreturn, quo apud se constitution habuit quid
de unoquoque homine fieri vellet. Non enim pari conditione creantur
onines ; sed aliis vita Beterna, aliis damnatio oeterna prasordinatur.
Itaque prout in alterutrum finem quisque conditua est, ita vel ad
vitam Tel ad mortem pra?destinatnni dicimus.'
The dogma of reprobation, respecting which the English Article is
altogether silent, was by Calvin regarded as an essential part of his
theological system : ' Multi quidem ac si invidiam a Deo repellere
vellent, electionem ita fatentur nt negent quenquam reprobari ; sed
inscite minis et pueriliter, quando ipsa electio nisi reprobationi
opposita non staret. Dicitur segregare Deus quos adoptet in salutein ;
fortnito alios adipisci, vel sua industria acquirere, quod sola electio
paucis confert, plusquam insulse dicetur. Quos ergo Deus prseterifc
reprobat, neque alia de causa nisi qnod ab hsereditate quarn filiis suis
prsedestinat, illos vult excludere.' Instit. Lib. III. c. 23, § 1.
The general doctrine of the Lutherans was strongly opposed to the
Calvinistic, as will be seen in the following extract from the Formula,
Concordice (Libr. Symbol, ed. Francke, Part in. p. 67): 'Rejicimus
itaque omnes, quos jam enumerabimus, errores. (1) Quod Deus
nolit, ut omnes homines poenitentiam agant et evangelio crcclant.
(2) Quando Deus nos ad se vocat, quod non serio hoc vult, ut omnes
homines ad ipsum veniant. (3) Quod nolit Deus, ut omnes salventur,
sed quod quidam non ratione peccatorum suorum, verum solo Dei
consilio, proposito, et voluntate, ad exitium destinati sint, ut prorsus
salutem consequi non possint. (4) Quod non sola Dei misericordia et
sanctissiinum Christi meritum, sed etiam in nobis ipsis aliqua causa
sit electionis divina?, cujus causaa ratione Deus nos ad vitam seternani
elegerit. Hsec dogmata omnia falsa sunt, horrenda et blasphema,
iisque piis mentibus omnis prorsus consolatio eripitur, quam ex evan-
gelio et sacramentorum usu capere deberent, et idcirco in ecclesia Dei
nequaqnam sunt ferenda.'
The Council of Trent, as being much divided on this subject, was
induced to promulgate no more than the following decree (Sess. vr.
c. xii) : ' Nemo quoque, quamdiu in hac mortalitate vivitur, de arcano
divinse prsedestinationis mysterio usque adeo prajsmnero debet, ut
certo statuat se omnino esse in numero prsedestinatorum : quasi
verum esset quod justificatus aut amplius peccare non possit, aut si
peccaverit certain sibi resipiscentiam promittere debeat, nam nisi ex
speciali revelatione scire non potest, quos Deus sibi elegerit.'
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 407
ARTICLE XVIII.
Object : to condemn a ' philosophical theory of Ana-
baptism ' (see ahove, p. 101).
Reformatio Legum, ' de Haeresibus,' c. 11 : ' Horribilis est et im-
manis illorum audacia, qui conteudunt in omni religione vel secta,
quam homines professi fuerint, salutem illis esse sperandam [cf . the
title of the Latin Article], si tantum ad innocent iarn et integritatem.
vitae pro viribus enitantur juxta lumen, quod illis praelucet a natura
infusum. Authoritate vero sacrarum literarum confixas sunt bujus-
modi pestes. Solum enim et unicum ibi Jesu Christi nomen nobis
commendatum est, ut omnis ex eo salus ad nos perveniat.'
Melunctlion (quoted by Laurence, p. 301) : ' Usitata et falsa dis-
tinctio est, tres esse leges, naturalem, Mosaicam, et Evangelicam.
Et magis inrpium est, quod amngnnt, singulos propter suaz legis obser-
vationem consecutos esse remissionem peccatorum, et vitam ceternam.'
Scotch Confession (1560) in Knox's Works (ii. 108, ed. Laing) :
' And thairfoir we utterlie abhorr the blasphemye of those that affirm,
that men quhilk live according to equitie and justice, shall be saved,
what religioun soever they have professed.'
A curious parallel is found in Eaynaldus, Annul. Eccl. ad an. 1326,
§ 31, where Andreas de Perusio, a Franciscan, is speaking of the
prospects of the Church in the dominions of the Great Khans and
especially in China : ' In isto vasto imperio sunt gentes de omni natione
quae sub ccelo est, et de omni secta, et conceditur omnibus et singulis
vivere secundum sectam suam. Est enim liaec opinio apud eos, seu
potius error, quod unusquisque in sua secta salvutur.'
ARTICLE XIX.
Source and Object: see above, p. 101 and n. 4; cf.
Augsburg Conf. Art. vn. p. 19 ; Art. v. of 1538, p. 62 ;
Art. in. of 1-559, p. 119.
In the Articles of Principal Heads of Religion (see above p. 118,
n. 4), we have the following definition : ' Ecclesia Christi est in qua
purum Dei Verbum praedicatur et sacramenta juxta Christi ordina-
tionem administrantur, et in qua clavium authoritas retinetur : ' cf .
Homilies, p. 465 (Camb. ed.), and Ridley's Works, p. 123, for the same
' three notes or marks.' There is, howevex*, no allusion to the ' power
of the keys ' in Reform. Legum, ' de Hseresibus,' c. 21 ; nor in Hooper's
Article (above p. 316, n. 4), although he has amplified the definition
•108 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
so as to make it favour his extreme opinions. From his Later
Writings, p. 41, we learn that he also held peculiar views respecting
the ' visible ' and ' invisible ' Church.
Alley, Poore Mans Librarie, I. 195 b; 'It (the Church) hath
alwayes thre notes or markes whereby it is knowne. The first note
is pure and sound doctrine. The second note are the sacraments
ininistred according to Christes holy institution. The third note is
the right vse of ecclesiasticall discipline. This description of the
Church is agreable both to the Scriptures of God and also to the doc-
trine of the auncient Fathers, so that none may iustly find fault
therwith : ' cf. Confessio Belgic. Art. xxix. apud Niemeyer, p. 380.
Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 90 : ' Diffinitio ista ecclesise manca et
tnutila est. Nam ecclesia Christi catholica est congregatio fidelium
•omnium qua? unica est professione fidei, doctrina?, et administratione
"sacramentorum, ac catholica) religionis, cum legitima et continua snc-
cessione vicariorum Christi.'
The second portion of the Article finds the following parallel in
the Reformatio Legum, ' de Hasresibus,' c. 21 : ' Etiam illorum insania
legum vinculis est constringenda, qui Eomanam ecclesiam in hujus-
modi petra fundatam esse existimant, ut nee erraverit, nee errare
possit ; cum et multi possint ejus errores ex superioro majorum
memoria repeti, et etiam ex hac nostra proferri, partim in his quibus
vita nostra debet informari, partim etiam in his 'quibus fides debet
institui.'
AETICLB XX.
Source : the controverted clause (respecting which, see
above, p. 141 sq.) has a parallel in the Wiirtemberg Con-
fession, p. 126, n. 1.
Object : to repress extravagant notions of Church-
authority (see above, pj). 101, 102), and also to dis-
countenance the waywardness of ' Anabaptisni.'
Alley, Poore Mans Librarie, i. 87 : ' Of the Word the Church hath
her authoritie and by it onely ought to pronounce and geue sentence
of all controuersies.' . . . Again, 88, b : ' By this it euidently appeareth
that it was then the iudgement of the Churchc to geue sentence in all
controuersies out of the Scriptures, and to refuso (? refute) those,
which wrested obscure and darcke places to confirme their wicked
doctrine, by other manifest and playne places of the Scripture. . . .
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS. 409
Therfore it may be concluded that they which attribute vnto the
Church and to the Fathers authoritie to ordeine any thyng without
the Scripture, and to define of controversies of religion without the
Word, do offer great iniurie and wrong to the primitiue Churche.'
Confessio (Augustana) Variata, Art. XXII. : ' Heec est usitata et
legitima via in Ecclesia dirimendi dissensiones, videlicet ad synodos
referre controversias ecclesiasticas.'
Bucer, Scripta duo Adversaria, p. 249, Argentor. 1544 : ' Inter-
pretem Scripturss Ecclesiam agnoscimus, et plerasque res in Scripturis
non expressas ab ea definiri fatemur. Sed id simul afBrmamus,
oportere Ecclesiani sequi in utroque Scripturarum authoritatem.'
ARTICLE XXI.
Object : see above, p. 102.
The Reformatio Legum, ' de Summa Trinitate,' c. 14, after stating
that we pay the greatest deference to the oecumenical councils
(' ingentem honorem libenter deferimns ') proceeds in the following
manner : ' Quibus tamen non aliter fidem nostram obligandam esse
censemus, nisi quatenus ex Scripturis Sanctis confixmari possint.
Nam concilia nonnulla interdum errasse, et contraria inter sese
definivisse, partim in actionibus juris, partim etiam in fide, mani-
festum est.'
Alley, ubi sup. i. 199, b : ' The old and auncient synodes are to be
embraced gladly, and must be taken, as touching the opinions of
faith, for holy councels, as the councels of Nice, Constantinople,
Ephesus the first, of Calcidon and such like, which were assembled
for the confuting of errours. For they doo contain nothing, but the
pure and natiue interpretacion of the Scriptures, which the holye
Fathers applyed to dashe downe and ouerthrow the enemies of true
religion. In the latter [i. e. later] councels the Church did degenerate
from the purity of that golden worlde, yet notwithstanding those
councels had some Bishops that were knowen to bee better than the
rest : ' cf. Parker's Corresp. p. 110, ed. P. S.
By Stat. I. Eliz. c. 1, it is determined that nothing shall hence-
forth be accounted heresy but what has been so adjudged ' by the
authority of the Canonical Scriptures, or by the first four general
councils or any of them, or by any other general council, wherein the
same was declared heresy by the express and plain words of the said
Canonical Scriptures,' etc.
410 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS*
ARTICLE XXII.
Object ; to condemn scholastic and Tridcntine errors (see
above, p. 82, and n. 3 ; p. 102, and n. 2 ; p. 127).
Romish doctrine] In the Heads of Doctrine, 1559, the phrase
'doctrina Scholasticorum,' was still retained. The words ' Romanenses*
and ' Romanistas ' were already used as far back as 1520 by Luther
and Ulrich von Hutten, to designate the extreme Mediaeval party.
In like manner, Hooper employs ' Romanistas,' and Alley ' Romish.'
Cranmer, also, in his Answer to Gardiner, in. 516, has the phrase,
' your new Romish errors.'
Purgatory.] The decree of the Council of Trent, on this and
other points embraced in the present Article, is dated Dec. 4, 1563>
and was not therefore directly intended by the Reformers ; but the
general teaching of the Western Church, for some time anterior to the
Reformation, had been propagating the same errors in a less guai'ded
form. The way in which they were defended by Joliffe and his friend,
while commenting on this Article, may be seen in their work against
Hooper, fol. 90—115.
Reformatio Legum, ' de Hasresibns,' c. 10 : ' Verum sacrae Scriptures
solam Christi mortem nobis ad delictorum purgationem rescrvant, nee
u'llnm ponunt aliud sacrificium quod ad hanc rem valere possit, imo de
purgatorio sane ipsorum ne una quidem syllaba sacris in Scripturi3
invenitur :' cf. Art. x. of 1536.
The doctrine here contemplated is expressed as follows in the
Articles sent by Gardiner to the University of Cambridge in 1555,
(above, p. 113) : ' Credimus post hanc vitatn esse purgatorium in quo
animas defunctorum purgantur, pcenaque adhnc peccatis debita ex-
solvitur : sanctumqne et salubre esse pro defunctis exorare, nostras-
que preces, eleemosynas, jejunia, et opera alia pia, maxime autem
altaris sacrificium, illis multuni prodesse persuasissimum. habenius.*
Cardwell's Doc. An. i. 197 (No. XXXVIII).
Respecting Reliclcs and Images, he speaks as follows : ' Reliquias
niartyrum, et loca in eoruui honoreni consecrata, pie et religiose a
Cbristianis venerari, et invisi posse affirmamus ; imaginum quoque
usum ferendum et hominibus fructuosnm esse fatemur.' Ibid. p. 196.
Respecting Invocation cf Saints : ' Sanctos cum Christo agentes no8
pie posse et debere venerari, eosdemque invocare, ut pro nobis orent,
atque nostras preces et vota ab iilis pcrcipi, et eoruui nos precibua
juvari confitemur et agnoscimus.' Ibid. p. 196.
NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS. 4-11
Pardons.] The following illustration is from the chief of the anti-
reformation party :' Amonges other thynges [I] noted the deuylles
craft, what shifte he vseth to deceyue man whose felicitie he enuieth,
and therfore coueteth to haue man idle and royde of good workes,
and to be ledde in that idelnes, with a wanne hope to Hue merely and
at his pleasure here, and yet haue heuen at y e last : And for that
purpose procured oute pardons from Borne, wherein heauen was sold
for a little money, and for to retayle that marchaundise, the deuyll
vsed freres for his ministers : nowe they be gone with all theyr trom-
perye, but the deuyll is not yet gonne.' Gardiner, Against Joye, fol. ix.
ARTICLE XXIII.
Source : Augsburg Conf. Art. xiv. (see above, p. 20).
Object : directed against Anabaptism (see, above, p. 102,
Art. x. of 1538, and Art. iv. of 1559).
Reformatio Legum, ' de Hseresibus,' c. 16 : ' Similis est illorum
amentia, qui institutionem ministrornm ab Ecclesia disjangunt, ne-
gantes in certis locis certos doctores, pastores atque ministros collocari
debere ; nee admittunt legitimas vocationes, nee solemnem manuum
impositionem, sed per omnes publico docendi potestatem divulgant,
qui sacris Uteris utcunque sunt aspersi et Spiritum sibi vendicant ;
nee illos solum adhibent ad docendum, sed etiam ad moderandam
Ecclesiam et distribuenda sacramenta ; quse sane universa cum scriptis
Apostolorum manifeste pugnant.'
Heads of Religion : ' Absque externa et legitima vocatione non
licet cuiquam sese ingerere in aliquod ministerium ecclesiasticum vel
ssecidare.'
ARTICLE XXIV.
Object: see above, pp. 102, 128.
Heads of Religion : ' Prceceptum Dei est, ut quoe leguntur in ecclesia,
ilia lingua proferantur quse ab ecclesia intelligatur.'
ARTICLE XXV.
Source : first clause derived from Art. ix. of 1538, (see
above, pp. 63, 270).
Object; (1) to protest against the 'Anabaptist' deprecia-
tion of sacraments, (2) to limit the number of ' Sacraments
of the Gospel,' (3) to insist on the necessity of right con-
ditions in the recipient (see above, p. 102, and p. 130, n. 2).
412 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Reformatio Legum, (' de Hfcres.' c. 17) after condemning the
error of those who spoke of the sacraments as 'inania et vacua'
(quoted abcve, p. 103, n. 1), proceeds as follows: ' Quaa cum inter
nos dispertiuntur, vi divini Spiritus fides confirmatur, crigitur con-
scientia, promissio etiam veniaa peccatorum per Christum facta
intrinsecus exhibetur, extrinsecus vero istis sacramentis quasi sigillo
quodam consignatur. Prasterea verbo Dei quod intercedit, et syni-
bolorum adhibitornm naturis erudiuntur fideles de pretio nostra;
redemptionis per Christum e omparatse, Spiritus sanctus et gratia in
rnentibus fidelium uberius instillatur, turn etiam foedus quod per
Christum inter Deum et nos ictum est corroboratur, ut nobis ille
proprius sit Dens, nos illi peculiaris populus, et astringimus nos
ipsos ad peccatorum abolitionem et integritatem vitae suscipiendam.
Quae si recte ponderentur, necesse est ut obmutescat illorum calum-
nia, qui sacramentorum inopem volunt, et nudam naturam relin-
quere.' Cf. Confessio Scoticana i. a.d. 1568 (apud Niemeyer, pp.
352, 353), and Hooper, at great length, in Orig. Letters, p. 47.
The following extract fron Archbp. Hermann's Consultation,
t. viii. Lond. 1547, throws further light on the wording of this con-
troverted Article : ' They [i. e. the Anabaptists] auoyded the common
sermons of the churche and holie assembles of the people of Christe :
they withdrawe from the sacramentes, which they tvil to be nothyng
els than outward sygnes of our profession and felowship, as the badges
of capitaines be in warre ; thei deni that they be workes and cere-
monies instituted of God for this purpose, that in them we shulde
acknowledge, embrace and receyue thorough fayth the mercie of
God and the rnerite and communion of Christ, and that God u-orlceth
by these signes and exhibiteth vnto vs the gyftcs in dcde, which he
ojfereth wyth these signes.'
Heads of Religion : ' Christus tantum duo sacramenta expresse
nobis commendat, Baptisma et Eucharistiam : quibus cortfertur gratia
rite sumentibus, etiamsi mains sit minister ; et non prosunt indigne
suscipientibus quantumvis bonus sit minister.'
On the phrase ' conferre gratiam ' and the controversy respecting
it, see above, pp. 92 sq.
Guest (of Rochester) in his Treatise againste the prevee Masse (Life
by Dugdale, Lond. 1810, p. 84) : ' He nameth the consecrate bread
hys bodye, for y* it is resembled and presented therby; baptisme is
named the founteyn of our agayn byrth and the renuinge of the holy
ghost, yet it is nether our newe byrth, nether the rcnuying of the
noli ghost, ne chaunged into them, but so called for y' thereby the
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 413
sayd byrth and renuing be not only represented but also ivraughte,
presented and contributed unto us.'
The Swiss doctrine is thus stated in the Consensus Tigurinus, a.d.
1549, c. "vn. : ' Sunt quidem et hi sacramentorum fines, ut nota? sint
ac tesserae Christianas professionis et societatis sive fraternitatis, ut
sint ad gratiarum actionem incitamenta et exercitia fidei ac pia? vita?,
denique syngrapha? ad id obligantes. Sed hie unus inter alios pra?-
cipuus, ut per ea nobis gratiam suani testetur Deus, reprsesentet atque
obsignet. Nam etsi nihil aliud significant, quam quod verbo ipso
annunciatur, hoc tamen magnum est, subjici oculis nostris quasi vivas
imagines, qua? sensus nostros melius afficiant, quasi in rem ducendo ;
dum nobis Christi mortem omniaque ejus beneficia in memoriam
revocant, ut fides magis exerceatur ; deinde quod ore Dei renunciatum
erat, quasi sigillis confirmari et sanciri.' The Reformed, as distin-
guished from the Lutherans, had always confined themselves to this
obsignatory view of the sacraments, denying that they could properly
be said to ivorlc or to confer grace : cf. ubi sup. c. xvn., and still more
strongly in Zwingli's Fidei Ratio, apud Kiemeyer, p. 24, and in the
Consensionis Qapitum Explicatio, p. 209, ed. Niemeyer. The idea,
that a sacrament ever acts ' instar canalis,' is denounced as ' plane
insipida superstitio.'
efficacia signa.] The following additional illustration (cf.
above, p. 93) is from Dr. Ward, one of the delegates at the Synod of
Dort: 'Sacramenta ista, qua? signa eflicacia appellat Articulus noster
xxv., conferre gratiam dicimus.' Opera Nonnulla, p. 44, ed. S. Ward,
Lond. 1658 ; cf. TJssher's Works, xv. 50G, 510, ed. Elrington.
Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 174 : ' Sacramenta Christi ecclesia?
non sunt tantum nota? professionis Christiana?, nee tantum signa
efficacia gratia?, sed etiam gratiam illam, qnam significant, virtutO'
passionis et institutionis Christi, conferunt his qui non ponunt
obicem. [This phrase is found in St Augustine, Ep. rail, who em-
ploys it with regard to infants, Ward, ubi sup. p. 45.] . . . Sacra-.
nientum noua? legis proprie dicitur, quod ita signum est gratia? Dei et
inuisibilis gratia? forma, vt ipsius imaginem gerat, et causa existat ; ''
cf. Gardiner's 3rd Article.
sacraments were not ... to be gazed upon or to be
carried about.] It has been contended that the word 'sacraments'
here relates only to the Eucharist, and is equivalent to 'sacra-
mental elements : ' see Mr. Britton's Horm Sacramentales, pp. 96 sq.
414 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
ARTICLE XXVI.
Source : included in Art. v. of 1538 (above pp. 6-2, 265).
Object : directed against ' Anabaptism ' (see p. 103,
and n. 2).
Consensus Tigwrinus (Nierneyer, p. 210) : 'De ministris hie non
agitur, de quibas stulte olim dubitatum est, an eorum perfidiarel alia
quaevis indignitas sacramenta vitiet. Nobis autem sanctior est Dei
institutio, quam ut ejus vis ab hoininibus pendeat.'
Hermann's Simple and religious Consultation, sign. 0, v, b, Lond
1547 : ' For the Lordo rnaketh those things which he hyrn selfe hath
ordeined in his churche to be effectuous vnto the health of his, though
the ministers be neuer so vnworthy, and he requireth that the fayeth
■of his people be grounded vpon his worde, and not vpon the wortlii-
nesse of the ministers.'
On the other hand the Council of Trent declared, a.d. 1547, Sess.
VII. ' De sacramentis,' can. xi. : ' Si qnis dixerit in ministris dum
sacramenta conficiunt et conferunt, non requiri intentionem saltern
faciendi quod facit Ecclesia, anathema sit.'
ARTICLE XXVII.
Source and Object: see Art. n. of 1536, p. 44; Art. VI.
of 1538, p. 62; Art. xxvm. of 1553, p. 103. For the
strengthening of the language of the Edwardine Article
respecting infants, see p. 128.
whereby, as by an instrument.] 'Bucerus in Retract in Matth.
agnoscit sacramenta recte dici instrumenta, organa et cauales gratia?.'
Ward, ubi suj>- p. 53.
'Insuper ibi etiam quasi instrumento quodam operator et perficit
plenam nostri innovationem.' Liturgia Argentina, fol. 19: (translated
into Latin by Valerandus Pollanus) date, Feb. 19, 1551 \_i. e. 1552].
' Diucrse good holy doctours hauo taught as I sai by such places
of Scripture, that God in the working of such clensing of the soulo
and infusion of grace, useth the sacramentes not as a bare signe, but
as an instrument -with -whiche and by whiche it plcaseth hym toworko
them.' Sir Thomas More (against Tindale), Works, i. 386.
' This sacrament [t. <?. the Eucharist] hath a promise of grace,
made to those that receive it worthily, because grace is given by it, as
by an instrument ; not that Christ hath transfused grace into the bread
and wine.' Ridley, Disputation at Oxford : Works, ed. P. S. p. 241.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 415
'Also is die tawf ain jnstrument, oder handhab und rnittel,
dadnrch der getauft, als ain glid Christi, erraicht das Krewtz, etc'
Berthold, (bisch. von Chienasee), Tewtsche Theologey (first published
in 1528), Mimchen, 1S52, p. 428.
'All these graces almighty God worketh by baptisrae as by a
peculiar instrument for that purpose in the hartes of all infants that
by the church and in the faith of the church [Gardiner adds, fol. clix.
b, and of their pa-rentes'] be offered to God aud baptised, wher nothing
of the infantes party doth stop the grace of the sacrament. But if
he that is baptised be of age and discretion hailing the use of his
reason, it is required necessarily of him before baptisme to haue faith
and repentaunce of his noughty living.' Holsome and catholylce
Doctryne (Sermons by Thomas Watson, intruding bishop of Lincoln,
1557), fol. xii.
' Sunt enim sacramenta signa ac symbola visibilia rerum inter-
naruni et invisibilium, per qua?, ceu per media, Deus ipse virtute
Spiritus Sancti in nobis operatur.' Confess. Belgica, Art xxxiii.
The baptism of young children.] The Reformatio Legum, 'de
Hasresibus,' c. 18, speaks as follows: 'Deinde crudelisillorum impietas
in baptismum irruit, quem infantibus impartiri noluut, sed omnino
nulla ratione. Nee enim minus ad Deum et ecclesiam pertinent
Christianorum infantes, quam liberi quondam Hebrajorum pertine-
bant, quibus in infantia cum circumcisio adhiberetur, nostris etiam
infantibus debet baptismus admoveri, quoniam ejusdem promissionis
et foederis divini participes sunt, et a Christo sunt etiam surnma cum
humanitate suscepti.'
'The baptism of infants hath its beginning from God's Word and
from the use of the primitive Church. The Catholic truth delivered
unto us by the Scriptures plainly determineth, that all such are to be
baptised, as v.'hom God acknowledged for His people and voucheth
them worthy of sanctification, or remission of their sins.' Philpot,
Works, p. 274. ed. P. S.
' Bicause they admitte not original sinne, they [the Anabaptists]
also refuse the baptisme of chyldren, and in as muche as in them
lyeth, they drawe awaye the moste parte of men from God, and
eternal] saluation.* Hermann's Consultation, t. vii. Lond. 1547 ;
cf. sign. v. ii.
The Lutheran, as opposed to the Calvinistic view of infant baptism,
is forcibly stated in a series of Articuli Visitatorii (Francke, App. p.
119), where they condemn what they describe as the 'falsa et
erronea doctrina Calvinistarum.'
416 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
The propositions thus selected for especial censure are the
following :
(1) ' Baptismuni esse externum lavacrum aquae, per quod interna
qusedam ablutio a peccatis tantum significatur.
(2) 'Baptismuni non operari neque conferre regeneratiouem,
iidem, gratiam et salutem, sed tantum significare et obsignare ista.
(3) ' Non omnes, qui aqua baptizantur, consequi eo ipso gratiam
aut donum fidei, sed tantum electos.
(4) ' Regeneratiouem non fieri in vel cum baptismo, sed postca
demum crescente setate, imo et multis in scnectute demum contingere.
(5) 'Salutem non dependere a baptismo,- atque idco baptismuni
in causa necessitatis non permittendum esse in ecclesia, sed in
defectu ordinarii ministri ecclesise permittendum esse, ut infans
sine baptismo nioriatur.
(6) ' Christian ornni infantes jam ante baptismum esse sanctos ab
utero matris, imo adhuc in utero materno constitutos esse in fcederc
vitse asternse, ceteroqui sacrum baptismum ipsis conf erri non posse. '
This limitation of baptism to the children of the faithful constantly
appears in 'Swiss' or 'Calvinistic' Confessions, e.g. Zivinglii'&e Sacra-
mentis,' apud Niemeyer, p. 25 ; Gallic. Art. xxxv. ; Belgic. xxxiv.
' He secludeththe children of excommunicate persons and of professed
papistes from the sacrament of baptisme, vntill they bo able to make
a confession of their fayth ; which smelleth very strongely of Ana-
baptisme, and is a manifest error.' Whitgift's 'Table of the
dangerous doctrines avouched by T. C prefixed to The Defense, ed.
1574 : cf. Zurich Letters, t. 292, 296 ; II. 243 : Hales, Letters from tha
Hynod of Dort, p. 22.
ARTICLE XXVIII.
Source and Object. On some of the important points
involved in the additions and suppressions of 15G3, see pp.
128, 136.
Transubstantiation.] The Reformatio Legum, 'do Hseresibus,'
c. 19 : ' Obrepsit etiam in cucharistia periculosissimus error eorum
qui docent, concionantur et contendunt, virtute certornm verborum
qua3 minister ad symbola hujus sacramenti insusurrat, pancm converti
vel (ut ipsi loquuntur) transubstantiari in Christi corpus, et itidem
vinum in sanguinem. Quod sane dogma quoniam sacris literin
adversatur, a natura sacramenti discrepat et vcrum Christi corpus ita
depravat, ut vel divinam in illud inducat naturam omnibus locia
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 417
diffusam [cf. the paragraph of 1552, which was afterwards suppressed~\,
vel ex eo spectrum aut maciinam quandam coraminiscatur, totuin
hoc papisticas fascis sonmium auferri voluuius, et naturam veram
panis et vini in eucharistia remanentem plane agnosci, quomodo
Spiritus Sanctus apertis verbis attestatur. Itaque nee in altum tolli
sacramentum hoc, nee circurnferri per agros patimur, nee conservari
in crastinum, nee adorari; deniqne nnllam relinquimus majorem
eucharistiss venerationem quarn baptismi et Verbi Dei.'
Heads of Religion, a.d. 1559 : ' Coena Dominica non est tantum
syinbolum mutuse benevolentiae Christianorum inter se, sed magis
synibolum est nostras redemptionis per Christi mortem et nostras con-
jimctionis cum Christo. Ubi fidelibus vere datur et exhibetur, com-
munio corporis et sanguinis Domini.... Scholastica Transubstantiatio
panis et vini in corpus et sanguinem Christi probari non potest ex
sacris Uteris.'
ARTICLE XXIX.
First published in 1571. On. its suppression till that
period, see above, pp. 12G; 137, n. 2 ; 141, and n. 2 ; 142 ;
151.
ARTICLE XXX.
Source: added in 1503 (see p. 12(5) : cf. Art. X. of 1550,
p. 358.
Gardiner, Sermon in 1548 (quoted by Mr Haweis, Sketches, p. 43) :
' Where I said of the mass that it was a sacrifice ordained to make us
the more strong in the faith and remembrance of Christ's passion . . .
the Parliament [alluding to 1 Edw. VI. c. 1] very well ordained mass
to be kept ; and because we should be the more strong in the faith
and devotion towards God, it was well done of the Parliament for
moving the people more and more with devotion, to ordain that this
sacrament should be received in both hinds : cf. the 8th of Gardiner's
xv. Articles.
Council of Trent, July 16, 1562, Sess. xxi. can. I. : 'Si quis dix-
erit ex Dei praecepto vel necessitate salutis omnes et singulos Christi
fideles utramque speciem sanctissimi eucharistia? sacramenti surnere
debere, anathema sit.'
ARTICLE XXXI.
Source: based on Augsburg Conf. Part II. Art. in.
§ 10 ; above, pp. 22, 23 ; p. 104.
Bullinger (Decad. p. 17, published 1550) : ' Itaque relinquitur
jam indubitatum Christum Dominum plenariam esse propitiationea\
2 K
418 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
satisfactionem, hostiainque, ac victimarn pro peccatis (pro poena,
inquarn, et pro culpa) totius ruundi, et quideni solani. Non est enim
in alio quoquani sal us.'
Cranmer, (Answer to Gardiner, a.d. 1551): 'This is the honour
and glory of our High Priest wherein He admitteth neither partner
nor successor. For by His own oblation He satisfied the Father for
all men's sins, and reconciled mankind into His grace and favour. . . .
And as He dying once was offered for all, so as much as pertained to
Him, He took all men's sins unto Himself.' See other passages assert-
ing the universality of Christ's satisfaction, in Laurence, Bamjit. Led.
pp. 299, 300.
The sacrifices of masses.] The Reformatio Legum, 'de
Ha3resibus,' c. 10: 'Quorundam nimis est curiosa perversitas, qui
veniam quidem peccatorum expectant, sed banc morte Christi per
solam fidem ad nos accommodatam plene non credunt et omnibus
partibus impleri. Quapropter alia conquirunt sacrificia, quibus
perpurgari possint, ed ad hanc rem missas exhibent in quibus sacri.
ficium Deo Patri credunt oblatum esse, nimirum corpus et sanguinem
Domini nostri Jesu Christi, vere, quomodoque illi dicunt, realiter, ad
veniam peccatorum impetrandam et salutem tarn mortuorum quam
vivorum procui'andam ; quibus etiam regnum tam latum dant ut illis
aliquando minui, nonnunquam omnino tolli purgatorii tormenta
statuant : ' cf. the 9th of the Eleven Articles, above, p. 358.
Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 189 : ' Quod ad missam attinet recte
cam dici arbitror repetitam commemorationem passionis et mortis
Christi, in qua ille se obtulit pro peccatis totius mundi.'
ARTICLE XXXII.
Source and Ohject : see above, p. 104 ; and for the
change this Article underwent in 15G3, p. 128.
Heads of Religion : ' Celibatus nulli hominum statui prsecipitur,
neque injungitur ministris ecclesiae ex verbo Dei.'
Joliffe (Against Hooper), fol. 189 b : 'His qui non voverunt non
est mandatum, neque enim pugnant Ordo et Matrimonium : casterum
iis qui se voto astrinxerunt, dicit Scriptura, Redde vota.'
ARTICLE XXXIII.
(See above, p. 104.)
Noivell, Catechismus, (p. 157. ed. 1572) : 'In ecclesiis bene insti-
tutis atque moratis, certa, ut antea dixi, ratio atquo ordo guberna-
tionis instituebatur atque observabatur. Deligebantur seniores, id
est, magistratus ecclesiastici, qui disciplinam ecclesiasticam tenerent
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 419
atque colerent. Ad eos autoritas, auiinaclversio, atque castigatio
censoria pertinebant : hii, adhibito cfciam pastore, si quo3 esse cog-
noveranfc qui vel opinionibus falsis, vel turbulentis erroribus, vel
anilibus superstitionibus vel vita vitiosa flagifciosaque niagnam publico
offensionem ecclesise Dei adferrent, quique sine coenas Dominica;
profanatione accedere non possent, eos a communione repellebant
atque rejiciebant, neque rursum admittebant, donee poenitentia
publica ecclesise satisfecisset.'
ARTICLE XXXIV.
Source : Art. v. of 1538.
Object: see p. 104, and for its modifications in 1563, pp.
127, 138 : cf. Art. in. of 1559, p. 357.
Heads of Doctrine : * Quaevis ecclesia particulars authoritatem
instituendi, mutandi et abrogandi ceremonias et ritus ecclesiasticos
babet, modo ad decorem, ordinem et asdificationem fiat.'
Traditions of the Church.] ' Colliginius hinc ecclesiasticorum
(quos vocant) traditiones et leges, qnibus fastum, divitias, honores,
titulos legesque suas fulciunt et defendunt, causam esse omnis
insanise; nam capita Christo non consonant.' Zwinglii Articuli, § xi :
Niemeyer, p. 5.
ARTICLES XXXV, XXXVI.
Respecting the indignation which these Articles excited
among the Puritans, see above, p. 205 sq. The object of
the second clause in Art. xxxvr. has been explained already,
p. 128, n. 4.
ARTICLE XXXVII.
Object : see above, p. 104 ; and for its modification in
1563, p. 127, and note.
Heads of Doctrine : ' Elizabetba regina Angliaa est unicus et
supremus Gubernator hujus regni et omnium dominiorum et regionum
suarum quarumcunque tarn in rebus et causis ecclesiasticis quam tem-
poralibus....Romanus Pontifex nullam habet jurisdictionem in boc
regno, nee alia qusecunque potestas extranea.'
Gardiner, Sermon in 1548, as above ; 'It is a marvellous tbing that
upon tbese -words the Bishop of Rome should found his supremacy ;
for whether it be super petram or Petrum, all is one mattsr ; it
maketh notbing at all for the purpose to make a foundation of any-
such supremacy. For otherwise when Peter spake carnally to Christ
(as in the same chapter a little following,) Satan was his name, whe:o
420 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Christ said, " Go after me, Satan ;" so that the name of Peter is no
foundation for the supremacy, but as it is said in Scripture, Fundati
cstis super fundament um apostolorum et prophetarum, that is, by par-
ticipation (for godly participation giveth name of things,) he might
be called the head of the Church, as the head of the river is called
the head, because he was the first who made this confession of Christ,
which is not an argument for dignity, but for the quality that was in
the man.'
See also the remarkable arguments of Tonstal, on the Pope's
supremacy, in a sermon preached 1539, and reprinted in 1823.
ARTICLE XXXVIII.
Oljsct : see above, p. 104.
Reformatio Legum, ' de Hceresibns,' c. 14 : ' Excludatur etiam ab
eisdem Anabaptistis inducta bonorum et posses3ionum communitas,
quam tantopere urgent, ut nemini quicquam rclinquant proprium et
suuni.'
ARTICLE XXXIX. ,
Object : see above, p. 104.
Reformatio Legum, ' de Hseresibus,' c. 15 : ' Prseterea nee jura-
mentorum Anabaptista3 legitimum relinquunt usum, in quo contra
Scripturarum sententiam et veteris Testamenti patrum exempla,
Pauli etiam apostoli, imo Christi, imo Dei Fatris, procedunt.'
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( 21 )
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( 22 )
WEBSTER'S DICTIONARY.
' Seventy years passed before Johnson was followed by Webster, an
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full appreciation of its requirements, leading to better practical
results.' . .. .
' His laborious comparison of twenty languages, though never pub-
lished, bore fruit in his own mind, and his training placed him both in
knowledge and judgment far in advance of Johnson as a philologist.
Webster's American Dictionary of the English Language was pub-
lished in 1828, and of course appeared at once in England, where
successive re-editing has yet kept it in the highest place as a practical
Dictionary.''
'The acceptance of an American Dictionary in England has itself
had immense effect in keeping up the community of speech, to break
■which would be a grievous harm, not to English-speaking nations
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