Library of The University of North Carolina COLLECTION OF NORTH CAROLINIANA ENDOWED BY JOHN SPRUNT HILL of the Class of 1889 <2a UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 00023507983 This book may be kept out one month unless a recall notice is sent to you. It must be brought to the North Carolina Collection (in Wilson Library) for renewal. Form No. A-369 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill http://archive.org/details/journaloftourtonOOattm THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA The James Sprunt Historical Publications PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF The North Carolina Historical Society J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton )„, Henry McGilbert Wagstaff J Library, Univ. of VOL. 16 No. CONTENTS A COLONIAL HISTORY OF ROWAN COUNTY NORTH CAROLINA CHAPEL HILL PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 1917 RALEIGH Edwards & Beottghton Printing Company 1917 A COLONIAL HISTORY OF ROWAN COUNTY NORTH CAROLINA BY Samuel James Eryen", Jr. n2 CONTENTS Chapter I. Description of Rowan County. Chapter II. The Settlements and Boundaries of Rowan County. Chapter III. Colonial Salisbury. Chapter IV. Relations with the Indians. Chapter V. The Courts and Officials of Rowan County and Salisbury District. Chapter VI. The Regulators. Chapter VII. The Churches of Early Rowan. Chapter VIII. Education in Rowan. Chapter IX. The Safety Committee. Chapter X. Social and Industrial Conditions. A COLONIAL HISTORY OF ROWAN COUNTY, NORTH CAROLINA CHAPTEK I Description of Rowan County The heirs of the eight noblemen to whom Charles II had granted Carolina in 1663 found that vast territory an unprofit- able and unruly charge. In 1728, therefore, the owners of seven of the eight equal undivided shares offered to sell all their interest in Carolina to the Crown, and the proposition was accepted. In the following year the purchase was completed, the seven proprie- tors who surrendered their claims receiving 17,500 pounds sterling, and the relinquishment of the lands being confirmed by an act of Parliament. John, Lord Carteret, afterwards created Earl Gran- ville, alone of the eight lords retained his share. 1 In 1744, his part of Carolina was set off for him by grant from George II, all the territory lying between the Virginia line on the north and the parallel of 35° 34' on the south being allotted to him. The eastern boundary of this immense tract was the Atlantic Ocean and the western, the Mississippi River. 2 At this time the portion of this grant west of the present eastern boundaries of Randolph, Guilford, and Rockingham counties was just being entered by enterprising settlers. It is with the region west of the above-mentioned boundary lines that this sketch is to deal. This region embraced the northern part of two of the three great natural divisions of jSTorth Carolina — the Piedmont section and the Mountain section. The part included in the Piedmont is blessed by nature with countless streams and an endless succession of hills and valleys which increase as one goes westward. Its climate is invigorating and wholesome. The soil is very fertile, especially along the banks of the rivers and creeks. The earth contains great mineral wealth in the form of coal, iron, gold, and other metals, ores, and min- iAshe, 217; Williamson, 26-27. 2 Col. Bee, IV, x. 6 James Spkunt Historical Publications erals. Among the trees found in the forests are the white oak, the white hickory, the white ash, the elm, the maple, the beech, the poplar, the persimmon, the black walnut, the yellow pine, and the mulberry. Most of what has been said of the Piedmont district is also applicable to the Mountain division. The Blue Ridge Mountains — a portion of the Appalachian Range — lie partly within its bor- ders. Here the wild cherry, the white pine, the hemlock, the black birch, the white walnut, the chestnut, the beech, the locust, and many other trees grow. The mineral resources of this section are more abundant than those of the Piedmont. The Mountain region is above all else a land of health and beauty. 3 The earliest visitor to this territory who recorded anything was John Lawson, the Surveyor-General of the Province of North Carolina. In December, 1700, accompanied by several other Englishmen and Indian guides, he left Charleston for an explora- tion of the northern province. 4 His tour extended as far west as the section later erected into Rowan County. The land embracing the southern part of the county as it now stands and the counties to the south he described as "Pleasant savanna ground, high and dry, having very few trees upon it, and those standing at a great distance. The land was very good and free from grubs or under- wood. A man near Sapona (the Yadkin) may more easily clear ten acres of ground than in some places he can one; there being much loose stone upon the land, lying very convenient for making of dry walls or any other sort of durable fence. The country abounds likewise with curious, bold creeks, navigable for small craft, disgorging themselves into the main rivers that vent them- selves into the ocean. These creeks are well stored with sundry sorts of fish and fowl, and are very convenient for the transporta- tion of what commodities this place may produce." 5 Lawson continued his journey a few miles further north, pass- ing through a country which he characterized as "a delicious country; none that I ever saw exceeds it." Fine bladed grass, six feet high, grew along the creeks, and the sepulchres of dead In- land-book of N. C, 22-46. 4 Lawson, 19. e Lawson, 80. A Colonial History of Rowan County 7 dians were seen. Lawson found the town of the Sapona Indians located in an open field about a mile square on the fertile and pleasant banks of the Sapona River, as the Yadkin was then called. 6 This town was near Trading Ford, a few miles east of the site of the present city of Salisbury. Trading Ford was so called because it was on the ancient Trading Path which traders from Virginia traveled at an early date in going to the Catawbas and other southern Indians. 7 Lawson was delighted with the scenes around the Yadkin. He says: "This most pleasant river may be something broader than the Thames at Kingston, keeping a continual warbling noise, with its reverberating on the bright marble rocks. . . . One side of the river is hemmed in with mountainy ground, the other side proving as rich a soil as any this western world can afford." 8 A numerous train of swan and other water fowl were on the stream and many small birds sang upon its banks. 9 The travelers were entertained by the old king of the Saponas, who proved very friendly to the white men. Neighboring tribes of Indians were the Toteros, who inhabited the "westward moun- tains," and the Keyauwees, who dwelt in a village about forty miles west of Trading Ford. These three nations were small, and at that time were planning to combine in order to strengthen themselves and become formidable to their enemies. About ten days before Lawson's arrival among them the Saponas captured five northern Indians. Indians from the north ranged over the country and were a terror to the less warlike tribes of the south. The Saponas were preparing to put the captives to death with cruel torture, but released them upon the request of the Toteros, some of whom, when taken prisoners by the northern Indians a short time before, had been kindly treated and permitted to return to their own people. 10 The old king of the Saponas took much pride in several horses which he owned. Lawson was highly pleased with the country. Every step, he declared, presented some new object to his view. "Lawson, 81. 'Rumple, 15. 8 Lawson, 81. 8 Lawson, 83. "Lawson, 82-84. 8 James Spkunt Historical Publications Beavers, swan, geese, and deer were plentiful in the neighborhood of the Yadkin. During the stay of the explorers at Sapona town a party of the Toteros, "tall, likely men," came down from the west "having great plenty of buffaloes, elks, and bears with other sort of deer amongst them." One of the Indian doctors acquainted Lawson with a large quantity of medicines that were produced in those parts. 11 After remaining several days at Sapona Lawson's party made a two days trip to the westward. The country became more moun- tainous and many streams were crossed. At a distance of some thirty or forty miles west of the Yadkin they reached the town of the Keyauwees, situated five miles northwest of a rocky river called the Heighwaree. Near the town was another stream. The land was "more mountainous, but extremely pleasant and an excellent place for the breeding (of) sheep, goats, and horses or mules." The valleys were very fertile. The village of the Keyauwees was encircled by high mountains, and large cornfields adjoined the cabins of the savages. ISTo grass grew upon the high cliffs and the growth of trees upon them was sparse. The earth in this region was of a reddish color, which Lawson said signfied the presence of minerals. The Keyauwees received the travelers with hospitality. Lawson lodged at the house of Keyauwees Jack, a Congaree Indian, who had obtained the chieftainship through marriage with the queen, for among the Indians descent was counted on the female side. The Keyauwees were unique in that most of them wore mustaches or whiskers — a habit rarely practiced by Indians. 12 Two or three days were spent with the Keyauwees. Most of the members of Lawson's party desired to go straightway to Virginia, but he was determined to continue his course to the coast of North Carolina. He and one companion, therefore, bade farewell to the rest of the group. On the third day's journey, after passing over many waters and through rich lands, they reached the Haw River, whence they made their way to the coast of the province. 13 Lawson did not penetrate the wilderness as far westward as the Catawba nation. ISTor did he learn anything of the powerful "Lawson, 84-85. 12 Lawson, 87-91. 13 Lawson, 92-105. A Colonial History of Rowan County 9 Cherokees who lived beyond the mountains and who at a future date were to make incursions into the settlements, bringing devasta- tion and destruction with them. The Saponas, Keyauwees, and Toteros combined with several small tribes and removed to Vir- ginia soon after Lawson's departure. After dwelling in Virginia, a few miles north of the Eoanoke, for twenty-five years, they returned to Carolina and lived with the Catawbas. 14 CHAPTER II The Settlements and Boundaries of Rowan County The exact date of the appearance of settlers in Rowan County cannot be determined. "We have already seen that long before the cabin of a permanent settler was erected traders from Virginia frequented the region in order to barter with the Indians. The chief contributors to the population were the Scotch-Irish Presby- terians from the north of Ireland, the Germans, usually known as Pennsylvania Dutch, who adhered to the tenets of the Lutheran and German Reformed Churches, and the Moravians, or United Brethren, from Moravia and Bohemia. Prom time to time men belonging to no one of these groups came to the frontier, but such settlers formed a small part of the total number of inhabitants. The Scotch-Irish were the most active and probably the most numerous part of the population. These people were Scotch in blood, being descendants of the Scotch whom the English rulers had placed on the confiscated lands of Irish rebels in the Province of Ulster, in north Ireland, during the seventeenth century. To distinguish them from the natives of Scotland they have received the name of Scotch-Irish. 1 Some forty years prior to the out- break of the Revolutionary "War they began to flock to America. Foote, in his "Sketches of North Carolina," assigns their migra- tion to three causes, namely : religion, politics, and property. 2 Dis- abilities were imposed upon them because they were not members of the established church of Ireland; they desired niore political 14 Ashe, 180. Toote, 84-90. 2 Foote, 120. 10 James Spbunt Historical Publications liberty than they enjoyed in the old world; and the ease with which land could be obtained in America was a third powerful incentive to their coming hither. 3 Some came to Charleston and pushed into the frontier country from that place, but most of them landed in Pennsylvania and, after making some settlements in that province, turned southward, and by 1739 located in the Valley of Virginia. 4 The administra- tion in Virginia was constantly opposed to religious freedom. Earl Granville disposed of his lands in Carolina upon favorable terms, for he desired to increase their value by rapid settlement. 5 There- fore, influenced by the inviting nature of the climate and soil, the peacefulness of the Catawba Indians and the laxity of ISTorth Caro- lina laws in comparison with those of Virginia on the subject of religion, the Scotch-Irish passed through the vacant lands in Vir- ginia, in the neighborhood of their countrymen, and made homes for themselves in western North Carolina. As early as 1740 a few families were located on the Hico, Eno, and Haw rivers in the territory just east of Bowan. 6 By the year 1745 the Scotch-Irish had established themselves in the fertile and well-watered area between the Yadkin and the Catawba, and previous to 1750 their settlements were scattered throughout the region from Virginia to Georgia. 7 The Scotch- Irish settled mainly in the country west of the Yadkin. Among these immigrants were the ISTesbits, Allisons, Brandons, Luckeys, Lockes, McCullochs, Grahams, Cowans, Barrs, McKenzies, An- drews, Osbornes, Sharpes, Boones, McLauchlins, and Halls. 8 The Scotch-Irish have ever been known as a religious, brave, and liberty-loving people. Among other families from the British Isles who appeared in Powan at an early date we find the names of Cathey, McCorkle, Morrison, Linville, Davidson, Reese, Hughes, Pamsay, Brevard, Winslow, Dickey, Braley, Moore, Emerson, Kerr, Pankin, Torrence, Templeton, Houston, Hackett, Ruther- ford, Lynn, Gibson, Frohock, Smith, Bryan, Little, Long, Steele, Bell, Macay, Miller, Blackburn, Craige, Stokes, Caldwell, Dunn, Gillespie, and many others. nVilliamson, 70-71. 4 Ashe, 276. 6 Williamson, 71. "Col. Rec, V, 1193. 'Ashe, 276 ; Col. Rec, V, 1193. s Rumple, 24. A Colonial History of Eowan County 11 The Scotch-Irish were soon followed by another stream of im- migrants — the Germans who had previously located in Pennsyl- vania. The route which the German and Scotch-Irish settlers took in making the overland journey from Pennsylvania to western North Carolina is described by Colonel Saunders as follows : On Jeffrey's map, a copy of which is in the Congressional Library at Washington City, there is plainly laid down a road called "the Great Road from the Yadkin River through Virginia to Philadelphia, distant 435 miles." It ran from Philadelphia through Lancaster and York to Winchester, thence up the Shenandoah Valley, crossing the Fluvanna River to Looney's Ferry, thence to Staunton River, and down the river through the Blue Ridge, thence southward, crossing Dan River below the mouth of Mayo River, thence still southward near the Moravian settlement to the Yadkin River, just above the mouth of Linville Creek and about ten miles above the mouth of Reedy Creek.s The Germans did not extend their settlements quite so far west as the Scotch-Irish did. They were industrious and economical in their habits and formed a valuable part of the population. As the laws were written and expounded in English and all public business was transacted in that language, the Germans were in- capable, in most instances, of participating in public affairs. 10 The process whereby they were naturalized was the taking of several oaths prescribed by law and the repeating and subscribing of the test. The test, as entered on the court records of the county, was in this form : I, A. B., do believe in my conscience that there is not any transub- stantiation in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper or in the elements of bread and wine at or after the consecration thereof by any person what- soever. 11 Among the early German settlers appear the names of Bern- hardt, Heilig, Meisenheimer, Beard, Mull, Bintelman (Eendle- man), Layrle (Lyerly), Kuhn (Coon), Friese, Eisenhauer, Suther, Winecoff, Cress, Walcher, Harkey, Savitz, Henkel, Moser, Braun (Brown), Lingle, Eisher, Berger, Lippard, Peeler, Holtzhauer, Kluttz, Eoseman, Eoet, Shupping, Beam, and Buin. 9 Col. Rec, IV, xxi. "Rumple, 29. "Col. Rec, VII, 521-522. 12 James Sprukt Historical Publications Other settlers from Virginia and the north came by a route fur- ther east that passed through the section now embraced by Caswell County. 12 Immigrants poured into the western country very rapidly. In 1751 Governor Johnston informed the Board of Trade that set- tlers flocked into the province daily, mostly from Pennsylvania and other parts of America, but some from Europe. Many thou- sands had then come in and settled mainly in the west so that they had almost reached the mountains. In 1746 Matthew Rowan esti- mated that there were not more than one hundred fighting men in the entire western part of the province between Virginia and South Carolina. Seven years later he thought that there were then at least three thousand fighting men in the same territory, and stated that their numbers were increasing rapidly. These settlers were for the most part "Irish-Protestants" (Scotch-Irish) and Germans. 13 These settlers, coming as they did in groups, locatd in neighbor- hoods to themselves, forming respectively Scotch-Irish and German communities, scattered throughout the wilderness, and maintain- ing their own customs, speech, and characteristics, and largely transmitting them to posterity. 14 About 1750, Quakers from the north located at ISTew Garden, in what is now Guilford County, and from time to time were joined by others of that sect so that a distinctly Quaker settlement was formed there. 15 The bitter persecutions which they suffered in their native lands of Moravia and Bohemia for the sake of their religion and the desire to preach "the pure gospel of love" to the inhabitants of America and to preach to the Indians prompted the Moravians to seek homes in the western world. The Moravians were well known for their thrift and industry, and Earl Granville, who desired to people his grant in North Carolina with worthy settlers, made them a liberal offer. 16 In the autumn and winter of 1752, Bishop Spangenberg, who was sent by the Unitas Fratum, or Moravian Church, to select a ^Ashe, 277. 13 Col. Rec, IV, xxi; Col. Rec. , V, 24, 25. 14 Ashe, 277. "Weeks, 104-105. 10 Clewell, 1-3. A Colonial History of Rowan County 13 place for their settlement, made an extensive tour of western North Carolina. Leaving Edenton in September, on November 12th he camped on the Catawba near what he called the "Indian Pass." The nearest cabin was that of Jonathan "Weiss, or Perrot, a hunter, twenty miles distant. The bishop found a number of hunters in the vicinity who lived like Indians and secured furs and skins for sale. A week later he was near Quaker Meadows, about two miles from where the town of Morganton now stands, which he consid- ered to be fifty miles beyond the settlements. Bands of Cherokees pursuing game filled the woods. Continuing his course northward, he found remains which indicated that Indians had inhabited the country in earlier times. 17 It being in the beginning of winter and his guide mistaking the way, Spangenberg's party entered the mountains where they endured great hardships and difficulties owing to the severity of the weather. Happening upon a branch of New River, they fol- lowed that stream to within fifteen miles of the Virginia line. Then, with the aid of a compass, they traveled directly southeast through the wilderness and finally reached the Yadkin River, after having been lost in the Blue Ridge Mountains for two weeks. Here— a few miles from the present town of Wilkesboro — they rested with a Welshman named Owen, who had built his cabin far from the settlements. Spangenberg understood that there was no other habitation within sixty miles. 18 On December 27, the bishop reached the site of Wachovia, on Muddy Creek, in the present county of Forsyth. He surveyed about 73,000 acres of land. Spangenberg's Journal says "the most of this land is level and plain, the air fresh and healthy, and the water good." 19 More land was afterwards added, so that in August, 1753, Earl Granville conveyed 98,985 acres to the Moravians. 20 The grant received the name of the "Wachovia Tract" in honor of one of the titles of Count Zinzendorf, a leader of the Moravian Church of Austria. 21 On April 3, 1753, a petition bearing the signatures of 348 of the inhabitants of the upper and frontier portions of Anson "Col. Rec, V, 1 et seq.; Ashe, 278 ; Clewell, 6-9. ls Col. Rec, V, 1-14; Ashe, 278-279 ; Clewell, 8-9. 19 Col. Rec, V, 14. 20 Clewell, 12. 21 Bernheim, 156. 14 James Spbunt Historical Publications County, which comprehended most of the western part of North Carolina, was read in the lower house of the General Assembly. The petitioners set forth the great difficulties they had to undergo in traveling the vast distance to the courthouse of Anson County and prayed that the frontier section of the county he erected into a new one. 22 Two days later Mr. Sampson introduced a bill to this effect, and the bill in its final form received the assent of Matthew Rowan, the acting governor, on April 12th. 23 The sec- tion of the act defining the boundaries of the new county, which was named in honor of Matthew Rowan, read as follows: Be it enacted . . . that Anson County be divided by a line, to begin where Anson line was to cross Earl Granville's line, and from thence, in a direct line north, to the Virginia line, and that the said county be bounded to the north by the Virginia line, and to the south by the southermost line of Earl Granville's land; and that the upper part of said county, so laid off and divided, be erected into a county and parish, by the name of Rowan County and St. Luke's Parish; and that all the inhabitants of the westward of the said line, and included within the before-mentioned boundaries, shall belong and appertain to Rowan County. The design was to include in Rowan all that part of Anson which lay within Earl Granville's tract, that is, all north of lati- tude 35° 34' as far north as the Virginia line. As near as can be determined, the eastern boundary of the new county was a line running north and south along the eastern boundaries of the pres- ent counties of Randolph, Guilford, and Rockingham. The south- ern boundary line, beginning at the southeast corner of Randolph, ran due west along Earl Granville's line, on the south side of Ran- dolph, Davidson, Rowan, and Iredell, as they now exist, to the Catawba River a short distance above Beattie's Ford, thence due west, cutting into Lincoln County and running a few miles north of Lincolnton, through Cleveland and Rutherford, through Hick- ory ISTut Gap, and on through Buncombe, Haywood, Jackson, Macon, and Cherokee, and on to the westward indefinitely. Ac- cording to the terms of the act Rowan extended as far west as the South Seas. At the time, however, the region west of the moun- 22 Col. Rec, V, 59-60. 23 Col. Rec, V, 53. 24 State Rec, XXIII, 390. A Colonial History of Rowan County 15 tains was unknown and the French territory of Louisiana practi- cally made the Mississippi River the western limit. 25 In 1754, the act to establish Rowan County was revoked by George II simultaneously with the acts establishing Orange and Cumberland, which had been passed a short time before. Arthur Dobbs, the newly arrived governor, in a letter to the Board of Trade, dated November 9, 1754, recommended that such be done. 26 The reasons assigned for the revocation of these acts are that the General Assembly had begun to exercise more authority than was entirely agreeable to the royal government in England, and by the establishment of new counties the Assembly was increased in mem- bership too rapidly. 27 In 1756 the Assembly itself repealed the act creating Rowan. 2S In the same year, however, with the con- sent of the king, Rowan, Orange, and Cumberland were reestab- lished with the same boundaries and limits as formerly, and all deeds and conveyances of land made during the period of the revo- cation were declared valid. 29 Salisbury had already been selected as the county-seat of Rowan and a village had commenced to grow up there. 30 In the autumn of the year in which the Wachovia Tract was conveyed to the Moravians the first colonists, twelve unmarried Brethren, came overland from Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where a strong Moravian settlement existed, and founded Bethabara. The group consisted of the Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube, the pastor, Jacob Loesch (Lash), the warden or business manager, Dr. Hans Martin Kalberlahn, a physician, Hans Peterson, a tailor, Christo- pher Merkly, a baker, Herman Loesch (Lash), a farmer, Erich Ingebretsen, a carpenter, Johannes Lisher, a farmer, Henrich Feldhausen, a carpenter, Jacob Lung, a gardener, Friedrich Jacob Pfeil, a shoemaker and tanner, and Jacob Beroth, a farmer. 31 The zeal with which the Moravians labored in their new home is best described by Dr. Clewell. During the first year not less than fifty acres of land had been pre- pared for farming purposes. They recognized that, in this sparsely set- 26 Rumple, 32-33. 26 Col. Rec, V, 151. 27 Rumple, 34-35. 28 State Rec, XXIII, 446-447. ^State Rec, XXIII, 470-471. 30 Col. Rec, V, 355. 31 Clewell, 13-31. 16 James Sprunt Historical Publications tied section, it would be difficult to secure provisions, hence at the very outset they began to raise cattle and to plant a variety of grain for their future use and comfort. In the first summer they gathered wheat, corn, flax, millet, barley, oats, buckwheat, turnips, cotton and tobacco, in addition to the garden vegetables. Fruit trees were planted and va- rious kinds of medicinal herbs. . . . Diversity of industries is said to be the real test of the prosperity of a place. In 1754, with the great strain of clearing land and building houses, we find the record of trade commenced with their neighbors, and the notes indicate that they had in operation the following: Carpenter shop, shoe shop, tailor establish- ment, tannery, pottery, cooper shop, blacksmith shop. 32 In October, 1755, two years after the establishment of Rowan County and St. Luke's Parish, upon the request of the Moravians of Wachovia, the Assembly passed an act creating Wachovia into a separate and distinct parish with all the privileges and immuni- ties which the other parishes of the province enjoyed. The new parish was called Dobbs in honor of the Governor. 33 In 1759 eight married couples from Bethabara and others founded Bethania, three miles northwest of Bethabara. Settlers continued to come to Wachovia. In 1766 the settlement of Salem was begun. 34 A few years later Friedberg, which had gradually grown up in southern Wachovia, and Friedland, in the southeast of the tract, which was partly settled by Germans from Broad Bay in the present State of Maine, were formally set off and recog- nized. 35 The growth of Rowan in population was continual and rapid from the beginning, except during the Indian wars of 1759-60, when the Cherokees devastated the outlying settlements. At that time immigration almost ceased. 36 The immigrants obtained titles to Earl Granville's lands through his agents, Francis Corbin and James Innes. 37 The land offices in his territory were closed at his death in 1763. 38 The offices remained closed until 1773, when Governor Josiah Martin was appointed agent. 39 In the confusion existent just before the Revolution the taking out of grants, how- 32 Clewell, 24-25. 33 Col. Rec, V, 558; State Rec. XXIII, 438-9 ; Fries, 22-25. 34 Fries, 26, 28. 36 Clewell, 76-79. 36 Ashe, 303. "Rumple, 34. 38 Ashe, 320. 39 Ashe, 410. A Colonial History of Rowan County 17 ever, does not seem to have been resumed. Despite the fact that no titles to land could be obtained after 1763 settlers continued to move into the Granville tract. Much discontent arose among the inhabitants, some dreading the expected reopening of the land offices because of the abuses of the agents, and others being dis- pleased because they could not obtain title to the lands improved by their efforts. 40 It was during this time that the Jersey Settle- ment on the east side of the Yadkin, some nine miles from Salis- bury, was made by settlers from ISTew Jersey. 41 Prior to Granville's death the quarrel which had arisen between him and Henry McCulloh was settled. Sixteen hundred square miles of land between the Uwharrie and the Catawba had been set aside from Henry McCulloh, who had received grants on the head- waters of the ISTeuse, Pee Dee, and Cape Fear rivers from the Crown about the year 1736. 42 As the land between the Uwharrie and the Catawba lay within Earl Granville's territory a disagree- ment as to ownership naturally resulted. The controversy was concluded by a compact that McCulloh should become Granville's tenant, and in lieu of all other rents, pay an annual sum of 400 pounds from 1757 until 1760, after which date he was to pay 4 shillings for every hundred acres retained by him, but was to reconvey and surrender to Granville all lands not then settled. 43 About 1761 Henry E. McCulloh, his son, came to North Caro- lina and began to dispose of his father's lands in Rowan for reason- able prices. In four years time he disposed of and laid off all of his father's tracts in Rowan and gave deeds for the same to the purchasers. 44 At the beginning of 1766 Governor Tryon said he thought that North Carolina was being settled faster than any other province, and that in the preceding autumn and winter about one thousand wagons with families accompanying them passed through Salis- bury. 40 As the population multiplied and settlements were made in the outlying parts of the county, the inhabitants of communities distant from the seat of government began to demand the erection *>Ashe, 320, 401. ""Ashe, 380. ^Ashe, 277, 253. 43 Ashe, 292. ""Col. Rec, VII, 15-16. ""Col. Rec, VII, 248. \ 18 James Sprunt Historical Publications of counties in their respective neighborhoods, in order that the administration of public affairs might be carried on with greater convenience. Bills were introduced in the Assemblies of 1766 and 1768 to erect the western part of Orange and the eastern part of Rowan into a new county. These, however, failed to be enacted into law. 46 In January, 1771, Griffith Rutherford, a member of the Assem- bly from Rowan, introduced a bill for ascertaining the boundary line between Rowan and the counties of Mecklenburg and Tryon, which lay to the south. 47 This measure was expedient because the settlers on the borders of the three counties refused to pay their taxes in any of them. Lord Granville's line had never been sur- veyed so far westward. Thomas Weal, Thomas Polk, Matthew Locke, Griffith Rutherford, and Peter Johnston were appointed to run the line, and the inferior courts of the three counties were authorized to levy a tax sufficient to defray the expense. 48 At the same session the General Assembly recognized the urgent necessity of setting up new counties within the vast territory em- braced by Rowan. A bill was passed establishing Guilford County and Unity Parish in the region lying between Salisbury and Hills- boro. 49 Guilford, which was named for Francis Worth, Earl of Guilford, and father of Lord North, Prime Minister of George III during the Revolution, was composed of territory taken from Rowan and Orange. The portion taken from Rowan was that which now makes up the counties of Guilford, Rockingham, and Randolph. John Pryor, Edmund Fanning, Alexander Martin, Matthew Locke, John Dunn, Griffith Rutherford, and John Camp- bell were appointed a committee with authority to run the lines and contract with workmen for the building of the courthouse, prison, and stocks for Guilford County. 50 Another act passed by the same Assembly established Surry County and St. Jude's Parish in the north of Rowan. 51 Surry was named in honor of Lord Surrey, a prominent member of Par- liament who opposed the taxation of the American colonies by ^Col. Rec, VII, 325, 364, 915, 929. 47 Col. Rec, VIII, 422-423, 384. ""State Rec, XXIII, 841-842. 49 Col. Rec, VIII, 363. B0 State Rec, XXIII, 823-826. 51 Col. Rec, VIII, 380. A Colonial History of Rowan County 19 that body. Governor Tryon considered these acts very timely be- cause of the too great extent of Rowan. He declared that the creation of Guilford out of Rowan and Orange was "a truly politi- cal act," for it separated the main body of the Regulators from Orange and put them in the new county. 52 By the act of January, 1771, the boundary between Rowan and Surry began at a point in the Guilford line forty-two miles north of the Granville line, and ran due west parallel to the southern limit of Granville's tract. 53 This line split the Wachovia Tract, or Dobbs Parish, into halves to the disadvantage of the Moravians. The inhabitants of Dobbs Parish found it more convenient to transact their business in and to attend the courts of Surry County. Accordingly they petitioned the Assembly to pass a law including the entire Wachovia Tract in Surry. 54 Although it was asserted that such alteration of the boundary would "greatly facilitate the inhabitants of the north part of Rowan and enable the people of Surry to erect their public buildings," the lower house rejected a bill for the alteration of the line at its meeting in December, 1771. 55 In 1773 the request of the residents of Wachovia was acceded to. The Assembly enacted that the line between Rowan and Surry should begin at a point in the line dividing Guilford and Rowan counties, thirty-six miles north of the southeast corner of Rowan, and run west to the range separating the waters of the Yadkin and Catawba rivers, and thence follow that ridge and the mountains northward to the Virginia line. The boundary was parallel to the southern line of the Granville grant save where the bounds of Wachovia interfered, all of this tract being included in the county of Surry, and Dobbs Parish being established separate and dis- tinct from St. Jude's. A committee was appointed to ascertain the boundaries and take charge of the erection of the public build- ings of Surry. Griffith Rutherford, Anthony Hampton, John Braby, Robert Lanier, and Christian Ruiter were the members of the committee. 56 During the following year, as the work on the B2 Col. Rec, VIII, 527. B3 State Rec, XXIII, 844-846. M Col. Rec, IX, 47. 55 Col. Rec, IX, 153-190. ^Col. Rec, IX, 443, 583 ; State Rec, XXIII, 906-907. 20 James Sprunt Historical Publications public buildings was unfinished and a majority of the commis- sioners resided in Rowan, a new commission composed of residents of Surry was chosen by the Assembly. 57 The attempts to establish a county in western Rowan were un- successful, though Rutherford proposed bills for that purpose in 1771 and 1773. 58 By 1771 the western settlements had reached far into the mountains. Many of the settlers lived more than one hundred miles from Salisbury, and as there were no magistrates among the far outlying settlements the administration of the laws in those parts was a matter of great difficulty. 59 During colonial times the only records regularly kept of the number of inhabitants were those computed in terms of the tax- ables. A taxable was a white male above sixteen years of age or a negro or mulatto slave of either sex above twelve years. 60 The returns for 1754 show that the number of taxables in Rowan one year after its organization were 1,170, 1,116 being whites and 54 blacks. 61 Thirteen years later the number of taxables had in- creased to 3,643. 63 The population continued to grow proportion- ately. The people of Rowan were sturdy, hardy, industrious, brave and enterprising, and did their "bit" in laying foundations for the new nation that was to be born in the western world. CHAPTER III Colonial Salisbury The first Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions met somewhere in the county in June, 1753. The place of its meeting is un- known. 1 The court chose a site for the public buildings of Rowan, and Edward Hughes was directed to obtain a grant of forty acres from Earl Granville's agents for this purpose. John Dunn and John Whitsett were appointed to see that the land was laid off in a suitable manner, and the latter was awarded the contract for B7 Col. Rec, IX, 927; State Rec, XXIII, 973. B8 Col. Rec, IX, 116, 117, 461, 506. B9 Col. Rec, IX, 91-92. ao Col. Rec, VII, 487. el Col. Rec, V, 152, 320, 575. 62 Col. Rec, VII, 539. Rumple, 35. A Colonial History of Rowan County 21 building the courthouse. This house, the court directed, should be of framework, weatherboarded, thirty feet long and twenty wide, a story and a half high, with two floors, the lower one raised two feet above the ground. It was to be provided with an oval bar and a bench raised three feet from the floor. There was to be a good window behind the bench, with glass in it, and a window near the middle of each side, and a door in the end opposite the bench. 2 The deed for the township lands is dated February 11, 1755. On that day William Churton and Richard Yigers, Granville's agents, conveyed 635 acres of land for "Salisbury Township" to James Carter and Hugh Foster, trustees for Rowan County. The land upon which the public buildings had been erected was in- cluded in this tract. 3 Salisbury received its name from Salisbury, England, on the banks of the Avon River. 4 Dr. Rumple says that the courthouse was not completed before 1756, although the jail, pillory, and stocks were finished and in use before that date. 5 Governor Dobbs, however, who passed through Salisbury in the summer of the preceding year, found the town just laid out, the courthouse built and seven or eight log houses erected. 6 In 1755 and 1756 John Ryle, John Lewis Beard, Peter Arrand, Jacob Francks, Archibald Craige, James Bower, and Thomas Bashford and Robert Gillespie were licensed to conduct ordinaries, or inns, in Salisbury. 7 Among the other early residents of the town appear James Alexander, who died there in 1754, John Dunn, an Irish- man, and an Oxford man, "William Temple Cole, who conducted an inn, and John and Thomas Frohock. As most of the settlers built their homes where they could ob- tain large and fertile farms, the growth of Salisbury was slow. In early times it was composed of the public buildings, the residences of some of the county officials, a store or two, a hatter shop, a blacksmith shop, and a few inns. Nevertheless, Salisbury was a place of considerable importance. Here the county courts, the 2 Rumple, 44-47. 3 Rumple, 47. "Hunter, 166. 'Rumple, 46. e Col. Rec, V, 355. 'Rumple, 42. 22 James Sprttnt Historical Publications courts of oyer and terminer and general jail delivery, and the Superior Courts of the western counties were held. 8 In 1766 Salisbury returned its first member to the Assembly as a borough town. 9 In 1770 a special statute was passed by the Assembly called "An act for regulating Salisbury." The preamble stated that the town had "a healthy, pleasant situation, well watered, and convenient for inland trade." It was enacted that the county courts and the superior courts for the District of Salisbury and all public elec- tions should thenceforth be held at Salisbury. The sheriff, the clerk of the court for the county, and the register were required to maintain their offices in the town. The citizens were required, under penalty of fine, to clear, repair and pave the streets when- ever it was deemed necessary, and they were forbidden to throw rubbish into them. Such citizens as allowed their "hogs, shoats, or pigs" to run at large in the town should pay 20 shillings procla- mation money to the party whose property was damaged thereby, and forfeit the hogs. It was lawful for any one to kill swine run- ning at large. In order to afford protection against fires, every householder was compelled to keep two "sufficient" leather buckets and a ladder always ready for use. The title to the burying ground was vested in a body of commissioners appointed by the act. Immoderate riding and driving were prohibited under penalty of 5 shillings. All persons owning land within the original plan of the town and adjoining either side of Corbin and Innes streets, the two main streets of the village, were required to build a "house, twenty-four feet by sixteen feet in the clear, of brick, stone, or hewed logs, with either a good brick or a stone chimney," within three years after the passage of the act. Failure to do so entailed a forfeiture of the land to the town. Those persons owning a lot or part of a lot adjoining the two streets running parallel to Corbin and Innes streets were required to build a house of like dimensions within four years. It was provided, however, that these conditions should not be construed to affect or invalidate the claim of any infant or married woman. "Rumple, 61-63. 9 N. 0. Manual (1913), 381. A Colonial History of Rowan County 23 I j i I All persons in Salisbury, including servants, slaves, and trav- elers, were allowed free access to all springs and natural fountains of water in the town and the town common, and trees standing upon the town common could be cut down by any person for sale or use. The town commissioners were authorized to select and lay out a suitable place for a market and other public buildings. William Steele, John Dunn, Maxwell Chambers, John Lewis Beard, Thomas Trohock, William Temple Cole, Matthew Troy, Peter Rep, James Kerr, Alexander Martin, and Daniel Little were appointed town commissioners. They were to hold office for life. In case of removal of any commissioner the county court had power to appoint his successor. Other provisions in the interest of government and sanitation were included in the act. 10 All acts passed before the Revolution for building new public buildings in Salisbury in place of the old resulted in failure. In 1764 a poll tax was laid on the taxables of Rowan, Anson, and Mecklenburg, the counties which composed Salisbury District, for repairing the jail and building a wall around the same and for erecting a jailer's house. 11 Laws passed by the Assembly in 1766 and 1771 for building a new jail, pillory, and stocks were not car- ried out, the War of the Regulation preventing their execution. 12 In 1771 the courthouse at Salisbury was said to be "greatly de- cayed and in so ruinous a condition that courts cannot be held there." A committee was appointed to contract with workmen for building a new courthouse on the site of the old one, and a tax was laid on the taxables of Salisbury District for this purpose. 13 As the tax authorized was insufficient, an additional tax was laid on the people of Rowan County. The commissioners being residents of different counties and living at a great distance from each other these efforts came to naught. Another committee, appointed in 1774, likewise failed to perform the trust reposed in them, and the old courthouse continued in use. 14 The members of the Assembly from the borough of Salisbury were John Mitchell (1766-1768), John Dunn (1769 and 1770- 1771), and Hugh Montgomery (January, 1773, and 1773-1774). "State Rec, XXIII, 810-813. "State Rec, XXIII, 621-622. "State Rec, XXIII, 750-752, 863. "State Rec, XXIII, 866. "State Rec, XXIII, 927, 971-972. -4 Jaiees Spbunt Historical Publications The members in the Provincial Congresses were "William Ken- non (August, 1774). Hugh Montgomery, and Robert Rowan (Au- gust. 1775). and David Xisbet (April, 1776 ). 15 CHAPTER IT Relations with the Indians The contest between England and France for supremacy in North America, which had ceased for the time being with the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, was renewed in 1754. Most of the tribes of Xorth America were in alliance with the enemy. The frontier of Xorth Carolina was placed in a very precarious situation. At the begi nnin g of the war the Cherokees and Ca- tawbas were friendly to the frontiersmen, but soon the savages began to molest the whites. There was great uneasiness among the people of Anson and Rowan because they did not know at what moment the Indians might take up the tomahawk against the settlements. Early in the year 1754 1.000 pounds in proclamation money — that is, in money which was issued by the provincial government and which was greatly depreciated in value — was appropriated to buy arms for the poorer inhabitants of Rowan and Anson. 1 The expenditure of this money was entrusted to commissioners in the two counties. 'James Carter and .John Brandon being the commis- sioners in Rowan. 2 The co mmi ssioners wasted a part of the sum and neglected to apply all of it for the purpose designated. The final result of the misuse of these public funds was that the bonds given for the faithful execution of the trust were put to suit. In Xovember, 1757, James Carter was expelled from his seat in the Assembly as member for Rowan, and in the following year judg- ments were obtained against the commissioners and their sureties for the amounts unaccounted for. 3 In May. 1754, complaints were made by the magistrates and "W.C Manual 1913), 381, 408. ■\ : '-.- . f,ios : S:i:~ Bee XXIII. 394. «CW Bee- V. 892. 1082 A Co&osiax Histost :t Boreas Coxtstt i: militia officers of Rowan that a party :t Indians, supposed tc have been Catawbas. tad committed several gross abuses :r_ die people of Rowan and An > r>n> Alexander L'sztraie and . noes Carter were directed by the Assembly tc investigate the alleged grievances and to represent the same to die Indians. In August they consulted with. King Hagier and ::it? — arriors ::' the Ca- tawba nation at the house ::' Matthew _ : :_e. ~_: :. ~-:- I a inter- preter. It developed that s:r_e ::' the youn ■ warriors :t Ibe Car tawbas had been guilty ::' aome misconduct, King TTagfer bud the blame for their actions upon die whites whs ?:.a K strong spirits to the braves. The Catawbaa promised :: give assistance tc the Xorth Carolinians and Virginians in sase die war Bontinned A few weeks later Matthew Rowan, w he as president ::' the Council acted as governor luring die interim bet een Gabriel Johnston's death and Arthur 17':':: 5' arrival, :r:-:~f: intelligence from Colonel Clark, of Anson, that sixteen whites bad :eer_ mur- dered and ten carried into captivity by Indians. _ hereug m Rowan sent the available supply of powder and lead tc the frontier and ordered Colonel Smith, the co m -mar -"--.-- :— :er ::' Rowan '. ::v:.-~. to cooperate with. Colonel Clark.' Fhese facta serve te ;a - e in idea of the state of uncertain— prevalent in the — ^r The defeat of General Braddoek by the French and Indiana 00 the Alonongahela in July. 17: 5, left the western frontier :t the southern colonies at tne mercy of tne hostile Tndians. Fhe te~5 of the defeat reached Gorernor I >bbs while _e — aa inspecting conditions in tne frontier eountrv. He summoned the field ifaeera of tne militia of Rowan and Anson tc r_ee~ him at me Yaikin At tne meeting he ordered that n:': _ ::' the m:s: active men ::' die militia of each county be placed under the command ::' ' aptain Hugh "VTaddelL He also directed that "he mili tia should ;:m ^aidell when necessary, and that Waddeil sii a! i assist them in case of an incursion." Cat "tit. WaddeD was a- -he west at this time in charge of a company ::' frontiersmen. 8 Thoogh he was not a resident of Rowan he owned land in the Bounty and was •Col ttco V 1T5-1T6 ; _~:'. Kee^ V. 141 '.' t*f ■Osl Bet, V. 1444 T CoL See. V \ 5 2 5 Ashe. aS9 26 James Sprunt Historical Publications prominently connected with public affairs in the west for a con- siderable time. 9 Upon his return to New Bern in September Dobbs addressed the Assembly in regard to the dismal state of affairs existing in the western counties. He asked that body to grant aid for the defense of the distressed inhabitants of the frontier and for offen- sive warfare against the enemy, and recommended the erection of a fort for refuge to the settlers. He had chosen the site for such a fort between Third and Fourth creeks in Rowan during the summer. In this emergency the Assembly willingly agreed to appropriate funds for the building of a fort on the western border. Fort Dobbs, as the stronghold was called, was built in 1756 under the supervision of Captain Waddell. 10 It stood on an eminence on Third Creek, good springs near by furnishing water for the garri- son. 11 Soon after its completion Richard Caswell and Francis Brown were sent by the Assembly to view the western settlements, to find sites for other fortifications, and to inspect Fort Dobbs. Their report included the following quotation : And that they had likewise viewed the State of Fort Dobbs, and found it to be a good and Substantial Building of the Dimentions fol- lowing (that is to say) The Oblong Square fifty-three feet by forty, the opposite Angles Twenty-four feet and Twenty-two, in height Twenty- four and a half feet as by the Plan annexed Appears, the Thickness of the Walls which are made of Oak Logs regularly diminished from six- teen Inches to Six, it contains three floors, and there may be discharged from each floor at one and the same time about one hundred Musketts; the same is beautifully situated in the fork of Fourth Creek, a Branch of the Yadkin River. And they also found under the command of Capt. Hugh Waddell Forty-six Effective men Officers and Soldiers, as by the List to the said Report Annexed Appears, the same being sworn to by the said Capt. in their Presence, the said Officers and Soldiers Appear- ing well and in Good Spirits) — Signed the 21st day of December, 1756. In the same year Captain Waddell entered into an offensive and defensive treaty with the Catawbas and Cherokees in behalf of the Assembly. Atta-Kulla-Kulla, of the Cherokeee nation, whom "Waddell, 32. 10 Ashe, 291; Waddell, 30-31. "Ashe, 290. "Waddell, 35-36. A Colonial History of Rowan County 27 Hewat "esteemed to be the wisest man of the nation and the most steady friend of the English," and Oraloswa, King Hagler, and others of the Catawba tribe, were the representatives of the In- dians who agreed to the compact. By one of the stipulations of the treaty IsTorth Carolina undertook to erect a fort for the pro- tection of the Catawbas. It is not known where this fort was built, but the location is thought to have been at Old Fort in McDowell County. 13 After making the treaty Waddell remained on the frontier with his command until November, 1757, when he took his seat in the Assembly as successor to James Carter. 14 Captain Andrew Bailey was in command of another company employed in Rowan. 15 Having endured some discomforts at the hands of the Indians and being disturbed by accounts of the massacre of their Brethren in Pennsylvania, the inhabitants of Bethabara, in Wachovia, forti- fied their town with stockades. This was done in July, 1756. 16 An independent company of militia was formed by the Moravians for defense, and Jacob Loesch was commissioned as its captain. 17 In 1757, after returning from a campaign in Virginia, a party of Catawbas robbed a wagon. They were followed and the stolen goods were retaken. Thereupon the Catawbas returned and in- sulted the Chief Justice, who was holding court in Salisbury. In May, 1758, a petition was read in the Assembly setting forth that murders recently committed on the Dan River in the northern part of Rowan County had caused the settlers of the forks of the Yadkin to abandon their settlements and praying that Captain Bailey, who had succeeded Waddell, and his company, or some other, be continued for their protection. 18 The Cherokees, however, adhered to the provisions of the treaty of 1756. Hugh Waddell, who was now a major, led one hundred men from the western frontier on General Forbes's successful ex- pedition against Fort Duquesne in 1758. They were accompanied by a number of Cherokee warriors. 19 As a convenience to the ls Waddell, 32-33. "Col. Rec, V, 897-898 ; Waddell, 33. "Ashe, 291. le Clewell, 36-42. "Col. Rec, V, 810. 18 Col. Rec, V, 1, 1010. 19 Ashe, 291-292. 28 James Sprunt Historical Publications Cherokee allies, commmissaries were appointed in the western counties to furnish necessaries for the Indians while passing to and from Virginia in the service of the colonies. George Smith was commissary for Rowan. 20 The reports of the Committee of Public Claims of the province show that others were allowed claims for furnishing provisions to the Indians during their tran- sit to and from Virginia. 21 Many Cherokees and Catawbas going north went through the Moravian communities, where they were provided with food and kindly treated. 22 When returning from the campaign against Port Duquesne, worn out with fatigue, a party of the Cherokees seized a number of horses running wild in the backwoods of Virginia to aid them on their homeward journey. The backwoodsmen of that province fell upon them and killed twelve or fourteen of the warriors. This act provoked the Cherokees to hostility. 23 In May, 1759, Governor Dobbs informed the Assembly that he had received expresses stating that several murders had been com- mitted by Indians, thought to have been Cherokees, on the western frontier. Major Waddell was given the commission of colonel and two companies of provincials to protect the inhabitants of the west. He was authorized to call out the militia of Anson, Rowan, and Orange if the Indian devastations should continue. In the autumn Governor Lyttleton of South Carolina conducted an expe- dition against the Cherokees. The provincials and 500 militia under Colonel Waddell were ordered to cooperate with Lyttleton. Though the great majority of the militia refused to march outside the borders of North Carolina, Waddell continued his march with the remainder until ordered back by Lyttleton, who patched up a peace with the Indians. 24 ISTow the Indians burst upon the settlements with all their fury. Captain Ashe, in his "History of Worth Carolina," describes the situation in this manner : In October, 1759, the people who had made their homes on the waters of the Yadkin and Catawba heard with dismay that the Creeks and 20 Col. Rec, V, 835, 853, 854. 21 Col. Rec, V, 978 et seq. ; Col. Rec, VI, 210. 22 Ashe, 290. 23 Waddell, 63-64. 24 Col. Rec, V, Hi. A Colonial History of Rowan County 29 Cherokees, theretofore friendly, had declared war against the English. Bands of Indians began to pass the denies of the mountains and roam along the foothills. A reign of terror set in. Accounts of atrocities and butcheries and of destroyed homes came thick and fast to Salisbury and Bethabara. They were intensely harrowing, while some of the escapes were marvelous. Many brave men, reluctant to abandon their homes, fortified them with palisades, and forts or strong-houses were erected where neighboring families could assemble for safety. The men slept with their rifles at hand, and the most resolute were in dread of stealthy attack, of ambush, and of having their houses burned at night. It was then that Fort Defiance and other forts in that region were hastily constructed by the people. The narratives of those who escaped were heartrending, while many men, women and children fell victims to the cruel tomahawk of the merciless foe. Few particular accounts of these individual experiences have been preserved; but all the section west of the Catawba and of the upper Yadkin was desolated.-" On February 27, 1760, the Indians attacked Fort Dobbs, but were beaten off by the small garrison under Colonel "Waddell and Captain Bailey. 26 Though atrocities were perpetrated in the immediate vicinity by the score Bethabara was not attacked. This village was a city of refuge to the distressed. For six weeks the Cherokees devastated the surrounding country and waited for an opportunity to assail the town. Once when a large body had stealthily surrounded the village, they retired at the sound of the village bell, fearing that they had been discovered. Again, under similar circumstances, they retired at the sound of the watchman's trumpet. By Easter, 1760, the residents and refugees of Bethabara were secure, for 400 soldiers had arrived at the town. 27 After the reduction of Canada, Colonel Grant of the British Army was sent south to lead an expedition against the Cherokees. Early in 1761 he invaded their country by way of South Carolina and defeated the hostile Indians. The Cherokees sued for peace and the war came to an end. 28 The end of the struggle was followed by rapid expansion to the west. In April, 1766, Governor Tryon wrote the Board of Trade ^Ashe, 299-300. M Col. Rec, VI, 229-230. 27 Ashe, 300-301. 28 Hartm, Vol. II, 150-151. 30 James Sprunt Historical Publications that Fort Dobbs was then in ruins, and the inhabitants of the province had extended their settlements upwards of seventy miles beyond the fort. 29 In May of the following year Tryon went to Salisbury to have the boundary between the people of North Carolina and the Chero- kees marked out. The design was to separate their respective lands so as to put an end to the disputes between the whites and the Cherokees in the west, which had resulted in bloodshed more than once. At Salisbury Tryon was joined by John Rutherford, Robert Palmer, and John Frohock, who had been appointed to run the line. They were later joined by Alexander Cameron, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the southern colonies. On May 21st they left Salisbury accompanied by detachments from the militia regiments of Rowan and Mecklenburg. 30 Colonel Hugh Waddell was in command of the escort. The staff officers were Edmund Fanning, adjutant general; Isaac Edwards, aide-de-camp to the governor; Captain William Frohock, commissary; and Rev. John Wills, chaplain. The detachment from each county num- bered thirty-two men, the one from Rowan being commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel John Frohock, and the one from Mecklenburg by Lieutenant-Colonel Moses Alexander. 31 Altogether, including servants, the party numbered ninety-six men. 32 On May 31st the Indians met Tryon and his escort, and the governor made a "talk" to them. Some of the band were sent back to Salisbury with an order for presents worth 175 pounds, which the Assembly had appropriated for the Indians as a sign of friendship. The Chero- kees honored Tryon by giving him the title of Ohiah Equah, or Great Wolf. 33 The meeting occurred in South Carolina. Tryon departed before the real work of running the line began. On June 4 the commisioners, with a guard of twenty men and the assistance of Cameron and Cherokee representatives, began the actual survey. They ran the line as far north as Tryon Mountain in the present county of Polk, south of the territory included in Rowan. 34 29 Col. Rec, VII, 203. 30 Haywood, 56-57. 31 Col. Rec, VII, xiii, 991 ; Haywood, 57. 32 Col. Rec, VII, 995. 33 Haywood, 58. 34 Haywood, 57-58. A Colonial History of Rowan County 31 CHAPTER V The Courts and Officials of Rowan County and Salisbury District Before the Revolution Salisbury was the judicial center of Western North Carolina. In addition to the county court of pleas and quarter sessions, the superior court of justice, and the court of oyer and terminer and general jail delivery for the western counties were held there. The court of pleas and quarter sessions had both judicial and administrative functions. It had jurisdiction over minor cases, and the local government of the county was vested in it. The court was composed of the justices of the county, and it assembled at the county-seat four times annually. As we have already seen, the court of pleas and quarter sessions met for the first time some- where in the county in June, 1753. The justices who presided over the courts during the first year were Walter Carruth, Thomas Lovelatty, James Carter, John Brandon, Alexander Cathey, Thomas Cook, Thomas Potts, George Smith, Andrew Allison, John Hanby, Alexander Osborne, James Tate, John Brevard, and Squire Boone, the father of the great hunter and explorer Daniel Boone, who was reared in Rowan County. 1 The first court busied itself with registering the brands which the settlers employed in distinguishing their cattle and in select- ing a site for the public buildings. Constables were appointed to preserve the peace in the different sections of the county. The grand and petit juries for the first court were composed of Henry Hughey, John McCulloch, James Hill, John Burnett, Samuel Bryant, John McDowell, James Lambath, Henry Dow- land, Morgan Bryan, William Sherrill, William Morrison, and William Linvil. The county officers were Richard Hilliar, deputy attorney-general; John Dunn, clerk of court; James Carter, regis- ter; John Whitsett, treasurer; Francis Corbin, colonel of the Rowan regiment of foot; and Scotton Davis, captain in Corbin's regiment. 2 a Rumple, 38. a Rumple, 39-41. 32 James Sprunt Historical Publications In 1755 John Dunn and William Monat presented their com- missions as attorneys to the court. Of Monat nothing can be dis- covered. 3 John Dunn was a prominent lawyer and held many public trusts. He was at one time attorney for the Crown, being succeeded by Waighstill Avery in 1775. 4 Prior to 1770 the following men served as sheriff of Rowan, in the order named: David Jones, Edward Hughes, Benjamin Miller, William JSTassery, Francis Locke, Griffith Rutherford, Andrew Allison, and William Temple Cole. 5 The members of the Assembly and Provincial Congresses from Rowan were as follows : ASSEMBLY 1746 (47)-1754. James Carter and John Brandon, who took their seats at the thirteenth session. 1754-1760. John Bravard and James Carter. The latter was expelled for misapplication of public funds and was succeeded by Hugh Waddell, who took his seat at the fifth session. 1760. Hugh Waddell and John Frohock. 1761. John Frohock and Alexander Osborne. 1762 (April and November). John Frohock and John Kerr. 1764-1765. John Frohock and William Giles. The lower house seated John Harrold. 1766-1768. John Frohock and Griffith Rutherford. 1769. Griffith Rutherford and Christopher Nation. 1770-1771. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. 1773 (January). Matthew Locke and Griffith Rutherford. 1773-1774. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. 1775. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. PROVINCIAL CONGRESSES August, 1774. Moses Winslow and Samuel Young. April, 1775. Griffith Rutherford, William Sharpe, and William Kennon. August, 1775. Matthew Locke, James Smith, Moses Winslow, 3 Rumple, 43. 4 Col. Rec, X, 139. E See Col. Rec, VIII, 280-281; Col. Rec, IX, 575. A Colonial History of Rowan County 33 Samuel Young, William Kennon, William Sharpe, and Robert Lanier. April, 1776. Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke. 6 In 1754 the governor chose Salisbury as the proper place for holding the courts for the counties of Rowan, Anson, and Orange. 7 At the same time an act was passed establishing a superior court of justice and a court of oyer and terminer and general jail deliv- ery for these counties to be held at Salisbury. 8 Orange was soon taken away and put into a different district, and in 1760 and 1762 Salisbury District was composed of Rowan and Anson. 9 Other frontier counties were added to the district from time to time. The superior court of justice had jurisdiction over "all pleas of the crown (treason, felony, and other crimes committed in breach of the peace), suits at common pleas, legacies and estates of intes- tates, whether original or on appeal from the inferior courts. 10 Robert Jones, the attorney-general of the province, prosecuted suits in the superior court of justice of Salisbury District against the commissioners of Rowan and Anson who had misapplied the public funds entrusted to them for the defense of the frontier. 11 At March Term, 1766, James Hasell, who had been appointed Chief Justice of the province by Governor Tryon, qualified by taking the oaths prescribed by law. Edmund Tanning qualified as Associate Justice for the District of Salisbury. He resigned the office of attorney-general of the court, which he had thereto- fore occupied, and was succeeded by William Hooper. 12 The fact that Edmund Fanning was a judge at this time seems to have been overlooked by historians. At September term Chief Justice Hasell and Judge Fanning presided. Isaac Edwards took the oaths of an attorney and was appointed by the court as attorney for the Crown in the absence of Mr. Hooper, who arrived several days late. Frederick Fraley, George Logall, George Adwicke, and Christopher Blake were naturalized. 13 6 N. C. Manual (1913), 381-382, 408. 7 Col. Rec, V, 260. 8 State Rec, XXV, 274-287. 9 State Rec, XXIII, 874, 946. 10 Raper, 156. "Col. Rec, V, 1082-1084. ^Col. Rec, VII, 191-192. "Col. Rec, VII, 255-256. 3 34 James Sprunt Historical Publications Salisbury District was now composed of Mecklenburg, Anson, and Rowan counties. 14 September term of 1767 was held by Associate Justice Fanning. Richard Henderson, of Granville County, was appointed attorney for the Crown during the absence of the attorney-general. Chief Justice Hasell and William Hooper appeared later. 15 Richard Henderson afterwards purchased a large tract of land lying in Tennessee and Kentucky and employed Daniel Boone to blaze the way for a colony, which was established at Boonesborough, Ken- tucky, just before the Revolution. This tract of land was pur- chased from the Cherokees. 16 The superior court of justice in March, 1768, was held by Maur- ice Moore and Richard Henderson, who took the oaths of Asso- ciate Justices of the colony. William Hooper was appointed attor- ney for the Crown, and James Forsyth qualified as a lawyer. 17 In September, Chief Justice Martin Howard and Judges Hen- derson and Moore presided. William Hooper produced a commis- sion constituting him Crown attorney. 18 At the session in March of the following year, held by Judge Henderson, Thomas Frohock gave bond and qualified as clerk of the court for Salisbury District. 19 In 1772 Adlai Osborne, of Mecklenburg, was appointed to this position. 20 The third colonial court which assembled at Salisbury was the court of oyer, terminer and general jail delivery. This court had jurisdiction of criminal cases. 21 The court met in June and De- cember of each year. 22 A typical term was that held in June,, 1775, for Rowan, Anson, Mecklenburg, Tryon, Surry, and Guilford, the counties which then made up Salisbury District. Judge Alexander Martin, of Rowan, presided. Adlai Osborne was appointed clerk, and Benjamin B. Boote took the oath as deputy attorney-general for the district. William Kennon's name appears in the records as a practicing 14 Col. Rec, VII, 477. a5 Col. Rec, VII, 521-522. 16 Ashe, 429. "Col. Rec, VII, 690-691. ls Col. Rec, VII, 838. 19 Col. Rec, VIII, 19. 20 Col. Rec, IX, 318-319. 21 Raper, 159. 22 State Rec, XXIII, 946. A Colonial History of Rowan County 35 lawyer. Many criminal cases were disposed of at this term. Thomas "Ward was convicted of stealing 11 shillings and sentenced to receive "thirty-nine lashes on his bare back, well laid on, at the public whipping-post." James Patterson was acquitted of the charge of counterfeiting and David Jones of murder. William "Woodliff was found not guilty of horse-stealing. Stephen Herring and Joseph Pettoway, being convicted of robbery, and Oliver "Wallace of murder, the court sentenced them to be hanged "by the neck" until they were "dead, dead, dead," and the sheriff of Rowan was directed to put the sentence into execution on the conventional day — Friday. 23 The execution of a criminal was not a rare occasion in those days. There were a score of crimes which bore the death penalty, and, as appears from the records of Rowan, the judges did not scruple to put these laws into effect. The blow of the law fell swiftly upon the guilty. CHAPTER VI The Regulators The question as to the character of the Regulation has been often and fully discussed by the historians of JSTorth Carolina. Some think that the Regulators were an oppressed people contending for justice; others that they were a misguided mob seeking to prevent the enforcement of the law. It is not the purpose in this sketch to side with either group, but merely to state the occurrences of the trouble in Rowan County. The Regulators complained of the injustice of the officials, of extortion, of corrupt courts, and of being compelled to pay taxes in money, of which there was a scarcity in circulation. The move- ment was most prevalent in Orange, Anson, and Rowan, though it existed to a less degree in many other counties. The discontented men formed a systematic organization. Meetings were held and petitions were sent to Governor Tryon, but they were either refused or ignored. 1 One of the chief policies of the Regulators was the refusal to pay taxes. 2 23 Col. Rec, X, 1-9. Tompkins, 37-38. 2 Col. Rec, VIII, 637. 36 James Sprunt Historical Publications The people were especially bitter towards Edmund Fanning, of Hillsboro, and John Frohock, of Salisbury. Rednap Howell, "the Poet Laureate of the Regulators," lampooned them in this wise : Says Frohock to Fanning : "To tell the plain truth, When I came to this country I was but a youth; My father sent for me; I warn't worth a cross; And then my first study was to steal for a horse; I quickly got credit, and then ran away, And haven't paid for him to this very day." Says Fanning to Frohock: " 'Tis folly to lie, I rode an old mare that was blind of an eye; Five shillings in money I had in my purse, My coat it was patched, but not much the worse; But now we've got rich, and it's very well known That we'll do very well if they'll let us alone. 3 The Regulators resisted all efforts on the part of the sheriffs of Rowan to collect taxes. In October, 1763, Francis Locke informed the inferior court that two thousand taxes for the year 1766 were unpaid, and that the collection of them was violently opposed by the Regulators. He attempted to "take, seize, and destrain a sorrel gelding" belonging to James Dunlap for his taxes for 1764, 1765, and 1766, but Dunlap and fifteen others unlawfully rescued the horse from Locke. 4 Andrew Allison, who was sheriff in 1765, was able to collect only two hundred and five taxes. 5 The situation became so perplexing that in 1770 there was no sheriff in Rowan, Adam Allison who had been appointed by Tryon being unable to give security for the discharge of the duties of the office. His friends did not doubt his integrity or honesty, but feared that the confused state of the county would involve them in many suits. 6 In April, 1768, Edmund Fanning, of Hillsboro, wrote Tryon that the Regulators claimed that they could command a powerful force from Anson, Rowan, and Orange. He asked Tryon for or- ders to raise the militia and advised immediate war upon the in- 3 Col. Rec, VIII, xli. 4 Col. Rec, VII. 856, 857. 5 Col. Rec, VIII, 227. 8 Col. Rec, VIII, 64. A Colonial History of Rowan County 37 surgents. Tryon gave him permission to call out the militia of Bertie, Halifax, Granville, Rowan, Mecklenburg, Anson, Cumber- land, and Johnston. 7 About the 1st of July Tryon went to Hillsboro, where Hus- bands and Butler, who had been arrested several months before, were to be tried. Husbands was a Quaker preacher and the prime mover in the Regulation. Tryon visited Rowan and enlisted troops for the protection of the court. 8 Nearly two hundred of the Rowan militia and three hundred of the Mecklenburg attended the court at Hillsboro. 9 At this time matters quieted a little, but soon the situation became critical. An excellent opportunity for a peaceable solution of the problem in Rowan occurred in March, 1771. The Regulators of the county decided to visit Salisbury superior court. On March 6 four or five hundred assembled on the west bank of the Yadkin. Hearing of their plans, Alexander Martin and John Frohock went to them and found some armed and some unarmed. The Regulators said that their intention was not to disturb the court or to injure the person or property of any one, but to petition for a redress of grievances against the officers taking exorbitant fees, and that their arms were for defense. Good order prevailed, threats being made by only a few of the lower characters. They were informed that the judges did not deem it prudent to hold court in Salisbury. The Regulators replied that there would have been no danger for the Chief Justice, but as to the other judges they were silent. In behalf of the officers of Rowan, Mar- tin and Frohock offered to give the Regulators satisfaction for their complaints, and the Regulators selected a committee to confer with the officers. The Regulator committee proposed to leave every complaint to the decision of men chosen by the two parties. They selected Her- man Husbands, James Graham, James Hunter, and Thomas Person, and the officers chose Matthew Locke, John Kerr, Samuel Young, and James Smith. This committee was to meet in May and arbitrate and settle every difference. Only the officials of T Col. Rec, VII, 115. 748. 8 Col. Rec, VII, xxii. 9 Col. Rec, VII, 886; Tompkins, 38. 38 James Sprfnt Historical Publications Rowan County, and those voluntarily, were included in the com- pact. 10 On the 7th the officers agreed "to settle and pay unto any and every person within the county any and all such sum or sums of money as we or our deputies have taken through inadvertency or otherwise over and above what we severally ought to have taken for fees more than the law allowed or entitled us so to receive, without any trouble or law for the recovery of the same." John Frohock, William Frohock, Griffith Rutherford, Thomas Frohock, Benjamin Miller, John Brawley, Andrew Allison, Francis Locke, John Dunn, Alexander Martin, William Nazary (ISTassery), and William Temple Cole signed the agreement, they being or having been officers of the County. 11 Thereupon the Regulators returned quietly to their homes. Three companies of Rowan militia and seventy or eighty men from Mecklenburg were in Salisbury ready to oppose them had any violence been offered. 12 When Governor Tryon received intelligence of the proposed set- tlement with the Regulators he immediately wrote Alexander Martin a letter which included the following quotation: This mode ... of your agreement with the insurgents, by in- cluding officers who are amenable only for their public conduct to the tribunal of their country, is unconstitutional, dishonorable of govern- ment and introductive of a practice the most dangerous to the peace and happiness of society. On the 18th of last month it was determined by consent of his Majesty's Council to raise forces to march into the settlements of the insurgents in order to restore peace to the country upon honorable terms and constitutional principles. This measure is not intended to impede, nor has it the least reference to, the agreement between you gentlemen and the Regulators, though it is expected in the execution of it more stability will be added to our government than by the issue of Convention ratified at Salisbury.is Tryon's rebuke and disapproval of the plan caused its failure. If Tryon had been farsighted probably the difficulties could have been settled without a struggle. As it was, however, both factions prepared for the final test of strength. Governor Tryon sent Gen- 10 Col. Rec, VIII, 533 et seq. "Col. Rec, VIII, 521-522. "Col. Rec, VIII, 535-536. ls Col. Rec, VIII, 545. A Coloxial History of Eowan Couxty 39 eral Hugh Waddell through. Rowan and Mecklenburg to raise troops. "Waddell enlisted one hundred in Mecklenburg and almost twice that number in Rowan. "When marching to join Tryon, "Waddell was intercepted at the Yadkin by a larger force of Regu- lators and turned back, so that he did not join the governor until after the battle. 14 Meanwhile Tryon proceeded westward with ten or twelve hun- dred men. 15 He met the forces of the insurgents at Alamance Creek and defeated them, thereby bringing open opposition to an end. 16 From May 30th to June 20th, the supreme court of oyer and terminer was held at Hillsboro for the trial of captured Regula- tors. Twelve were convicted of high treason and six of them were executed. The most distinguished victim was Benjamin Merrill, who had formerly been a captain of the militia in Rowan. In concluding his sentence, the Chief Justice said : I must now close my afflicting duty by pronouncing upon you the aw- ful sentence of the law; which is that you, Benjamin Merrill, be carried to the place whence you came, that you be drawn from thence to the place of execution, where you are to be hanged by the neck; that you be cut down while yet alive, that your bowels be taken out and burnt be- fore your face, that your head be cut off, your body divided into four quarters, and this to be at his Majesty's disposal; and the Lord have mercy on your soul. 17 It is impossible to conceive of a more brutal, barbarous sentence being pronounced. Soon afterwards the Assembly passed an act allowing the sher- iffs an additional year in which to collect the taxes which had not been paid. 18 James McCoy was appointed to collect those for 1770, the year when no sheriff served Rowan. 19 14 Tompldns, 38-39. "Tompkins, 39. 16 Col. Rec, Till, 609; Haywood, 125-126. 17 Col. Rec, Till, 643. "State Rec, XXT, 520-521. ^State Rec, XXT, 521-522. 40 James Sprunt Historical Publications CHAPTER VII The Churches of Early Rowan The early inhabitants of the county were a distinctly religious people. Many of them had come to the new world that they might worship God in their own way. Consequently, as soon as they were settled in their new surroundings they proceeded to found places of worship. THE PRESBYTERIANS The destruction by fire of the early records of Orange Presby- tery has rendered it difficult to give an account of the different Presbyterian churches with the dates of their establishment. The Presbyterians formed a considerable part of the population of Rowan, most of the Scotch-Irish being of this faith. In the list of taxables for 1767 it is remarked that the population was "mostly Presbyterians." 1 A congregation was organized before Rowan was taken from Anson County. On January 17, 1753, John and Naomi Lynn con- veyed twelve acres of land, more or less, "to a congregation belong- ing to ye Lower meeting house, between the Atking River and ye Catabo." It is stated that this congregation adhered to a minister belonging to the Synod of Philadelphia. On the following day another deed was made conveying an additional tract of twelve acres to the same congregation. This church was first called the Lower Meeting House. Being in the vicinity of James Cathey's home, it was later called Cathey's Meeting House, and finally Thy- atira. ISTo record of its first elders and members is extant. Eurther west, near the present town of Statesville in Iredell County, was the Fourth Creek congregation, which was later divided among the churches of Fourth Creek, Concord, and Beth- any. Fourth Creek congregation was organized and its boundaries were defined by the two missionaries, the Rev. Messrs. Spencer and McWhorter, who visited it in 1764. Fourth Creek church, how- ever, was in existence long before that time. It is said that Fourth Creek church was collected into a congregation as early as 1751 *Ool. Rec, VII, 541. A Colonial History of Rowan County 41 and its place of worship selected by 1756. The Rev. John Thomp- son appeared in this locality as early as 1751. He resided near the historic Centre Church. Mr. Thompson preached at Fourth Creek and other stations in Rowan for about two years. He was a very influential pastor. People came twenty and twenty-fire miles to hear his sermons and "sometimes he baptized a score of infants at once." In 1773, the people who made up the congregation of Fourth Creek were divided among 196 families of 111 different names. All of these communicants lived within ten miles of the church. 2 In 1753 the Synod of Philadelphia sent two missionaries, Mr. McMordie and Mr. Donaldson, to visit Virginia and North Caro- lina. They were directed by the Synod "to show special regard to the vacancies of North Carolina, especially betwixt Atkin and Catawba rivers." 3 In 1755 the Rev. Hugh McAden made a missionary tour through North Carolina. 4 Early in September he arrived in eastern Rowan, and thence continued his course westward, preaching at several meeting houses and in private homes. Sometimes he preached to congregations "pretty regular and discreet," but some- times he found them "solemn and attentive, but (with) no appear- ance of the life of religion." He delivered a sermon at the meet- ing house which had been erected in the Jersey Settlement, and to the congregation at Cathey's, and at several other houses of wor- ship west of the Yadkin. In the latter part of October he passed on into Mecklenburg County. 5 In the same year the Synod of New York directed the Rev. John Brainard and the Rev. Elihu Spencer to supply vacancies in North Carolina. They do not seem to have done so, for there is no record of their visit. For ten years the congregations of the Presbyterians held to- gether, though no regular minister appeared. 6 No doubt, from time to time, itinerant preachers passed through Rowan and preached at the meeting houses and in private homes. In 1764 2 Rumple, 333-335. 3 Poote, 159. "Caruthers, 94. 5 Foote, 167-169. 6 Rumple, 336. 42 James Sprunt Historical Publications and 1765 the Rev. Messrs. Spencer and McWhorter visited the county and fixed the limits of the different congregations. A new congregation called Centre was established, its name being derived from the fact that it was composed of territory between Fourth Creek and Thyatira. The Centre congregation lived in Mecklen- burg and in that part of Rowan which now lies in Iredell County. It appears that this region was filled with various preaching places before Spencer and McWhorter persuaded the inhabitants to com- bine into one church. 7 In 1765 Fourth Creek and Thyatira united in a call to the Rev. Mr. Spencer, who had returned to New Jersey. They sent wagons all the way to that province to bring his family to Rowan, but he declined to accept the call. Thyatira was without a regular pastor until 1772. Then Rev. Mr. Harris became its minister and re- mained about two years. 8 The Rev. Samuel E. McCorkle became the pastor of Thyatira in 1777, and James Hall, the soldier- preacher, became the minister of Fourth Creek Church one year later. 9 The Presbyterians did not found a church in Salisbury until about the year 1821. 10 There was a Presbyterian meeting house in eastern Rowan (now Guilford) before 1768. In that year Adam Mitchel conveyed an acre of land to John McKnight and William Anderson, "trustees for the Presbyterian congregation on the waters of North Buffalo." This congregation belonged to the Synod of New York and Phila- delphia. The deed shows that a "meeting house and a study house" had already been erected. 11 The building designated as a "study house" was probably a school. The inferior court of Rowan licensed the North Buffalo meeting house soon after- wards. 12 The church was situated near the present site of Greens- boro. 13 In 1764 the Rev. Henry Pattillo, a Presbyterian divine, who labored in Orange, established a church called Alamance about 7 Foote, 36, 433-434. SRumple, 336-337. 9 Foote, 324, 354. "Rumple, 342-343. "Col. Rec, VII, 857-859. 12 Col. Rec, VIII, 507. "Foote, 233. A Colonial History of Rowan County 43 seven miles from Greensboro. 14 These two churches secured as their pastor Dr. David Caldwell, a Pennsylvanian by birth and a graduate of Princeton. In 1766 he married Rachel, the daughter of the Rev. Alexander Craighead, of Sugar Creek Church, in Meck- lenburg, and settled with his congregations of Buffalo and Ala- mance. 15 Caldwell established a school in the neighborhood about 1767. This school obtained the name of the "Log College," and was the means of training a number of the foremost men of North Carolina. 16 At a meeting of the Presbytery at Buffalo in March, 1770, David Caldwell, Hugh McAden, Joseph Alexander, Henry Pat- tillo, Hezekiah Balch, and James Criswell petitioned the Synod of Philadelphia and New York for the organization of a new presby- tery, to be called Orange. Their petition was granted. 17 THE GERMAN REFORMED AND LUTHERAN CHURCHES IN ROWAN The German Reformed Church originated in Switzerland, its doctrines being derived from the Swiss reformer, Ulric Zwingli, who was a contemporary of Martin Luther. This Church differed from the Lutheran upon the question of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper and other theological doctrines. It is a Calvinistic church. 18 Denying Luther's theory of consubstantiation, Zwingli regarded the sacrament as efficacious merely for its commemora- tive and social aspects. 19 The Germans who came to Rowan from Pennsylvania and set- tled along Second Creek were members of the Reformed and Lutheran churches. Being too few in numbers to erect houses of worship for each of the two denominations, they united in build- ing a temporary structure on the lands of a Mr. Fullenwider. This church was called the Hickory Church and stood on the site now occupied by St. Peter's Lutheran Church. The date of its erection is not given, but no doubt it was built quite early, for the section was settled by German immigrants about 1750. Por a number of "Foote, 233. 15 Col. Rec, V, 1219; Caruthers, 26. 16 Caruthers, 30-31. "Col. Rec, V, 1213 ; Caruthers, 96-97. "Rumple, 435-436. 19 Hulme, 281. 44 James Sprunt Historical Publications years there was no pastor to minister to the needs of those who worshiped at the Hickory Church. 20 Before Hickory Church obtained a minister the Lutherans in and around Salisbury formed a congregation. This church was the first Lutheran church organized in North Carolina and was named St. John's. John Lewis Beard, a prominent and wealthy resident of Salisbury and a Lutheran by profession, was bereaved by the death of a daughter. Her remains were buried in a lot con- taining nearly an acre of ground belonging to her father. Desirous that the grave of his daughter should never be disturbed, Mr. Beard donated the lot to the German Lutheran Church. On Sep- tember 9, 1768, he conveyed the land to the trusees of the church. It was stipulated that ministers of the Church of England and the Reformed Church might utilize the church when not used by the Lutherans. Soon after the lot was granted to them the Lutherans erected a log church upon it. This structure was the first house of worship built in Salisbury. The lot is now known as the Lutheran graveyard, or the Salisbury Cemetery. 21 Where the Germans were to obtain a pastor was a difficult prob- lem to solve. As there was a scarcity of ministers in Pennsylvania, it was futile to consider the possibility of securing one there. 22 As some three thousand German Protestants were located in Rowan, Orange, Mecklenburg, and Tryon counties and their numbers were rapidly increasing by birth and immigration, sixty Lutheran families residing on Second Creek in Rowan decided to seek help from the Protestants of Europe. They declared that the want of a minister of their denomination had produced "a great ignorance of the word of God and a melancholy dissoluteness of living," and feared that such evil "must provoke the Almighty God to anger and vengeance." They appointed two of their number, Christo- pher Layrle, of Mecklenburg County, and Christopher Rintelman, of Rowan, to seek aid among the Protestants of England, Holland, and Germany for securing and supporting a minister and school- master who spoke the German tongue. The Rev. Mr. Drage, the Episcopal minister of St. Luke's Parish, pronounced their purpose 20 Col. Rec, VIII, 744, 759 ; Bernheim, 244-245 ; Rumple, 437. 21 Col. Rec, VIII, 758-759. 22 Bernheim, 254. A Colonial History of Eowan County 45 laudable, and Governor Tryon countenanced their plans and re- ferred their requests to the Bishop of London and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. The undertaking met with the approval of the Society at its meeting in London, July 19, 1771. The Society promised that if Layrle and Bintel- man raised such a sum as would afford a reasonable prospect of establishing a fund adequate for the permanent support of a min- ister and schoolmaster, it would contribute to the subscription and give other encouragement to their efforts. 23 Rintelman and Layrle went to Europe in 1772. They first went to London and then to Hanover, and through the kind efforts of "the late Consistory Counselor, Gotten," obtained the Eev. Adolph jSTussman as their pastor and Mr. Gottfried Ardnt as schoolmas- ter. Nussman and Ardnt arrived in North Carolina in 1773. 24 Among those who contributed to the fund which enabled the Ger- mans to secure their minister and schoolmaster were the Bishop of London, the Earl of Dartmouth, the Earl of Granville, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Governor Tryon. 25 The Eev. Adolph jSTussman was a man of scholarly attainments and a devout, self-sacrificing and pious Christian. 26 He preached for a year to the combined congregation of Eeformed and Lutheran members at the Hickory Church. Dissensions arising between the two denominations, they separated. The Lutherans built what is still known as the Organ Church, but what was formerly called Zion's. The adherents of the Eeformed Church erected a structure four miles west of Gold Hill, in south Eowan. This church was named Grace Church, though it is frequently called Lower Stone Church. The site of the building was purchased from Lorentz Lingle. 27 At the same time the Eev. Adolph jSTussman was minis- tering to the people of the Second Creek settlement, he preached at St. John's in Salisbury. Before Organ Church was finished he left Eowan and went to St. John's Church in Mecklenburg. In 1775 Gottfried Arndt, who had been instructing the German youth, 23 Col. Rec, VIII, 630-631. 24 Col. Rec, VIII, 762-763 ; Bernheim, 256-257. 25 Col. Rec, VIII, 632. 26 Col. Rec, VIII, 759. 27 Col. Rec, VIII, 744, 760. 46 James Sprunt Historical Publications was ordained a minister of the Lutheran Church, and he served Organ and St. John's churches until the close of the Revolution. 28 THE BAPTISTS IN ROWAN Information as to the Baptists in early Rowan is very meagre. When the Rev. Hugh McAden passed through this section in 1755 he found a meeting house in the Jersey Settlement. There was much confusion in the congregation, many of whom were Baptists and several professing to be Presbyterians. One cause of the trouble arose from the labors of a Mr. Miller, a Baptist minister. 29 With the aid of a Rev. Mr. Gano, Miller established a Baptist Church in the Jersey Settlement. 30 About the year 1755 Shubal Stearns came to eastern Rowan, now Randolph, and in a few years had a church on Sandy Creek with a membership of 606 persons. At the same time Daniel Mar- shall had charge of a Baptist Church on the TJwharrie, and Joseph Murphey was minister to a congregation on Deep Creek in the present county of Surry. Dr. Caruthers says that other Baptist ministers went about preaching from place to place, and that there was a church on Abbott's Creek, and others elsewhere. 31 Dr. Rumple says that there was no organization of Methodism in the county before the Revolution. 32 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN ROWAN The royal government of the province attempted to make the Church of England the established church of North Carolina. Many acts were passed with this end in view. We have already seen that St. Luke's Parish was established simultaneously with Rowan County and included the same territory until Wachovia was set off under the name of Dobbs Parish. The freeholders, that is, men owning fifty acres of land or a lot in some town, were required, under penalty of twenty shillings, to elect twelve vestry- men to serve three years. The vestrymen so elected had to sub- scribe an oath that they would "not oppose the doctrine, discipline, 2S Col. Rec, VIII, 759, 760, 763 ; Bernheim, 260-261. 29 Foote, 167. 30 Rumple, 445. "Caruthers, 91. 32 Rumple, 367. A Colonial History of Rowan County 47 and liturgy of the Church, of England as by law established." If a dissenter was elected and failed to qualify, he was liable to a fine. The vestry was authorized to levy a tax of ten shillings on each taxable in the parish for the erection of churches or chapels, the payment of the salaries of ministers, the purchasing a glebe for the building of a parsonage. According to an act of 1765, the minister of a parish was to receive an annual salary of one hundred and thirty-three pounds, six shillings and eight pence and a fee of twenty shillings for every marriage solemnized in the parish, whether he performed the service or not, provided he did not neglect nor refuse to do so. 33 The inhabitants of the west paid little attention to the vestry and parish laws. By the marriage acts of the province no minister or magistrate could perform the rite of marriage without a license or the publi- cation of banns. The parish minister, if there were one, should be entitled to the marriage fee unless he refused or neglected to perform the ceremony. The Presbyterian ministers in the west performed the marriage service without license or publication of banns. An act passed early in Tryon's administration made all such marriages valid and permitted Presbyterian ministers, regu- larly called to any congregation, to celebrate the rite of marriage when a license was issued. By a law of 1770 the ministers of the same denomination were authorized to perform the service by the publication of banns, but the law was disallowed by the authori- ties in England. 34 The marriage and vestry acts were extremely unpopular in the west. Petitions were presented to the Assembly asking their re- peal. One from Mecklenburg states that if Rowan, Mecklenburg, and Tryon counties "were wholly relieved from the grievances of the marriage act and the vestry acts, it would greatly encourage the settlement of the frontiers, and make them a strong barrier to the interior parts of the province against a savage enemy." 35 Little is known of the early clergymen of the Church of Eng- land. Upon the petition of the people of Rowan, a Mr. Miller M Ashe, 385; Rumple, 72-74. 34 Ashe, 382-386. ^Col. Rec, X, 1016. 48 James Sprunt Historical Publications was ordained minister. He lived irregularly and wandered about from parish to parish. It is not known that he settled in Rowan. 36 In 1766, Tryon wrote the Board of Trade that the Rev. Mr. Micklejohn had just gone to St. Luke's. 37 Nothing fur- ther is recorded of him. No attempt was made to put the parish and vestry laws into force in Rowan until about 1770. Some time prior to that date more than one hundred inhabitants of the county petitioned for a "lawful vestry." 38 There seems to have been a number of members of the Church of England in Rowan, though they did not make up any consid- erable part of the population. They were principally found in Salisbury and the Jersey Settlement. 39 It is impossible to esti- mate the number with any degree of accuracy. The late Hon. John S. Henderson, in his interesting sketch on "Episcopacy in Rowan" in Ruinple's history, thinks that they amounted to one- fourth or one-third of the entire population. 40 This estimate, however, is undoubtedly too large if applied to the whole of Rowan. The first clergyman of the Church of England who settled in Rowan was the Rev. Theodoras Swaine Drage, who came to the county about 1769 and attempted to organize St. Luke's Parish on a permanent basis. He was successful in having a chapel erected in the Jersey Settlement. 41 His letter to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts portrays the situ- ation in Rowan. Tryon had received repeated applications from the people for a clergyman, and he was largely responsible for Drage's going to St. Luke's. Drage claimed that two-thirds of the population were of the Church of England, but his state- ments are not borne out by other records. The "Irish Dissenters" had the power of government vested in their hands, for they had titles to their lands. Many of the other settlers had come into the county since the closing of the land offices and had been unable to secure titles to the lands which they occupied. 36 Col. Rec, VI, 1040. 37 Col. Rec, VII, 260. 3S Williamson, 258. 39 Rumple, 70. 40 Rumple, 383. "Rumple, 384. A Colonial History of Eowan County 49 Mr. Drage was very active in his labors. Upon his arrival lie found the English churchmen "disheartened and dispersed," but soon he had forty preaching places where he ministered to "seven thousand souls, men, women, and children." Between December 20, 1769, and the same date in 1770, he baptized eight hundred and two persons. Their ages varied from less than a year to sixty years, the majority being infants. A Rev. Mr. Cupples had paid a visit to St. Luke's during the preceding s umm er and baptized many. Mr. Drage's efforts to establish the parish on a legal and perma- nent foundation were less fruitful. At an election held Easter Monday, 1770, the Dissenters, having control of a majority of the votes, elected a vestry, all of whom were Dissenters and two of whom were elders. The vestry refused to qualify. The same procedure had been practiced in the preceding year. The voters declared that "their purpose in voting was not as to who should compose the vestry, but that there might be none." The members of the Church of England petitioned for a removal of their inca- pacity to vote for want of deeds, but the Assembly did not grant their request. Mr. Drage considered a petition of the Presbyte- rians praying that they might be relieved from paying towards the support of the parish minister and that their clergy might be permitted to perform marriages by the publication of banns as "an act directly leveled at the Constitution." 42 In theory he was right. The mistake, however, was in striving to thrust an estab- lished church upon an unwilling and headstrong people. The contest between Drage and the Dissenters continued to grow warm. The unfortunate clergyman seems to have received no salary and to have been dependent upon a few fees and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Eoreign Parts for his sup- port. He found friends only in the Lutherans and in Governor Tryon. 43 He informed Governor Martin, Tryon's successor, that the clerk of court encouraged the people who obtained marriage licenses to have the rites performed by the magistrates in prefer- ence to him, and concealed the number of licenses granted in 42 Col. Rec, VIII. 502-504. 43 Col. Rec, VIII, 506-507. 50 James Sprunt Historical Publications order to deprive him of the fees to which the parish minister was entitled. 44 By February, 1773, the Dissenters succeeded in expell- ing Drage by withholding his salary and thereby forcing him to leave the parish. 45 No other clergyman of the English church appeared in Rowan before the Eevolution. CHAPTER VIII Education in Rowan The record of education and the early schools of Rowan is very meagre. Most of the inhabitants possessed at least an elementary knowledge of reading, writing and the principles of mathematics. The Germans had Luther's translation of the Bible and their Union Hymn Book. At this time the old field schools were estab- lished and taught by citizens who had better educations than the average. There must have been a number of these schools in old Rowan. The boys spent their leisure hours in playing "town- ball," "bull-pen," "cat" and "prisoner's base," and the girls amused themselves with "blind-man's bluff," "drop-the-handker- chief," "fox and geese," and "chichama-chichama-craney-crow." Dr. Rumple says : "The passing traveler could easily identify the log schoolhouse, by the bell-like tones of the mingled voices of the boys and girls as they studied their spelling and reading lessons aloud — sometimes rendering the schoolroom a very Babel of con- fused sounds." 1 In 1760, Crowfield Academy was established on the headwaters of Rocky River, in the bounds of the Centre congregation, about two miles north of where Davidson College now stands. This was a classical school where many of the prominent men of Rowan and the near-by counties were educated. Among them were Col- onel Adlai Osborne, the Rev. Samuel Eusebius McCorkle, Dr. James Hall, and Dr. Ephriam Brevard. 2 "Col. Rec. IX, 267. 45 Col. Rec, IX, 507, 622. iRumple, 83-84. "Rumple, 84. A Colonial History of Kowan County 51 About the year 1767 Dr. David Caldwell founded his famous classical "Log College" on the headwaters of North Buffalo, near the present city of Greensboro. 3 In 1773, Gottfried Arndt arrived, and for several years in- structed the German youth around Salisbury. 4 The inhabitants of "Western North Carolina before the Revolu- tion were dependent upon the old field schools and a few classical academies, such as Caldwell's and Crowfield, for their education. Those who were able often completed their schooling at Nassau Hall (now Princeton University) under Dr. John "Witherspoon. 5 CHAPTER IX The Safety Committee Rowan County has the distinction of being the first county in North Carolina to organize a safety committee. 1 This fact shows that the people were keenly alive to the cause of the colonies. The first committee met August 8, 1774. Its members were James McCay, Andrew Neal, George Cathey, Alexander Dobbins, Fran- cis McCorkle, Matthew Locke, Maxwell Chambers, Henry Har- mon, Abraham Denton, "William Davidson, Samuel Young, John Brevard, "William Kennon, George Henry Barringer, Robert Bell, John Bickerstaff, John Cowden, John Lewis Beard, John Nesbit, Charles McDowell, Robert Blackburn, Christopher Beekman, "Wil- liam Sharpe, John Johnston, and Morgan Bryan. 2 The records of the Rowan Committee of Safety have been preserved in Wheel- er's "History of North Carolina" and in the Colonial Becords and they give an insight into the opinions and purposes of the times. Though this committee began its administration before the Revolution its actions belong to the Revolutionary period, and will not be discussed in this sketch. 3 Caruthers, 30-31. 4 Bernheim, 260-261. 6 Rumple, 84-85. ^ol. Rec, IX, xxxii. 2 Col. Rec, IX, 1024-1026 ; Rumple, 147. 52 James Sprunt Historical Publications CHAPTER X Social and Industrial Conditions The inhabitants of Rowan and the other western counties lived among surroundings' quite different from those who dwelt in the east. While the latter passed a life of ease and gayety on their large plantations with numerous African slaves, the former felled the forests and built homes on the fertile and pleasant lands lying along the countless streams which watered the country. The Indians who lived beyond the mountains were a constant source of alarm. The woods teemed with game. As is the case in all frontier communities, the sterner and stronger qualities of men predominated. Slave labor was introduced into the territory embraced by Rowan County before it was taken from Anson. The list of taxa- bles for Rowan for the year after its establishment indicate that there were then fifty-four black taxables in the county. 1 As after this date the white and black taxables were not listed separately, there is no means of determining the number of slaves owned by the inhabitants. No doubt many others were brought in, but slavery did not assume such large proportions in Rowan as it did in the eastern counties. Practically all of the people derived their living from the soil. In the summer of 1755 Governor Dobbs visited the west in order to inspect his lands on Rocky River. Along the Yadkin he found fields of barley, wheat, rye, and oats. 2 Continuing his course to Rocky River, he visited between thirty and forty of the families situated on his lands. These people were prolific, there being from five to ten children in each family. The settlers raised horses, cows, hogs, and sheep, and planted Indian corn. They made butter and cheese and had "made good success with indigo." 3 There were no stock-laws in those days. The cattle were branded by their owners and allowed to roam at large. 4 There is iCol. Rec, V, 575. 2 Col. Rec, V, 355. 3 Ashe, 289-290. 4 Rumple, 39-41. A Colonial History of Rowan County 53 record that the Moravians cultivated cotton and tobacco in addi- tion to grains and vegetables. 5 Wild animals proved a great inconvenience to the frontier agriculturists. Accordingly bounties were offered to all persons who killed a wolf or a wild cat or a panther within ten miles of any settled plantation. 6 In 1767, an act was passed requiring every master or mistress of a plantation, or the overseer in case the owner did not reside in the county, to kill or cause to be killed every year seven crows or squirrels for each taxable under his or her control. Failure to do so was penalized by a fine of four pence for each crow or squirrel less than the required number, while those who killed more than were required were entitled to receive a bounty of four pence for each in excess of the requisite number. 7 The rates charged by the tavern keepers of Salisbury may be of interest. In 1755, the inferior court fixed the following rates for keepers of ordinaries: For dinner of roast or boiled flesh, 1 shilling. For supper and breakfast, each, 6 pence. For lodging one night, good bed, 2 pence. For stablage (24 hours) with good hay or fodder, 6 pence. For pasturage first 24 hours, 4 pence. For every 24 hours thereafter, 2 pence. For Indian corn and other grain per quart, 2 pence. 8 The people of Rowan and the other sections of the west were much more closely connected with Charleston commercially than with the coast towns of ISTorth Carolina, for it was to the South Carolina port that they sent their produce. In 1762, provision was made by the Assembly for building Campbelton on the Cape Fear River. It was thought that this town would be the means of bringing the trade which enriched the merchants of Charleston to the coast of iSTorth Carolina. 9 As this step failed to accomplish the desired end, a committee was appointed to lay out a road from the frontiers to Wilmington. 10 The committee having failed to act, in 1771 a commission was selected to plot a road from Meck- 5 Clewell, 24. 6 State Rec, XXIII, 784-785, 862, 971. 7 StateRec, XXV, 510-511. 8 Rumple, 41. "State Rec, XXV, 470. 10 State Rec, XXIII, 753-754. 54 James Sprunt Historical Publications lenburg courthouse and from Salisbury the "nearest and best way" to Campbelton. 11 The plan was not carried out by the committee, and the west continued its commerce with the mer- chants of Charleston. The people of the west had great difficulty in communicating with one another for want of roads. 12 Such roads as existed were far from being in a state of perfection. Practically all of the manufactured commodities were made in the home. Tompkins, in his "History of Mecklenburg County," says : "The people made their own hats and shoes, and wove their own cloth. They were hatters and shoemakers and weavers and tailors. They raised indigo for dyeing. They raised flax and made it into linen." 13 Though this statement is made primarily of the people of Mecklenburg County, it applies with equal truth to those of Rowan. BIBLIOGRAPHY Colonial Records of North Carolina. State Records of North Carolina. Ashe, S. A.: History of North Carolina. Bernheim: History of the German Settlements and the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina. Caruthers, E. W.: Life of David Caldwell. Clewell, J. H. : History of Wachovia. Foote, W. H.: Sketches of North Carolina. Fries, W. H. : Forsyth County. Handbook of North Carolina (1886). Haywood, M. DeL. : Governor William Tryon. Hulme, E. M. : The Renaissance and Reformation. Hunter, C. L. : Sketches of Western North Carolina. Lawson, J.: History of North Carolina. Martin, F. X.: History of North Carolina. North Carolina Manual (1913). Raper, C. L.: North Carolina — A Study in English Colonial Gov- ernment. Tompkins, D. A. : A History of Mecklenburg County. Rumple, J.: History of Rowan County. Weeks, S. B.: Southern Quakers and Slavery. Williamson, H. : A History of North Carolina. Waddell, H. : A Colonial Officer. "State Rec, XXIII, 870-871. "Col. Rec, VII, 354. "Tompkins, 22-23. THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA The James Sprunt Historical Publications PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF The North Carolina Historical Society Editors: J. G. DeROULHAC HAMILTON HENRY McGILBERT WAGSTAFF WILLIAM WHATLEY PIERSON, JR. VOL.16 No. 2 CONTENTS THE DIARY OF BARTLETT YANCEY MALONE THE PROVINCIAL AGENTS OF NORTH CAROLINA CHAPEL HILL PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 1919 INTRODUCTORY NOTE The following is the diary of a North Carolina farmer, Bart- lett Yancey Malone, who fought during the American War of Secession from July, 1861, to November, 1863, when he was cap- tured and made prisoner. He entered the Confederate Army at the age of twenty-three as a private and rose to the rank of a sergeant, being a member during his active service of the 6th North Carolina Regiment. As he said, this regiment at the time of his capture in battle on the Rappahannock River belonged to "General Hooks (Hoke) brigard Early Division Ewels Corps Leas Armey. ' ' As Iris story shows, Malone participated in most of the great battles and campaigns in Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania. After his capture, November 7, 1863, he was im- prisoned at Point Lookout, Maryland, where he remained until February 24th, 1865. An incpiiry as to the justification for the publication of this document would be pertinent, for on a cursory reading it seems little more than an extended weather report. Mr. Malone per- formed no extraordinary feat of heroism, at least none such was recorded ; he participated with individual distinction in no poli- tical movement of importance; he played no role which would cause historians to single him out for particular notice. His diary is reproduced here as a document of human interest which reveals, with much quaintness of expression, the thoughts of a simple soldier of the ranks — the thoughts, it is to be presumed, of a mass of men, which have oftentimes been inarticulate. There is a frankness about this diary that conveys inevitably, I believe, the conviction of sincerity. And there is a lack of emotion — as when in remarking on an event which, we are told, caused the sol- diers great grief, the death of Stonewall Jackson, he merely said, "And General Jackson died to-day, which is the 10th day of May" — an absence of bitterness and of complaints which, con- sidering the provocation of circumstances, make the diary of al- most as much interest because of these omissions as because of what is included. Perhaps the most conspicuously absent feature 6 James Sprunt Historical Publications is that of any statement of the Southern cause for which he was fighting. Not only does the writer refrain from criticism of the North, but he omits to tell why he is fighting for the South. He assumes the Southern cause tacitly and of course. Mr. Malone was chiefly concerned with his job of being a soldier and, as there was no passion nor rancor in his story, there was likewise no ex- altation nor fervid declamation. He asserted no particular knowledge of military events nor predicted the result of any en- gagement. "What the result is to be is more than I no." He did not seem to have been especially elated by victory, and he was certainly not demoralized by defeat — not even that of Gettysburg. He committed himself on rare occasions to expres- sions which manifested a confidence in the ultimate outcome, as after a successful battle he said : ' ' We whipt them like we aul- ways do." He was unconsciously a brave man who took a sober sort of joy in fighting. On one occasion, when alluding to a battle of more than four hours in length, which began about three o'clock in the afternoon, he remarked: "we had a wright nice time of it from then on tell dark." There is no notice taken of the horrors of war, of bloody scenes which he must have witnessed on the battlefield ; nor were there any complaints made of the pains of the wounds he received. His attitude toward the enemy was unemotional, almost indifferent. He sometimes referred to the federal soldiers as "the Scamps," which, in view of the heated controversies of the time, must certainly be regarded as a mild term of reproach. It is true that he designated General Benjamin F. Butler as the "Yankee beast," but that was an ex- pression then so current in the South as to be conventional so far as Butler was concerned. Having done with these negative, though very significant, aspects, it might be said that, judging from the diary, Malone was chiefly thinking — possibly from a farmer's habit — of the weather with its attendant pleasures and discomforts and about food. One persistent habit of Malone was to record the texts of sermons which he heard, together with references to their biblical sources. This practice, in addition to revealing some interesting evidence as to the nature of Civil War sermons, will remind some The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 7 readers of the time when it was considered a cardinal sin to be unable to quote and cite the preacher's text. Religion affected him in this way not only, but it influenced his poetry. That part of the diary which describes Malone's experience as a prisoner at Point Lookout is, I think, an important and valu- able addition to the limited, first-hand material dealing with Southerners in Northern prisons. It was when writing his reflec- tions on prison life that the first note of despair comes into his journals. His criticism of the treatment of prisoners there may be summarized under four heads : First, there was not food enough. ' ' Our rations at Point Lookout was 5 crackers and a cup of coffee for Breakfast. And for dinner a small ration of meat 2 crackers three potatoes and a cup of soup. Sugar we have non. " Later he described the food supplied by saying, ' ; Our Rations gets no better we get half a loaf of bread a day a smal slice of Pork or Beef or Sault Beef for Breakfast for dinner a cup of Been Soup and Supper we get non. ' ' Coffee and sugar, which last commodity had for a time been supplied, had been taken away. At one time his friends caught, cooked and ate a rat. Secondly, he wrote of the poor protection against the cold afforded the prisoners. Many had to sleep on the ground with only one blanket. "All the wood we get at Point Lookout is one sholder tirn of pine brush every other day for a tent. 16 men to every tent. ' ' He recorded that five men froze to death on one night. Thirdly, he mentioned the frequent shooting of pris- oners by the guards for trivial reasons. At one time he states that a prisoner was shot and killed by the guard ' ' for no reason attall. " Fourthly, he rather bitterly resented the placing of negroes as guards over him. It will seem strange to some that the writer of this diary should have spelled General Lee's name, which undoubtedly was very familiar to him, as "Lea." This spelling of the famous name may be explained by the fact, of which I have been in- formed, that in Caswell County there were a number of people who spelled their name "Lea," as, indeed, did an officer of Malone 's regiment. This and other orthographic curiosities must 8 James Sprunt Historical Publications be considered in the light of the fact that he was a graduate of the "corn field and tobacco patch" university. No serious editing has been undertaken. Outside of an oc- casional attempt to indicate in some cases the accurate form of certain proper names and places, the diary has been allowed to stand without comment as written. William Whatley Pierson, Jr. Chapel Hill, N. C, March 25, 1919. THE DIARY OF BARTLETT YANCEY MALONE Bartlett Y. Malone was bornd and raised in North Carolina Caswell County in the Year of our Lord 1838. And was Gradgu- ated in the corn field and tobacco patch : And inlisted in the war June the 18th 1861. And was a member of the Caswell Boys Company which was comanded by Captian Michel (A. A. Mitchell) : And was attached to the 6th N. C. Regiment the 9th day of July '61 which was comanded by Colonel Fisher who got kild in the first Manassas Battel which was July 21, 1861. And then was comanded by Colonel W. D. Pender untell the Seven Pines fight which was fought the 30th day of May '61.* And then Colonel W. D. Pender was promoted to Brigadier Gen- eral. And then Captain I. E. Avry (Avery) of Co. E was pro- moted to Lieutenant Colonel who was in comand untell about the 10th of October when he was promoted to Colonel and still staid in comand untell the 2th day of July 1863 which was the day the fite was at Gettysburg whar he was kild. And then Lieut : Colonel Webb taken comand. Look hear Mr. Johnston did you ever go to Scolidge I dont no : I guess you mean coledg clout you, Bans : Yes, that what I said Scoledg : Oh go way from hear negro you dont no what you ar a talken about Yes I do dat just what I said. His purposes will ripen fast Unfolding evry hour The bud may have a bitter taste But sweet will be the flower * For a history of the Sixth Regiment, see Clark (editor), North Carolina Regi- ments, 1861-1865, Vol. I (1901). 10 James Sprunt Historical Publications May your days be days of pleasure May your nites be nites of rest May you obtain lif es sweetest pleasure And then be numbered with the blest. Whar ere you rome What ere your lot Its all I ask Forget me not. Remember me when I am gon Dear friend remember me And when you bow befour the throne then remember me. You are a charming little dandy Sweeter than the sweetest candy. Candy is sweet It is very clear But not half so sweet As you my dear One day amidst the plas Where Jesus is within Is better than ten thousen days Of pleasure and of Sin for grace our hearts to soften Teach us Lord at length to love We alas forget too often What a friend we have above. The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 11 All I like of being a Whale Is a water Spout and a tail. A certen cewer for the Toothack if the tooth is hollow take a pease of the scale that is on a horses leg and put it in the hollow of the tooth It is a serten cewer so sais J. H. Lyon. B. Y. M. B. Y. MALONE'S MEMORANDUM FOR THE YEAR 1862 The first day of January was a beautyfull day And William Hester died the last day of Dec. 1861 The 2 day was a beautyfull one and nothing happend of eney interest that day. The 3 day was also a pritty day. The 4 day we' had a right smart snow and Mr. Compton is at our camp to day on a visit. The 5th which is the Sabath and ther is a right smart ice on the ground to day And Bethel is a cooking I. H. Jonstons big turkey for dinner. The 6th day was a very coal one indeed and the snow is about a half of a inch deep on the ground to day and Mr. I. T. Compton left our camp to day for home. The 7th day I was on gard and it was a very coal day. The 8th day was also coal and me and Bethel washed our close to day. The 9th day was a beautyfull And Mr. Thomas Martin arived at our camp today on a visit. The 10 day was cloudy but not much rain And I wrote a letter to S. F. Compton today. The 11 day was a very pritty day over head but powerfull muddy under foot. And nothing happend to day worth a naming. The 12 day which is the Sabath and it is a beautifull sun- shiney day And me and Young eat our big oposam today for dinner and indeed it was sum good. The 13 was a very nice day indeed. The 14 day the snow was about shoe mouth deep And Mr. Clover and Young and Joshua and my self went a rabbit hunt- ing and caught one squirl And indeed we saw a heep of fun that day. The 15 day was a very bad day it raind all day and freezed The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 13 as it fell and at night there was about as much ice on the treese as I ever saw in my life. The 16 day was a wright warm day and the snow nearley all melted off of the ground by night The 17 day was very cool and cloudy The 18 day was sloppy day And I hird today that peas was made between the North and South and I hird that our men sunk a vessel down on the Potomac last night But indeed I dont beleave a word of it. The 19 day was a raney one and our Company was on picket gard at Greenwood Church which is in about 9 miles from Poco- quan And Mr. I. F. Richmond arived at our camp to day on a visit. The 20 day and it is still araning and nothing happend to- day of any interest The 21 is cloudy and a raning And I am on gard today at the camp The 22 was cloudy but no rain The 23 was cloudy and cool but no rain And thir was hevy canonading down on the Potomac to day The 24 was cool and cloudy in the morning and in the eavn- ing it was a snowing And Mr. Oliver and Young went to Dumpfreese to day for witnesses for Mr. B. Murphey. The 25 was a very cool day and Young went back to Dum- frieze to day again for witnes for B. Murphey. The 26 which was the Sabath was a beautyfull day indeed The 27 was a warm sunshiney day and we all went out on drill to day for the first time in too months And the Colonel praysed ous all and said that he was glad that we had not for- got en how to drill The 28th day was cloudy in the morning and clear in the eavning And I hope the Lieutenants get sum logs today to put a flower (floor) in his hous The 29 was a very pritty warm day, but after night it comenced raning And I was on gard to day And my post was right befour the Colonels house door. The 30 day was a raney day and nothing happend to day 14 James Sprunt Historical Publications onley me and Marshal Walker was a playing and I hurt my face with a fence rail The 31 day was cloudy but not much rain And nothing happend today worth a menshionen. B. Y. Malone. The Month of February 1862 The first day of February was a raney day indeed And nothing happened to day of eney interest The 2 day which was the Sabath was a very warm day The 3 day was a very bad day it snowed all day long and at night the snow was about six inches deep The 4 day was a very nice day over head and the snow melted very fast all day, and we boys saw a heep of fun that ■day a snow bawling The 5 day was a very warm sunshiney day and the snow was nearly all melted off of the ground by night And nothing happend to day worth a namen The 6 day was a very raney one And Lieutenant Lea and Sergeant Couvington and H. Rudd and Mr. Balden all started home to day as recruiting officers. The 7 day was cold and cloudy And I was on gard to day The 8 day was very cool And Lieutenant Lea was promoted to Captian And Sergeant Olover promoted to Second Lieutenant to day And Nat Hester promoted to fourth Corporal The 9 day which was the Sabath was a very pritty day And Thomas Grinsted dide to day he was a private in Captian Leas Company The 10 day was clear but cool And we went out on drill today for the first time in severl weeks. The 11 day was a very cool day And me and Cousin Ander- son went down to the fourth Alabama Reg in a visit. The 12 day was a very pritty day indeed and I went to Dumfrieze today and then returned home The 13th day was a pritty warm sunshiney day And we went on drill twist that day. The 14th day a wright coal day. The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 15 The 15 day was a very bad day indeed it snowed all day long and at night the snow was about 3 inches deep on the ground The 16 day was a clear day and the snow melted a little And Mr. Luther Rudd dide to day about 8 oclock in the morning The 17 day was a xery bad day it rained all day and friezed as it fell. The 18 day was cloudy but warm and the ice melted off and I was on gard that day The 19 day was a very raney day indeed And Mr. I. R. Hester And Calvin Snipes arived at our camp today on a visit The 20 day was a beautifull day it looked like the spring of the year and Mr. I. R. Moore left our camps today to go home on a furlough The 21 day was cool and cloudy And ther was a wright smart excitement in camp today It was repoted that the Yankees Was a landing at Colchester The 22 day was cloudy and it rained a little in the morning And Mr. I. R. Hester and N. Snips left our camp today for home The 23 day was cloudy but not much rain The 24 day was clear and very windey indeed The 25 day was clear and cool And A. I. Brincefield started home today on a sick furlough The 26 day was cloudy but not much rain The 27 day was clear and Brother Albert arrived at our camps today on a visit The 28 day was clear but very windey and cool And ther was a wright smart stir in camps today for we had orders to pack our knapsacks and to be ready to inarch at a moments warning but wher we was to go too we did not no. Spring is now come. B. Y. Maloxe. The Month of March 1862 The 1 day of March was clear and very cool And I was on gard in the day but being unwell I got excused from standing after night 16 James Sprunt Historical Publications The 2 day it snowed tell the snow was about 2 inches on the ground. The 3 day was cloudy and rained nearley all day The 4 day was clear and cool and our company was on picket gard today at Greenwood Chirch The 5 day was cloudy but no rain And Brother Albert left our camps today for home The 6 day clear in the morning and cloudy in the eavning And snowed o little And we had orders today from General Whiten (W. H. Whiting) to drill twist every day hear after The 7 day was clear but very cool and we have orders to cook too days rations and be ready to march in the morning but where we are agoing is more than I no The 8 day of March was cloudy and cool And our Regiment left camp Fisher today for Camp Barton The 9 day was clear and warm And we marched about 15 miles to day on toward Camp Barton The 10 day was cloudy and raining in the morning but no rain in the eavning And we arrived at camp Barton about 3 oclock in the eavning which is about 2 miles west of Frederks- burg (Fredericksburg) The 11 day was a beautyfull warm sunshiney day and we cleaned our streets and struck our tents today The 12 day was a beautyfull spring day and nothing occurd of eney interest The 13 day was warm and clear The 14 day was warm and cloudy but no rain And I was on gard at Camp Barton for the first time. The 15 day was a very raney day indeed The 16 day which was the Sabath was cloudy but no rain And our recruits got in today and the number of them was 45 The 17 day was cool and cloudy but no rain and I hurd today that we had to march back to Richmond The 18 day was clear and warm And Lieutenant Colonel Lightfoot of the 6th N. C. S. T. was promoted to Colonel of the 5th Alabama Regt today The 19 day was cloudy and cool The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 17 The 20 day was raney and very cool indeed The 21 day cloudy and cool but no rain The 22 day cloudy and sum rain And I was on gard and the counter sign was York Town The 23 day which was the Sabath was a beautyfull spring day and I went to Frederksburg to preaching And the preach- ers text was in St. John 3 chap and 18 virse The 23 day cool and cloudy The 24 cool and cloudy The 25 was a beautyfull day The 26 was also a nice day The 27 warm and clear The 28 was a beautyfull spring day and we have orders this eavning to cook 3 days rashers And I hird severl cannons fyer- ing this eavning but what is to be the result is more than I no The 29 day it raind and haild and snowed and sleated and friezed and done a little of all that was bad And me and James Colmond went to Fredreksburg and went down to the landing and went in a steam boat for the first one we ever was in The 30 day which was the Sabath was cool and raney The 31 day was a beautyfull day and I was on gard and my post was befour the gard house door so nothing more. B. Y. Malone The Month of April 1862 The 6 day of April which was the Sabath was a beautyfull spring day And I went to Fredericksburg to meating and the Preachers text was in the first Book of Kings 18 chapter and 21 virse The 7 day was a pritty one The 8 day was cool and raney And our Regiment left Camp Barton in the morning and marched on toward Richmond threw the wind and water and waded the creaks as they went The 9 was still cool and raney and we continued our march And about 3 o'clock in the eavning as we was marching threw a little Town cauld Balden Green it comenced halen and raining on ous very hard And then it was about 3 miles to the Depot 18 James Sprunt Historical Publications wher we was to take the cars And we all got very wet befour we got ther And then about sundown we got in sum old horse cars and was run to Ashland which was about 22 miles And when we got ther I was wet and nearly frosen And I was on gard and they put me on post wright away and I had to stand 2 hours And it was a snowing a little while I was a standing The 10 day was cool and cloudy in the morning but cleerd off about twelve and we stade in Town all day The 11 day was a pritty clear day and we stade in Town untell eavning And in the eavning we went out in the woods about a mile from Town and struck our tents for the night The 12 day was a very pritty one The 13 day was also a nice one And William Jeffrus of our Company dide this morning And we had a Preacher to preach in our camp today and his text was in the Second Book of Kings 6 chapter and 15 and 16 and 17 virses. The 14 of April was a very pritty day And our Regiment left Ashland for Yolktown (Yorktown) And our rought was down by Hanover Coathouse The Second day we still continued our march And also the 3 and fourth we marched And the 5 day we marched and past threw the town of Williamsburg about 9 o'clock in the morning And about an hour before the sun set we arrived at General Johnston Headquarters which is in about a mile of Yolktown wher we stopt to wait for the Battle. The 29 day of April was a beautyful day And Calvin Snips got back today from home And the Reverant Mr. Stewart from Alexander preached in our camp this eavning and his text was this : I am the Lord of Host : The Month of May The 2 day of May was a beautyful one And we had orders to leave Yorktown And soon in the morning the wagons was loded and everything sent off but our knapsacks and about 12 o'clock the Artillery was all plast (placed) in a line of battle acrost the field and about dark we was all marched out behind it and Colonel Pender told ous that they expected a large fight The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 19 the next day and we lade ther in the field all night with our guns by our side And next morning we marched out in the woods And we stade ther untell about 2 o 'clock in the night And then we was rousted up and marched about a half a mile and then for sume cause we was stopt and sent back And then about day- break we started again and taken the same road back that we come down And about 12 oclock we got to Williamsburg and we onley went about 4 miles futher tell we stopt to stay all night And about 4 oclock in the earning the Yankees Calvery over- taken ours clost to Williamsburg and we had a little brush but our men whipt thirs and we onley lost one kild and 3 or 4 wounded And we kild 9 of thirs and wounded severl and taken 10 horses And the 5 day was a very raney one indeed and we was rousted up about 2 oclock in the night and marched all day threw the mud and water and at night we arived in about 2 miles of West Point The 6 day we stade in camp untell about one oclock And it was reported that the Yankees was alanding down at West Point and we was all run out in a file and plast in a line of battel ex- pecting a fight but did not and about dark we marched back to our camp and about 8 oclock in the night we marched about a mile to another plase for sum cause and then stade thar all night And the next morning which was the 8 was a beautyful one and the Yankees was alanding at West Point and about 8 o 'clock we was marched down to the intended battle field And from that time untell 12 oclock we was a scurmishing and a running from one place to another hunting the scamps And in the eavning we marched back in the woods and stade thar untell about 12 oclock in the night And then marched about a mile futher back And stad thar all night And then as soon as day broke we started on our march again And about 3 oclock in the eavning we got to West Point coathouse whar we found General Johnston and all of his men And then we marched about 2 miles futher and stop for the night And the 9 day we rested untell about 12 oclock and then started out on our march again and befour we had gone a mile we hird that our Cavalry was attacked by the Yankees And 20 James Sprunt Historical Publications then we had to stop and wate a while but we whipt them like we, aulways do And then we marched on but dident git but 3 miles that day And the 10 day we dident march but about a mile for we was expecting the Scamps to attack us but they did not The 11 day which was the second Sunday in May was a beautyfull day indeed And we rested all day And the Rev- erant Mr. Stewart from Alexander preached to us again today The 12 day we still stade in camp and Mr. Fossett preached for us today. And his text was in the first of Timothy 2 chapter and 8 virse The 13 day was clear and warm The 14 cloudy and a raining The 15 raney And we left Camp. Eoad today about 12 oclock and marched on toward Richmond And the 16 we marched And the 17 we got to our camp clost to Richmond The 26 day of May was a nice one but about 12 oclock in the night it comenced raining very hard And about 1 oclock we was rousted up and did expect to attack the Yankees about day but it rained so hard we did not go And the 27 day it rained till about 10 oclock and then cleard off And about 3 oclock in the eavning the fight comenced down about Hanover Coathouse we surposed but we was not cauld out And I was promoted today to fourth Corporel The 28 day was clear and about a hour befour the sun set we left our camp And march all night down toward Hanover Coathouse And we past in about three hundred yards of the Yankeys pickets And then we stopt and rested about 3 hours And about 8 oclock the next day we started back and went about 5 or 6 miles and stopt for the night And the next day we went back in about a mile and a half of Richmond and staid thar all night And the next morning which was the 30 we left and marched down toward Chickahominy And about three oclock in the eavning we was led in to the Battel field by Colonel Pender And we had a wright nice time of it from then tell dark And the next morning which Was the first day of June the The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 21 fight comenced a little before the sun rose And we was plast (placed) in a line of Battel And was expecting to go in to it evry minuet but we staid there all day and was not cauld on ; General Longstreet divishion don the most of the fighting on Sunday And from that time till the 11th we stade in the Swamp down on Chickahoininy River And the 11 day we left Chickahominy And went to Rich- mond and taken the cars and went to the Junction that night And the next morning we left thar And about a hour befour the sun set we arived at Linchburg And the 12 day we stade at Linchburg And the 13 day we got on the cars about dark and the next morning we found our relief at Sharlottsvill (Charlottesville) which was about 75 miles from Linchburg And we chainged cars at that plase And the 14 day we traveld threw the Moun- tins And about too hours befour the sun set we got to the little town cauld Staunton And we stade ther tell the 18 And the 18 which was just twelve months from the time I taken the oath we left Staunton And marched about 15 miles wright back the railroad the way we came down And stade all night at a little town cauld Wainsborough (Waynesboro) clost to the Turnel And the next morning we eroust over the Blew ridg and marched to Mitchiners River And staid thar all night And the next morning which was the 20 we taken the cars at Mitch- iners River and road up to Sharlottsvill And then taken a railroad thar that went to Gordnesvill And we got to Gordnes- vill about 2 oclock in the eavning and we taken the Richmond Railroad thar And road about 25 miles toward Richmond at a station cauld Frederickshall And thar we got off The 21 we stade at Frederickshall And also the 22 we stade thar And the 23 we started out again on our march and marched all day long threw the hot sun and dust for it was very hot and dusty the 23 but it raind that night. And the next day (which was the 24) we still continued our rout and when we stopt for night we was in 6 miles of Ashland 22 James Sprunt Historical Publications And the 25 we travield all day long and at night we campt a mile west of Ashland And the 26 Ave travield sloley down the Chickahominy River driving in the pickets as we went And the 27 we still went on and about 3 oclock in the eavning we come up with the main body of the Yankees (at Cold Harbor) and attacked them And from that time untell dark we had a wright warm time of it But we whipt them And in our com- pany A. Burk was kild and A. Tucker and Page was slitley wounded And the 28 we marched about a mile the other side of the battle field and stade thar all day, And the 29 we stade at the same place And about 2 oclock in the eavning we had orders to fall in to march but we did not go And as we was stacking our amies again one of Captain Tates men shot another one threw the thigh but it was don axidentley And the 30 we was rousted up about too oclock in the night and about day break we started out again And crost the Chickahominy River and marched untell we came to the York river Railroad 8 miles below Richmond And then we taken down the Railroad and about 2 hours befour sunset we come to a little creak whar the Yankees had burnt the bridg And left sum of thir peases thar to bumb us so we couldent build the bridge untell they could get thir armey futher along, And we never got the bridge built untell next morning about a half of a hour by sun The Month of July 1862 (Also August to December) And the next morning whitch was the first day of July just twelve months from the time I left home we crost over and about 10 oclock we overtaken the scamps again And they comenced throwing bumbs amung us And we aiming them And thar was a very heavey canonading cept up all day And a little befour night the pickets comenced fyring And from that time untell about a hour in the night thar was very hard fiting don indeed And a great meney kild and wounded on. The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 23 boath sids in our company M. Miles L. Smith, B. Murphey, I. Calmond, G. Lyons And my self was all hurt And the next day which was the second was a very rany day indeed And our Regiment moved back in the woods a peas and stade thar all day And the next day we marched back about three miles toward Richmond and stopt for the night And the 4 day we marched down on James River about 25 miles from Richmond And the 5 we stade at the same plase untell sun down And then our Regiment had to go on picket And we marched down in about a mile of the Yankees and sent out our detail And also the 6 day we was on picket at the same plase And the 7 day we was releaved about twelve oclock And then we marched back about a mile in the woods And the 8 we stade thar untell about 4 oclock in the eavning And then we started out for Richmond And we marched untell about 10 oclock in the night and we got as far as White Oak Swamp which was about 10 miles from the plase whar we started And the 9 day we started again about 4 oclock and we got in about 3 miles of Richmond And then we moved up in about a mile and a half of Richmond and taken up camp and the 11 we got sum flages and put them up And Mr. I. H. Compton ar- rived at our camp today on a viset And the 12 day we still stade in camp And also the 13 we stade in camp and Mr. I. H. Compton left our camps today for home for him. And we still staid at Richmond untell the 7 of August And then we left thar And marched about four miles toward Ashland And when we stopt it was dark And then our company had to go about 5y 2 miles futher to stand picket and it was 12 oclock in the knight when we got to the plase whar we we was to stand : And the next morning we was releived and we had to go back to our Regiment again : And the 9 day we started out again about four oclock in the eavning and marched untell about one oclock in the knight 24 James Sprunt Historical Publications And when we stopt we was about thre miles beyond Ashland which was about 15 miles from the plase whar we started from And the 10 day we started again about 4 oclock and we went as far as Hanover Junction which was about 6 miles And the 11 day we started in the morning and marched about 5 miles down clost to a little river and stopt again to take up camp And the 14 day our Regt left thar and marched up toward Gordensvill And I was not able to go with them so they ex- cused me and started me back to the Hospital clost to Richmond And we had to walk to Hanover Junction which was about 4 miles And we had to stay thar all next day for we could not get eny cars to tak us eney futher And the 16 day we got on the cars about 8 oclock and got to the Hospital about 11 And then I staid at the Hospital untell the 2 day of September And then I taken the cars at Rich- mond and got as far as Gordensvill the first day And the 3 day we rode on the cars as far as Rapadan River and Bridg was burnt thar and then we had to walk from thar to our Regiment And it was 115 miles to Winchester And 35 from thar to the Reg. but we left Rapadan the 4 day and walked up the railroad to Culpeper Coathouse which was 12 miles from Rapadan River And the 5 day we taken the turnpike road and marched as far as "Warrenton Springs which was 18 miles from Culpeper And the 6 day we got to Warrenton about 12 oclock which was 7 miles from AVarrenton Springs And by nite we got to a littel Town by the name of Baultimore And it was 5 miles from Warrenton And the 7 day we got to a littel town by the name of Hay- market about 12 oclock And we dident get but about 4 miles futher that day for we had to stop to get sompthing to eat And the 8 day we got as far as Aldie and it was about 15 miles from Haymarket And the 9 day we got to Leasburg and it was about 12 miles from Aldie And the 10 day we past threw a littel town by the name of The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 25 Hamelton and it was about 5 miles west of Leasburg And the 11 day we got to Snigerville about nite and it was 10 miles from Hamilton. And the 12 day we crost over the Blew ridge in the morning and about 10 oclock we crost Shandal River and it was about 4 miles from Snigersville And by nite we got to Berrysville and it was 5y 2 miles from Shanandoah And the 13 day we got to Windchester and it was about 10 miles from Berryville And then we stade at "Windchester untell the 16 and then we started to Harpersferry and we got as far as Berryville the first day and then taken the left hand road and got as far as Charles- town the 17 day A^ iX> p : - n day we crost the Potomac at bliepaius town abunL nite and it ... *.*. .^ ^ -j.±wville And the 19 day we crost back again and got as far as Charles- town by night and the 20 day we got to Berryville again And the 21 we travaild untell we got in 4 miles of Windches- ter and then taken the wright hand road to go to Martinsburg and we past by the Burnt Factory and got as far as Jordons Sulphur Springs by night. And the 22 day we got to a littel town by the name of Buck- town and the 23 day we got to our Reg. and it was clost to Martinsburg and Martinsburg was about 22 miles from Wind- chester And then the 27 the Regiment left thar and marched in five miles of Windchester The 22 of October was cool and very windy indeed and the 23 was clear and cool and we had a General revew And the 24 we left our old camp and marched about a mile near to Windchester to pease of woods and taken camps in them again And the 28 we left thar for Culpeper and got as far as Shanadoah River the first day And the 30 day the fields was white with froust and about sun up we waded the River at Front Royal and by night we got as far as a littel town by the name of Flint Hill 26 James Sprunt Historical Publications And the 31 day we marched all day and got in five miles of Culpeper by nite And the first day of November we got to Culpeper And the second day which was the sabath I went to meating at Culpeper And the preachers text was in St : John 16 chapter 7.8.9.10 and 11 virses And the 3 day we marched over to the old battel field at Sedar Run which was about 3 miles from Culpeper and stopt again for camp And the 7 day it snowed And the 8 day the Second and 11 Myssissippians left our Bregaid and the 54 and 57 N. C. taken thir plases And the 9 day was a very cool day And the 10 day was a pritty one indeed and thar was r„ very hevy canonading cept up all „ $ . a& .,.— ^ween Culpeper and "Windchester and we had orders to cook rashions and ex- pected to be cauld on evry minnet but was not And the 18 day we left Culpeper for Fredericks and the first day we was as far as Rapidan River by nite and we marched all day threw the rain and mud the 20 and also the 21 and the 22 we got to Fredericks about 12 o'clock And the 5 day of December it raind all day and about night it comenced snowing and snowed untell it was about a inch and a half deep on the ground And the 6 day and 7 was very cool indeed And the 11 day the too signerl guns was fyerd just befour day and we was run out in a line of battel and kept so all day and the Yankees crost over the River that day And the 12 day we was marched around to the left of our armey and was expecting to have to fight every minnet but did not for thar was no fiting don except the pickets and canonading And the 13 we was marched back to the wright and laid in a line of battel all day under the Yankees shells but non of ous got hurt And that nite we was sent to the front on picket and laid clost to the enemey all nite and went marching about day we comenced fyring at them and cept it up all day and there was about 15 kild and wounded in our Rea;t : but non kild in our The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 27 Company, B. Richmond and P. S. Donahan was slightly wounded and that nite we marched back in the woods And we staid thar all day the next day and at nite we had to bild ous sum brest works And the next morning which was the 16 General Hood came riding up and said well Boys you all did such great works hear last nite that you scard the Yankees on the other side of the river but we staid thar all day And the next morning which was the 17 we marched back to our old camps And the 24 day was cool and cloudy and it was wash day with me. And the 25 which was Christmas morning was foggy but soon cleard off and was a pritty day but I dident have nothing to drink nor no young ladies to talk too so I seen but little fun And the 26 was a warm cloudy day and me and M. "Walker went to the depot And the 27 we and Lewis Smith went back to the Depot and after nite I went to the show to see the Monkey. And the 28 day was clear and warm and Preacher Miller of Company .C. preached for ous in the evening and his text was in 126 Psalms and third virse the Text was this The Lord hath done great things for us : Whereof we are glad : And the 29 day was a prity warm sunshiney day And I was on divishion gard at General Hoods headquarters And the 30 day was warm and cloudy but no rain And the 31 day which was the last day of 1862 was cool and cloudy and our Regiment had muster inspection in the day and at nite our Company had to go on picket gard down the bank of the Rapahanok River whar we was in about a hundred yards of the Yankees pickets they was on one side of the river and we was on the other we was in talken distence but our officer would not alow ous to talk they would cum down on the bank and hollow to ous and say if we would bring the boat over that they would come over on our side and have a talk. So that was the last of our works for the year 1862. Bartlett Y. Malone Co. H. 6th N. C. Regiment THIS IS FOR THE YEAR 1863 The Month of January The first day of January was a pritty day and our Company was on picket down on the Rapahanock River about a mile and a half below Fredericksburg Va. And the 2 day was also a nice one And also the 3 was a pritty day And the 4 day was a pritty warm day and we all was on Bregaid inspection the 4th. And the 5 day was warm and looked like the spring of the year and we was all on Bregaid Drill the 5 day down on the old Battel field. And the 6 day was cloudj^ and raind a littel And the 7 day was clear and cool and we all was in General Revew And the 8 day was cloudy and cool And the 9 day was clear and cool and we all was on Divishion revew again General Hood was our revewing Officer And the 10 day was cloudy and raind all day long And the 11 was cloudy and cool And the 12 day was a pritty day And also the 13 And the 14 was warm and cloudy and we built a chimly to our tent today And the 15 day was warm but very winday and R. H. Wells started home this morning on a furlogh And the 16 day was a very pritty warm day and we had orders to cook too days rations we was expecting the Yankees to cross the River again but they did not And the 17 day was clear but very col indedd : And the 18 was cool And the 19 was warm and I was on gard And the 20 was cloudy and cool And the 21 was a very cool and raney day, And also the 22 day was raney and very cool. The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 29 And the 23 day was cloudy in the morning and cleared off warm about an hour befour the sun set And the 24 day was warm and cloudy and the old Brady 6th and 54 and 56 N. C. Regt was transferrd from the old 3 bregaid which was comanded by General Law (E. M. Law) to the 7 Bregaid which was comanded by General Hoik (R. F. Hoke). And the 25 day was cloudy and raind a littel in the morn- ing about 12 olclock and we got to General Hoik (Hoke) Bre- gaid about 11 oclock which was 15 miles from General Lows (Law's) Bregaid whar we started from : And the 26 day was warm and cloud}" And the 27 was a very raney day indeed And when I got up the morning of the 28 it was a snowing and it snowed all day long And the 29 day was clear and cool and the snow was about 10 inches deep on the ground And the 30th was clear and cool And the 31 was pritty and Mr. Mitchel Johnston and Mr. John Evans arrived at our camp today on a visit. The Month of February 1863 The first day of February which was the Sabath was a pritty spring day And the 2 day was cloudy and raind in the morning but clear and very windy in the eavning And the 4 day was cloudy cool and windy And the 5 day it Snowed in the morning and raind in the eavning And the 6 day was raney And the 7 clear and warm And the 8 day which was the Sabath was a beautyfull spring like day And the 9 was also prity and And the 10th day was snowing and also the 11 was And the 12th was a pretty warm day. The the 13 was clear and cool. 30 James Sprunt Historical Publications And the 14th was cool and clear. And the 15 was warm And the 16 was warm and clear And the 17 was a snowey day and we all had to go on picket down at Port Koyal. And the 18th it raind all day long and the snow nearly all melted of by nite and we still stade on picket And the 19th was cloudy but no rain and we returned to our Regiment And the 20 was warm and clear The 21 was warm and clear The 22 was a very bad day it snowed and the wind blew all day and at nite the snow was about a foot deep. And the 23 day was warm and clear but the snow dident melt no great deal And the 24 was warm and General Stokes Bregaid and General Lautons (Lawton?) had a snow ballen And the 25 was a warm sunshiney day And the 26 was a raney day and nearley all of the snow was gone by nite. And the 27 was warm and cloudy and our Brass Ban got back from Richmond. And the 28 which was the last day of February was coal and cloudy. And Mr. Portland Baley of Company D. 6th Regi- ment N. C. Troops was shot to death to day at 2 oclock with musketry. Now the dark days of winter is gon And the bright days of Spring is come. B. Y. Malone. The Month of March. The first day of March was coal and raney in the morning and in the eavning it was clear and very windy And the 2 day was a beautyfull Spring day. And the 3 day was a beautyfull one and our Regiment left the old camp clost to Port Royal and marched back clost to Fredericksburg and taken camp again clos to the one we left The 16 day of March was cloudy and coal And Mr. Stons The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 31 in Co. F. 57 N. C. Regiment was shot to death to day with musketry. The 17th of March the Yanks crossed the Raphanock River at Keleys foad and our calvry whipt them back. And the 20 was cloudy in the morning and snowed alittel in the eavning and Mr. I. H. Compton arived at our camp today on a visit And the 21 it Snowed untell it was about 3 inches deep on the ground And the 22 the snow all melted off And Mr. Compton and Johnston left camp today for home. The last day of March the Snow was about 3 inches deep on the ground. The Month of April (May and June) The 4 day April was cloudy and coal in the day and after nite it comenced Snowing And the morning of the 5 the Snow was about 3 inches deep on the ground and five companys of our Regt had to go on picket down on the Raphanock River And the 6 day was clear and warm and the snow nearly all melted of by nite and we still staid on picket and the 7 day we retired to our camps. The 18 day which was the Sabath was a beautyfull Spring day and General Jackson s preacher preached in our camps and his text was in Hebrews 3 chapter and part of the 7 and 8 virses the words was this : To day if ye will hear his voice harden not your harts. The 23 day was raney and we had orders about nite to cook too days rations thar was sum few Yankees crossed over the river at Port Royal and taken a wagon or too from our men but they soon went back and our Regt dident have to leave the camp The 26 day of April which was the Sabath was a beaiuyfull day And I went to meating at General Jackson Headquarters And the Preacher taken part of the 16th chapter of Luke coru- mencen at the 18 virse for the foundation of what remarks he made And in the eavning we had preachen in our Regiment from a preacher in the 18th Virginia Regiment. And his text 32 James Sprunt Historical Publications was in Proverbs 18th chapter and the later clause of the 24th virse which reads thus: Ther is a friend that sticketh closter than a brother : The morning of the 28 befour I got up I herd a horse come threw the camp in a full lope and it was not meney minutes untell the man come back and sais Boys you had better get up we will have a fight hear to reckly and I comenced geting up and befour I got my close on they comenced beating the long roal and it was not but a minnet or too untill I herd the Adger- tent hollow fall in with armes the Reg : then was formed and marched to the Battel field the Yankies comenced crossing the river befour day and by day they had right smart force over the pickets fought sum on the 29 and a good deel of canonading was don and it raind sum in the eavning The morning of the 30th it was a railing and evry thing was very still untill about twelve oclock it ceased raning about ten o'clock they comenced cannonading and cept it up untill dark The first morning of May 63 our Regiment had to go in front on picket it was very foggy in the morning but soon got clear as soon as the fog was off we found the Yankees had a very strong line of Scirmishers in about 5 hundred yards of ours we cood see a great meney Yankees on the other side of the river but we couldent tell how meney was on this side we could hear very hevy canonading up the river in the eavning It is repoted that our men and the Yankees was a f yting at Keleys Foad : The 2 day of May was a very pritty day and our Regiment was relieved from picket about day and fell back to our brest works again our men fyerd on the Yankies from too Batterys about 10 o'clock and the Yankies returned the fyer from one Battery it was kept up about a hour but no damedge don as I have herd of we can still hear them a fyting at Keley's Foad And about 5 o'clock in the eavning we could see the Yankees a marchen up on the other side of the river by regiments and most all went back from on this Side of the river and General Earley thought that they was all a going back and taken all of his men but a Louisiana Bregaid and started to reinforce Gen- eral Lea And about the time we had gone 6 miles they come The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 33 orders that the Yankees was atvancen again whar we had left And then we had to turn back and march all the way back about 10 o'clock in the nite. And the nest morning which was the 3 day our men comenced Burning (bombing) the Yankees and they returned the fyer and ther was right smart canonading and picketing don untell about 12 o 'clock and then for sum cause we was all ordered to fall back about a half of a mile to our last breast works but as soon as dark come we marched about 2 miles up the River. And the next day which was the 4 we was marching about first from one plais to a nother a watching the Yankees untell about a hour by sun and the fight was opend our Bregaid went in and charged about a half of a mile and just befour we got to the Yankee Battery I was slitley wounded above the eye with a peas of a Bumb non was kild in our company. Lieutenant "Walker was slitley wounded in the side. I. R. Allred was wounded in the arm hat to have it cut off. I. E. Calmond was slitley wounded in the arm. I. L. Evins had his finger shot off — the fift day we found the Yankees had all gon back on the other side of the River and we marched back down to the old camp ground and taken up camp again The 10 day of May which was the second Sunday was a very pretty day and I went to headquarters to preaching and the preachers text was in Romans the 8th chap and 28 virse the words was this : And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God. And General Jackson died to day which is the 10th day of May The 17 and 18 days was pritty and warm and our Regiment was on picket down on the Raphanoc and the 18th we got back to the camp : And again the 25th we had to go on picket And the 27 we got back about 12 oclock and in a few minuets after we got back we had to go on a General Revew General R. E. Lea revewed General Earleys Divishion. The last day of May we had marchen orders and after nite Mr. Tassett preached in our Regt his text was in St. Johns 3 chapt & 16th virse. 34 James Sprunt Historical Publications The 4th day of June about 11 Oclock in the nite we left our old camp clost to Fredericksburg and marched twar Culpeper and bout 6 O'clock the 5th day we got to Spotsylvaney Coat- house and about 2 o'clock in the eavning we stopt for to camp for the nite after marchen about 20 miles that day And the 6th day we stade in camp untell about 2 'clock in the eavning for General Hils core was a fiting at Fredericksburg the Yankees crossed ther after they found out that we had left we marched about 8 miles the 6th day and it raind on ous very hard befour we taken up camp. And the 7th day we started on our march about sun up and about 12 o'clock we waded Rapadan River at Rackoon Foad and about 4 O'clock in the eavning we stopt to camp again in about 5 miles of Culpeper Coathouse. The 8th day we marched up to Culpeper and stopt to cook Rations The 8 day we staid at Culpeper untell about 3 'clock in the eavning and then we was ordered down to Brandy Sta- tion about 4 miles from Culpeper whar the Calvry hat bin fiting all day and we staid all nite and the next morning we found that the Yankees had all gon back on the other Side of the River and we marched back to Culpeper again and cooked another days rations and about 3 O'clock in the eavning we started again in the direction of Winchester and we got as far as Hasel Run (Hazel Run or Deep Run) by nite And the next morning which was the 11th we started about sun up and about 9 O'clock we got to a littel town cauld Woodwin and whilst we was a passen threw the 6th N. C. Brass Ban plaid the Bonnie Blew Flag. And about eleven O'clock we got to a littel town cauld Sperysvill 5 miles from Woodwin And about 2 O'clock in the eavning we past threw Washington and ther we found a meney pritty and kind Ladies they had water all along the streets for the Soldiers to drink and we dident go but a few miles futher untell we stopt for the nite after going about 20 miles that day. And the morning of the 12th we started about sun up and about 3 o'clock in the eavning we crossed over the Blew Ridg and past threw a littel town cauld Front Royal and about a The Diary of Baetlett Yancey Malone 35 mile from ther we waded the Slionadoak River and taken up camp on the other bank that nite. And the morning of the 13th we started at day and when we got in 12 miles of Winchester we found that the Yankees was at New Town on the Pike road running from "Winchester to Strawsburg (Strasburg) 7 miles from Winchester and we turnd and went by ther and caught up with the Yankees about half way from ther to Winchester and attacked them and drove them back about a mile by nite And the next morning which was the 11th General Hooks (Hoke) Bregaid and General Smith and Hoses (?) all moved around to the west of Winchester and taken 20 peases of artil- lery with ous and when we got opersit the Yankees work the artillery taken ther position and about 3 o'clock in the eavning our Baterys opend on them taken them on surprise and General Hares (?) and General Smith Bregaid charged on them and taken their first line of brest works befour nite And General Johnstons (Johnson) Divishion was a fiting them on the other Sid clost to town And the next morning which was the 15th the Yankees had left their works and was a trying to make thir escape toward Martiixsburg but about day they run up on General Johnstons divishion about 5 miles from town wher three Regt of them was maid to stack thir armes and a grate meney kild and wounded we then marched down to whar Johnston fought them that morning and stopt and staid ther all day And the next morning about 10 o 'clock our Regt was marched back to Winchester for Provost gard and about a hour befour sun down I was sent to Taylor's Hotell with 10 men to gard the Yankees Prisoners And I staid ther the next day and also the next And the next morning which was the 18th I was relievd about 9 O'clock and started after my Regiment and about 3 o 'clock in the eavning we got to Smithfield and by nite we got to a littel plais cauld Leas Town which was 22 miles from Win- chester and we staid ther all nite and the next morning we over- 36 James Sprunt Historical Publications taken our Regiment about five miles from ther wher we staid all day And the next day we staid ther And the 22th we taken up a line of march again about day and about 7 o'clock we past threw Shepardstown and ther waded the Potomae and landed in Maryland about 8 oclock And about 3 miles from ther we past threw Sharpsburg And about 3 miles from ther we past threw Ketersvill And about 3 miles from ther we past threw Boonesboro and about 3 miles from ther we stopt to camp. The 23 we left about day and when we had gon about 4 miles we come to Beversvill and about 7 miles from ther we past threw Coverstown And about a mile from ther we past threw Smithburg whar we found a good meney Secesh And about 2 miles from ther we got to a littel town cauld Ringgoal wright war the line run between M. D. & Pa. And about 2 miles from ther we stopt to camp and cook rations closs to Wainsboro. The morning of the 24 we left about 7 oclock and after marching about 5 miles we come to a town cauld Quincy And about 3 miles from ther we past threw Funktown and about 4 miles from ther we got to Greenswood whar we taken up camp for the nite but our company had to go on gard at a town cauld Faytvill about 2 miles off. The morning of the 25th I got a Splendid breakfast in Fayt- ville And about 2 Oclock in the eavning we was releaved and went back to the Regt : And the next morning which was the 26th we had orders to leave at day break but it was a raning so hard we dident leave untell about 8 oclock and it dident Still sease raning but raind all day but we got as far as Momenburg by nite which was 14 miles from wher we left in the morning And our Calvery taken a 135 prisners clost to the lettel town The 27 we left about 6 oclock and after marching about 6 miles we come to a town cauld Hunterstown And about 4 miles from ther we got to New Chester And 3 miles from ther we The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 37 got to Hampton And 3 miles from ther we got to Berlin wher we taken camp for the nite The 28th we left at sun up and about 12 oclock we got to Yolk which was 12 miles from Berlin : The 29th we stade at Yolk in the Yankees Hospital. The 30th we left at day break and taken the same road back that we com And about 12 oclock we got back to Berlin again And when we stopt for nite we was about 20 miles from Yolk : The Month of July The first morning of July we left earley and about 12 oclock we got to Gatersburg (Gettysburg) which was about 10 miles from wher we started in the morning And when we got there we found the Yankies was ther And in a few minutes after we got ther we was ordered to the f eal Our Bregaid and Gen- eral Haser (Hays) charged the enemy and soon got them routed and run them threw the town and then we stopt In our Company George Lyon Marshal AValker and Thomas Richard got kild And Sidney Hensby Anderson Plesant D. A. Walker Garababel Grimstead William Dunervant & Bedford Sawyers was wounded The 2 clay we laid in a line of battel at the Same plais And the enemies picket a firing on us all clay Thomas Miles kild on picket Shot in the head And about Sun down our Bregaid and Hoser was ordered to charge just in frund and take the enemes Batterys we charged and succeeded in driven the infantry from behind two stone fences and got part of the Batterys But it was soon so dark and so much smoke that we couldent see what we was a doing And the enemy got to geather again and we had no reinforcement and we had to fall back to our old posi- tion Colonel I. E. Avry (Avery) was kild in the charge in our company non kild Andrew Thompson Franklin Wells and R. Y. Vaughn was wounded And Michagels Miles mis en The 3 morning we went back in town and laid in a line of battel all day in the Streets And ther was a great deel of fiting don that day but our Divishion was not cauld on 38 James Sprunt Historical Publications The nex morning about a hour befour day we went back about a mile from town and staid ther all day The morning of the 5 we left befour day and it a raining as hard as it could poor and marched in the direction of Hagerds- town and didnt get but about 6 miles all day for the Yanks calvry kep a running up on ous all day And the 6th we left at day and about 2 oclock we got to Wainsboro and we past threw town and then stopt to cook rations The 7th we taken the road to Hagerdstown which was 10 miles from Wainsboro And about 2 oclock in the eavning we got ther and taken up camp The 8th day it raind very hard and we still stade at the same plais the 8 we staid ther and the 10 we staid at the same place until about a hour by sun And then started and past threw town and went about a mile toward Williamsport and stopt and staid all nite The 11th we taken our position in a peas of woods and after nite built brest works The 12th we staid behind our works and no fiting don except sum picketing And after nite we was ordered to the wright And was marched down in rear of A. P. Hills old Divishion The 13th we staid ther untill dark and then started to re- treet back across the Potomac And it was about 6 miles to the river and it was a railing very hard And we was a moving all nite and the next morning about sun up we waded the Potomac at "Williamsport and it was waist deep And then we marched about 6 miles and stopt to cook rations The 15th we marched about 7 miles and stopt at nite clost to Martinsburg And the 16th we marched up to Darksvill and stopt again And we still staid at Darksvill untell about a hour by sun and marched to the Alagater mountain by 10 Oclock in the nite : The 21 we left at day break and crost the mountain And marched as far as Hedgersvill by 2 Oclock in the eavning which was 25 miles we expected to bag the Yankees at plais but when we got ther they was all gon ; The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 39 The 22th we left Hedgersvill and inarched back to Bunker- hill whitch was 18 miles. The 23 we marched and about 10 oclock we marched threw Winchester and taken the road to Culpeper and marched about 5 miles and stopt for the nite : The 24th we marched near the Shanadoah River and found that the Yankees had got possession of the gap in the Blew Ridg And then we taken the write and come in to the Winchester and Stanton Road at Middeltown 5 miles from Strawsburg and we stopt at nite clost to Strawsburg which was 23 miles from wher we started at in the morning The 25th we marched all day toward Stanton and travild about 18 miles and stopt clost to Edensburg : The 26th we past threw Hawkenstown and 2 miles from ther we come to Mount Jackson and we marched as far as New Market and stopt fer the nite The 27th we left the Stanton road and taken a road that led to Gordensvill : we crost over the Shanadoah mountian and crost the Shanadoah river on Pontoon Bridges and when we stopt at nite we was at the foot of the Blew Ridg which was 18 miles from Newmarket The 28th we crost over the Blew Ridg which was 11 miles across it The 29th we marched up to Maderson coathouse whitch was 6 miles and stopt and taken up camp The 30 we staid at the same plais The 31st we left at one Oclock and marched down between Culpeper and Gordensvill A list of Co. H. Sargants. 1 Johnston I. H. 1 Hester N. W. 2 Rudd A. P. 5 Malone B. Y. 3 Bauldin W. H. Corporel 1 Murrie W. W. 3 Walker M. H. 2 Biele C. 4 Tompson A. J, 40 James Sprunt Historical Publications Privat 1 Aldridg I. H. 35 Miles J. S. 2 Anderson Q. T. 36 Moore A. 3 Aired J. B. 37 Malone H. 4 Bivins M 38 Murrey T 5 Brinceneld A. J. 39 Mckinnie Murphy B. P 6 Brankin I 40 Mosey J. W. 7 Bos well T 41 Oliver J. S. 8 Cooper W. H. 42 Olver T 9 Covington I. E. 43 Plesant A. M. 10 Compton I. B. 44 Page F. 11 Colmond J. E. 45 Roberson J. 12 Cape T. H. 46 Rudd E. 13 Chatham C 47 Richmond W. 14 Donoho S. 48 Richmond T. 15 Dunervant I. 49 Rigan N. 16 Dnnervant W. 50 Simpson F. 17 Evins T. H. 51 Swift R. 18 Enoch R. H. 52 Smith L. 19 Fauller I 53 Swift H. A. 20 Fitch G. S. 54 Stadler G. 21 Grimsteard G. 55 Subfield R. 22 Hensley S 56 Snips J. C. 23 Hensley A 57 Tucker A. 24 Huges W. A. 58 Vaughn R, Y. 25 Hooper N 59 Williams J. W. 26 Johnston I. H. 60 Williams J. R. 27 Kersey L. 61 Walker John 28 King S 62 Walker W. S. 29 Lyon G. 63 Walker J. H. 30 Lyon I. H. 64 Walker D. A. 31 Loyd I. W. 65 Walker W. T. 32 Lewis C. 66 Wells M. 33 Miles M. 67 Wells W. F. 34 Miles T. C. 68 Wren W. The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Maloxe 41 Bartlett Y. Malones, Book This the 19th of Nov. 1863 Bartlett. Y. Malones Book This is the 18th of Dec. 1863 Bartlett. Y. Malone Seg't. of Co: H. 6th N. C. Regiment This the 22cl of Dec. 1863 And we staid in camp clost to Rappidan Station untell the 11th of Sept. 63. And the morning of the 14th we was rousted up and gave orders to cook one days rations. And about sun up we started to meat our enemy and we met them at Sumers- vill foad on the Rappidan River which was about 5 miles from our old camps. We had not bin there long untell our enemy comenced throwing bumbs aiming us but as soon as our Bat- terys got position and fired a few shots the yanks all left the field. And the loth we laid in the woods all day. Xo fiting don but some canonacling and picketing but at dark our Reg't went on picket down at the foad. The 16th as soon as lite our men comenced firing at the Yanks and they at us and kept it up all day about 10 o'clock in the clay Capt. Pray of Co. D & Lieut Brown of Co. E and 18 men voluntierd and went up the river and crost in a littel Boat and Slipt up to some old houses and fierd at the Yanks & run about 200 of them out of their works and captured a horse severl good Guns Blankets another trick and then crost back and never got a man hirt. They kild 4 or 5 of the Yanks & wounded 4 which they taken prisners. We got 4 wounded in our Reg't. dewing the day. At nite we was relieved by the 57th N. C. Reg't. The 17th no fiting don except a few picket shots evry now an then at the foad. Evry thing was cpriet then untell the 5th day of Oct. 63. And the 5th day of Oct. about tenn Oclock we was ordered to fall in at a moment and then marched to our post and taken our position in a line of battel. And we remaind so untell nite and then was marched back to our camps again. The Yanks 42 James Sprunt Historical Publications could be seen mooving about from a hight on our side of the river. Our Generals surposed that they was agoing to make an ef ert to cross. But they did not : they was onley moving camps: All was quiert then untell the 8th. The 8th day we left our camps about dark and marched about 2 miles and stopt and staid all nite. The 9th day we marched up to Orange C. H. by 12 o'clock: then taken the road to Maderson C. H. (Madison) marched 6 or 7 miles and stop for nite again. The 10th we got to Maderson by 4 o 'clock in the eavning and crost Roberson River at 3 and then marched about 4 miles futher toward Culpeper and stopt for nite our Cavalry had a littel fite in the eavning at the River taken about one hundred prisners. The 11th we marched toward Culpeper and got in 6 miles and stopt and cooked 3 days rations, it was 20 miles from Maderson C. H. to Culpeper C. H. The 12th we had orders to leave at 2 o 'clock : A. M. but did not leave untell day we marched on then untell we was in 2 miles of Culpeper. And then taken the left and came in the Warrenton road at Pickersvill And there we waded Haselrun and marched on to the Rappahannock River and campt clost to Warrenton Spring. The 13th we marched up to Warrenton and stopt and cooked 2 days rations : The 14th we left for Bristol but had to drive our enemey befour us our Cavalry was fiting them allday and some times the Infantry, our Divishion don a great deal of hard marchen had to dubbelquick nearly one third of our time. A. P. Hill Corps overtaken the Yanks at Bristol Station and had a littel fite : we did not get ther in time to be ingaged The 15th the Yanks had all fell back to Sentervill (Center- ville) we did not go eney further our Cavalry folerd them and taken severl Prisners. The 16th we tore up the Railroad The 17th we staid in camp clost to Bristol Station. The 18th we left at 3 o'clock in the nite for Rappahannock and got as far as Beattoe Station by nite. The 18th we marched to the Rappahannock and crost and went in camps between the river and Brandy Station The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 43 The 28th our Reg't went on picket on the Rappahannock The 29th we was relieved The 30th we had bregaid drill The 31st had muster inspection The Month of November (and December) The 5th day of Nov. General Lea & Governer Letcher of Va. revewed General Stuart Cavalry clost to oar camps The 6th we was paid off And paid up to the first day of November, 1863. The 7th about 2 o 'clock in the eavning orders came to fall in with armes in a moment that the enemy was atvancen. Then we was doubbelquicked down to the river (which was about 5 miles) and crost and formed a line of battel in our works and the yanks was playing on ous with thir Artillery & thir skir- mishers a fyring into ous as we formed fyring was kept up then with the Skirmishers untell dark. And about dark the yanks charged on the Louisianna Bregaid which was clost to the Bridg and broke thir lines and got to the Bridge we was then cutoff and had to Surender: was then taken back to the rear and staid thir untell next morning The morning of the 8th we was marched back to Warrenton Junction and got on the cars and about day next morning we got to "Washington we then staid in Washington untel 3 o'clock in the eavning of the 8th then was marched down to the Warf and put on the Sterner John Brooks and got to Point Lookout about one 'clock on the eavning of the 10th day of November 1863. The names of the men that was taken prisner when I was belonging to Co. H. was Capt. Lea Lieut. Hill W. H. Bowldin N. W. Hester W. W. Murrie C. Rile H. Malone I. R. Aldridge L. T. Anderson A. I. Brincefield I. E. Covington T. Y. Compton I. C. Chatham T. H. Evans G. R. Grimstead W. A. Hughs N. Hooper H. Kersey A. More W. D. Richmond F. Simpson R. Swift L. Sawers H. Roscoe A. Tucker John Walker W. S. Walker W. F. Wells 1. Wren S. Hensley And Segt. A. P. Rudd Our rations at Point Lookout was 5 crackers and a cup of coffee for Breakfast. And for dinner a small ration of meat 2 44 James Sprunt Historical Publications crackers three Potatoes and a cup of Soup. Supper we have non. We pay a dollar for 8 crackers or a chew of tobacco for a cracker. A Yankey shot one of our men the other day wounded him in the head shot him for peepen threw the cracks of the planken The last day of November was very coal indeed and the Yanks had inspection of ous Rebels. One of the Yankee Sen- tinerls shot one of our men the other morning he was shot in the head : soon died. All the wood we get to burn at Point Lookout is one sholder tirn of pine brush every other day for a tent 16 men to every tent The 16th of Dec. 63 a Yankey Captain shot his Pistel among our men and wounded 5 of them; sence one has died — he shot them for crowding arond the gate. The captain's name that shot was Sids. Him and Captain Patison and Segt. Finegan was the 3 boss men of the prisoners camp. The 24th of Dec. 63 was a clear day but very cool. And Generl Butler the Yankey beast revewed the prisners camp : The 25th was Christmas day and it was clear and cool and I was boath coal and hungry all day onley got a peace of Bread and a cup of coffee for Breakfast and a small Slice of Meat and a cup of Soup and five Crackers for Dinner and Supper I had non : The 26th was clear and cool and dull for Christmas The 28th was cloudy and rained a littel The 28th was a raney day. The 29th was cloudy in the morning and clear in the eav- ning. And Jeferson Walker died in the morning he belonged to the 57th N. C. Regt. The 30th was a beautyfull day. The 31st which was the last day of 63 was a raney day. And maby I will never live to see the last day of 64. And thairfour I will try and do better than I have. For what is a man profited if he shal gain the whole world and loose his one Soul : Or what Shal one give in exchange for his Soul : B. Y. Malone. B. Y. MALONE'S BOOK FOR THE YEAR 1864 I spent the first day of January 64 at Point Lookout M. D. The morning was plesant but toward eavning the air changed and the nite was very coal, was so coal that five of our men froze to death befour morning. We all suffered a great deal with coal and hunger too of our men was so hungry to day that they caught a Rat and cooked him and eat it. Thir names was Sergt. N. "W. Hester & I. C. Covington. The 6th was coal and cloudy and we had 9 men to die at the Hospital to day. Our beds at this plaice is composed of Sea feathers that is we geather the small stones from the Bay and lye on them The 7th was very cool a small Snow fell after nite The 10 was a nice day and I saw the man to day that makes Coffens at this plaice for the Rebels and he sais that 12 men dies here every day that is averidgs 12 The Commander at this point is named Marsto The 22th day of January 64 was a very pritty day And it was my birth day which maid me 25 years of age I spent the day at Point Lookout. M. D. And I feasted on Crackers and Coffee The two last weeks of January was beautyfull weather The Month of February. 64 The first day of February was warm but cloudy and Sum rain : Be content with such things as you have : For he hath said I will never leave the nor forsake thee So we may boldly say the Lord is my helper and I will not fear what man shall do unto me There fell a Small Snow the morning of the third Sergt. A. P. Rudd & Gidney King arived at Point Lookout from Washington the 4th. We changed Cook houses on the 7th of Feb. The 14th of Feb was a pritty day And the Yankes Sirched the Prison Camp the Rebels was all sent out side under gard. 46 James Sprunt Historical Publications And then they sirched and taken evry mans Blanket that had more then one. And taken evry other little trick that the Rebels had. They found too Boats that the Rebs had maid. 375 Officers arived at Point Lookout from Jonstan Isle the 14th of Feb. The Yankey papers say that they are having a Gun maid that weighs 115,000 lbs. 21 ft. long carries a Ball that weighs 1000 Lbs and a shell that weighs 700 lbs. The 17th it was so coal that we all had to lye down and rap up in our Blankets to keep from freazing for we had no wood to make us a fire. The 18th it was so coal that a mans breath would freaze on his beard going from the Tent to the Cookhouse. O, it was so coal the 18th The 20th was pleasant and General Butler the Beast re- vewed the Prison Camp again for the Second time The 24th was a beautyfull day And too of the Rebs got kild the nite of the 24th attempting to get away : We was garded at Point Lookout by the second fifth and twelfth New- hampshire Regiments untell the 25th of Feb : And then the 26th N. C. Negro Regiment was plaised gard over ous A Yankey preacher preached to the Rebels the 26th day of Feb : 1864 : His text was in first Corinthian 16 chap and 22th virse The words was this : If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ let him be Anathema Maren athas That is let him be acursed when the Lord shal come The Month of March The first day of March was coal and raney : And our Com- pany was examined on the Oath question evry man was taken in the House one at a time and examioned : the questions asked me was this : Do you wish to take the Oath and join the U. S. Armey or Navey : or work at govenment work or on Brestworks or Do you wish to take a Parole and go to your home if it be insied of our lines or do you wish to go South I told him I wished to go South : He then asked me my name County State Company & Regiment The 2d two thousen Rebels left Point Lookout M. D. for Dixie : The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 47 The 3d I met with The good luck of geting sum Cloathing from Dixie : 600 Rebels left for Dixie again the 9th. Another boat load of Rebels left Point Lookout the 16th for Dixie. 250 Officers arived at Point Lookout the 20th One of our Rebel officers maid me a present of a dollar in greenback (the 21st) he stuch it threw the crack of the planken to me without being asked The 20h of March a Yankey Sergt : named Young shot one of our Officers for jawing him : The 22d was very coal and stormey and a while befour nite it comenced snowing and snowed all nite : the snow would avridge 3 inches deep the next morning : The 25th I went to the cookhouse for a cook : The Month of April The first day of April was a very nice day. The 5th was a very bad day it raind hard snowed and the wind blew the Bay was so high that it overflowed part of the Camp. Some men had to leave thir tents and moove up to the Cook house : There was some men in camp who had been going about of nits and cuting tents and sliping mens Knapsacks Hats Boots and Sumetimes, would get Some money They cut into ours and got money and cloathen all amounting to about one hundred dollars : One nite the Negros was on gard and caught them they was then plaised under gard and made ware a Barrel Shirt (and marched) up and down the Streets with large let- ters on them the letters was this Tent Cutters The 12th the 3d Maryland Negro Regiment was plaisd on gard around the Prison Camp : When the Negrows first come on gard they wore thir knapsacks and when they was put on poast they puled them off and laid them down at the end of thir lines And Some of our men stole too of them: And when the Negro found it was gone he sais to the next one on post Efrum- Efrum : tell that other Negrow up dar that the white folks has stold my knapsack a redy : The other one sais they have stold mine too but I want caring for the knapsack all I 48 James Sprunt Historical Publications hate about it is loosing Sophys Garotipe (daguerreotype?) One day too of them was on poast in the Streets and met up at the end of thir lines and comenced fooling with thir Guns what they cauld plaing bayonets they had thir guns cocked preseantly one of thir guns went of and shot the other one threw the brest he fell dead : the other one sais : Jim, Jim get up from dar you are not hurt your just trying to fool me : The nite of the 18th a negrow Senternel shot one of our men wounded him very bad threw the sholdier The nite of the 21st a Negro shot in a tent wounded two of our men The 27th a load of Sick Rebels left Point Lookout M. D. for Dixie. The 29th a nother Neagro kild him Self. Shot him Self in the mouth with his gun : The Month of May 64 The 3d day of May 6 hundred Rebels left this plaice for Dixie The 13th about one hundred prisnors was brought to this plaice they was capturd clost to Petersburg Va. The 15th 40 prisnors arived at this point captured between Richmond and Petersburg by Gen. Butlers armey The 17th about one thousin Prisnors arived at this plaice was captured at the wilderness The 17th about 1000 was brought in from General Leas armey The 18th four hundred more was brought in the camp The 24th a Neagro Senternal Shot a mung our men kild one and wounded three it is thought that one of the wounded will die: The 28 four hundred more prisnors arived here We have Pork and Been Soop to day for dinner Will have beef and Coffee to morrow I believe I will go down in Camp, but the sun is very hot The Month of June 1864 The first day of June was clear and hot The Diary of Bartlett Yancey Malone 49 The 4th We had Beef and Potato Soop for dinner the Yanks are not a going to give us no more Coffee and Sugar from this on The 8th 6 hundred Prisnors arived at this point from Gen- eral Leas Armey The 10th we have Old Bacon to day for dinner for the first time sience we have bin at P.t. Lookout The 11th 500 more prisnors arived here. The 18th of June which was three years from the time I vol- untierd was cloudy and cool. And we had Pork and Hominy for dinner There is some talk of moving the Prisnors from this point it is getting to be very sickley here 11 men died at the Hospital yestiday it is said that the water is not healthy It is reported that General Grant and General Lea are fiting on the South of the James River From the 20th of June untell the last was very dry and dusty And we would hear good news evry now and then from our Armey Our Rations Still remain Small July the 1st 1864 The first day of July 1861 I left home And the first day of July 1862 I was in the fight of Malvin Hill And the first day of July 1863 I was in the fight at Gettersburg And today whitch is the first day of July 1864 I am at Point Lookout M. d. It is very plesant to day We had pical Pork for breakfast this morn- ing and for dinner we will have Been Soop The 4th day of July was a beautyfull day And the Yanks had thir Vesels riged off with flags they had about 34 flags on each Gun Boat about 12 O'clock they fierd Saluts boath from thir land Batry and Gun Boats. The 13th day of July 13 of our men died at the Hospital And it was repoted that General Ewel was a fiting at Washing- ton And that our Cavalry was in 4 miles of this plaice the Yanks was hurried up sent in all Detailes at 2 O'clock in the eavning and run thir Artilry out in frunt of the Block house and plaised it in position The 14th 500 Rebels taken the Oath and went outside The last day of July was the Sabath 50 James Sprunt Historical Publications No man is bornd without folts Too much of one thing is good for nothin Cut your Coat accorden to your cloth All are not Sants who go to Church All are not theavs that dogs bark at Keep your mouth shut and your eyes open A clean glove often hids a dirty hand Seay what is well and do what is better He that will steal a pin will steal a better thing Fear no man and do justice to all men Evry Cook praises his own stew Before thou marry be sure of a house wherein to tarry Evry bodys business is no body's business Do what you ought come what may Love cover meney folts. The race is not always to the swift nor the battel to the strong You cannot catch old birds with chaff. A bad workman quarrels with his tools B. Y. Malone B. Y. Malone Owes cts Q. T. Anderson Paid A. P. Rudd Paid T. Y. Compton Paid Sergt W. T. Johnson Sergt. Laffoan Samuel Mothers head George Anthony A Puzzel There is a thing in divers of countrys It neither is land nor Sea It in all sorts of timber And not in eny tree It is neither in Italy But in Rome It appears twist in evry moment And not once in twenty years The Diary op Bartlett Yancey M alone 51 Dew B. Y. Malone Thomas Murray $1.00 John Forast $1.00 W. A. Hughs $1.00 E. W. Rudd $1.00 N. W. Hester Paid $5.00 W. R. Richmond Paid $5.00 T. Y. Compton Paid $5.00 W. F. Wells Paid $5.00 A. I. Brincfield Paid $5.00 L. Kersey Paid $5.00 B. Y. Malone Owes Q. T. Anderson Paid $6.50 A. P. Rudd Paid $5.00 Bartlett Y. Malone, Soldier of Co. H. 6th N. C. Regiment. This April the 16th 64 Point Lookout, M. D. O, that mine eyes might closed be To what becomes me not to see That deafness might possess mine ear To what concerns me not to hear. Mr. Demill & Co., No. 186 Front Street New York City, N. Y. B. Y. Malones Chirography. The Month of August 1864 The first day of August was clear and very hot And 700 Rebels left here for Some other new Prison to day A mung them was my Brother A. A. The 2d day of August I wrote home The 6th of the month there rose a thunder cloud early in the 52 James Sprunt Historical Publications morning and raind very hard : there was a whirlwind just out sid of the Prison on the point it blew the Comasary house and Shop down and seven other Buildings it distroyed a good deal wounded four senternels broak ones leg There was but littel wind inside of the Prison The knight of the 7th A Neagro Senternel Shot one of our men and kild him for no cause attall The 28th of August a Senternel shot a nother one of our men wounded him very badly it is thought that he will die The two last days of August cool and plesant The Month of September The firs days of September was plesant the Knights was cool but the days was plesant The 2d day this is And our Rations gets no better we get half a loaf of Bread a day a smal slice of Pork or Beef or Sault Beef for Breakfast for Dinner a cup of Been Soup and Supper we get non Mr. A. Morgan of South Carolina has a vacon Cook House which he has bin teaching School in evry Sience last Spring he is a Christian man he preaches evry Sunday and has prayers evry morning befour School we have a Preacher to evry Division in the Camp Mr. Carrol preaches to our Divi which is the 8th This is the 5th day of the month and we are going to have Been Soup with onions in it to day for dinner we will have Potatoes and Onions boath to morrow the Dr had them sent in here for rebs to se if they would not stop Scirvy My health is very good to day which is the 6th of Sept. 64. But I cannot tell how long it will remain so. for it a railing and very coal to day Aand I have not got eney Shoes This is the 7th and a pritty day it is and I am laying flat on my back on T. Y. Comptons Bead in Co. G 8th Division Point Lookout M. D. The 8th was a beautyfull day And I had my Bunk Seting out by the Side of the Cook house and about dark I wanted to bring it in as I had bin doing but the Neagro Sentinel would not let me cross his line So I went down threw the house and asked a nother one if I could cross his line and get my Bunk and he The Diaky of Bartlett Yancey Malone 53 Said yes so I cross and got my Bunk and the first Neagro did not see me. And when he found that the Bunk was gone he come to the house door and wanted to know where that man was that taken that Bunk And if he dident bring it back that he would come in there and Shoot him So then I had to go to the dor and he told me to bring that Bead back So I taken it back and could not get it any more untell I went and got the Lieut, of the Comisery to get it for me So you See this is the way we was treated by the Neagrows. B. Y. M. The 15th of Sept was a beautyfull day And a general Stir among the Rebs the Dr. was getting up a load of Convalesant men to Send to Dixie. You could See men going to the Hospital to be examiond Some on Cruches and Some was not able to walk and would be Swinging a round others necks draging a long They got a load of five hundred and Sent them out of the Prison we Surpose they will leave the 15th for Dixie The 19th received a Box of tobacco from my Father James B. Malone who resides in Caswell County North Carolina The 21st all Prisnors belonging to the Confederate Staits Navy was Parold at this place. This Sunday the 25th of September and it is very coal I wrote home to day The 26th 800 Prisnors arived at this point belonging to Erleys (Early) Comand captured clost to "Winchester The knight of 26th Some one stold 5.45 in greenback from me The 27th 500 more Prisnors arived here from the same Comand The 28th the Yanks brought in three Negrows that they caught helping a Lady across the Potomac Some where be- tween here and Washington they brought them here and put them in Prison because they would not take the oath The 30th I wrote to Bro. James October 1864 The first day of October was cold and raney day The 3d 800 Prisnors arived here from Early's command captured at Fishers Hill Va. among them was James M Wells of Co H 6th N. C. Re