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 THE UBRARY OF THE 
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 NORTH CAROLINA 
 AT CHAPEL HILL 
 
 ENDOWED BY THE 
 DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC 
 
UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 
 
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REPORT FOR 1861. 
 
 The Council have great satisfaction in reporting that the 
 Hakluyt Society, which has now completed the fourteenth 
 year of its existence, continues in a prosperous condition, 
 both as regards the number of its members, and the state of 
 its funds ; and that, for this year, as for every previous year 
 excepting 1853, two volumes will be issued to the Members 
 of the Society. 
 
 Since the last General Meeting, the following volumes have 
 been delivered to Members : 
 
 "The Narrative of the Embassy of Euy Gonzales de 
 Clavijo to the Court of Timour at Samarcand, A.D. 1403-6.'' 
 Translated for the first time, with Notes, a Preface, and 
 an Introductory Life of Timour, by Clements R Mark- 
 ham, Esq. 
 
 " A Collection of Documents, forming a Monograph of 
 the Voyages of Henry Hudson."' Edited, with an 
 Introduction, by George Asher, Esq., LL.D. 
 
 6C2572 
 
2 
 
 Two volumes are in course of preparation, which will be 
 delivered to Members, for the year 1861, viz. : 
 
 "The Expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, in search of 
 El Dorado and Omagua, A.D. 1560-61,'' translated from 
 the " Sexta Noticia historial'' of Fray Pedro Simon, by 
 W. Bollaert, Esq. ; with an Introduction by Clements 
 R Markham, Esq. 
 
 " The Discoveries of the World from their first original 
 unto the year of our Lord 1555, by Antonio Galvano, 
 Governor of Ternate, corrected, quoted, and published in 
 English by Eichard Hakluyt (1601),'' now reprinted, with 
 the original Portuguese text, and edited by Eear-Admiral 
 Bethune. 
 
 In addition to the above works, two others have been 
 undertaken by Editors, which will provide for the demands of 
 the ensuing year, viz. : 
 
 "The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo de Guzman y 
 Henriquez, written by himself," containing a Narrative 
 of his Adventures in Germany, Italy, and other parts of 
 Europe, as well as in South America, during the reign 
 of Charles V. Translated from a manuscript in the 
 National Library at Madrid, by Clements E. Markham, 
 Esq. 
 
 "Account of the Journey of Caterino Zeno to the 
 Empire of Persia, in the time of Uzun Hassan ; and of 
 the Discovery of Frislanda, Eslanda, Engroenlanda, 
 Estotilanda, and Icaria, by the two brothers Nicolo and 
 Antonio Zeno. The J ourney to Persia edited, with notes 
 and an Introduction, by Major General Sir Henry C. 
 
3 
 
 Eawlinson, K.C.B.. The discovery of Frislanda, etc., 
 edited, with notes and an Introduction, by R H. Major, 
 Esq., by whom the whole is translated from the edition 
 of Francesco Marcolini, Venice, 1558. 
 
 The following six Members retire from the Council, viz. : 
 
 Sir John Boweing, LL.D., 
 
 Lieut. -Geneeal C. R Fox, 
 
 Lord Wensleydale, 
 
 The Rev. W. Whewell, D.D., 
 
 The Right Hon. Sir David Dundas, M.P., 
 
 His Excellency the Count de Laveadio. 
 
 Of this number, the three following are recommended for 
 re-election, viz. : 
 
 The Right. Hon. Sir David Dundas, M.R, 
 His Excellency the Count de Laveadio, 
 The Rev. W. Whewell, D.D. 
 
 And the names of the following gentlemen are proposed 
 for election : 
 
 Charles F. Beke, Esq., PhiLD., 
 T. Hodgkin, Esq., M.D., 
 
 Ma JOE- General Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, KC.B. 
 
 The Council have also to report that the Honorary 
 Secretary, Mr. Clements R Markham, having returned from 
 India last May, has resumed his duties. 
 
4 
 
 Statement of the Accounts of the iSociety for the year 1860-1. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Balance at Bankers' at last Audit 239 6 3 
 
 Petty Cash 8 11 5 
 
 Eeceived by Bankers during the 
 
 year 273 8 0 
 
 i s. d. 
 
 Mr. Eichards, for Printing 219 17 0 
 
 Mr. J. E. Richard, for Paper 53 15 0 
 
 Maps 22 8 0 
 
 Index 4 14 0 
 
 Gratuity to Agent's Foreman .... 5 0 0 
 
 Transcriptions 3 11 4 
 
 Stationery, Parcels, Postage, and 
 
 Sundries 2 16 0 
 
 312 1 4 
 
 Present Balance at Bankers' 208 19 5 
 
 Present Balance in Petty Cash 0 4 11 
 
 £521 5 8 
 
 Examined and Approved, November llth, 1861. 
 
 CHARLES CANNON, 
 
 WILLIAM YOUNGER FLETCHER. 
 
WORKS ISSUED BY 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF PEDRO DE URSUA 
 AND LOPE DE AGUIRRE. 
 
 M.DCCC.LXI. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2015 
 
 https://archive.org/details/expeditionofpedr28simo 
 
THE EXPEDITION 
 
 OF 
 
 PEDRO DE UESUA & LOPE DE AGUIRRE 
 
 IN SEARCH OF I^^O 
 
 EL DORADO AND OMAGUA Q^h^J ^ 
 
 IN 1560-1. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM FRAY PEDRO SIMON'S " SIXTH HISTORICAL NOTICE OF THE 
 CONQUEST OF TIERRA FIRME." 
 
 WILLIAM BOLLAEET, Esq., F.E.G.S., 
 
 CORK. MEM. OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHILE ; MEMBER OF THE 
 ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK. 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION 
 
 CLEMENTS K. MARKHAM, ESQ. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 
 M.DCCC.LXI. 
 
LONDON: 
 
 RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET. 
 
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 
 SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., D.C.L., Corr. Mem. Inst. F.; 
 Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c., Peesident. 
 
 The marquis OF LANSDOWNE ) Vice-Presidents. 
 
 Reae-Admiral C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. J 
 
 CHARLES F. BEKE, Esq., Phil.D. 
 Rt. Hon. LORD BROUGHTON. 
 
 The LORD ALFRED SPENCER CHURCHILL, M.P. 
 
 CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, Esq. 
 
 Rt. Hon. Sib DAVID DUNDAS. 
 
 Sir henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S. 
 
 JOHN FORSTER, Esq. 
 
 R. W. GREY, Esq. 
 
 T. HODGKIN, Esq., M.D. 
 
 JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A. 
 
 His Excellency the COUNT DE LAVRADIO, 
 
 R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A. 
 
 Sir henry RAWLINSON, K.C.B. 
 
 The Rev. W. WHEWELL. 
 
 CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., Honorary Secretary. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Introduction ....... i 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1. Gives a brief account of the deeds of Pedro de Ursua before his 
 arrival in Peru, and of his entrance into that country. — 2. Certain 
 Brazilian Indians give information in Peru, of very rich provinces 
 near the river Maranon. — 3. The marquis of Canete determines to 
 send Pedro de Ursua to explore them, and summons him to his 
 presence. — 4. Various opinions are formed in Peru respecting this 
 expedition ....... 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 1. Pedro de Ursua builds the brigantines for the expedition, and makes 
 Pedro de Ramiro his lieutenant-general. — 2. Ursua leaves Lima with 
 his people ; he arrives at the town of Moyobamba. — 3. How he con- 
 trives to obtain two thousand dollars from the cura or priest of the 
 place. — 4. Ursua sends part of his people from the Motilones to other 
 provinces, where they provide for themselves . . .5 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 1. Aries and Frias are displeased at having Ramiro among them ; 
 they determine to kill him. — 2. They kill Ramiro. — 3, The governor 
 Ursua goes in person to arrest the delinquents. — 4. He sends them to 
 Santa Cruz, where they are beheaded . . . .8 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1. People in Peru are fearful of mutiny in Ursua's expedition ; a friend 
 writes to him on the subject. — 2. The governor sends two parties of 
 soldiers in search of provisions ; one of these, composed of thirty men, 
 goes down the river more than two hundred leagues. — 3. Garcia del 
 Arze and his soldiers fortify themselves on an island against the 
 Indians. — 4. The Spaniards are most cruel to the natives who come 
 peacefully to them . . . . . .12 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 1, Juan de Vargas commences his voyage ; arrives at the mouth of the 
 Cocama. — 2. He remains here until Ursua arrives. — 3. The brigantines 
 spring a leak when launched, which is unfortunate for the expedition. 
 —4. Ursua descends the river with all his people, arriving at the pro- 
 vince of the Caperuzos. — 5. He sends a brigantine to advise Juan de 
 Vargas of his coming . . . . . .16 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1. From the river Bracamoras the governor continues his voyage to that 
 of Cocama, where he finds Juan de Vargas with his party. — 2. They 
 continue their voyage, some of their necessities in the way of food being 
 supplied by the hicoteas and their eggs. — 3. They arrive at the island 
 where Garcia del Arze and his soldiers are. — 4, They find some islands 
 lower down the river, with villages, but no inhabitants, for they had 
 abandoned them . . . . . . .20 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1. The Indians come out to see the expedition from a distance, and a 
 chief comes with offers of peace. — 2. The Indians come from the pro - 
 vince of Carari with some provisions, which they barter for trinkets. — 
 
 3. The governor sends an officer to examine the country inland. — 
 
 4. Punishments which Pedro de Ursua inflicted on his people. — 
 
 5. Opinions entertained respecting this province, whether there were 
 one or two . . . . . . .24 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 1. Pedro de Ursua continues his course through a desert region, where 
 his people suffer from want. — 2. They establish themselves in a 
 village, where they make up for past want by a large supply of pro- 
 visions. — 3. The governor, on account of the plentiful supplies, 
 determines to encamp in the village, pass Christmas there, and make 
 inquiries respecting the land for which they are searching. — 4. Fifty 
 Spaniards depart to assist the chief of Machiparo, against two hundred 
 hostile Indians ....... 29 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 1. Pedro de Ursua names a pro visor or vicar-general for his fleet, 
 believing he had power to do so. — Some grow faint hearted at the 
 continuation of the expedition, and the governor encourages them to 
 proceed, — 3. Excuses which the mutineers make to Pedro de Ursua 
 for their delinquencies. — 4. The mutineers conspire to rid themselves 
 of the government of Ursua, and to make Don Fernando de Guzman 
 his successor . . . . . . . 34 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1. The mutineers determine to kill the governor, Pedro de Ursua, and 
 to return to Peru, — 2. Mysterious warning of the death of Ursua, 
 which was seen and heard by a knight of the order of San Juan. — 
 3. They continue their course from this village to another lower down, 
 of the same name. A slave of one of the mutineers discovers their 
 design, and attempts to warn the governor. — 4. The mutineers kill 
 the governor Pedro de Ursua, and his lieutenant . . 38 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE CRUISE OF THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 1. The governor being dead, the rebels endeavour to bring all the 
 expedition to their side. — 2. They do not allow the soldiers to leave 
 their quarters during the night, to prevent them from conferring 
 together. — 3. The murderers divide the various offices among them- 
 selves. — 4. They continue the division of offices. Sancho Pizarro 
 returns . . . . . . . .43 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1. The new general, Don Fernando, calls a council to discuss matters 
 relative to the projected discovery of the new lands of the Dorado. — 
 
 2. He has a document made out for their security, and orders all to 
 sign it. Lope de Aguirre signs it, adding the word '''traitor." — 
 
 3. Aguirre publicly explains why he did so. — 4. Juan Alonzo de la 
 Bandera replies, saying that those who killed the governor were not 
 traitors ........ 47 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 1. They leave the village (Machiparo) where they had killed Ursua, and, 
 going down the river, arrive at another village, where they commence 
 building brigantines. — 2. They suffer so much from hunger in this 
 village, that they are obliged to eat horses and dogs. — 3. Aguirre kills 
 Captain del Arze, because he was a friend of Uriua's, siezes Diego de 
 Belcazar for the same cause, and has two others strangled. — 4. Don 
 Fernando takes away the office of maestro del campo from Lope 
 de Aguirre, and gives it to Juan Alonzo de la Bandera, his lieutenant- 
 general . . . . . . . .51 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 1. Don Fernando comes to an understanding with Lope de Aguirre, and 
 promises to restore him to his post of maestro del campo. — 2. The 
 governor and Aguirre become friends, the enmity of the latter in- 
 creases against Bandera. — 3. Aguirre calumniates Bandera before the 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 governor, saying he wished to kill the governor, and rebel. — 4. Aguirre 
 kills Bandera, and one Christoval Hernandez, at the governor's 
 house ........ 56 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1. The soldiers irritate the Indians, who bring provisions for them, when 
 some Spaniards are killed. — 2. Owing to these proceedings the 
 Spaniards suffer great privations, on account of the fear the Indians 
 have of coming near them. — 3. Aguirre succeeds in gaining the con- 
 fidence of Don Fernando for his own particular ends. — 4. Don 
 Fernando plans how to discover the real sentiments of the soldiers, 
 and their devotion to him, and how he suceeeds . . 60 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 1. Don Fernando thanks them for his new election, and makes it known 
 that he will not force any one to follow him. — 2. He asks the 
 soldiers to take an oath to follow him, and all promise to do so, except 
 three. — 3. They all take the oath on a missal placed on an altar. — 
 4. Difficulties that occur in consequence of the want of employment 
 for the people, at this spot . . . . .64 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 1. Aguirre addresses the soldiers. — 2. He, together with the soldiers, 
 proclaims Fernando de Guzman Prince of Piru. — 3. Don Fernando 
 accepts the title of Prince, and sets up an establishment accordingly. 
 — 4. Don Fernando takes the office of sargento major from Sancho 
 Pizarro (a friend of Ursua's) and gives it to Martin Perez . 68 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 1. Various projects regarding their journey to Piru. — 2. The plans they 
 intend to adopt on their arrival at Nombre de Dios, Panamd, and 
 Piru : Don Fernando bestows titles for Encomiendas. — 3. The vile 
 doings of other traitors. — 4. After three months, the brigantines being 
 ready, they leave this village and prosecute their voyage . 72 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 1. They arrive at an Indian village, where they pass Passion week and 
 Easter ; Aguirre causes a soldier to be strangled. — 2. They depart 
 after Easter, and stop at another very large Indian town, where they 
 find abundance of provisions and wine (chicha). — 3. Some customs of 
 the Indians of this place. — 4. How they arranged to obtain pro- 
 visions here ; and how some scruples occur to Don Fernando and his 
 friends ........ 77 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 1. Don Fernando calls a council, in which it is determined to kill Aguirre 
 as it seemed necessary to do so. — 2, Aguirre and his friends get more 
 arms, taking them from the rest. — 3. He divides the soldiers into 
 companies, such an arrangement appearing to him better for his 
 designs. — 4. Aguirre arrests Gonzalo Duarte, Don Fernando's mayor- 
 domo, with the intention of killing him, but afterwards they become 
 friends ........ 81 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 1. Difficulties between Captain Lorenzo Salduendo and Aguirre, as to 
 the accommodation for Dona Ines on board the brigantines. — 2, Aguirre 
 kills Salduendo, and by his orders two soldiers kill Dona Ines. — 3. 
 Discussion between Don Fernando and Aguirre as to the death of 
 Salduendo. — 4. Aguirre pacifies Don Fernando, but, on account of an 
 idle report which two captains repeat to Aguirre, he determines to kill 
 Don Fernando . . ... 85 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 1. Aguirre makes his arrangements to kill the Prince Don Fernando 
 and others. — 2. Aguirre and his companions kill two captains, and 
 plan how the Prince is to die. — 3. They go in the morning of the next 
 day to kill the Prince. — 4. Aguirre kills a priest, some captains, and 
 the Prince Don Fernando . . . . .90 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 1, Aguirre explains the cause of the death of the governor and the 
 others to the camp, and calls his soldiers the " Maranones". — 2. He 
 changes the various offices in the army, giving them to his friends. — 
 3. They leave the town of the " Butchery", and sail through large 
 provinces. — 4. After navigating for twelve days they come to a 
 village ........ 93 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 1. They catch an Indian and send him to tell the others that they desire 
 to be at peace with them. — 2, Aguirre kills three soldiers, whilst they 
 are putting the brigantines in order. — 3. He still has tyrannical fears, 
 although he has killed so many men. — 4. The Brazilian Indian guides 
 escape from him . . . . . . 99 
 
 CHAPTER XXV 
 1, Going down the river, they fall in with some strongly built houses, 
 where they find cakes of salt. — 2. During the voyage they pass many 
 islands, and on one of them they leave the greater number of Indian 
 
 b 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 servants, whom they had brought with them. — 3. They continue the 
 voyage under many difficulties. For a trifling afiair Aguirre has two 
 soldiers strangled. — 4. He loses a piragua, with three Spaniards and 
 some Indians ; and others are drowned, gathering shell-fish . 103 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 1. The first Spaniard who sailed out of the mouth of this river, was 
 Captain Franciso de Orellana. Its banks are not well peopled. 
 — 2. Character, climate, and people of this river, from its sources to 
 where it enters the sea. — 3. There are more than two thousand islands 
 near to the mouth of the river. — 4. Lope de Aguirre, finding himself 
 out at sea, sails for the island of Margarita, where he arrives and 
 lands, having first killed two soldiers in the brigantine . . 107 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 1. The maestro del campo, having received Aguirre's orders, departs, and 
 strangles Sancho Pizarro on the road. — 2. A piragua with Indians is 
 sent from the port of Margarita, to examine the brigantines of Aguirre, 
 and a party of soldiers visit him. — 3. The Margarita people give 
 Aguirre two bullocks, and he recompenses them. — 4. The governor, 
 on account of a letter received from Aguirre, decides upon visiting 
 him, accompanied by some of the inhabitants of the city. — 5. The 
 governor ofiers him hospitality. The traitor marshals his armed men 
 before the governor . . . . . .113 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 1. Aguirre makes prisoners of the governor, alcalde, and their compan- 
 ions. — 2. All the traitors march towards the city with the governor ; 
 the maestro del campo takes possession of the city, in the name of 
 Aguirre. — 3. Aguirre enters the city, and robs the royal treasury. — 
 4. He continues his insolence by a thousand threats . .117 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 1 . For the love of a roving life, like that which the traitors led, some 
 soldiers of the island join them, which causes no little detriment. — 2. 
 Aguirre sends to take a ship that was in Maracapana, belonging to 
 the Provincial of Santo Domingo, but fails. — 3. The Provincial of 
 Santo Domingo determines to go in his ship, to the port of Burburata, 
 and other parts, to give notice of the proceedings of Aguirre. — 4. 
 Aguirre addresses the people of the island with feigned words, and 
 even with lies ....... 122 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 1. Aguirre kills one of his captains. Four of his soldiers desert. — 2. Two 
 of the deserters found ; Aguirre orders them to be hung. He intends 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 to kill a monk of the order of Santo Domingo. — 3. Aguirre informs his 
 soldiers how he intends to proceed in his tyrannies.-— 4. He places his 
 brigantines with their bows towards the shore, fearing that his soldiers 
 might desert ; and he destroys the houses and estates of an inhabitant 
 who had fled . . . . . . .127 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 1. Aguirre kills a captain, named Juan de Turriaga, and buries him with 
 pomp. — 2. Aguirre threatens the people of Margarita with his ven- 
 geance, in case the provincial of Santo Domingo takes his men in 
 Maracapana. — 3. The provincial's ship is seen making for the island, 
 the traitor prepares for defence. — 4. Aguirre, observing that the pro- 
 vincial's ship had anchored, puts the inhabitants into theTort, as prison- 
 ers, and determines to kill the governor and his companions , 131 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 1. Aguirre arranges for the execution of the governor and his com- 
 panions in captivity. — 2. They kill the governor and his companions. 
 Aguirre summons his soldiers to see the dead bodies, and makes his 
 observations on the matter. — 3. He explains, and gives his reasons 
 for their death. — 4. Aguirre orders the bodies to be buried, and sends 
 the inhabitants back to prison. He leaves his maestro del campo in 
 charge of the city, and then sallies forth against the governor . 136 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 1. The people of the port of Burburata send tidings to the governor of 
 Venezuela, and other cities of his government, and that of Merida, con- 
 cerning the acts of the traitor. — 2. Pedro Bravo de la Molina sends 
 information to the Royal Audience of Santa Fe, and to the other 
 cities on the road. — 3. Preparations are made by Pedro Bravo de 
 la Molina, in the city of Merida, to resist the traitor, if necessary. — 
 4. The licenciate, Pablo Collado, is not unmindful of his duties, in the 
 towns under his government . . . . . 1 39 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 1. Preparations ordered by the Royal Audience of Santa Fe, and officers 
 appointed. — 2. Orders are issued that the people of the various cities 
 of the kingdom shall be ready for all exigencies, and what the 
 governor Pedro Bravo de la Molina has to do in Merida. — 3. The 
 governments of Popayan, Santa Martha, and Carthagena, are ordered 
 to collect troops, and various opinions as to sallying forth against the 
 traitor. — 4. Investigations are made, to see if there are, in the king- 
 dom, any soldiers connected with the Peruvian mutineers. The royal 
 seal guarded in Santa Fe . . . . . . 1 42 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 1. Aguirre marches with his soldiers to Punta de Piedras, whence he 
 returns to the city. He is told unfavourable things of his maestro del 
 campo. — 2. Aguirre has his maestro del campo killed in the fortress. 
 Some prisoners escape. — 3. A horrible thing occurs to one Llamoso, 
 relative to the body of the maestro del campo. — The Maranones and 
 soldiers of the provincial see one another . . .147 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 1. Lope de Aguirre writes to the provincial. — 2. The provincial replies 
 from his ship, and then sets sail. Aguirre hangs two soldiers. — 
 
 3. Opinions as to whether it was politic of the provincial to com- 
 municate with the traitor. — 4, The opinions and objections re- 
 solved ........ 151 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIT. 
 1. Aguirre prepares to leave the island, and kills a soldier. — 2. He has 
 flags made, and blessed in the church, on the feast of our Lady of 
 Assumption. — 3. Aguirre makes an oration to his captains and 
 ensigns on giving them the flags. — 4. A soldier escapes from Aguirre, 
 on account of which he kills two others, also a woman . .156 
 
 CHAPTER XXXYIIL 
 1. Aguirre orders an old man to be killed ; he likewise does the same to 
 a friar of Santo Domingo. He also commands another friar to be 
 killed, to whom he had confessed. — 2. Of another who was strangled, 
 which caused much sorrow in the town. — 3. The traitor hangs an old 
 man and a woman ; he also does ridiculous things to some soldiers. — 
 
 4. One Francisco Taxardo comes to the island of Margarita from 
 Caraccas, with some people, with the intention of routing Aguirre 160 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 1. Aguirre embarks with all his people, and, while doing so, he causes 
 his admiral to be killed. — 2. The traitor sails, but changes his route, 
 by going to the port of Burburata. — 3. He is becalmed, which retards 
 his voyage. — 4. They burn a ship they find in the port, and the in- 
 habitants advise the governor of Venezuela of Aguirre's arrival 165 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 1. Garcia de Paredes goes from Merida to Tocuyo with some followers, 
 sent by the governor. — 2. The governor of Venezuela sends to the 
 governor and inhabitants of Merida, to come and assist him. — 3. The 
 governor of Merida goes with twenty-five soldiers to Tocuyo. — 
 4. Aguirre's men find a pilot in the town of Burburata, who was one 
 of those who had passed over to the provincial . . .169 
 
TA.BLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 1. Aguirre is informed that some soldiers, who were friendly to him, are 
 in that part of the country. He sends in search of them. — 2. The 
 traitor kills a soldier. He burns his vessels, and takes up his quarters 
 in the town. — 3. The soldiers look about for horses, so as to sally 
 forth with them. The traitor declares war against the king of 
 Castille. — 4. The whole country is in a state of ferment ; the rob- 
 beries of the soldiers ; they find the alcalde, and a tradesman of the 
 town. Aguirre sends to the town of Valencia for horses . 173 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 ]. Aguirre kills a tradesman, also a soldier, in this town of Burburata. 
 — 2. Two of his soldiers desert from him. He begins his march on 
 foot, for want of horses. — 3. Aguirre leaves his camp on the road, 
 and returns to Burburata, where he gets drunk with his companions ; 
 three desert. — 4. Disturbances in the camp whilst Aguirre was at 
 Burburata, two soldiers are killed. — 5. Opinion among the Maranones 
 relative to the death of one. The tyrant is informed of what had 
 happened, and returns to the camp . . . .177 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 1. Aguirre marches, but with much trouble, towards Valencia. He 
 becomes ill on the march. — 2. They arrive at Valencia, and find it 
 deserted by the inhabitants. Aguirre becomes worse, but reeovers, 
 and then kills a soldier. — 3. The alcalde, Chaves, takes two soldiers in 
 Burburata, and sends information to Aguirre ; one of them runs away. 
 — 4. The traitor manages to lay hands on the inhabitants of Valencia, 
 and on another soldier . . . . . . 182 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 1. The traitor allows the priest of Margarita to return to his dwelling, 
 on condition that he forwards a letter that Aguirre had written to the 
 king. — 2. The alcalde of Burburata informs the traitor, as to the pre- 
 parations the governor is making to oppose him. Aguirre kills three 
 soldiers. — 3. A sentinel informs the town of Barquicimeto, that 
 Aguirre is marching on it ; the inhabitants fly. — 4. Ten of Aguirre's 
 soldiers desert on the march, at which he becomes very wrath, and 
 utters ten thousand blasphemies, as was his custom . . 187 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 1. Aguirre, marching from Valencia to Barquicimeto, comes to a 
 mining settlement, where he falls into some trouble. — 2. The traitor 
 advances to the river of the valley of Damas, where he rests a day. — 
 3. Here he determines to kill some of his men, but he does not do so. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS, 
 
 One of his captains comes from Margarita to Barquicimeto, and gives 
 information as to Aguirre's forces. — 4. The maestro del campo, Diego 
 Garcia de Paredes, reconnoitres the forces of the traitor . 197 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. 
 1. The maestro del campo, in a narrow part of the road, unexpectedly 
 finds himself in Aguirre's camp. Both parties retire. — 2. The general 
 Pena takes letters of pardon from the governor, for Aguirre and his 
 soldiers. — 3. The king's party determine to await Aguirre's attack 
 upon the town. Aguirre writes a letter of promises and threats. — 4. 
 The traitor's party show themselves to those in the town, but no action 
 ensues ........ 202 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 1. Garcia de Paredes lays hands on some clothes and ammunition be- 
 longing to the traitor. His soldiers find the letters of pardon. — 
 2. Aguirre talks to them on the subject, they decide on following him. 
 — 3. Aguirre sets fire to the town. The maestro del campo fires into 
 the enemy's camp. This vexes Aguirre. — 4. Pedro Bravo de la 
 Molina arrives with men from Merida, where the governor had made 
 him his lieutenant-general ..... 207 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIIL 
 1. Bravo accepts the posts conferred on him by the governor ; they all 
 leave Tocuyo for the king's camp. — 2. Aguirre's letter to the governor, 
 Pablo Collado. — 3. Those from Tocuyo join the king's forces, when 
 victory over the traitor is anticipated. — 4. Two of Aguirre's soldiers 
 desert to the king's side. The maestro del campo and captain Bravo 
 catch some Indians belonging to the Maranones . ,211 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 1. Aguirre sends sixty arquebusiers to fire into the king's camp at night, 
 but without any result. — 2. The traitor comes out to the aid of his 
 men, and prepares to resist the royalists. — 3. Aguirre's fire makes 
 no impression on the royalists. Captain Diego Tirado deserts from 
 the traitor. — 4. Another soldier tries to desert to the royalists. A 
 mounted soldier of the king's party makes the circuit of Aguirre's 
 entrenchment . . . . . . . 216 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 1. Aguirre, having fears of the desertion of his men, retires to his en - 
 trenchment. The royalists go to their quarters, but with hopes of 
 victory over the traitor. — 2. The traitor meditates on killing the sick 
 and those soldiers he has fears of, but is dissuaded from this. — 3. He 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 takes their arms away from some of his soldiers, and drives away 
 others, telling them to go and join the king's camp. — 4. One of 
 Aguirre's soldiers kills Pedro Bravo's horse. The traitor determines 
 to return to the coast ...... 220 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 1. The maestro del campo and captain Bravo come up towards Aguirre's 
 entrenchment. Some soldiers go out to oppose them. — 2. Captain 
 Espindola, with a troop, deserts to the royalists, and all the rest of 
 Aguirre's soldiers follow their example by various routes. — 3. The 
 maestro del campo sends news of the victory to the governor. Aguirre 
 kills his daughter. — 4. Aguirre is killed by two arquebuses fired at 
 him. His head is cut off, and his hands are given to those from Merida 
 and Valencia ....... 224 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 1. Gives an account of the country Aguirre came from, his character 
 and customs. — 2. His occupations during the years he was in Peru. 
 — 3. An account of the depredations he committed. — 4. Although the 
 governor kept his promise of protection, with some of the Maranones, 
 yet some were punished ...... 230 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The blood-stained cruise of the " tyrant Aguirre," 
 the translated narrative of which, from the text of 
 the old chronicler Simon, is now printed for the 
 first time, is by far the most extraordinary ad- 
 venture in search of El Dorado on record. The 
 dauntless hardihood of those old Spaniards and Ger- 
 mans, who, undismayed by the reverses and sufferings 
 of numerous predecessors, continued to force their way 
 for hundreds of miles into the forest covered wilds, is 
 sufficiently astonishing; but in this cruise of Aguirre 
 all that is wildest, most romantic, most desperate, 
 most appalling in the annals of Spanish enterprise 
 seems to culminate in one wild orgie of madness and 
 blood. 
 
 The history of previous searches after the fabled 
 El Dorado, which led to the expedition of Ursua and 
 Aguirre, truthful and authentic as it is, yet seems 
 fitter for the pages of King Arthur's romance than 
 for a sober narrative of facts. It is necessary, how- 
 ever, that these romantic expeditions should be fresh 
 in the reader's mind, in order to understand the 
 objects and views of the men who followed Aguirre 
 
 h 
 
ii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to destruction, and the exact position which his 
 expedition occupies in the history of South American 
 geographical discovery. 
 
 When the Spaniards had conquered and pillaged 
 the civilized empires on the table lands of Mexico, 
 Bogota, and Peru, they began to look round for new 
 scenes of conquest, new sources of wealth ; the 
 wildest rumours were received as facts, and the 
 forests and savannas, extending for thousands of 
 square miles to the eastward of the Cordilleras of the 
 Andes, were covered, in imagination, Avith populous 
 kingdoms, and cities filled with gold. The story of 
 El Dorado, of a priest or king smeared with oil and 
 then coated with gold dust, probably originated in a 
 custom w^hich prevailed amongst the civilized Indians 
 €f the plateau of Bogota;^ but El Dorado was placed, 
 
 ^ "^^ When tlie chief of Guatavita was independent, he made a 
 solemn sacrifice every year, which, for its singularity, contributed 
 to give celebrity to the lake of Guatavita, in the most distant coun- 
 tries, and which was the origin of the belief in El Dorado, in 
 search of which so many years and so much wealth was employed. 
 On the day appointed the chief smeared his body with turpentine, 
 and then rolled in gold dust. Thus gilded and resplendent, he 
 entered the canoe, surrounded by his nobles, whilst an immense 
 multitude of people, with music and songs, crowded round the 
 shores of the lake. Having reached the centre, the chief deposited 
 his offerings of gold, emeralds, and other precious things, and then 
 jumped in himself, to bathe. At this moment the surrounding 
 hills echoed with the applause of the people ; and, when the reli- 
 gious ceremony concluded, the dancing, singing, and drinking 
 began." — Descuhrimiento de la Nueva Granada, por el Coronel J. 
 Acosta, p. 199. 
 
 Here we have the origin of El Dorado, and of Raleigh's lake 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 iii 
 
 by the credulous adventurers, in a golden city amidst 
 the impenetrable forests of the centre of South 
 America, and, as search after search failed, his 
 position was moved further and further to the east- 
 ward, in the direction of Guiana. El Dorado, the 
 phantom god of gold and silver, appeared in many 
 forms. The Spaniards of Bogota and Venezuela 
 explored the head waters of the Orinoco and the E.io 
 Negro in search of the " gilded man," or the golden 
 " house of the sun," and no fabulous tale was too 
 wild for their credulity. The settlers at Quito and 
 in Northern Peru talked of the golden empire of the 
 Omaguas, while those in Cuzco and Charcas dreamt 
 of the wealthy cities of Paytiti and Enim, on the 
 banks of a lake far away to the eastward of the 
 Andes. These romantic fables, so firmly believed in 
 those old days, led to the exploration of vast tracts of 
 country, by the fearless adventurers of the sixteenth 
 
 of Parima, and golden city of Manoa. It is implied that the 
 ceremony did not take place subsequent to the conquest of Gua- 
 tavita by Nemequene, the Zipa of Bogota, about forty years before 
 the appearance of the Spaniards ; so that, on their arrival, tradi- 
 tions only existed of the gilded chief of the lake, which, in a con- 
 fused and exaggerated form, seem to have originated the belief 
 in El Dorado, and in a great city in the central plains of South 
 America. 
 
 The people of Guatavita believed that their deity resided in the 
 lake, and yearly sacrifices of gold and emeralds were made to him. 
 Cochrane gives an amusing account of an attempt to drain this lake, 
 which is only a short distance from Bogota ; and several gold 
 ornaments have been fished up, from time to time, but it is be- 
 lieved that millions still remain buried in the slime, at the bottom. 
 — Cochrane' s Travels^ ii, p. 201. 
 
iv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 century, portions of which have never been traversed 
 since, even to this day. 
 
 The most famous searches after El Dorado were 
 undertaken from the coast of Venezuela, and the 
 most daring leaders of these wild adventures were 
 German Knights.^ 
 
 Shortly after Ojeda had discovered the coast of 
 Venezuela, and Rodrigo de Bastidas had established 
 a settlement at Santa Martha, the emperor Charles V 
 made an agreement with a company of Germans to 
 colonize these rich provinces. The Velsers of Augs- 
 burg were great merchants who traded in all parts of 
 the world, and they agreed, through their Agents, 
 Enrique de Alfinger and Geronimo Sailler, to found 
 two cities and three forts within two years, to arm 
 four ships, and take out three hundred Spaniards 
 and fifty German miners ; on condition that the 
 emperor granted them the country extending from 
 Cabo de la Vela to Maracapana (except the portion 
 previously granted to one Juan de Ampuez) and 
 without limit to the south, gave the title of Adelan- 
 tado to the governor appointed by them, and allowed 
 them to make slaves of the Indians.^ At about the 
 same time Bastidas, the governor of Santa Martha, 
 had died, and it was arranged that Garcia de Lerma, 
 
 ^ The early expeditions to the river Orinoco, of Diego de Ordaz, 
 and Geronimo de Ortal, the lying tale of Martinez concerning the 
 city of Manoa, the advance of Sedeno towards the Meta, and the 
 remarkable expedition of Berreo, have already been described in 
 Sir Robert Schomburgk's copious notes to Raleigh's Guiana. 
 
 ^ Yet two friars were sent out, with the title of Protectors of 
 the Indians." 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It 
 
 a knight of Burgos, the new governor, should go out 
 in the German ships to Santa Martha, and that the 
 Germans should then proceed to their destination. 
 Ambrosio de Alfinger was named governor, and 
 Bartolorae Sailler Lieutenant Governor, by the Vel- 
 sers, both Germans, and the expedition sailed from 
 Spain in 1528. 
 
 Having landed Lerma at Santa Martha, Ambrosio 
 de Alfinger, with four hundred men and fifty horses, 
 went to Core, on the coast of Venezuela, which had 
 been founded in 1527 by Juan de Ampuez, who 
 afterwards retired to Curacoa. The coast off'ered few 
 temptations to the German adventurer, and Alfinger, 
 leaving his lieutenant Sailler in command at Coro, 
 determined to make an expedition into the interior, 
 in 1530, in search of some fabulous golden city in the 
 forests far to the south. He left Coro with about 
 two hundred Spaniards, and several hundred un- 
 fortunate Indians, laden with provisions and stores ; 
 and the cruelties, committed by this savage on the 
 poor defenceless people, were reported in Europe, and 
 were amongst the tales which made the blood of 
 Raleigh and Sir Richard Hawkins boil with generous 
 indignation at the very name of a Spaniard. To 
 prevent the laden Indians from deserting, Alfin- 
 ger 's soldiers fastened them to a chain, by a ring 
 round their necks ; thus, to let one out, it was 
 necessary to loosen the whole row ; but, to save 
 time, when an Indian became too tired to go on, 
 they cut ofi" his head, and let the body drop out, 
 saying that, as it was necessary to leave him behind, 
 
vi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 it was the same to them whether he was alive or 
 dead, and the trouble of loosening the chain was 
 saved. 
 
 When Alfinger reached the lagoon which the river 
 Cesar forms, at its confluence with the Magdalena, 
 the fame of his cruelties had preceded him, and all 
 the natives had taken refuge on the islands in the 
 lake ; but the greedy Spaniards, seeing the glitter of 
 their golden ornaments from a distance, spurred their 
 horses into the lake, and swam to one of the islands, 
 where the Indians, terrified at so strange a sight, 
 were all killed or taken prisoners. The Indian chief 
 of the district of Tamalameque gave himself up, and 
 supplied the Spaniards with provisions and gold 
 ornaments. So great was the spoil, that Alfinger 
 sent twenty-five of his men back to Coro, with booty 
 valued at 60,000 dollars, to buy horses and arms ; 
 and waited a whole year for their return, at the 
 confluence of the rivers Cesar and Margarita. He 
 waited in vain, and at length the ruthless adventurers 
 began to follow the stream of the Magdalena, living 
 on wild fruits and insects, and suffering from fever, 
 and the torments of mosquitos Their wretchedness 
 soon became unbearable, and Alfinger led them up 
 the mountains to the eastward, into a cold country, 
 where they lived on land shells, and where three 
 hundred of the naked Indians and many Spaniards 
 were frozen to death during the nights. The wan- 
 derers then descended into the valley of Chinacota, 
 where they were exposed to constant attacks from 
 the wild Indians, and finally Alfinger was wounded 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 vii 
 
 in the neck, and died in three days. He was buried 
 at the foot of a tree, and his epitaph was cut in the 
 bark, by his surviving comrades.^ 
 
 His worn out followers reached the valley of 
 Cucuta, but, rendered fiercer and more cruel by their 
 sufferings, they slaughtered men, women, and chil- 
 dren in the villages on their line of march ; and, in 
 1532, worn out and decimated by disease, they found 
 their way back to Core ; and thus ended the first 
 expedition of the Germans in Venezuela, and the 
 first search for El Dorado.^ 
 
 On the death of Alfinger, a German knight named 
 Nicholas Fedreman went to Castillo, to apply for the 
 government of Venezuela ; but it was given to 
 another knight of the same nation, named George of 
 Spires, and Fedreman was appointed his lieutenant- 
 general. They raised four hundred men in Anda- 
 lusia and Murcia, and reached Coro in 1534. Since 
 the time of Alfinger, the rumours concerning great 
 wealth to be found in the wilds, to the eastward of 
 the Andes, had increased in number ; and George of 
 Spires resolved to make an attempt to solve the mys- 
 tery which enveloped those unknown regions.^ He 
 left Coro with three hundred infantry and one hun- 
 dred cavalry, crossed the mountains near the sources 
 of the Tocuyo, descended to the plains, and, after 
 
 * Castellanos, pt. ii, el. i, canto 4. 
 
 2 Strictly speaking, Alfinger did not search for El Dorado, as 
 that fable was not yet in existence, but for some golden country of 
 his own imagination. 
 
 ^ Herrera, Dec. v, Lib. 9, cap. v. 
 
viii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 waiting for some months until the periodical in- 
 undations of those regions had subsided, began his 
 march to the south. The expedition of George of 
 Spires, which commenced in 1536, was composed of 
 determined men ; and they penetrated into regions 
 which have scarcely ever been visited since, braving 
 hardships and dangers which would have been in- 
 surmountable to men, who were not actuated by 
 the extraordinary enthusiasm of these early con- 
 querors. They avoided the mountains, on account 
 of the great difficulty of making roads passable for 
 horses ; but, in doing this, they encountered great 
 risks in crossing the rivers, and suffered from want 
 of provisions, the swarms of mosquitos, the unhealthi- 
 ness of the climate, and the attacks of wild Indians. 
 During the dry season they found plenty of deer on 
 the plains, which supplied them with wholesome 
 food, but, when the rains came on, and the country 
 was inundated, their sole food consisted of pahnitos 
 and wild roots : and the attempts they made to con- 
 struct canoes, and go afloat in them, in search of 
 provisions, only ended in disappointment. It is also 
 recorded, that the jaguars were so numerous and 
 ferocious, that they carried off the horses in broad 
 daylight, and even killed a Spaniard, and several 
 Indians. 
 
 George continued to advance to the south, through 
 a country inhabited by different Indian tribes, and 
 found great inconvenience from the diversity of lan- 
 guages, which rendered interpreters useless. They 
 crossed the Ariari, and afterwards the Guaviare river. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ix 
 
 where they encountered a tribe of Indians called 
 Guayiipes,^ who painted their bodies black, and came 
 to battle half drunk, so that it was not difficult to 
 repulse their attacks. The extreme point reached 
 by the knight of Spires was the margin of the river 
 Papamene,^ whence he returned to Coro, and a glance 
 at the map will show the immense extent of country 
 which he traversed, in this daring and romantic ex- 
 pedition. During the retreat to Coro, many officers 
 died, and among them Murcia de Rondon, who had 
 acted as secretary to Francis I, during his captivity 
 in Madrid. George of Spires reached Coro in May 
 1538, after an absence of three years, during which 
 time he marched upwards of one thousand five hun- 
 dred miles into the interior of South America. He 
 was a mild good man, and died peacefully as gover- 
 nor of Venezuela, in 1540.^ 
 
 In the meanwhile his lieutenant, Nicholas Fedre- 
 man, followed his chief, with reinforcements and 
 supplies, until he found himself in the vicinity of his 
 countryman's camp, when ambition prompted him to 
 avoid a meeting, and to continue his discoveries on 
 
 ^ The Uaupes Indians, on the head waters of the Rio Negro, of 
 whom a very interesting account is given by Wallace, p. 482. 
 
 ^ The same as the river Caqueta, or its tributary the Rio de la 
 Fragua, according to Humboldt ; but Colonel Acosta, in his map, 
 makes the river Papamene one of the tributaries of the Guaviare. 
 
 ^ Benzoni, however, says that he was murdered in his bed, by 
 the Spaniards, who mangled him, by dragging his body igno- 
 miniously about, and finally throwing it into a wood. He adds 
 that the murderers were severely punished, by order of the em- 
 peror. {Benzoni, in Hakluyt Coll., p. 76.) 
 
 C 
 
X 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 his own account, with about two hundred men. 
 Fedreman is described as an active and energetic 
 German, of middle size, with a flowing red beard ; 
 he was beloved by his soldiers, and no cruelty to the 
 Indians is recorded of him. After leaving the 
 track of his chief, Fedreman came to the banks of a 
 river, where there were ruins of villages, and the 
 Indians told him that, many years ago, a serpent 
 with numerous heads had come out of the river, and 
 devoured all the inhabitants. He passed the rainy 
 season at the foot of the mountains, near the banks 
 of the river Casanare, then crossed the Meta, and, 
 after wandering about for three years, he finally 
 crossed the most difficult part of the cordilleras of ^ 
 Sumapaz, and met the famous conquerors, Quesada 
 and Belalcazar, on the plains of Bogota, in April 1539. 
 
 This was, in many respects, a very remarkable 
 meeting. The great conqueror of New Granada, 
 Don Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada, and his colleague, 
 the Adelantado Pedro Fernandez de Lugo, in ex- 
 ploring the course of the river Magdalena, had dis- 
 covered the country of the civilized Chibchas, and 
 reached the plateau of Bogota in 1537. The history 
 of the conquest of New Granada, which is equal in 
 interest to those of Mexico or Peru, has not yet 
 found a Prescott ; although the Chibchas were more 
 civilized than the Aztecs, prodigious wealth was 
 derived from the sack of their cities,^ and the ad- 
 
 ^ At Tunja alone the Spaniards found 191,294 dollars worth of 
 fine gold ; 37,288 dollars of rough gold ; 18,390 dollars of silver ; 
 and 1815 emeralds. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xi 
 
 ventures of the Quesadas were as romantic as those 
 of Cortes or Pizarro. 
 
 Sebastian de Belalcazar had marched north from 
 Quito, conquered Popayan in 1535, and reached 
 Bogota in 1538 ; while Fedreman, after wandering 
 for three years in search of El Dorado, also joined 
 Quesada and Belalcazar, on the heights of Bogota, in 
 1539. After a brief sojourn, the three discoverers 
 proceeded down the river Magdalena together ; Lugo 
 died at Santa Martha, while Quesada proceeded to 
 Spain, to obtain the government of his new dis- 
 coveries, where he found a formidable rival in Luis, 
 the son of Pedro Fernandez de Lugo. 
 
 Hernan Perez de Quesada, the brother of the 
 great discoverer, was left in command at Bogota, and, 
 excited by the narrative of Fedreman's adventures, 
 he also became wild for the discovery of El Dorado. 
 A party, led by Montalvo de Lugo, had arrived from 
 Venezuela in the footsteps of Fedreman, and Quesada 
 joined this small force with about two hundred men 
 and some horses, and set out in search of " the house 
 of the sun." Before departing from Bogota, how- 
 ever, he was guilty of the cowardly and unnecessary 
 murder of the young Zaque of the Chibchas, in order, 
 as he said, that he might leave the affairs of Bogota 
 in a state of tranquillity in his rear.^ Quesada 
 
 ^ This Quesada was a brutal adventurer. He not only mur- 
 dered the innocent young Quemichua, Zaque of Bogota, on this 
 occasion, who was much loved by the Indians ; but also the chiefs 
 of Samaca, Turmeque, Boyaca, and others, as he said, to preserve 
 tranquillity in his rear. It was believed that his death by lightning 
 some years afterwards, was a divine visitation for this cruelty. 
 
xii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 appears to have marched from Tunja, and to have 
 descended into the plains, taking the same route as 
 George of Spires, until he reached the forests of 
 Mocoa. His people endured the most appalling 
 hardships, and, having eaten all the horses, they 
 were finally reduced to feed upon an unhappy old 
 donkey belonging to Friar Requejada, their father 
 confessor, which, as the chronicler pathetically relates, 
 " was brought from the hills of Santa Martha, to 
 leave its bones amongst the affluents of the Ama- 
 zons." At length Quesada gave up all hopes of 
 finding " the house of the sun," and, having lost one 
 half of his men, he returned to Bogota, after an 
 absence of one year.^ He was the first to enter the 
 land of the Musos Indians. 
 
 While Quesada was penetrating into the central 
 plains, from the side of Bogota, a large and important 
 expedition in search of El Dorado was organized in 
 Venezuela. Soon after the death of George of Spires 
 in 1540, the Bishop, Don Rodrigo Bastidas,^ became 
 governor of Venezuela, and appointed a German 
 knight named Philip von Huten to be his Lieutenant 
 General. 
 
 Huten^ was a relation of the Velsers, and had been 
 
 ^ Some chroniclers state that Quesada descended a second time 
 into the plains, in search of El Dorado. He governed Bogota for 
 his brother, for two years ; and was killed by lightning, in a ship, 
 when on hiswayto join the judge Armendariz at Carthagena, in 1545. 
 
 ^ Piedrahita, pt. i, lib. x, cap. i. Bastidas, formerly dean of 
 St. Domingo, was appointed first bishop of Coro in 1531, and 
 governor of Venezuela in 1541. 
 
 ^ He is called Felipe de Utre, or de Urre, by the Spaniards. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xiii 
 
 one of the companions of George of Spires in his 
 famous expedition. He was prudent and brave, and 
 no captain in the Indies is said to have been more 
 humane. In July 1541 this officer organized a great 
 expedition to search for El Dorado, in the hope of 
 meeting with more success than had fallen to the lot of 
 his old commander, George of Spires. Many gallant 
 young cavaliers flocked to his standard ; Pedro de 
 Limpias was his maestro del campo ; Bartolome 
 Velser, a youth of great promise, Sebastian de 
 Amengua, and Pedro de Artiaga were his captains. 
 The expedition left Coro by sea, landed at Burburata, 
 marched thence to Barquisimeto, and, advancing into 
 the central plains, wintered at a village called by 
 George of Spires, of our Lady, and by Fedreman, 
 La Fragua, where he received tidings that Quesada, 
 with 200 men, had passed, a short time before him. 
 After the winter, Huten reached the province of 
 Papamene,^ near the skirts of the cordilleras of 
 Timana, where an Indian advised him not to follow 
 Quesada, as he must have entered an uninhabited 
 region, and suffered severely. The Indian offered to 
 conduct Huten to a land rich in gold and silver, 
 to a city called Macatoa, on the banks of the river 
 Guaviare ; and he showed him some apples made of 
 gold and silver, which he said his brother had brought 
 from that city. But the tales of this Indian were 
 not sufficient to induce the German knight to 
 desist from following on the track of Quesada, 
 
 ^ In the neighbourhood of the head waters of the river Caqueta 
 or Japura. 
 
xiv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and, after marching for eight days, the Indian guide 
 escaped. 
 
 Sickness and famine now began to press hard upon 
 the intrepid explorers. Their hunger was appeased 
 by placing the heads of maize corn at the mouths of 
 ant's nests, which were soon covered with ants, and 
 this, for many days, was their only food. Some of 
 them found a wild fruit, which proved to be unfit for 
 food ; for, on eating it, their hair, beards, and eye- 
 brows fell off, and the horses lost their hair, and died. 
 After wandering for a year, in this forlorn state, they 
 found they had been moving in a circle, and came 
 to the spot from whence they had set out full of 
 hope, twelve months before. 
 
 The determination of the intrepid German, to con- 
 tinue the search for El Dorado, was undiminished by 
 this failure ; he had heard of a city called Macatoa 
 from the Indian ; and he once more started with 
 Pedro de Limpias, who was known to be brave and 
 quick in learning languages, and forty men. After 
 a long march they reached the banks of the river 
 Guaviare, where Huten met with an Indian, whom 
 he sent as an envoy to Macatoa, which he had heard 
 was at no great distance. In a few days five canoes 
 arrived, with the chief's son, who ferried them across 
 the river, and supplied them with venison, fish, maize, 
 and cassava. The explorers were then conducted to 
 the city, which they found to consist of well-con- 
 structed houses (or huts ]), built in streets, with open 
 spaces at intervals, containing about eight hundred 
 inhabitants of the Guaypis, Guayupes, or Uaupes 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XV 
 
 tribe of Indians. Their chief was a man about forty 
 years of age, of middling stature, well built, with an 
 aquiline nose, and fine countenance. 
 
 The chief of the Uaupes advised Huten not to ad- 
 vance against the Omaguas, a rich and powerful 
 tribe to the southward, with so small a force ; but 
 he added that they possessed much gold and silver, 
 which was a sufficient inducement to the explorers 
 to brave all dangers ; and Huten continued his 
 march, with guides and provisions. This dauntless 
 commander had now entered the country which 
 Mr. Wallace, as late as 1853, calls " the unknown 
 regions between the Rio Guaviare on the one side, 
 and the Japura, on the other. After marching for 
 five days the explorers came to a village of fifty huts, 
 inhabited by Indians appointed to guard the crops of 
 the Omaguas. Huten and his companions, from this 
 place, saw a town of such size that, although one 
 part of it was very close, they could not see the other 
 end of it ; the streets were straight, with the houses 
 touching each other ; and there was an edifice of 
 great height in the centre of the town, which, ac- 
 cording to the Indian guides, was inhabited by 
 Quarica, the lord of the Omaguas, and served also as 
 a temple for many idols of gold. The guides added 
 that further on there were other cities, larger and 
 richer than this. 
 
 Stimulated by the stories of the Indians, Philip 
 von Huten charged down the hill, towards the city, 
 with his intrepid little band ; but the Omaguas came 
 ' Wallace, p. 502. 
 
xvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 out of the city in great force, to the sound of drums; 
 and Huten, having been severely wounded, was 
 obliged to retreat, and was carried off the field in a 
 hammock, by his friendly Indian guides. The re- 
 treating Spaniards were followed by a large army of 
 Omaguas, who harrassed their rear until they were 
 finally repulsed by Pedro de Limpias, but this stub- 
 born resistance of the Omaguas put an end to the 
 search for El Dorado. The friendly chief of the 
 Uaupes resorted to a strange method of discovering 
 the means of curing Hu ten's wound. An old slave 
 was dressed in the German knight's armour, and 
 placed upon his horse, and, while in this position, an 
 Indian wounded him in the same way that the 
 Omagua had wounded Huten. Thus, by cutting 
 the old slave up, they discovered the direction of 
 Huten's wound, and cured him. 
 
 The explorers now recrossed the Guaviare, and 
 determined to return to Coro, where a melancholy fate 
 awaited their gallant leader. During the expedition 
 a jealousy had arisen between Pedro de Limpias, 
 the maestro del campo, and Bartolome Velser, the 
 lieutenant-general ; which ended in the former de- 
 serting Huten, and returning to Coro before him. 
 
 The land discovered by Philip von Huten, between 
 the Guaviare and the Caqueta, may not improbably 
 have been inhabited, in those days, by a very popu- 
 lous nation, for there is other evidence to show that 
 the Omaguas, though now dwindled to a small tribe 
 on the banks of the Amazons, may have been both 
 powerful and numerous in the days of Huten, three 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xvii 
 
 centuries agOc The great city reported by Huten 
 may be taken to mean a populous region studded 
 with villages, and there is nothing improbable in the 
 rest of the account of this remarkable expedition. 
 Humboldt thinks it likely that the streamlets which 
 form the rivers Uaupes and Caqueta, flowing through 
 the region in which Huten sought for El Dorado, 
 and where he fought the battle of Omaguas with a 
 handful of men, may be auriferous ; and he mentions 
 that though the Indian tribes of this region have no 
 name for silver, they all have one for gold. Be this 
 as it may, the expedition of Philip von Huten created 
 a great sensation throughout the New World; from 
 that time the name of the Omaguas was coupled with 
 that of El Dorado, as the emblem of inexhaustible 
 wealth; and from the days of Huten to those of 
 Humboldt only one European^ explored the region 
 between the Guaviare and the Caqueta.^ 
 
 During the absence of the expedition in search of 
 El Dorado, the government of Venezuela had 
 been seized by one Carbajal, a brutal soldier, who 
 
 ^ Fray Francisco Pugnet, Humboldt's informant, the guardian 
 of the convent of St. Francis, at Popayan. 
 
 ^ The expeditions of Gonzalo Pizarro to Canela, and of Orellana 
 down the river Amazon, took place just before that of Philip von 
 Huten. Orellana sailed down the Amazon, and heard of the 
 Omaguas, in 1540; and Huten started from Coro in July 1541, 
 the month previous to Orellana's arrival at the mouth of the Ama- 
 zon. Humboldt remarks that the descendants of those intrepid 
 warriors who had pushed their conquests from Peru to the coast of 
 New Granada, and the mouth of the Amazon, were ignorant of the 
 roads which lead from Coro to the river Meta." 
 
 d 
 
xviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 arrested Huten and Velser on their return to Coro, 
 caused their hands to be tied, and their heads to be 
 cut, or rather sawn off with a blunt macheta^ which had 
 been used for chopping wood. With the sad deaths of 
 these two chivalrous knights, ended the rule of those 
 Germans in Venezuela, who added so romantic a page 
 to the history of South American discovery.^ Carbajal 
 continued to commit many excesses ; and in 1545 he 
 founded the city of Tocuyo, in a beautiful valley, 
 producing wheat, cotton, and sugar-cane. In the 
 same year the Licentiate Juan Perez de Tolosa of 
 Segovia, a learned and prudent man, was sent out by 
 the emperor to settle the affairs of Venezuela, and in 
 1546 he tried and executed Carbajal.^ The Ger- 
 mans were deprived of the government, owing to the 
 numerous complaints of tyranny and disorder that 
 were made against them, insomuch that the good 
 Las Casas called the province " infeliz y desgra- 
 ciada.'* 
 
 For several years the Spaniards occupied them- 
 selves more in settling the immediate neighbour- 
 hood of the coast, than in exploring expeditions. 
 Tolosa's brother crossed the Apure, and reached 
 the valley of Cucuta ; in 1547 Juan de Villegas 
 discovered the lake of Tacarigua ; in 1549 Pedro 
 Alvarez founded Burburata ; and in 1552 Ville- 
 gas founded Barquisimeto. Thus the province of 
 
 ^ My accounts of the expeditions of Alfinger, George of Spires, 
 Fedreman, Quesada, and Huten, are taken from Castellanos, 
 Simon, Piedrahita, Herrera, and Oviedo y Banos. 
 
 ^ Oviedo y Banos, i, lib. iii, cap. iii. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xix 
 
 Venezuela was gradually colonized, and it will 
 only be necessary to mention one other settler, 
 because he appears on the scene in the narrative of 
 Aguirre's cruise.^ This was Francisco de Taxardo, 
 the son of a Spaniard of the island of Margarita, by 
 an Indian princess of the Guaigueri nation. He 
 determined to form a settlement in the country of 
 Caraccas, and, sailing from Margarita in April 1555, 
 in two piraguas with twenty Indians of his mother's 
 tribe, was well received by the natives of Caraccas, 
 and was established there when Aguirre reached 
 Margarita in 1561. 
 
 While the Germans were searching for El Dorado 
 from the side of Venezuela, the course of events in 
 New Granada brings Pedro de Ursua on the scene ; 
 the principal person in the narrative which forms the 
 subject of the present volume. 
 
 We have seen that Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada, 
 the great conqueror of Bogota, had sailed for Spain 
 to obtain the government of his new discoveries. In 
 this Quesada failed, and Don Luis Alonzo de Lugo, 
 the son of his former comrade, was appointed 
 Adelantado of the new kingdom of Granada; but his 
 reign was very brief. He reached the coast in 1542, 
 and in 1545 the Judge Don Miguel Diaz de Armen- 
 dariz was sent out by the Council of the Indies, to 
 examine into his conduct, and to take what was called 
 a residencia of Carthagena, Santa Martha, and 
 Popayan, with full powers. Immediately on landing 
 at Carthagena, Armendariz received numerous com- 
 
 ^ See page 164-5 of this volume. 
 
XX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 plaints of the tyranny of Lugo, from persons who had 
 been banished from Bogota ; and he appointed his 
 young nephew, Don Pedro de Ursua, to proceed to 
 that city and take charge of the government, whilst 
 he completed his examination into the state of affairs 
 on the coast. Ursua was accompanied by Gonzalo 
 Suarez Rondon, the founder of Ronda, and other 
 exiles, who had been banished by Lugo, and they 
 proceeded up the Magdalena in light canoes. Ursua 
 was received at Tunja as Governor, but, during the 
 night, the house in which he was lodged was burnt to 
 the ground, and this served as a pretext for arresting 
 Lugo, and confining him in prison. Ursua then con- 
 tinued his journey to Bogota, where he administered 
 the government until the arrival of his uncle Armen- 
 dariz, whose first act was to torture a citizen, to force 
 him to disclose the persons who had set fire to Ursua's 
 house at Tunja. 
 
 Pedro de Ursua was a knight of Navarre, and it 
 was considered, at the time, that he was too young 
 and inexperienced for the important post entrusted to 
 him by his uncle ; yet he proved himself, during the 
 short period of his rule, to be equal to the best ad- 
 ministrators that had ever served in the Indies. He 
 is said to have been a youth, who united a good 
 education and great sweetness and amiability of 
 temper, to uncommon bravery and dexterity in mar- 
 tial exercises. Garcilasso Inca de la Vega, who 
 knew him in Peru, says that he was a generous and 
 honourable man, a perfect gentleman, and generally 
 liked ; so that, when he was collecting supplies for 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxi 
 
 his expedition, people readily gave him all he wanted, 
 because he was an universal favourite.^ It was 
 natural that a young knight of such a disposition, on 
 hearing the accounts of the expeditions of Alfinger, 
 George of Spires, Fedreman, Quesada, and Philip von 
 Huten, in search of El Dorado and the Omaguas, 
 should be inspired with a longing to emulate their 
 chivalrous deeds, and to make a name for himself 
 also, as an intrepid explorer of unknown regions, 
 i^ccordingly, Armendariz, at his own urgent request, 
 appointed him to the command of an expedition to 
 search for the snowy mountains which George of 
 Spires and Fedreman were reported to have seen 
 from a distance, and for the rivers which flowed over 
 sands of gold. 
 
 Ursua, and his friend Ortun de Velasco, assembled 
 a force of 400 men, who expressed their desire to 
 serve under so noble a youth, and in 1548 they left 
 Tunja and directed their course to the north-eastward. 
 The expedition crossed the river Sogamoso, and 
 entered the land of the Laches Indians, whence they 
 advanced to the country of the Chitareros, where 
 Ursua founded a city, which he named after his 
 native town in Navarre. This new Pampluna was 
 laid out on a regular plan, with one hundred and 
 thirty-six lots for houses, and in April 1549 the 
 officers of the new city were nominated. It is 70 
 leagues N.E. of Bogota, in the eastern cordillera, the 
 climate is cold, but suitable for the cultivation of 
 corn, and at that time the immediate neighbourhood 
 
 * II, lib. viii, cap. 14. 
 
INTRODUCTIOIS. 
 
 was inhabited by 200,000 Chitareros Indians. Ursua 
 remained here until 1550, when he resigned the 
 command to Ortun de Velasco, who governed the 
 new city^ for twenty years, and had the satisfaction 
 of drawing and quartering the murderer of his old 
 comrade's lady love, after the defeat and death of the 
 monster Aguirre in 1561.2 
 
 While Ursua was absent on his Pampluna expedi- 
 tion, his uncle, Armendariz, commenced the promul- 
 gation of the new laws, which caused such excite- 
 ment in the New World, and which, in Peru, led to 
 the death of the viceroy Blasco Nunez de Vela, and 
 the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro. Armendariz sent 
 copies of these new laws to Sebastian de Belalcazar, 
 with orders to publish them at Popayan, but they 
 were as ill received by the colonists of Cauca as they 
 had been in Peru. Belalcazar, however, was a wiser 
 man than the rash Gonzalo Pizarro; he represented 
 to the people the fatal consequences of disobeying 
 their sovereign, and advised them to send a deputa- 
 tion, to pray for the repeal of the obnoxious ordi- 
 nances.^ At the same time the astute Belalcazar 
 evaded the orders he had received, by promulgating 
 the new laws, and on the same day suspending them 
 
 ^ The province of Pampluna extended from the river Zulia to 
 the lake of Maracaibo ; and by this route came the merchandize 
 of Castillo, until the rising of the Quiriquies Indians took place, 
 who were many years masters of the banks of the Maracaibo Lake, 
 and destroyed its navigation. 
 
 ^ See p. 237 (note) of this volume. 
 
 ^ For an account of these new laws, see Prescotfs Conquest of 
 PerUf ii, p. 231, diXidi Helps' Spanish Conquest of America^ iv, p. 153. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxiii 
 
 until further directions were received from Spain ; 
 and it was at this time that the derisive saying origi- 
 nated, which afterwards became so common in 
 Spanish America, " Se ohedece pero no se cumple.''^ 
 
 In 1549, and in the midst of these difficulties, 
 Armendariz was superseded by a Royal Audience, 
 consisting of lawyers, named Mercado (who died at 
 Mompox on his way), Gongora, and Galarza. Ar- 
 mendariz resigned his office to the two latter, who 
 were young and ignorant, but conciliatory and 
 upright, and inclined to exercise the office of peace- 
 makers ; so that when, shortly afterwards, the lawyer 
 Zurite arrived to take a residencia of Armendariz, 
 against whom complaints were not wanting, not of 
 avarice and peculation, however, the almost invaria- 
 ble cry against functionaries in the Indies, but of 
 sensuality, he was let off very easily. The com- 
 plainers then wrote to the Council of the Indies, who, 
 very unfairly sent out a severe man, named Montano, 
 to take another residencia^ and Armendariz was this 
 time sent to Spain, and so heavily fined, that the 
 alguazils took the cloak from his back, to pay their 
 fees. On his arrival in Spain, Armendariz became a 
 
 ^ While I was at Puno, in Southern Peru, last year, I was told 
 an anecdote of a Spanish intendente, who imitated the conduct of 
 Belalcazar. Gonzalez Montoya, the intendente in question, a 
 benevolent, as well as a determined man, governed Puno towards 
 the end of the last century. He abolished the mitas of Indians in 
 his district, for the mines of Potosi, which he declared to be a 
 system of butchery ; and, when ordered by the Spanish government 
 to re-establish them, he, like Belalcazar, exclaimed Ohedesco 
 pero no cumplo.^^ 
 
xxiv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 presbyter, and the third governor of New Granada 
 died a canon in Siguenza. His persecutor Montano 
 was, not long afterwards, beheaded for rebellion and 
 cruelt}t. 
 
 The downfall of Armendariz does not appear to 
 have immediately affected the fortunes of his nephew ; 
 for in 1549 the auditors appointed Ursua to conduct 
 an expedition against the Musos Indians, who had 
 recently defeated a Captain Valdez, and to search 
 for El Dorado. Ursua's party consisted of one hun- 
 dred and fifty men, and it is related that they had 
 plenty of powder, but so little lead that they melted 
 half the utensils in the colony to make bullets. 
 They entered the territory of the Musos, and en- 
 trenched themselves in a strong position, but met 
 with much resistance from the natives. At length 
 Ursua made a truce with them, and a sort of fair was 
 held near his camp; when he invited the chiefs to 
 come in, and treacherously murdered them, " a felo- 
 nious act," says the chronicler, " and unworthy of 
 a soldier of honour, like Ursua." The Navarrese 
 knight then founded a city named Tudela, and re- 
 turned to Bogota for reinforcements, which he con- 
 ducted to his new settlement by another road. In 
 1552, however, the Spaniards were so constantly 
 attacked by the brave Musos, that they retired from 
 their new city of Tudela, and their enemies burnt it 
 before their eyes. 
 
 No Spaniard entered the country of the Musos for 
 some years after this repulse ; and this gallant tribe 
 of Indians strove for their independence, with a con- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXV 
 
 stancy and valour worthy of better success, for, in 
 the end, they were subjugated. They recognized no 
 chief, but followed the bravest in war, and the oldest 
 in council ; and their chief places of worship were 
 two high rocks, near the river Zarbi, where they 
 offered maize, potatos, and yucas.^ 
 
 After his return from the country of the Musos, 
 in 1551, Pedro de Ursua was appointed justicia 
 mayor of Santa Martha ; and he immediately began 
 to prepare for the conquest of the Tayronas, one of 
 the most warlike of the Indian tribes, who dwelt in the 
 mountains overhanging the town and valley. Their 
 country was rich in gold and silver, and they made 
 gold ornaments, in the shape of snakes, toads, eagles, 
 deer, crescents, and bats ; many of which are often 
 dug up at the present day, closely resembling those 
 which have been lately discovered at Chiriqui, on the 
 isthmus of Panama. In 1552 Ursua, having col- 
 lected the necessary arms and supplies, marched out 
 of Santa Martha, and penetrated far into the moun- 
 tains ; but the Tayrona Indians retreated before him, 
 harassing his outposts, and cutting off his supplies, 
 until he was reduced to great straits. At length 
 Ursua was attacked by fever, and commenced a re- 
 treat, when the whole tribe of Indians occupied a 
 dangerous part of the road, with a precipice on one 
 side, and a wall of rock on the other, called the 
 
 ^ Herrera gives a full account of the formidable Musos Indians. 
 — Dec. V, lib. iv, cap. 3. Their territory bordered on the provinces 
 of Bogota (whence it was twenty-four leagues distant, to the west- 
 ward), Velez, and Tunja. 
 
 e 
 
xxvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Pasos de Rodrigo, with the intention of disputing the 
 passage of the invaders. The Spaniards encamped 
 near this narrow pass, and were roused, towards 
 morning, by the shouts of the Indians, and by the 
 blows of their war clubs. Ursua was in his tent with 
 the fever upon him, but he rushed out, well armed, 
 but only half dressed, and with but one shoe on ; 
 and found his little army surrounded by the enemy. 
 With twelve men he led the way up the craggy 
 rocks, to gain the head of the pass, stones were 
 hurled down upon him from the summit, but he 
 reached the important post, fought like a lion for three 
 hours, and at length the Tayronas wavered, and, 
 seizing the critical moment, the Spaniards charged 
 and scattered them.^ 
 
 Ursua then returned to Santa Martha, but, being 
 evidently of a very restless disposition, and disgusted 
 with the insufficient means at his command for con- 
 quering the Tayronas, he threw up his appointment, 
 and sailed for Nombre de Dios, with the intention of 
 going to Peru. At Panama he met with the Mar- 
 quis of Canete, the new viceroy of Peru, then on his 
 way to Lima, who had already heard of his adven- 
 turous career in New Granada. At that time the 
 isthmus of Panama was infested by large numbers of 
 runaway negro slaves, called Cimarrones, who fre- 
 quented the road from Nombre de Dios to Panama, 
 robbing and murdering all who fell into their hands. 
 The Marquis of Canete recommended the Cabildo of 
 Panama to secure the services of Pedro de Ursua, 
 
 ' Piedrahita, Pte. i, lib. xi, cap. ix, p. 492. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxvii 
 
 to command a force for the extirpation of these 
 marauders ; and that captain soon afterwards entered 
 the tangled forests, with a body of two hundred 
 Spaniards. The negro chief, named Bayano, endea- 
 voured to tire out his pursuers by long counter- 
 marches, and sudden night attacks ; the encounters 
 were numerous, most of them hand to hand between 
 the swords of the Spaniards and the machetas or wood 
 knives of the negros ; but, in the course of two 
 years, nearly the whole of the Cimarrones were 
 killed, and the remainder surrendered, and returned 
 to their masters.^ After this very toilsome, but com- 
 pletely successful campaign, Ursua departed from 
 Panama, and sailed for Peru, in search of employ- 
 ment and distinction ; and it was at Lima, in 1559, 
 that he received, from the viceroy Marquis of 
 Canete, the command of the expedition in search of 
 El Dorado, and the Omaguas, the extraordinary nar- 
 rative of which forms the subject of the present 
 volume. 
 
 The marquis of Canete, who was viceroy of Peru 
 from 1555 to 1561, arrived shortly after the sup- 
 pression of a revolt headed by Francisco Hernandez 
 Giron,^ and found the country in great disorder, 
 
 ^ Piedrahita, Pte. i, lib. xii, cap. iv, p. 528-30. 
 
 ^ For a brief account of Giron's insurrection, see Helps' Spanish 
 Conquest of America, vol. iv, p. 290-96. See also note at p. 232 of 
 this volume. It was reported, while Giron was at Nasca, in the 
 course of his rebellion, that Ursua had arrived at Piura, and de- 
 clared for Giron. This shows that Ursua was a captain of some 
 renown, and that his name was known throughout South Ame- 
 rica. — G. cle la Vega. Com. Real., ii, p. 429. 
 
xxviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and infested by disbanded soldiers, and lawless cha- 
 racters of every description. He commenced his 
 administration by several acts of great severity, of 
 which the traitor Aguirre complained bitterly in his 
 letter to king Philip ;^ and the expedition of Ursua 
 exactly suited his policy, because it enabled him to 
 get rid of a great number of lawless ruffians from all 
 parts of Peru, who, now that the civil wars were at 
 an end, were prowling over the country without 
 employment. It is probable, however, that the 
 viceroy, in common with the rest of his countrymen, 
 also believed firmly in the tales concerning El Dorado 
 and the Omaguas, which were brought directly to his 
 notice in the following way. 
 
 It appears that on the coast of Brazil there was a 
 valorous Indian chief, named Viraratu, probably of 
 the nation of Tupinambas, who assembled a large 
 body of warlike men in a fleet of canoes, with arms 
 and food, intending to enter the river Maranon, and 
 conquer other lands. He was accompanied by two 
 Portuguese, who knew his language. After ascending 
 the river Maranon for some days, they came to a 
 great lake, in a vast plain surrounded by lofty moun- 
 tains, with so many and such large villages on its 
 shores, that the Brazilians were astonished. The 
 natives collected a great fleet of canoes, and a naval 
 battle followed, in which the invaders were defeated. 
 Viraratu, therefore, returned to the river, but the 
 people of the lake followed him, and shot arrows 
 from both sides. The Brazilians continued to ascend 
 
 ^ See p. 188 of this volume. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxix 
 
 the great river steadily, until they at length reached 
 Moyobamba, near the river Huallaga in Peru, a dis- 
 trict inhabited by the Motilones Indians.^ Viraratu 
 talked to these people by signs, and related how he 
 had left Brazil, all that he had seen, the numerous 
 villages he passed on the river, and the quantities of 
 gold and silver which they ought to contain. He was 
 then sent to Lima, where the marquis of Canete heard 
 his story, and saw some of the gold he brought with 
 him ; and it was the report of Viraratu which led to 
 the organization of the expedition in search of El 
 Dorado and Omagua, under Don Pedro de Ursua, 
 in 1559.2 
 
 I will now proceed to give some account of the 
 authors to whom we are indebted for narratives of 
 the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre down the river 
 Maranon, the fullest and best of which, that of Fray 
 Pedro Simon, has been translated for the Hak- 
 luyt Society. The career of Aguirre is certainly the 
 most marvellous and extraordinary in the history of 
 South American discovery, during that age of won- 
 ders, the sixteenth century ; yet the sources from 
 which the story has been derived, are authentic and 
 trustworthy. 
 
 I. The earliest account extant, of the expedition 
 of Ursua and Aguirre, is contained in a manuscript, 
 
 ^ They are so called because they have a custom of shaving their 
 heads. — Vasquez MS. 
 
 ^ This account of the expedition of the Brazilian Indians under 
 Viraratu, up the Amazon, is taken from a manuscript in the 
 National Library at Madrid, Jornada del Rio Maranon, por 
 Toribio de Ortiguera,^^ J. 143. The handwriting is very illegible. 
 
XXX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 now in the national library at Madrid, actually written 
 by a soldier who accompanied them down the Ama- 
 zon, and who witnessed all the horrors he relates, 
 until he made his escape at the island of Margarita. 
 This was the Bachiller Francisco Vasquez, one of 
 the three loyal men who, when the mutineers fore- 
 swore allegiance to the king, boldly refused to be 
 accomplices in their treason.^ The other two were 
 Juan de Cabanas, and Juan de Vargas Zapata. 
 Cabanas was murdered by Aguirre, for some imagi- 
 nary offence, soon afterwards,^ but Vasquez effected 
 his escape, while the traitors were detained at Mar- 
 garita.^ The prefix of Bachiller seems to show that 
 Vasquez, though in the position of a private soldier, 
 was a man of some education ; and it would thus 
 appear that men of all ranks crowded to these 
 El Dorado expeditions, just as they did to the Sacra- 
 mento, during the Californian gold fever. 
 
 The manuscript is entitled, " A narrative of all that 
 happened in the expedition to Amagua and Dorado, 
 which the governor Pedro de Ursua went to discover, 
 with powers given him by the viceroy marquis of 
 Canete, president of Peru : treating also of the 
 mutiny of Don Hernando de Guzman, Lope de 
 Aguirre, and other tyrants." It is particularly inter- 
 esting, because it is the source from which Simon 
 obtained his information, — indeed page after page of 
 Simon is transcribed word for word from the manu- 
 script of Vasquez. No source of information could 
 be more authentic. All the remarks, at page 21 of 
 
 1 See page 65 of this volume. ^ jqI. ' P. 128. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxxi 
 
 this volume, on the sources of the river Cocama or 
 Ucayali ; and at page 107 on the Maranon, are taken 
 from Vasquez, as well as the description of Aguirre, 
 at the end of Simon's narrative.^ 
 
 On the last page of the manuscript, the following 
 notice is written : — " This narrative was made by a 
 soldier named the Bachiller Francisco Vasquez, a 
 soldier of the tyrant Aguirre, and one of those who 
 refused to take the oath to Don Fernando de Guz- 
 man, as prince, nor to foreswear their country, nor to 
 deny their king and lord. Credit may be given to his 
 account, and to all he writes, because he was an 
 honest and upright man, and he accompanied the 
 tyrant, who always treated him very well, both him 
 and the others who refused to join in the rebellion.^ 
 For, when the rebellion commenced, the said tyrant 
 and Don Fernando declared to all the camp that 
 those who desired to join the rebellion of their own 
 free will could do so, and that those who desired not 
 to join it would not be forced to do so : therefore 
 those who were rebels against the lord our king had 
 no excuse, and are deserving of the severest punish- 
 ment." 
 
 II. There is another contemporaneous manuscript 
 account of the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, in 
 the national library at Madrid, by Don Toribio de 
 
 * Papeles MSS., originales y ineditos, en la biblioteca nacional 
 de Madrid. J. 136 (117 pages, small 4to). 
 
 ^ This is not exactly true, for he murdered Juan de Cabanas 
 (see p. 101), and would have done the same to Vasquez, if he 
 could have caught him (see p. 128). 
 
xxxii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Ortiguera ; entitled " Expedition down the river 
 Maranon, with all that happened in it, and other 
 notable events, worthy to be known, which happened 
 in the Western Indies ; dedicated to the most happy 
 Don Philip III, our lord."^ Ortiguera was at Nom- 
 bre de Dies in 1561, and sent some forces against 
 Aguirre. He remained in South America until 
 1585, and returned to Spain after an absence of 
 twenty-five years. He heard all the details of the 
 unhappy expedition down the Maranon from many 
 persons, and was thus enabled to write a history of 
 it, which differs in no material point from that of 
 Vasquez. It consists of fifty- six short chapters, two 
 of which relate to the expeditions of Gonzalo Pizarro 
 and Orellana, and all the rest to Aguirre's piratical 
 cruise. This writer declares that, never since the civil 
 wars in Peru, have such strange and wonderful things 
 happened, as in this afi'air of the river Maraiion.^ 
 
 ' Papeles MSS., J. 143. 
 
 ^ There is another interesting manuscript, containing information 
 on the river Amazon, in the national library at Madrid. It is 
 entitled The Discovery of the river of the Amazons, and its ex- 
 tensive provinces : a report sent to the most excellent Lord Don 
 Garcia Mendoza de Haro, count of Castrillo, president of the 
 Royal Council of the Indies ; by Don Martin de Saavedra y Guz- 
 man, knight of the order of Calatrava, of his majesty's council, 
 captain-general of the new kingdom of Granada, and president of 
 the Royal Audience. 1639." 
 
 It is a well -written official report, in which the captain-general 
 states that he has received a narrative respecting the river Ama- 
 zon from Quito, containing geographical and other details supplied 
 by Texeira. There is a curious coloured map with it. — Papeles 
 MSS., Q. 196. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxxiii 
 
 III. The first published account of the expedition of 
 Ursua and Aguirre, is contained in the " Elegias ^ de 
 Illustres Varones de Indias^' by the Presbitero Juan 
 de Castellanos. This writer was originally a soldier, 
 and served in the conquest of New Granada, but, like 
 many others, he changed his life and became a priest, 
 first at Carthagena, and afterwards at Tunja, where 
 he remained many years, writing his " Elegias" first 
 in prose, and then turning them into verse. The first 
 part was printed in Spain in 1588, and contained the 
 exploits of Columbus ; Ponce de Leon ; Francisco de 
 Garay in Cuba ; the conquest of Trinidad, the Ori- 
 noco, and Cubagua ; and finally the expedition of 
 Ursua and Aguirre. A second part followed, but was 
 never published until 1847, giving an account of the 
 deeds of the German knights in Venezuela, searching 
 for El Dorado ; and a third, relating the conquest of 
 Carthagena by Lugo, of Popayan by Belalcazar, and 
 of Antiochia.2 The fourth part, containing the 
 conquest of New Granada, was never printed, and 
 
 ^ This word here means eulogies, not elegies. 
 
 ^ An edition of the three existing parts was published at 
 Madrid in 1847, in the library of Spanish authors, edited by Don 
 Buenaventura Carlos Aribau. The poet Alonzo de Ercilla acted 
 as censor to the second and third parts of the work, and, in the 
 beginning, records his opinion that many events, which he either 
 saw or heard of when he was in the Indies, are faithfully and truth- 
 fully recorded by Castellanos, accounts of which had never before 
 been written by any author. 
 
 Ticknor says, The whole, except the conclusion, is written in 
 the Italian octave stanza, and extends to nearly ninety thousand 
 lines, in pure, fluent Castilian, which soon afterwards became rare, 
 but in a chronicling spirit, which, though it adds to its value as a 
 
 / 
 
xxxiv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 is lost ; but Piedrahita had the use of the original 
 manuscript. No copy, however, has been found in 
 modern times. 
 
 Castellanos was a patient investigator, and wrote in 
 a clear simple style, with an extensive personal know- 
 ledge of the localities he describes. He is by far the 
 most genial historian of Ursua's expedition. 
 
 The history of the expedition of Ursua and 
 Aguirre is contained in Parte i, Elegia xiv, and 
 Cantos ii to vii of the work of Castellanos. He 
 gives a tolerably detailed account of all the principal 
 events, and his information was probably derived 
 from the same sources as that of Ortiguera, namely, 
 from men who were actually eyewitnesses of, and, 
 perhaps, actors in the events which they described. 
 Castellanos' version of the bloody career of Aguirre 
 is remarkable, because he stands up as the champion 
 of the unfortunate lady who accompanied Ursua ; 
 while all other writers, whether they be men of the 
 world, like Vasquez and Ortiguera, or greasy friars, 
 like Simon and Piedrahita, unite in heaping re- 
 proaches and calumnies upon her. 
 
 Vasquez says that the lady went, against the advice 
 of Ursua's friends, that she was said to be a person 
 of bad character and worse manners, and that she 
 was the principal cause of the murder of Ursua 
 
 history, takes from it all the best characteristics of poetry." — 
 
 History of Spanish Literature, ii, p. 435. 
 
 Colonel Acosta, in his history of the discovery of New Granada, 
 
 says that Castellanos is very inexact. 
 
 1 Garcilasso de la Vega says, with reference to this poor lady, 
 Love has destroyed many great captains, Hannibal, and others." 
 
 — II, lib. viii, cap. xiv, p. 495. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 Ortiguera makes similar insinuations ; and Simon^ 
 copies from Vasquez ; but Castellanos, like the true 
 gentleman that he evidently w^as, defends the memory 
 of the poor young lady. The truth seems to have 
 been that Dona Inez de Atienza, the beautiful young 
 widows of a citizen of Piura, fell passionately in love 
 v^ith Don Pedro de Ursua, when he arrived in Peru. 
 Pedro de Ursua was a young knight of Navarre, hand- 
 some, brave, and generous, possessed of many noble 
 qualities, and universally liked ; he had, though still 
 young, already acquitted himself well in more than 
 one post of great danger and responsibility, and the 
 fame of his exploits had gone before him into Peru.^ 
 Inez de Atienza^ a young, beautiful, and spirited 
 
 ' See p. 13 of this volume; also p. 36 ; and, for the murder of 
 the lady Inez, p. 87. 
 
 ^ Castellanos thus describes him : — 
 
 " Salio buen capitan y diligente 
 Para le cometer qualquier Jornada 
 
 Y ansi, por aqui daba buena cuenta 
 En los negocios de mayor afrenta 
 Descubrio los caminos mas rigorosos 
 Allano la montana rigorosa 
 Conquisto la provincia de los Musos 
 Deste reino la mas dificultosa. 
 
 Vile hacer a la real corona 
 Otros muchos servicios senalados 
 
 Y en Santa Marta recorrio la Sierra, 
 Puesto que sin victoria deste guerra." — 
 
 Pte. i, Elegia xiv, Canto ii. 
 Piedrahita says that, in his expeditions, it was not so much 
 Ursua' s desire to amass riches, for their own sake, to which he 
 was always indifferent, as to reap the glory of conquering new 
 countries for his king. — Pte. i, lib. xi, cap. ix, p. 692. 
 
xxxvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 woman, as both Vasquez and Simon allow, gave him 
 her heart ; but her's was no common love ; it is not 
 every woman, gently nurtured and accustomed to the 
 comforts of civilized life, who would have willingly 
 encountered the appalling hardships of a search for 
 El Dorado, and a voyage down the great river. At 
 all events there is only one other instance of such 
 devotion on record : Inez de Atienza and Madame 
 Godin^ are the two heroines of the river Amazon ; 
 they stand alone, and their romantic stories are almost 
 unrivalled in the history of woman's love. The very 
 sublimity of this noble creature's devotion, which no 
 terrors could daunt, no hardships damp, ought to 
 have protected her from the cowardly sneers of dirty 
 friars, and the calumnies of gold-seeking adventurers. 
 The lady Inez " forsook not her lord, in his travels, 
 unto death and her heroism and her sorrows 
 almost hallow a love, which may not have been sanc- 
 tioned by a priest.^ If she was guilty of any fault, 
 after the death of Ursua, which Simon asserts, and 
 which I do not believe,^ let it be remembered that 
 the poor broken-hearted girl was utterly helpless, 
 and in the hands of incarnate fiends, with hearts 
 harder than the nether mill stone. That mad devil 
 
 ^ For a brief notice of the adventures of Madame Godin, see a 
 note at p. liv of the introduction to " The Expeditions into the 
 Valley of the Amazons" (Hakluyt Society's Publications, 1859). 
 
 ^ Yet even this is doubtful ; for Simon allows that Ursua took 
 the lady Inez to Moyobamba, with the intention of marrying her, 
 and there is no evidence that he did not do so. See p. 13. 
 
 ^ See p. 85 of this volume. I do not believe this, because I do 
 riot find it stated by Vasquez. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxxvii 
 
 Aguirre finally caused her to be murdered, because 
 her mattress would take up too much room in the 
 boat ! and Castellanos writes more like a pastoral 
 poet than a rhyming chronicler, when he records the 
 cruel deed : — " The birds mourned on the trees, the 
 wild beasts of the forests lamented, the waters ceased 
 to murmur, the fish groaned beneath them, the winds 
 execrated the deed, when Llamoso cut the veins of 
 her white neck. Wretch ! art thou born of a woman 1 
 No ! What beast brought forth a son so wicked 1 
 How is it that thou dost not die in imagining a 
 treason so enormous? Her two women, amidst 
 lamentations and grief, gathered fiowers to cover her 
 grave, and cut her epitaph in the bark of a tree : — 
 ' These flowers cover one whose faithfulness and 
 beauty were unequalled, whom cruel men slew with- 
 out a cause.' " 
 
 IV. All the authorities already mentioned, namely 
 Vasquez, Ortiguera, and Castellanos, were contempo- 
 raries of Aguirre. The next chronicler of his career, 
 Fray Pedro Simon,^ lived some years afterwards ; but 
 his account has been selected for translation in pre- 
 ference to the others, because it is by far the fullest, 
 and is equally reliable and authentic. Pedro Simon 
 was born at Parrilla, near Cuenca, in 1574, thirteen 
 years after the death of Aguirre. He was educated 
 in the convent of San Francisco de Cartagena in 
 Spain, and, in 1604, was sent out to South America, 
 
 1 (( Primera Parte de las noticias historiales de las conquistas 
 de Tierra Firme, en las Indias Occidentales, compuesto por el 
 Padre Fray Pedro Simon," &c., &c. — Cuenca, 1627. 
 
xxxviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to teach theology and the arts, in the convent of his 
 order at Bogota. In 1607 he accompanied Don 
 Juan de Borja,^ the President of the Audience, in his 
 campaign against the Pijaos Indians, travelled 
 through Venezuela, embarked at Coro for the 
 Antilles, and returned to Bogota. He also made 
 journeys to Antioquia, Carthagena, and Santa 
 Martha, and conversed with some of the conquerors 
 and settlers, while many of the incidents of the 
 conquest were still fresh in their memories, before 
 he began to write his history. He is said to have 
 suffered severely from gout. 
 
 In 1623 Simon began to write his noticias 
 historiales^'' for which he had been collecting ma- 
 terials for many years. The first part, the only one 
 ever printed, appeared at Cuenca in 1627 ; and con- 
 sists of seven " noticias" treating of the affairs of Vene- 
 zuela, and of the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre. 
 The other two parts, also composed of seven noticias 
 each, exist only in manuscript. The second relates 
 the discoveries on the right bank of the river Mag- 
 dalena, from Santa Martha ; and the third relates 
 the conquests of Carthagena, Popayan, Antioquia, 
 and Choco ; and is said, by Colonel Acosta, to be the 
 most complete and most valuable account of the affairs 
 of New Granada in the sixteenth century, in existence. 
 Simon is, on the whole, a trustworthy writer ; his 
 style is simple, and without any attempt to imitate 
 
 ^ Grandson of the duke of Gandia (who was general of the 
 Jesuits, and afterwards canonized), by his natural son Fernando. 
 He was president from 1607 to 1628. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxxix 
 
 the classical historians ; but a very large proportion 
 of his first part is taken from Castellanos, and much 
 of the remainder is copied from the manuscript of 
 Vasquez. The time of his death is not known, but 
 he is believed to have died in Spain. 
 
 Simon's account of the expedition of Ursua and 
 Aguirre is contained in the fifty-two chapters of the 
 sixth historical notice of the first part of his work ; 
 which have now been translated for the Hakluyt 
 Society, and form the present volume. His principal 
 authority was the manuscript of Francisco Vasquez, 
 one of the companions of Aguirre, from whom he 
 copies largely, and without any acknowledgment. 
 He could not have taken his narrative from a more 
 authentic source ; and it is possible that he may have 
 conversed with other followers of Aguirre, or with 
 men who were engaged in the campaign which 
 ended in the traitor's death. 
 
 V. The next author who gives an account of 
 Aguirre's cruise, is the bishop Piedrahita. Lucas 
 Fernandez Piedrahita was born at Bogota, in the 
 early part of the seventeenth century, the son of 
 Domingo Hernandez de Soto Piedrahita, by Catalina 
 Collantes. He studied in the college of his native 
 town, where he is said to have shown great talent for 
 poetry, and, having been ordained, he became trea- 
 surer of the choir of Bogota in 1654, and canon of 
 the cathedral. For several years he was the favour- 
 ite preacher in that city, and, in 1669, was appointed 
 bishop of Santa Martha, where he lived in a simple 
 style. His clothes were often torn and ragged, so 
 
xl 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that his flesh could be seen, and he practised all the 
 Christian virtues. In 1676 Piedrahita was appointed 
 bishop of Panama, but, before his departure, the 
 buccaneer, John Coxon, landed and sacked Santa 
 Martha, burnt the church, seized the bishop, and, 
 refusing to believe in his poverty, tortured him to 
 make him give up his riches. The poor man only 
 possessed one jewel, a ruby in his episcopal ring, 
 which he was forced to surrender, and he was then 
 carried off, and brought before Morgan, on the 
 island of Providence.^ That notorious buccaneer 
 not only liberated him, but gave him some episco- 
 pal robes which he had stolen from Panama, years 
 before ; and the poor bishop at length reached his 
 new diocese. 
 
 Piedrahita passed the last years of his life, convert- 
 ing the Indians of Darien, and preaching, not only 
 in the churches, but also in the streets of Panama. 
 He died there in 1688, aged seventy, and was buried 
 in the college of the Jesuits, now in ruins. The 
 materials for his history^ were the journal of the 
 great conqueror Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada ; the 
 fourth part of the Elegias of Castellanos ; and the 
 Noticias Historiales of Simon. His style is pure and 
 clear, the events are placed in chronological order, 
 his descriptions of localities are good, and he affects 
 
 ^ In the Bahama Islands, a favourite resort of the buccaneers at 
 that time. — Burney, iv, p. 322. 
 
 ^ Entitled Historia General de las conquistas del nuevo Reyno 
 de Granada, per el Doctor Don Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita, 
 Obispo Electo de Santa Marta." 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xli 
 
 allusions to classical authors, as much as Simon 
 neglects or despises them ; but he cites few autho- 
 rities, and is inferior, in his method of narrating 
 events, to Simon ; from whom, however, he copies 
 long passages almost literally, without any acknow- 
 ledgment, a habit which he may have caught from 
 his predecessor.^ 
 
 Piedrahita does not give any detailed account of 
 the proceedings of Aguirre, until he lands in Vene- 
 zuela ; but from that time until the traitor's death, 
 the account is almost as full as that of Simon; and it 
 is taken, he tells us, from Simon, Castellanos, and 
 that part of the " Varones lllustres del Nuevo Mundd" 
 which treats of Diego Garcia de Paredes.^ 
 
 Like Garcilasso Inca de la Vega, the historian 
 Piedrahita was descended from the Incas of Peru ; 
 and was thus the second native of South America 
 who wrote the history of his country. His ancestor, 
 captain Juan Munoz de Collantes, who went out to 
 the Indies as captain of the guard to Garcia de 
 Lerma, the governor of Santa Martha in 1528, was 
 a native of the Alhambra, in Granada. He after- 
 wards lived in Peru, and married Dona Francisca 
 Coya, an Inca princess, by whom he had a daughter 
 named Mencia de Collantes. Mencia married Alonzo 
 de Soto, and was the great grandmother of the histo- 
 rian Piedrahita.^ 
 
 ^ I am indebted for the particulars of the lives of Simon and 
 Piedrahita, to the notices at the end of Colonel Acosta's work on 
 New Granada. 
 
 ^ PiedraMta, Pte. i, lib. xii, cap. viii, p. 566 to 586. 
 
 ^ The royal family of Mexico, as well as that of Peru, produced 
 
 9 
 
xlii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 VI. The last authentic account of the expedi- 
 tion of Ursua and Aguirre, was written by a native 
 of Caraccas, and is entitled — " Historia de la con- 
 quista y poblacion de la provincia de Venezuela, 
 descrito por Don Jose de Oviedo y Banos, vecino de 
 la cuidad de Santiago de Leon de Caraccas. Primera 
 Parte. Madrid. 1723." Oviedo y Banos confines 
 his narrative of Aguirre's excesses to the part which 
 relates to Venezuela, and his account is, for the 
 most part, a mere abstract of Simon.^ There is no 
 copy of this work in the British Museum, but they 
 have one in the library at Madrid. Mr. Southey 
 says that he could not, after diligent inquiry, find a 
 copy of Oviedo y Banos ; yet I see that Robertson, 
 in his History of America, quotes him once or twice. 
 
 None of the other old Spanish historians give more 
 than a passing notice of the extraordinary expedi- 
 tion which forms the subject of the present volume. 
 Garcilasso de la Vega, who knew both Pedro de Ursua 
 and Fernando de Guzman personally, speaks highly 
 of the character of Ursua, but refers the reader to 
 Castellanos for further details.^ Herrera says little 
 more ; and Acosta, whose sources of information 
 were almost as good as those of Simon (for he tells 
 us that a brother of his company, being then young, 
 sailed with Ursua, with whom he was present at all 
 his strange adventures, and at the pernicious acts of 
 
 a historian. This was Fernando de Alva Yxtlilxochilt, a descend- 
 ant of the kings of Tezcuco, on the lake of Mexico, who wrote a 
 history of the Chichemecs. 
 
 ^ Pte. i, lib. iv, cap. i, p. 173, to cap. ix, p. 224. 
 
 ^ Com. Real., Pte. ii, lib. viii, cap. xiv. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xliii 
 
 Aguirre, from whom God delivered him to place him 
 in the company of Jesuits), merely makes a passing 
 allusion to the subject. 
 
 Sir Walter Raleigh, in his account of the attempts 
 of his Spanish predecessors in the search for El 
 Dorado, makes several mistakes when he comes to 
 describe the cruise of Aguirre ;^ and these mistakes 
 have been greatly amplified by numerous modern 
 authors. The chief offender is M. Gomberville, the 
 French translator of Acuna's voyage down the Amazon, 
 (Paris 1692) who interpolates an account of Aguirre's 
 voyage, which must have been invented by himself, 
 as it contains as many mistakes as sentences, none of 
 which are to be found in Acuna's original narrative, 
 where the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre is very 
 briefly noticed. ^ Condamine, Mr. Dalton in his his- 
 tory of British Guiana, and other modern writers, 
 follow M. Gomberville, who leads them far away 
 from the truth.^ The Ulloas, who ought to have 
 
 ^ See Raleigh's Guiana^ edited by Sir Robert Schomburgk, for 
 the Hakluyt Society, p. 23. 
 
 ^ See Valley of the Amazons, p. 48. (Hakluyt Society). 
 
 3 It would be tedious to enumerate all M. Gomberville' s errors, 
 but amongst them are the following. He says that Aguirre and 
 Guzman were in love with the lady Inez, for which he has no 
 authority whatever ; that her name was Agnes or Anes ; that 
 Aguirre proclaimed himself king ; that he descended the river 
 Coca into the Amazon ; that, when he left Margarita, he went to 
 Cumana ; that he desolated all the coast of Caraccas ; that he 
 then went to Santa Martha, and put every one to the sword ; 
 that he entered New Granada, and was defeated there ; that he 
 was taken a prisoner to the island of Trinidad ; that he had a con- 
 siderable estate there ; that he was executed there, his houses razed, 
 and the sites strewn with salt. All these are pure inventions. 
 
xliv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 been better informed, give a more erroneous account 
 than even M. Gomberville. They say that Ursua, 
 and the greater part of his men, were killed by the 
 Indians, in an ambuscade ; a misfortune entirely due 
 to his own misconduct ; and that thus the expedition 
 came to an end.^ 
 
 Indeed the ignorance of late Spanish writers, respect- 
 ing what they themselves declare to be one of the most 
 memorable events of the time, is very remarkable. 
 Velasco, the historian of Quito, gives an account 
 which he must have picked up from some vague tra- 
 dition.2 He says that Ursua founded a colony, as a 
 base for his operations, on the banks of the river 
 Sapo, a tributary of the Huallaga, and called it Sap- 
 osoa : that he started in 1559, and was murdered while 
 navigating the Sapo by a soldier named Aguirre : that 
 the rock overhanging the river Huallaga is still shown, 
 where, if the day is clear, the inscription may be dis- 
 tinctly read, which was cut by Aguirre, after he had 
 murdered Ursua in the Sapo : and that Saposoa was 
 abandoned a few years afterwards. 
 
 This rock, mentioned by Velasco, is still known as 
 " El Salto de Aguirre'' (the leap of Aguirre). Soon 
 after leaving Chasuta, going down the river Huallaga, 
 the canoe passes " between cliffs of dark red rocks, 
 where the river deepens to forty-two feet. On one 
 of these rocks, appearing like a gigantic boulder of 
 
 ^ Viaje de Don Jorge Juan, y Don Antonio de Ulloa, lib. vi, 
 cap. V. 
 
 ^ Historia del Reino de Quito. Quito, 1789. Tom. iii, lib. 
 p. 181. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xlv 
 
 porphyry, were cut rude figures of saints and crosses, 
 with letters which are said to express ' the leap of 
 the traitor Aguirre.' They were too much worn by 
 time and weather, to be made out."^ According to 
 the Mercurio Peruano there is a tradition amongst 
 the Motilones Indians that a vulture lived on this 
 rock, and preyed upon travellers, until a man named 
 Aguirre killed it ; and the explanation is supposed 
 to be that a man of that name persuaded the 
 people to kill a pirate, or, as the author in the 
 Mercurio Peruano supposes, the origin of the tradi- 
 tion is to be found in the murder of Ursua by 
 Aguirre. 
 
 Another tradition respecting the cruise of Aguirre, 
 which is mentioned in the Mercurio Peruano, may 
 here be alluded to. The Mayorunas Indians are a tribe 
 living on the right bank of the mouth of the Ucayali. 
 They have thick beards, and comparatively white 
 skins; and wander through the forests as hunters, 
 without going much to the banks of the rivers. 
 They are often called Barbudos, are very numerous, 
 taller than most other tribes, at enmity with all their 
 neighbours, go perfectly naked, are well formed, with 
 straight noses, and small lips, and, alone of all the 
 tribes in this region, are remarkable for their clean- 
 liness^ 
 
 The legend is, that they are descended from some 
 Spanish soldiers of Ursua's expedition, by native 
 
 ' Valley of the Amazon, by Lieutenant Herndon, U.S.N., 
 p. 169. 
 
 ^ Velasco, iii, p. 108; Smyth, p. 223; Herndon, p. 218. 
 
xlvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 women ;^ and it is just possible that this may be true, 
 for two of the soldiers of Garcia del Arze's party 
 were lost in the forests,^ and they may have been 
 the progenitors of the Mayorunas.^ 
 
 It is very difficult to assign its true place, in the 
 history of geographical discovery, to the voyage of 
 Aguirre. It was the opinion of most of the ancient 
 Spanish writers that the mutineers found their way 
 to the Atlantic, either by leaving the course of the 
 Amazon, ascending the Hio Negro, and, by the 
 Cassiquiari canal, entering the Orinoco, and descend- 
 ing it to its mouth ; or by making their way into 
 some of the rivers of Guiana. If this was the case 
 the discoveries of Aguirre were both extensive and 
 important, but Baron Humboldt and Mr. Southey 
 saw no reason for supposing that he ever left the 
 course of the Amazon.^ The arguments for and 
 against these two conflicting opinions may be stated 
 as follows. In favour of the Orinoco route there 
 
 ^ Mercurio Peruana, No. 76. 
 
 ^ See p. 14 of the present volume. 
 
 ^ The Jeberos, another tribe of the Amazon, are also descended 
 from Spanish progenitors, but on the female side ; their ancestors 
 having captured a number of Spanish women, in the insurrection 
 of 1599 : so that many of them now have beards, and fair com- 
 plexions. 
 
 * Mr. Southey originally intended to have inserted a chapter on 
 Ursua and Aguirre, in his history of Brazil, but the subject being 
 only slightly connected with that country, he laid his manuscript 
 aside. He afterwards published it in the Edinburgh Annual 
 Register, vol. iii, part 2, and finally reprinted it in a separate 
 volume, which was published by Longman in 1821. Southey gives 
 a full abstract of Simon's narrative, and also quotes Piedrahita and 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xlvii 
 
 are several circumstances which may be urged, and 
 the weight of authority is decidedly on that side of 
 the question. 
 
 After the murder of Ursua, the traitors wished to 
 return to Peru, but at the same time Aguirre de- 
 sired to avoid the supposed land of Omagua, which 
 he believed to be lower down the stream of the Am- 
 azon ; because he feared that the soldiers would land 
 and settle there, and thus thwart his design of re- 
 turning to Peru, and upsetting the government of 
 the viceroy, whom he cordially hated. He, therefore, 
 " made a turn out of the way of their direct route, 
 and navigated three days and a night in a westerly 
 direction ; ^ that is, judging from the probable 
 position of the adventurers at the time, he either 
 began to ascend the stream of the E-io Negro, or one 
 of the branches of the Japura, which communicate 
 with it. Again, some days afterwards, he continues 
 to " direct his course to the left, by a branch of the 
 river, and navigates by branches coming from the 
 west,"^ evidently continuing his course up the Rio 
 Negro, until he finds himself among the Arekainas 
 Indians, a tribe only met with on the upper waters 
 of the Rio Negro, or on the Putumayu.^ All these 
 statements seem to point to the Rio Negro as the 
 course Aguirre was taking, and, afterwards, when 
 mention is made of cakes of salt in an Indian village,^ 
 
 Herrera ; but he was unable to get a sight either of Castellanos or 
 Oviedo y Banos, and he had never seen either of the contempora- 
 neous manuscript accounts of Aguirre' s career. 
 ^ See p. 76 of this volume. 
 
 2 See p. 97. See p. 99, and note. * See p. 104. 
 
xlviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 he may be supposed to have been approaching the 
 mouths of the Orinoco, and that this salt was ob- 
 tained by the Indians from sea water, by solar 
 evaporation. This is all the testimony that can be 
 obtained from Vasquez or Simon ; but Herrera, 
 Garcia, and Acosta all believed that the traitors 
 reached the sea by some river opposite the island of 
 Trinidad, and the latter had his information from a 
 man who was actually in Aguirre's expedition.^ 
 Acuna, also, positively states that Aguirre did not 
 reach the sea bv the mouth of the Amazon.^ 
 
 But the strongest evidence in favour of the Orinoco 
 route is to be found in the way many early writers 
 confuse the rivers Orinoco and Maranon, a confusion, 
 which, as I believe, arose from the conflicting 
 accounts given by the men of Orellana's, and those of 
 Aguirre's party. Orellana, having descended the 
 main stream of the Amazon, gave a tolerably correct 
 account of its position ; but Aguirre's men, having 
 reached the Atlantic by descending the Orinoco, and 
 still continuing to call all the water they had seen by 
 the name of Maranon,^ stated that its mouth (that is 
 the mouth of the Orinoco) was opposite the island of 
 
 ^ See a note at page 111 of this volume. 
 See Valley of the Amazons, printed for the Hakluyt Society, 
 p. 49. 
 
 ^ The fanciful derivations of the word Maranon, given by Simon, 
 Velasco, and Manuel Rodriguez, will be found in a note at p. 95 
 of this volume ; and Simon erroneously asserts that the word 
 originated during Aguirre's cruise. Mr. Southey, however, in his 
 history of Brazil, has clearly shown that the name was applied to 
 this great river, fifty-nine years before the time of Aguirre. He 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlix 
 
 Trinidad. This especially appears in the account of 
 the Jesuit who was Acosta's informant; and the con- 
 fusion became so great at last, that Friar Simon 
 declared that he could not tell which river was the 
 Maranon, and that it must remain an open ques- 
 tion, until some one writes about it with better 
 information. 1 
 
 On the other hand, the evidence in favour of 
 Aguirre having entered the sea by the mouth of the 
 Amazon, is chiefly negative. The time that is stated 
 to have elapsed between the murder of Ursua and 
 the arrival of Aguirre's vessels in the sea ; as well as 
 the length of the voyage from the mouth of the river 
 to the island of Margarita ; are more in favour of 
 the Amazon than of the Orinoco theory, and it is 
 also stated that the description of the numerous 
 islands, and of the breadth of the mouth of the river, 
 is better suited to the Amazon. ^ Mr. Southey thinks 
 it very improbable that Aguirre ever left the main 
 stream of the Amazon ; and Baron Humboldt, al- 
 though at one time he believed that Aguirre ascended 
 the Japura, and reached the Atlantic by some river 
 of Guiana ; afterwards came to the conclusion that 
 there was no evidence that the traitor did not descend 
 the Amazon to its mouth. Neither of these two 
 eminent writers, however, gives the grounds on which 
 he formed this opinion. 
 
 points out that it is used by Peter Martyr in his epistles, and in 
 the oldest account of Pinzon's voyage ; and he thinks it was the 
 name of some person in Pinzon's expedition, a.d. 1499. 
 * See p. 109 of this volume. 
 See also the note at p. 110 of this volume. 
 
 h 
 
1 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It might be supposed that the frightful catastrophe 
 in which the expedition of Pedro de Ursua was in- 
 volved, would have damped the ardour of the search- 
 ers after El Dorado, at least for a considerable time ; 
 but this was very far from being the case. In 1566, 
 only five years afterwards, one Martin de Proveda 
 started from Chachapoyas in Peru, close to Ursua's 
 point of embarkation, on a similar errand. He made 
 his way in a northerly direction, through dense 
 forests, where the great majority of his men perished, 
 and eventually turned up at Bogota : but there was 
 no result from this expedition, except a rumour that 
 there were rich provinces to be found still deeper in 
 the primeval forests. This rumour, however, vague 
 as it was, induced a fellow townsman of Proveda's, to 
 initiate another search for El Dorado. 
 
 This was Don Pedro Malaver de Silva, a native of 
 Xeres, who was a rich and enterprising man, married 
 in Chachapoyas. In 1568, in furtherance of his 
 object, he went to Spain, and received powers to 
 conquer Omaguas and El Dorado, for a space of 
 three hundred leagues, with the government for two 
 lives. At the same time Don Diego Fernando de 
 Cerpa received a concession from the Boca del 
 Drago, by the mouths of the Orinoco, to the frontier 
 of Silva^s country. The two rival adventurers were 
 in Seville when news came of the insurrection of the 
 Moriscos, in the mountains of Granada ; and Serpa 
 was detained to serve against them, while Silva 
 sailed with two ships in March 1569, accompanied 
 by two brothers, named Alonzo and Diego Braba. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ll 
 
 Silva reached Burburata, and marched thence to 
 Valencia, in Venezuela ; but his forces were dis- 
 united, some went to Barquisimeto, others to Tocuyo, 
 others hid themselves near Valencia, and the Barbas 
 sailed for Carthagena, having first stolen all the wine 
 which their chief had left at Burburata. At length 
 Silva entered the plains, to the south of Venezuela, 
 with one hundred and forty men, in July 1569. 
 
 Cerpa succeeded in getting his men away from the 
 Morisco wars, and, sailing from Spain in 1569, with 
 four hundred soldiers, landed on a coast inhabited by 
 the warlike Cumanagotos Indians, at the mouth of 
 the B,io Salado. Here he founded a city called Sant- 
 iago de los Cavalleros, where he left the women of 
 his party, intending to cross the land to the south, 
 and discover the Orinoco. But the Indians attacked 
 him on the march, killed him with their macanas or 
 clubs, and scattered his party. Nearly all his men 
 died of wounds or of disease, very few escaping back 
 to Santiago ; and the place was abandoned, the sur- 
 vivors retiring to the island of Margarita. 
 
 In the meanwhile Silva returned to Barquicimeto, 
 quite disheartened, and, after visiting his home in 
 Peru, proceeded to Spain with the intention of try- 
 ing some other route. In 1574 he again sailed from 
 Cadiz with one hundred and sixty men, and landed 
 on the coast between the mouths of the Orinoco and 
 Amazon, where all his party perished, some dying 
 of disease, and others being killed by the Caribs. 
 Among the sufferers were two little maidens, the 
 daughters of Silva. Out of the whole party only one 
 
Hi 
 
 INTRODUCTION!. 
 
 man escaped, named Juan Martin de Albujar, who 
 was for ten years a prisoner amongst the Indians, 
 but, after great dangers and hardships, he eventually 
 reached the mouth of the river Esquinas, whence 
 friendly Indians sent him in a canoe to Margarita.^ 
 
 At this time, the great rivers and vast plains, 
 between Guiana and the feet of the cordilleras, 
 having been traversed by numerous explorers with- 
 out any result, the fable of El Dorado and of the 
 "Gran Laguna de Manoa" began to find a resting 
 place amongst the periodically inundated plains 
 between the rivers E-upununi, Essequibo, and Parima 
 or Branco, in Guiana. The last expedition which 
 can be said to have achieved any important geo- 
 graphical discovery was that of Don Antonio de 
 Berreo, who had married the daughter of Gonzalo 
 Ximenes de Quesada, the great conqueror of Bogota, 
 and, with her, had inherited the duty of continuing 
 the search for El Dorado. He started from New 
 Granada in 1582, and, following the courses of the 
 rivers Cassanare and Meta, reached the Orinoco ; 
 suffering, like his predecessors, from disease and the 
 attacks of Indians. He descended the Orinoco to 
 its mouth, and proceeded to the island of Trinidad, 
 of which he became governor. There were numer- 
 ous other insignificant attempts, at about this time, 
 
 ^ Oviedo y Banos. Humboldt has suggested that the lying tale 
 of the visit of Martinez to the great city of Manoa, which led to 
 the expeditions of Domingo de Vera, Sir Walter Raleigh, and 
 others of less note, may have been founded on the adventures of 
 Albujar. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 liii 
 
 made by adventurers from Venezuela, Trinidad, or 
 Margarita, but they all failed, and the expeditions of 
 our own Sir Walter Raleigh and Captain Keymis 
 may be said to close the long roll of searches after 
 the fabulous El Dorado. 
 
 As the search for the philosopher's stone led to 
 many discoveries in chemistry, so the romantic ex- 
 peditions in quest of the golden city of Manoa, and 
 the gilded chief, conduced more than any other 
 circumstance, during the latter part of the sixteenth 
 century, to the extension of geographical knowledge 
 in South America. Many of these expeditions were 
 conducted with great skill and perseverance ; others 
 are memorable for deeds of unequalled heroism; but 
 none was so extraordinary as that which Don Pedro 
 de Ursua led down from Peru into the great valley 
 of the Amazon, and which ended in the sanguinary 
 career of the mad demon Lope de Aguirre. 
 
SIXTH 
 
 HISTORICAL NOTICE 
 
 OF THE FIRST PART OF THE 
 
 CONQUEST of TIERRA FIRME, 
 
 in the Wejiern Indies, 
 
 COMPOSED BY 
 
 FATHER FRIAR PEDRO SIMON, 
 Provincial of the feraphic order of San Francifco, of the 
 
 New Kingdom of Granada in the Indies. Reader in facred theology, 
 native of the province of Carthagena in Caftile, and born 
 at Parrilla, in the Bifhopric of Cuenca : dedicated 
 to our unconquerable Monarch, the greatefl 
 in either the old or new world, 
 Philip IV, in his royal and 
 fupreme Council of 
 the Indies. 
 
 Containing the narrative of the expedition of Pedro de 
 Urfua, and of the crhnes of the tyrant 
 Lope de Aguirre, 
 
SIXTH HISTOEICAL NOTICE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CONQUEST OF TERRA FIRMA. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 1. Gives a brief account of the deeds of Pedro de Ursua, before his 
 arrival in Peru ; and of his entrance into that country. — 2. Certain 
 Brazilian Indians give information in Peru, of very rich provinces 
 near the river Mar anon. — 3. The Marquis of Canete determines to 
 send Pedro de Ursua to explore them, and summons him to his 
 presence. — 4. Various opinions are formed in Peru respecting this 
 expedition. 
 
 1. The Captain Pedro de Ursua entered the city of Santa 
 Fe, in the New Kingdom of Granada, with his uncle the 
 licentiate Miguel Diaz de Armendariz, the first Juez de Kesi- 
 dencia, who arrived there after the discovery of the kingdom, 
 and settlement of the city.^ This Pedro de Ursua was a 
 native of the kingdom of Navarre, and of a town called 
 Ursua, near the noble city of Pampluna. From Santa Fe he 
 went down to settle in the town of Pampluna, in New 
 Granada, and thence undertook the conquest of the Musos 
 Indians, and founded the city of Tudela amongst them. He 
 afterwards went to Santa Martha, and there performed deeds 
 worthy of his noble descent. From thence, having returned 
 
 * For a brief account of the proceedings of Armendariz and Ursua, in 
 New Granada, see the Introduction, 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 to Santa Fe, to give an account of what he had done, he 
 descended the great river^ to Carthagena, intending to go to 
 Peru by way of Panama. In the execution of this design 
 he reached that city at a time when it was harassed by the 
 incursions which certain negro Cimarrones^ made almost 
 every day. The people of Panama, having heard long be- 
 fore of his valorous deeds, and of the conquests with which 
 he had been charged ; entrusted to him the pacification of 
 their land, and the punishment of these revolted negroes. 
 Having acquitted himself well in this undertaking, he con- 
 tinued his voyage to Peru, in search of more important 
 work than he had yet been entrusted with ; and arrived at 
 the city of Lima in the year 1558 ; Don Andres Hurtado de 
 Mendoza, Marquis of Canete (worthy of eternal memory) 
 being then viceroy of that city. 
 
 2. Certain rumours prevailed in those times, both in the 
 city of Lima and throughout the provinces of Peru (which 
 had been spread by Indians from Brazil), respecting rich 
 provinces, which they had seen, as they said, when on 
 their road from the coast of Brazil, whence more than 2,000 
 Indians had set out, with the intention of settling in other 
 lands, which might be more agreeable to them, as their own 
 were too crowded. Others declare that the Indians set out 
 on this expedition to enjoy human food in those parts At 
 length, after travelling for ten years with two Portuguese in 
 their company, some by the river Maranon, and some by 
 land, they reached the provinces of the Motilones^ in Peru, 
 by way of a famous river^ which flows thence, and enters the 
 Maranon. These Indians brought news respecting the 
 
 ^ The river Magdalena. 
 Runaway negro slaves. 
 
 3 A tribe of the river Huallaga, also called Lamistas. They are set- 
 tled at Lamas, Mozobamba, and Tarapoto. They are industrious, em- 
 ployed chiefly in agriculture and the preparation of cotton, of mild 
 disposition and friendly manners. Poeppig Reise. 
 
 4 The Huallaga. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 s 
 
 provinces of the Omaguas,^ mentioned also by Captain 
 Francisco de Orellana, when he descended this river Mara- 
 non after deserting Gonzalo Pizarro, in the Cinnamon 
 country.^ 
 
 In these provinces, of which the Indians spoke when they 
 reached Peru, dwelt the gilded man, at least this name was 
 spread about in the land, taking its origin in the city of 
 Quito. It so excited the minds of those restless spirits with 
 whom Peru was full, and who were ever ready to credit 
 these rumours, that the viceroy thought it prudent to seek 
 some way by which to give employment to so large a body 
 of turbulent men. 
 
 3. Being aware of the talent of Pedro de Ursua, the Mar- 
 quis thought he had found the proper man to command the 
 contemplated expedition, which he intended to send on 
 this discovery, and thus Ursua might add to the services 
 which he had performed for his Majesty, especially in the 
 pacification of the Negroes. The Marquis also hoped to 
 relieve the provinces of Peru of much corrupt blood, by 
 sending forth many idle people, who might otherwise cause 
 some fresh insurrection, like those which had already placed 
 this famous kingdom in danger ; an object which ought al- 
 ways to be kept in view by those who govern, if they would 
 avoid the lamentable occurrences which had formerly taken 
 place. The Viceroy, being determined to give the command 
 of this expedition to Pedro de Ursua, gave him the title of 
 Governor of the Provinces which he might discover and con- 
 quer, with power to appoint officers, and to reward his com- 
 panions according to their merits, recommending him to 
 have a care of the conquered Indians, to form settlements 
 consisting of such Spaniards as he might think proper, and 
 to do this for the good of the church and the crown of Spain. 
 
 ' Formerly a very extensive nation, particularly on the Maranon. 
 " See the voyage of Orellana, in the Expeditions into the, valley of the 
 Amazonsj printed for the Hakluyt Society, p. 27. 
 
4 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 He was promised, after having founded such settlements, 
 that he should be rewarded as the kings of Spain were 
 accustomed to reward those who had discovered and settled 
 new lands. 
 
 4. The voice of fame soon spread the news of this expedi- 
 tion throughout Peru, and many offered themselves ; but 
 there were others unfavourable to it, of low as well as of high 
 degree, who questioned the propriety of the conduct of the 
 Marquis in patronizing it, as well as in entrusting Pedro de 
 Ursua with the command ; some hoping to stop the expe- 
 dition for particular ends of their own, others on account of 
 their envious spirit and idle disposition, wishing to prevent 
 the accomplishment of great undertakings. They said that this 
 was not the moment for the Viceroy to enter upon so large 
 an affair, the result of which would not be seen during his 
 period of office, as there was information that he was soon to 
 have a successor in Don Diego de Azuedo, (and it was said 
 that the Marquis was in no way pleased that the King was 
 about to remove him, in anticipation of his period of ser- 
 vice). Such being the case, Azuedo would find it most in- 
 convenient, when he came to discover that the Marquis had 
 taken a large sum of money from the treasury to defray the 
 expense of the expedition, and in the hope also of benefiting 
 himself. To these remarks others were added, having no 
 foundation, but which, coming to the ears of the Viceroy, 
 were expected to have the effect of cooling, in some degree, 
 his ardour in favouring Pedro de Ursua. These observa- 
 tions had some weight with the Viceroy, until news arrived 
 that Don Diego de Azuedo had died in Seville. The Mar- 
 quis then became anxious for the departure of the expedition, 
 and also to reanimate Pedro de Ursua, who began to fear 
 whether he could successfully conduct so important an en- 
 terprize, for his most intimate friends had represented to 
 him the great difficulties that would arise. These were so 
 many presages of the unfortunate end of the expedition. 
 
PEDRO DK URSUA. 
 
 5 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 1. Pedro de Ursua builds the hrigantines for the expedition, and makes 
 Pedro Ramiro his lieutenant-general. — 2, Ursua leaves Lima with 
 his people — he arrives at the town of Moyobamha} — 3. How he con- 
 trived to obtain two thousand dollars from the cura or priest of this 
 place. — 4. Ursua sends part of his people from the Motilones to 
 other provinces, where they provide for themselves. 
 
 1. While captains were sent to hunt up people for the 
 expedition in the vicinity of Lima, early in 1559, so that 
 they might not be detained for want of means to navigate 
 the rivers, Ursua proposed to construct vessels. For this 
 purpose he looked out for ship-builders, and found twenty- 
 five, also ten negro carpenters ; and, having manufactured 
 tools and other requisites, he went to the country of the 
 Motilones, whence, as we have already said, the Brazilians 
 had come, who had given the information which had been 
 the cause of the expedition. 
 
 In this province there was a Spanish town called Santa 
 Cruz de Capacoba,^ lately founded by Captain Pedro Ramiro, 
 who was governing there in the name of the king. 
 
 Pedro de Ursua arrived here with his people, and having 
 ascertained on which part of the banks he could cut good 
 timber, he went down the river some twenty leagues, and 
 reached the desired spot ; and having given orders to his 
 officers, among whom was Juan Corzo, his principal ship- 
 wright, to build the number of vessels he required, and 
 named Pedro Kamiro as his Lieutenant-General, Ursua re- 
 turned to Lima, from which place he could dispatch the 
 people and soldiers collected by his captains. 
 
 2. The funds of Pedro de Ursua were very scanty; and 
 although the Viceroy had assisted him from the royal trea- 
 
 ' Or Lamas, on the river Moyobamba, which runs into the Huallaga. 
 ^.Probably near to the town of Moyobamba. 
 
6 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 sury, and money had been obtained from other sources, 
 he had not sufficient for his expenses. This caused nearly 
 a year's delay, which would have continued longer, if the 
 people of Lima, and others favourable to Ursua's views, had 
 not supplied him with more money for the equipment of 
 his soldiers, purchase of powder, rope, muskets, horses, arms 
 and munitions, cattle, ship-provisions, and other things. 
 
 At last Ursua left Lima, having sent on the greater num- 
 ber of his people, as a vanguard, and to watch that none 
 deserted. He arrived at Moyobamba, where Pedro Portillo, 
 the priest, had hoarded five or six thousand dollars. Portillo, 
 hearing flattering accounts of Ursua's expedition, and seeing 
 the great number of gallant followers, anxious also to in- 
 crease his fortune and dignity, by becoming a bishop in the 
 new lands to be discovered, ofifered to lend Ursua two thou- 
 sand dollars, on condition that he would promise to appoint 
 him cura and vicar of the expedition. Ursua gladly accepted 
 the cura's proposal, and felt no difficulty in acceding to Por- 
 tillo's wishes for ecclesiastical preferment. 
 
 3. But the priest soon repented his offer, and began to 
 feel but little faith in the success of the expedition. He in- 
 timated that the loan of the two thousand dollars would be 
 inconvenient to him; but Ursua could not do without 
 money, for he had ordered many articles for which it was 
 necessary to pay. Ursua, finding himself in an awkward 
 position, called into his councils Juan de Vargas, who was 
 afterwards his lieutenant, Fernando de Guzman, Juan Alonso 
 de la Vandera, Pedro Alonzo Casco, and Pedro de Miranda, 
 a mulatto, all fighting men and of elastic consciences ; tell- 
 ing them his present trouble, and that he was most desirous 
 that the money should be obtained from the priest. His 
 friends saw no difficulty about the matter, even if a little 
 violence was resorted to ; — so one night they reported that 
 Juan de Vargas (who was then quartered in the church on 
 account of two wounds), was dying, and one of them went 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 7 
 
 for the cura Portillo, urging him to lose no time in going to 
 confess Vargas. On leaving his house the cura was seized 
 by Ursua's friends, and was forced to sign an order for two 
 thousand dollars on a merchant of the town, who was the 
 keeper of the cura's wealth. The cura went to Vargas, who 
 was in an apartment of the church. On his arrival fire-arms 
 were pointed at his breast, and, without waiting for the 
 morrow, they took him to the town of Santa Cruz de Capa- 
 coba. Here the greater portion of the expedition was en- 
 camped. At this place they forced from him the other 
 three or four thousand dollars of his fortune. This system 
 of things did not stop here ; for during the progress of the 
 expedition there was much disturbance, and the turbulent 
 paid for their misdeeds by terrible deaths, as we shall see 
 further on. 
 
 4. The chief part of the expedition had reached the town 
 of the Motilones of Santa Cruz, when the Governor Pedro 
 de Ursua arrived, (he already took this title, without know- 
 ing where the country lay that he was to be governor of), 
 and although this province was fertile, and aided much in the 
 support of the people, yet as they were many, the governor 
 found it necessary to send a portion of his followers to a pro- 
 vince called Tubalosas, not far distant, to remain and provide 
 for themselves there until he was ready to embark; assigning 
 to them as chiefs two of his most intimate friends, Francisco 
 Diaz de Aries, who had been with him in all his actions 
 since they left Navarre ; and Diego de Frias, an attendant of 
 the Viceroy's, one who had been highly recommended to 
 him, and who was treasurer to the expedition. These two 
 had not been friendly to the Corregidor Pedro Ramiro, 
 since the time when Ursua made Ramiro his lieutenant- 
 general, because they had pretensions to the same post, as 
 they gave him to understand to his cost. Although the 
 governor felt satisfied with the two chiefs and soldiers, he 
 also sent Pedro Ramiro, who knew the country well, and 
 
8 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 was feared by the natives. Ramiro was to go onwards to 
 the said province, to make the officers and men friends 
 with the chiefs and people, after which he was to return to 
 Santa Cruz. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 1. Aries and Frias are displeased at having Ramiro with thera — they 
 deterinine to kill him. — 2. They kill Ramiro. — 3. The governor Ursua 
 goes in person to arrest the delinquents. — 4, He sends them to Santa- 
 Cruz, where they are beheaded. 
 
 1. Aries and Frias were very much displeased that Ra- 
 miro had been named as their leader, for they hated him in 
 consequence of his appointment, as already stated ; but it 
 was necessary that Ramiro should lead the way for a few 
 days on their journey, after which they determined to turn 
 against him, and to carry their scheme into effect, when 
 resting for the night. The devil instigated the act (for no 
 other could have been the author). The assassins conferred 
 with each other, and the evil genius who had inspired them 
 gave the means also. They thought that on account of the 
 great friendship both had with Ursua, he would defend 
 them, or look over any guilty action they might commit. 
 They vacillated only respecting the manner of committing 
 an act which they had decided on. In this state of uncer- 
 tainty, two soldiers, great friends of theirs, joined them. 
 These men had separated from those who had gone onwards, 
 and having missed Aries and Frias, had returned to look after 
 them. One was named Grijota, the other Alonso Martin. 
 They asked their officers why they had left the lieutenant, 
 who replied that Ramiro had dismissed them, he remaining 
 with the others, and intending to rebel, in order to enter 
 certain lands of which he had information, and settle them. 
 
PEDRO DE XJRSUA. 
 
 9 
 
 They added that if Grijota and Martin would join them, 
 they would be doing a good service to the king and the 
 governor, by seizing Ramiro, and so stopping the progress 
 of his rebellion. 
 
 The soldiers did not then see through the intentions 
 of Aries and Frias, which were well cloaked with explana- 
 tions, apparently true. They agreed to join them, and the 
 four continued on the track of Ramiro with the intention 
 of putting their design into execution on the first opportunity. 
 
 2. Having journeyed a few leagues, they saw Pedro Ra- 
 miro on the banks of a rapid river, over which it had been 
 necessary (there being only one small canoe for the passage 
 of the river, which was not fordable) to pass the rest of the 
 soldiers first. Ramiro, who had only one companion, the rest 
 having passed the river, saw the four approach him. The 
 four, taking advantage of the occasion, saluted him with 
 bland words, very diff'erent from the character of their in- 
 tentions, and he felt assured that they were friendly ; but 
 they laid hands upon him suddenly and disarmed him, 
 while Pedro de Frias ordered a slave he had with him to 
 strangle him, which was done, and then he cut his head ofi". 
 The youth who was with Ramiro made his escape, returning 
 as quickly as possible to the town of the Motilones, and 
 giving notice of what had happened to Pedro de Ursua, 
 who was much distressed at the news. The four mur- 
 derers looked upon themselves as victors, and the canoe 
 returning to the landing place to fetch Pedro Ramiro, they 
 entered into it and crossed to the other side, persuading the 
 people that they had executed Ramiro by order of the Go- 
 vernor Ursua, in consequence of his being informed that 
 Ramiro designed to rebel and take the people with him. 
 This explanation sufficed. The murderers sent one of their 
 friends to Ursua to say that Captain Pedro Ramiro had been 
 arrested by their orders on the ground that he wished to 
 rebel and lead the people with him, but that they, as faithful 
 
 c 
 
10 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 servants of the king and his governor, had made him pri- 
 soner, and would detain him until they were instructed how 
 to act further in the case. 
 
 But the truth had already come to the ears of the gover- 
 nor, through the young man who had been with E-amiro, 
 and he disbelieved the second messenger ; but he dis- 
 sembled, and gave no indication that he suspected Aries 
 and Frias. 
 
 There were not wanting men, who, reasoning seriously 
 on this murder of Ramiro, recommended Ursua to get all 
 his people together and return to Peru, particularly as 
 Aries and Frias had stated such to be their desire. 
 
 3. The Governor was grieved, indeed, at what had oc- 
 curred ; he had fears and suspicions that worse would suc- 
 ceed, even a mutiny amongst the soldiers against the four 
 murderers of Ramiro. He felt ill at ease until he decided 
 upon going himself with a few attendants, thus making no 
 show of power. He trusted also to the confidence Aries 
 and Frias had in him ; for if they saw him come with a 
 large force (fearing the punishment their crime merited) 
 they might mutiny, and instead of depending on their safety 
 by reason of old friendships, there might occur most serious 
 tumults ; thus in the King's name, who was so justly be- 
 loved by the good, and dreaded by the evil, Ursua unex- 
 pectedly arrived amongst the people and the murderers, so 
 that the latter had no time to tamper with the soldiers 
 against the Governor. The four assassins hurriedly collected 
 together what they could, escaping from the presence of 
 the Governor, on account of the shame they felt for their 
 great crimes. 
 
 Ursua made no show of disappointment at not finding the 
 murderers ; his plan was to remain most tranquil. He sent 
 to tell them that they were unjust to themselves, being 
 men of such qualities and gifts, in making themselves cul- 
 pable by flight, when it was notorious that they had ever 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 11 
 
 shown themselves diligent in their services to the King ; and, 
 supposing they had overstepped the line of duty, they well 
 knew the obligations he owed them, and that he could serve 
 and favour them ; that it was better they should return to 
 the camp, and so prevent their falling into the hands of any 
 other judge, who would punish them. 
 
 4. These and other reasons were sufficient to give confi- 
 dence to Aries and Frias, and they determined to present 
 themselves before Pedro de Ursua. To assure them the more, 
 he sent them immediately to the town of Santa Cruz, and 
 promised to do his best that they should be set at liberty. 
 The Governor followed them, after having put things in 
 order among the soldiers and people, and appointed a chief 
 over them. He arrived a few days after the prisoners, at 
 the town of Santa Cruz, and ordered them to be arrested 
 and secured as prisoners. The cause was tried by the 
 assessor of the expedition, with all legal form ; but as the 
 crime was most grave, notorious, and conclusive, he con- 
 demned them to have their heads cut off. 
 
 Although the sentence was notified to them, they did not 
 believe it would be carried into execution ; for up to this 
 point Ursua had been bland in his conduct to them. They 
 considered that the sentence was only nominal, and merely 
 given in conformity with his office as judge, in order that 
 he might be feared by those he commanded; and that 
 doubtless he would allow them to appeal to the royal au- 
 dience at Lima. Many of the inhabitants of the town and 
 others, being aware of the old friendship, and even relation- 
 ship, between the culprits and the judge, thought that the 
 condemned would not sufier. 
 
 But the Governor, putting aside everything but justice, 
 which it was his duty to administer, without exception of 
 persons, even of his own blood, and in order to make a pro- 
 per example, commanded that there should be no appeal, 
 and that their heads should be cut ofi" in public, which was 
 done. 
 
1^ 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 .1. People in Peru are fearful of mutiny in Ursua's expedition — a 
 friend writes to him on the subject. — 2. The governor sends two 
 parties of soldiers in search of provisions. One of these, composed of 
 thirty men, goes down the river, more than two hundred leagues. — 
 3. Garcia del Arze, and his soldiers, fortify themselves on an island, 
 against the Indians. — 4. The Spaniards are most cruel to the natives 
 %oho come peacefully to them. 
 
 1. The Viceroy and Oidores^ as well as the inhabitants of 
 Lima^ began to entertain fears for the success of Ursua's 
 expedition, for there were in it so many mutinous and 
 turbulent persons, who had been in the rebellions of 
 Gonzalo Pizarro, Francisco Hernandez Giron, Don Sebas- 
 tian de Castilla, and that of Contreras ; and the number 
 t)f Ursua's followers was large, amounting to nearly three 
 hundred men. 
 
 These suspicions increased daily, and were countenanced 
 by idle and evil intentioned people, until a stop was put to 
 them by the news of the execution of Aries and Frias by 
 Pedro de Ursua. The Marquis and the Oidores then be- 
 came more tranquil, and praised the decisive act of the ex- 
 ecution, and the Governor's management, promising to them- 
 selves great successes on account of the expedition. There 
 were, however, some superstitious people who said that as 
 blood had been shed at its commencement, it would end in 
 blood. 
 
 One Pedro de Linasco, a settler in Chachapoias, and a 
 friend of Ursua's, accustomed to such expeditions, and 
 well acquainted with many of those who were with Ursua, 
 wrote him a letter, in which he notified to him the suspicions 
 of people in Peru that many of his soldiers were turbulent 
 and mutinous, and that they might be troublesome to him, 
 and might even kill him ; that he should have especial sus- 
 picion of Lorenzo de Salduendo, Lope de Aguirre, Juan 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 13 
 
 Alonso de la Bandera, Christoval de Chaves, a certain 
 Don Martin, and others whom he named, telling him 
 that for ten or twelve men more or less he was not to give 
 up his journey, and he prayed him to separate those he had 
 named from being his followers. Even should he have com- 
 passion on them in consequence of their poverty, such feel- 
 ings should have no weight with him ; that Ursua should send 
 them to him, and he would take care of them until the Go- 
 vernor should discover the lands he was in search of, and 
 when he thought it opportune, he could send for them, and 
 do with them as he thought best. 
 
 He begged of him, as a friend, not to take Dona Inez de 
 Atienza with him, who was the daughter of one Bias de 
 Atienza, an inhabitant of the city of Trujillo, and widow of 
 Pedro de Arcos, an inhabitant of Piura. Ursua had taken 
 her, with the intention of marrying her, as she was a spirited 
 and beautiful woman. Linasco said that it did not look well, 
 and that it was setting a bad example to his followers ; that 
 greater evils would succeed than he could possibly suppose ; 
 and that if he determined to leave her, he would give orders 
 that she should be taken care of ; and this should be done 
 in such a way that Dona Inez should not know who had 
 been the cause of her remaining behind, or that Ursua had 
 even consented to it. This friendly letter had not the de- 
 sired effect on the governor ; who, although a man of great 
 ability, was young, and without much experience. Thus 
 he did not follow the advice of his friend, excepting that he 
 sent back Don Martin ; neither did he reply to the letter, 
 or do what was advised therein. Had he done so he might 
 have been saved from death by the hands of those whose 
 names had been given to him. 
 
 2. Pedro de Ursua, being now in the town of the Moti- 
 lones or Santa Cruz, and all his people having arrived, sent 
 one hundred men under Captain Juan Vargas by land, so that 
 on their arrival at the river Cocama,^ they might go up it 
 1 The Ucayali. 
 
14 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 with all the provisions they might have collected in the 
 districts they had passed through, deposit them at the 
 mouth of the river, and await the General's arrival with 
 the rest of the people. 
 
 Ursua likewise sent one Garcia del Arze, a confidential 
 friend, with thirty men, to a province twenty leagues down 
 the river where the vessels were building, called Cape- 
 ruzos (on account of a sort of hood worn by the natives), 
 that he might collect provisions, deposit them on the mar- 
 gin of the river, and await the arrival of Captain Juan de 
 Vargas. Both were to stop for Ursua, so that the whole of 
 the expedition might go together down the river. Garcia 
 del Arze started with his thirty companions on a raft, and 
 some canoes, from the place where the vessels were being 
 built, but, from some cause or other, he did not wait for 
 Juan de Vargas as he had been ordered ; so, having collected 
 some provisions in the province of the Caperuzos, and from 
 other localities, he descended the river for two hundred 
 leagues, and having suffered much from hunger, and en- 
 countered great difficulties and risks, he arrived at a plea- 
 sant island in the river, which was named after him the 
 island of Garcia. 
 
 Among other misfortunes that occurred during the voy- 
 age, was the loss of two of his soldiers who went on shore in 
 search of food ; they entered a deep forest, but went so far 
 as not to be able to retrace their steps, and were left behind. 
 Such was the scarcity of food that the party could not re- 
 main long in one place, and they were obliged to eat small 
 alligators, which Arze shot with his arquebuse, in the use of 
 which he was very dexterous. 
 
 3. Having arrived at the island (inhabited by warlike 
 natives) they found some food, and for this reason com- 
 menced (in case the arrival of Pedro de Ursua with his 
 people should be delayed), to fortify a convenient spot, with 
 thick posts, so as to defend themselves from the continual 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 15 
 
 assaults of the Indians from tlie land, as well as from the river. 
 These were in such numbers that had heaven not most 
 miraculously guarded the Spaniards, they must have been 
 overpowered, being only thirty in number, and badly found 
 in offensive and defensive arms, for they only had two or 
 three muskets, whilst the Indians numbered from two to 
 three thousand ; nevertheless the few arquebuses were suf- 
 ficient, seeing what havoc they made among the natives. 
 All their shot being expended, Garcia del Arze fired the 
 ramrod from his cannon at the principal canoe, full of In- 
 dians, and although they made a fierce assault, the Indians 
 were routed, and nearly the whole of them fell into the 
 water ; those who remained alive being terrified at the 
 sight of the wounded. 
 
 On another occasion, when they were hard pressed, they 
 struck down six Indians, who sufiered more from being 
 naked ; but this was the last time they came to annoy them 
 with their attacks. The Indians now considered it prudent 
 to make peace with the Spaniards, so one day a number of 
 them presented themselves, bringing food, and showing 
 signs of friendship. 
 
 4. The Spaniards were suspicious of these signs of friend- 
 ship, and thought that the Indians meditated treason, so 
 they determined to lay hands on them, and, putting them 
 into a hut within the stockade (nearly twenty in number) 
 they killed them with their daggers and swords. 
 
 The news of the cruelties of the Spaniards was soon 
 spread around, so that at the mere mention of their name 
 the natives trembled ; they fled from their habitations, leav- 
 ing everything behind, when they knew that the soldiery 
 were in search of them. Thus it was that thirty persons 
 were able to maintain their position on this island for three 
 months, before Pedro de Ursua joined them. 
 
16 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 1. Juan de Vargas commences his voyage — arrives at the mouth of the 
 Cocdma. — 2. He remains here until Ursua arrives. — 3. The 
 hrigantines spring a leak when launched, which is unfortunate for 
 the expedition. — 4. Ursua descends the river with all his people, 
 arriving at the province of the Caperuzos. — 5. He sends a 
 brigantine to advise Juan de Vargas of his coming. 
 
 1. A few days after Garcia del Arze left the town of the 
 Motilones, Juan de Vargas sailed with his people in one of 
 the brigantines, and some canoes, down the river, on the 1st 
 of July, 1560, to the province of the Caperuzos, whence he 
 soon passed onwards, not finding Garcia del Arze there. 
 Supposing he would be at the mouth of the river Co- 
 cama,^ as had been arranged, Vargas continued his course 
 down the river to the mouth of the Cocama, and not finding 
 Arze there, he followed his orders to ascend this river in 
 search of provisions, which he did in his canoes, leaving 
 the more sickly soldiers at the mouth of the river, in charge 
 of the brigantine. 
 
 They were twenty- two days ascending the river without 
 meeting with habitations where they could obtain what they 
 sought ; after which they fell in with some native villages, 
 where they found abundance of maize. From thence they 
 took many native men and women as servants for the expe- 
 dition, as well as canoes laden with maize. Vargas now 
 descended the river to its mouth, where he found the people 
 of the brigantine sufiPering much from hunger and the effects 
 of the climate, of which three Spaniards had died, also 
 many native men and women who were with them. 
 
 2. The arrival of Don Juan was hailed with joy, for he 
 brought the remedy against so fearful an enemy as hunger ; 
 but this great benefit was soon forgotten, for the soldiers, 
 during the two long months they had been detained here 
 
 ^ This is the river Ucayali. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 IT 
 
 without occupation, waiting for the general, considered that 
 the delay of Ursua was inexcusable, and began to plan how 
 to leave this spot, which they called the sweet sea. 
 
 There were two opinions or plans respecting a mutiny : 
 one, (and the greater number were of this way of think- 
 ing,) was to kill Juan de Vargas and return to Peru up the 
 river Cocama ; the other was to abandon Yargas and go 
 on new discoveries. However, neither of these plans was 
 carried into effect, for they were very slow about the matter; 
 but they were so secret, that it was a long time afterwards 
 before it came to the ears of Don Juan, and then it was 
 too late to punish the mutineers. The spirit of dissatis- 
 faction ceased with the arrival of Pedro Galeas and some 
 soldiers, and then came General Ursua with the rest of the 
 party. 
 
 3. Ursua, during his stay in the town of the Motilones 
 or Santa Cruz, understood how to gain people to his side ; 
 and its inhabitants were won over to follow him, leaving 
 their comforts behind. He promised to reward them largely 
 for their co-operation, in the countries which might be disco- 
 vered. The entire population joined him, taking their cattle 
 and property with them. 
 
 Ursua having now collected his party, the vessels were 
 made ready ; but on launching them, as the timbers they 
 were built of had not been seasoned, most of them sprang 
 leaks and were of but little use, excepting one brigantine 
 and three flat-bottomed boats. This circumstance caused a 
 long detention, for they had to build canoes and rafts to 
 hold the people ; the spot also was inconvenient, provisions 
 were scarce, and time was an object. The expedition could 
 not remain to make proper arrangements for the people and 
 sailors, or for the ti'ansport of cattle, and the greater portion 
 were left behind at the ship-yard with luggage and warlike 
 stores. Of three hundred horses, room could only be found 
 for forty, and of the cattle but for few^ the rest remaining to 
 
18 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 run wild and without owners. The people were in such a 
 state of ill'humour that they almost mutinied, and wished 
 to return to Peru, so as to save what they had there ; 
 and this they would have done had not the governor, by his 
 dexterous proceedings, arresting some, flattering and dissem- 
 bling to others, warning and blandly admonishing the whole, 
 put plainly before them the misery they would experience 
 should they remain behind ; adding that on the contrary, 
 by going onwards there was hope of fortune, and the glory 
 of being in such an expedition. He added to this, that he 
 wished them fully to understand that his sorrow at parting 
 with them would be greater than theirs at leaving him ; 
 still as a governor he felt it was his duty to do his best in 
 satisfying all of them, and that God would take them safely 
 to the land whither their chief promised to lead them. 
 
 4. These reflections had the desired effect, and no one left 
 him. He embarked the people in the brigantine, canoes, 
 and flat-bottomed boats, on the 26th of September, 1566, 
 steering down the river. But the people were far from being 
 comforted for the loss of their cattle, and the other things 
 they could not take with them, and they feared the risks 
 they would run in the narrow parts of the river, and the 
 dangerous state of the vessels they were in. The size of the 
 river also alarmed them, lest they should encounter a storm, 
 in which they might all be lost ere they could gain the 
 shore. 
 
 On the second day of the voyage they lost sight of the 
 mountains and came into a flat country, and henceforth the 
 country continued to be flat until they reached the coast of 
 the north sea. 
 
 On the third day the brigantine ran on a bank, when 
 she carried away a part of her keel ; and her cargo would 
 have been lost, had not the men stuffed their clothes and wool 
 into the hole. They got the vessel on shore and repaired 
 her. The voyage was then continued to the Province of 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 19 
 
 Caperuzos, where they found Lorenzo Salduendo, who had 
 been sent forward two or three days before, in floats and 
 canoes with some soldiers, to collect food and have it ready. 
 
 5. The governor was detained here two days, awaiting the 
 brigantine, which arrived, after encountering many diflicul- 
 ties, owing to her leaky state. There was fear that the cargo 
 would have to be left behind, as it was dif&cult to store it, 
 but, having done this after two days' work, and the pro- 
 visions being divided among all the people that Salduendo 
 had collected, the governor ordered the brigantine to proceed 
 with all on board, under the command of Pedro Alonso 
 Galeas, with instructions that, having arrived at the mouth 
 of the Cocama, he should inform Juan de Yargas, that 
 although the Governor might be delayed somewhat, he 
 was on his road to join him, and that Vargas should at 
 all events await his coming ; for Ursua was doubtless aware 
 that Vargas was not well pleased with his long detention 
 there. 
 
 The brigantine got under weigh, and, arriving at the 
 mouth of the Cocama, found Don Juan and his men. The 
 arrival of the brigantine caused general content, which 
 was increased by the news that Ursua would shortly follow, 
 which he did. He slept on shore during the nights, fear- 
 ing the navigation of the river in the dark on account of 
 banks, floating trees, falls, and other obstructions ; and 
 finally they arrived at a river which joins its waters with 
 those of the Motilones, and is called Bracamoros, its head 
 waters being near the Motilones, in a province called Gua- 
 nuco. It is named Bracamoros, because it commences to run 
 with some force in a province of that name (having pre- 
 viously received many smaller streams) near old Guanuco, 
 between Caxamalca and Chachapoyas. It continues to have 
 its powerful body of water increased by the many branches 
 running into it, so that when it enters into that of the Mo- 
 tilones it has doubled its size. These two rivers meet one 
 
20 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 hundred and fifty leagues below the place where the brigan- 
 tines were built, both having previously run a course of 
 thirty leagues from their sources.^ 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 1. From the river Bracamoros, the Governor continues his voyage to that 
 of Cocdma, where he finds Jimn de Vargas with his party. — 2. They 
 continue their voyage, some of their necessities in the way of food 
 being supplied by the Ilicoteas, and their eggs. — 3. They arrive 
 at the island where Garcia del Arze a^id his soldiers are. — 4. They 
 find some islands lower down the river ^ with villages, but no inhabi- 
 tants, for they had abandoned them. 
 
 1. The governor, being detained at the mouth of the 
 Bracamoros/ had sufficient time to go up it in search of 
 provisions ; but on examination it was found that even 
 higher up the shores were uninhabited. He therefore con- 
 tinued his course for a hundred leagues, arriving at the 
 mouth of the Cocama,^ where they found Juan de Vargas and 
 his party, short of provisions, in consequence of the length of 
 time they had been waiting for the governor. They were all 
 joyous at the meeting, and, the newly arrived party having 
 rested eight days, the expedition left that spot, with some 
 apprehensions at not having fallen in with Garcia del Arze, 
 or heard any tidings of him. 
 
 At a short distance, as they were leaving the mouth of this 
 
 1 Padre Simon's geography is confused. The river Motilones, which 
 Ursua descended, is evidently the Huallaga. The Bracamoros is the 
 modern Maranon, flowing through the province of Jaen de Bracamoros, 
 
 2 That is, at the junction of the Motilones (Huallaga) and the Braca- 
 moros (Maranon). 
 
 ^ Cocama, or Cocoma, a tribe of the Maranon and Lower Huallaga ; 
 of the first missionary epoch, 1638-83. They built their huts round a 
 lake, near the mouth of the Huallaga. The river here called Cocama 
 is evidently the Ucayali. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 21 
 
 river, the brigantine that had brought Vargas, in conse- 
 quence of the rottenness of its timbers, began to break up, 
 and became useless. This obliged them to distribute the 
 crew and cargo amongst the canoes and boats, which, 
 being overloaded, were in great danger, the more particu- 
 larly as they were in so large a river. The river was swelled 
 by the waters of the Motilones, Bracamoros, and Cocama, 
 whose sources, according to some, are the rivers Aporima 
 (Apurimac), Mancai (Abancay?), Nauca, Vilcas, Parios, 
 and Jauja, and many more. Others say that this great 
 river rises behind Chinchacocha, to the east of the Province 
 of Guanuco, passing by the towns of Paucartambo and Gua- 
 cabamba, and uniting with rivers which come from Tarama 
 (Tarma ?) and also with many others from the mountains 
 of that district, as well as with those that were seen and 
 passed by the governor Gomes Arias, in what is called 
 Rupanapa (Rumipampa ?). However this may be, the river 
 of Cocama,^ which they were navigating, is formed by all 
 these. It is one of the most celebrated rivers in the world 
 that has been discovered by man up to the present time 
 in this region, and navigated by our Conquistadores ; for 
 when it enters the sea, it is without doubt the largest that 
 is known, and leaves the Danube, the Nile, the Ganges, and 
 the Plata far behind, as well as other rivers, celebrated in 
 ancient and modern times. 
 
 2. This river abounds in various species of fish great and 
 small, also great numbers of birds are on its shores, which 
 feed on the fish. There are many hicoteas and turtle, the 
 eggs of which are laid in large spaces on the sandy shores, 
 where the turtle cover them up under the sand, and the 
 great heat of the sun hatches them in due time.^ The young 
 
 1 Simon confuses the Ucayali (Cocama) and Maranon (Bracamoros). 
 He is here, of course, speaking of the latter river. 
 
 ^ Hicotea or jicotea, called by Wafer hecatee, has been identified by 
 Gray with the £7ni/s Decussata of Bell. Another species, termed by 
 
F-XPEDITION OF 
 
 go into the water, as a stone when thrown goes to its centre 
 (admirable provision of nature) ; these animals are not vivi- 
 parous, but oviparous ; and the same may be said of the 
 caymanes (alligators), which have similar habits. These 
 animals alForded food for the people. 
 
 After six days' navigation down the river, from the mouth 
 of the Cocama, they fell in with another river on the right, 
 where some Indians were fishing, who, on seeing the expe- 
 dition, left their nets and fish, and ran into the thick wood, 
 with such celerity that none of them were caught, although 
 they were followed ; but their canoes were taken and all 
 that was in them, with more than a hundred turtle and 
 hicoteas, also many eggs, which gave much sustenance to 
 the people, who were but badly victualled. 
 
 S. Leaving these Indian fishermen and continuing the 
 voyage, they came to the mouth of another river on the 
 right, not less mighty than the Motilones, but there was no 
 pilot in the expedition who knew what river it was, with 
 certainty : some thought it was the Canela,^ which rises in 
 Peru, in Quijos at the back of Quito ; but afterwards it was 
 found that it could not be the Canela, because that river came 
 in further down, and near the island of Garcia ; thus the 
 first mentioned river remained without a name. 
 
 Eight days after leaving Cocama, they arrived at the 
 island of Garcia del Arze, where they found him and his 
 companions in their fort, having nearly lost all hope of the 
 arrival of the governor ; but at the sight of Ursua and his 
 people they were happy indeed, as was the governor also. 
 
 Here they met with Indian towns for the first time since 
 they left the Caperusos, for during a voyage of three hun- 
 dred leagues they had not fallen in with one Indian village. 
 
 The people were allowed to go on shore for eight or ten 
 
 Gray the dark hicotee, is named by him B^ut/s Rugosa. They are land 
 tortoises. See also Markham's Valley of the Amazons^ p. 60. 
 1 TheNapo. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 23 
 
 days, so as to rest the soldiers and rowers ; and also to take 
 the horses on shore to exercise them, for they had not been 
 landed since they first went on board. The governor sent 
 out parties in all directions in search of Indian towns, but 
 none were found. 
 
 At this period orders were given to supply the place of 
 one of the flat boats that had been built of unsound wood, 
 for it could not go farther than this spot. 
 
 Ursua now found himself tired of the sole charge over 
 such a mixture of people as his expedition was composed of 
 He had not as yet named his lieutenant-general to assist 
 him, and he determined to confer this office on Juan de 
 Vargas, and that of Alferez-general on Fernando de Guz- 
 man ; but they afterwards repaid these honours by taking 
 away his life. 
 
 The name of the principal Indian in this place was Papa. 
 The natives were tall and strong, clothed in well woven 
 cotton shirt-like coverings, painted various colours. No 
 gold was found, which produced dissatisfaction amongst the 
 Spaniards, seeing that they had journeyed so far without 
 meeting with the least sign of the precious metal. The food 
 of the natives was mostly maize, of which they make much 
 chicha. They also prepare chicha of the yuca, taking so 
 much that they get drunk, the great sin of the Indians of 
 these lands. They have batatas (sweet potatoes) and other 
 roots ; beans and other vegetables ; but their chief food is 
 fish. Their huts are large and square ; their arms are darts 
 of palm wood with points of the same wood, like the Bis- 
 cayan giirguzes, which they throw with wooden anietos, 
 otherwise called estolicas} the principal arm of the natives. 
 
 A little below this island the river enters, which is called 
 after Francisco de Orellana, or that of the Canela, from that 
 
 ^ Estolicas are weapons with which the warriors of the Incas of Peru 
 were very dexterous. These estolicas are flattened poles, a yard long 
 and three fingers broad. In the upper end a bone is fixed, to which an 
 
24 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 captain having described it. As we have ah'eady said, it 
 rises to the east of Quito. 
 
 4. Having increased the number of canoes and rafts to 
 meet their wants, for much of their cordage had already be- 
 come useless, the people also embarked thirty-seven horses, 
 three having died there. They began the descent by the 
 inner arm of the river going east, passing many islands, all 
 of them with habitations, although at that period the Indians 
 had left their homes and retired to the woods, on account of 
 the fear they had of their unfriendly neighbours, Garcia 
 del Arze and his companions, when Arze was on the island 
 up the river. Thus the expedition only found maize, greens, 
 batatas half grown, some white cocks and hens of Castillo, 
 also white parrots and macaws, things until then unseen, in 
 the plantations of the natives. Of these they took good 
 quantity to supply their necessities, for they were badly off 
 for provisions. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 ] . The Indians come out to see the expedition from a distance, and a 
 chief comes with offers of 'peace. — 2. The Indians come from the 
 province of Carari with some provisions, which they barter for 
 trinkets. — 3. The governor sends an officer to examine the country 
 inland. — 4. Punishments which Pedro de Ursua inflicted on his 
 people. — 5. Opinions entertained respecting this province^ whether 
 there were one or two. 
 
 They sailed amongst these islands, taking possession of 
 the food which they found in the abandoned villages, until, 
 after several days, they suddenly came on one which was 
 
 arrow of nine palmos is fastened, with the point of bone or palm wood, 
 which, worked into the shape of a harpoon, remains like a javelin hang- 
 ing from the person it wounds. — Markham's Valley of the Amazons, p. 
 80, Hakluyt Coll., 1859. 
 
PEDRO DE UKSUA. 
 
 25 
 
 inhabited, on the mainland, o*i the right hand side, built on 
 the cliffs which overhang the river. The Indians fled from 
 this place, as they had done from all the other villages. It 
 was called Carari, which name was afterwards given to the 
 province. 
 
 Here the expedition rested, but, although many attempts 
 were made, the Spaniards could not lay hands on any of the 
 Indians ; for, though some were seen occasionally at a distance 
 on the river, who came out in their canoes to see the strange 
 fleet, they always remained afar off", owing to the fear which 
 they continued to feel. One chief appeared not to feel so 
 much timidity as the rest, for, after three or four days he came 
 peacefully, accompanied by some Indians, bringing oflferings 
 of fish, maize, and other food, and was received by the 
 governor with a show of great friendship. Ursua embraced 
 him, and gave him a few trifling presents, such as glass 
 beads, knives, looking glasses, and other childish toys ; in- 
 tending that the Indians should, by this treatment, lose their 
 fear, and that the news might pass amongst them from one 
 to another ; seeing that the Spaniards had a bad name, owing 
 to the acts of Garcia del Arze. He thus hoped that their 
 confidence would return, and that they would supply in- 
 formation which would enable him to obtain some insight 
 into the nature of the country, for he wished to establish 
 peace with all the natives, along the whole course of the 
 river. 
 
 2. Desirous of securing these objects, the governor sent 
 the chief away, very well satisfied with the trifles that had 
 been given to him, which were sufficient to cause rumours to 
 spread amongst the natives and provinces lower down the 
 river, very different from those which had previously been 
 spread concerning the Spaniards. Very soon many Indians 
 began to come peacefully, bringing provisions, and coveting 
 such trinkets as the chief had shown them, some of which 
 
 E 
 
26 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 they all received in exchange for their provisions (the poor 
 people having nothing else to sell), so that no man was left 
 unpaid, at least so far as the governor was aware. In order 
 to prevent the knaveries which insolent soldiery are in the 
 habit of committing on these occasions, especially in dealing 
 with Indians, he issued an order that no soldier should 
 traffic with the natives, excepting through him, or in his 
 presence ; and thus he succeeded in satisfying the Indians. 
 By acting in this way the governor endeared himself with 
 the Indians ; and if, by chance, any soldiers bartered 
 without the knowledge of the governor, they paid secretly 
 for the provisions which they obtained, with some trifles. 
 In this way they sailed down the same river for some 
 days, through this province of Carari ; and the Indians 
 never showed greater confidence in our people, waiting in 
 their villages with all their property, and coming out on 
 the river in their canoes, to these barterings. 
 
 S. The governor saw how extensive was the province 
 which bordered the river, and, desiring to discover whether 
 it extended far inland, and whether any tidings of what they 
 were seeking could be found, he nominated an officer named 
 Pedro Galeas, with a moderate number of men, to march 
 inland and find out what he could, during a specified time, 
 after which he was to return and report his proceedings. 
 The rest of the expedition remained, on this occasion, at a 
 considerable village, which they found to be larger than the 
 others, on the steep ravines bordering on the river. Pedro 
 de Galeas departed with his people, and marching inland, 
 along the banks of a creek which communicated with the 
 river, they came to a path leading into a dense forest. After 
 following it for a short distance, they came in sight of some 
 Indians laden with cassava and other eatables. When they 
 saw the Spaniards, being astonished at their appearance and 
 dress, they threw away their loads, and fled into the forest, 
 which being very dense, and they having the start and run- 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 27 
 
 ning with all their speed, the soldiers were unable to over- 
 take any except an Indian woman. She appeared to be of 
 a different nation, judging by her language and dress, to 
 those who dwelt in the ravine, and the other people whom 
 they had met with on the river. The Spaniards, therefore, 
 believed that she and the other Indians had come from 
 another province, to traffic with those of the ravine. Pre- 
 sently they began to ask her by signs, where her country 
 was ; and she replied, in the same way, that it was six suns 
 off, that is, six days journey. Having now finished their 
 provisions, Galeas determined to return with the Indian girl, 
 to the place where the governor remained. They found 
 him in great trouble, because a soldier named Alonzo de 
 Montoya, a turbulent and restless man, and disaffected 
 towards Ursua, had collected others like himself, and in- 
 duced them secretly to seize several canoes, and to pull up 
 the river, in order to return to Peru. 
 
 4. This treason was disclosed to Ursua ; and Montoya, 
 having before attempted to desert, was imprisoned. But 
 Ursua was naturally merciful, indeed too merciful, and at 
 times his acts savoured of weakness. Sometimes he punished 
 those who deserved severe castigation for their turbulence 
 and crimes, making them row for some days in the brigan- 
 tines and canoes ; when some of the soldiers took occasion 
 (for from the commencement of the expedition some began 
 to plot against the governor) to irritate those who were 
 undergoing punishment, by telling them that death was far 
 better than such disgrace. These malicious sayings were 
 the sparks of the burning villainy which filled their breasts, 
 and could not always be concealed. Thus the murderers of 
 Ursua continued secretly to inflame the men (for they were 
 the chief disseminators of this treason) in order to attract 
 more people to their party, and obtain the object of their 
 desires more securely. 
 
 5. It did not appear to the governor that the information 
 
2S 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 given by the Indian girl, who was captured by Pedro de 
 Galeas, was of sufficient importance to induce him to continue 
 the search in this province, for that rich country of Omagua, 
 the name of which was not even known to the natives. He 
 therefore determined to continue his course, more especially 
 as the fleet was badly provisioned, and there was cause to fear 
 that they might be in want of all supplies before arriving at 
 the country of which they were in search. Thus they sailed 
 down the river, until they arrived at a place on its banks, 
 more than one hundred and fifty leagues from the island of 
 Garcia. According to the opinion of some, this land and peo- 
 ple are divided into two provinces, one called Caricuri, the 
 other Manicuri? Others believed that the whole of this 
 district, extending for one hundred and fifty leagues, was 
 one single province, because all the inhabitants spoke the 
 same language, and wore the same dress ; besides the two 
 names which the soldiers had understood as Caricuri and 
 Manicuri were two villages, and not two provinces. This 
 region has reniained until this day divided between these 
 two opinions, without any more accurate accounts having 
 become known. All agreed in one thing, which was that 
 there were few inhabitants, for the villages were small, 
 and five or six leagues from each other ; and there did not 
 appear to be altogether more than ten thousand or twelve 
 thousand Indians, which was very few for so extensive a 
 province, and compared to the usual population in other 
 parts. They found amongst them some pieces of fine gold, 
 which they wore round their necks, and hung from their ears 
 and noses ; but the Spaniards, passing so rapidly, could not 
 learn much concerning the customs or religion of these In- 
 dians. They only knew what they personally saw and ob- 
 tained in this country, namely, much fruit, many roots and 
 grains, which they enjoyed ; and innumerable quantities of 
 
 ^ Somewhere between the Ucayali and the Yavari, the land of the 
 Ticunas ; a populous tribe of Indians, in those days. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 29 
 
 mosquitos of many kinds, especially the sand flies, Bozingle- 
 ros, and importunate Xegenes. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 1. Pedro de Ursua continues his course through a desert region, where 
 the people suffer from want. — 2. They establish themselves in a village, 
 where they make up for passed want by a large supply of provisions. 
 — 3. The governor, on account of the plentiful supplies, determines 
 to encamp in the village, pass Christmas there^ and make inquiries 
 respecting the land for which they are searching. — 4. Fifty Span- 
 iards depart to assist the chief of Machiparo, against two hundred 
 hostile Indians. 
 
 1. Our people were detained in this place longer than 
 they had intended, because the brigantine had at last gone 
 to the bottom, and they were obliged to use balsas and 
 canoes for all the people and the cargo. Afterwards, 
 not knowing whether this was the last village which they 
 would come to, they departed from it without any supply of 
 provisions, expecting to obtain them, as they had done down 
 to this place, in other villages lower down the river. This 
 carelessness was not a little inconvenient, for next day a 
 terrible feeling of hunger began to afflict them, which con- 
 tinued during a voyage of nine days through a country 
 entirely uninhabited, and during the whole time they did 
 not meet with a single Indian. In consequence of having 
 left the province of Carari without obtaining supplies, they 
 had nothing to eat during all this time, except the fish 
 which each man was able to net for himself, and a few turtles, 
 hicoteaSf hledos, and verdolagos, which they found on the 
 banks ; but in very small quantities for so large a party, and 
 in some places they found none. This misery increased 
 their weakness each day, and had it lasted a little longer 
 they must all have died. The whole blame was laid on the 
 
so 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 governor, for his improvidence ; for had he informed him- 
 self of this long tract of desert, he might have laid in a 
 stock of provisions. The want of food was the reason which 
 prevented the governor from stopping to examine two 
 mighty rivers with turbid waters, caused by their flowing 
 through ravines with reddish soil. They join the main 
 river on the right hand, in the centre of this desert.^ At 
 length they arrived at a village on the banks of the river, 
 where the inhabitants were quite unprepared for the arrival 
 of their guests. 
 
 2. But they made such good use of their time, fearing the 
 evils which might come upon them, at the hands of those 
 who were invading their land, that embarking all the pro- 
 perty they could collect, with their household goods, as 
 quickly as possible in canoes, they went down the river, 
 leaving the fighting men in the village, with their blow- 
 pipes and arrows in their hands to defend their houses. The 
 governor, seeing this, collected together such soldiers as 
 were most at hand, with their arms, and went on ahead vtdth 
 his arquebus, approaching the squadron of Indians in mili- 
 tary order. He made signs to them with a white cloth 
 which he held in his hand (after having ordered his soldiers 
 to give no offence), desiring to make them understand that 
 no harm would be done to them. When the Indians under- 
 stood this, without breaking up their ranks or moving from 
 their position, one man came out from among them, who ap- 
 peared to be a chief, with some six or eight followers. He 
 came to the place where the governor stood, and took the 
 cloth with which the signs had been made in his hands, as a 
 token of friendship. He and his followers then joined the 
 Spaniards, and they walked together to an open space in 
 the village where the Indians were under arms ; and stood 
 
 ^ There are several rivers flowing into the Amazons from the south, 
 between the Yavari and the mouths of the Putumayu, but none of any 
 considerable size. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA, 
 
 31 
 
 watching each other, until the rest of the Spaniards ap- 
 peared, who had disembarked behind Ursua. The governor 
 then, by the best signs that he could make, asked the chief 
 who had come forward to parley, to allot a part of the vil- 
 lage, with the provisions in the houses, for lodgings for his 
 people ; when the Indians, with their women and children, 
 might safely remain in the remaining part. 
 
 The Indians willingly agreed to this, and pointed out the 
 principal houses to the governor, where his people might 
 lodge ; and it was agreed that they should not enter into 
 the part retained by the Indians, nor injure them in any 
 way on pain of death. All our people soon took the belly 
 of the evil year" (as they say), with the plentiful supply of 
 eatables which they found, of maize, beans, roots, together 
 with abundance of turtle and Jiicoteas^ which the Indians 
 kept alive in ponds near their houses, surrounded with 
 pallisades, and it appeared to the Spaniards that there were 
 alive, without counting those which had been recently killed 
 for food, more than six or seven thousand. The Indians 
 did not feel much confidence when they saw that the Span- 
 iards were so numerous ; and each one, in his own part of 
 the village, began to take the provisions, and hide them at 
 night by little and little. But they could not do this so 
 secretly as to prevent the soldiers, who were mindful of their 
 former misery, and anxious to avoid its repetition in 
 future, from searching for the provisions which the In- 
 dians were hiding, and taking what they found to their 
 huts. The governor, seeing that this was done in the face 
 of fresh threats, and anxious to chastise the insolence of 
 some soldiers, to overawe the rest, seized upon several. 
 Among these was a half caste servant of his Alferez General 
 Don Fernando de Guzman, and this circumstance was made 
 use of afterwards by the discontented, who made it a point 
 of honour with Don Fernando that the governor should 
 have imprisoned his servant, telling him that it had been 
 
EXPEDITION OF 
 
 done as an insult, or at least that it was a want of respect ; 
 and thus they worked upon him to join their side, in which 
 they afterwards succeeded. 
 
 3. There were two reasons for remaining some days in 
 this village, which was called Machiparo^ (the inhabitants 
 being very different in their dress from those of the pro- 
 vince of Caricuri). The first was the great abundance of 
 eatables, so that the people had a good opportunity of making 
 up for their former hunger ; and the second was that Christ- 
 mas was near, of the year 1560. Ursua also desired to make 
 inquiries of the Indians of the village and its neighbour- 
 hood respecting the land of which they were in search. Two 
 days after their arrival, Ursua sent the same officer as before, 
 Pedro de Galeas, with some soldiers in canoes, to go up a 
 creek which joined the river at a little distance from the 
 village. Galeas entered by a small mouth, consisting of 
 water so black that it terrified him, and seemed a presage of 
 what afterwards happened. After navigating the creek for 
 a short distance they came to a great lake, the size of which 
 astonished them, for after they had sailed in it for two or 
 three leagues, they entirely lost sight of land ; and, fearing 
 that if they went any further, they would be unable to find 
 the opening by which they had entered (after having gone 
 along the land for some days without finding any village, or 
 sign of inhabitants) they determined to return.^ While this 
 officer was thus employed, two hundred warlike Indians 
 
 I Machiparo is mentioned as a province in Orellana's voyage, and is 
 said to be ruled by a chief named Aomagua (evidently the Omaguas, 
 and Orellana mistook the name of the tribe for the name of the chief). 
 It is curious that Ursua's people should not also have heard the name, 
 ■when it was the very one for which they were in search. (See Expedi- 
 tion into the Valley of the Amazons, Hakluyt Society's Publications, p. 
 27.) Ribeiro mentioned in 1775 that a chief of a tribe of Juris, on the 
 Putumayu, was named Machiparo. Ursua's Machiparo was probably 
 near one of the mouths of the Putumayu. 
 
 ^ There are many large lakes, through which some of the branches of 
 the river Putumayu flow. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 SS 
 
 came down the river in canoes from the province of Carari, 
 to attack those of Machiparo, with whom they had a feud of 
 a very ancient date. They were not aware of the presence 
 of the Spaniards, but came down with great clamour, hoping 
 to give no time for defence, but to assault and sack the 
 place at their ease. 
 
 4. Arriving with this intention at the banks of the river, 
 near the village, during the night, and recognizing the 
 strange guests, they did not dare to make an assault before 
 daylight, when they might watch what took place in the 
 village. In the morning they saw that all the Spaniards 
 were there, and that their expedition had ended in nothing ; 
 so, raising great shouts, and making a noise with cornets and 
 other instruments, they began to return up the river. Until 
 these noises were made, the people of Machiparo had not 
 been aware of their approach ; but when it was known, the 
 chief went to the governor and besought him, for the sake 
 of the hospitality he had received, to give him assistance in 
 chasing the enemy who had come to kill him, and destroy 
 his village and lands. The governor consented with plea- 
 sure, and, with the rapidity which the occasion required, 
 he dispatched his lieutenant, Don Juan de Vargas, with 
 fifty arquebusiers, in company with the chief ; who em- 
 barked with them, and some of his Indians in canoes, by 
 another branch of the river. They went so quickly that 
 they got in front of the two hundred, and surrounded them, 
 without the possibility of escape. The Cararis were so 
 encircled that they were forced to fight, believing that they 
 had to deal with none but the Indians of Machiparo ; but 
 when, afterwards, they saw that the Spaniards had come to 
 assist them, they began to make signs of peace. This ap- 
 peared an untoward, nay scandalous thing to the soldiers, 
 who thought they might thus be deprived of their spoils ; so 
 they were deaf to the prayers of the Indians, and began to 
 discharge their arquebuses, and to do the Indians so much 
 
 F 
 
34 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 damage, that they left their canoes and fled into the woods, 
 which were so thick that, though the Spaniards and friendly 
 Indians followed, they could not catch more than five or 
 six, and, with all their canoes, they returned to Machiparo. 
 It was understood that all the Indians would perish for 
 want of food in the forests, or be killed by the Machiparos, 
 having no canoes in which to return to their own country, 
 and the road by land being very long ; but the truth could 
 never be known, on account of the few days which the 
 Spaniards afterwards remained there. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 1. Pedro de Ursua names a provisor or vicar-general for his fleet, be- 
 lieving he had power to do so. — 2. Some grow faint hearted at the 
 continuation of the expedition, and the governor encourages them to 
 proceed. — 3. Excuses which the mutineers make to Pedro de Ursua 
 for their delinquencies. — 4. The mutineers conspire to rid themselves 
 of the government of Ursua, and to make Don Fernando de Guzman 
 his successor. 
 
 1. Pedro de Ursua conceived that this land was within his 
 jurisdiction ; as, according to the conjectures of the Brazilian 
 Indians, and of one of their Portuguese companions, whom 
 they took as guides, it was not distant from the land of the 
 Omaguas. He, therefore, felt it to be necessary to regulate 
 the affairs of his government, which he had not yet done, 
 especially as regarded those which concerned spiritual mat- 
 ters. Some priests who were in the fleet, quarrelled amongst 
 themselves for want of a chief : so he determined to nominate 
 from among them a vicar-general, who, in spiritual affairs, 
 should have jurisdiction over the fleet. He considered that 
 he had powers to make such a nomination, in the same way 
 as his majesty, whose person he represented, had to make 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA, 
 
 35 
 
 bishops and other dignitaries ; so he selected for this office 
 a priest named Alonzo Henao. This man began to exercise 
 the duties of his office by promulgating certain excommu- 
 nications against those who did not restore to Ursua all 
 kinds of goods^ live stock, tools, arms, and munitions which 
 they had taken. Those who envied the governor, publicly 
 said that he had nominated this man to be vicar-general, in 
 order that he might promulgate those excommunications, 
 and not from zeal for the public service ; and declared that 
 he had no right to name an ecclesiastical judge. All the 
 people in the camp were in this state of excitement when 
 Pedro Alonzo Galeas returned with the news which we have 
 related, and which caused new doubts to arise respecting 
 the chance of finding the land of the Omaguas. 
 
 2. Not only the Brazilian Indians, and their companion 
 the Spaniard^ whom they took as a guide, but also others 
 who had descended this river with Captain Orellana, ob- 
 served that they had now sailed for many days, that the 
 river was of great magnitude, and that they could neither 
 recognize the land, nor the place where they had encamped, 
 and their accounts differed one from the other. Some of 
 the evil intentioned among the adventurers, who had con- 
 certed a rising amongst themselves, began to spread a 
 rumour that all had been deceived, for that they had jour- 
 neyed more than seventy leagues, and had neither met with 
 the rich provinces for which they were in search, nor even 
 found any sign by which they might ascertain in what direc- 
 tion to search. They declared that it would be best to 
 return up the river and go back to Peru, as there appeared 
 to be no hope of success. These arguments, and others by 
 which the mutineers spread their poison throughout the 
 camp, came to the ears of the governor ; who sent for some 
 of the chief malcontents to satisfy them, and insisted upon 
 the obligation not to lose all hope of bringing their enter- 
 1 Porfcuguese ? 
 
36 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 prise to a fortunate conclusion, and upon the duty of not 
 giving up the expedition. He declared that there was no 
 occasion for despair because the expeditions inland had led 
 to small results ; and that, of necessity, they must suffer 
 hardships, without which no Indian province would ever 
 have been discovered or settled. Perseverance, he said, 
 would overcome all difficulties : and even if it was necessary 
 to search from youth until old age, that this was a small 
 thing in comparison with the attainment of such vast riches 
 as rumour had reported. 
 
 3. Those who, in good faith, had undertaken this expedi- 
 tion, thought much of these words of the governor, which 
 caused them to take heart again, and they determined to 
 continue in the enterprise, and die at their posts ; but others, 
 who came with different intentions, such as the mutineers 
 Lope de Aguirre, Montoya, Salduendo, and their allies, 
 seeing that they were unable to attain their object by these 
 means, sought out other ways of exasperating the army 
 against the governor, saying that he was a harsh man, and 
 that the mildness with which he had begun to govern had 
 been changed to severity. They did not forget to add to 
 this that he was so weak as to allow Dona Inez to govern 
 the army through him, and that the soldiers were condemned 
 to row in the boats for their crimes, solely that they might 
 row in the canoe of Dona Inez : that he always made his 
 hut apart from the rest of the army, when he ought to be in 
 its centre, because he detested the company of the soldiers ; 
 that he was an enemy of giving away and a friend of re- 
 ceiving ; that what he received, he considered to be offered 
 as an obligation ; and finally, that he was ignorant in affairs 
 of war, as well as in those of government ; sufficient reasons 
 for all the army to hate him, especially when he had said 
 that such should be their patience and endurance under the 
 greatest privations, that even the boys of the expedition 
 should grow grey in it, if necessary. 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 37 
 
 4. The principal mutineers, who went about with these 
 sayings (desiring either to get rid of the governor by killing 
 him, or by returning to Peru), were Alonzo de Montoya, 
 Lope de Aguirre, Juan Alonzo de la Bandera, Lorenzo 
 Salduendo, Miguel Serrano de Cazeres, Pedro de Mirando 
 (a Mulatto), Martin Perez, Pedro Fernandez, Diego de 
 Torres, Alonzo de Yillena, Christoval Hernandez, Juan de 
 Yargas, and others. They were now resolved, and it seemed 
 to them absolutely necessary, to elect another chief to lead 
 them in place of Ursua ; yet there was no man whom the 
 whole expedition was willing to obey, as they were all of 
 low degree, and of little note or authority ; for the few who 
 could claim gentle origin were devoted to Ursua ; and if 
 they were aware of this treason, they would frustrate the 
 designs of the mutineers. At length they decided upon 
 speaking with the Alfarez-General, Don Fernando de Guz- 
 man, who was held to be of noble blood, and well disposed 
 towards the soldiers ; so, entering by the door of ambition 
 (which is always open) they offered to put his hands into it, 
 up to the elbows, by making him the successor of Pedro de 
 Ursua. The mutineers whose names we have mentioned, 
 having determined upon this, spoke with him one night, and 
 disclosed their intentions to him, saying that they were 
 founded in a holy zeal (there is no greater crime than that 
 which is done under the mask of religion !) and that their 
 designs would be for the good of the expedition, and espe- 
 cially for the service of God and the king. They told him 
 that he should accept the office, for that his birth and 
 merits were worthy of greater honours ; that the miseries 
 occasioned by the injustice of Ursua were notorious; and 
 that if his rule continued much longer, it would be the 
 occasion of infinite damage to the king's service. They 
 pressed these arguments upon him, saying that he had been 
 insulted by the arrest of his servant, without respect for his 
 noble blood, nor for his office of Alferez- General ; and that 
 
38 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 if this scheme were successful, and he took the ofEce of 
 general, with the consent of all the people, then, by his 
 good government and arrangements, they would discover 
 the land for which they were in search, and, having settled 
 it, his majesty would consider it a good service, and would 
 specially reward him. If it should appear best to all not to 
 kill the governor, but to leave him in that village, with some 
 of his friends, it might be done, as it would not cause so 
 much scandal to the world, as his death. 
 
 CHAP, X. 
 
 1. The mutineers determine to kill the governor, Pedro de Ursua, and to 
 return to Peru. — 2. Mysterious warning of the death of Ursua, 
 which was seen and heard by a knight of the order of San Juan. — 
 3. They continue their course from this village to another lower down, 
 of the same name. A slave of one of the mutineers discovers their 
 design, and attempts to warn the governor. The mutineers kill the 
 governor Pedro de Ursua, and his lieutenant. 
 
 Don Fernando did not dislike the arguments of the muti- 
 neers, nor was he deterred either by the grave embarrass- 
 ments which might follow, nor by the loyalty which (he 
 being a knight) should have bound him to protect Ursua, 
 after the honours he had received from him, and the con- 
 sideration with which he had always been treated by him. 
 He believed all that had been told him by the mutineers, 
 and, swelled up by the wind of ambition, he gave them 
 thanks for what they had offered him, and assented to ail 
 their projects ; so that it appeared to the messengers that 
 they now had all that was necessary, in order to put their 
 designs into execution. The mutineers, and Don Fernando 
 among them, as their chief, conferred together, and began 
 to offer various opinions (children of tyranny and heresy) 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 39 
 
 respecting the mode of proceeding ; to some it seemed best 
 to leave Pedro de XJrsua, with some of his friends in that 
 place (as had been suggested to Don Fernando) and, taking 
 all the boats and canoes, to return up the river to Peru: 
 others, among whom were Don Fernando, said that they 
 would only do that which had been originally proposed, 
 namely, return to Peru by descending the river, with the 
 whole expedition, leaving Ursua behind : but there was a 
 third party, among whom were those two good souls. Lope 
 de Aguirre and Lorenzo Salduendo, who declared that all 
 they had heard was unwise, but that the only plan was to 
 kill Pedro de Ursua and, with all the people, return to Peru, 
 and make Don Fernando the lord of the country. Don 
 Fernando, giving reins to an ambition which he was already 
 relishing, and promising to himself the enjoyment of the 
 riches of Peru, also because it was of little avail to say any- 
 thing else, gave out that the opinions of the two (Aguirre 
 and Salduendo) appeared good to him ; and the rest con- 
 senting, it was agreed that Ursua and his lieutenant Don 
 Juan should die. From this time they sought for an occa- 
 sion to commit the deed, and busied themselves in gaining 
 over the soldiers, that they might be on their side, when it 
 became necessary. 
 
 2. Omens were not wanting, which might have served as 
 warnings to Ursua ; for, besides those we have mentioned, 
 (seeing that some, with small reason, had predicted the fate 
 of the expedition) on the same day that the mutineers 
 resolved upon the murder, and five before it was perpetrated, 
 being one of those of the feast of the Nativity (for in this 
 way did these men celebrate it), a comendador of the order 
 of San Juan, named Juan Gomez de Guevara, a great friend 
 of Ursua's, ripe in years, of grave demeanour, and strictly 
 honest and true, whilst he was out walking, at the second or 
 third hour of the night, enjoying the freshness of the air 
 near the door of his hut, which was next to that of the 
 
40 
 
 EXPEDITION OF 
 
 governor, beheld something like a shade passing near the 
 governor's hut, from which a rough and unknown voice pro- 
 ceeded, which said — Pedro de Ursua, governor of Omagua 
 and of El Dorado, God pardon thee!" The comendador 
 hurried to the spot where he had seen the object, and heard 
 the voice, but it had disappeared without leaving a trace of 
 what it was ; he could not, however, persuade himself that what 
 he had seen was a human being, and he remained in a state 
 of astonishment and confusion. He communicated what he 
 had seen to some of his friends, and conferred with them on 
 the propriety of informing the governor; but they deter- 
 mined not to do so, considering that, as he was in a bad 
 state of health, this might aggravate his illness and cause 
 him to believe that his time was come. 
 
 3. The governor was more careless than he ought to have 
 been (while these things were passing amongst the muti- 
 neers), considering that he was not without friends who 
 desired to put him on his guard (though none of them 
 believed that things had become so serious), and that he 
 should always have had a guard about his person, of soldiers 
 and friends. He, however, did not hearken to their advice, 
 nor cause a guard to be in attendance, which led men to say 
 that he wished to be alone with Dona Inez, and without 
 witnesses. However that may be, either from carelessness, 
 or too much confidence, he never had any one, either within 
 or without his house, but his pages. Although the mutineers 
 were on the watch, without losing any opportunity, they 
 were unable to perpetrate the deed while they remained in 
 this village of Machiparo, which they left on the day after 
 Christmas. They sailed all day, until sunset, when they 
 reached another village of the same name, six or eight 
 leagues distant. This village had been abandoned by its 
 inhabitants, who had fled from the fear they had of our 
 people, who took up their abode there, without any obstacle 
 being made. The governor now became anxious, as it 
 
PEDRO DE URSUA. 
 
 41 
 
 appeared to him (according to the report of the Brazilian 
 Indians) that they must be near the place where they might 
 hear news of the province of the Omaguas. He was shown a 
 broad road which led from the village towards the interior, 
 (as it was said) to a large city or province; so he determined 
 to send a party of soldiers, under the command of one Sancho 
 Pizarro, to discover this new land. 
 
 4. The mutineers considered that thig opportunity ought 
 not to be lost, when so many of the governor's friends were 
 absent with this expedition, and they resolved that he should 
 be killed without loss of time. They consulted together on 
 the morning of New Year's day, and determined to perpe- 
 trate the murder that evening, when the governor, on so 
 solemn an occasion, would be enjoying himself, and off his 
 guard. The movements of the mutineers were not so secret 
 but that a black slave of Juan Alonzo de la Bandera, called 
 Juan Primer o (through an inspiration of heaven^ or moved 
 by the atrocity of the meditated act, or perhaps thinking 
 that, by imparting the secret, he would be set free) made 
 an excuse to go to the lodging of the governor, to give 
 him an account of what was passing. But this circumstance 
 did not stop the blow levelled at Ursua, who was then with 
 Dona Ines ; so that the slave could not communicate with 
 him personally, neither could he await the governor's 
 appearance, for fear of being missed by his master. Still 
 the slave did his best, by telling the object of his coming to 
 another negro, the slave of Ursua, and directing him to in- 
 form his master. The governor's slave either forgot to 
 deliver the message or, fearing to tell his master, the day 
 passed without Ursua being aware of what was going on. 
 
 5. The night arrived (the cloak to sinners), when all the 
 conspirators met at Don Fernando's lodging (so as to be 
 more secure) and sent a Mestizo servant, as an excuse, for 
 some oil, so that he might see who was with the governor 
 and what he was doing. The servant went, and having pro- 
 
 G 
 
EXPEDITION OF 
 
 cured what he was sent for, returned and told the conspira- 
 tors that the governor was alone. 
 
 It was the second hour of the night, on the day of the 
 Circumcision, when the rebels left the lodging of Don Fer- 
 nando, with the diabolical intention of assailing the governor, 
 and taking his life. They were eager in their steps (to take 
 vengeance for the insults they said they had received from 
 him). Alonzo de Montoya was the first in advance, with 
 Christoval Hernandez de Chaves, and, entering Ursua's 
 house, they found him in his hammock talking to a little 
 page named Lorca. When they saluted the governor, he 
 said, "What seek ye here, caballeros, at this hour?"' the 
 reply was several stabs, which missed him. He then rose 
 from his hammock to reach his sword and buckler, which he 
 had at hand, when the rest of the mutineers entered, and 
 they all made a murderous onset on Ursua, so that he soon 
 fell dead, without being able to say more than " Confessio, 
 confessio, miserere mei Deus." The deed being done, they 
 sallied out of the hut, and one of them, with a loud voice, 
 shouted " Liberty, liberty ! long live the king, the tyrant is 
 dead." This was heard by the lieutenant Juan de Vargas, 
 who lived hard by, and he hastily put on his escaupil,^ with 
 his sword, shield, and rod of office, and went towards the 
 governor's lodging, whence he had heard the cries, and 
 meeting the murderers in the road, who were in search of 
 him, they recognized him, and attacked him, taking from 
 him his sword and shield and armour, so as to serve him as 
 they had the governor. Then, having torn away one sleeve 
 of the escaupil, and getting away the other, one of these 
 monsters of Satan, named Martin Perez, infuriated with 
 his diabolical intention, gave him so severe a thrust that 
 the sword went through and through his body, the point 
 wounding his companion badly, who was behind the lieu- 
 
 ^ Armour of quilted cotton, used by the natives of South America 
 before the conquest. 
 
PEDRO DE UIISUA. 
 
 43 
 
 tenant, occupied in disarming him. The rest, coming up, 
 gave Vargas more stabs than were necessary to take away 
 life ; after which some cried out, " Liberty, caballeros ; long 
 live the king ! we will not be subject to those whose only 
 occupations were their pleasures ! it was not for this that we 
 left our homes." 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 1 . The governor being dead, the rebels endeavour to bring all the expedi- 
 tion to their side. — 2. They do not allow the soldiers to leave their 
 quarters during the night, to prevent them from conferring together. 
 — 3. The murderers divide the various ojfices amongst themselves. — 
 4. They continue the division of offices. Sancho Pizarro returns. 
 
 L The lieutenant being dead, the murderers returned to 
 the governor's house, and then came the rest of the muti- 
 neers, their friends and allies, who had been instructed that 
 when they heard a rumour they were to come armed, to 
 assist if necessary. Many other soldiers came at the same 
 time to learn the cause of the disturbance, whom the rebels 
 forced into their own ranks, without their knowing who or 
 how many composed this tyrannical junta, so that when 
 they came to know how and in what manner the governor 
 and his lieutenant had died, they were already incorporated 
 with the traitors. 
 
 As soon as they had the greater portion of the expedition 
 under their command, some of the murderers, with their 
 friends, sallied out armed in search of those who were want- 
 ing ; some they took by force, others they persuaded by 
 threats and promises, and all were brought to the governor's 
 house, that they might be present at the burial. A pit was 
 dug for both the murdered men in Ursua's house, so that 
 
44 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 they might be together in death as in life ; also that the ex- 
 pedition might know who was now to be their general, and 
 obey him. 
 
 In the presence of all (the burial having taken place) 
 they named for governor Fernando de Guzman, and for his 
 maestro del campo. Lope de Aguirre ; and without spend- 
 ing time in nominating more officers, they thought it best to 
 sally forth and kill the friends of the late governor and of 
 his lieutenant, which they did ; for they laid hold of many, 
 and would have killed more if Guzman had not stopped 
 them, as he did not consider it judicious to commence office 
 by causing so many deaths. 
 
 2. The traitors were fearful that the friends of some of the 
 dead might take revenge, seeing that the general had not 
 allowed such to be murdered ; so they commanded, under 
 pain of death, that no soldier should speak in a low voice, 
 but that he should say what he had to say loudly and 
 plainly, that what was spoken might be understood by 
 every one, and that the traitors might be aware of anything 
 going on against them. 
 
 Some of the soldiers were forgetful of this order, being 
 accustomed to speak in a low tone, which placed their lives 
 in jeopardy, and had it not been for some persons of stand- 
 ing who interceded with the traitors, the soldiers would 
 have suffered. It was also ordered that no one should be 
 absent at night from his quarters, under pain of death ; the 
 object being that the soldiers should devise no schemes 
 against the traitors. They lost no time (that the obsequies 
 of the dead might not pass without some demonstration) in 
 giving out, with liberality, several jars of wine which Ursua 
 had brought for his own drinking, as well as for the celebra- 
 tion of mass (for men who had now no pretension to hear mass, 
 it was useless for this purpose) ; and they distributed the 
 wine amongst the officers and soldiers, that they might pass 
 the night in confidence and friendship. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 45 
 
 This was the miserable end of Pedro de Ursua, after his 
 power had lasted three months and six days ; he having em- 
 barked at the ship-yard on the 26th of September, 1560, 
 and having been killed on the 1st of January, 1561, aged 
 thirty-five years. He was of middle size, slightly formed, 
 but well proportioned, with the manners of a gentleman ; 
 light complexion and beard the same, courteous, and affable, 
 fond of his soldiers, and more inclined to mercy than to 
 justice ; thus his very enemies could not complain of his 
 having done them wrong : he was too confiding and had but 
 little precaution, and his great goodness was the main cause 
 which brought him to so sad an end. 
 
 3. This miserable night having passed (for indeed it was one 
 for the dead, as well as for their friends who were living, and 
 their murderers and enemies celebrated it joyously, because 
 they had been successful in this bloody work of their hands, 
 some believing that they had been concerned in a glorious 
 action, and a marked service to the crown of their king), the 
 rebels and their friends now asked the murderers for their 
 reward, so that all might go on regularly, and that the army 
 might be kept in a proper state ; so, confirming the first ap- 
 pointment, that of general, in favour of Fernando de Guz- 
 man, and that of maestro del campo in Lope de Aguirre, they 
 continued appointing one another to the several offices ; Juan 
 Alonso de la Bandera was made captain of the guard ; 
 Lorenzo Salduendo, Christoval Hernandez, and Miguel 
 Serrano de Caceres, captains of infantry ; Alonzo de Mon- 
 toya, captain of horse ; Alonso de Villena, alferez-general 
 (standard bearer ?) ; alguazil mayor del campo (high con- 
 stable), Pedro de Miranda, a mulatto; and paymaster-general, 
 Pedro Fernandez ; leaving for the present without command, 
 Martin Perez and Juan de Vargas, to whom they promised 
 great things on the first occasion that offered, for their good 
 services. 
 
 Not to appear too partial to themselves and their friends 
 
46 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 in the distribution of the various offices, they made a sea 
 captain of Sebastian Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, and super- 
 numerary captains of infantry of the comendador (knight 
 commander) Juan Gomez de Guevara, and Pedro Alonso 
 Galeas ; also another captain was nominated to be in charge 
 of the warlike stores, named Alonso Enriquez de Orellana ; 
 their sea admiral was one Miguel Robedo. All these men saw 
 how little they were benefited by accepting these appoint- 
 ments, still, had they not done so, their lives might have been 
 endangered. One Diego de Belalcasar, whom they named 
 as justicia mayor del campo, or chief judge (an office he con- 
 sidered too important, considering the love and loyalty he 
 had for his king), said publicly at the time they offered him 
 the staff of office, so that every one heard him : This staff 
 of office I take in the name of King Philip our lord, and in 
 no other." This touched the mutineers severely, so they 
 watched him narrowly, and for this saying he afterwards 
 lost his life ; but at that time no one dared to reply to him, 
 in consequence of the general discord that reigned in the 
 expedition. 
 
 Sancho Pizarro had not as yet returned from the search 
 Ursua had sent him on, neither did he know of the gover- 
 nor's death, nor what was passing in the camp. The muti- 
 neers being fearful that, should he get only partial informa- 
 tion, he might make some demonstration against them, with 
 the people he had under his command, to avenge the death 
 of his friends ; sent spies out in the direction he was to return, 
 to prevent any others from going out to advise him of what 
 had occurred. Sancho Pizarro came into the camp two days 
 afterwards, without discovering what had been going on, 
 until he was within, when the mutineers informed him of 
 what had happened, persuading him to believe how neces- 
 sary it had been to act so, and that such was the feeling of 
 the whole camp. 
 
 Sancho Pizarro, who was a sagacious man, feigned to be 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 47 
 
 pleased with the present state of things ; the mutineers also 
 said that they had not forgotten him when they shared out 
 the various offices, for that they had kept for him the post 
 of sargento mayor del campo, which he accepted, giving 
 them his thanks. Sancho Pizarro only discovered two empty 
 villages whilst he was away, by keeping on the track that 
 led from the camp. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 1. The new general, Don Fernando, calls a council to discuss matters 
 relative to the projected discovery of the new lands of the Dorado. — 
 
 2. He has a document made out for their security, and orders all to 
 sign it. Lope de Aguirre signs it, adding the word " Traitor." — 
 
 3. Aguirre publicly explains why he did so. — 4. Juan Alonso de la 
 Bandera replies, saying that they who killed the governor were not 
 traitors. 
 
 1. The various offices had been distributed, when Don 
 Fernando, by virtue of his office, called a council of the 
 officers, soldiers, and principal people of the camp to confer 
 as to how they were to proceed in the discovery of the pre- 
 tended Dorado they were in search of, so as to have their 
 opinions signed with their names, and that they might take 
 that course which seemed most convenient to all. He signed 
 his name first as the commander of the expedition, and gave 
 his opinion as follows : that they ought to continue the search 
 for the lands concerning which Ursua had information, and 
 that, should they be as rich as fame had blazoned, the king- 
 not only would consider the discovery a great service, but 
 would pardon them the death of Ursua and Vargas ; still it 
 would be well, in the discharge of their duty, that he and all 
 the rest should draw up a document stating why the governor 
 Ursua had been deprived of life, inasmuch as he had been 
 
48 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 most negligent and unmindful in his search after the new 
 lands, that he had not taken the necessary steps, and that he 
 had no intention to settle even if he should find them ; that 
 he was intolerant and severe to the soldiers, and that to pre- 
 serve the men in the service of the king, as well as to disco- 
 ver the unknown lands, his death was a necessary act ; for 
 had he been allowed to govern them much longer, without 
 doubt there would have been a general mutiny ; that the 
 brigantines would have been violently taken away from him, 
 and that the people would have returned to Christian lands 
 (Peru), leaving him on the river, without discovering the 
 vast provinces which were before them. 
 
 2. To these he added other frivolous ideas, which he said 
 were well founded. Alonso de Montoya and Juan de la 
 Bandera agreed with him ; but the Biscayan, Lope de 
 Aguirre, was opposed to the new governor's views, because 
 he (Aguirre) from the commencement of the expedition 
 wished to return to Peru, without occupying himself in the 
 discovery of new lands, that he might excite a rebellion in 
 that kingdom, in which plan he had many adherents. 
 
 Aguirre and others did not deem it prudent to contradict 
 Don Fernando by words, but their silence showed what 
 their feelings were. This silence was understood by many, 
 and the rest said nothing ; so, as no one spoke or gave any 
 opinion, the council was dissolved. 
 
 Don Fernando determined, however, with some of his 
 friends, that a document should be drawn up against Ursua. 
 This was done, and, that it might carry weight, Don Fer- 
 nando ordered that it should be signed by the whole camp, 
 for he said that it was for their mutual good. The men being 
 present, the governor signed it first, and it was then Lope de 
 Aguirre's turn to sign, as maestro del campo ; but he with- 
 drew the mask, and signed " Lope de Aguirre, the traitor." 
 There was a general murmur at seeing this, particularly 
 from those who were not so corrupted ; they said that it was 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 49 
 
 an insult to his person and office thus to sign himself ; but 
 Lope de Aguirre observing this, insolent man as he was, 
 and that he was but little esteemed for having signed him- 
 self as he had done, wished to give an explanation, and 
 spoke thus : 
 
 3. " Caballeros, what madness and gross ignorance is this 
 into which some of us have fallen, which, certes, looks more 
 like a pastime than an affair of such importance. You have 
 killed the king's governor, one who represented his royal 
 person, one who was clothed with royal powers ; and do 
 you pretend that with documents concocted by ourselves, 
 we shall be held blameless ? think you that the king and the 
 judges will not understand how such papers were got up ? 
 This is madness ; and well is it known to all, that if those 
 who sign it should be asked questions against themselves, 
 it will go against them, if they have said so much in their 
 own favour. Yes, we have all killed the governor, and 
 the whole of us have rejoiced at the act ; and if not, let 
 each man lay his hand upon his heart, and say what he 
 thinks. We have all been traitors, we have all been a party 
 to this mutiny, and have agreed that the country (in search 
 of which we are) shall be sought for, found, and settled. 
 Now should it be ten times richer than Piru, and more popu- 
 lous than New Spain (Mexico), and should the king draw 
 more profit from it than from all the Indies together, yet as 
 soon as the first bachiller or letradillo^ comes with powers 
 from his majesty to take up his residence amongst us, and 
 to take note of what has been done by us, I tell you it will 
 cost us all our heads : thus our exertions and services will 
 have been in vain, and fruitless, for ourselves and successors. 
 My opinion is (and I hold it to be more to the point than 
 what you have conceived), that we should abandon these in- 
 tentions of searching for these new lands ; for if we discover 
 
 1 Bachiller in this case is one who has obtained the first degree in the 
 sciences and liberal arts. Letradillo is a pettifogger. 
 
 H 
 
 W 
 
50 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 them and people them, our lives will be sacrificed. Let us 
 therefore anticipate the evil time, and let us settle ourselves 
 well in a good land known to you all, which is Pirii. There 
 all are friendly to us, and, on hearing that we are approach- 
 ing, they will come out and meet us. They, having the same 
 views as ourselves, will open their arms, and will assist us 
 with their lives. This is (I repeat) what we ought to do, 
 and this is the reason why I signed myself ' traitor.' " 
 
 In confirmation of Aguirre's opinion, Alonzo de Villena 
 started up (the Alferez general, and one of those who 
 went to kill the governor) and, said *^ What the Senor Lope 
 de Aguirre, maestro del campo, has spoken, appears to me 
 to be the best to be done, and must suit all, and I confirm it 
 with my vote ; and I believe that his reasons are good, and 
 any one who counsels the Senor general otherwise, is no 
 friend of his, but wishes his ruin and that of the expedition, 
 and is his enemy." 
 
 4. Juan Alonso de la Bandera, seeing that no one moved 
 to reply and contradict the speciousness of Lope de Aguirre, 
 or to second the governor, said that the death of Ursua was 
 no treason, neither had any crime been committed, and that 
 what had been done was a necessary act, because Ursua had 
 other intentions than those which were suited to the king's 
 service, who had commanded that Ursua should discover 
 and settle the lands of the Dorado ; and thus his majesty was 
 better served by the death of the governor, than that through 
 him so many people should perish in an expedition, wherein 
 so much money had been spent ; that the king would hold 
 it as good service that the lands should be discovered and 
 peopled, and that he would overlook what had been done, 
 and would even reward them with his royal hand : con- 
 cluding, " and he who says that I am a traitor in this mat- 
 ter, I tell him that he lies, and I will make good my words, 
 and I now dare him to mortal combat." 
 
 These words so roused Aguirre and some of his friends. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 51 
 
 that they wished to reply in the same strain, and even to 
 resort at once to arms ; as they would have done, had not 
 the general and his captains put themselves between the 
 angry parties ; but Juan Alonso, wishing to satisfy many 
 that what he had said was not for fear that the king would 
 cut his head off, again spoke, saying, " Do as you please ; 
 and that you may not think that what I have said is from 
 any fear that I have of death or to save my life, I will act 
 like the rest, and let it be understood that I have as good 
 a neck as any one here.*' With this the disturbance ceased 
 for a time, and the council was dissolved ; but Aguirre and 
 his friends henceforward incited all those they possibly 
 could to side with them in going up the river to Piru, of 
 which way of thinking there were many. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 ] . Thei/ leave the village {Machiparo) where they had killed Ursua, and 
 going down the river, arrive at another village, where they com- 
 mence building hrigantines. — 2. They suffer so much from hunger 
 in this village, that they are obliged to eat horses and dogs, — 
 3. Aguirre hills Captain del Arze, because he was a friend of Ursua's, 
 seizes Diego de Belcazar for the same cause, and has two others 
 strangled. — 4. Don Fernando takes away the office of maestro del 
 campo from Lope de Aguirre, and gives it to Juan Alonzo de la 
 Bandera his lieutenant-general. 
 
 1. Five days after the death of Ursua, the expedition pro- 
 ceeded down the river, the mutineers disagreeing, some 
 wanting to go back to Piru, and others to go in search of the 
 new lands. They arrived, on the same day that they left 
 Machiparo (Ursua's sepulchre) at another village on the cliffs 
 of the river, and so totally abandoned, that they did not 
 even find earthen vessels to cook their food in. 
 
62 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 They stopped here because the greater number desired it. 
 Lope de Aguirre, and those of his opinion, were for return- 
 ing to Piru, not by the river, but by sea/ and as it appeared 
 to them that this locality was most suitable for the cutting of 
 timber to build large vessels, so that they might go out to sea, 
 they bored holes in one of the flat-bottomed boats, in which 
 the horses came, to sink them as they had done to others at 
 the village they had left ; for they found themselves obliged 
 to build brigantines and other craft of a larger sort than they 
 had brought with them to this spot. 
 
 We shall now call Aguirre's party by the name of Mara- 
 nones, as they generally called themselves. Don Fernando, 
 finding himself with canoes only, and these not fit for the 
 transport of horses nor for the quantity of cargo he had, 
 ordered large brigantines to be built, and seeing that he had 
 tools, pitch, and cordage, which Ursua had brought for such 
 purposes, as well as from four to six ship-carpenters and 
 twenty negros to assist ; he added some soldiers to help in 
 the building of the vessels, in which labour they spent three 
 months, during which time several occurrences took place, 
 as we shall explain. 
 
 2. The first, and not the least important, was a fearful 
 famine, from which none escaped. Their principal susten- 
 ance was the wild yuca, from which they procured cassaba. 
 They themselves had to go to the other side of the river to 
 collect it, which was a league broad ; and they had to pre- 
 pare the cassaba from which they made the bread, for nearly 
 all the Indians, male and female, who had come with them 
 from Piru, were dead. Neither was there much fish found 
 in this portion of the river (all things seemed conspiring to 
 punish them for their sins), for with the greatest trouble 
 they only took a few ; so they had to support themselves 
 
 1 Namely, to proceed down the river to its mouth in the Atlantic, 
 then coast along Terra Firma to the Isthmus of Darien, thence to Peru 
 by the Pacific. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 53 
 
 with a little cassaba bread and wild strawberries, which were 
 in reasonable abundance ; caymitos/ dates, guayavas/ and 
 some other fruits, sustenance more suited for monkeys than 
 for men. The Aguirres, in consequence of this visitation of 
 famine (their wish daily increasing to go back to Piru), 
 began to eat their horses and dogs. This was not unpleasing 
 to Aguirre, for in this case the others would find it impos- 
 sible, being without horses and dogs, to commence their 
 conquests by land. They also consumed all their poultry, 
 without leaving any for the new settlements it was pre- 
 tended they were to form, in the provinces they were to dis- 
 cover. 
 
 3. Those of Aguirre's opinions (a few days after arriving 
 at this village) sought how to obtain the friendship of the 
 greater portion of the soldiers ; commencing with the first 
 step, namely, that of liberty of conscience (the touchstone of 
 the damned), promising them abundance of riches, lands, 
 and appointments in that wonderful country Piru, which 
 they firmly believed they would conquer with ease. By such 
 means Aguirre increased his followers, so that he was in a 
 better position to take measures to obtain the end he de- 
 sired ; and his nature being inclined to the shedding of 
 human blood, he looked around to see whom he should 
 begin with, in the exercise of his ofiice. He commenced 
 with Garcia del Arze, who was a great friend of Ursua's, and 
 of long standing. He caused him to be arrested, and in- 
 formed the General how important it was for the safety of 
 his person, and that of the camp, that Arze should not be 
 in it ; so he was strangled without more ado. In order 
 that this small affair (as it appeared to Aguirre) might not 
 horrify the army, he determined to kill Diego de Balcasar 
 (of whom we have said that when they made him justicia 
 mayor del campo, and he took the staff of office, he declared 
 
 ' Chrysophyllum carimito. — Seeman. 
 
 ^ Probably the Inga spectabilis.— ^S^maw. 
 
54 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 that he did it in the name of the king) for it was manifest to 
 Aguirre that a man who had spoken in such a manner was 
 to be feared, seeing that he might interfere with the more 
 mutinous in the camp. Having had his staff of office taken 
 from him, Aguirre went one night, with some companions, 
 to his lodgings, and found him in bed. He was dragged 
 out, with the intention of taking him to another place to 
 strangle him ; but Balcasar, understanding this, escaped 
 from them, crying out : " Long live the king, long live the 
 king !" with a view to alarm and obstruct his pursuers, and 
 also to incite others to come out and protect him. However, 
 seeing that his shouts did neither one thing nor the other, he 
 threw himself into the river, and although he hurt himself 
 badly, he escaped, owing to the obscurity of the night. The 
 governor was made aware of what had happened, and in the 
 morning sent men to search for Balcasar, and assure him of 
 his life. He consented to return, and did not die this time. 
 
 Now the powerful hand of Heaven (although it consents 
 to the commission of evil, by its secret judgments, does not 
 leave it without a punishment, which is always less than its 
 due), began to show its divine justice against the principal 
 mutineers and assassins of Ursua, causing some to be the 
 executioners of others, as we shall see, for in these days a 
 rumour ran through the camp, without it being known who 
 had originated it (because men so impious as they were, are not 
 particular in crediting rumours and saddling them on any 
 one they please), that Pedro Miranda Mulatto, as we have said, 
 who was one of the principal mutineers and alguazil mayor 
 of the camp, and Pedro Hernandez, the paymaster-general, 
 both of whom were present at the death of Ursua, meditated 
 the death of the General Don Fernando, as well as of certain 
 captains. When this came to the ears of Aguirre, without 
 ascertaining if there was any truth in the report (for bad 
 men do not scruple to act wickedly), and palliating his acts 
 under the shadow of apparent zeal for the safety of the life 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 55 
 
 of the General and his friends, he arrested both without fur- 
 ther notice, put them into prison and strangled them, giving 
 their posts to two of the mutineers ; that of alguazil to one 
 Juan Lopez Cerrato, and that of paymaster to Juan Lopez 
 de Ayala. This gave umbrage to the rest, and then followed 
 discords, dissensions, and deaths, because the devil had pre- 
 pared their hearts, ready for his work. 
 
 4. Don Fernando de Guzman's power appeared in the 
 ascendant, and he was principally occupied in rewarding his 
 friends, being pleased that they should thrive through his 
 bounty and appointments ; for he felt that they would be 
 grateful to him. 
 
 His first act was in favour of Juan Alonso de la Bandera, 
 from whom the General had received good service on many 
 occasions. He named him his lieutenant-general, and he, 
 having accepted the office, commenced the exercise of its 
 functions by opposing the doings of the maestro del campo 
 Aguirre ; they had opposed each other since the meeting of 
 the council, when Lope de Aguirre, in the document made 
 out by Don Fernando, signed himself, "Aguirre the traitor." 
 Now their ill will began to show itself in earnest, and it was 
 increased since Bandera had become lieutenant-general, be- 
 cause he attended well to the duties of his office, which was 
 not agreeable to Aguirre. At last opinions were expressed 
 by the soldiers and captains as to which of the two officers 
 was the superior, and which of the two was to be obeyed in 
 preference to the other. The friends of Aguirre defended 
 the post of maestro del campo, saying that it was the supe- 
 rior. Those of Juan Alonso were of a contrary opinion ; and 
 soon the two parties withdrew the mask, and treated openly 
 of their old enmities, which until then had been kept down. 
 
 The General sought to stop these dissensions, for he had 
 not forgotten what he owed to Ban4era, and he knew him 
 to be a better friend than Aguirre. He therefore took 
 from Aguirre his post of maestro del campo, and gave it to 
 
56 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Bandera, so that he now held the two offices. This tended 
 to increase the flame of discord, and manifold were the 
 difficulties that followed ; not that the governor put Aguirre 
 quite out of favour, for the latter could make himself 
 popular or rebellious ; but he made him captain of horse, 
 and Lorenzo de Salduendo captain of the guard, which 
 post was previously held by Bandera. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 1. Don Fernando comes to an understanding with Lope de Agim^re, and 
 promises to restore him to his post of maestro del campo. — 2. The 
 governor and Aguirre hecome friends^ the enmity of the latter in- 
 creases against Bandera. — 3. Aguirre calumniates Bandera before 
 the governor, saying that he wished to hill the governor, and rebel. — 
 4. Aguirre kills Bandera, and one Christoval Hernandez, at the 
 governor'^s house. 
 
 1 . Lope de Aguirre did not think that this was the proper 
 time to show resentment for the loss of his office, but left it 
 to the future, contenting himself with his captaincy of horse. 
 At this time some of the governor's friends told him that 
 it was not to his interest to have Aguirre so much by his 
 side, for that they knew him of old to be a restless and 
 revengeful fellow, and that doubtless he was storing up such 
 feelings for an occasion when least expected. They firmly 
 believed that, for the security of Don Fernando's person, the 
 best thing to do was to kill Aguirre ; and, if the gover- 
 nor did not wish to do it, they offered to do the deed, 
 with his permission. But the good feeling of the General 
 (which, at times, was more than requisite for the post he 
 held) did not allow him to kill Aguirre, or consent to his 
 death, although the mutineer had deserved such an end, on 
 too many occasions. The governor tried to appease the 
 anger which Aguirre might feel against him, for his removal 
 
THE TRAiTOK, AGUIRRE. 
 
 57 
 
 from the post of maestro del campo, by making him great 
 promises, saying, that he pledged him his faith and word 
 that he should have his old command before they entered 
 Piru, and that he would marry a brother of his (who had re- 
 mained there, named Martin de Guzman) with his mestiza 
 daughter, who was with her father. Lope de Aguirre. 
 
 Aguirre acted the part of a vile scoundrel, and with 
 smiles on his false face, accepted the honour of the prof- 
 fered marriage, and the promises of restoration to his old 
 office ; appearing to consider what the governor had offered 
 to be far above his deserts. 
 
 2. The General shortly afterwards paid a visit to the 
 daughter of Lope de Aguirre, to compliment her on the 
 projected marriage and relationship, taking with him, as a 
 present, a robe of rich silk, which had belonged to Pedro 
 de Ursua. He gave her the title of Dona, which she had 
 not received previously, and henceforth treated her as his 
 sister-in-law. Now as Aguirre was so wicked a man, and, 
 on that account, had so many friends of the same stamp, 
 who went about murmuring that he had been displaced, and 
 who might have excited rebellion, this projected marriage 
 was intended to appease them. 
 
 Dissembling for awhile. Lope de Aguirre again treated 
 Don Fernando with his former friendship, but his ill-will 
 towards Bandera, fanned by envy, increased hourly. The 
 sight of his rival placed above him, caused Aguirre to 
 revolve in his astute mind, how Bandera was to be hurled 
 from his high position. This state of things was not hidden 
 from Bandera, and he was informed of it by his friends, 
 who advised, for his own safety, that Aguirre should be 
 killed. With this intent they often went in search of him, 
 but without effect, for Aguirre was always well on his guard, 
 and never alone. He was armed day and night ; and even 
 when asleep, neither he, nor his partizans, were without 
 their arms. 
 
 I 
 
$8 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 The two offices held by Juan Alonso de la Bandera had 
 produced in him a haughty and proud demeanour, which, 
 independently of causing many of his old friends to separate 
 from him, had rendered him obnoxious to many others, 
 particularly to Lorenzo de Salduendo, the captain of the 
 guard, because both pretended to the favour of Dona Inez. 
 Salduendo was confederated with Aguirre, and rested not 
 in devising the means to get Bandera removed from his 
 office, and even to take away his life. 
 
 No better plan suggested itself, than to have it bruited in 
 the camp that Bandera, not contented with the two offices 
 he held, was ambitious to be the general of the expedition, 
 and that it was his intention to kill Don Fernando and 
 succeed him. This rumour having been made public (the 
 author of it was believed to be Aguirre), the traitor went with 
 some of his friends to Don Fernando, reporting to him what 
 had been said, namely, that Bandera sought to kill him, and 
 take his place. However, X)on Fernando was incredulous, 
 because he knew that Aguirre was a sworn foe to Juan 
 Alonso, and he said that the report had more of enmity than 
 truth in it, and that it was a mere suspicion thrown out 
 by an unknown author. 
 
 Evil designs never want sponsors to foment them, as 
 occurred in this case ; for Salduendo was present at this 
 interview, and, urged on by his love for Dona Ines, he 
 certified to Don Fernando that what Aguirre had said was 
 true, for that he had heard it publicly asserted as a fixed 
 project, and he affirmed that it was so, by a thousand oaths. 
 Don Fernando then began to give some credit to Aguirre, 
 and also to the report that Bandera had promised to one 
 Christoval Hernandez the post of maestro del campo, when 
 he (Bandera) became governor. 
 
 4. Without further examination into the truth of this 
 report, the governor consulted with Aguirre how Hernan- 
 dez and Juan Alonso should be killed, believing that this was 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 59 
 
 the best way to get rid of the fears which soon took posses- 
 sion of him (legitimate offspring of treason), and that if he 
 did not kill them they would kill him. It was not easy to 
 find the time and occasion for the deed, owing to the precau- 
 tions taken by Juan Alonso, who was always accompanied 
 by numerous friends, although the most wary plans were 
 laid to consummate this wickedness. 
 
 At last Don Fernando threw the victims somewhat off 
 their guard, by inviting them to play at cards at his lodg- 
 ing ; designing that, while Juan Alonso and Hernandez 
 were at play, Lope de Aguirre and his partizans should 
 come in and kill both. As it was planned, so was it exe- 
 cuted, and, during the height of play, Don Fernando sent 
 for Aguirre, who came instantly with his armed followers, 
 and, approaching the players on one side, whilst others, 
 until then hidden by Don Fernando, appeared with mus- 
 kets, lances, and daggers on the other, gave a cruel death 
 to Bandera and Hernandez, as they had done to Ursua. 
 
 This crime having been committed, Aguirre at once asked 
 to be paid for his services, and was again made maestro del 
 campo, and replaced in all his previous honours : and as two 
 posts were vacant by the death of the two victims, one of 
 whom was captain of infantry and lieutenant-general, Guzman 
 gave that post to one Gonzalo Guiral de Fuentes, his great 
 friend, and the other to one of his most intimate friends. 
 Thus he considered that his person and camp would now be 
 in security. 
 
60 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 1. The soldiers irritate the Indians, who bring provisions for them, when 
 some Spaniards are killed. — 2. Oioing to these ^proceedings the Span- 
 iards suffer great privatio7is, on account of the fear the Indians have 
 of coming near them. — 3. Aguirre succeeds in gaining the confidence 
 of Don Fernnndo, for his own particular ends. — 4, Don Fernando 
 plans how to discover the real sentiments of the soldiers, and their 
 devotion to him ; and how he succeeds. 
 
 1. The Indians of the vicinity were not well affected 
 towards the Spaniards, though at times they brought some 
 provisions to the camp, in exchange for beads and bells. 
 The Indians would have continued to do this, if the soldiers 
 had treated them properly, but there was no one to keep 
 the soldiers within bounds, and they treated the Indians 
 badly, which made them refrain from coming with provi- 
 sions to the camp, and of this the stomachs of the Spaniards 
 soon began to bear painful witness. 
 
 One day a number of Indians came with provisions, wish- 
 ing to have things from the Spaniards in exchange; when 
 a party of the most murderous of the soldiers enticed them 
 out of their canoes, made them prisoners, shut them up in a 
 hut, and took possession of their canoes. This was seen by 
 other Indians, who had remained on the river in their 
 canoes, and who fled, and were never more seen, for the 
 fear they had of the Spaniards. Those who had been im- 
 prisoned, although they feared the white men, were also ex- 
 asperated against them when they returned to their homes, 
 having escaped after a few days confinement. Not long 
 afterwards the soldiers suffered severely for what they had 
 done ; for trusting to the terms of friendship they were on 
 with the Indians (not believing that the natives were so 
 incensed against them), four or six Spaniards went into the 
 interior, without taking any precaution for their safety, to 
 collect the yuca plant, to make cassava bread, when a large 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 61 
 
 number of Indians, who had been lying in wait for them, 
 rushed out furiously on their foes, and, before they could 
 collect themselves, and use their arms, they were all killed. 
 Their names were Sebastian Gomez, a sea captain, one 
 Molina, Villarial, Pedro Diaz, Mendoza, and one Anton 
 E-odriguez. 
 
 2, This was a salutary lesson for the rest of the soldiers, 
 so that they did not make more excursions, nor enter the 
 Indian country ; and as no natives came to the camp, the 
 want of food was most severely felt. It was thought that the 
 Indians, after this success, would be emboldened and come 
 by night and steal away the canoes, which were secured to 
 the cliff, for they were of the greatest use to them, to go up 
 or down the river in quest of food. But it was suspected 
 that Lope de Aguirre, actuated by his evil disposition, caused 
 some of the canoes to be secured to the shore at night, and 
 allowed others purposely to float away down the river, so 
 that the discontented soldiers might not have the oppor- 
 tunity of taking them, and deserting. This suspicion against 
 Aguirre was increased, when it was given out that the In- 
 dians had taken them. However it might really have been, 
 there was the fact, that out of more than one hundred and 
 fifty canoes, scarcely twenty remained, and these were the 
 worst and smallest. 
 
 3. Aguirre, finding himself with a smaller number of 
 enemies, since the death of Juan Alonso de la Bandera and 
 Christoval Hernandez, and also being reinstated in his old 
 office (which made him the second person in the camp, and 
 about to be related to the governor by the projected mar- 
 riage of his daughter), was most anxious to have it believed 
 on all occasions, that a sincere friendship existed between 
 Don Fernando and himself ; wishing by this means to have 
 it known in the camp, that, in consequence of his influence, 
 what he ordered must be done. Thus the number of his 
 adherents increased. Don Fernando thought that Aguirre 
 
62 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 was much attached to him, being of too easy a nature, and 
 believing all he heard from the maestro del campo, who had 
 the art to persuade him that all he did was for the success of 
 the expedition. But it is one of the greatest errors that can 
 happen, in the government of a people, that they should 
 know the real character of their governor, for in that case 
 they will generally take advantage of his weakness, as hap- 
 pens to birds, animals, and fish, for which men lay snares 
 according to their natural habits, which are known, and 
 taken advantage of. 
 
 The cautious Aguirre, knowing how to mould the plastic 
 nature of Don Fernando, and that he was fond of show and 
 ceremony, approached him one day by his weak side, saying 
 that it was requisite, in order that he might know the peo- 
 ple and soldiers he had with him, and their intentions as to 
 continuing in the expedition, that he should call them toge- 
 ther, try them, and ask them if they were satisfied that he 
 should be their general ; and if not, to elect whom they 
 pleased ; and to call upon those, who did not wish to follow 
 the war into Peru, to declare themselves, and thus he would 
 see who were devoted to him, and who were not. 
 
 4. As Aguirre had suggested, so did the general act, and, 
 calling together all the people one day, in the open space in 
 front of his lodging, he sallied out with a partisan (a kind of 
 pike or halberd), accompanied by his friends, and Lope de 
 Aguirre with his, and spoke thus : — 
 
 " Cavaliers and noble soldiers, for days past I have de- 
 sired to speak with you, the more particularly as I have 
 heard that some of you are not satisfied, in consequence of 
 not having taken part in my election as general. My inten- 
 tion has never been to offend those who belong to this 
 expedition, and if I accepted the ofiice of general, it was 
 because I believed I was administering to the general good. 
 I was also warmly solicited by many, and rather against my 
 own wishes ; for you well know how difficult it is to act so 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 63 
 
 as to content all, and the great care necessary in all things, 
 particularly in warlike affairs; thus it is well that the general, 
 who has to govern a camp, such as this, wherein there are 
 so many cavaliers and good soldiers, should be elected by 
 general consent, so that all may work willingly in war, being 
 commanded by one whom they have chosen. It is for this 
 that I have summoned you, for it is my desire that you 
 should look around this camp, and see if you cannot find 
 any one more eligible than myself, who, by reason of his 
 greater sagacity and prudence, might take upon himself this 
 office of general. I wish you to look well around, and to elect 
 whom you please. You have entire liberty to do this, and 
 that you may have greater freedom of action, I promise to 
 give up and resign my office to any one you may elect, and 
 I will obey him cheerfully, as a soldier in the ranks. 
 In token of this resignation and renunciation, I place this 
 partisan upright in the ground, as if it were the staff of 
 justice." So he left the partisan standing in the ground, 
 and, uncovering his head, he retired to those who had ac- 
 companied him, adding, " The same renunciation of their 
 posts is made by these officers of the camp, so that you may 
 dispose of them as seems fit and proper." 
 
 At these words the officers went through the same cere- 
 mony as Don Fernando had done, with the instruments and 
 arms of office they had in their hands. 
 
 The soldiers and others of the camp, having listened in 
 silence, being aware of the studied character of these pro- 
 ceedings, and seeing that even if they thought differently, it 
 would be of little importance, and that the result would be 
 against them, replied, and were followed by the friends of 
 Don Fernando and Aguirre in the same strain. They 
 proclaimed that the election of general, in the person of 
 Don Fernando, had been made with the consent of all, 
 and the same was said as regarded the other function- 
 aries ; and they added that, if it were deemed necessary. 
 
64 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 they would re-elect and name Don Fernando for their gene- 
 ral, considering that they were fortunate in having so excel- 
 lent and generous a cavalier to command them ; and thus 
 they supplicated him to retain his command, and continue 
 it as heretofore. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 1. Don Fernando thanks them for his new election, and maJces it known 
 that he will not force any one to follow him. — 2. He asks the soldiers 
 to take oath to folloio him, and all promise to. do so, except three. — 
 3. They all take the oath on a missal placed on an altar. — 4. Dl-ffl- 
 culties that occur in consequence of the want of employment for the 
 people, at this spot. 
 
 1. By this proceediag Don Fernando thought that he had 
 arrived at a knowledge of the views of his soldiers, and he 
 returned to the spot where he had left the partisan, taking 
 it again in his hands. In order to show that he was grate- 
 ful for his re-election as general, he gave the soldiers 
 feigned thanks, saying that he was under great obligations 
 to them; and that he would do his best to merit their 
 favour. He then gave thanks to God for what had been 
 decided on, declaring that justice should be done to all, and 
 that affairs should be managed in such a way that all might 
 thrive in riches and honours, for that there was more than 
 sufficient for all to lay their hands upon, in the broad and 
 rich lands of Piru, whither they were bound, with the 
 intention of becoming lords of the soil. But all the camp 
 knew that in this war, which was made against the king of 
 Castillo and the Indies, some engaged in it of their own 
 free will, and some were forced into it. Don Fernando, 
 however, said that his intention in this rebellion against 
 his king, was not to force any one to follow him, but that 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 65 
 
 each man should declare his intention, and that he who 
 wished to follow him^ should receive land, and riches ; but 
 that he who thought differently, and believed that the expe- 
 dition was not a legal one, and did not wish to continue with 
 it, if there were enough of them to remain behind, secure 
 in some Indian village, and settle there, that he the governor 
 would leave behind a superior officer (any one they might 
 select), and that he would share with them all that he had 
 of arms, munitions, and other things ; and that if they were 
 not in sufficient number to do what had been proposed, he 
 would take them with him as so many brothers, and leave 
 them in the first friendly village, whence they might dis- 
 pose of themselves as they best pleased. That they should 
 have no fears of declaring what they wished, for, from this 
 moment, he gave them his word of honour, that whatever 
 their views were, their persons should be safe, and that he 
 would punctually comply with what he had promised. 
 
 2. Don Fernando moreover added, that those who in- 
 tended to go with him should sign their names, and solemnly 
 swear that they would maintain the war against the lands of 
 Piru by fire and sword, and that they would obey their 
 general and captains in all things, also that amongst them- 
 selves there should be order and unanimity. 
 
 The soldiery replied that they were ready to follow Don 
 Fernando, and that they would take the oath, and sign as 
 he had suggested. 
 
 Only three soldiers, named Francisco Yasquez, Juan de 
 Cabanas, and Juan de Vargas Zapata, boldly said to Don 
 Fernando de Guzman and his friends, that they would not 
 follow them in war against his majesty, whom they recog- 
 nized as their king and lord : and that on this account they 
 wished to be excused from taking the oath, and signing. 
 
 The traitors put on an appearance of calmness at this 
 announcement, but soon the venom of their souls was 
 shown (for what they had said was feigned), and they replied, 
 
 K 
 
66 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 that as it was not the intention of the three to join the 
 war, they had no occasion for their arms ; and so their 
 arms were taken from them ; and they were killed, as we 
 shall explain. They knew what would be their doom, and 
 they said so ere they determined how they would act, but 
 death was preferable to a life of treason to their king. 
 
 3. It being too late, on the day of the meeting, it was left 
 for the morrow to take the oaths and signatures ; so on the 
 following day, early in the morning, all the soldiers in the 
 camp were brought together, and Don Fernando ordered 
 an altar to be prepared, so that mass might be said in sight 
 of all : and, calling Padre Alonso Henao (whom Pedro 
 de Ursua had made chaplain and vicar of the army), he told 
 him to robe and say mass, which he did. The effect which 
 the traitors wished to produce by this celebration of the mass 
 was apparent. When mass was over (which was heard by 
 the traitors in a spirit allied to their depraved intentions), 
 Don Pernando, without allowing the priest to unrobe, told 
 the assembled soldiers that he had brought them together 
 to assist at that ceremony, that there might be greater 
 unanimity and friendship, and that they might have true 
 faith in each other : for which object it was necessary that 
 the oath he had suggested should be taken by all, in the 
 most solemn manner in use among Christians. He then 
 ordered the priest (robed as he was) to hold the consecrated 
 host in his hands and receive the oaths from all, as they 
 came up to him, they touching the host and missal with 
 their hands. Don Fernando commenced, then Lope de 
 Aguirre and the rest of the officers ; then came the rest, 
 according to their rank, who touched the host and missal, 
 and swore by God, and Santa Maria, his most glorious 
 mother, by those holy works of the Evangelists, and by the 
 consecrated host, that they would be unanimous in the mat- 
 ter of the war that they were about to prosecute against 
 the kingdoms of Piru, that^ between them, there should be 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 67 
 
 no difference of opinion, and that, if necessary, they would 
 even die in the enterprise. They also swore faithfully to 
 aid each other, without considering feelings of affection, 
 relationship, loyalty, or any other matter that might retard 
 or disturb the fixed plan of operations ; and that in all that 
 appertained to this war, they would have for their general 
 Don Fernando de Guzman, obeying him and doing all he 
 and his ministers commanded, under the penalty of being 
 perjurers and infamous men. 
 
 After this sacrilegious and wicked oath had been taken, 
 Don Fernando caused the document to be signed, he being 
 the first, then Aguirre and the rest of the officers in their 
 order, who also signed the document as to the fresh election 
 of Don Fernando as general. Some, however, did not sign, 
 with the design that by not doing so, they might be con- 
 sidered exempt from the oath ; but, as there were so many 
 crowding together, there were some who did not sign, and 
 some were fearful that they could not write well enough. 
 There were doubtless some who, by not signing, thought 
 that they would be free from crime, or absolved from punish- 
 ment, if the royal authorities did not find their names on the 
 list. 
 
 The proceedings having terminated, it soon appeared that 
 the princii3al object for taking the oath, was to unite the 
 friends of Juan Alonso de la Bandera (who were soured in 
 consequence of Bandera's death) with Aguirre and his fol- 
 lowers, that henceforward there might be no more discord 
 nor quarrels. 
 
 Peace appeared to be established ; but, being so unjust. 
 Heaven did not allow it to continue, for there soon occurred 
 many misfortunes, dissensions, and seditions ; and they killed 
 each other, as we shall see. 
 
 4. The delay in building the brigantines caused much 
 inconvenience, which hourly increased in consequence of 
 the idle lives of the soldiers (a nest in which many evils are 
 hatched, and the principal cause of what happened here). 
 
68 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Lope de Aguirre, with his sanguinary character (enemy 
 to the human race), was always craftily employed in deceiv- 
 ing the soldiers, and placing so many snares in their way, 
 that they could scarcely extricate themselves from them. 
 
 Day and night was Aguirre immersed in wicked designs. 
 He brought forward one as base as it was dangerous, 
 namely, to raise Don Fernando to such a height of power, 
 that his fall would be the more certain ; and, having dis- 
 cussed his views with Don Fernando, and some of his 
 friends, so that the latter might communicate the same to 
 the soldiers, he ordered them to repair to the same place 
 where Don Fernando's lodging stood, and, all being assem- 
 bled, with Aguirre amongst them, armed as was his custom, 
 and accompanied by his followers, he thus addressed them. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 1. Aguirre addresses the soldiers. — 2. He, together with the soldiers, pro- 
 claims Fernando de Guzman Prince of FirH. — 3. Bon Fernando 
 accepts the title of Prince, and sets up an establishment accordingly/. 
 — 4. Bon Fernando takes the office of sargento mayor from Sancho 
 Pizarro ( a friend of drsua's and gives it to Martin Perez. 
 
 1. " Cavaliers, we have not forgotten, for it is not many 
 days since, that we named for our Captain-general Don 
 Fernando de Guzman, of our own free will, and without 
 any force, for all were duly informed that full liberty was 
 given to elect whom they considered most fit ; and, after the 
 election, the General repeated to all that they might select 
 the road that best pleased them, to follow or not the war in 
 Piru, and those who did not wish to do so, have not on that 
 account been slighted, as is well known ; and we who de- 
 termined to do so, promised, on oath, to comply with our 
 vow ; but since that time some may have changed their 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 69 
 
 minds^ and determined to do something that appears to them 
 better, or some may have had the oath forced upon them, 
 and may say that they are compelled to follow this war, against 
 their inclination. From this moment, I, in the name of the 
 General my lord, and as his maestro del campo, make known 
 and exhort every one of you to examine into what you have 
 done and sworn to, and if you feel you have not the wish to 
 comply, from this moment you shall be released from your 
 oath, and permission shall be given to you (without your 
 incurring any pain) to declare and follow what may appear 
 best to you ; for which I give my word and honour, and 
 promise to keep it with all, as has been kept with those 
 cavaliers, who said that they did not wish to follow the war, 
 nor fight against the king ; whom we have treated as bro- 
 thers, dividing with them what they required." 
 
 2. Some who were present, and were devoted to Don 
 Fernando and Aguirre, in the name of the rest, replied that 
 they were not the men to fall back from their word, or break 
 the oath they had given, particularly in so important a 
 matter. They were persuaded that the enterprise would 
 be successful, they were constant and firm to follow the war, 
 already commenced, and which they had sworn to prose- 
 cute. 
 
 Aguirre seized upon this opportunity, and said : Yes, 
 I perceive you are indeed firm in your views, and that such 
 valiant souls are not only able to subject Piru (for it is only 
 a single province), but all the provinces of these Indies, 
 which cannot have a good and proper government without a 
 king at their head to govern it having been the custom in 
 them (since they have been discovered and conquered), that 
 the lands should belong to him who conquered and sub- 
 jected them. For this object we have elected Don Fernando 
 de Guzman our General and lord, to whom by right these 
 kingdoms belong (and when we arrive in Piru, we will give 
 him the kingly crown, which will so well suit his brow), 
 
70 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 and from henceforth we will hold, recognize, and obey him 
 as our Prince and lawful lord : to which end it is absolutely 
 necessary that we forswear our allegiance to the kingdoms of 
 Spain, our birthplace ; and declare that we will not obey the 
 king Don Philip; for it is clear that no one can serve two mas- 
 ters. In order that there may be no delay in such an import- 
 ant matter, and for the benefit of all, I will commence, and I 
 say that I denaturalize myself from the kingdoms of Spain, 
 where I was born ; and if I have any rights there in conse- 
 quence of my parents being Spaniards, and vassals of the 
 king Don Philip, I give up all my rights, and I deny that 
 he is my king and lord ; and I repeat that I know him not, 
 neither do I wish to know him, nor obey him as such ; but 
 rather, being in possession of my own liberty, I elect from 
 this time for my prince, king, and natural lord, Don Fer- 
 nando de Guzman; and I swear and promise to be his faith- 
 ful vassal and to die in his defence, as he is my lord and 
 king ; and in sign of my recognition, and of the obedience I 
 owe to him, I now go to kiss his hand, with all those who 
 choose to follow and approve what I have said in this elec- 
 tion of Don Fernando de Guzman, as Prince and King of all 
 Tierra Firme ; and he who does not do this, will clearly 
 show that his thoughts are not like his words and oath." 
 
 So saying Lope de Aguirre went (with measured steps, 
 followed by the captains and soldiers of the camp) to the 
 lodging of Don Fernando, and said to him : — 
 
 " All these cavaliers and myself, have elected Your Excel- 
 lency to be our Prince and King ; and as such we come 
 to tender you our obedience, and to kiss your hand, suppli- 
 cating your acquiescence." 
 
 Don Fernando accepted the honours pressed upon him 
 with many thanks. He would not give them his hand to 
 kiss, but went to embrace them, beginning with Aguirre. 
 They all called him Your Excellency, which was the title 
 he had for the rest of his short life. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 71 
 
 From this moment Don Fernando became proud and 
 haughty, with the hope of seeing himself crowned as king. 
 He became grave and severe, for such appeared to him 
 necessary for one who in a short time was to be invested 
 with royal honours. He ordered that his habitation, service, 
 and servants should correspond with that of other princes ; 
 so he appointed his gentleman server, major clomo, carver, 
 pages, and gentlemen, to whom he assigned large salaries, 
 of from ten to twelve thousand dollars and more, to be paid 
 out of the royal treasury, in the kingdoms of Piru. He also 
 gave higher grades to the captains and other officers, and 
 increased their pay. All men began to hold him in such 
 veneration and esteem, that they not only took off their 
 hats to his person, but also whenever a decree was read 
 despatched by his hand, which was always headed thus : 
 " Don Fernando de Guzman, by the grace of God, Prince 
 of Tierra Firme, and of Peru," etc. He always dined alone, 
 and he was served at table with all ceremonies, like unto a 
 king ; and this proud prince was so puffed up in his repre- 
 sentation of majesty, that it looked like a comedy, or child's 
 play ; and though all this was feigned, I verily believe that 
 had he wished to have been adored as a god, they would 
 have done so, and he would have consented ; to such a point 
 had the wickedness of these men arrived. 
 
 4. Meanwhile Aguirre appeared to have forgotten his 
 Christian duties and obligations, and, as a lost man, instead 
 of repenting him of previous crimes, he committed greater 
 ones, taking life away, and becoming a king maker and a 
 deposer of kings. The same occurred in Castille, during the 
 period of the factions of the commonalties,^ with the Cura 
 Medina and Palomero Davila ; for when the communeros 
 passed the cura's house, he treated them politely, and praised 
 
 1 These were the cities of Castille, which, at the beginning of the 
 reign of Charles V, rose against his government, in support of Spanish 
 liberty. 
 
72 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 them in his sermons and conversations, saying that it was 
 just and reasonable to follow them ; but when they oflfended 
 him, by taking his property and servants, he turned over 
 another leaf with them, and instructed his parishioners to do 
 the same ; and thus the kingdom was at one time for Don Juan 
 de Padilla, at another for the king Don Carlos. So Aguirre 
 had the dexterity to elect as Prince of the Indies this vain 
 hidalgo, and in a few days had the infamy to take away from 
 him more than he had given. 
 
 A few days after Don Fernando was raised to regal power, 
 he made Martin Perez sargento mayor del campo. He was one 
 of those who had been without office, and who had been con- 
 cerned in the death of the governor Ursua. This man well 
 iinderstood the office of a rebel and mutineer, and was the first 
 to attack Juan de Yargas, TJrsua's lieutenant, with such fury 
 that his sword passed through Vargas, wounding his com- 
 panion on the other side. In order to give him this office, 
 Don Fernando took it from Sancho Pizarro, making the 
 latter captain of horse. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 1. Various projects regarding their journey to Pirii. — 2. The plans they 
 intend to adopt on their arrival at Nomhre de Bios, Panama, and 
 Pirii. Bon Fernando hestoivs titles for Encomiendas? — 3. The vile 
 doings of other traitors. — 4. After three months, the hrigantines being 
 ready, they leave this village, and prosecute their voyage. 
 
 1. All being now arranged, as regarded the government 
 of the expedition, the next thing to settle was, the best and 
 readiest means of entering Piru. Their hopes of success 
 hourly increased, and nothing could persuade them to the 
 contrary. After having held many councils, and weighed 
 
 * These were very large tracts Of land, with the Indians on them. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 73 
 
 their measures in a thousand ways, they resolved that 
 when the brigantines were ready (which were to be built 
 of larger dimensions than the old vessels), they would 
 adopt measures to get out to sea ; and as to the victual- 
 ling, they resolved to go to the island of Margarita, where, 
 owing to the slight resistance the few inhabitants of that 
 place could make, in a few days they would be able to 
 lay in provisions, such as bread, meat, and water, which 
 they were to procure in four days, and if there were any 
 people there who wished to join them, they determined to 
 take them in the brigantines, and (without stopping at any 
 other place) to make for the port of Nombre de Dios, and, 
 landing at a river hard by, at night, the people being well 
 armed, to march straight to the town of Nombre de Dios 
 with such caution that, before they were perceived, they 
 would be masters of the place, as well as of the Sierra of 
 Capira (in which was the pass to the city of Panama), for 
 having possession of this pass, no communication could be 
 made with Panama ; then to march onwards (leaving the 
 pass guarded) with the rest of the people and their Prince, 
 until they secretly arrived upon the city of Nombre de Dios, 
 to kill the ministers and officers of the king, and such inha- 
 bitants as they considered unfavourable to them, to plunder 
 and burn the place down, leaving it in such a state, that 
 those who had been spared by flight, would not be able to 
 fortify themselves there, nor offer opposition. They were 
 then, without any unnecessary detention, to take with them 
 the friends they had there, and march upon Panama, prac- 
 tising the same cruelties and plunderings ; but above all 
 things to make themselves masters of the ships in the port, 
 so that no information about them could be taken to Piru. 
 
 2. This being done, they were to collect all the artillery 
 from Nombre de Dios, adding it to that of Panama, and to 
 fortify themselves at the latter place ; to build a galley and 
 other vessels ; and, whilst so employed in Panama, they hoped 
 
 L 
 
74 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 to be joined by people from Veragua, Nicaragua^, and other 
 parts, as well as by more than a thousand run-away negros, 
 who, desirous of their liberty, would be glad indeed to be 
 with them, and to enjoy freedom ; and arming all with the 
 arms that had been plundered from the two cities, they 
 would be able to go on to Piru with so large a force, that, 
 should those of Piru be advised of their coming, and be 
 under arms, their forces would be less than those of the 
 invaders. Besides being well found in warlike stores, people, 
 and arms, they hoped that the numerous friends they had in 
 Piru would join them, so that there could be no doubt, that 
 in a short time they would be in possession of that kingdom. 
 Then they could, at their leisure, divide its great riches 
 amongst themselves ; and they would then take away from 
 its inhabitants their wives and daughters, each one naming 
 which woman should be his, for they knew them all. Even 
 the negros were not to be forgotten ; and in this arrange- 
 ment, should any one say, I wish to have Dona So and 
 So," another should reply, " I was thinking of taking the 
 same, but as you have chosen her, there will not be wanting 
 another for me," particularly as there were many Chapetonas,^ 
 coming from Spain. 
 
 As a wind up to such iniquitous projects, these tyrants 
 flattered themselves (independently of the gifts in gold their 
 Prince had promised them, from his royal treasury in Piru), 
 that they would be given titles to estates in that land, and 
 the receivers of such titles disposed of such estates (as if 
 they were really in possession), without for a moment con- 
 sidering that such wickedness would lead to punishment, as 
 it did. 
 
 3. They might have called to mind the miserable end of 
 Gonzalo Pizarro in Piru, when, with similar intentions, he 
 
 1 Chapetona, female ; Chapeton, male. This term, and Polizon also, 
 was given in America to Spaniards who went by stealth there, or with- 
 out a passport. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 75 
 
 rebelled against his king ; and although during his rebel- 
 lion he had a large and well armed force, and was victorious 
 over some of the loyal vassals of the emperor, as when he 
 conquered and killed the viceroy Blasco Nunez, with the 
 greater portion of his army ; which made him proud indeed 
 with his short prosperity ; yet in the end he was made 
 prisoner, his army routed at the battle of Xaquixaguana by 
 the president Pedro de la Gasca, and his death was a miser- 
 able one. A similar fate befel Francisco Hernandez Giron, 
 who rebelled against his king, and, with only three hundred 
 followers, defeated the royal army one thousand two hun- 
 dred strong, in the battle of Chuquinga. He gained other 
 victories, and was better found in all ways than our Don 
 Fernando de Guzman ; yet he was beaten by Gomez de 
 Solis. They might have had many other examples before 
 their eyes (if their eyes had been open) of others who had 
 risen in these Indies with the same objects, in which many 
 of the followers of Don Fernando had been engaged ; yet all 
 these mutinous projects had had a bad end. The recollec- 
 tion of the wild life they had led during their participation 
 in various revolts, spurred them on the more in the present 
 disloyal enterprise, without for one moment anticipating the 
 miserable results that must follow. 
 
 4. In these and other visionary schemes they passed the 
 three months during which the two brigantines were build- 
 ing, and getting ready for sea. The brigantines had no 
 upper works nor decks, but such strong hulls, that they might 
 have been armed as vessels of war of three hundred tons. 
 
 The whole of the people embarked in them, and some 
 new canoes. They left this place, which they called that 
 " of the Brigantines^^ and, navigating the river downwards, 
 came the same day to another village of the same province 
 of Machiparo on the right hand, where they slept that 
 night, starting with early morn the next day, and by a bend 
 entered an arm of the river to the left, by Aguirre's orders. 
 
76 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 who feared, if they went to the right (for it was in that direc- 
 tion some hoped to come upon the rich lands they had been 
 in quest of, according to the information of the Brazilian 
 Indians) that they would remain in those lands, and that 
 dissensions would arise as to settling them. It had come to 
 Aguirre's knowledge that there were many soldiers, who 
 would rather have remained in any moderately fair pro- 
 vince, than go upon the present mutinous expedition. So 
 Aguirre arranged to make a turn out of the way of their 
 direct route, and, having navigated three days and one 
 night in this westerly direction, they came to a few empty 
 huts (for the inhabitants had fled), in a miserable wet coun- 
 try and partially flooded, where the air was filled with 
 mosquitos, which preyed dreadfully on the people. 
 
 The huts were square, and, being covered with straw, 
 rather astonished them ; for they had not seen, in the long dis- 
 tance they had left behind, any but such as were thatched 
 with palms, nor had they seen the grassy plains whence the 
 straw could have been procured, to thatch the huts. Those 
 soldiers who wished to be satisfied on this point, dared not 
 ask some Indians, who were too old to fly, where the lands 
 were whence they got the straw, for fear the friends of 
 Aguirre, observing them ask questions, should think they 
 were inquiring about the rich lands they had originally set 
 out in search of.^ 
 
 1 Aguirre seems to have entered some mouth of the Japura, and, by 
 going up one of the branches which communicate with the Rio Negro, 
 to have finally reached the latter river. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 77 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 1. They arrive at this Indian village, where they pass Passion week and 
 Easter ; Aguirre causes a soldier to he strangled. — 2. They depart 
 after Easter, and stop at another very large Indian town, where they 
 find abundance of provisions and wine (chicha), — 3. Some customs 
 of the Indians of this place. — 4. How they arranged to obtain pro- 
 visions here ; and how some scruples occur to Don Fernando and 
 his friends. 
 
 1. Before they arrived at this village, Alonzo de Mon- 
 toya went with a party in canoes, in search of provisions, up 
 a small branch of the river. Montoya found, at a small 
 settlement, dried fish and some maize, which the Indians had 
 not had time to take away when they fled. The Prince 
 Don Fernando determined to remain eight days to celebrate 
 Passion week, which had already commenced, and to depart 
 after Easter. This would allow of time to rest, and to 
 search for provisions. The fish caught by the soldiers, as 
 well as more brought by the Indians, and bartered, was of 
 great use ; and the love of barter brought the Indians peace- 
 fully from their hiding places, to treat with the Spaniards. 
 
 They were quite naked, they used the same weapons, and 
 spoke the same language as those higher up the river ; so it 
 was presumed they were of the same nation. 
 
 It happened on one of the days of Easter, that a soldier 
 named Pedro Alonso Casto, who had been alguazil to Pedro 
 de Ursua, in talking to another man named Villatoro, com- 
 plained of the small consideration the mutineers had shown 
 in regard to him, and that they had not given him a par- 
 ticular post he desired ; and, laying hold of his beard with 
 his hand, repeated the following lines from Virgil : Audaces 
 fortuna juvat, timidosque repellit" — Fortune aids the bold, 
 but overthrows the timid. There was not wanting one (who 
 had not the fear of God before him) who made this speech 
 known to Aguirre, and it was noticed that he was growing 
 
78 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 morose, because many days had elapsed since an occasion 
 had offered to kill any one ; and in order that Easter might 
 not pass without glutting his infernal appetite for human 
 blood, he had both these soldiers arrested, intending to 
 strangle them for what they had said. Don Fernando, being 
 advised that the men were seized (and well knowing the 
 desire of Aguirre to execute them), sent to say that they 
 were not to be killed ; but when the messenger arrived, 
 Pedro Alonso Casto had been garotted, and the other was 
 on the point of suffering ; so, by order of the Prince, his 
 death was delayed for some days. At the same time the 
 office of alferez-general, which had been given to Alonso 
 de Villena (he was one of the assassins of Ursua),was taken 
 from him, because it was considered too important a post 
 for one of his low blood ; but, that he might not be alto- 
 gether out of humour, he was made gentleman server, 
 and a considerable salary was assigned to him, to be paid 
 out of the royal treasury of Piru ; and to prevent any 
 bickerings as to who should have his former office, it was 
 not filled up. 
 
 2. The feast of Easter being passed, the next morning, at 
 daylight, they left that village, and in the evening came to a 
 larger one on the banks of the river ; where there was abun- 
 ance of provisions in the houses, but the inhabitants had 
 hurriedly fled, fearing the Spaniards. They had not had 
 time to hide the maize and other eatables, and probably the 
 natives thought that the Spaniards would remain there long, 
 being so near the previous resting place, where they had 
 remained a long time. 
 
 This village was on the cliffs above the river, on a narrow 
 island, bounded on one side by the waters of the river, and 
 on the other by a marsh. The island was not broader than 
 a shot from a cross-bow would reach, but its length was 
 nearly two leagues, and it was lined with habitations. 
 
 A sort of wine, made from many things, and of a pasty 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 79 
 
 substance, was found here, which was kept in large jars, 
 holding about five hundred weight. It was left for a certain 
 time to ferment, as if it were juice of the grape, and then 
 put into other vessels. When it was ready for drinking, it 
 was first mixed with water, for its strength was such that 
 drinking it pure would have caused drunkenness, more so 
 than wine from grapes.^ 
 
 The Indians had large buildings stored with this liquor, 
 and if the Spaniards had remained, they would have emptied 
 them, for they liked the drink. 
 
 3. The Spaniards did their best to be friendly with the 
 Indians, in which there was no difficulty, as the soldiers 
 bartered for what they wanted, and these natives were fond 
 of trading, and, being pleased with what the soldiers gave 
 them in exchange, they would not leave the camp, but rather 
 hired themselves to row canoes, grind corn, make bread and 
 wine, and render other services. They were useful, and 
 kind, and although some of the soldiers used them ill, they 
 did not discontinue their bartering, nor did they make much 
 ado when the cruel Spaniards killed some of them. 
 
 They became crafty in their barterings, and they would 
 come at night and steal from the heads of the beds of the 
 Spaniards, clothes, arms, and whatever they could lay their 
 hands on, without fearing severe chastisement for what they 
 had done. It appeared that thieving was not considered a 
 crime by them. Sometimes the Spaniards would imprison 
 them for these thefts, when their companions would come 
 and ransom them, bringing manatees (cow-fish), turtle, 
 hicoteas, fish, and other food, but the pilferers were not 
 let off without having first received some slight punish- 
 ment. 
 
 They were a well disposed people, quite naked ; and used 
 the same arms, darts, and macanas (a sort of club), as those 
 
 ^ This is the ckicha, or fermented Hquor, used by the Indians : made 
 from maize, yucas, etc. 
 
80 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 of Machiparo. Their houses were large and square, and 
 covered with palms leaves, which were abundant.^ 
 
 The Indians had stored a quantity of large cedar timber 
 in their village, brought down by the river, from which 
 they made their canoes, and built their houses. The muti- 
 neers considered this a good place to finish building the 
 brigantines, on account of the quantity of timber here, as 
 well as the abundance of food. 
 
 4. They encamped as follows. In the lower portion of the 
 Indian town, the Prince took up his quarters with his officers, 
 gentlemen, and some captains ; above him, and nearly in 
 the centre, was Lope de Aguirre, and, as he was always 
 meditating some diabolical act or other, he caused the bri- 
 gantines to be moored near to his lodging, saying that he 
 would thus have them under his own eye, in order to 
 quicken the work. But he had another object, for, being 
 in the centre of the camp, he could thus command more of 
 it than his Prince. They began to finish the vessels, build- 
 ing them higher, and putting decks to them, so that they 
 might hold more people, be better ballasted, and safer at sea. 
 
 For this object all the Spanish and negro workmen, who 
 
 understood ship-building, lost no time, and some soldiers also 
 
 assisted, but it took a month to conclude the work. During 
 
 this time, in consequence of the want of occupation of the 
 
 soldiers, difficulties occurred ; some caused by feelings of 
 
 conscience on the part of Don Fernando de Guzman and his 
 
 friends, who became troubled in mind with the cruel and 
 
 unjust death of Ursua. Then they considered the small 
 
 power they had to carry into eff*ect their idea of taking 
 
 Piru, into which plot Aguirre had thrust them. There also 
 
 * These Indians may have been the Uaupes of the Rio Negro, de- 
 scribed by Wallace ; or more probably the Juris. The latter dwell 
 between the rivers Putumayu and Japura, and are also found on the 
 Rio Negro. Their huts are thatched with palm leaves. In 1775 they 
 were ruled by a chief named Machiparo. — Southey's Brazil, iii, p. 721 ; 
 Wallace, p. 510. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 81 
 
 fell upon them the fear of human as well as of divine 
 chastisement, which comes whence it is least expected, to 
 take that vengeance on such grave crimes, as they had been 
 guilty of, which they already began to see was approaching. 
 
 These thoughts, and the sparks of the Christianity in 
 which they had been brought up, caused them to waver. 
 They thought amongst themselves that they would be lost 
 and ruined by following the projected plan of war with 
 Piru ; and that the only way of escape was to retrace their 
 steps, hand themselves over to the ministers of justice, and 
 be punished, as they deserved. By acting thus, much that 
 they had done would be forgotten, if they now went in 
 search of the rich lands they had started to discover, and 
 settled in them ; and they hoped that, although the king 
 might punish them, it would not be with great severity, 
 after adding to the riches of his dominions. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 1. Don Fernando calls a coimcil,in which it is determined to kill Aguirre, 
 as it appeared necessary to do so. — 2. Aguirre and his friends get 
 more arms, taking them from the rest. — 3. He divides the soldiers 
 into compianies, such an arrangement appearing to him better for his 
 designs. — 4. Aguirre arrests Gonzalo Duarte, Don Fernando' s 
 mayordomo, with the intention of hilling him, hut afterwards they 
 become friends. 
 
 1. Don Fernando considered it necessary to call his friends, 
 and the less evil intentioned soldiers in the camp together 
 to hold a council, without letting Aguirre know of it, whom 
 he hated much more than his own sins the object being to 
 countermand the return to Piru. They all met in the house 
 of Don Fernando, that each might give his opinion as to 
 whether the expedition should return to Piru, or go in 
 
 M 
 
8^ 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 search of the land of the Omaguas. The last measure was 
 considered by the council to be the wisest ; but there 
 was a great difficulty to surmount, namely, the opposite 
 views entertained by Aguirre. As long as he and his fami- 
 liars opposed, nothing could be done, for they were more in 
 numbers, and the most daring. The council then agreed 
 to remove this great obstacle, by taking Aguirre's life, and 
 this was to be done by sending for him at once. It was 
 expected that he would come unprepared, not being aware 
 of his danger, and when he came before them, they intended 
 to kill him ; for if he was not got rid of thus briefly, it would 
 be impossible to prevent his becoming aware of their inten- 
 tions, and then they could not be carried into eflect. 
 
 They were all agreed ; when the devil, who is always 
 ready, God willing, to favour his own, and sustain them for 
 some time, to commit greater sins, prompted Alonso de Mon- 
 toya, one of the council, to say, that it was not prudent at that 
 moment to kill Aguirre. He said that if they sent for him, 
 he would come, but accompanied by some of his friends, and, 
 instead of their killing him, he might kill some of them ; so 
 it would be better to put off his death, until they were on 
 their voyage down the river, when Aguirre might be sent 
 for to come on board the Prince's brigantine, to speak to him 
 alone, and thus, without doing harm to others, they could 
 kill Aguirre. 
 
 2. Don Fernando considered this a good plan, for he was 
 of a kind disposition, and an enemy to severity and death ; 
 so he approved of this course, and it was to be effected in 
 the manner which had been last proposed. The council 
 were of the same opinion, because it was the will of their 
 Prince, although against their own views ; for it was certain 
 that if they did not get rid of Aguirre at once, as had been 
 at first resolved, greater troubles would succeed, and that 
 he would get rid of all those who had conspired against him ; 
 as did occur, for during the course of his tyranny not one 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 83 
 
 of these escaped his vengeance, from the Prince down- 
 wards. 
 
 Not a day passed that Aguirre did not draw more fol- 
 lowers to his side, from amongst those who resembled him in 
 atrocity, intention, and ambition; whom he managed to 
 supply with the best arms in the camp, taking such from 
 those he was not sure of, on the pretext that they were not 
 mindful of warlike affairs, and that they did not take such 
 care of their arms as was required of them ; and, as if in- 
 dignant on this matter, he took the arms from them and gave 
 them to others, who, he said, would take better care of them. 
 In this manner he and his followers became possessed of the 
 best armour and arms in the camp ; not only of those who 
 died, or whom he killed (whose property was under his 
 control), but of those who were living ; and thus the only 
 useful arms were in the hands of his party. 
 
 3. It appeared convenient to Aguirre that the soldiers 
 should be divided into companies of equal numbers, so that 
 one captain should not have more men than another ; and he 
 determined to divide them into as many companies as 
 possible, of forty men each, he himself naming some of his 
 friends as captains of some of the companies ; and in some 
 of the other companies he put those soldiers who were 
 devoted to him, so that he might have assistance from all 
 sides, when required. The Prince's guard consisted of forty 
 soldiers, and amongst these he introduced some of his parti- 
 zans. He was now the leading hand in disposing of affairs, 
 and he favoured his allies ; his power increased, his wish to 
 command was greater than that of his Prince, and he was 
 more readily obeyed ; thus it was not difficult to foresee that 
 this state of things would end in trouble. 
 
 One Gonzalo Duarte, mayordomo mayor to Don Fernando, 
 fearing what might happen to him, from the high hand 
 Aguirre was taking, also recollecting that he had once con- 
 spired with Aguirre, and thinking that what the Prince com- 
 
84 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 manded would be obeyed, obtained a promise from him, 
 that no judge or captain of the camp should have any juris- 
 diction whatever over him, but that he should be, in all 
 things, amenable only to the Prince, for any matter, how- 
 ever atrocious, he might be concerned in. 
 
 4. It was not long before this arrangement came to Aguirre's 
 ears, and, knowing why Duarte had put himself in this posi- 
 tion, and wishing to show him that he could not escape him, 
 Aguirre went and made him his prisoner, intending to 
 strangle him at once, as he would have done, if Don Fer- 
 nando (hearing that his mayordomo was arrested) had not 
 gone in person, and taken him out of prison. Aguirre's 
 diabolical rage knew no bounds, when he was informed that 
 his prey had escaped his hands ; he rushed to Don Fer- 
 nando's dwelling, and, with ferocious language, throwing 
 himself on the ground before him, fire flashing from his eyes, 
 and foam from his mouth, supplicated that the prisoner 
 might be given up to him, for that he wanted to punish him 
 for many atrocious crimes he had committed in the service, 
 and that he would not rise from where he was, until he 
 had with his own sword (which he drew from the scabbard) 
 cut his head off. 
 
 Don Fernando begged him to rise and be calm ; and pro- 
 mised that he would examine, and see what Duarte had 
 done, and that he would punish him if he had been culpable. 
 The officers present also became mediators, pacifying the 
 infernal fury of Aguirre, and doing their best to make them 
 friends, seeing that in this they would please Don Fernando. 
 
 Duarte now explained that Aguirre should be considerate 
 to him, adding that he had no cause to treat him so, for 
 Aguirre well knew that when, in the village of the Motilones, 
 he had conspired and wished to kill Pedro de Ursua, and to 
 make Don Martin General (he whom we have said Ursua 
 sent back to Piru, in consequence of what Pedro de Anasco 
 told him), that Aguirre was to be maestro del campo, and 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 85 
 
 he, Duarte, captain, and that they were to go back to Piru. 
 A long time had passed, and, although he had been so inti- 
 mate a friend of Ursua's, he had never breathed a word of 
 this conspiracy to any one, and he never could have sup- 
 posed that Aguirre would repay his silence by taking his 
 life. Aguirre (as one who cared but little for his wicked- 
 ness being brought to light) replied that what Duarte had 
 said was true, and that he was now mindful how Duarte 
 had befriended him, and that he was ready to serve him if 
 he required it ; so Aguirre became calm, and they (at the 
 request of the others) embraced each other, and became 
 friends for the time; but soon afterwards Duarte paid dearly 
 for this friendship, by becoming his victim. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 ] . Diflculties hetween Captain Lorenzo Salduendo and Aguirre, as to the 
 accommodation for Dona Ines on hoard the hricjantines. — 2. Aguirre 
 kills Salduendo, and hy his orders two soldiers kill Dona Ines. — 
 3. Discussion hetween Don Fernando and Aguirre as to the death of 
 Salduendo. — 4. Aguirre pacifies Don Fernando, hut, on account of 
 an idle report which two captains repeat to Aguirre, he determines to 
 kill Don Fernando. 
 
 1. Dona Inez de Atienza had not left the evil ways she 
 had continued in since she left Piru (although she had wit- 
 nessed so many violent deaths, which Providence had placed 
 before her), and was living as the mistress of Lorenzo Sal- 
 duendo, captain of Don Fernando's guard. Dona Inez had 
 with her, as a companion, a Dona Maria de Soto, a mestiza, 
 who was the mistress of another man in the expedition. All 
 being ready to start, Salduendo busied himself in arranging 
 how the females and their baggage could be accommodated 
 in the brigantines ; and, that they might repose comfortably 
 
86 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 at niglit, he wished to send some mattresses on board for 
 them. Aguirre (either because he did not like the women, 
 or that he was jealous that any one should have a female 
 companion), told Salduendo that the mattresses could not 
 go in the brigantines, as they took up too much room, inas- 
 much as there were a great many people, and other more 
 important things, which it was absolutely necessary to take. 
 Thus Aguirre excused himself, and Salduendo went away in 
 an angry mood, returning to his lodging, where he found 
 the two women awaiting a favourable reply from Aguirre ; 
 and, having told them what had passed, and the angry way 
 in which he had been refused, in an offended spirit he flung 
 away from him a lance he had in his hands, saying, " Am I 
 to beg for favours from Lope de Aguirre at these my years ?" 
 
 These words were repeated to Aguirre, with others that 
 Dona Inez had uttered the previous day, whilst burying a 
 mestiza servant of hers, when she exclaimed weeping, '^God 
 pardon thee, my child ; but ere many days thou wilt have 
 many companions with thee in the grave." 
 
 2. When Aguirre was told these words, uttered by Sal- 
 duendo, his suspicious soul easily interpreted the meaning 
 he intended they should have, that Salduendo meditated 
 some evil against him, or even to kill him ; so he determined 
 to collect some friends, and go and kill Salduendo ; who, 
 being advised of his proceedings, and guessing that the result 
 might be fatal, went to the Prince and told him his fears, 
 as to Aguirre's intention of killing him. Don Fernando 
 told him not to fear, and that he would settle the matter ; 
 and, calling Gonzalo Guiral de Fuentes, one of his captains, 
 he told him to go to Aguirre and say, in his name, that he 
 must look to it that Salduendo was not molested, for that 
 he was in fear of his life ; and also to do his best to calm 
 Aguirre's anger. 
 
 Gonzalo Guiral went on his mission as quickly as possible, 
 but as Aguirre was most active in his diabolical actions.. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 87 
 
 Guiral met him on the road with his troop of murderous 
 followers^ who were proceeding with hurried steps to kill 
 Salduendo. Guiral gave Aguirre the message from Don Fer- 
 nando, who took as little notice of it, as of the Prince whom 
 he had placed in power ; and, without stopping, he went 
 onwards until he arrived at Don Fernando's house, when 
 he and his partizans attacked Salduendo with swords and 
 lances. Don Fernando tried to defend the victim, he com- 
 manded and begged that they would not kill Salduendo ; 
 but it was too late, he was soon a murdered man, like 
 unto Pedro de Ursua his governor, whom he had assisted to 
 slay. 
 
 The cruel beast Aguirre, now bathed in the blood of 
 Salduendo, longed to shed that of Doha Inez, and, call- 
 ing to mind his distaste for her, and some threats of hers, 
 he determined that she should suiFer a similar punishment ; 
 so he ordered one of his sergeants, called Anton Llamoso, 
 and one Francisco Carrion, a mestizo, to go and kill her 
 wherever they might find her. These men had already 
 been accustomed to slaughter, and this murder of a woman 
 rendered them more hardened for such offices in future. 
 
 No sooner was the sanguinary command given, than the 
 murderers went to where Doiia Inez lodged, and rushing 
 upon her with drawn swords, took her life in such a 
 barbarous manner that after her death, even the most har- 
 dened men in the camp, at sight of the mangled victim, 
 were broken-hearted, for this was the most cruel act that 
 had been perpetrated. 
 
 Her property, which was of considerable value, was 
 seized, and without calling in the notary to take an inventory 
 (desiring to be paid for their bloody work), the cruel 
 butchers divided it between them. 
 
 3. Whilst these assassins were killing Dona Inez, Don 
 Fernando had the lifeless body of Salduendo before his eyes. 
 He upbraided Aguirre with want of respect for his person. 
 
88 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 and for not heeding him when he had sent to him, praying 
 that he would not kill the captain of his guard ; that he had 
 come with cruelty as well as insolence to commit the murder 
 in his presence, and this he told him in a bitter tone. 
 Aguirre, valuing the help he had from his followers more 
 than any favour the Prince could show him, addressed Don 
 Fernando in an arrogant and insulting manner. Amongst 
 other things, he said that Don Fernando did not understand 
 or know how to govern in affairs appertaining to war, and 
 if he (Aguirre) were wise^ and wished to manage things 
 well, he ought not to put his trust in a Sevillano, for he 
 knew their character for double-dealing. Now, as Don 
 Fernando was a native of Seville, this was a terrible thrust 
 at him. He added that he should be cautious and look to 
 his person, as he (Aguirre) should do to his, for men in 
 the position of his Excellency, should have more care of 
 themselves than he had ; and, for the future, when he 
 wished to have a council of war, he would advise him to 
 have fifty well-armed friends in his train prepared for 
 whatever might happen ; and that it was better for him 
 to partake of the pebble-stones of Pariacaca, than of the 
 pancakes given to him by Duarte his majordomo ;^ and 
 he added many other observations of the same kind. He 
 then left his Prince, returning to his quarters with his 
 friends. 
 
 4. Aguirre had not been long in his quarters when he deter- 
 mined to return to the Prince, and give him apparently peace- 
 ful explanations, telling his Excellency that he ought not to 
 complain that Salduendo had been slain before his eyes, for 
 he intended to have killed him, Aguirre, who was one of the 
 Prince's most faithful and loyal servants ; so if he had lost one 
 friend, a better friend had been spared ; that he would guard 
 him with more fidelity than any other in the camp, for that he 
 
 1 " Fuera muy mas a proposito gustar de los guijarros de Pariacaca, 
 que de los bunuelos que le dava Gonzalo Duarte su mayordomo mayor." 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 89 
 
 was a man to defend and assist him, and more deter- 
 mined in risking his life in Don Fernando's defence, than 
 many in whom he had put too much confidence, and that 
 some day the Prince would discover his mistake. With 
 these and other false assertions Aguirre pacified his Prince, 
 who could not by words show that he felt the reverse ; for, 
 taking into consideration what Aguirre had lately done and 
 said, and the little respect he had for his position, he was 
 very suspicious of what might happen to him ; this feeling 
 increased daily, and he became fearful and changed in his 
 appearance ; but he did not protect his person with more 
 care, nor take Aguirre's life, nor did he seek to rally more 
 friends round him for protection ; for he had become so 
 timid and listless that for the care of his own life he took 
 but little note. 
 
 Aguirre, on the other hand, was guarded at every point ; 
 he had in his train, day and night, more than sixty men 
 well armed and ready to commit any crime ; and he caused 
 it to be bruited about that he had this number of men to 
 guard and protect Don Fernando. This was said to de- 
 ceive those who suspected that Aguirre meditated the 
 Prince's death. 
 
 Gonzalo Guiral de Fuentes, Don Fernando's captain, and 
 Alonzo de Villana (both of whom had been in the council 
 when Aguirre's death was determined on), seeing what had 
 passed between Don Fernando and Aguirre, and that no 
 good would result to one or the other, determined to join 
 Aguirre's party, which was the strongest in followers and 
 arms (for it is the fate of tyrants, to be served by unfaithful 
 ministers), so they went to Aguirre, and recounted to him 
 all that had passed in the council, and how it was that 
 he was not a dead man, in consequence of Alonzo Montoya 
 delaying his death for some more fitting occasion. With 
 this information Aguirre immediately determined within 
 himself (without making it known to any one) to kill Don 
 
 N 
 
90 
 
 THE CllUlZE OF 
 
 Fernando, and the whole of the council, and to make himself 
 master of the expedition. He sent for Don Fernando to he 
 present at a certain council, who replied (fearing he was 
 to be killed there) that the present was not the time for 
 councils, nor to call him to them, and he begged to be 
 excused. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 1. Aguirre makes his arrangements to hill the Prince Don Fernando and 
 others. — 2. Aguirre and his companions kill two captains, and plan 
 how the Prince is to die. — 3. They go in the morning of the next 
 day to kill the Prince. — 4. Aguirre kills a priest , some captains, and 
 the Prince Don Fernando. 
 
 1. Aguirre was rather astonished when he heard of the 
 scheme planned by the council for his assassination, so he 
 determined to lose no time in murdering those who had 
 sentenced him. He secretly prepared his friends for action, 
 but only made known to two of them his intention of killing 
 the Prince, for these two had promised Aguirre to do so 
 two days before, when the brigantines should be on the 
 point of sailing. 
 
 As we have already said, the island on which they were 
 encamped was narrow. In one part of it Don Fernando 
 was lodged, Montoya and other captains were at the other 
 end, whilst Aguirre and his friends were in the centre. 
 
 The first thing Aguirre did was to issue an order that all the 
 canoes, above and below the brigantines, should be brought 
 up to them ; that without his express order not one should 
 be used, to prevent information from being carried from one 
 part of the camp to the other ; and that his friends should 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 91 
 
 send their baggage secretly on board the brigantines, so that^ 
 in case their plans became known, and they were ordered 
 to be arrested, they might embark and set sail. 
 
 ^. The night arrived, and Aguirre collected his followers 
 together, placing guards on the road to the Prince's quar- 
 ters (which he could easily do as the island was so narrow), 
 so that no one could pass and warn him of what was going 
 on. All his friends being in his house, he told them it was 
 necessary that he should punish certain captains and soldiers 
 who had rebelled against their prince, and for this purpose 
 he prayed they would accompany and assist him, as they 
 were bound to do. Having equipped and armed them, they 
 proceeded with him direct to the quarters of Montoya, and 
 that of the admiral Miguel Robedo, in the upper part of the 
 island, who were unprepared for Aguirre's plot. Aguirre, 
 with his host of ruffians, entered the huts of both of his vic- 
 tims, killing them with sword and lance, unperceived by any 
 one. Hence they proceeded on their way to do the same 
 with Don Fernando, before any one could inform him of 
 what was meditated against him. Aguirre was the first to 
 inform his party that it was necessary to kill other captains 
 and soldiers who were quartered near to Don Fernando, 
 stating who were to die ; that parties of ten of his people 
 were to rush upon each individual, naming who were to be 
 the murderers, and who the victims. He charged them to 
 have a care in fulfilling his orders effectually, and promised 
 to be in the thick of the fight with them ; but they observed 
 that it was not the most favourable hour, being so late and 
 the night so dark, and that in the affray they might kill 
 one another. 
 
 3. Aguirre considered the observation was not ill-founded, 
 so he delayed proceeding until the first dawn of day, in- 
 creasing the number of his followers with soldiers in whom 
 he could confide ; so that no information of what was going 
 on might transpire in the lower part of the island. But he 
 
92 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 did not consider it prudent to remain on shore during the 
 rest of the night, and he therefore went on board the brigan- 
 tines with his band. They were very watchful, and intended, 
 in case the Prince should suspect what they were about, to 
 cut the cables of the brigantines, and go down the river, 
 leaving the Prince and the rest of the people there to perish. 
 
 The day began to dawn, and stillness reigned throughout 
 the camp (for the two deaths they had already committed 
 had not been discovered). Aguirre came on shore with his 
 followers, but no one knew that they were about to kill the 
 Prince, excepting Juan de Aguirre and Martin Perez, the 
 Sargento mayor, his confidential friends, whom he had 
 begged, under promise of great gifts, not to fail in killing 
 Don Fernando de Guzman. A strong guard having been 
 left on board the brigantines, Aguirre advanced with his 
 men to the Prince's quarters, collecting all the soldiers they 
 met on the road, telling them they were going to chastise 
 some mutineers, and adding that they should be ever mind- 
 ful of their Prince and lord, to reverence him and to see that 
 he did not endanger his person ; and, although some of the 
 mutineers might fly to his side for protection, to be most 
 careful not to harm the Prince, for it was probable, as his 
 Excellency was of so kind a disposition (being ignorant of 
 the treason against his person on the part of the captains 
 they were going to kill), that he might try to save them, but 
 they were not to be left alive. 
 
 4. Aguirre, having fully instructed his band, and approach- 
 ing the hut of Padre Alonso Henao (who had said the mass, and 
 had taken the oaths of rebellion against the king), commenced 
 his butchery by sacrilegiously taking the life of the priest, by 
 the sword. Some said that this deed was accidental, and that 
 Aguirre did not kill him, but a soldier called Alonzo Navarro. 
 Whoever committed the act, the priest was murdered. 
 They then proceeded to the Prince's quarters, and found 
 him on his couch, quite unprepared to be hurried out of the 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 93 
 
 world. Don Fernando arose, on hearing the noise made by 
 the entry of the soldiers, and, on seeing Lope de Aguirre 
 amongst them, said, " What is all this, my father ?" for this 
 was the way the Prince generally addressed Aguirre, who 
 replied, " Do 'not be alarmed, your Excellency," and, pass- 
 ing onwards with some followers, went to where Captain 
 Miguel Serrano, Duarte, and Baltasar Cortes Cano were, 
 killing them with swords, lances, and arquebuzes. 
 
 Martin Perez and Juan de Aguirre had not forgotten 
 Aguirre's instructions, and, perceiving that the opportunity 
 had arrived by reason of the confusion in the house, and steel- 
 ing their hearts for the act, they approached Don Fernando, 
 and fired their arquebuses at him. They afterwards attacked 
 him with their swords, and thus he fell dead at their feet, 
 bringing his rebellion to an end, a fate which he might have 
 averted had he taken proper precautions. He was scarcely 
 twenty-six years of age, of good stature, well formed and 
 strong of limb, with the manners of a gentleman, fine face 
 and beard, slow to action, more kind than otherwise, and 
 born in the city of Seville. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 1. Aguirre explains the cause of the death of the governor and the others 
 to the ca7np, and calls his soldiers the " Maranones." — 2. He changes 
 the various ojices in the army^ giving them to his friends. — 3. They 
 leave the town of the " Butchery," and sail through large provinces. 
 — 4. After navigating for ticelve days, they come to a village. 
 
 1. The bloody work being over, and the day advancing. 
 Lope de Aguirre called the people together in an open 
 place, from whence he could be heard by all. He was 
 armed from head to foot, and surrounded by eighty of his 
 
94 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 best fighting friends, fully armed. He then gave an account 
 of the late severity, adding that they ought not to be sur- 
 prised, nor be tumultuous on account of the deaths they 
 had witnessed, because such were the natural consequences 
 brought on by wars, and that war could not be called by that 
 name if such acts did not take place ; that their Prince, 
 and the rest who had fallen, had been thus treated, because 
 they did not know how to govern, nor to direct the expedi- 
 tion to the favourable end they all desired ; that for the 
 safety of the army, the death of Don Fernando was most 
 necessary ; for had he been allowed to live, they would all 
 have perished through his bad government, which fact must 
 be so manifest to all, that he would not trouble them further 
 on the matter, but that henceforth they should consider him 
 as their friend and companion, and be well assured that for 
 the future, the war would be prosecuted to the satisfaction 
 of all ; that they would not be sorry for having chosen him 
 for their General, for that they could scarcely conceive the 
 extent of the desire he felt to administer to their pleasure 
 and contentment. He thus ended his speech, and remained 
 with the title of General ; although some say that he was 
 not called General, but the " Powerful Chief," and his men 
 Maranoiies (a name they gave themselves), w^hich for days 
 past they had had the idea of taking, owing to the entangle- 
 ments and plots {maranas) that daily occurred in that expe- 
 dition, with so much danger to all, as we have seen ; and 
 from this came the name of the river Maranon, without there 
 being any other reason to call it so. We have observed that 
 each province on the margins of the rivers that entered the 
 Maranon had their various names. It has been said that a 
 small branch of this river was called Maranon, from which 
 the whole river took its name. But the truth is as we have 
 said, and the name was never heard before, although many 
 Spaniards had navigated near to its mouths (in the Atlantic), 
 and the Captain Francisco de Orellana had descended it, and 
 
THE TRAITOK AGUIRRE. 
 
 95 
 
 given it the name of Amazonas, on account of having met 
 with women, who fought against him ; and the river took 
 that name also.^ 
 
 2. Aguirre was now anxious to commence the exercise of 
 his supreme power and office, as General over the expedi- 
 tion (which he had taken by his own will, and without other 
 right than that obtained by the murders which he had com- 
 mitted). He began by giving new posts to those particular 
 friends who had been most ready to second his designs. To 
 Martin Perez, who had been his sergeant, and one of the 
 murderers of Don Fernando, he gave the post of maestro del 
 campo ; one Juan Lopez (a ship's caulker) was appointed 
 admiral; Juan Gonzalo (a carpenter) sargento mayor. The 
 commander, Juan de Guevara, was deprived of his office of 
 captain, given to him by the Prince, and promised that, if 
 all arrived safely at Nombre de Dios, he should be given 
 twenty thousand dollars and sent to Spain, for Aguirre was 
 well aware that the commander was not cut out for a soldier. 
 
 ^ Velasco has an interesting chapter on the river Maranon {Hist, of 
 Quito, 1789, ij 16.) He observes that the name of the first Spaniard who 
 saw the river was Maranon ; and that he exclaimed on beholding the vast 
 expanse of waters, " Hie mare an non V " Maranon''' is in reality de- 
 rived from the Spanish word 31arana, one of the meanings of which, is 
 a place rendered impassable by brambles and briers ; and such impedi- 
 ments would have been encountered by the first explorers of the river. 
 In this chapter, however, it is distinctly stated that the river took its 
 name of Maranon from the Maranas,'''' or entanglements and plots which 
 daily occurred in Aguirre's expedition, Orellana entered this great river 
 from the mouth of the Napo, and it should retain his name of Ama- 
 zonas''' from that point to the Atlantic ; while the name of ^''Maranon'''' 
 may justly be given to the river from its source in the lake of Lauri- 
 oche in Peru, to its junction with the Napo. 
 
 Manuel Rodriguez says, " A vista de los enredos y maranas que pas- 
 saron, andando por aquel rio, y sus vueltas, le llamaron Rio de Maranas, 
 J por significarlas grandes, passo a llamarse Maranon. Y aun solo por 
 si, pudieron darle el nombre, por sus muchas vueltas entre islas, y montes, 
 que le descaminan ; y por sus brazos, saltos, y despeiios, llamandole 
 Maranon de aguas, enredo y laberinto confusode corrientes." — Marano?i 
 y Amazonas, lib. i, cap. v. 
 
96 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 The office of conducto^ was given to Diego de Trujello, 
 who had been alferez to Aguirre ; Diego Tirado was made 
 captain of horse ; some say that he was obliged to accept 
 the post, or that otherwise he would have been killed, al- 
 though I think it was not so, for we shall see what he did 
 afterwards. Aguirre made Nicolas de Susaya his captain of 
 the guard. He was a Biscayan, and a very little mean 
 fellow, but he was soon removed. The staff of office of 
 alguazil mayor of the camp he gave to Carrion, a mestizo, the 
 husband of an Indian woman in Piru, which staff was taken 
 from Juan Lopez Carreto ; but in order not to change all 
 the captains and old officers (as also to please some of his 
 friends, who begged him not to do so), he left Sancho Pizarro 
 and Pedro Alonzo Galeas, in the posts given to them by 
 Don Fernando. 
 
 3. Aguirre presently considered how he could best pre- 
 vent any difficulties that might occur (being so crafty and 
 wicked a man, he judged the world by himself), so he issued 
 a proclamation, under pain of death, that henceforward no 
 one should speak in private with his companions, that the 
 soldiers should not go about in bodies, and that, when in his 
 presence, no man should put his hand to his sword or other 
 arms. 
 
 Not considering himself quite safe, even with these severe 
 
 orders, he thought he and his friends would be better in the 
 
 brigantines than on shore, (during the two days they were 
 
 detained in that place, after the death of Don Fernando) ; 
 
 so they embarked, and when there was any necessity for 
 
 their coming on shore, it was done with such care and 
 
 caution, and so many of them came well armed, that 
 
 even if the others had sought to molest them, they would 
 
 not have succeeded, seeing that they had but few arms, and 
 
 that those they had were very inferior, (for as we have said, 
 
 ^ Conducto or Conductor — usher, or one whose business it is to intro- 
 duce ambassadors. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIJIRE. 
 
 97 
 
 Aguirre had for some time past appropriated the best, for 
 himself, and his friends) and would have been of little use. 
 
 After these two days, having embarked all the people in 
 the two brigantines and some canoes, he left the town of the 
 
 Butchery," (for so they called it), and directed his course 
 to the left, by a branch of the river, his intention being not 
 to sight any village or people on the right side, having re- 
 ceived information that the Omaguas dwelt in that direction; 
 but, navigating by this and other branches coming from the 
 west, they soon saw some low mountains to the east, with 
 open savannahs, whence they discerned, during the day, much 
 smoke, and at night many fires, a sure sign that they were 
 near a large village ; but as no one was allowed to make any 
 observation, or talk about what they saw under pain of death, 
 they could only look and be silent.^ The Brazilian Indian 
 guides said clearly that those were the lands and people of 
 the Omaguas whom they were in search of, so, to stop any in- 
 vestigation on this head, Aguirre immediately issued an order, 
 under pain of death, that no one should talk with the Bra- 
 zilian guides, or speak of the lands of the Omaguas. 
 
 4. They discovered other bare-looking low mountains on 
 the left hand, which were nearly opposite to those on the 
 right, but they did not appear so populous. These two 
 ranges caused the river to be somewhat narrower, but not so 
 much so as to prevent it from being very wide even here. 
 
 ' For eight days and seven nights the Maranones were navi- 
 gating, going always to the left, and passing many islands, 
 peopled by naked Indians with bows and arrows. They 
 were the first they had seen on the river, who had piraguas 
 (large boats). They landed at one of the villages in search 
 of provisions, where they found a great number of iguanas 
 in the huts, tied by the neck, ready to be eaten. 
 
 1 Aguirre appears to have been working his way up the Rio Negro, 
 in the direction of the Cassiquiari Canal, which connects it with the 
 Orinoco. 
 
 O 
 
98 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 At length they came near a large Indian settlement, on 
 the right, situated on a very high cliff, at sight of which 
 Aguirre sent thirty armed men in canoes and piraguas, with 
 orders to lay hands on some of the Indians, who did not fly 
 from the Spaniards, but waited, looking at them from the 
 cliflT, apparently with peaceful intentions. The soldiers gave 
 them to understand that they were friendly also ; but, as the 
 latter were so used to the shedding of human blood, parti- 
 cularly that of the natives, and in this case much against 
 their own interests, they began to fire their muskets, 
 wounding some of the Indians, and causing the rest to fly, 
 leaving all they had in their huts. 
 
 The soldiers went after the Indians, but could only catch 
 a man and a woman. 
 
 Wishing to ascertain whether the plant they rubbed on 
 their arrows was poisonous, one Juan Gonzales Serrato took 
 one of the arrows from an Indian, and pricked him in the 
 leg with it, drawing blood. On the following day the Indian 
 died, so it was seen that the poison used here was most 
 powerful. 
 
 The brigan tines now came to the village, where the 
 Spaniards disembarked, plundering the Indian huts of pro- 
 visions and other things. The Indians, having placed their 
 wives and children in safety, appeared occasionally in the 
 distance, on land, and on the river in their canoes and 
 piraguas, but they did not attack the Spaniards. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 99 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 1. They catch an Indian, and send him to tell the others that they 
 desire to he at peace ivith them. — 2. Aguirre kills three soldiers, 
 whilst they are putting the brigantines in order. — 3. He still has 
 tyrannical fears, although he has killed so many men. — 4. The Bra- 
 zilian Indian guides escape from him. 
 
 1. They were anxious to lay hands on one of the Indians 
 who were in sight, which they did ; and Aguirre (giving 
 him some hatchets and other things) made him understand 
 by signs that he was to go to his companions, and tell them 
 to come into the camp, and that no harm should come to 
 them. So the Indian went, and shortly afterwards they sent 
 two messengers, one was lame in the foot, the other in the 
 hand, and his body bent on one side ; and these, by signs, 
 made known that the whole of the Indians would come in, 
 and be friends. 
 
 But Aguirre's thoughts ran more upon Piru, than upon 
 making peace with these Indians ; so he did not think it 
 worthwhile to await their coming, or else he considered that 
 they had not been prudent in sending the two Indians away, 
 who would report what they had seen, and the natives in 
 large numbers might come and attack them ; for all around 
 was a high plain free from marshes, being an open savanna, 
 surrounded by a forest of cork-trees [alcornocales claros). 
 
 The Indians here are naked, and they use the bow and arrow 
 with dexterity. They are Caribs, and voracious for human 
 flesh, and are called the Arnaquinas.^ They have temples 
 for sacrifice, and worship the sun and moon, as the Span- 
 
 1 Arnaquinas. These iLdians may have been the Arekainas of Wal- 
 lace, p. 508 ; a tribe on the Rio Negro, and on the upper waters of some 
 of its tributaries ; who make war against other tribes, as Padre Simon 
 says, to obtain prisoners for food. Von Spix mentions a tribe called 
 Arequenas, on the Putumayu (probably the same), Spia; und Martius, 
 iii, p. 1136. These Indians, like their neighbours the Uatipes, have 
 sorcerers, but do not believe in a God. 
 
100 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 iards discovered, by what they saw at the doors of their 
 sanctuaries ; for on one side, there was a large plank on 
 which was cut the figure of the sun and that of a man. From 
 this it was understood that they sacrificed men. On the 
 other side was another plank, with the moon and a female 
 engraved on it, and here they sacrificed women. Both these 
 spots were very full of blood, which, doubtless, was human 
 (although this could not be distinctly learnt from the In- 
 dians, as the Spaniards were ignorant of their language). 
 
 2. The Indian houses were in confusion ; in one a piece of 
 the guard of a sword was found, in others nails, and in others 
 little things made of iron. Their food was the ordinary 
 food of the Indians, viz., maize, which was found in quanti- 
 ties in their houses ; and many roots of name (yam), and 
 yucas were in the ground, from which they made cas- 
 sava. There was much fish in the river, and plenty of fruit 
 on land. 
 
 Already at this spot, on the river (in consequence of the 
 great distance they had navigated, and because the water was 
 seen to ebb and flow, and by other signs), the pilots and others 
 conjectured they were not far from the sea, so Aguirre 
 determined to ship the masts of the brigantines, and to rig 
 them, particularly as there was plenty of provisions here, to 
 last them for the time they were occupied about the vessels. 
 There were also large quantities of cabuyas, figues, and 
 cacuyza, from which they made rope ;^ also large spars for 
 masts, jars of a good earth for holding water, much cassava, 
 and other things. 
 
 They hurried affairs on, making sails of some cotton 
 mantles and sheets they collected from amongst themselves, 
 and they were ready in twelve days, which appeared to 
 Aguirre as so much lost time, for he had not shed any blood; 
 and that he might not forget how to do it (for his office was 
 that of a murderer), he laid a snare for a soldier named 
 J Varieties of the Agave Americana. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 101 
 
 Monteverde, saying he thought it very shameful in him to be 
 so lukewarm in warlike affairs, and that he was of no use to 
 him. One night he caused him to be strangled, with an in- 
 scription placed on his body as follows, " amotinadorcillo," 
 a poor little mutineer. Some, to put a gloss over what 
 Aguirre had done, justified the death of Monteverde, because 
 he was a Lutheran; but let this be as it may, he did not kill 
 him from zeal for the Catholic faith (about which he did not 
 care), but because he thought he was not sufficiently devoted 
 to him. Because Aguirre's wickedness was increasing, or 
 because he wished Monteverde to have a companion, he 
 killed Juan de Cabanas (one of the three already alluded to, 
 who would not follow Don Fernando de Guzman, or sign 
 anything against the King of Spain), because Aguirre con- 
 sidered he ought not to continue in such an opinion, although 
 he had been permitted to act as he did. Aguirre then 
 killed Captain Diego de Trujillo and Juan Gonzales, then 
 Sargento Mayor, to whom he had given these posts after 
 Don Fernando's death ; and, that no one might say that they 
 had been executed without cause, he had it reported that 
 these men wanted to mutiny and kill him : however, the 
 truth was that he had got rid of them out of this life because 
 they were looked upon as good and kind men, and because 
 many came about them as friends. Aguirre feared and be- 
 lieved that at some time or other this party would kill him 
 and his band. 
 
 3. He soon gave the offices of the dead men to others : 
 that of captain to one Cristoval Garcia, a caulker; that of 
 Serjeant to one Juan Telle. So many were the fears that 
 disturbed the wicked conscience of Aguirre, although he had 
 killed those whom he in any way feared, that he never felt 
 himself secure from the survivors : so, not believing himself 
 safe, either by day or night, on land, during the greater 
 portion of the twelve days he and his friends lived on board 
 one of the brigantines, and Martin Perez on board the 
 
102 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Other, not allowing any of the soldiers, of whom he had the 
 least suspicion, to enter them. 
 
 There were two soldiers — one called Madrigal, the other 
 Juan Lopez Serrato. The latter had been alguazil mayor to 
 Don Fernando ; they were on unfriendly terms in conse- 
 quence of some affront Serrato had put on Madrigal, who 
 wished to have satisfaction, and with Aguirre's permission, 
 watching an opportunity, he, one day, and in Aguirre's 
 presence, came behind Serrato, and with a lance wounded 
 him dangerously. Aguirre pretended that he would have 
 him arrested and punished for this ; true he was arrested, 
 but never punished, because Serrato got the better of his 
 wounds; but Aguirre did not think it fit that Serrato should 
 be cured, and have his life saved, so he commanded those 
 who were attending on him to put poison into his wounds. 
 The surgeons did this, so that what they put into the wounds 
 soon killed him. 
 
 After some days, and when provisions had been taken in, 
 the Brazilian Indian guides, who had come with the expe- 
 dition from Piru, seeing that they had missed the opportu- 
 nity of entering the country of the Omaguas, ran away and 
 fled one night ; and it was presumed that their country was 
 not far off, otherwise they would not have fled, because they 
 would have had to enter the country of the Cannibals (the 
 Arnaquinas), already mentioned. 
 
 4. As soon as the brigantines were ready, and stored with 
 maize, cassava, and water, — Aguirre embarked his people, 
 and, before they set sail, he disarmed all the soldiers he had 
 any suspicion of, bound and put them into confinement in the 
 fore part of the vessels, ordering that no one should go near 
 them, excepting his tried friends. He did the same with the 
 suspected soldiers who were in the other brigantine, in which 
 was his maestro del campo, Martin Perez. 
 
 This being done they set sail; and as the magnitude of the 
 river was increasing, the winds began to show their power. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE, 
 
 103 
 
 They had only been out a short time, when Aguirre began 
 to overflow with cruelty. In order not to forget his habits, 
 he recurred to them (without waiting for any causes what- 
 ever), and determined to kill the commander, Juan de Gue- 
 vara, ordering one Anton Llamoso, his serjeant, to do the 
 deed. Llamoso went to Guevara (who was on board, and un- 
 prepared thus to die), and began to wound him with an old 
 broken sword. Guevara prayed that he would not kill him 
 so cruelly, and with such a sword, when the serjeant took 
 Guevara's dagger, giving him many stabs, and, before he 
 was dead, he threw him into the river, where, surrounded 
 by the drowning waves, and the agonies of death, he was 
 heard to say, confession, confession." Aguirre gave out 
 that he had suifered for having been concerned in the 
 mutiny of Diego de Villanueva and Juan Gonzales, who had 
 been executed at the last village they were at, called by 
 them that of the Xarcia (Village of Ropes). 
 
 Aguirre was so overjoyed at this cruel death of the 
 comendador, that, glorying in his infernal wickedness, he 
 came alongside the other brigantine, in which was his 
 maestro del campo, and told him of it, laughing most heartily. 
 Both enjoyed the death of Guevara to their hearts' 
 content. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 1. Going down the river, they fall in with some strongly huilt houses, 
 where they find cakes of salt. — 2. During the voyage they pass many 
 islands ; and, on one of them they leave the greater numher of Indian 
 servants, whom they had brought with them. — 3. They continue the 
 . voyage under many difiiculties. For a trifiing affair Aguirre has two 
 Spaniards strangled. — 4. Be loses a p)iragua, with three Spaniards 
 and some Indians; and others are drowned, gathering shellfish. 
 
 I. After six days sailing, from the village of the Xarcia, 
 
104 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 they came to some strong houses, on the margin of the river, 
 built by the Indians, on the tops of high timbers, with their 
 harhacoas^ above, and surrounded below with strong planks 
 of palm wood, with loopholes for shooting out their arrows. 
 The traitor Aguirre sent one of his captains, with some sol- 
 diers, to one of these buildings, but the Indians made so 
 good a show of resistance, that, without receiving any harm 
 from the arquebuses, they dangerously wounded four Span- 
 iards, and made the rest retreat. The Spaniards then tried 
 to get to the rear of the building by a creek, but, having got 
 to the spot, they found it empty, for the Indians had fled. 
 They did not find any provisions, either in this house or the 
 others, nor any signs of cultivation around them ; so it was 
 presumed that the Indians lived on fish, and what they pro- 
 cured by bartering these fish with other Indians. They only 
 found some salt in cakes, prepared by boiling. They had 
 not met with any salt before on this river, neither did the 
 Indians (they had seen) know what it was.^ 
 
 From the Caperuzas to this point, according to the opinion 
 of all,theyhad navigated one thousand three hundred leagues, 
 including the various bends in the river. The expedition 
 stayed here three days, making the necessary arrangements 
 for sea, when they should get out of the river. 
 
 Afterwards, there appeared on the river more than a 
 hundred canoes and piraguas, with a multitude of armed 
 Indians. The Spaniards prepared to receive them, and 
 defend themselves, thinking the Indians intended to 
 attack them when they were out of the river ; but nothing 
 of the sort took place, for the brigantines had so much the 
 advantage of the canoes and piraguas, that the Indians 
 became terrified, and rapidly disappeared, hiding themselves 
 as they best could, or running away. 
 
 ^ This must mean the sleeping places of the Indians. 
 " Aguirre must have been in the head waters of the Orinoco, when he 
 found this salt. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 105 
 
 They continued their voyage, and got amongst a large 
 number of islands, which confused them. They now had to 
 row, particularly as the coming in of the tide made the 
 waters contrary for them ; and when the tide fell, which it 
 did so strongly that they did not know where they were 
 going on that waste of waters, the pilots were confused, 
 having no knowledge of the river and its tides. Before 
 them they saw some points of land on the continent, or 
 on rather high islands, and Aguirre sent certain pilots 
 in piraguas to see how they were to proceed with 
 their navigation ; and having done so, they became the 
 more puzzled in consequence of the difference of opinion 
 amongst them as to which course they ought to take : so 
 they at last determined to proceed as God pleased to let 
 them, until they came to a small Indian village on the cliffs 
 of the river, on one of the islands, whence the natives came 
 peacefully to barter food with them. The Indians were 
 naked, but on the soles of their feet they had pieces of deer 
 skin, fastened like the sandals worn in Piru, and as I have 
 seen worn in the provinces of the government of Venezuela. 
 Their hair was cut in round lines, beginning from the 
 top. 
 
 Here Aguirre committed one of his greatest cruelties ; for 
 he left amongst these barbarous and sanguinary Indians 
 those male and female natives who had become Christians, 
 (some of whom they had brought from Piru, and others from 
 the river,) saying there was no room for them in the brigan- 
 tines, and that they were a burden to him, as he had but 
 little food for so many. It was certain that these poor 
 creatures would soon perish by the hands of the other 
 Indians, or by the maladies of this humid and unhealthy 
 country. 
 
 3. The abandonment of these Indians, who served the 
 Spaniards, was the occasion of the death of two Spaniards 
 named Pedro Guiterrez and Diego Palomo; for, as they 
 
 p 
 
106 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 were conversing together, they were heard to say, that it 
 appeared that as their servants were left here, it would be 
 as well to do at once what had to be done. This was over- 
 heard by a negro, who told it to Aguirre, and he took it to 
 be sufficient cause for executing the two Spaniards, who 
 were, therefore, ordered to be strangled. Diego Palomo 
 begged hard that he might be left amongst the Indians to 
 teach them to be Christians, but this was not what Aguirre 
 wanted; religion might be taught by those whose profession 
 it was, but he did not care to do good to any one. 
 
 They left this village, and a few leagues further on they 
 found themselves near to the mouth of the river, which is 
 nearly eighty leagues wide. Here they were in great 
 danger, by reason of the fearful weather, and were a 
 thousand times being nearly lost. On the left hand side, 
 which is to the west, towards the " Cordillera," they saw 
 that the land was well peopled, from the quantity of smoke 
 they observed ; but they did not visit the people, that not 
 being their intention, and because there were very many 
 shoals, which the brigantines often touched ; and if the 
 shoals had not been of soft sand, the vessels would have 
 been knocked to pieces. 
 
 4. It happened in these waters that three Spaniards and 
 some Indians went out in a piragua, when the (macareo) 
 high waves of the sea or of the river upset the boat with 
 such violence that the brigantines could not go to their 
 assistance ; and they were driven so far away, that they 
 were soon lost sight of, and it was not known whether they 
 were drowned, or had fallen into the hands of the natives. 
 
 It sometimes happened, that when the tide was out, 
 islands were discovered, when the Indians they had in their 
 service, and who were famishing with hunger, would go in 
 canoes to look for shell-fish. Busy in this search, the tide 
 would set in with such velocity, and with such huge rollers, 
 ' In that direction was the Sierras of Coussaris and Tumucucuraque. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 107 
 
 that they found it impossible to return to the vessels, and 
 perished miserably. With these and other innumerable 
 troubles, they sailed into the Sea of the North, on the 1st 
 of July of the year 1561. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 1. The first Spaniard who sailed out of the mouth of this river, was 
 Captain Francisco de Orellana. Its banks are not well peopled. — 
 2. Character, climate, and people of this river, from its sources to 
 where it enters the sea. — 3. I'here are more than tioo thousand islands 
 near to the mouths of the river. — 4. Lope de Aguirre, finding himself 
 out at sea, sails for the Island of Margarita, where he arrives and 
 lands, having first killed two soldiers in the hrigantine. 
 
 Previous to the voyage of the Maranones down this river, 
 its first navigator was Captain Francisco de Orellana, who 
 came from the river Canela (which, as we have said, rises in 
 the provinces at the back of Quito). Orellana having met, 
 during his voyage, with women of fair stature, who defended 
 themselves from him and his soldiers, and opposed his 
 advance, he gave them the name of Amazons, because they 
 were like similar women of Scythia, who lived on the banks 
 of the great river Tanais, whence they first moved to 
 another river called Thermodon, and conquered by their 
 arms the greater portion of Asia. These Amazons had the 
 great Penthesilea for their queen and commander, and they 
 are mentioned by Zachary Lilio, who says that they burnt 
 the right breast off, that it might not hinder them in the 
 management of arms, for the chase, or in war. Orellana had 
 some reason for calling the women he met with Amazons, on 
 account of their having fought against the Spaniards ; yet in 
 many provinces of these Indies, women have done the same : 
 nor do we see why this river should be called the Amazons 
 
108 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 only on account of this occurrence. The most prevalent 
 custom is to call it Maranon, as before stated. Its magni- 
 tude is such as to entitle it to the name of the gulf of sweet 
 water, for, independent of its great size at its mouth, it, at 
 times, when it rises, covers a hundred leagues of land with 
 so much water that canoes and piraguas sail over the in- 
 undated land. 
 
 The banks of the river are not well peopled, and it is a 
 matter of wonder how the Indians live, by reason of the 
 myriads of mosquitos, which they call noisy zancudos, and 
 it appears that nature has created these animals to punish 
 and torment sinful man. 
 
 2. From the time the expedition left the dock where the 
 vessels were built, at the Motilones (which was on the 26th 
 of September of the past year, 1560), until they arrived at the 
 village of Tortugas, in the month of' December, very little 
 rain fell, from which circumstance they concluded that it was 
 the summer of this part of the world (because in all the lands 
 of this New World, there is no other rule to know the winter 
 and summer, but by the rainy or dry season). From Decem- 
 ber it rained much, with very heavy storms of wind, light- 
 ning, and thunder, causing great danger to the brigantines 
 and canoes, the waves of the river being like to those of the 
 sea in a tempest. 
 
 Some were of opinion that the risings or freshets occurred 
 all the year round, for, from its source until it falls into the 
 sea, its length is more than one thousand six hundred 
 leagues (4,800 miles) ; thus it is necessary to pass through 
 very many provinces, and under various constellations, so 
 that when in one part the winter is over, it begins in another; 
 and when the freshets cease in one part, they commence in 
 another, particularly as each locality has its annual winter 
 (or rainy season). All the land by which the river flows is 
 very hot indeed and sickly, which explains why there are 
 so few villages, and why it is so thinly inhabited. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 109 
 
 The earthen jars of the natives were much prized, being 
 curious and well made. No gold was found amongst the 
 natives of the river, except what was seen in the provinces 
 of Carari and Marari, where the Indians had a few ear-rings, 
 but in other parts they had none ; and when the soldiers 
 showed them pieces of gold, and asked them if they had 
 such in their country, they appeared to prize it more than 
 any other object, and the same with silver ; so it was pre- 
 sumed that they were acquainted with the precious metals, 
 and that they obtained gold from other people, who found 
 it in the streams of their country. They found innumerable 
 quantities of turtle, and large nests of their eggs, and other 
 river animals. 
 
 3. A short distance before entering the sea, the river has 
 so many islands, that it is said they number over two thou- 
 sand, when it is low water ; but when the river rises it 
 covers the greater portion, or nearly all of them, and when 
 the sea has its spring tides, no islands are seen ; and such 
 is the force and bellowing of the beating waves, that it is 
 said that the great noise is heard at a distance of four 
 leagues. 
 
 I find so much difference of opinion amongst authors and 
 others, as to why this river was called Maranon, or the 
 other we have already treated largely of, the Orinoco,^ that 
 I cannot clearly determine which of the two is the Maranon, 
 so it must remain unsettled until some one writes about the 
 matter with better information ; and this is the reason why 
 I likewise call the Orinoco, Maranon. 
 
 From the time the expedition left the Motilones until they 
 entered the sea, they navigated for ninety-four days, counting 
 the nights, and the rest of the time they spent in resting, 
 building the brigantines, and other occupations. 
 
 4. Lope de Aguirre, finding himself with his band upon 
 the waters of the ocean, ordered the vessels to steer for the 
 
 ^ In another of Padre Simon's " IToticias historiales." 
 
110 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 island of Margarita, with intentions already stated ; but 
 desiring (and what sort of fears were those that must have 
 been always tormenting this traitor, for his vile conscience 
 was his executioner) that those in the other brigantine, 
 wherein was his maestro del campo and the rest of the 
 people, might not be in a position to take another course, 
 but of necessity follow him, he took away their compass and 
 the cross-staff used for taking the sun's altitude, command- 
 ing that they should follow his brigantine during the day, 
 and his lantern at night. So they navigated in this order, 
 being permitted by the secret ways of Providence. They 
 had a steady sea, and fair wind, and they did not separate 
 from one another in the seventeen days they took to cross 
 that gulf from the mouth of the river to the island of Mar- 
 garita.^ If the voyage had been longer, they must all have 
 died of hunger and thirst ; for in these days, so extreme 
 
 ' It is exceedingly difficult to make out the course taken by Aguirre ; 
 and he certainly did not know it himself, as, in his letter to king Philip, 
 he says, " God knows how we got through that great mass of waters." 
 
 Acuna says, " God did not permit that Aguirre should discover the 
 principal mouth by which this great river empties itself into the ocean ; 
 but he came out on the coast, opposite the island of Trinidad." Hum- 
 boldt, after carefully reading Simon's narrative, could see nothing to 
 indicate that Aguirre ever went out of the bed of the Amazons ; and, as 
 the current runs strongly to the north-west at its mouth, he might easily 
 have reached Margarita in seventeen days. Orellana, in 1541, left the 
 mouth of the Amazons on the 26th of August, and reached Cubagua 
 (between Margarita and the main land) on the 11th of September, sail- 
 ing through the Gulf of Paria. 
 
 Padre Simon, however, distinctly states that, in order to avoid the 
 country of the Omaguas, which he believed to be lower down the main 
 stream, Aguirre altered his course to the west ; that is, he made his way 
 up one of the great rivers which flow into the Amazons from the north 
 and west, probably the Rio Negro. . This view of the case is confirmed 
 by the mention of the cannibal AreJcainas Indians, who certainly dwell 
 near the head waters of the Putumayu and Rio Negro. He thus reached 
 the ocean, either by ascending the Rio Negro, and the Cassiquiari, into 
 the Orinoco, which seems most probable : or by "a communication of 
 the rivers of Guiana." 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 was tlieir suftering from both (particularly those who were 
 not great friends of Aguirre, for the latter had the additional 
 food which the others wanted) that the rations given to each 
 soldier daily were scanty indeed ; the grains of maize were 
 counted, and they were allowed the fourth part of a quar- 
 tillo of water. This want of provisions made them so ill, 
 that when they arrived in sight of the island of Marga- 
 rita, they thought more of dying than of landing on its 
 shore. 
 
 When they were in a position to land, the pilots, not 
 knowing the port of Pampatar, which is the principal one, 
 coasted along with care, but without fear, as these vessels 
 drew so little water, and the weather was 'favourable. But 
 as they were nearing the island, the brigantines were 
 separated by a mareta^ (a wind that rises by degrees and 
 blows violently), which took them into different ports, that of 
 
 It has also been suggested that Aguirre ascended the Rio Negro, and 
 its tributary the Rio Branco, and, by a short " portage", crossed to the 
 Rupununi, a tributary of the Essequibo, which river he followed to the 
 Atlantic. A careful perusal of the narrative, however, will show that 
 this was noc possible. 
 
 Acosta says, " The great river called by some the river of Amazons, 
 by others Maranon, and by others the river Orellana, flows from the 
 mountains of Peru, from whence it receives a great abundance of water, 
 both of rain and of rivers ; then, passing by the great plains of Paytiti, 
 Dorado, and the Amazons, in the end it falls into the ocean, almost right 
 against the islands of Margarita and Trinidad." 
 
 " A brother of our Company, being then young, sailed it in the com- 
 pany of Pedro de Ursua, with whom he was present at all the adventures 
 of this strange entry and discovery, and at the seditions and pernicious 
 acts of that wicked Diego{V) de Aguirre, from the which God delivered 
 him, to place him in our Company." — Acosta, lib. ii, cap. 6. 
 
 It will be observed that Acosta here says that the mouth of the Mara- 
 non is "almost right against the islands of Margarita and Trinidad." 
 He obtained this information from one who was with Aguirre ; and this 
 assertion must be considered as very strong additional evidence that the 
 traitors made their way to the sea, by the Rio Negro, Cassiquiari, and 
 Orinoco. 
 
 ^ This name is also given to a peculiar commotion of the sea. 
 
112 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Aguirre into one then known as Paraguache, now called the 
 Tyra7ifs Port^ four leagues from Pampatar, and that of 
 Martin Perez into another, to the north, two leagues dis- 
 tant from Aguirre, and four from the town. 
 
 No sooner had Aguirre got into port than he was seized 
 with terrible suspicions and fears of Gonzalo de Fuentes, 
 who had been one of Don Fernando's captains, and of a 
 soldier named Diego de Alcaraz, who had been justicia 
 mayor of the mutineers. He had no guarantee that when they 
 had the opportunity, they would not join any people whom 
 they found loyal to their king, and leave him. So, to quiet 
 his suspicions, that infernal man, before any one went on 
 shore, ordered them to be strangled, without confession, for 
 this tyrant took pleasure in killing both body and soul. 
 The intention of those who thus desired confession could be 
 of little value, being a sacrament of desire, which theologians 
 call en voto. Gonzalo Guiral, before he was made away 
 with, prayed most earnestly to be shriven. This the traitor 
 would not listen to, and so, without losing any time, he 
 choked him. While they were putting the cord round his 
 throat he began to cry out, begging for confession, and the 
 traitors, fearing that some one on shore might hear his cries, 
 stabbed him to death. 
 
 Shortly afterwards Lope de Aguirre went on shore with 
 some of his friends. This was on Monday, in the evening, 
 the 20th of July, 1561. He sent orders to the other vessel, 
 by a soldier named Rodriguez, his confidant, for the people 
 to join him. Rodriguez went with certain Indians of 
 the island, who were in the port, and served as guides, to 
 find where the maestro del campo had been driven to, and to 
 tell him early that night to come with all his people and 
 
 ^ The port of Paraguache still bears the name of the " Tyrant'' s Port:'''' 
 and when the people of Cumana, and the island of Margarita, pronounce 
 the words El Tirano^'' it is always to denote the infamous Lope de 
 Aguirre. — Ilumholdt, Narr., '\\, p. 213 (note). 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 113 
 
 join Aguirre. Rodriguez had orders to strangle Sancho 
 Pizarro on the road, for Aguirre was suspicious of him. The 
 traitor then sent his captain of horse, Diego Tirado, with two 
 or three friends, to the city of Margarita, to say that they 
 had missed their way in sailing out of the Maranon, and 
 were in great want of provisions, and to pray the inhabit- 
 ants, in his name, to provide them with some. This embassy 
 was accomplished by Tirado, with all care and punctuality. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 ] . The maestro del campo, having received xiguirre's orders, departs, and 
 strangles Sancho Pizarro 07i the road. — 2. A piragua with Indians 
 is sent from the port of Margarita, to examine the brigantines of 
 Aguirre, and a party of soldiers visit him. — 3. The Margarita people 
 give Aguirre two hullocJcs, and he recompenses them. — 4. The gover- 
 nor, on account of a letter received from Aguirre, decides upon visit- 
 ing him, accompanied by some of the inhabitants of the city. — 5. The 
 governor offers him hospitality. The traitor marshals his armed 
 men before the governor. 
 
 1. Rodriguez went quickly to Martin Perez, who had 
 sent one Diego Lucero, with a guide, to inform Aguirre of 
 his arrival, and to ask what he was to do. The maestro del 
 campo, having received Aguirre's message, disembarked his 
 people ; but he was obliged to delay a little for Roberto de 
 Susaya, a barber, and Francisco Hernandez, a pilot, whom 
 he had sent with some negro slaves to some farms half a 
 league off', in search of food. They returned at midnight, when 
 they all commenced their march, and they did not forget to 
 strangle Sancho Pizarro on the way. 
 
 Aguirre sent one Juan Gomez, a caulker, his admiral, and 
 some soldiers in search of food at the farms, who lost their 
 way and suffered great privations. They met with some Span- 
 
 Q 
 
114 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 iards, but did them no harm, awaiting a more favourable 
 opportunity. They merely pressed upon them the necessity 
 of letting them have provisions, which they did. 
 
 2. Great was the surprise of the inhabitants of the port of 
 Margarita, when the vessels first hove in sight, for they be- 
 lieved them to be French ; but they were somewhat quieted 
 when they discovered that they were but small vessels, pro- 
 bably concerned in a similar occupation to their own, that of 
 pearl fishing ; and, as they did not make direct for the port, it 
 was concluded that they were strangers to the coast, and a 
 piragua with some Indians was sent out to see what vessels 
 they were, but they did not come alongside until Aguirre's 
 ship was at anchor. He got hold of the Indians, and 
 would not let them return, keeping them for guides. How- 
 ever, when the people of the city knew that the brigan- 
 tine had anchored, they sent some Spaniards by land to 
 ascertain who their guests were, and, although these soldiers 
 met with Diego Tirado and others on the road, they could 
 not ascertain exactly who they were, or what was their object, 
 for the tyrants were most careful in what they said, only 
 stating that they had been thrown on the coast by contrary 
 winds, and were in great want of provisions. The soldiers of 
 Margarita continued their march to the port where Aguirre 
 was, with a few of his friends, who were not ill, the rest 
 being hid below decks on board the vessel. They saluted 
 each other, when Aguirre told them that he had come 
 from Piru in consequence of having heard of great dis- 
 coveries to be made on the lower part of the Maranon, and, 
 having lost himself through adverse circumstances, it had 
 pleased God that he should arrive at this island, so that he 
 might not perish, as he and his people would have done (the 
 sick, whom he showed, as well as the healthy), if his voy- 
 age had continued much longer. He begged of them, 
 for the love of God, to do him the favour to send some meat 
 and other provisions to meet the present necessities, that 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 115 
 
 money was ready to pay what they might further require, 
 and that they should soon sail for Nombre de Dios, on their 
 way back to Piru. 
 
 S, The citizens condoled with them on their sufferings, 
 which Aguirre well knew how to represent. They ordered 
 two bullocks to be killed (the first they could lay hands on), 
 and expressed a wish that they had more to offer to Aguirre, 
 who, blandly accepted the offering, made them presents in 
 return, giving to one Gaspar Hernandez a scarlet cloak 
 trimmed with gold lace ; thus commencing the treachery he 
 intended to him and to the rest, letting him know that they 
 came rich from Piru, that they were frank and liberal, and 
 that others from the town should come and see them, 
 
 Aguirre, having discovered the good disposition of the 
 messengers to forward his schemes, added to the present 
 of the cloak, a silver-gilt cup. They were so pleased and 
 satisfied, that they made up their minds to remain there that 
 night. They, therefore, sent a letter to the city, informing 
 Don Juan de Villandrando, the governor of the island, what 
 had passed, telling him who the people were that had come, 
 that they came from Piru having lost their way, that they 
 only wished to purchase provisions and return to Piru, and 
 that it appeared that they had much money and other riches, 
 as he would see by the scarlet cloak, and the large silver 
 cup that had been given them. 
 
 4. Although Diego Tirado and other soldiers had reached 
 the town, the people had not considered it necessary to give 
 them any particular welcome, until the letter arrived, when 
 they at once believed what Tirado had said (he being very 
 quiet as to their real object). 
 
 The governor and cabildo gave instant orders (spurred on 
 by the reward of good pay) to send provisions to them, and 
 many of the inhabitants wished to make a visit to the new 
 comers ; but it was thought more prudent that a few only 
 should go. The governor, one alguazil, named Manuel 
 
116 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Eodriguez, one regidor_, Andres de Salamanca, and three or 
 four of the more important inhabitants of the city, deter- 
 mined to visit Aguirre. 
 
 They set off a little after midnight, so as not to travel in 
 the very hot sun, which is always oppressive in that island, 
 and journeyed to the port where Aguirre was. They were 
 followed and joined by more people on the road than was 
 at first arranged, who desired to see the strangers, and 
 they all arrived at their destination at daybreak. Aguirre 
 had his troops well armed and below decks, on board the 
 brigantine, so that they were not seen that night. 
 
 When the governor and his party arrived, Aguirre, with 
 some attendants, went out to meet him. When the governor 
 dismounted, Aguirre approached, showing him the great- 
 est respect and submission, and if the governor had per- 
 mitted him to kiss his feet, he would readily have done so. 
 The soldiers did the same to the citizens, and took charge 
 of their horses, with great reverence, taking them to tie up 
 under some trees, rather distant, so that, when the governor 
 and his friends needed them, they could not be readily got. 
 
 5. The governor embraced Aguirre, when he knew he 
 was the commanding officer, and with other courteous inti- 
 mations offered him his personal services, his house, and all 
 in it, for himself and his soldiers. Aguirre replied with 
 honied words and courtly thanks, in which some time was 
 passed, standing. Aguirre considered he was losing valuable 
 time in what he intended to do, so, leaving the governor and 
 the inhabitants occupied with his soldiers, he left the party, 
 saying that he had occasion to go on board the brigantine, 
 where he ordered the soldiers to be in readiness, the moment 
 he ordered them to come on shore. He then returned to 
 the shore, and joined the governor, to whom he showed great 
 apparent devotion and friendship, and, when he found a 
 proper occasion, he said, " Senor, the soldiers from Peru, 
 who are so much attached to a martial life, and inter- 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 117 
 
 ested in these Indian campaigns, are more desirous of being 
 well armed than of dressing in fine clothing, although they 
 always have more than they want ; so I beseech you to 
 allow them to come on shore with their arms and arquebusses 
 to exercise, and at the same time they can purchase some 
 things they require from your people." 
 
 The governor was a young man, and desiring to see 
 them and their firearms, he replied that he granted the 
 request; and had he been an old one and used to arms, he 
 would have done the same, if only for curiosity's sake. 
 But, in truth, when he gave his consent, it was of but little 
 importance, for he was surrounded by the traitors ; and had 
 he had any suspicion of their designs, and desired to escape, 
 he could not have done it, or have done otherwise than 
 Aguirre chose. So, with the governor's permission, the traitor 
 went on board again, and said to the Maranones, Mark me 
 well, my Maranones, sharpen your swords, and clean the 
 arquebusses, for they must be damp, from being at sea. You 
 have the governor's permission to go on shore armed, and if 
 he had not given it, you might have taken it." 
 
 The soldiers then came on deck and saluted the governor, 
 by firing their arquebusses, and showing that their arms con- 
 sisted of lances, halberds, and arquebusses, more than they 
 had in their hands. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 1. Aguirre makes prisoners of the governor, alcalde, and their companions. 
 — 2. All the traitors march towards the city with the governor ; the 
 maestro del campo takes possession of the city in the name of Aguirre. 
 — 3. Aguirre enters the city, and robs the royal treas-my. — 4. He 
 continues his insolence, by a thousand threats. 
 
 1. This being done, Aguirre returned on shore to the 
 governor, to thank him on the part of the soldiers for the 
 
118 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 permission he had given them to land, when he shortly re- 
 turned on board (for the volcano of his treasons, which 
 burned within his breast, prevented him from being in re- 
 pose for a moment anywhere), to tell the soldiers what they 
 had to do. 
 
 It did not appear to the governor to be prudent to allow 
 so many armed men to be there ; so he stepped on one side 
 with his followers, and debated how they might disarm 
 them, being really ignorant of Aguirre's intentions, for they 
 were not accustomed to tumultuous or mutinous people. 
 Whether this discussion of the governor's as to disarming, 
 proceeded from covetousness, or from fear, we cannot say, 
 but we think it was more likely the latter. 
 
 The traitor Aguirre caused his men to land well armed, 
 and in order of battle, and marched to where the governor 
 and his friends stood. He then changed the tone and 
 manner he had previously used, and said, We, Senores, 
 as already stated, are returning to Piru, where tumults and 
 wars are not wanting, and we are informed, that you have the 
 idea that we do not go to serve the king, and that you wish 
 to stay our voyage and take our arms from us, also that it is 
 certain you do not intend to treat us with hospitality ; so, 
 Senores, you will consider yourselves our prisoners ; but you 
 must be active (you being our prisoners) in ordering all we 
 may require to be given to us, for our voyage." 
 
 This caused a tumult amongst the governor's party, and 
 they went back a few paces, saying, " What is all this ? 
 what is all this ?" putting their hands to their swords, as if in 
 defence ; but this was in vain, for the traitors surrounded 
 them, presented lances, partisans, and arquebusses to their 
 breasts, and thus they were made prisoners ; when Aguirre, 
 his captains and soldiers, advanced and disarmed them, 
 taking also their staves of office, and their horses. They 
 then mounted, and took possession of the passes, and roads, 
 so that no one could go to the city, and give information of 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 119 
 
 what had been done ; and if they met with any inhabitants, 
 they disarmed them, robbed them of their horses, and 
 brought them in on foot. 
 
 2. Aguirre then ordered (so that himself or soldiers might 
 lose no time) the march to the city. He mounted the 
 governor's horse, inviting him, if he pleased, to get up 
 behind ; bat the governor was so disconcerted and angry at 
 seeing himself in such a position, that he refused the offer. 
 Aguirre, seeing this, dismounted, saying : " Well, then, we 
 will all go on foot and, having walked a short distance, 
 they met his maestro del campo, and all the people of the 
 other brigantine, who were on their march to join the 
 traitor Aguirre. He was pleased to receive this addition to 
 his own men, assuring himself the more that he would 
 succeed in his designs. The two bands complimented each 
 other on having imprisoned the authorities, and continued 
 their way together to the town. While on the road (for he 
 was tired of walking), Aguirre mounted the governor's 
 horse, and invited him to get up behind. The governor, 
 seeing he got nothing by being angry, and feeling the pain 
 of going on foot, chose the least evil, and got up behind, 
 Aguirre being in the saddle ; and so they travelled, dis- 
 arming all the people they met, and taking their horses, 
 thus obliging them to return on foot. 
 
 Martin Perez, who was well mounted, went in advance, 
 with a chosen party, to take possession of the city in Aguirre's 
 name, which he did on St. Magdalen's day, on a Monday (a 
 bitter one for the inhabitants) at noon, the soldiers shouting, 
 " Long live Aguirre ! liberty, liberty ! long live Aguirre !" 
 They were highly excited, and running through the streets, 
 went to the fort, which was open, and which they took pos- 
 session of. Some of them went in parties about the streets, 
 taking arms from all who had them, and treating the people 
 with great insolence. 
 
 S. Thus were these ministers of Satan occupied, and the 
 
no 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 city was in a fearful tumult, when Aguirre entered with his 
 prisoners, and went straight to the fort, leaving the prisoners 
 under a strong guard. He presently came out, with his 
 soldiers, to the plaza, where they commenced chopping at 
 the roUo^ with axes, but as it was thick, and made of very 
 hard guayacan wood, it was like cutting at flint, so that the 
 steel flew from the hatchets, while the rollo received no 
 particular harm, and some prognosticated that it would 
 remain there, as representing justice, and the name of the 
 king, by whom it had been erected ; and not by traitors. 
 The great hardness of the wood was attributed to that cause, 
 However this might be, the rollo remained standing with 
 honour. 
 
 Aguirre, hating the name of the king, then passed onwards 
 with his soldiers to the royal treasury, and, without waiting 
 for the keys, or for the officers to give him an account, he 
 broke the doors to pieces, and robbed a large quantity of 
 gold and pearls, being the king's fifths and the royal reve- 
 nues ; his men also destroyed the books, containing the 
 accounts of the treasury. 
 
 The traitor, now that he saw himself master of the city, 
 issued a proclamation, under pain of death, that all the 
 inhabitants of the island should appear before him with all 
 their arms, offensive and defensive, and that no one should 
 leave the city under the same penalty. He then ordered a 
 pipe of wine, of more than forty arrobas,^ to be brought to 
 the fort, from the store of a merchant, so that his soldiers 
 might drink and be merry. They emptied the pipe of wine 
 in two hours. 
 
 4. The traitor was informed that a merchant, named 
 Gaspar de Plazuela, had ordered a vessel belonging to him, 
 that was coming from the island of Santo Domingo, to be 
 
 • A column of wood or stone, often erected by the Spaniards as an 
 emblem of jurisdiction. 
 2 Arroba=:25 lbs. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 121 
 
 concealed ; so he caused the merchant to be arrested, and 
 ordered him to be killed, if the vessel did not make its 
 appearance. 
 
 He ordered some of his most trusty soldiers to prevent 
 the inhabitants from hiding their wares and other property, 
 by visiting all the houses, and making a list of all they 
 found, especially of goods, wine, and provisions, command- 
 ing, under the severest penalties, that nothing should be 
 taken from the sequestered property. 
 
 This was done by his satellites, and even more, for they 
 took all the silk and linen clothing, and much wine and eat- 
 ables, filling the fort with some, and taking the rest to 
 rooms, stores, and shops, whose owners were commanded, 
 under pain of death, not to remove the smallest portion. 
 
 Aguirre possessed himself of a certain quantity of mer- 
 chandize, which was the property of the king, dividing it 
 amongst his soldiers. He ordered that all the canoes and 
 piraguas in the island should be brought to his port, with 
 the intention of breaking them all up, so that no one should 
 leave the island, and give notice of his proceedings. Thus 
 ended the work of the first day, and then they retired to rest. 
 
 The traitor found this island in the most prosperous state, 
 full of provisions, merchandize, and money, and most abund- 
 ant in pearls, for in the past years the pearl fishery here, 
 and in the neighbouring island of Cubagua, had been very 
 successful. In consequence of the depredations of these 
 tyrants, it sank from a state of great prosperity, and has 
 not raised its head from that time. 
 
 Great indeed was the grief of the inhabitants at seeing 
 their governor and alcalde prisoners, their wives captives, 
 their daughters abused, their homes burnt, their estates and 
 lands sacked, their cattle slain; and this grief was augmented, 
 seeing that all this misery was brought about by the hands 
 of Christians, who were not ignorant of the crimes they were 
 committing, before God, and by a traitor who was lost to 
 
 R 
 
THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Christian feelings. They threw all the blame of this 
 terrible state of things on the covetousness of the governor, 
 who, if he had not been tempted to leave the city, as he did, 
 might have defended it; but as he went, he was made 
 prisoner, and so he remained. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 1. For the love of a roving life, like that which these traitors led, some 
 soldiers of the island join them^ which causes no little detriment. — 
 2. Aguirre se^ids to take a ship that was in Maraxapana, belonging 
 to the Provincial of Santo Domingo, hut fails. — 3. The Provincial 
 of Santo Domingo determines to go in his ship, to the port of Bur- 
 hurata, and other parts, to give notice of the proceedings of Aguirre. 
 Aguirre orders provisio7is to he collected. — 4. Aguirre addresses the 
 people of the island with feigned words, and even with lies. 
 
 1. The evil example, treasons and roving life of the 
 tyrants, was the cause that some of the soldiers belonging to 
 the city and island followed their example, having the same 
 inclinations, and not being punished for their violence, 
 robberies, and insolence, like unto the soldiers of the traitor, 
 for such had become their trade ; they were rather favoured 
 by Aguirre, particularly those who exceeded the others in 
 mischief, and boasted that they were against the king. 
 Aguirre considered this a most important political element, 
 that the more culpable his soldiers were, the firmer hold had 
 he on them, and that they would not leave his protection, 
 fearing the justice of the king. So some soldiers, on the 
 island, determined to put themselves under Aguirre's 
 banner, offering to follow him wherever he went, and to lay 
 down their lives as his vassals, and with no less loyalty than 
 those followers whom he had brought with him. The tyrant 
 gladly admitted them into his band, advancing their pay out 
 of the government funds he had robbed. Thus he bound 
 
THE TRAITOR AGIJIRRE. 
 
 12S 
 
 them to serve him, as they had promised, for any other 
 conduct would have cost them their heads. He then gave 
 them permission to become as great villains as the rest, and 
 this was exactly what they desired. They joined the other 
 soldiers, and led them to those spots, of which they knew, 
 where the inhabitants had hidden some of their property, * 
 merchandize, clothes, jewels, and strings of pearls. They 
 effected these robberies secretly, and divided the plunder ; 
 but these acts were the cause of much greater evils, destruc- 
 tion, and cruelties than if they had merely joined in the 
 forays ; for as these fellows knew every corner of the island, 
 for it was not a large one, they gave information on all 
 points, showing to the Marafiones, the estates where some 
 persons had fled to, or had their wives and children, as they 
 thought, in safety. 
 
 Amongst other things these new soldiers informed 
 Aguirre that, in the port and small village of Maracapana, 
 there was at that time a provincial of the order of Santo 
 Domingo, named fray Francisco Montesinos, with certain 
 settlers and soldiers, occupied in the conversion of the 
 Indians, whom his majesty had committed to his charge ; 
 who had a fine, large, and well armed ship, which could be 
 easily taken and brought to the island, and would serve 
 them well for their voyage to Nombre de Dios. 
 
 This was just such a piece of information as would please the 
 tyrant, and no time was lost in getting one of the brigantines 
 ready, with eighteen soldiers, under the command of a cap- 
 tain named Pedro de Monguia, with a negro as pilot, who 
 knew the navigation of the coast well. They were ordered 
 not to touch anywhere, but to sail direct to where the pro- 
 vincial was, to take possession of the ship, and bring it to 
 Margarita. 
 
 Monguia started, and just outside the port he fell in with 
 Plazuela's vessel (until the arrival of which, its owner was 
 to be detained in prison), which he sent in, after having 
 
124 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 boarded it, and Diego Hernandez, a Portuguese, with three 
 companions, devoted to Aguirre, entered the port of Mar- 
 garita ; so this saved the life of Plazuela. 
 
 Monguia continued his route, and when nearly, within 
 sight of the port of Maracapana, he and some of the soldiers 
 • weighed the matter they were upon (thinking they ought 
 not to be so vile and wickedly intentioned), and decided that 
 their lives would be in safer keeping if they remained with 
 the provincial, than if they returned to Aguirre. They re- 
 solved to inform the provincial of all they knew ; for Mon- 
 guia, and those who thought with him, considered that 
 when fortune ceased to befriend them in the path the 
 traitors were taking, their end would be miserable, and that 
 they would all have cruel deaths. 
 
 3. All Monguia's companions did not think with him, for 
 they were now so accustomed to the life they led with 
 Aguirre, that it would be almost death to them to leave it ; 
 however, at last, some had to feign acquiescence, others 
 were forced to submit, and they stood right for the pro- 
 vincial's ship, who received them with pleasure, but with 
 calmness, until he was informed of the cause of their coming, 
 and of the extraordinary news they continued to give him of 
 what was going on at Margarita. This so excited him that, 
 not trusting the soldiers (although they had made known to 
 him their good intentions), he had them disarmed, and was 
 most cautious of them, which they could not object to, as such 
 conduct would have shown that they were not innocent, and 
 without blame as to what might have happened up to this 
 time ; for they protested that the deeds of Aguirre did not 
 meet with their approval. Fray Francisco Montesinos de- 
 termined to sail immediately in his ship, accompanied by 
 the Maranones, and to inform the authorities in the port 
 of Burburata, which is under the government of Venezuela, 
 and in. the island of Santo Domingo, and, in his route, to 
 pass by Margarita and see if he could not attack and rout 
 Aguirre. 
 
THE TRAITOK AGUIRRE. 
 
 125 
 
 Aguirre had made up his mind, the moment he had 
 despatched Monguia, that he had the provincial in his 
 power, and that he and his band would get away to Nombre 
 de Dios, with all celerity and ease. In order that there 
 might be no delay, on the score of provisions, when the 
 ship arrived, he ordered the inhabitants to bring six hundred 
 sheep and some bullocks to him, so as to salt them down, 
 also a large quantity of cassava, ready for the arrival of the 
 ship. 
 
 The tyrant was anxious that his men should be well cared 
 for in the houses in which he had placed them : he did not 
 send his men to some of the principal houses, in order that 
 their owners might send food to himself and to the soldiers 
 of his guard, who were generally in the fort. During the 
 day the soldiers were in their quarters, eating and drink- 
 ing, also in evil doings ; at night they slept in the fort in an 
 open space, and as it was a hot country, each laid himself 
 down wherever sleep overtook him, for they were so vile 
 and common a lot, that they perhaps had never had better 
 resting places. 
 
 4. Aguirre caused some of the principal, and nearly all 
 the other inhabitants, to assemble in the plazuela of the fort, 
 with the object of explaining away the disgust they felt of the 
 soldiers quartered on them ; and to console them with his 
 accustomed untruthful expressions, saying, My very dear 
 friends, be it well known to you, that my arrival in this island 
 with my companions is not with the object of settling here, 
 neither to offend any of you, but rather to render you good 
 service ; for, God is my judge, that I did not intend to re- 
 main here more than four days ; but my ships came in such 
 a bad state, that it was impossible to continue my voyage with 
 them, and, not finding here any other vessels to meet my 
 wants, I am obliged, now that Providence has proportioned 
 me the ship of the Reverend Father Provincial, to await its 
 arrival, rather than build others, which would detain us 
 
THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 here a much longer time than if we waited for that of the 
 Provincial. But be you sure that, as soon as the ship 
 arrives, we will leave your country and continue our voy- 
 age, for which I have begged of you to prepare, without loss 
 of time, the necessary provisions for us ; and this has like- 
 wise been the reason, as I will explain to you, why I have 
 imprisoned the governor and other caballeros, so that there 
 might be greater facility and security that we could supply 
 our wants with our money ; for, as I have already often said, 
 I do not wish that either my soldiers or myself should take 
 these things, without paying the highest prices for them ;'and 
 this I again repeat, for I well understand that you wish to be 
 most favourable to us, or that fearing us, you let us have what 
 we require at a lower price than the real value ; in the sale 
 of a fowl for two rials, the seller must be a loser, and by the 
 same rule in all the other provisions ; thus I command, that 
 for less than three rials and upwards, no fowl shall be sold 
 to a soldier, and in same proportion all other articles, and I 
 give my solemn word and honour that when I leave I will 
 give Very ample satisfaction and reward for the kindness 
 you have shown, and intend to show us." 
 
 The inhabitants saw plainly that these words of Aguirre 
 were false, for it was evident that his acts belied his words ; 
 it was of little use to raise the prices of the various articles, 
 to those who had no idea of paying the just value, or who 
 even took what they required, without payment or even by 
 force, and often such things as the captains and soldiers 
 had no use for, merely to do evil to the poor inhabitants. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 127 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 1. Aguirre kills 07ie of his captains. Four of his soldiers desert. — 2. Ttoo 
 of the deserters found ; Aguirre orders them to he hung. He intends 
 to hill a monk of the order of Santo Domingo. — 3. Aguirre informs 
 his soldiers how he intends to proceed in his tyrannies. — 4. He places 
 his brigantines with their hows towards the shore, fearing that his 
 soldiers might desert ; and he destroys the houses and estates of an 
 inhabitant, who had fled. 
 
 1. Aguirre became uneasy and fearful of one Enriquez de 
 Orellana, whom he had made captain of the ammunition, 
 and this without more cause than he had found on other 
 occasions, when he wished to destroy any one : even if 
 what had been reported to Aguirre was true, that Orellana 
 had got drunk, on the day they came to Margarita. However, 
 true or not, he ordered him to be hung, without allow- 
 ing him to confess, although he begged for it. Aguirre gave 
 the command of the ammunition to one Anton Llamoso, 
 who had been sergeant of his guard, and so faithful was 
 he to Aguirre, that he held the post until the death of the 
 tyrant. 
 
 Some of the soldiers saw how insecure their lives were, 
 for when they appeared to be in the greatest favour with 
 Aguirre, he, on the most trivial suspicion, made away with 
 them ; so they bethought them how to escape from him. 
 They were delayed in their project, seeing that the island 
 was so small, and so well known to the inhabitants, whom 
 Aguirre had so subjected, that he would oblige them, under 
 the severest penalties, to search out and capture the 
 soldiers, when they were missed ; also that day and night, 
 their chief was most vigilant with his guards and sentinels, 
 placed everywhere in the town, and on the roads leading from 
 it, so that it was next to impossible to escape with safety. 
 However, with all these difficulties in sight, they determined 
 
THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 to try ; SO four soldiers, two and two, named Francisco Vas- 
 quez, Gonzalo de Zuniga, Juan de Villatoro, and Luis 
 Sanchez del Castillo, at a certain hour of the night, fled 
 from the city. 
 
 When this was known to Aguirre, he was furious and 
 raved like a madman, foaming at the mouth with rage and 
 passion, for he believed that if he did not give himself up to 
 such like demonstrations, and give peremptory orders to 
 find them, all his men would desert and leave him. 
 
 He instantly commanded that the strictest search might 
 be made by the inhabitants, against whom (so that it should 
 be the more eifective) and against the governor and the rest 
 whom he had in confinement, he spoke most ferociously, 
 and, with a thousand bitter oaths, told them that they had 
 secreted his soldiers, and consequently knew where they 
 were ; and that if they had not, the men were on the 
 island, and could not escape from it ; and if they did not 
 wish to see the entire destruction of the island, they would 
 go and find the deserters ; and, independently of giving him 
 the greatest pleasure, he promised to give two hundred 
 dollars reward for bringing to him each of the four soldiers. 
 
 2. He, moreover, threatened to execute the governor, if 
 he did not issue his mandate to find the soldiers. This the 
 governor had to do, knowing that the tyrant was as good as 
 his word, or even more so. Aguirre sent in search of the 
 deserters, with certain of the inhabitants who knew the 
 country, some soldiers who had recently joined him, and 
 also some of his Maranones. 
 
 Some in fear of Aguirre's vengeance, others in the hope 
 of reward, after much search, found Juan de Villatoro and 
 Luis Sanchez, who, when they were brought into the pre- 
 sence of the tyrant (without allowing them confession), were 
 immediately hung ; and Aguirre reproached them with fero- 
 city, whilst they were being executed, for having intended to 
 return to the service of the king. In confirmation of what 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 129 
 
 he uttered, after they were dead, he commanded that an in- 
 scription should be put over each, with these words: "These 
 men have been executed, because they were faithful vassals of 
 the king of Castille." Then, with his serpent's tongue, he 
 said over the dead bodies : Let us now see if the king of 
 Castillo will give you life again." 
 
 In sight of such proceedings against the two soldiers, 
 many who were thinking of deserting, were shaken in their 
 resolve and began to vacillate, fearing similar punishment. 
 
 Whilst the execution was going on, a monk of the order 
 of Santo Domingo passed the spot, and when Aguirre per- 
 ceived him, he ordered him to be killed ; which would have 
 been done, had not the inhabitants who were present, suc- 
 ceeded by their prayers and intreaties in saving his life. 
 For a time the monk was spared, but shortly he fell a vic- 
 tim, as we shall see. 
 
 3. When Aguirre was not occupied in these cruelties, or in 
 designing them, he made known to his soldiers the sort of 
 justice (or rather injustice) he intended to deal out ; pro- 
 mising himself that he would succeed in all he intended, by 
 reason of the good principles he had inculcated in that 
 island ; and thus he told them repeatedly the manner he 
 intended to command, and to dispose of affairs. 
 
 He said that one of the most necessary proceedings for the 
 well-being and preservation of the Indies, was to cut the 
 throats of all the monks they fell in with, of the orders of San 
 Francisco and Santo Domingo, also those of the other orders, 
 excepting the Mercedarios. He said that the monks dis- 
 turbed the liberty that was necessary for the soldiers, for 
 their conquests, and the subjection of the natives. Then he 
 declared that he would execute, with cruel torments, all 
 bishops, viceroys, presidents, oidores,^ governors, lawyers, 
 and procuradores, who came in his way, for that all these per- 
 sons had entirely destroyed the Indies. After these, he thought 
 ^ Auditors or judges of the Royal Audiences. 
 
 s 
 
130 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 of destroying all the caballeros of noble blood, because they 
 were likewise opposed, as a matter of duty, to the vices of the 
 common soldiers. After these he would destroy, without 
 sparing one, all public women, and even those who were 
 not chaste ; having come to this determination by the hatred 
 he felt for Dona Inez de Atienza (for we have seen that she was 
 of this last class), on account of the many troubles she had 
 caused him. It was not likely that these were mere words, 
 for, during his tyrannous lifetime, he executed all who came 
 within his grasp ; for he was the cause of the death of his 
 governor Pedro de Ursua; after that of Don Fernando; then a 
 priest was his victim; then Dona Inez, and many others; he 
 was also the murderer of monks; of the governor of Margarita, 
 as we shall see ; of an alcalde, and of a regidor ; and if he did 
 not cause more deaths, it was because he had not the oppor- 
 tunity. 
 
 Similar feelings were entertained by many of his soldiers, 
 if only to follow his execrable example. Some time was 
 passed in these councils, and also in boasting, in mustering 
 his forces, and instructing them in the art and subtleties of 
 war, which they were to employ in the attack, retreat, and 
 defence, letting them know that he did not intend to give 
 battle to any captain sent against him, excepting to the king 
 in person, because, as to all the rest, he intended to rout them 
 by his stratagems, and knowledge of the art of war. 
 
 4. Until he received the news of what had occurred in 
 Maracapana, to those he had sent to take the provincial's 
 ship, although some time had passed, he did not consider it a 
 great delay, feeling confident that the ship would be brought 
 to him. But he still distrusted the faithfulness of his 
 soldiers, and feared that they might become disgusted 
 with the life they led, and might take possession of the bri- 
 gantines (or some of the inhabitants of Margarita might do 
 the same), and, running away with them, give information 
 against him. He, therefore, had the brigantines placed with 
 
THE TRAITOR AGIJIRRE. 
 
 131 
 
 their bows in shore, intending, in case the ship of the pro- 
 vincial did not arrive, to hurry on the completion of another 
 that was building in the port, and thus leave the island. 
 
 At this time an inhabitant of the city, named Alonzo Perez 
 de Aguilar, not liking the neighbourhood of Aguirre, laid 
 his plans for escaping from the town, and afterwards from 
 the island ; and, although Aguirre used every means, in the 
 hope of arresting him, Aguilar escaped. The traitor, not 
 being able to have his person, vented his tiger's rage upon 
 the houses belonging to Aguilar. He went, accompanied by 
 some of his satellites, to destroy the houses, as if they had 
 been the property of a traitor to his king ; he caused them 
 to be pillaged, unroofed, and then levelled to the ground, so 
 that there was not one stone upon another, and strewed the 
 ground with salt : this vile spirit also caused the slaying of 
 the cattle, the destruction of the estates, lands, and all he 
 could find belonging to Aguilar. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 1. Aguirre kills a captain, named Juan de Turriaga, and buries him 
 with pomp. — 2. Aguirre threatens the people of Margarita with his 
 vengeance, in case the provincial of Santo Domingo takes his men 
 in Maracapana. — 3. The provincial's ship is seen making for the 
 island, the traitor prepares for defence. — 4. Aguirre, observing that 
 the provinciaV s ship had anchored, puts the inhabitants into the fort 
 as prisoners, and determines to kill the governor, and his companions. 
 
 1. Aguirre had not recovered from the rage in which he 
 had perpetrated his last horrors, when it was augmented on 
 his being informed that one of his captains, named Juan de 
 Turriaga, had shown himself friendly to the soldiers, by 
 having some poor men at his table, who held him in great 
 respect, for his goodness of disposition. As flowers are 
 rendered poisonous by the pestilential spider, so Aguirre 
 
IS2 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 said of this captain that he was his enemy, and acted in this 
 friendly way to the poor men, in order to make a party, with 
 the ohject of killing him. Aguirre, having made up his 
 mind, doomed Turriaga, and, to strike terror into the hearts 
 of soldiery and people, he arranged that Turriaga should 
 die. He delegated this bloody act to his maestro del campo, 
 Martin Perez, as a faithful satellite to his tyrant chief. 
 Perez selected some of his friends among the soldiers, who, 
 with arquebuses and other arms, went stealthily one night to 
 Turriaga's quarters, whom they found at evening meal with 
 some of his comrades. Turriaga, on seeing Martin Perez 
 enter, rose from table, to receive him with the honour due to 
 his rank, as maestro del campo. Turriaga had scarcely un- 
 covered himself, bowing and approaching Perez, when the 
 arquebuses were discharged at Turriaga by some, then 
 others rushed at him with their lances and swords, when he 
 fell to the ground, dead, bathed in his own blood. The 
 murderers then sallied out of the house, communicating to 
 Aguirre that his enemy was no more. 
 
 Early the next morning Aguirre (for Turriaga was a 
 Biscayan, like himself, and he wished to show respect to one 
 who had followed and served him) gave orders that he should 
 be buried with all pomp, as it is the custom to bury cap- 
 tains, and other distinguished soldiers. Aguirre himself was 
 present at the funereal honours, with his troops, showing all 
 the signs of mourning, with arms trailing, and muffled drums. 
 It was the opinion of the better portion of the soldiery that 
 the tyrant Aguirre had killed this captain more because he 
 was a good, affable, and generous man, than for any reason 
 he had to suspect him in any way. 
 
 2. The tyrant began to be anxious about the delay of 
 Monguia with the provincial's ship from the port of Mara- 
 capana, for already many more days had passed than he had 
 given him. He imagined that the provincial had killed 
 Monguia, or had imprisoned him and his party. These 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 133 
 
 thoughts changed his previous feelings of joy, that he should 
 take the provincial's ship, into sadness. His suspicions 
 caused him to bellow out his ungovernable rage with 
 horrible threats, saying to his soldiers and the inhabitants, 
 that if that friar (the provincial) had imprisoned or killed 
 his people, he would resort to unheard of modes of vengeance, 
 slaying, with every species of cruelty that could be thought of, 
 all the men and women in that part of the country (yet, even 
 if this act had been committed, they were not culpable) ; 
 he would not even spare the child at the breast, but would 
 wash the public places and streets with their blood, also 
 that the water courses of the city of Margarita should run 
 with blood : after which, not one stone should be left stand- 
 ing on another, all the houses should be burnt, a thousand 
 monks should be sacrificed, with the most painful deaths ; 
 and if the provincial, the Friar Francisco Montesinos, fell into 
 his hands, he would flay him alive, and make a drum of his 
 skin, as an example to all. This wicked one also ordained 
 that after death he should be flayed, and that a drum should 
 be made of his skin, in the wars of heretics against catholics. 
 These and other threats, with the acts he consummated, 
 rendered the poor inhabitants of Margarita very sorrowful, 
 so that they looked upon their lives as not worth a maravedi, 
 and felt their condition to be hopeless when they saw the 
 tyrant's ferocious countenance, the violent movements of his 
 person, stamping on the ground, and foaming at the mouth, 
 when he spoke to them. All that he said met with the ap- 
 probation of his captains and soldiers. 
 
 3. Such was the terrible situation of the inhabitants of 
 Margarita, after the provincial had left Maracapana in his 
 ship, and had given information along all the coast of Cu- 
 mana, in the port of our Lady of Caravalleda, two leagues 
 to the east of the port of the country of Caraccas, called 
 La Guayra, and in the port of Burburata. The pro- 
 vincial then returned to Maracapana, and to the island of 
 
134 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Margarita, with the intention of trying his fortune, and see- 
 ing if he and his followers could not defeat the tyrant. 
 "When his ship was seen in the distance, from the city of 
 Margarita, as if coming from the port of Burburata, the 
 news was given to Aguirre, who thought the ship was being 
 brought to him as a prize. This calmed the fury he was in, 
 in some measure, and mitigated the terror of the inhabitants, 
 for they feared the tyrant would put his dreadful threats 
 into execution upon mere suspicion only. 
 
 At that time a piragua, with a negro from Maracapana, 
 entered the port of the city (which was then near the shore, 
 although afterwards the city was removed three leagues 
 inland, where it now is), bringing news to Aguirre of all 
 that had happened there to his soldiers, and that his men, 
 with others brought by the provincial, had come to attack 
 him. On hearing this news, his fury was redoubled, and he 
 added to former threats, others more terrible, against the pro- 
 vincial and his followers. He began to put these threats into 
 execution before the ship anchored, by seizing the inhabitants, 
 their wives and children, imprisoning them in the fort, 
 putting the greater number in irons, and doubling those of 
 Juan de Villandrando, and others who were already in prison. 
 He repeated to these unfortunate persons how he intended 
 to serve them, and that the water-courses of the town 
 should run with blood. 
 
 The provincial's ship was now nearing the island, and, 
 judging from the course it was steering, Aguirre was told 
 it would go into a place five leagues distant from the city, 
 known as Puerto de Piedras. 
 
 4. With this information, and having the ship in sight, 
 the tyrant put himself on the defensive. He also caused 
 horsemen to be placed at certain distances, from the city 
 to Puerto de Piedras, so that when the ship came to anchor, 
 they should make signs one to another, and he would thus 
 be informed without loss of time. That he might not be in 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 135 
 
 want of officers to accompany him, when he went in person 
 to the defence of Puerto de Piedras, he gave the post of 
 alferez-general to Alonso de Villena, who held that appoint- 
 ment under Don Fernando. 
 
 The spies, like true traitors, shortly made it known to the 
 tyrant that the provincial's ship had anchored in Puerto de 
 Piedras. This was not pleasant information for Aguirre, 
 but he began to arm his men, to go against the friar ; and 
 such was his rage, that pious Catholic ears were horrified at 
 his blasphemous and heretical words. When all was ready 
 to march to the front, a most barbarous thought came upon 
 him, so as to terrify his soldiers afresh, and force them to 
 follow him, and thus prevent their desertion to the king^s 
 side. It was as follows (and not without the concurrence of 
 the more wickedly intentioned of his captains and soldiers), 
 that before they went, they should kill the governor, the 
 alcalde Manuel Rodriguez, the alguazil mayor Cosme de 
 Leon, one Caceres the regidor, and one Juan Rodriguez, a 
 servant of the governor's, who were in prison. This vile act 
 having been determined on, that very night, when all the 
 lights of the town were extinguished, he ordered these pri- 
 soners, who were confined high up in a room in the fortress, 
 to come down to a saloon. The prisoners suspected his vile 
 object, and death-like was their fear ; which, being perceived 
 by Aguirre (who always liked to be present at these scenes), he 
 began to console them with feigned words, telling them to 
 have no fear; that if there were any among them who cared for 
 his life, and had faith in what he promised, he would give his 
 word, that although the friar had with him as many trees 
 and thistles as there were on the island (for the island was 
 full of such, and very prickly, as I can well vouch for), and 
 they fought against him, and if in the battle all his com- 
 panions were slain, none of those he had as prisoners should 
 suffer, or be in any danger. 
 
136 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. 
 
 1. Aguirre arranges for the execution of the governor and his companions 
 in captivity. — 2. They kill the governor and his companions. Aguirre 
 summons his soldiers to see the dead bodies, and makes his observa- 
 tions upon the matter. — 3. He explains, and gives his reasons for 
 their death. — 4. Aguirre orders the bodies to be buried, and sends 
 the inhabitants bach to prison. He leaves his maestro del campo in 
 charge of the city, and then sallies forth against the provincial. 
 
 1. The prisoners were slightly consoled by Aguirre's 
 words, although the very reverse succeeded as to anything 
 in their favour ; for he was a false traitor, and never kept his 
 word, and if he did anything, it was the very reverse of 
 what he promised, as we shall see in what happened con- 
 cerning the prisoners. He caused the rest of the inhabit- 
 ants, and their families, to leave the fortress, so that they 
 might have no idea of his designs. It is said that the prin- 
 cipal mover in this affair was a soldier, one Gonzalo Her- 
 nandez, a Portuguese, a friend of Aguirre's, who informed 
 the traitor that Don Juan and the other prisoners were con- 
 spiring against him, and that they had sent messengers and 
 arquebusses to the provincial, begging of him to land his 
 people, and give Aguirre battle. 
 
 The traitor (irritated by what the Portuguese said to him), 
 and fearing the provincial, thought that it was not good policy 
 to leave enemies in the rear, although they were prisoners, 
 so he determined to kill them before he left the city, and thus 
 to meet his ecclesiastical foe, a warlike churchman. It was 
 nearly midnight, and the hour for such deeds, when he 
 ordered one Francisco de Carrion, a mestizo, his alguazil, to 
 go quickly with certain soldiers, and strangle the governor, 
 and his imprisoned companions, who were in the lower 
 apartment. This alguazil, and his men, lost no time in 
 obeying the traitor's wishes ; they quickly got hold of some 
 negroes, cords, and other articles necessary for perpetrating 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 137 
 
 the deed, and, descending to the lower apartment, they told 
 the prisoners to pray to God for his mercy, and to show 
 such contrition for their sins as became Christians, for that 
 they were about to die. 
 
 2. The governor's expectation that Aguirre would keep 
 his word (in a matter of such gravity) gave him confidence 
 that the traitor would not break -it, nor cut short his days so 
 soon : and he replied by asking what this meant, for that 
 only a short time since the general had left them, and had 
 given them his word, not only that they should not be 
 killed, but that no harm should come to them. The alguazil, 
 and his men said, notwithstanding what had been told them, 
 that they must die, and advised them to pray to God, which 
 was what they ought to do. 
 
 The unfortunate prisoners did so, seeing that the bloody 
 business was about to take place, and with greater speed 
 than was necessary ; for these ministers of wickedness began 
 by strangling the governor, after him the alcalde Manuel 
 Eodriguez, then the alguazil Don Cosme, who was crippled 
 in his hands and feet. The bodies were then laid together, 
 and covered with some mats so as to hide them, when the 
 murderers went up stairs to where Aguirre was, and, having 
 given an account of what they had done, they showed 
 demonstrations of pleasure, as if what they had done had 
 been for the service of God. 
 
 As it was near the middle of the night, the traitor con- 
 sidered it would be as well to inform his soldiery of what had 
 taken place ; so he called his men into the lower room, where 
 the dead bodies were, and, by the light of many candles, he 
 ordered the mats to be raised. The bodies were exposed, 
 and he, pointing to the corpses, spoke thus : 
 
 Well do you see, O Maranones ! in the bodies now 
 before your eyes, that, independently of the crimes you 
 committed in the river Maranon, by slaying your governor 
 Pedro de Ursua, and his lieutenant Don Juan de Vargas, by 
 
 T 
 
134 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 making a prince of Don Fernando, and giving your oath of 
 allegiance to him as such, you have divested yourselves of all 
 rights in the kingdom of Castille, you have forsworn alle- 
 giance to the king Don Philip, by swearing to make per- 
 petual war upon him, and you have signed your names 
 to the act. You afterwards added crime to crime ; you 
 executed your own prince and lord, many captains and 
 soldiers, a priest, and a noble lady ; and, having arrived at 
 this island, you have forcibly taken possession of it, divid- 
 ing the property found in it amongst yourselves, that which 
 belonged to the king Don Philip, as well as that of indi- 
 viduals. You have destroyed the books of the treasury, and 
 committed sundry and divers wickednesses. Now you have 
 killed another governor, an alcalde, a regidor, an alguazil 
 mayor, as well as other persons, whose bodies you now have 
 before your eyes. 
 
 " So now you must open your eyes, and see each for him- 
 self. Be not deceived by any vain confidence ; for having 
 committed so many, and such grave and atrocious crimes, 
 be ye sure that ye are not safe in any part of the world, 
 excepting with me ; for supposing the king were to pardon 
 you, the relations and friends of the dead would follow you, 
 and take vengeance. Thus I counsel you not to leave me, to 
 sell your lives dearly when the occasion offers, and to let all 
 be of one mind ; for against such a union, all the force that 
 may be sent against you will be of little avail. Let each 
 man mark well what I have said, for it is a question of life 
 and death." 
 
 4. As soon as his speech was finished, he ordered that two 
 graves should be made, and the bodies were buried therein. 
 In order that the inhabitants might not have one peaceful 
 night in their houses, he commanded (for it was now about 
 two in the morning) that their wives and children should be 
 thrust into the fortress, to their great fear and affliction, and 
 he had them secured as they had previously been. They 
 
THE. TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 139 
 
 had their suspicions as to what had taken place, and that 
 Don Juan de Villandrando and his companions had been 
 killed, although Aguirre and his followers denied what they 
 had done. The traitor left the prisoners in the fortress, in 
 charge of his maestro del campo Martin Perez, and, at day- 
 break, he marched with eighty arquebusiers to Punta de 
 Piedras, where the provincial had anchored. 
 
 Martin Perez, with the Maranones who had been left to 
 guard the fortress and town, caused a feast to be made that, 
 day, when Aguirre departed, which was on a Sunday. They 
 had his tables spread with great show and profusion, the 
 transports blew joyous blasts, the generous wine ran freely, 
 which made them talk merrily, and excuse themselves for 
 what had been done. But this, as will be seen, cost the 
 life of the maestro del campo. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 
 1. Tlie 'peojple of the port of Burburata send tidings to the governor of 
 Venezuela, and to the cities of his government, and that of Merida^ 
 concerning the acts of the traitor. — 2. Pedro Bravo de la Molina sends 
 information to the Royal Audience of Santa Fe, and to the other 
 cities on the road. — 3. Preimrations are made by Pedro Bravo de la 
 Molina, in the city of Merida, to resist the traitor, if necessary.-^ 
 4. The licenciate, Pablo Collado, is not unmindful of his duties, 
 in the towns under his governme?it. 
 
 1. The padre Fray Francisco Montesinos, having advised 
 the people of the port of Burburata as to Aguirre's doings, 
 they likewise sent on the news to the towns in the govern- 
 ment of Venezuela, particularly to the governor, the 
 licenciate Pablo Collado, who was just then in the city of 
 Tocuyo, and who sent orders to the men of Burburata to 
 send their wives and children away, as well as their property, 
 in case Aguirre should come there. This order was hardly 
 
140 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 necessary for the men of Burburata, seeing that they were 
 dwelling on the sea-shore, and were few in number, without 
 means of defence, for they had, already, broken up their 
 homes, and put their families in safety, as soon as they re- 
 ceived the news from the provincial, the men returning 
 to the port of Burburata. The governor sent advices to 
 the city of Trujillo, recently settled by Captain Diego 
 Garcia de Paredes, to that of Merida, also a recently 
 settled jurisdiction, governed by Captain Pedro Bravo de la 
 Molina, a man of noble blood, and who gave proofs of 
 the same in all the acts of his life, but more especially 
 in what concerned Aguirre. 
 
 The governor of Venezuela ordered both cities to be pre- 
 pared for defence (as it was reported that the traitor might 
 pass that way), begging of Pedro Bravo de la Molina, as he 
 was out of his jurisdiction, to have all the soldiers ready 
 that he could possibly get together, to go against Aguirre, 
 which would be rendering a service to God as well as to the 
 king, and to the governor it would be rendering a great 
 service ; and, as Diego Garcia de Paredes was in that city, 
 retired with some soldiers who had separated from CoUado's 
 jurisdiction, on account of certain difficulties they had had 
 with him in the city of Trujillo, shortly after Paredes had 
 settled it, he begged of them to return at once to the city of 
 Tocuyo ; and he gave them his solemn word of honour that 
 no more should be said relative to their former disagree- 
 ments, but that he would be thankful to them for their 
 assistance, seeing that he was menaced by the traitor. 
 
 2. The news having been received in the city of Merida 
 by the governor, Pedro Bravo de la Molina, in the month of 
 August, 1561, he immediately appointed certain of the 
 citizens of that place, with a captain, to go to the town of San 
 Cristoval (to which place it was not possible to go without a 
 strong escort, on account of the warlike Indians who dwelt 
 between one town and the other, in the valleys of the Bayla- 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 141 
 
 dores de la Guta, Saint Bartholomew, and other parts), to 
 tell them the news, whence it could be sent to Tunja and 
 Santa Fe (Bogota) to the Koyal Audience, to which Molina 
 wrote, as well as to the Governor Pablo Collado, so that all 
 the cities might be prepared to resist the traitor, should 
 he enter these provinces. This being done, Pedro Bravo 
 busied himself in making arrangements for the soldiers and 
 inhabitants, whom he was to take with him to Venezuela, com- 
 municating to them his plans and stratagems of war, par- 
 ticularly if the traitor had a large force, that of the juris- 
 diction of Venezuela being small to resist him. The 
 traitor might arrive at the city of Merida, where it was 
 necessary there should be a guard of sturdy men (in case 
 they should be obliged to go to Venezuela) to guard that 
 town against any rising that might occur on the part of the 
 natives, for the country had but lately been settled. 
 
 3. Molina sent some soldiers from the city, to be on the 
 look-out at certain distances on the road, and the post from 
 Trujillo would advise him, as to Aguirre's advance and in- 
 tentions. He also ordered that some soldiers should go on- 
 wards to Tocuyo, where they would know (because there 
 they would find the governor in person) when the traitor 
 might land, advising the governor, Don Pablo Collado, 
 not to diminish his force in sending him news, for that he 
 wanted more men than he already had. 
 
 The inhabitants and soldiers of Merida were perfectly 
 agreed (and I make this distinction because in these lands 
 we call vecinos, those settlers or inhabitants of the towns 
 who have encomiendas of Indians, all the rest being tran- 
 sient, and called soldiers), and were of one mind, that their 
 persons and property, even to the last maravedi, should be 
 placed at the service of their king and lord, whereby it was 
 well known to the world what loyal vassals the sovereign had, 
 and how desirous they were to shed their blood in defence of 
 his royal crown, especially against those who had rebelled 
 against him. 
 
U2 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Don Pedro Bravo gave sincere thanks to all the in- 
 habitants, on his own part, and on that of the king. 
 
 4. During this time the governor of Venezuela was not idle 
 in the cities of Tocuyo and Barquisimeto, doing all in his 
 power to protect his government ; for it was apparent to 
 every one that no means of defence should be omitted, see- 
 ing that Aguirre had a large number of well-armed fol- 
 lowers, and that the numbers of the royal forces were small 
 to cope with him, so that although prepared, they were in 
 a state of consternation. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIY. 
 
 1. Preparations ordered hy the Royal Audience of Santa Fe, and officers 
 appointed. — 2. Orders are issued that the people of the various cities 
 of the kingdom shall be ready for all exigencies, and what the governor 
 Pedro Bravo de la Molina has to do in Merida. — 3. The governments 
 of Popayan, Santa Martha, and Carthagena, are ordered to collect 
 troops, and various opinions as to sallying forth against the traitor. 
 — 4. Investigations are made, to see if there are, in the kingdom, 
 any soldiers connected with the Peruvian mutineers. The royal seal 
 guarded in Santa Fe. 
 
 1. It was the beginning of the month of September of the 
 same year, 1561, when the news arrived at the city and 
 audience of Santa Fe. The oidores and licenciados Alonso 
 de Grageda, Melchor Perez de Arteaga, Diego de Villa- 
 franca, and Angulo de Castejon were there. All the cities 
 in the kingdom were in great commotion, on becoming ac- 
 quainted with the cruelties committed by Aguirre, as well 
 as by the great number of armed followers he had with him ; 
 so the oidores, without leaving anything undone to put a stop 
 to these terrible excesses (for all this tierra firme was suffering 
 on account of the rebellions that had happened in various parts 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 143 
 
 of Piru), sent to all the cities and towns of the audiencia of the 
 new kingdom/ commanding that men and arms should be in 
 readiness, appointing as captain-general (in case it should 
 be found necessary for him to go against the traitor) the 
 Mariscal Don Gonzalo Ximenez de Quesada (who then only 
 had this title and was regidor of the city, until the following 
 year of 1568, when he received the title of adelantado of the 
 new kingdom), a successful and valorous personage, and 
 one whom the whole country respected for these qualities, 
 and because he had discovered and conquered the country. 
 Captain Hernan Vanegas was chosen as maestro del 
 campo, a settler of the city of Santa Fe. He was from Cor- 
 dova in Spain, a cavalier of high standing and bravery, of 
 which he gave many proofs in the conquest of Santa 
 Martha, and in his discoveries in the same kingdom, his 
 conquests over the Panches, and in the founding of the city 
 of Tocayma. 
 
 2. For captains of horse were nominated Juan de Cespedes, 
 an inhabitant of Santa Fe, and Gonzalo Suarez Rondon, an 
 inhabitant, and one of the founders, of Tunja ; as captain of 
 infantry, Juan Ruiz de Orejuela of Santa Fe, but originally 
 from Cordova in Castille, all conquistadores and founders in 
 the new kingdom, as was also Gonzalo Rodriguez de Le- 
 desma, native of Zamora in Spain, who, on this occasion, was 
 named by the Royal Audience captain of the guard of the 
 royal seal, which was in Santa Fe. 
 
 In each town a captain was named to be in charge of men, 
 arms, and horses, so as to be in readiness if wanted. Letters 
 of thanks were sent to the city of Merida, for the information 
 afforded by Captain Pedro Bravo de la Molina, and abund- 
 ance of provisions for the use of that part of the country, 
 should the traitor go there. The people of Merida were 
 ordered on no account to leave the city, although the gover- 
 
 • The kingdom of New Granada, then governed hy the Audiencia Real, 
 consisting of a president, and four oidores or judges. 
 
144 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 nor of Venezuela should send for help, but to remain with 
 all their people, advising the Royal Audience, by the post, 
 of all the news that came to them respecting the landing of 
 Aguirre ; and if it happened (on account of the little oppo- 
 sition the traitor met with in the government of Vene- 
 zuela) that Aguirre had the intention of passing into the 
 kingdom of Santa by the city of Merida, they were 
 to take away all the provisions from the town and vicinity, 
 and abandon it, for they were not in sufficient numbers to 
 resist the army he had under his command. 
 
 3. The Royal Audience did not omit to advise the govern- 
 ments of Popayan, Santa Martha, and Carthagena, command- 
 ing their respective governors to be in readiness with their 
 people, should help be required; and should the traitor come 
 into their governments, to do their utmost against him, as 
 became loyal vassals of the king. 
 
 All the cities of the new kingdom having collected their 
 men, it was found (leaving a sufficient number to protect the 
 towns of Santa Fe, Tunja, Velez, Pamplona, Ybague, 
 Tocayma, Mariquita, and the town of San Cristoval) that 
 there were one thousand five hundred soldiers, four hun- 
 dred pikemen, more than two hundred arquebusiers, and 
 the rest rodeleros (men armed with shields), and horse- 
 men, ready and well found for the field. It was ordered 
 that the people of each town should be practised in the 
 art of war weekly, so that when required, they might be 
 used to military affairs. All this being done, various 
 opinions were expressed by the several officers and the old 
 soldiers of Santa Fe and Tunja, as to the best plan of pro- 
 ceeding against the traitor, when the time came, some con- 
 sidering that the surest method was to await him in the 
 rino7i (kidney) of the kingdom, in the province of the city 
 of Tunja towards Pamplona, where he would enter the 
 settlements and vast valleys called the Zemiza, because it was 
 an open plain country, where cavalry could act and provi- 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 145 
 
 sions were abundant ; that neither one nor both of the 
 oidores should be absent, so that the Audiencia should be 
 there, representing the person of the king. 
 
 Others considered the best plan would be that the captain- 
 general with his men (it not being necessary that any of the 
 oidores should be of the party) should march to Pamplona, 
 wait for Aguirre between that town and San Cristoval, in 
 the valley of Cucuta, and give him battle in the open coun- 
 try ; for the traitor and his army would necessarily arrive 
 fatigued and worn, having had to march over a very heavy 
 country, and thus there were hopes of defeating him. 
 
 These discussions rose to such a pitch, and each party 
 so loudly sustained its views, that it was feared some diffi- 
 culties might arise, if the E-oyal Audience did not silence 
 them at once, by informing them that for the present all that 
 was required was that they should be merely in readiness.: 
 This stopped further discussion, but no expense was spared 
 in arranging their arms, horses, and provisions, neither were 
 splendid dresses and adornments, the fruits of vanity, for- 
 gotten, which are the usual accompaniments of a military 
 life, in which the greater portion of their own money was 
 expended, for the king did not give them a maravedi.^ 
 
 * The poet Don Alonzo de Ercilla, the author of the Araucana, and 
 one with whom " Spanish poetical genius and heroism were one feeling," 
 heard of the atrocities of Aguirre at Lima, after he had left Chile. He 
 at once determined to go against the traitor, but arrived too late to 
 share in the operations which led to Aguirre's overthrow. 
 In Canto xxxvi, part ii, of the Araucana, he says, — 
 " Costa a costa, y a veces engolfado 
 
 Llegue al Callao de Lima celebrado. 
 
 Estuve alii hasta tanto que la entrada 
 
 Por el gran Maranon hizo la gente, 
 
 Donde Lope de Aguirre en la Jornada 
 
 Mas que Neron y Herodes inclemente 
 
 Paso tantos amigos por la espada, 
 
 Y a la querida hija juntamente, 
 
 No por otra razo y causa alguna — 
 
 Mas de para morir juntos a una. 
 
 U 
 
146 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 4. It was considered of no little importance to make care- 
 ful inquiries in all the provinces of the new kingdom, to 
 see if there were any soldiers who had been concerned in 
 the rebellions in Peru of Gonzalo Pizarro, Francisco Her- 
 nandez Giron, Alvaro de Oyon/ and other turbulent men, 
 so as to keep a watch over them : for it was to be supposed 
 that they had not forgotten their evil inclinations, and would 
 rather join the traitor Aguirre, than the king's party. 
 
 During the time that these suspicions and fears of the 
 traitor continued in the New Kingdom (which was from the 
 period when they first received the information, to Christmas 
 of that same year, when the news they desired came to them, 
 that the traitor's army had been destroyed, and himself 
 killed in the city of Barquisimeto), every night thirty armed 
 men guarded the Seal of the Royal Audience, under com- 
 mand of Captain Ledesma.^ 
 
 Y aunque mas de dos mil millas havia 
 De camino por partes despoblado, 
 Luego de alii por mar tomd la via 
 A mas larga carrera acostumbrado, 
 Ya Panama llegue, do el mismo dia 
 La nueva por el ayre avia llegado 
 Pel desbarate y nucerte del tyrano, 
 Saliendo mi trabajo y priesa envano." 
 
 Ercilla was then aged twenty-nine, and he had been eight years in 
 America. After a long illness in Tierra Firme, he returned to Spain m 
 1562. 
 
 1 A soldier who, a short time before, had excited a revolt in Popayan. 
 
 2 The seal of the Royal Audience was received at Bogota, in the 
 same way as if it had been the king of Spain himself. It is of silver, 
 and very large, and is now deposited in the National Museum, at Bogota. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 147 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 1. Aguirre marches loith his soldiers to Punta de Piedras, whence he 
 returns to the city. Be is told unfavourable things of his 
 maestro del campo. — 2. Aguirre has his maestro del campo killed 
 in the fortress. Some prisoners escape. — 3. A horrible thing 
 occurs to one Llamoso, relative to the body of the maestro del 
 campo. — 4. The Maranones and soldiers of the provincial see one 
 another. 
 
 1. Aguirre, with his eighty well-armed soldiers in good 
 order for battle, left Margarita for Punta de Piedras, and, 
 having arrived there, discovered that the provincial had set 
 sail, and was steering towards the city. Aguirre marched 
 back as quick as he could, so as to arrive before the ship, 
 and be fully prepared for his enemy. The maestro del 
 campo Martin Perez, hearing of Aguirre's return, went out 
 to meet him, with the arquebusiers who had remained with 
 him, and gave him a grand salute and joyous reception. 
 They embraced each other, as if they had not met for a long 
 time, entering arm in arm into the fortress, where Aguirre 
 found the same order amongst the imprisoned inhabitants, 
 as when he had departed. 
 
 One of his captains of infantry, named Christoval Garcia, 
 who had been a caulker, either from the enmity he bore the 
 maestro del campo, or because he desired to have his post, 
 succeeded in discrediting him with Aguirre ; for, knowing 
 his chief's bitter and suspicious disposition, and that it would 
 require but little to get him on bad terms with the maestro 
 del campo, or even to have him killed ; and giving a colour 
 of truth to his malice, by an appearance of zeal for the 
 honour of his general, he said to him that same day, that the 
 maestro del campo harboured much evil in his heart, that he 
 had asked many of his friends to kill Aguirre on the first 
 opportunity, and to take the men and ships to France, for 
 
148 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 which purpose he had got his friends together, when they 
 agreed to carry out his views ; they had had a great feast 
 in the fortress, the moment Aguirre had left for Punta de 
 Piedras, when the trumpets and arabales played, with other 
 signs of rejoicing. He supplicated Aguirre that he would 
 look to this matter, and not allow so open a treason to go 
 farther, for if he should lose his life, what would be the fate 
 of his trusty followers ? 
 
 2, Aguirre gave him his thanks, asking if he had any 
 other witness to these doings. Garcia said, yes, that a 
 little mestizo page of the maestro had been present at the 
 conspiracy. The boy was brought into Aguirre's presence, 
 most probably taught by Garcia, as to the answers he was to 
 give, and said that he had been present at the whole of the 
 proceedings. 
 
 Besides this, Aguirre was informed that, on the same day, 
 when Martin Perez was in the plaza, the soldiers had spoken 
 amongst themselves, saying, if anything should happen 
 to Lope de Aguirre with the provincial's people, who was 
 then to govern them ? That this difficulty had been resolved 
 by Martin Perez, who said : " Am not I here, and ready 
 to serve you all ; I will do my duty right well, should 
 the old man fail us." These two statements, whether 
 false or true, were considered by Aguirre to be sufficient 
 reasons for killing the maestro del campo, for which purpose 
 he chose a little bearded monkey called Chaves, who, al- 
 though still young, was learned in every species of villany, 
 and some others of a similar stamp, belonging to his guard, 
 and commanded them to kill Martin Perez (whom he sent 
 for) the moment he came into the fortress. They were on 
 the watch, and as soon as he came into the room where 
 Aguirre was (unaware of the treason), to inquire what were 
 his orders, the little Chaves came behind him, firing his 
 arquebuss, and wounding him badly. The rest rushed on 
 the victim with daggers and knives, wounding him in the 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 149 
 
 head and body, so that his bowels and his brains were seen. 
 The wretched maestro del campo, now in the agonies of 
 death, wandered about the fortress with a portion of his 
 brains and bowels out of his body, imploring confession with 
 loud cries. The murderers followed him, when he fell, and 
 Chaves rushed on him and cut his throat. These horrors, 
 committed by these ministers of Satan, disturbed the inmates 
 of the fortress, and the imprisoned inhabitants saw little 
 else before them but the cruel fate of the maestro del 
 campo ; so they (both men and women, blinded by the fear 
 of death) hid themselves in the upper rooms and other 
 obscure parts of the fortress, and under their beds ; and there 
 were persons who broke open the windows of the turrets, 
 so much strength did fear give them ; and one Maria de 
 Trujillo, the wife of Francisco de Kibera, the alcalde, threw 
 herself into the street from a high window. God, in his 
 mercy, was pleased to save her from death, by reason of the 
 force of the fall. There were also one Domingo Lopez and 
 one Pedro de Angulo, inhabitants of the town, who threw 
 themselves from a high turret, fled, and hid themselves, 
 thus saving their lives. 
 
 3. The rest of Aguirre's people were in the plaza, under 
 some apprehension, and murmuring in consequence of what 
 they had heard had taken place in the fortress. The traitor, 
 hearing this, appeared at a window, and told them not to be 
 uneasy, for that the noise they had heard in the fortress was 
 caused by his having commanded Martin Perez to be killed, 
 his son and maestro del campo, because he had wished to 
 mutiny and kill him, and then go away with the people; 
 so those who were in the plaza were quieted. 
 
 Aguirre had been told that Anton Llamoso, captain of the 
 ammunition, and one of his great friends, was one of the 
 conspirators with Martin Perez ; and Aguirre, seeing him 
 pass before him, and near to the body and the murderers, 
 who had their arms in their hands, said to Llamoso, " They 
 
150 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 also tell me that you were one of the party with the maestro 
 del campo ; how was this ? Was this friendship ? And dost 
 thou hold so lightly the love I feel for you ?" Those who 
 had slain Martin Perez, and were now steeped in his blood, 
 desirous of other deaths, had scarcely heard Aguirre's words 
 to Llamoso, when they came near to both, awaiting Aguirre's 
 signal to murder Llamoso. 
 
 The great fear that fell upon Llamoso, however, did not pre- 
 vent him from making explanations to Aguirre, backing them 
 up by many oaths, mixed with a thousand blasphemies against 
 those who had falsely accused him, and saying that treason 
 had never entered his thoughts, and that Aguirre ought to 
 believe him, for the affection he had always had for him 
 and his doings ; and, when it seemed to him that Aguirre 
 was not satisfied with his words, he rushed upon the body 
 of Martin Perez, which was almost cut to pieces, and, before 
 those who were present, he threw himself upon it, shouting, 
 "Curse this traitor, who wished to commit so great a crime! 
 I will drink his blood ! " and, putting his mouth over the 
 wounds in the head, with more than demoniac rage, he 
 began to suck the blood and brains that issued from the 
 wounds, and swallowed what he sucked, as if he were a 
 famished dog. This caused such horror to those who were 
 present, that there was not one who was not turned sick at 
 heart by the scene. Aguirre was satisfied of his fidelity, and 
 so it turned out, for there was no one who sustained him, 
 until his last hour, like unto this Llamoso. 
 
 4. The provincial's ship could not arrive at the port of the 
 city before Monday morning, having left Punta de Piedras 
 on the previous day (Sunday), in consequence of contrary 
 winds. This day, early in the morning, they anchored half 
 a league from the land, out of range of Aguirre's artillery, 
 but the provincial was near enough to cause the traitor some 
 inquietude. 
 
 Aguirre prepared for defence, hearing that the provincial 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 151 
 
 would land some of his men. He collected some of his sol- 
 diers, and marched towards the beach, near to the ship, 
 taking with him five brass falconets, which he brought with 
 him from the Maranon. 
 
 All were charged, ready for the provincial's men, when 
 they should land. The boats of the provincial's men, having 
 approached those of Aguirre, within hearing distance, they 
 upbraided the traitor's men, telling them that they were 
 cruel traitors, disloyal and mutinous to their king, indeed, 
 anything that came uppermost; they also received a reply 
 from those of Aguirre, in no very measured terms, coupled 
 with a thousand blasphemies, because those in the piraguas 
 and galleon would not land, or leave the boats where the 
 royal standard and flags were hoisted. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. 
 
 1. Lo'pe de Aguirre writes to the provincial. — 2. The provincial replies 
 from his ship, and then sets sail. Aguirre hangs two soldiers. — 
 3. Opinions as to whether it was politic of the provincial to com- 
 municate with the traitor. — 4. The opinions and objections re- 
 solved. 
 
 1. Aguirre, seeing that the provincial's people would not 
 land, returned the same day to the fortress, whence he 
 wrote the following letter to the friar : — 
 
 THE LETTER OF AGUIRRE TO THE PROVINCIAL. 
 
 " Magnificent and Reverend Sir, — It would give us much 
 greater pleasure to celebrate your paternity's reception with 
 boughs and flowers, than with arquebusses and discharges of 
 artillery, because it has been told to us, by many persons, 
 that such would be more generous; and, if we are to judge 
 by the proceedings we have this day observed, which are 
 
W2 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 greater than we had been led to expect ; it would seem that 
 your paternity is a lover of arms and military exploits : and 
 thus we see that you imitate the honour, virtue, and nobility, 
 which our forefathers attained sword in hand. This I do not 
 deny; neither do these senores who are here, and who came 
 from Piru by the river Maranon, to discover and settle new 
 countries, some of us maimed, some halt, and some of sound 
 body. Owing to the troubles in Piru, we sought to find a 
 land, miserable as it might be, to give rest to our poor bodies, 
 which are covered with more seams than are pilgrims' weeds, 
 and we would have remained and settled there, had we not, 
 after many troubles, passed from the river, and into the sea, 
 hungry and menaced even by death ; and let those who may 
 come against us, take into account that they come to war 
 with the ghosts of dead men. The soldiers of your paternity 
 call us traitors, but they should be chastised, they should 
 not say so, because to attack Don Philip, king of Castillo, is 
 the work of grand and noble souls ; for, if we were engaged 
 in mean occupations, we could pass an orderly life, but we 
 know no other trade than to make cannon balls and sharpen 
 lances, which are the sort of money current here. If there 
 was any necessity to go into details, we might make it known 
 to your paternity, that Piru owes much to us, and we might 
 relate the cogent reasons we have for doing what we do^ but 
 of these things I will say nothing. 
 
 " To-morrow, please God, I will send to your paternity 
 copies of the edicts that have been made amongst us, 
 each man being at liberty to do as he thinks best. 
 There are those, with you, who swore fealty to Don Fer- 
 nando de Guzman as their king, and denaturalized them- 
 selves from the kingdoms of Spain ; and they mutinied, 
 and usurped the powers of justice, and pillaged estates ; 
 amongst these were Alonso Arias, Don Fernando's ser- 
 geant, and Roderigo Gutierrez, his chamberlain. Of 
 the other senores we need take no account, because such 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 153 
 
 discourse would be trifling ; although, as to Arias, he would 
 not be mentioned, had he not been a good rope maker. 
 Rodrigo Gutierrez was rather well to do, but he had a 
 downward look, a sign that he was a great traitor. Then 
 there was Gonzalo de Zuniga, a man of Seville. Know 
 then, your paternity, that he was a great buffoon, and his 
 tricks are these : he was in Popayan with Alvaro de Hoy on, 
 in the rebellion against his majesty, and when his captain 
 was about to fight, he deserted him and fled ; and, having 
 escaped, he was in Piru with Sylva in the mutiny and 
 robbery of the royal treasure, when they killed the judge, 
 and then he ran away again. He is such a coward that, as 
 long as there is anything to eat, he is diligent, and in the hour 
 of battle he flees, but his signatures will not desert. I am 
 sorry that one man is not here, namely Salguero, because 
 we want him much to watch over our sheep, because he 
 understands that business well. As to my good friends 
 Martin Bruno, Anton Perez, and Andres Dias, I kiss their 
 hands. As to Monguia and Artiaga, may God pardon them, 
 and if they are alive, I beseech your paternity to let me 
 know ;^ and we should all like to be together, and that your 
 paternity were our patriarch : for, after believing that God 
 is no more than any other, all the rest is moonshine. 
 
 " I beg of your paternity not to go to Santo Domingo, 
 because we believe that you will be dispossessed of the 
 ofiice you hold there. ■ ' 
 
 " In your reply, I beseech your paternity that you will 
 write to me, and let us treat one another well in this war. 
 God will bring trouble on all traitors, and the king will 
 restore the loyal to life, although up to this time we have seen 
 no one resuscitated by a king ; he cures no wounds, he re- 
 stores no one to life. May the most magnificent and 
 
 ' All these men, respecting whom Aguirre writes to the provincial, 
 were the soldiers who were sent to capture his ship, and deserted to him. 
 
 X 
 
154 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 reverend person of your paternity, be in great and increas- 
 ing dignity. 
 
 From this fortress of Margarita, I kiss the hands of your 
 paternity. Your servant, 
 
 *^ Lope de Aguirre." 
 
 2. Aguirre sent this letter, by some Indians in a piragua, 
 which was received by the provincial, and seen by his fol- 
 lowers, who roared with laughter, for it appeared to them 
 to be the nonsense of a buffoon, rather than the reasons 
 of a captain-general. The provincial replied as a learned 
 and religious man should, advising Aguirre to abandon his 
 road of errors and to turn into the path of loyalty and service 
 to his king, which was of great import to him for the security 
 of his conscience ; but if, through his blind obstinacy he 
 would not do so, the provincial charged him as a Christian, 
 to have reverence for churches and all holy things, and the 
 honour of women, and, for the love of that God to whom he 
 would have to give account of his doings, that he would 
 stop the shedding of blood, and the continuance of cruelties 
 in that island ; that Monguia and Artiaga were alive, and 
 were faithful servants to his majesty, and, that in what they 
 had done by entering his service, they had complied with 
 their obligation as Spaniards. This answer was sent by the 
 Indians who brought Aguirre's letter. The provincial then 
 got under weigh, and returned to Maracapana, sailing from 
 thence to the island of Santo Domingo, where he made 
 known all the news concerning the tyrant, and his cruel- 
 ties. 
 
 Whilst the correspondence was going on with the pro- 
 vincial, and his ship was at anchor, two of Aguirre's soldiers, 
 one named Juan de San Juan, and the other Paredes, 
 were observed on the beach, reposing under the shade of 
 some cactus trees. Amongst those who saw them, there 
 were not wanting some who were not friendly to them, who 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 155 
 
 told Aguirre that these two soldiers were hiding, and await- 
 ing an opportunity to desert to the provincial's ship. This 
 was sufficient for the tyrant, and he had them immediately 
 hung at the rollo} without even allowing them to confess. 
 
 3. There were some who considered the provincial's visit 
 to Aguirre ill timed, for the traitor, seeing an opposing force so 
 near, and suspicious of a larger one being sent against him, 
 killed the governor and the others ; and also, as the pro- 
 vincial made this demonstration, he might have done some- 
 thing more, by landing his people, for with them and some 
 of the inhabitants, who had fled to the woods, but who would 
 have joined them, he might have made a show of his forces, 
 and might have got away those of Aguirre's party who had 
 been obliged to follow him against their will, seeing that 
 they would find protection with the king's forces ; so that at 
 least the tyrant would not have left the island with so large 
 a force as he brought to it. 
 
 4. To these views there were two replies : one was that those 
 who had fled to the woods, had received no notice of the pro- 
 vincial's approach, neither was it known that the tyrant had 
 any men with him against their will ; but rather, from their 
 acts, it was to be believed that they followed him cheerfully. 
 The next reason was that, had the provincial landed his 
 party, greater misery would have resulted, for the cruelties 
 of Aguirre and his fierce butcheries, were such, that had the 
 inhabitants and the provincial's men not been able to join, 
 more would have been imprisoned, and the threats he had 
 fulminated against the defenceless people would have been 
 put into execution to the utmost on man, woman and child. 
 As the provincial and Aguirre did not meet, it would seem 
 that the former did not err in not landing ; moreover, it is 
 
 ^ The Tollo^ or pillar, emblematic of jurisdiction, was used as a gallows, 
 and also as a garrote. The culprit, being placed against it, the strangling 
 cord was passed round his neck, and round the pillar, and then tightened 
 from behind. 
 
156 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 requisite to take into consideration the provincial's holy- 
 zeal, which never did wrong to any one, and if crimes fol- 
 lowed, it was not his intention that such should happen. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. 
 
 1. Aguirre prepares to leave the island, and kills a soldier. — 2. Be has 
 flags made, and blessed in the church, on the feast of the day of our 
 Lady of Assumption. — 3. Aguirre makes an oration to his captains, 
 and ensigns, on giving them the flags. — 4. A soldier escapes from 
 Aguirre, on account of which he kills two others, also a woman. 
 
 I. Aguirre began to be desirous of leaving the island, but 
 he found his steps rather retarded, for he had sunk his bri- 
 gantines, and the provincial's ship had escaped him, and he 
 had only three small barks, insufficient for his soldiers, arms, 
 ammunition, and provisions, so he commanded the ship to 
 be finished, which the governor had in the dockyard. He 
 was informed that there were some carpenters, who had 
 hidden themselves amongst the inhabitants, and he ordered 
 them to bring the carpenters to him, saying that they should 
 be well treated ; and, as the people were suffering so much 
 from the traitor, and wished to get rid of so wicked a 
 guest, they sought out some carpenters for him, so that 
 the ship might be finished, and thus shorten Aguirre's 
 stay. 
 
 Doubtless there were occasions for the inhabitants to 
 escape from the city, and to fly from the dangers that always 
 menaced their lives. This was known to Aguirre, and, as 
 his efforts to catch them were insufficient, he took vengeance 
 on their houses and estates by robbing and destroying them, 
 rooting up their crops, cutting down their trees and demo- 
 lishing cheir orchards ; and, as it appeared to him that these 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 157 
 
 punishments did not fill up the measure of his will, because 
 they were not mixed with human blood, he decided upon 
 killing one Martin Diaz de Armendariz, cousin of the gover- 
 nor, Pedro de Ursua, who came with the traitor very much 
 against his will.^ He was considered a sort of prisoner, and 
 Aguirre thought of leaving him behind, and sent him out 
 of the city, to remain on an estate, with orders not to leave 
 it until the traitor should have left the island. There this 
 soldier lived, doing harm to no one, when the traitor changed 
 his mind, it appearing to him that it would not be politic 
 to leave enemies in the rear, so he sent certain of his soldiers 
 to where Armendariz was, with orders to strangle him, which 
 was done, without confession, for the murderers knew that 
 this would give greater pleasure to their general, Aguirre. 
 
 2. As he was now arranging his departure from the 
 island, amongst other things he caused three flags to be 
 made of the silk he had stolen. They were of the colour 
 that represented his cruelties, namely black taffety, spotted 
 with red crossed swords, which represented the blood he 
 shed, and the cause of lamentation and mourning. He 
 ordered these flags, when finished, to be blessed in the 
 church, as if such a ceremony could do him service. 
 
 The traitor ordered that, on the Day of Assumption of our 
 Lady, the 15th of August of the year 1561, a solemn mass 
 should be said in the mother church, to which he went, 
 with his followers in warlike array, he himself going in the 
 vanguard as the general. On the way to the church he saw 
 the king of spades, out of an old pack of cards, in the street, 
 on the ground ; he stooped down and picked it up, but he 
 soon threw it from him, as it appeared to him that by doing 
 so he showed his disdain for the king of Castillo ; and, mad- 
 man as he was, he began to stamp on the ground, swearing 
 a thousand oaths against his majesty, and, snatching the card 
 
 1 Probably a son of Ursua's uncle, Miguel Diaz de Armendariz, the 
 juez de residencia in New Granada. (See page 1, and the Introduction.) 
 
158 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 from the ground with great passion and rage, tore it to pieces. 
 This madness of his was imitated by his more particular 
 friends among the soldiery, who joined him in shouting a 
 thousand blasphemies against God and his saints. 
 
 Having arrived at the church, and the flags having been 
 blessed (by the priest who said the mass), the traitor handed 
 them to the captains and ensigns, saying that he confided 
 them to their valour and loyalty ; that, as he was satisfied of 
 their persons, he gave them the flags, so that they might 
 march under the flags, to follow, defend, and guard his 
 person, going out into the field on all occasions with the 
 flags, against any sort of warriors who might oppose them ; 
 that they might make war upon all who opposed them; that 
 the obstinate towns were to be sacked, but he charged them 
 to respect the churches and female honour, but nothing else. 
 They had full liberty to do as they pleased, for as they had 
 made a new king, they could make new laws. This gave 
 the soldiers great pleasure. When they left the church, 
 accompanying their general back to the fortress, they were 
 all most joyous that he had given them such broad licence 
 to commit crimes ; and, as to the exceptions mentioned by 
 the traitor, respecting their veneration for churches and the 
 honour of women, they well knew that in breaking them, 
 they would receive the same punishment as for any other 
 crimes, which were greater praises and rewards to those who 
 committed the more heinous, so that the soldiery might be 
 more satisfied. These exceptions were merely to flatter and 
 deceive the inhabitants, who were present. The rovers were 
 not moved by any zeal for the service of God ; to whom 
 we should give infinite thanks, that He put a bridle on 
 them, so that they did not sow the seeds of any heresy, for 
 the abominable way of their lives might have produced 
 heresy. 
 
 4. Not the least culpable, in every species of horror, was 
 Alonso de Villena, for which reason his life had been spared 
 
THE TRATTOK AGUIRRE. 
 
 159 
 
 up to this time. Aguirre was now set against him, for 
 certain words of little importance it was said he had made 
 use of against his chief, for which he received a severe re- 
 primand, and he was not in favour as heretofore. This 
 caused Villena to be fearful (for he knew Aguirre too well, 
 and that it did not require him to be very angry with any 
 man, to kill him, although he might be his best friend), and 
 he* began to search for means of flight, to return to his 
 devotion to his king, without pain of death, for he con- 
 sidered himself as condemned, for having been concerned in 
 the murder of the governor Ursua, and in nearly all the 
 others that had been perpetrated. To these were added 
 fresh fears, should he fall into Aguirre's hands, after he had 
 deserted. This soldier wished it to be understood by the 
 inhabitants, that he fled from Aguirre, fearing he would kill 
 him. 
 
 It was bruited among some of the soldiers that Villena 
 wanted to kill Aguirre, and this coming to the traitor's ears, 
 he sent to some of his friends to lay hands on Villena, and 
 kill him. But Villena was advised in time by his spies, 
 that Aguirre's soldiers were after him, so he escaped by a 
 false door, and hid himself in the woods ; and, although the 
 strictest search was made, he was not found. It was 
 made public that Villena was sought, that he might be 
 executed, because he wanted to kill Aguirre ; so he gained 
 favour with the inhabitants of the island. But this caused 
 the death of some of his friends, as of one Dominguez, 
 alferez of Aguirre's guard, and one Loaysa, (a great friend 
 of Villena's). Aguirre declared it to be impossible that they 
 were not in concert with Villena ; so, without any further 
 evidence, the traitor determined to kill them, and employed 
 one Juan de Aguirre to do it, who stealthily came upon 
 Dominguez, and killed him with numberless stabs of his 
 dagger. Loaysa was strangled, without being allowed to 
 confess. Aguirre then arrested the lady of the house where 
 
160 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 these two men lodged, one Anna de Rojas, a married and 
 excellent woman, accusing her of being privy to Vil- 
 lena's treason, and of not having informed him. She was 
 hung on the rollo in the centre of the plaza. That this 
 execution might be the more solemn and celebrated amongst 
 these traitors, a squadron of arquebusiers entered the 
 plaza when she was about to be executed, and whilst 
 hanging and half dead, they fired one after the other at 
 in presence of their infamous commander, who applauded 
 the best aims they made at the heart and head of the poor 
 creature, and at whose wretched death they remained most 
 joyous. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. 
 
 1. Ayuirre orders an old man to he hilled ; lie likewise does the same to a 
 friar of Santo Domingo. He also commands another friar to be 
 killed, to whom he had confessed. — 2. Of another who was strangled, 
 ivhich caused much sorrow in the town. — 3. The traitor hangs an 
 old man and a woman; he also does ridiculous things to some soldiers. 
 — 4. One Francisco Fajardo comes to the island of Margarita from 
 Caraccas, with some people, with the intention of routing Aguirre. 
 
 1. This good woman's husband was named Diego Gomez. 
 He was old and crippled, and at that time was very ill at a 
 farm, with a friar of the order of Santo Domingo. It seemed 
 to Aguirre that the old man had participated with his wife 
 in the treason of Villena, so he sent his head-constable, 
 Paniagua, to strangle him, which he did, taking with him, 
 as an assistant, a Portuguese soldier, named Manuel Baeza, 
 with two others. When they had killed the old man, the friar, 
 it would appear, blamed them, or else, to give pleasure to their 
 general (who hated priests), they strangled the friar on their 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 161 
 
 own account. They buried both in one grave, returning to 
 Aguirre with an account of what they had done, which 
 gave him great satisfaction. Aguirre also had great plea- 
 sure in killing another religious man of the same order, of 
 an exemplary life, and much beloved in the island. He 
 had confessed to this friar, more out of form than for the 
 health of his soul, and, in discharging his conscience, the 
 friar severely reprehended him, and, with holy exhortation, 
 urged him, as he was bound to do, to step aside from 
 the evil road he was going, and to follow that of God and 
 his king, and not to have the weight of so many murders 
 on his conscience. This exhortation was a bitter draught, 
 and the good inspirations that God offers to those who 
 have turned their backs upon him, are not heeded by 
 them, but rather held in hatred, and they will not see, or 
 take counsel (as those that are blind) of those who put these 
 lights before them. Not only did this traitor not take heed of 
 what this blessed friar said, but he conceived a mortal hatred 
 for him, so that he would not see him again, or even hear 
 his name mentioned ; and he was often on the point 
 of killing him, but did not then carry his intention into 
 effect, in consequence of the friar being held in great esteem ; 
 until the head constable, Paniagua, had killed the other 
 friar at the estate. Then Aguirre charged him with the 
 execution of his confessor, for it seemed to him that Paniagua 
 would bring eager hands to this new work of death, as 
 one who had already dispatched a son of the church on 
 his own authority, and that he had better be the instrument 
 of death for the confessor ; and so Aguirre gave him the 
 order to go and kill his confessor, which he did without 
 loss of time. 
 
 2. He met with the confessor in the road, although some 
 say he found him in the church, and dragging him out, he 
 thrust him into a house, where he told him he had been 
 sent by his general to kill him ; to which the confessor re- 
 
 Y 
 
162 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 plied, that if such was the case, he hoped he might be 
 allowed to pray to God. Permission having been given, he 
 threw himself with his face on the ground, and said the 
 Psalm of the Miserere, and other holy prayers, when those 
 ministers of wickedness took him up from the ground to kill 
 him. He then said that he offered himself up to God, in 
 a pure and simple spirit, for his sins, and he prayed they 
 would give him the most cruel death they possibly could : 
 he then clasped his hands towards heaven. The executioners 
 put the cord into his mouth, and from the back began to 
 tighten the rope and strangle him with such violence, that 
 his mouth was broken to pieces ; but, seeing that he did not 
 die outright under this species of cruelty, they lowered the 
 strangling cord to his throat, and again twisting it, he died. 
 Such was the end of his exemplary life. 
 
 The inhabitants of the city, nay, of the whole island, were 
 sorrowful indeed at the death of the holy man, and he was 
 looked upon as a martyr, having been sacrificed for having 
 done his holy duty in regard to the sacrament of confession. 
 
 S. They were now rapidly finishing the ship and arrang- 
 ing for the embarkation of Aguirre, his cruelties also were 
 increasing, and it appeared a philosophical maxim, that the 
 natural movement is stronger in the end than at the begin- 
 ning ; as cruelty was, as it were, naturalized in this traitor. 
 
 One of the soldiers, named Simon de Sumorostro, now an 
 old man, repenting of what he had done, and not wish- 
 ing to continue with Aguirre, on account of his cruelties, 
 begged to be left behind, saying that he was now too old 
 and sickly to follow the wars. Aguirre replied that he 
 might remain, and the old man left his presence with joy. 
 Aguirre then called some of his ministers, and said to them, 
 " Old Sumorostro has asked permission to remain behind, 
 and I have granted his request, go and see that he is safe ; 
 that, during my absence, the inhabitants and authorities 
 may do him no ill." 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 168 
 
 But the soldiers knew well the meaning of the traitor, 
 and they went after the old man, and took him straight to 
 the rollo, and there hanged him. This prevented others 
 from asking the same favour of Aguirre, but some of them 
 arranged for their flight. 
 
 Aguirre also hanged a certain Maria Chaves on the rollOi 
 because a soldier who lodged in her house had fled, and she 
 had not given information as to the projected desertion. 
 The amusements of this tyrant consisted in oppressing 
 his fellow creatures ; as happened to a young man, who un- 
 intentionally had not paid him a visit. He was ordered 
 to appear at the fortress, and, after Aguirre had severely 
 reprimanded him for his want of attention, he ordered the 
 little beard he had to be rasped off, washing his face before 
 and after the operation with fetid urine, while the traitor 
 (with some of his friends) laughed immoderately at the scene. 
 When it was over, the young man was ordered to present 
 four fowls to the fellow who acted as the barber. The same 
 was done to one of his solders, named Alonso Cayado, be- 
 cause he was a good man, and an enemy to the cruelties 
 practised by his comrades ; so it appeared to the traitor that 
 he was a useless person, but not having then decided as to 
 his death, he had him brought into his presence, he being 
 in the plaza, and, before the assembled crowd, had him 
 shaved as the young man had been, saying that he thus 
 punished him for not having on a certain occasion fallen in, 
 in the ranks, in time. These barbarities were common, 
 when he was in a happy mood, and did not wish to kill 
 his soldiers ; but there were occasions when, for the most 
 trivial occurrence, his victim was doomed to death. 
 
 4. They were now nearly ready to embark, and were only 
 waiting for the people to go on board the ship, and set sail, 
 when there appeared oft" the island one Francisco Taxardo, 
 inhabitant of the town of our Lady of Caraballeda or Carac- 
 cas, which country was in course of conquest by him. He 
 
164 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 had started to oppose the traitor, on receiving the news from 
 the provincial. He came to the island with other inhabitants, 
 in piraguas, accompanied by a good number of Indians with 
 their bows and arrows, with the intention of seeing what 
 could be done against Aguirre. He might have succeeded 
 had he come sooner, and had not Aguirre been on the point 
 of starting ; for had the inhabitants been assisted before, the 
 traitor might have been overthrown, but they could not do 
 this alone, for they were so few in number ; neither did 
 Francisco Taxardo do anything, for the same reason ; for, 
 although he landed with his men, and came near to the town, 
 it was under cover of a wood, from whence he shouted to 
 Aguirre, and called upon the traitor's soldiers to come over 
 to him, and he also called to the inhabitants, offering protec- 
 tion to all those who joined him, as he was under the king's 
 banners. 
 
 Aguirre was suspicious that Taxardo had more men with 
 him than he chose to shew, and, for fear of his soldiers 
 going over to the king, he would not march out,l but 
 carefully guarded his men in the fortress, closing the gates, 
 and allowing no one to go out. Taxardo did not dare to 
 leave the cover of the little wood, which Aguirre would have 
 cut down, but for the fear that those he sent would desert 
 from him. 
 
 Aguirre told his men, that Taxardo's reason for inviting 
 them in so friendly a way was merely to have them in his 
 power, and that when he had them, he would take ven- 
 geance on them for the deaths they had caused in that island, 
 and elsewhere. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRp:. 
 
 165 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 1. Aguirre emharhs with all hispeo'ple, and, whilst doing so, he causes his 
 admiral to he hilled. — 2. The traitor sails, hut changes his route, hy 
 going to the 'port of Burhurata. — 3. He is hecalmed, which retards 
 his voyage. — 4. They hum a ship they find in the port, and the 
 inhahitants advise the governor of Venezuela of Aguirre'' s arrival. 
 
 1. The traitor's fears were excited at the arrival of 
 Taxardo, and it caused him to change his views as to em- 
 barking his people, so that Taxardo's party could do no harm 
 with their arrows. Aguirre got his men out of the for- 
 tress (it being inconvenient for them to sally from the gate) 
 through an opening he made high up in the wall, and they 
 went down by a ladder one by one, and embarked, whilst he, 
 and some of his friends, kept guard; until there only remained 
 a few men, including his admiral Alonso Rodriguez, one 
 of his old friends, who was not a little culpable in past 
 crimes. He, seeing that the waves wetted Aguirre, begged 
 of him to retire, so that he might not get wet. This obser- 
 vation so raised his anger that, drawing his sword, he cut 
 the admiral's arm off. He then ordered him to be attended 
 to, but, immediately changing his mind, the traitor ordered 
 him to be killed, which was done, his attention and polite- 
 ness to his chief having cost him his life ; although some 
 said that the admiral, who was occupied about the vessel, 
 complained that the people would be uncomfortable if three 
 horses and a mule, sent by Aguirre, went, and that it was 
 this that incited him to this sanguinary act. 
 
 When all the people were embarked, and Aguirre was 
 about to do the same with his guard, he went with them to 
 the house of the priest of the town, named Contreras, and 
 taking him much against his will, made him embark also. 
 All being on board the three vessels, after having been 
 
166 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 on the island forty days, and having rohbed and destroyed 
 many estates, they left the inhabitants in the greatest misery, 
 and it required many years for them to recover from such a 
 visitation. 
 
 2. Aguirre stole more than fifty cross bows, many swords, 
 lances, and other arms which were in the fort ; three good 
 horses and one mule, and all the horse trappings they could 
 lay their hands on, with the idea of finding some horses 
 wherever they might land. The soldiery who embarked 
 numbered one hundred and fifty men, for, although when 
 they came to the island they numbered about two hundred, 
 some fifty had deserted, including those who joined the pro- 
 vincial, in Maracapana, with Monguia, and those who were 
 killed. Aguirre left the island on the last Sunday in the 
 month of August of 1561. 
 
 Aguirre was aware, or conjectured, that the provincial had 
 given information concerning him to the whole coast, even 
 as far as Nombre de Dios and Panama, so that at the various 
 points there would be armed forces to oppose him, and to go 
 from Nombre de Dios to Panama would be very difficult, 
 for he might be easily routed. He soon decided to stand 
 out to sea from the island of Margarita, and then chaDged 
 his course for the port of Burburata, with the intention of 
 traversing the government of Venezuela, to the new king- 
 dom of Granada, from thence to Popayan and Piru, without 
 considering the great difficulties that might intervene during 
 so long a journey, and so he ordered the pilots to steer for 
 the port of Burburata. 
 
 3. He did not think himself quite certain of the people in 
 two of the vessels. He sailed in the new ship, but he did 
 not allow the others to have a cross-staff", to observe the lati- 
 tude, or a compass, so they had his vessel in sight to follow 
 during the day, and at night he hoisted a light. His voyage 
 was not so prosperous as he had expected, (and as is gene- 
 rally the case thereabouts, in consequence of the wind being 
 
THE TRAITOR AGTJIRRE. 
 
 167 
 
 aft, so that it is only a two clays' voyage from the island of 
 Margarita to the port of Burbarata), and owing to a succession 
 of calms, he wsis eight days at sea. He attributed this delay 
 to the bad management of the pilots, and he menaced them 
 with death, believing that, as he was so long in seeing his 
 port, the pilots were taking him elsewhere. This caused 
 this most impatient being to give utterance to a thousand 
 blasphemies and heresies against God and his saints ; saying 
 at times that if God had made the heavens for the wicked 
 and cruel people such as he had with him, he would not go 
 there ; at other times, raising his eyes to heaven with an 
 infernal look, he said, " Oh, God ! if thou wilt do me a 
 favour, do it now, and the glory of it guard for thy saints ! " 
 Observing that the calm continued, he would declare that 
 he did not believe in God, that he was a great robber, 
 that until now he had been on his side, but that now he 
 had deserted him and gone over to his enemies ; and thus 
 he said a thousand other nonsensical things against the sea, 
 winds, and tempests, in which he was joined by his soldiers, 
 who echoed his words. When he blasphemed they did the 
 same, when he abjured they did so, when he was murderous 
 they followed his example, and when he was a robber they 
 joined him ; and as he was a traitor they all were ; such is 
 the power of the heart over the other portions of the body, 
 such also is the divine goodness and forbearance until the 
 fitting time has come. However, in spite of all these blas- 
 phemies, these traitors were at last permitted to arrive at the 
 port of Burburata, on the seventh of September ; when they 
 anchored in great joy and, without remaining in the ships, 
 they immediately landed.^ 
 
 "Agiri spoilt all the coast of Caraccas and the province of Vene- 
 zuela, and, as I remember, it was the same year that Sir John Hawkins 
 sailed to Saint Juan de Lua in the Jesus of LuhecJc, for himself told me 
 that he met with such a one upon the coast that rebelled, and had sailed 
 downe the river of Amazons." — Raleigh's Guiana, p. 23. 
 
 Aguirre, however, could not have been the pirate met by old Sir 
 
168 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 4. The first act of the traitor was to set a merchant 
 vessel on fire, the owners of which, knowing of Aguirre's 
 approach, had discharged her cargo and scuttled her, 
 but there being no great depth of water, a portion re- 
 mained exposed. The part out of the water was set on 
 fire, which gave a light to the traitors all that night, during 
 which they remained encamped on shore, and Aguirre 
 would not allow any of his Maranones to move until the 
 morning.^ The inhabitants of the town, who were a short 
 half league from the coast, had, on the first news about the 
 traitor, taken their precautions as to the safety of their pro- 
 perty, as did also other towns in the various repartimientos 
 (large grants of land). When they saw Aguirre entering 
 their port, they took all their goods away, and, as they 
 could not defend the place, they abandoned it. As soon as 
 the traitor had landed, with his followers, the people sent to 
 inform the governor, Pablo Collado, who was waiting for 
 Aguirre in the city of Tocuyo. 
 
 The governor, perceiving that he would be obliged to 
 show a front to Aguirre, and seeing that those he had with 
 him were few in number, ordered that the neighbour- 
 ing forces should join him in Tocuyo, and, fearing that 
 he would not be strong enough for the enemy, if he 
 was the attacking party, he determined to harass them, 
 
 John Hawkins, as he was killed in 1561, and Hawkins did not sail from 
 England, in the Jesus of Luhech, until 1564, and did not reach the 
 West Indies until the following year ; when he disposed of a cargo of 
 slaves at this very port of Burburata. He probably heard of the doings 
 of Aguirre at this place. 
 
 Burburata, in Humboldt's time, was nothing but a port of embarka- 
 tion for mules. In the early days of the Spanish colonies, it was an im- 
 portant place. 
 
 1 At this point of Aguirre's career, Piedrahita takes up the narrative, 
 the details of which he collected from Pedro Simon, Pizarro's Varones 
 Illustres ( Vida de Diego Garcia de Paredes), and Castellanos' Elegias de 
 Varones Illustres. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 169 
 
 by taking all provisions out of their reach, and keeping 
 them on the alert for ambushes at night, for none of them 
 knew the country, nor the passes, which were very rough 
 in places. A royalist force had been assembled, and 
 Gutierrez de la Pena, an inhabitant of the city of Tucuyo, 
 had been appointed general. Fresh information was sent to 
 Pedro Bravo de la Molina in the city of Merida, inform- 
 ing him that the enemy was already on the threshold, 
 begging of him to come with all the men and arms he could 
 muster, and supplicating afresh captain Diego Garcia de 
 Paredes, and the rest of the settlers in the government of 
 Venezuela (who, as we have said, had retreated to the 
 city of Merida), to send succour, and to come and serve the 
 king on so pressing an occasion ; promising them oblivion 
 for past occurrences. 
 
 CHAP. XL. 
 
 1. Garcia de Paredes goes from Merida to Tocuyo, with some followers, 
 sent hy the governor. — 2. The governor of Venezuela sends to the 
 governor and inhabitants of Merida to come and assist him. — 3. The 
 governor of Merida goes with twenty-five soldiers to Tocuyo. — 4. 
 Aguirre's men find a pilot in the town of Burhurata, ivho was 07ie of 
 those who had passed over to the provincial. 
 
 1. Although, on the first news received from the gover- 
 nor, Pablo Collado, Diego Garcia de Paredes and his com- 
 panions had not come from Merida, they were yet on the 
 alert, like good and faithful vassals, to go and serve his 
 majesty, and on receipt of the second notice, they, being 
 
 z 
 
170 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 ready, marched forth to Tocuyo, where they were received 
 with open arms, particularly by the governor, who thanked 
 them heartily for their assistance. The governor named 
 Garcia de Paredes as his maestro del campo, offering him 
 explanations of what had occurred, and giving him to 
 understand how much he appreciated him. He added that, 
 in consequence of Paredes having been absent when they 
 had to prepare against Aguirre, he found himself, as it were, 
 caught between the arch and the wall, and was in such a 
 strait, that he had named Gutierrez de la Pena general. 
 He, therefore, begged of Paredes that he would accept the 
 office of maestro del campo ; assuring him that although 
 Pena had the title of general, he (Paredes) would have the 
 command in the field, and the charge of all. Paredes ac- 
 cepted the office, thanking the governor, and offering at the 
 same time to lay his life down for the king. 
 
 The governor and the maestro del campo went together 
 to the city of Barquicimeto, where they found Gutierrez de 
 la Pena, drilling the people he had got together ; for 
 although it had at first been determined to muster the forces 
 in Tocuyo, it was afterwards found more convenient to do 
 so in Barquicimeto, because it was a more open country, 
 and nearer to the port where the traitor had landed. 
 
 Pedro Bravo remained in Merida, to follow Garcia de 
 Paredes, with all the people he could possibly collect. He 
 soon gathered together the principal people of the town, 
 when it was determined to send a second message to the city 
 of Santa Fe, and, although they had been ordered not to 
 abandon their city to go to the assistance of the governor, 
 even if they knew of the entry of the traitor into the pro- 
 vince of Venezuela ; yet it was considered of more import- 
 ance to the king, to arrest the steps of Aguirre, which would 
 also ensure the safety of their city. 
 
 These two points being resolved on by Pedro Bravo and 
 the inhabitants, they determined to dispatch three soldiers. 
 
THE' TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 171 
 
 with particulars of their views, to the city of Pamplona, and 
 from thence to Santa Te. Of these, one was named Andres 
 de Pernia, but he, although a brave man, and one of the best 
 soldiers in the conquest of these lands, knowing the dif- 
 ficulty of traversing the country of so many warlike Indians 
 as there were between their city and the town of San 
 Cristoval, told the governor, that he dared not go with so 
 few men, for that they would surely be killed on the way. 
 But as Pedro Bravo and the inhabitants considered that 
 they could not spare more than three, it was agreed that it 
 would be more reasonable to go and assist Venezuela with 
 all their men. So advices were not forwarded to the Real 
 Audiencia, until more accurate news could be sent of the 
 intentions of the traitor, and of the route he intended to 
 take. All this turned out well, and they saved themselves 
 from great expense. 
 
 S. Following out the second plan they had determined on. 
 Captain Pedro Bravo was ordered to get twenty-five of his 
 best men ready without loss of time, and to go with them, to 
 the help of the licenciate Pablo Collado. As to talk about 
 the power of the law is not quite the same as to fight for it, 
 there were some who were backward in coming out to show 
 a front to the traitor, their view of the case being that their 
 forces, and those of Venezuela, were insufilcient to resist so 
 considerable a body of the enemy as they were led to be- 
 lieve existed ; that their own city would be victimized, and 
 that those who would be left to take care of the city, would 
 not be able to put down any rising of the Indians. But the 
 high spirit of Captain Pedro Bravo, and his zeal in the 
 service of his majesty, induced him to desire to act so that 
 the traitor's steps might at once be arrested, for it would be 
 much more difficult to do so, when he had penetrated further 
 into the country ; for he would then have picked up some 
 soldiers like himself : so Bravo said that it was not well for 
 him or his reputation, nor for that of the city, to be back- 
 
172 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 ward in the least, in such zeal as they had already shown 
 for the service of their king. He took the arrangement on 
 himself, and ordered those who had been named, to be ready 
 the next day early in the morning, and he resolved to take 
 by force, such as did not go willingly ; so that the few who 
 had made these excuses, seeing the governor's resolution, 
 conformed to the wishes of the others, and they all left at 
 daylight on the following morning for Tocuyo, in the name 
 of his majesty, and with their banner flying. Journeying 
 rapidly, they arrived at their destination in a few days, where 
 they were much required. 
 
 4. The traitor Aguirre had hopes, during the night when 
 he was encamped on the sea-shore in the port of Burburata 
 (as had happened when he landed at the port of Margarita), 
 that the inhabitants would pay him a visit, and, like the 
 others, bring him some presents, to appease him, and induce 
 him not to commit crimes, as he had done up to the pre- 
 sent time. But the night having passed without anything 
 having taken place, at daybreak on Monday, the 8th of 
 September, he sent a party of his picked friends to the town, 
 to examine it, and ascertain the views of the inhabitants, 
 also to bring back with them to camp, such fresh provisions 
 as they could lay their hands on. 
 
 Aguirre's men, on their arrival at the town, found it 
 abandoned, and only one soldier there, named Francisco 
 Martin, a pilot, who had left Margarita for Maracapana, with 
 Captain Monguia, and the other soldiers, who had passed 
 over to the provincial. He had remained on land, desirous 
 of returning to the traitor again. This pilot, although he 
 had fled with the inhabitants of the port of Burburata, on 
 Aguirre's arrival, had, as soon as he could slip away from 
 them, returned to the town to await his old companions, and 
 he showed great signs of joy on the arrival of the Mara- 
 nones. He returned with them to the camp on the sea- 
 shore, and, in the presence of Aguirre, offered his services 
 
173 
 
 THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 afresh. Aguirre accepted them with pleasure^ embracing 
 him, thanking him for his constancy in following him, and 
 declaring that he should be well cared for. 
 
 CHAP. XLI. 
 
 1. Aguirre is informed that some soldiers, who are friendly to him, are i?i 
 that part of the country. He sends in search of them. — 2. The traitor 
 kills a soldier. He burns his vessels, and takes up his quarters in the 
 town. — 3. The soldiers look about for horses, so as to sally forth with 
 them. The traitor declares loar against the king of Castille. — 4. The 
 whole country is in a state of ferment ; the robberies of the soldiers ; 
 they find the alcalde, and a tradesman of the town. Aguirre sends to 
 the town of Valencia for horses. 
 
 1. The traitor, having pleased this Francisca Martin with 
 words and acts, and having treated him as he did the other 
 malefactors who were loyal to him, began to ask him how it 
 was that he and the others abandoned him, and went over 
 to the provincial, in Maracapana. Martin tried to satisfy 
 Aguirre, and to prove himself innocent, and that it had never 
 crossed his thoughts to be a traitor ; saying that Pedro de 
 Monguia, Artiaga, and Rodrigo Gutierrez had deceived him 
 as well as his companions, and, first carefully taking their 
 arms from them one by one, had entered the port, and, 
 when near enough for the provincial to hear them, had 
 shouted Long live the king," and given themselves up. 
 Martin said he could not prevent this, neither could his 
 companions, for they were disarmed. Nevertheless, they 
 did not enter the service of the provincial, as could be seen ; 
 and, when the provincial came to this port, they had escaped 
 from him, their intention being to wait for Aguirre, should 
 
174 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 he come there, and choose to receive them back. He added 
 that he alone had shown diligence in returning to the 
 town, that the others were in the woods, rather persecuted 
 by the inhabitants, and that they were in a most miserable 
 condition, almost without raiment, and starving : thus, with- 
 out doubt they would return to Aguirre's service, when they 
 knew that he was there. This recital gave great joy to the 
 traitor, for he now knew that he had people of his party in 
 Tierra Firme. He gave Martin a good suit of clothes, and 
 handed him a letter, full of the most friendly offers to the 
 others, despatching him in search of those who were in the 
 woods, to read the letter to them, and to tell them how 
 desirous he was to serve and favour them. 
 
 2. Francisco Martin made strict search, and, being un- 
 able to find them, he returned to Aguirre's camp, where 
 he remained, aiding in the cruelties committed by the 
 rest, until he received his merited payment in a miserable 
 death. 
 
 In continuation of crimes, such as he had committed in 
 the island of Margarita, Aguirre caused one of those soldiers 
 to be killed, who had joined him in the island. The victim 
 was a Portuguese, named Antonio Farias, and he was mur- 
 dered for having asked, when he stepped on shore, if it 
 was an island or the main land. 
 
 It was now past mid-day, and all hands had landed from 
 the vessels that had been brought by Aguirre, so he deter- 
 mined to take up his quarters in the town, he and some of 
 his particular friends remaining behind to burn the ships, which 
 was done, the object now being to afford no opportunity for 
 any of his followers to desert. He then went to the town 
 (leaving the ships on fire), where he took up his residence, 
 taking greater care than he had hitherto done of the safety 
 of his person, for he feared that some soldier or another, find- 
 ing himself on the main land, might kill him and easily 
 escape, an end the tyrant merited for his crimes. 
 
THE 'fRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 175 
 
 Still, he need not have had these suspicions, for his 
 followers were desirous of committing all sorts of horrors, 
 and of having such a chief to command and assist them, who 
 would be the more satisfied the greater the crimes, and they 
 knew it would be impossible to find such another sanguinary 
 commander. 
 
 3. As this locality did not quite suit the traitor, he sent 
 out parties of his soldiers to hunt up horses, so as to prose- 
 cute their march. Although they used their best efforts, 
 they could only collect twenty-five or thirty saddle horses, 
 the rest being unbroken mares. 
 
 The inhabitants had counselled the Indians to beset the 
 route of Aguirre's followers with poisoned arrows, which 
 brought them to death's door. They returned to Aguirre, 
 who, to show his sorrow for the sufierings of his men, began 
 to excite himself, and get into a towering rage, uttering a 
 thousand blasphemies against God and his saints, also a 
 thousand threats against the inhabitants of the town, and he 
 commanded a proclamation to go forth, declaring a war of 
 fire and blood against the king of Castille and his vassals, 
 with pain of death to any of his soldiers who did not execute 
 this bloody mandate, only excepting those who came to serve 
 him voluntarily, and with pleasure. This war was solemnly 
 proclaimed through all the streets of the town, to the sound 
 of trumpets and kettle-drums. 
 
 4. The traitor, having given permission to the soldiers 
 most in his confidence, to go out and pillage, amongst other 
 places they came to the estate of one Benito Chaves, an alcalde, 
 four leagues from the town, who was there with his wife, and 
 a daughter, married to one Julian de Mendoza. They left 
 the women, robbing what they could, and taking the alcalde 
 to Aguirre ; so that he might give an account of the coun- 
 try, and of the rest of the inhabitants. 
 
 Other soldiers laid hands on one Pedro Nunez, a trades- 
 man, whb, on being brought before the traitor, was asked 
 
176 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 why all the people had fled from the town. The man re- 
 plied that it was from the fear they had of him. Aguirre then 
 asked him to say what they thought of him and his follow- 
 ers ; but Nunez, suspecting the object of this question, 
 excused himself from answering, saying that he did not 
 exactly know. Aguirre resumed his inquiry, telling him to 
 answer without any fear, and that no harm should come to 
 him, on account of any statement he might make. 
 
 The poor tradesman, being thus pressed, replied that the 
 inhabitants believed that his worship and his followers were 
 cruel Lutherans. This caused Aguirre to become inflamed 
 with anger, and, taking ofi" his helmet, he threatened to 
 throw it at him, saying, " Stupid barbarian ! and art thou 
 such an ass as to believe this ? I do not dash my helmet 
 at thee, because at some other time I shall chastise thee for 
 thy ignorance, even unto death." 
 
 It was necessary for Aguirre to remain in that town 
 longer than he wished, so as to break the horses they had 
 stolen, otherwise the animals would have been no use to 
 them. Meanwhile his soldiers committed every species of 
 excess, destroying all the cattle they could lay hands on, 
 also all the property of the inhabitants they could find, 
 some of which had been buried ; they consumed provi- 
 sions and other things with prodigality, and what they 
 could not use they wasted ; for, finding some pipes 
 of wine, hidden under refuse, they brought them to 
 the town, and cooked all their food with wine ; others 
 stood the pipes up, knocked the heads in, and bathed 
 themselves in the wine. These scenes gave Aguirre 
 great pleasure, and he even amused himself in the same 
 way. Seeing how long they were detained in the town, he 
 wrote a letter to the inhabitants of Valencia, which is seven 
 leagues to the east, in which (as absolute lord) he sent to 
 tell them that he did not intend to pass through their 
 town, so as not to delay his march to the new king- 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 177 
 
 dom of Granada, and thence to Piru, but that he was 
 desirous that each inhabitant should send him a horse, for 
 which he would faithfully pay the value, and this he trusted 
 they would be all of one mind in doing, which would give 
 him pleasure. If, on the contrary, they did not accede to 
 his demands, he and his soldiers, should they pass that way, 
 would take vengeance on them. 
 
 The inhabitants took no heed either of his letter, or of his 
 threats. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. 
 
 1. Aguirre kills a tradesman, also a soldier in this town of Burhurata. — 
 2. Two of his soldiers desert from him. He begins his march on 
 foot, for want of horses. — 3. Aguirre leaves Ms camp on the road, 
 and returns to Bihrhurata, where he gets drunk with his companions ; 
 three desert, — 4. Disturbances in the camp whilst Aguirre was at 
 Burburata, tioo soldiers are killed. — 5. Opinions amongst the Mara- 
 nones relative to the death of one. The tyrant is informed of v)hat 
 had happened, and returns to camp. 
 
 1. Amongst the soldiers who were turning things upside 
 down in the country, to find occupation for their thievish 
 hands, there was one who dug up a jar of olives belonging to 
 the tradesman, named Pedro Nunez, who was still a prisoner. 
 He had put some pieces of gold into the jar, hoping thus to 
 save them ; and, when it came to his knowledge that a sol- 
 dier had found his hidden treasure, he went to Aguirre and 
 besought him to see that the gold was given up to him, as 
 the soldiers had eaten the olives. 
 
 The traitor commanded the soldier to be brought before 
 him, and, having asked him about the jar of olives and the 
 gold, the soldier replied that it was true as to the olives, but 
 not as regarded the gold. Aguirre then asked the tradesman 
 
178 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 how the cover of the jar was fastened on, when he replied, 
 before the soldier, that it was sealed with pitch. The soldier 
 swore this was not the fact, and, to prove the other had spoken 
 falsely, he brought to Aguirre a cover that had been closed 
 with plaster, saying that this was the cover the jar had been 
 closed with, and not one with pitch ; so Aguirre, who had 
 not forgotten what he had formerly said to Pedro Nunez, 
 when he wished to dash his helmet at him, said that any one 
 who could tell such a lie of a soldier, would lie as to every 
 thing else, so he had him strangled. 
 
 On the following day, a soldier of the Maranones, named 
 Juan Perez, feeling unwell, left the town and sat himself 
 by the side of a clear running stream. When Aguirre 
 passed that way, and saw him, he said, " What dost thou do 
 here, Perez?" The soldier replied that he was not well, 
 and was merely reposing there. Aguirre observed that if 
 Perez was unwell he could not continue the march, and that 
 it would be as well for him to remain in the town. Aguirre 
 returned to the house, when he commanded Perez to be 
 brought before him, saying that he was not well, and that it 
 would be as well to cure him ; but instead of this, he hung 
 Perez, although great efforts were made to save the soldier. 
 Aguirre replied with great anger to those who interceded, 
 telling them not to speak in favour of any man who was so 
 lukewarm in war ; and so he ordered a placard to be put on 
 the dead man, notifying that he had been executed for 
 being useless and backward. In these, and other cruelties, 
 the traitor and his Maranones passed the time which 
 was requisite to get the horses ready for the journey. 
 
 2. All being nearly ready to march towards Valencia, to 
 which place he intended to go (probably because the inhabit- 
 ants had refused to send the horses, and had not answered his 
 letter), two soldiers, named Pedro Arias de Almesta, and 
 Diego de Alarcon, disgusted with their position, and unsatis- 
 fied as to their security in regard to the maddened violence of 
 
THE TliAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 179 
 
 Aguirre, came to the conclusion that, as he was on the point of 
 starting, he would not look after them if they fled; so they both 
 deserted together. When this was known to the traitor, he 
 sent forth a troop of trusty followers to search for them, to 
 the estate of the alcalde Chaves (who was still a prisoner in 
 the town), and he ordered his wife and daughter to be 
 brought in. They having been brought, he ordered Chaves 
 to go and find the two deserters, and told him that if he 
 did not do this, he would take his wife and daughter with 
 him to Pirii, but that if he succeeded, he would restore 
 them. 
 
 Having destroyed the town, he loaded the horses with 
 his artillery and munitions of war, and, as their number 
 was only just sufficient for this work, the soldiers had each 
 to carry his own arms and provisions ; so they all sallied 
 forth on foot, even Aguirre's own daughter, and the wife 
 and daughter of the alcalde, besides other females, who 
 had continued with them since they had left Piru. 
 
 Aguirre left three sick soldiers in the town, namely, Juan 
 de Paredes, Francisco Marquina, and Alonzo Ximenez, who, 
 being unable to proceed, had to be left behind. This was 
 considered a marked favour on the part of Aguirre, that, 
 now being worn out and useless, he did not hang them ; 
 perhaps it was because they had been his accomplices in all 
 his cruelties. 
 
 3. They were all marching on foot, at no great dis- 
 tance from the town, and going up a hilly track, when they 
 descried a piragua in which some Spaniards came, bound 
 for the port, and the traitor, putting his trust in no one (for 
 his bad conscience gave him mortal fears), determined tore 
 turn to the town, and get hold of those who came in the 
 piragua. So he continued his m'&,rch quickly up the hilly 
 route, and on the descent on the other side he halted his 
 men, so that they could not be seen from the port. Here he 
 left his party in charge of his great friend, Juan de Aguirre, 
 
180 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 his majordomo, with orders that no one was to move from 
 that spot until he returned. 
 
 At nightfall, he took with him twenty-five or thirty 
 arquebusiers (cross-bowmen), trusted friends, and returned 
 to the town, when they began to ransack the houses, and 
 search for the people who came in the piragua, and not find- 
 ing them they took possession of one of the houses, and sat 
 themselves down to supper, on what they had brought with 
 them ; but they drank so much wine from a pipe that had 
 been left, that all the soldiers were half drunk, but Aguirre 
 was dead drunk. Now would have been the moment to kill 
 the traitor, for there were none to defend him, all being under 
 the influence of drink. 
 
 Subsequently his more sober companions were glad that 
 they did not kill him, as it was not God's will that Aguirre 
 should die then. 
 
 This drinking bout turned out well, for three soldiers, 
 named Rosales, Acosta, and Jorge de E-odas, during the dark 
 hours of the night, left the party and deserted. These were 
 sought after but not found, although they merely hid them- 
 selves in the town, in the hope that those of the piragua 
 would come in that night, or the next morning, and take 
 them. 
 
 4. There were not wanting dissensions in the camp during 
 this absence of Aguirre in the town ; for on that same day 
 (there being no water in the camp, and it being very hot, 
 their thirst caused them to search for water), the soldiers 
 took vessels and went into the woods, which were very 
 thick, in search of water, at a distance from the camp in 
 some little ravines, in which (they being so secret and 
 narrow, and being apparently safe from the traitor), some 
 of the inhabitants of BurBurata were secreted, who, having 
 had information from some Indians, their spies, that the 
 soldiers were coming thither in search of them, broke 
 up their camp and went further into the forests. The 
 
THE ,TRA1T0R AGUIRRE. 
 
 181 
 
 soldiers, having arrived at the watering place, and per- 
 ceiving fresh marks of people, sent some of their Indian 
 servants to hunt through the woods, and see if they could 
 not find the people who had left these signs. The Indians 
 began their search, and far in the interior of the woods 
 they came upon some huts, where the Spaniards had been, 
 and, on examining these sylvan habitations, many things 
 were found belonging to the poor creatures who had fled 
 in such haste, and amongst them a cloak, which was well 
 known to belong to one Rodrigo Gutierrez, one of those 
 who had gone off with Monguia, and returned to his alle- 
 giance to the king, under the provincial. 
 
 They found, in the cloak, a deposition which Rodrigo 
 Gutierrez had made before the judge of Burburata, appended 
 to which there was a declaration against Aguirre by Fran- 
 cisco Martin, a pilot, corroborating the statement of Roderigo 
 Gutierrez. 
 
 This cloak was brought into camp with other articles, and 
 Juan de Aguirre, having taken due note of it, and seeing 
 how much all this proved in regard to Francisco Martin, 
 went to Francisco Martin, who was a prisoner for an affair 
 he had had with one Anton Garcia, and stabbed him to 
 death, and so he paid with his life, for having returned again 
 to his tyrant master, when God had once, in his mercy, set 
 him free from such companions. 
 
 5. It so happened that whilst they were killing the soldier, 
 and discharging an arquebuss so as to finish him off, one of 
 the Marafiones, named Harana, wilfully or by accident, sent 
 a ball at the other soldier, Anton Garcia, who was impri- 
 soned with the pilot, and killed him. This caused much 
 consternation amongst the rest of the soldiers, who accused 
 Harana of having killed him on purpose, whilst others de- 
 fended him, and said that the death was accidental ; but he 
 gloried in the deed, and said publicly that he had killed him 
 because he was going to run away that night, that he was 
 
18^ 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 well killed, and that he would take the act upon himself, for 
 he was sure that his general would be glad of it. But with 
 all this Harana perceived that the dissensions did not cease 
 — indeed, they increased, and there was a prospect of a re- 
 course to arms. If this had happened Juan de Aguirre 
 Would have got the worst of it ; so he went in haste to the 
 port of Burburata, to give notice to the traitor of what had 
 passed and was passing in the camp. 
 
 The traitor left the town for the camp, when the murdered 
 remained dead, and the living in life, and what had hap- 
 pened gave pleasure to Aguirre, particularly as regarded 
 the act of his friend and majordomo, Juan de Aguirre. 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. 
 
 1. Aguirre marches, hut with much trouhle, towards Valencia. He becomes 
 ill on the march. — 2. They arrive at Valencia, and find it deserted 
 by the inhahita,nts. Aguirre becomes worse, but recovers^ and then 
 kills a soldier. — 3. The alcalde, Chaves, takes two soldiers in Bur- 
 burata, and sends information to Aguirre ; one of them runs away. 
 — 4. The traitor manages to lay hands on the inhabitants of Valencia^ 
 and on another soldier. 
 
 1. On the following day Aguirre went from Burburata to 
 his camp, and began his march to Valencia, by very rongh 
 roads indeed, at times being obliged to go on hands and 
 feet in climbing the mountains. The laden horses suf- 
 fered particularly, they had to lighten their burdens, and, 
 as the country was a very hot one, their difficulties were 
 increased. So Aguirre ordered the soldiers to take the 
 baggage which the animals could not carry, independently 
 of their provisions and knapsacks ; and he also obliged 
 some of his captains, and the principal persons of his party, 
 to take a portion of the baggage which the animals had been 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 183 
 
 unable to carry. Aguirre himself took more than his share, 
 marching amongst the men, and crossing deep openings in 
 the hilly ground, where the horses had to be unladen to 
 pass ; and, in passing the artillery, they all had to assist, so 
 great were the difficulties they had to suffer. They were 
 eight days going from Burburata to Yalencia, which brought 
 a sickness upon Aguirre, in consequence of the weight of 
 the things he carried, and the horrid state of the road. 
 
 On the day he got to Valencia he became much worse, 
 so that he had to be carried in a hammock by some Indians, 
 whilst some soldiers shaded him with a flag, and he was 
 so out of temper, that when he stopped under the shade 
 of a tree, he shouted to his soldiers, " Kill me, Mara- 
 nones ! kill me ! " which they might easily have done, and 
 they were afterwards even sorry they did not do so, for thus 
 they would have escaped the punishment from their king, 
 which they richly merited for their terrible crimes. 
 
 2. When the inhabitants of Valencia received the news of 
 the arrival of Aguirre in the port of Burburata, they 
 gathered together what they had in their houses, and, with 
 their families, went in canoes to some islands situated in a 
 large lake called Tarigua, inhabited by friendly Indians, 
 where they erected huts, so Aguirre could not lay hands 
 on them, and only found their cattle, which he freely helped 
 himself to.^ When some soldiers, who had been sent in 
 
 1 This lake, called Tarigua by Padre Simon, is the lake of Valencia, 
 or of Tacarigua. It is larger than the lake of Neufchatel, the land 
 which surrounds it is flat and even, and it has fifteen islands, which rise 
 up like buttresses from the water. It is situated in the rich valley of 
 Aragua, which forms a basin between granite and calcareous mountains 
 of unequal height, separating it from the coast on one side, and from 
 the llanos of the interior, on the other. The rivers direct their courses 
 towards this inland lake, which is closed in on all sides, and are there 
 taken up by evaporation. 
 
 The town of Valencia, on the banks of lake Tacarigua, was founded 
 in 1555 by Alonzo Diaz Moreno, and is tvYclve years older than Carac- 
 cas. It was at first only a dependency of the port of Burburata. — 
 Humboldt. 
 
184 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 advance, entered the place, they found it deserted, and the 
 houses empty. They billetted themselves as they liked, 
 selecting the best habitation for Aguirre, in which he took 
 up his quarters the night he arrived. He became very ill 
 here, and in a few days he was reduced to a skeleton, and 
 at the point of death. In this state he could easily have been 
 killed by any one, for there were no guards to watch over 
 him, and the people went in and out of his quarters to see 
 him, as they pleased. However, after a time he got better, 
 and the way he showed his thanks to God, who had spared 
 him, was to utter blasphemies against his Creator and his 
 saints, and against the people who had left the place, calling 
 them barbarians and cowards, for such he said they must 
 be, for not one soldier or Indian had joined his party, 
 which was so honourably employed in warlike doings, as 
 true men who had loved war, and followed the profession of 
 arms since the beginning of the world ; war was so honour- 
 able a career that the angels in heaven had had theirs." In 
 this manner he jumbled up all sorts of absurdities and 
 heresies, which were hateful even to the ears of those 
 soldiers of the band who were like himself. 
 
 The soldiers, finding the houses empty, and that there 
 was nothing in them to destroy, burnt them to ashes. They 
 also laid hands upon the cattle for food, and on the horses to 
 ride, and to carry their baggage and warlike stores. The 
 traitor, having somewhat recovered, issued a proclamation 
 that no soldier should go further from the town than within 
 gun-shot, without his permission, under pain of death. This 
 "was a net, in which he knew he would catch some of them, 
 and thus shed blood, for it appeared to him, in consequence 
 of his sickness, that too many days had passed without an 
 execution. 
 
 It so happened that a soldier named Gonzalo, who had the 
 post of paymaster (this office was nominal, for the only pay- 
 ment in that camp was that which each man purloined). 
 
THE , TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 185 
 
 and to whose knowledge the proclamation had not come, 
 left the town without his license, to catch some parrots ; and 
 for this offence Gonzalo was killed, the moment Aguirre 
 was made aware of his having done so. 
 
 3. Chaves, the alcalde of Burburata, was very anxious 
 to find the two soldiers who had deserted from Aguirre, for 
 the traitor had taken his wife and daughter with him as 
 hostages, until the soldiers were found. He was assisted 
 in the search by his son-in-law, Don Julian de Mendoza, his 
 friends and servants. After a time the soldiers were found, 
 and, being chained, Mendoza was charged to take them to 
 Aguirre, and so liberate his wife and mother-in-law. They 
 started, but Pedro Arias became so cast down with fear, at 
 the thoughts of the rigorous punishment to be expected from 
 Aguirre, that, whilst on the journey, he threw himself on the 
 ground, saying that he would go no farther. Don Julian 
 observed that such a determination was of little consequence 
 to him, for that the head of the deserter would be sufficient for 
 Aguirre. The soldier replied that Don Julian might cut it 
 off if he thought fit, but that he would not move from that 
 spot. But Don Julian was serious in his view of the case, 
 and, without more ado, he drew his sword with one hand, 
 and with the other, lifting up the soldier's beard, began 
 cutting his throat. The soldier Pedro Arias, feeling that 
 Don Julian was in earnest, implored him to desist, promising 
 to do his best in going onwards, although seriously 
 wounded. 
 
 At last they arrived at Valencia, when the deserters were 
 exchanged for the two women. Aguirre immediately 
 ordered Diego de Alarcon to be hung and quartered. The 
 culprit was dragged through the streets, the common crier 
 shouting, " This is the sentence commanded to be put into 
 execution by Lope de Aguirre, the great chief of the noble 
 Maranones, on this man, because he is a faithful vassal of 
 the king of Castillo, that he be dragged to the place of exe- 
 
 B B 
 
186 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 cution, hung, and quartered ; and such is the fate of those 
 who act like him," His head was cut off, and placed on the 
 rollo which was in the plaza. Aguirre, passing by this 
 spot, and seeing the head, shouted, with a devilish laugh, 
 " Ah ! are you there, friend Alarcon ? How is it the king 
 of Castillo comes not to bring thee to life?'' With regard to 
 the other soldier, Pedro Arias de Almete, as he was a good 
 penman, and as Aguirre required him as his secretary, 
 he was not executed, but attention was paid to the curing of 
 his wounds. This was looked upon as a miracle, because for 
 much less things than desertion, Aguirre hung his followers 
 in pairs. 
 
 4. The traitor now ordered Christoval Garcia, a ship 
 caulker, with a party of soldiers, to do their best in getting to 
 the island where the inhabitants of the town had taken refuge, 
 to lay hands on all the effects they could, and to bring them 
 to Aguirre. Garcia started, and arrived at the lake, which 
 was deep, but he found no means of getting to the island. 
 He did his best to make rafts of canes, but, on embarking, 
 they settled down on one side, and let their cargo into 
 the water ; and, as Garcia saw no other mode of accomplish- 
 ing his object, he returned to the town. This unsuccessful 
 operation vexed Aguirre much, particularly as his men had 
 been unable to lay hands on any of the inhabitants. He 
 was, however, somewhat appeased by receiving a letter 
 from Chaves, the alcalde of Burburata, in which he stated 
 that, desiring to serve him, he had imprisoned S-odrigo 
 Gutierrez, who was the owner of the cloak in which the 
 deposition had been found, and one of the three soldiers 
 who, with Captain Monguia, had been the cause of the deser- 
 tion of the party to the king's side at Maracapana, and who 
 also had remained in Burburata when the father provincial 
 arrived ; and that, if Aguirre sent immediately for him, he 
 should be given up. This information delighted the traitor, 
 and he sent off Francisco Carrion, his principal alguazil. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 187 
 
 with twelve soldiers to fetch the deserter. Gutierrez, having 
 been informed of what Chaves had done, fled to the church ; 
 and Carrion tried to get him out, but the priest defended 
 the man ; so the alcalde was imprisoned, and guards were 
 set over him. This, however, gave time for Gutierrez to 
 get rid of his chains, and fly for safety to the woods. 
 The alcalde feared for his own life, for having disappointed 
 Aguirre of another victim; however, the alguazil and his 
 men returned to the traitor, who, on hearing of this un- 
 successful result, was very angry with the alguazil, par- 
 ticularly for not killing Chaves, in revenge for the escape 
 of the soldier. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. 
 
 1. The traitor allows the priest of Margarita to return to his dwelling, on 
 condition that he forwards a letter Aguirre had written to the king. 
 — 2. The alcalde of Burlurata informs the traitor as to the pre- 
 parations the governor is maJcing to oppose him : Aguirre kills three 
 soldiers. — 3. A sentinel informs the town of Barquicimeto, that 
 Aguirre is marching on it, the inhabitants fig. — 4. Ten of Aguirre' s 
 soldie7's desert on the march, at which he becomes very wroth, and 
 utters ten thousand blasphemies, as was his custom, 
 
 1. Aguirre had brought Father Pedro Contreras, the 
 priest of Margarita, with him to Valencia, who had often 
 begged to be allowed to return to his flock. In the end this 
 was conceded, but he was made to take his oath that he 
 would cause a letter written by the traitor to be sent to the 
 king of Castillo, and, if the letter could not be forwarded 
 at once from Margarita, to send it to the Royal Audience 
 of Santo Domingo, or by any other channel, provided it 
 reached the hands of the king. The priest at first objected 
 to take the oath, but seeing how important it was for 
 him to escape from the traitor, and thus save his life, he did 
 
188 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 SO. He returned to the port, and thence to the island of 
 Margarita, and did his best to forward the letter to the 
 king, although it was a most audacious piece of com- 
 position, and as full of absurdities as the individual who had 
 written it, for in it he showed his little talent and sense, but 
 the cruelty of his disposition was most apparent. The letter 
 began thus : '^King Philip, a Spaniard, son of Charles the 
 invincible, etc."; but we will not extract more, as its extra- 
 vagancies are not worth printing : however, many copies of 
 the said letter are to be found in these countries of the Indies 
 and other parts, some of which I have seen.^ 
 
 [Francisco Vasquez, MS. Relacion, pp. 79-86. " At 
 this time the tyrant wrote a letter to the king Don Philip, 
 our lord, which was as evil and shameful as himself." 
 
 LETTER FROM THE TYRANT LOPE DE AGUIRRE TO 
 KING PHILIP II. 
 
 " King Philip, a Spaniard, son of Charles the Invincible! 
 I, Lope de Aguirre, thy vassal, am an old Christian, of poor 
 but noble parents, and native of the town of Onate, in 
 Biscay. In my youth I crossed the ocean to the land of 
 Peru, lance in hand, to perform what is due from an honest 
 man, and, during fifty-four years, I have done thee great 
 service in Peru, in the conquest of the Indians, in forming 
 settlements, and especially in battles and encounters which 
 I have fought in thy name, always to the best of my power 
 
 ^ Old Father Simon's loyalty was horrified at the idea of printing 
 Aguirre's treasonable letter to the king of Spain. A copy is now, how- 
 ever, inserted in this translated edition of his text, taken from the 
 manuscript narrative of Francisco Vasquez, one of Aguirre's followers ; 
 and no scruple is felt in doing so, because Simon's account of Aguirre's 
 cruize is copied almost word for word from Vasquez, without any 
 acknowledgment. 
 
 There is another copy of this very curious letter, somewhat abridged, 
 in La Historia de Venezuela for Bon Jose de Oviedo y Banos (1723), 
 lib. iv, cap. vii, p. 206 ; which appears to have been taken from some 
 other manuscript, and not from that of Vasquez. Humboldt (in his 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 189 
 
 and ability, without asking thy officers for payment, as will 
 appear by thy royal books. 
 
 " I firmly believe that thou, O Christian king and lord, 
 hast been very cruel and ungrateful to me and my com- 
 panions for such good service, and that all those who write 
 to thee from this land deceive thee much, because thou 
 seest things from too far off. I, and my companions (whose 
 names I will mention presently), no longer able to suffer 
 the cruelties which thy judges and governors exercise in thy 
 name, are resolved to obey thee no longer. We regard our- 
 selves no longer as Spaniards. We make a cruel war on 
 thee, because we will not endure the oppression of thy 
 ministers, who, to give places to their nephews and their 
 children, dispose of our lives, our reputations, and our for- 
 tunes. I am lame in the left foot, from two shots of an 
 arquebus, which I received in the battle of Chucuinga,^ 
 fighting under the orders of the marshal Alonzo de Alva- 
 rado, against Francisco Hernandez Giron, a rebel, as I and 
 my companions are now, and will be until death : for we 
 now know, in this country, how cruel thou art, that thou 
 art a breaker of thy faith and word ; therefore, even if we 
 received thy pardon, we should give less credence to it, 
 than to the books of Martin Luther. 
 
 " Thy viceroy, the marquis of Canete, a bad, effeminate. 
 
 Narrative J iv, p. 257, note a,) has made some extracts from the version 
 of Oviedo ; and Southey (who had never seen either the work of Oviedo, 
 or the manuscript of Vasquez), in his account of Aguirre's voyage, 
 copied these extracts from Humboldt's Narrative. Piedrahita had 
 never seen a copy of the letter. 
 
 Oviedo y Bahos thus introduces this strange epistle. Though the 
 letter delivered by Lope de Aguirre to Padre Contreras, to be trans- 
 mitted to the king, really does not deserve notice, yet, as a specimen of 
 the madness of that man, we refer to it, that the reader may be amused 
 for a moment by this fine letter, as being dictated by an owner of mules." 
 
 ^ Oviedo y Baiios, in copying this letter, has put Valley of Coquimbo, 
 instead of Battle of Chucuinga. Humboldt, in the extracts he made, 
 has followed him, and Southey copied from Humboldt. Chucuinga or 
 Chuquinga is in the Andes, between Nasca and Lucanas. 
 
190 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 and ambitious tyrant, hung Martin de Robles, a man who had 
 been distinguished in thy service, and the ill fated Alonzo 
 Diaz, who had laboured harder in the discovery of Peru, 
 than the tribes which followed Moses ; and Piedrahita, a 
 good captain, who fought many battles in thy service ; and 
 it was these men who procured a victory for thee in Pucara ; 
 for, had it been otherwise, Francisco Hernandez Giron 
 would now be sovereign of Peru. Do not put any faith in 
 the accounts of services which thy judges declare they have 
 performed, because they are great fables, unless they call 
 having spent 800,000 dollars out of the Koyal Treasury, a 
 service. Chastise them for their vices and evil deeds, for 
 evil doers they certainly are. 
 
 " Hear me ! O hear me ! thou king of Spain. Be not 
 cruel to thy vassals, for it was while thy father, the emperor 
 Charles, remained quietly in Spain, that they procured for 
 thee so many kingdoms and vast countries. Remember, 
 king Philip, that thou hast no right to draw revenues from 
 these provinces, since their conquest has been without dan- 
 ger to thee. I take it for certain that few kings go to hell, 
 only because they are few in number ; but that if there were 
 many, none of them would go to heaven. For I believe 
 that you are all worse than Lucifer, and that you hunger 
 and thirst after human blood ; and further, I think little of 
 you, and despise you all, nor do I look upon your government 
 as more than an air bubble. Know that I, and my two 
 hundred arquebus-bearing Maranones, have taken a solemn 
 oath to God, that we will not leave one of thy ministers 
 alive. We consider ourselves, at this moment, the happiest 
 men on earth, because, in this land of the Indians, we pre- 
 serve the faith and the commandments of God in their 
 purity, and we maintain all that is preached by the Church 
 of Rome. We expect, though sinners in this life, to endure 
 martyrdom for the laws of God. 
 
 " On leaving the river of Amazons, which is called Mara- 
 
THE , TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 191 
 
 non, we came , to an island inhabited by Christians, called 
 Margarita, where we received news from Spain of the great 
 conspiracy of the Lutherans, which caused us much terror 
 and alarm. In our company there was one of t^se Lu- 
 therans, named Monteverde,^ and I ordered him to be cut 
 to pieces. Believe me, O most excellent king, that I will 
 force all men to live perfectly in the faith of Christ. 
 
 " The corruption of the morals of the monks is so great in 
 this land, that it is necessary to chastise it severely. There 
 is not an ecclesiastic here, who does not think himself higher 
 than the governor of a province. I beg of thee, O great 
 king, not to believe what the monks tell thee in Spain. 
 They are always talking of the sacrifices they make, as well 
 as of the hard and bitter life they lead in America. Be 
 assured that when they shed tears there, in thy royal pre- 
 sence, it is that here they may be the more powerful. 
 Wouldst thou know the life which they lead here ? they are 
 engaged in trade, striving for benefices, selling the sacra- 
 ments of the church for a price, enemies of the poor, avari- 
 cious, gluttonous, and proud to that degree that, at the least, 
 every friar pretends to rule and govern all these lands. 
 They never desire to preach to any poor Indian, yet they 
 are possessed of the best estates. The life they lead is 
 surely a hard one, for does not each of them, as a penance, 
 have a dozen girls, and as many boys, who catch fish, kill 
 partridges, and gather fruit for them. Remedy this, O king 
 and lord, or else, I swear to thee, on the faith of a Chris- 
 tian, that heaven will punish thee, and great scandals will 
 follow. I say this to let thee know the truth, though neither 
 I, nor my companions, either desire or hope for thy mercy. 
 Thy judges, too, each have 4,000 dollars a-year, besides 
 
 ^ Monteverde, who appears to have been a Fleming, was murdered 
 long before Aguirre reached Margarita. See p. 101. The blood-thirsty 
 maniac had committed so many murders, that he had forgotten the 
 order in which they came. 
 
192 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 8,000 foV expenses, and, at the end of three years, each of 
 them has 60,000 dollars, besides land and other property. 
 Notwithstanding all this we should be content to submit to 
 them, i^foi* sins, they did not force us to bow down and 
 worship them, like Nebuchadnezzar. This is insufferable. 
 
 Alas ! alas ! what a misfortune it is that the emperor, 
 thy father, has conquered Germany at such a price, and has 
 spent, in that conquest, the money that we procured for him 
 in these very Indies ! Most excellent king and lord, Ger- 
 many was conquered by arms, and Germany has conquered 
 Spain by her vices, of which we are here well rid, and are 
 content with a little maize and water. 
 
 " Let wars spread where they may, and where men carry 
 them, yet at no time will we cease to be obedient to the 
 holy church of Rome. We cannot believe, O excellent 
 king and lord ! that thou canst be so cruel to such good 
 vassals as thou hast in these parts ; and I therefore desire 
 that thou mayst know what thy ministers do without thy 
 consent. Near the city of the kings,^ and close to the sea, 
 some lakes were discovered where fish were preserved ; and 
 thy wicked judges, for their own profit, rented them in thy 
 name, giving out that this was done with thy consent. If 
 this be so, for the love of God allow us to have some of the 
 fish, for it was us who discovered the lakes.^ Surely the 
 king of Castillo is not in need of four hundred dollars, 
 which is the sum for which these lakes are rented : and, O 
 most illustrious king ! it is not in Cordova nor in Valladolid 
 that we ask for this property. Deign to dole out charity, 
 my lord, to the poor men who have laboured in this land ; 
 
 ^ Lima. 
 
 ^ These are, no doubt, the lakes of Villa, near Chorillos, and about 
 fifteen miles from Lima ; where there is still capital wild duck shooting. 
 Probably Aguirre had been punished for poaching on these lakes ; but 
 how strange that this petty grievance, of former years, should have 
 occupied his mind under the circumstances in which he was then 
 placed ! 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 193 
 
 and remember that God is the same to all ; that there is the 
 same justice, the same reward, the same heaven, the same 
 hell, for all mankind. 
 
 " In the year 1559, the marquis of Canete entrusted the 
 expedition of the river of Amazons to Pedro de Ursua, a 
 Navarrese, or rather a Frenchman, vrho delayed the build- 
 ing of his vessels until 1560. These vessels were built in 
 the province of the Motilones, which is a wet country, and, 
 as they were built in the rainy season, they came to pieces, 
 and we therefore made canoes, and descended the river. 
 We navigated the most powerful river in Peru, and it 
 seemed to us that we were in a sea of fresh water. We 
 descended the river for three hundred leagues. This bad 
 governor was capricious, vain, and inefficient, so that we 
 could not suffer it, and we gave him a quick and certain death. 
 We then raised a young gentleman of Seville, named Don 
 Fernando de Guzman to be our king, and we took the same 
 oaths to him as are taken to thy royal person, as may be 
 seen by the signatures of all those who are with me. They 
 named me maestro del campo ; and, because I did not con- 
 sent to their evil deeds, they desired to murder me. I 
 therefore killed this new king, the captain of his guard, his 
 lieutenant-general, four captains, his majordomo, his chap- 
 lain, who said mass, a woman, a knight of the Order of 
 Rhodes, an admiral, two ensigns, and five or six of his ser- 
 vants. It was my intention to carry on the war, on account 
 of the many cruelties which thy ministers had committed. 
 I named captains and sergeants ; but these men also wanted 
 to kill me, and I hung them. We continued our course 
 while all this evil fortune was befalling us ; and it was 
 eleven months and a half before we reached the mouths of 
 the river, having travelled for more than a hundred days, 
 over more than fifteen hundred leagues. This river has a 
 course of two thousand leagues of fresh water, the greater 
 part of the shores being uninhabited ; and God only knows 
 
 c c 
 
194 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 how we ever escaped out of that fearful lake. I advise thee 
 not to send any Spanish fleet up this ill-omened river ; for, 
 on the faith of a Christian, I swear to thee, O king and 
 lord, that if a hundred thousand men should go up, not one 
 would escape, and there is nothing else to expect, especially 
 for the adventurers from Spain. 
 
 " The captains and oflicers who are now under my com- 
 mand in this enterprise, and who promise to die in it, are 
 Juan Jeronimo de Espindola, a Genoese, captain of infantry, 
 admiral Juan Gomez, a Spaniard [then follows a long list], 
 and many other gentlemen. They pray to God that thy 
 strength may ever he increased against the Turk and the 
 Frenchman, and all others who desire to make war against 
 thee ; and we shall give God thanks if, by our arms, we 
 attain the rewards which are due to us, but which thou hast 
 denied us ; and, because of thine ingratitude, I am a rebel 
 against thee until death. 
 (Signed) 
 
 " Lope de Agijirre, the Wanderer." 
 
 2. The alcalde, Chaves, showed by his conduct that he was 
 little better than the Maranones and their leader, and his 
 acts showed that he was rather for Aguirre than for his king, 
 for, knowing what the Governor Pablo Collado was doing in 
 Tocuyo, to resist the traitor, Chaves wrote another letter to 
 Aguirre on this subject, also informing him that the lieu- 
 tenant-general, maestro del campo, and other oflicers, had 
 been appointed by the governor, and that they had pro- 
 cured assistance from the new kingdom of Granada, with the 
 intention of defeating him at Barquicimeto, or at Tocuyo. 
 
 This was not pleasant news for Aguirre, but he was 
 obliged to Chaves nevertheless, and made arrangements to 
 leave his present position at once, for the above mentioned 
 two places, for he considered that any delay on his part would 
 be dangerous, as it would give time for the governor to col- 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 195 
 
 lect more forces, and obstruct his march ; so he ordered 
 that, early on the following day, they should raise their 
 camp and leave Valencia. On the night previous, for fear 
 any of his people should desert him, he commanded that all 
 his soldiers should sleep together in an enclosure belonging 
 to his habitation, whence they could have escaped with the 
 same facility as if they had been in the streets, for the walls 
 of the enclosure were only of frail palings. But their desire 
 to continue this loose sort of life prevented them from 
 leaving the company of the traitor. 
 
 Aguirre determined, that night, to rid himself of those 
 whom he considered would be troublesome to him on his 
 march, namely three soldiers who had offended him, named 
 Benito Diaz, Francisco de Sosa, and another called Cegarra. 
 The cause of his anger with Diaz was that he had said that 
 he had a relation in the new kingdom of Granada ; and, as 
 to the others, it appeared to him that they lent an unwilling 
 hand in warlike affairs ; so he strangled them secretly in a 
 hut which was in the enclosure, and, in the morning, when he 
 started, he ordered the hut to be set on fire, so that the three 
 bodies might be burnt. He also left the town and gardens 
 in ruins, and destroyed all the cattle. He then departed with 
 his followers and ninety horses, proceeding to Barquicimeto 
 by the direct road, which traverses the mountains of the 
 province of Nirua, after having been in Valencia fifteen 
 days. 
 
 S. The people of the two cities (by order of the governor 
 Collado) had placed spies in proper places, to give notice 
 when the traitor was advancing. One of these, the 
 moment he saw the Maranones enter the mountains, started 
 with great haste, and, as he came running into the city of 
 Barquicimeto, he shouted to the people to arm themselves, 
 for that the tyrant was fast approaching, and that he would 
 be there during the day ; but, as the inhabitants were unpre- 
 pared (all the people of the district were not collected 
 
196 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 together in the town with the general, Gutierrez de la Pena, 
 but some were in Tocuyo, making necessary arrangements for 
 defeating Aguirre), they fled to the woods, with their wives 
 and children, taking such of their property with them as 
 they could, in the confusion of their retreat, and leaving the 
 town empty. The traitor arrived eight days after the flight 
 of the people. 
 
 4. Aguirre was now in the mountains, the track was bad 
 and rocky, and surrounded by thick forests ; so some of the 
 soldiers thought this was a good opportunity to desert, from 
 such vile companions. Ten of them, one by one, hid them- 
 selves, without knowing where any of his companions were ; 
 so that, when this came to Aguirre's knowledge, it was too 
 late to catch them ; but he gave rein to his pestilent tongue, 
 shouting a thousand blasphemies against God and his saints, 
 as was his custom when angered, casting his eyes to heaven 
 with threatening looks, stamping wildly on the ground, 
 foaming at the mouth, and making vows of revenge, and 
 horrid oaths, saying, *^ Ah, Maranones ! how true it is what 
 I have said, that you would leave me in the hour of greatest 
 need, and that I should have to fight alone with the moun- 
 tain cats, and monkeys of the forests ; better would it have 
 been had I died ere this, than that I should yield my life to 
 these vile ones of V enezuela ! Oh, thou prophet Antonico ! 
 how well didst thou foresee the truth. Had I but believed 
 thee, these Maranones would not have deserted." This he said, 
 alluding to a little page that he had, of whom he was very 
 fond, who often told him not to trust the Maranones, as they 
 would all leave him when it suited them to do so : so, when 
 any of them ran away, he remembered the warnings of 
 Antonico. 
 
 At this juncture Juan Gomez, Aguirre's admiral, came to 
 him and said, " Body of God ! Senor general, why does your 
 worship thus vex yourself? The other day three men deserted 
 us ; but if thirty had done so, I would rather have had the 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 197 
 
 room than the company of such fellows, for there would 
 have been so many enemies less ; but for the love of God ! 
 there are many and strong trees hereabouts !" giving him to 
 understand by this observation, that, as he had executed 
 three of his men before he left Valencia, he could hang 
 such as he had unfavourable suspicions of, and in this way 
 rid himself of his present fears. Aguirre listened atten- 
 tively to this advice of his admiral, but did not consider it 
 politic to act upon it, as it might produce greater difficulties, 
 though subsequently he attempted such wholesale murder. 
 
 CHAP. XLV. 
 
 1. Aguirre, marching from Valencia to Barquicimeto, comes to a mining 
 settlement, where he falls into some trouble. — 2. The traitor advances 
 to the river of the valley of the Damas, where he rests a day. — 3. Here 
 he determines to kill some of his men, hut does not do so. One of his 
 captains comes from Margarita to Barquicimeto, and gives informa- 
 tion as to Aguirre'' s forces. — 4. The maestro del campo, Diego Garcia 
 de Paredes, reconnoitres the forces of the traitor. 
 
 1. Three days had Aguirre been on his march, when he fell 
 in with a mining settlement, where gold was extracted ; but 
 the inhabitants and their negro workmen had fled. In the 
 hurry of flight a large quantity of maize was left behind in a 
 hut, of which Aguirre was glad, for his party wanted provi- 
 sions ; still, he would have been better pleased had he been 
 able to lay hands on the negro miners, and add them to a 
 party of twenty others he had with him under their captain, 
 for he trusted that the negros would be of much use to him 
 in his projected warlike encounters, for he had already well 
 schooled these negros, and had told them they were free. 
 He allowed them the same licence as the Spaniards, to com- 
 mit every species of enormity, and they exceeded the doings 
 of the white men in robberies, cruelties, and murders. 
 
198 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 After a day's rest, Aguirre continued his route, when very- 
 heavy rains fell, soaking his people to the skin, and causing 
 the track up the mountains to be so slippery that the unshod 
 laden animals were continually slipping and falling, and 
 even rolling backwards, to the great inconvenience of the 
 soldiers. 
 
 At this the furious Aguirre suggested impossible remedies, 
 accompanied by a thousand blasphemies and heresies against 
 God and his saints, concluding with the following : " Does 
 God think that because it rains in torrents I am not to go to 
 Piru, and destroy the world? He is mistaken in me." 
 At last the miscreant became convinced that his blasphem- 
 ous conduct did not aid the progress of the laden animals, 
 so he ordered his soldiers, by the aid of hoes, and other in- 
 struments, to cut steps in the steep parts of the track, so that 
 the animals might get some sort of hold, and thus get to the 
 top. 
 
 2. Whilst the rear of this piratical crew were occupied in 
 overcoming the difficulties of the road, the van, having no 
 baggage, and the track being narrow and tortuous, so that 
 they could not see each other, and being unmindful of the 
 delay there might be in the ascent of the baggage and ani- 
 mals, went onwards without stopping. On Aguirre's arrival 
 at the summit, his vanguard was not to be seen. This 
 threw him into a violent rage, and he rode a-head as fast 
 as possible, coming up after a time with his mayordomo and 
 friend, Juan de Aguirre, and his captain of the guard, 
 Roberto de Susaya, when he said, " I predict to you, 
 senores, that if there does not arrive amongst us, from this 
 district, forty or fifty soldiers, I begin to perceive that in the 
 present state of mind of my Maranones, we shall never get 
 to the new kingdom." Onward went the traitor after 
 the vanguard, and coming up with it, he abused both 
 officers and men roundly, ordering them back to the moun- 
 tain pass they had descended, where Aguirre took up 
 
THE, TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 199 
 
 his quarters for the night. On the following morning he 
 gave orders that, during the march, the van of his followers 
 should be more attentive than heretofore to the progress of 
 the rear. The march commenced, when they came to the 
 valley of the Damas, so called by the first Spaniards who 
 discovered this part of the country. They descended into 
 the valley, and camei upon a large ravine with a considerable 
 stream of good water, called Aracin (which I can personally 
 vouch for). Near the stream a hut was met with, full of 
 maize, which was most opportune, and was the cause of their 
 resting a day at this spot, during which period they were in- 
 formed of the arrival of some of the king's troops at Bar- 
 quicimeto through their spies, who were posted at the en- 
 trance of the valley. 
 
 3. The traitor, seeing that he was near the town in which 
 Chaves, the alcalde of Burburata, had informed him that 
 the king's forces were collecting, began to have fresh 
 fears of some of his soldiers, and, communicating these 
 suspicions to certain of his well-tried captains, he told them 
 of his determination to kill all the suspected soldiers, as well 
 as the sick, some forty in number, for, with such an example, 
 the remainder would be true to him. Some of the junta did 
 not agree with their commander, probably inspired from 
 above. They said that if he did so his course would be less 
 secure with the others, for they considered if this occurred, 
 that in time their turn would come to share the same fate. 
 So Aguirre changed his mind as to this sanguinary proceed- 
 ing, and his view of having only one hundred of his well- 
 tried friends, as his companions. 
 
 Some days before this, one of Aguirre's captains had 
 arrived at Barquicimeto, and had entered the king's camp. 
 This was an officer whom we have already mentioned, named 
 Pedro Galeas, who (a few days before the traitor had left Mar- 
 garita), had been asked by the traitor if he had a flag. Galeas 
 replied in the negative, when he gave him twenty yards of silk 
 
200 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 to make one. On another day (the day before he embarked), 
 Aguirre said, " Pedro Alonzo, hast thou a drum ?" when he 
 replied that he only had the case, but without parchment. 
 The traitor then said to him, Then, by the life of God! be 
 not surprised if I make of thy skin, parchment for the drum." 
 Pedro Alonzo Galeas gave the best answer he could, and 
 retired from the presence of the monster, not without fear 
 that he might be sentenced to death, for shortly afterwards 
 a friend, as he passed him, told him that he had been 
 doomed to die. Galeas kept well on the watch, and at 
 night he escaped to the sea-shore, where he found Captain 
 Faxardo, who had just landed, who as we have said came 
 from Caraccas, with help for the island ; and giving him an 
 account of his danger, Faxardo provided him with a canoe 
 in which he went to Burburata, when he gave information 
 respecting the traitor, the number of his followers, and arms, 
 and the reason of his desertion to save his life.^ 
 
 About the time Aguirre was leaving Valencia, Galeas was 
 coming to Barquicimeto, where he arrived simultaneously 
 with General Gutierrez de la Pena, who had come from 
 Tocuyo with his soldiers. Pena and his followers had 
 some suspicion that Galeas might be a spy of Aguirre's, so 
 they guarded him for some days, until they were satis- 
 fied with his good conduct, and expressions of sorrow that 
 he had ever been in such vile company as that of Aguirre, 
 of whose forces and arms he gave a full account (which was 
 what the king's party most desired to know), assuring them 
 
 ^ Pedro Alonzo Galeas had been employed by Ursua, on detached 
 service, on two occasions, see p. 26, p. 32, p. 35, p. 96. 
 
 On deserting Aguirre, he received his pardon, and continued to serve 
 for many years, under the governors of Venezuela. In 1572 he was 
 employed by the governor, Don Diego de Mazariego, to subdue the 
 Mariches Indians, who, since their cacique had been impaled by Pedro 
 Ponce de Leon, the former governor, had retired into the woods, and 
 harrassed the Spaniards. He completely defeated them, and brought 
 them under subjection again. — Oviedo y Banos. 
 
THE ,TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 201 
 
 also that, of the hundred and forty men he had with him, 
 only fifty followed him out of choice, and that the rest only 
 waited for the opportunity of being protected by the king^s 
 troops, to abandon the traitor. Galeas also informed the 
 royalists of the best way to manage Aguirre ; not to attack 
 him in a pitched battle, but to retire before him, and in this 
 manner the king's troops would be in no danger. 
 
 4. All this gave courage to Gutierrez and his soldiers, for 
 they were somewhat doubtful of success, seeing how few 
 their numbers were, and the scarcity of arms and ammuni- 
 tion, as was seen when the maestro del campo, Diego Garcia 
 de Paredes,^ went out with fourteen or fifteen men to re- 
 connoitre the camp of the traitor. 
 
 All the troops were on horseback, but they had the most 
 wretched saddles and bridles ; their only arms were some 
 badly made lances, and some Burgundian helmets, which 
 
 1 Diego Garcia de Paredes was the son of a very distinguished officer 
 of the same name, a native of Estremadura. When Pizarro returned to 
 Spain, after his first discovery of Peru, young Paredes joined him, and 
 was present at the landing of the Spaniards at Tumbez, and at the 
 arrest of Atahualpa at Caxamarca. Paredes returned to Spain with 
 Hernando Pizarro, and afterwards fought under the banner of Charles V, 
 in Italy, Germany, and at Tunis. He again embarked for the Indies, 
 and, having been some time at Nombre de Dios, he finally went to Vene- 
 zuela, where he founded the city of Truxillo ; which he named after the 
 place of his birth in Spain. This was in the year 1556. In 1559 Pablo 
 Collado was appointed governor of the neighbouring district of Tocuyo ; 
 while Paredes continued to govern Truxillo, until, in 1561, the Royal 
 Audience of Bogota received tidings of the unheard of cruelties of Lope 
 de Aguirre. Paredes lost no time in mustering his forces and marched 
 to Merida, to assist the governor Collado, who appointed him maestro 
 del campo, and where, as Simon relates, he took a leading part in de- 
 stroying the traitor. He then sailed for Spain, with some of the banners 
 of Aguirre, which he placed over the tomb of his father. These banners 
 had the blood-red swords worked crossways upon them. As a reward for 
 these services Paredes received the government of Popayan, and once 
 more sailed for the Indies in 1563. He landed on the coast of Vene- 
 zuela, with a small party, where he was killed by the Indians, who fired 
 arrows upon his followers, from an ambuscade. — Pizarro' s Varones Illus- 
 ires del Nuevo Mundo, p. 399. 
 
20g 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 were merely dirty old hoods, made out of pieces of cloth 
 of various colours^ with two or three linings of cotton cloth ; 
 and the sight of such helmets provoked a smile, rather than 
 confidence as to their utility for defence. 
 
 The general remained in Barquicimeto (whilst Paredes 
 went out to look after the enemy) with the rest of the king's 
 troops, some seventy in number, armed in about the same 
 unsatisfactory manner as the party of Paredes. The general 
 had only two arquebuses, one of them, having no lock, and 
 very little powder ; neither could it be said that they were 
 good horsemen, indeed only the captains had any pretensions 
 to the art ; as to the men, when mounted, they looked more 
 like baggage than caballeros. Having made these warlike 
 preparations the general, Peila, remained behind, not over 
 comfortable, anxiously hoping for the success of the maestro 
 del campo. 
 
 CHAP. XLVI. 
 
 1. The maestro del campo, in a narrow part of the road, unexpectedly 
 finds himself in Aguirre' s camp . Both parties retire. — 2. The general 
 Pena takes letters of pardon from the governor, for Aguirre and his 
 soldiers. — 3. The hing''s party determine to await Aguirre^ attach 
 upon the town. Aguirre writes a letter of promises and threats. — 4. 
 The traitor's party shov) themselves to those in the town, hut no action 
 ensues. 
 
 1. Paredes was on the march with his people towards the 
 enemy, and Aguirre with his against the royalists, on the day 
 he left the Aracin valley, the former entering the lower part 
 of the valley of the Damas, the latter descending from the 
 upper. Their track lay through thick forests, most difficult 
 to march through, and by such a narrow path that one tra- 
 veller had to follow behind another, and horsemen scarcely 
 
THE -TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 had room to turn their horses. On such a road both parties 
 were coming in opposite directions, without having an idea 
 of each other's position, when suddenly they came in sight. 
 They were so astounded at thus seeing each other, that the 
 only determination they came to was mutually to retreat. 
 Those who came with the maestro del campo (as they 
 were mounted, the road very narrow, and their confusion 
 considerable), whilst turning their horses, had some of 
 their Morisco lances, and some of their Burgundian 
 helmets, knocked off by the branches of the trees; and, 
 as it appeared to them that there was no time to col- 
 lect their fallen lances and helmets, they were left by 
 the retreating soldiers. No less were the difficulties of 
 the Maranones ; they did not march armed, neither were 
 the matches of their arquebuses lighted ; they, however, 
 lighted them at once, and commenced their march in the best 
 way they could, suffering much from the obstacles of the road, 
 until nightfall, when they encamped near a rivulet. They 
 examined the arms and helmets that had been dropped by 
 the soldiers of the maestro del campo, and jeering at one 
 and the other, the traitor said to his people : " Do ye not 
 perceive, Maranones, where fortune has brought ye, and 
 where ye wish to fly to and remain ? Look at these helmets, 
 brought by the galleons of Meliona ! see how rich these 
 vassals of the king of Castille are !" In this and a thousand 
 similar ridiculous observations, in regard to the helmets, 
 they amused themselves until two or three in the morning, 
 when the moon rose, and they continued their march, 
 Aguirre taking care secretly to place guards near to those 
 he suspected, so that they might not desert. 
 
 2. The maestro del campo did not draw rein until he ar- 
 rived at some savannas or open land outside the forest, 
 where he proposed to form ambuscades, and rout the 
 tyrant ; but this plan did not take effect, for the Maranones, 
 who were marching by the light of the moon, came upon 
 the royalists, who decamped in haste from before Aguirre. 
 
204: 
 
 thp: cruize of 
 
 The maestro del campo, having twice been too near his 
 enemy, returned with all speed to the city of Barquicimeto, 
 from whence he advised the governor, who was still at 
 Tocuyo, as to the state of affairs. 
 
 The military portion of the community held council 
 how best to defend the place, and oppose the tyrant. They 
 considered that they were not very safe within the city, 
 inasmuch as they were on horseback, and had no arque- 
 buses ; while the traitors were on foot and had firearms, 
 and if they took possession of any of the houses (as it 
 was most probable), they could defend themselves and 
 annoy the royalists and their horses at pleasure. The 
 general Pena had many letters of pardon with him (for as 
 the licenciate Gasca had done in Piru, when he went against 
 Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers, so had the governor 
 Pablo CoUado written these documents, and signed them in 
 the king's name), which promised to all those of Aguirre's 
 men, who would leave him and come over to the king's 
 side, before they encountered each other in battle, full par- 
 don for all the crimes w^hich they had committed in this re- 
 bellion, promising them their lives in his royal name. With 
 these there was a still stronger pardon for Aguirre, with a 
 letter in which he was exhorted to abandon this rebellion, 
 and join the king's forces, promising him that the governor 
 would take no notice of what had occurred, but rather 
 that he would place these matters at the pious feet of his 
 majesty, with his strong recommendation that all should be 
 confirmed that he promised in his royal name to him and his 
 soldiers ; but if he still persisted in continuing his present 
 state of life, to save the lives of so many who must fall 
 in battle, Collado proposed that Aguirre should meet him, 
 and settle the question in single combat. 
 
 3. The king's party, having arranged to leave the city to 
 Aguirre, distributed the letters of pardon in the houses, so 
 that when the Maranones came in, they might easily find 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 205 
 
 them. Having done -this, they took with them all the 
 provisions, so that the traitor might find none there ; 
 and then they all separated, retiring to the heights of 
 the open country, and having marched half a league, 
 they encamped that night by the side of a stream, whilst 
 Aguirre was journeying that same night towards Bar- 
 quicimeto, arriving at noon within a league and a half, and 
 also halting by a stream. Here he loaded his guns and 
 pointed them in the direction of the road that came down 
 from the town, placing his band so as to be in readi- 
 ness for any emergency. The traitor now determined to 
 send a letter to the town, by an Indian Yanacona, one of 
 those he had brought with him from Piru. In this letter he 
 told the people of the town not to leave the place, for that 
 it was not his intention to do them any harm ; that he 
 required some provisions and horses, which he would 
 pay well for, and if any soldiers or others wished to ac- 
 company him to Piru, he would allow them to do so, 
 promising such persons most honourable treatment, and 
 that when they got to Piru they should have a pleasant life 
 of it ; but, on the contrary, if they fled from the town, he 
 gave them his oath that he would burn it to ashes, destroy 
 their cattle and plantations, and tear to pieces all the inha- 
 bitants that fell into his hands, and do his utmost to prevent 
 any from escaping. 
 
 The royalists received this letter, and, taking due note of 
 its extravagances, did not give themselves much trouble in 
 replying to it, for they were well aware of the sort of friend- 
 ship they had to expect from the traitor. 
 
 Aguirre rested that half day, and the following night ; 
 and the next day, "Wednesday, the 22nd of October, in the 
 year 1561, he put his forces in order of march, including 
 his artillery, at the same time issuing an order, that if any 
 soldiers went three paces out of the line of march, those who 
 might be nearest to such an offender, were to kill him with 
 their arquebuses, or in any other convenient manner. 
 
206 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 Gutierrez de la Pena had not been unmindful on his side 
 during the night, and the same Wednesday, at daylight, 
 he, with all his soldiers on horseback (a little more than 
 eighty in number), placed themselves on the heights 
 just within firing distance of the arquebuses of the town, 
 and west of it, from whence Pena could see Aguirre's camp, 
 and that he was advancing rapidly, with the royalist 
 force in sight. Aguirre now halted at the bottom of the 
 ravine, and near to the first houses of the town, marshal- 
 ling his people afresh. He placed his best friends well 
 armed, in front, refreshing their memories as to what 
 orders he had given them ; in the rear were placed the bag- 
 gage and servants, with the rest of his soldiers, and the 
 march to the town was resumed. In the meanwhile the 
 king's troops commenced descending to the houses, when 
 Aguirre saluted, by firing his heavily loaded arquebuses 
 with powder only, so as to make more noise, in the hope of 
 striking terror into his enemy. He then ordered the fire- 
 arms to be double shotted, and unfurling four flags and two 
 standards, he continued his march, entering the town on 
 one side, whilst the royalists did the same at the other ; but 
 as the town was small, they soon came near to each other. 
 
 The king's party had their doubts as to the prudence of 
 attacking the traitor, and resolved, as they were so badly 
 supplied with arms, in comparison with what Aguirre had, 
 to retreat again to the heights, so there was no fighting ; 
 moreover, this would give time for those of the tyrant's 
 followers who wished to leave him, to join the king's troops, 
 for if they had come to a fight in the town, there was not a 
 soldier under the traitor's banner who would not have sold 
 his life dearly, as yet not knowing of the promised pardon. 
 
THE JRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 207 
 
 CHAP. XLVII. 
 
 1. Garcia de Paredes lays hands on some clothes and ammunition he- 
 longing to the traitor. His soldiers find the letters of pardon. — 
 2. Aguirre talks to them on this subject, they decide on following him. 
 — 3. Aguirre sets fire to the town. The maestro del campo fires into 
 the enemy'' s camp. This vexes Aguirre. — 4. Pedro Bravo de Molina 
 arrives with men from Merida, where the governor had made him his 
 lieutenant-general. 
 
 1. Whilst the king's troops were retiring to the heights, 
 the maestro del campo, Diego Garcia de Paredes, with 
 eight companions on horseback, separated from the main 
 body, and, unobserved by Aguirre's men, fell upon the 
 traitor's rear, which had not as yet reached the town, taking 
 four horses laden with clothes, powder, and other things, 
 which were much needed by the royalists, as they were 
 unprovided with them, and had not even powder for their 
 few arquebuses. 
 
 Aguirre took up his quarters, with all his people, in a 
 large square place, in the highest part of the town, sur- 
 rounded by high mud walls with turrets, where the houses 
 of a captain named Damian del Barrio stood. Here the 
 traitor was somewhat protected from his adversaries, and 
 felt more secure of many of his followers, of whom he had 
 suspicion that they would desert. 
 
 The king's party could see their opponents from the 
 heights, where they were encamped, anxiously waiting to 
 see if any of Aguirre's men, who had found the letters of 
 pardon, would desert him ; but as he had shut them up in a 
 guarded position, none of them could leave their quarters. 
 
 As night approached, the general left a troop of twelve of 
 his best horsemen on the heights, and returned to his camp. 
 Aguirre perceived that his enemy had moved, and, as his 
 men were very anxious indeed to rob the houses, thinking 
 they would find good pillage, he gave them leave to go to 
 the houses, and strip them of all they could find. 
 
20S 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 However, as we have said, the inhabitants had removed 
 all their property. They only found the letters of pardon 
 for them, as well as one for Aguirre, accompanied by a 
 letter, the reading of which rather disturbed him. He said 
 to his soldiers : " I know, Senores, that you have found other 
 letters of pardon written by the governor, in which induce- 
 ments are held out for you to join him, promising pardon 
 for all the wickedness you have committed up to the present 
 time, and, as I am an experienced man in such things, and 
 I wish you and myself well, I shall undeceive you : so put no 
 trust in governors, nor in their papers or signatures ; think 
 on the cruelties, robberies, deaths, and destruction of towns 
 you have committed, you may be well assured that, as to the 
 atrocities you have committed ; neither in Spain, the Indies, 
 nor any other part of the world, have there been such men as 
 you are, who have done such horrors; and I tell you, although 
 the king in person wished to pardon you, I do not believe he 
 would be allowed to do so, much less a licenciate such as Pablo 
 Collado, for the relations and friends of those you have slain 
 would hunt you to the death and kill you,for you will be always 
 exposed to be murdered, you will be insulted and hunted 
 like wild beasts, and called traitors. Just see what was the 
 fate of Piedrahita, of Tomas Vasquez, and of other captains, in 
 regard to the king's pardon, when, having served the crown 
 of Castillo the whole of their lives, there came a talkative 
 little lawyer of no account, who cut their heads off then 
 what would happen to us, who have committed more mur- 
 ders and desperate actions in one day, than all those who 
 have rebelled in the Indies against the king ? Let each of 
 you think well on this ; be not too easy of belief ; do 
 nothing in a hurry so as to repent afterwards ; and, as I have 
 often said, nowhere are you so safe as in my company. As 
 to having anything to do with these papers of the governor, 
 they are bitter fruit and gilded pills, so that under a delu- 
 
 ^ Alluding to the executions of the marquis of Canete, in Peru. 
 
THE, TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 209 
 
 sive colour you would swallow poison. Let us reflect : if we 
 at present have hunger and troubles, the future has rest in 
 store for us ; if we have some difficulties before we get to 
 Piru, there we shall find abundance and happiness." Con- 
 cluding, as he generally did when speaking on important 
 occasions, " then let us sell our lives dearly, and do our 
 duty." 
 
 S. Nevertheless each man apparently had his own parti- 
 cular view of the position of affairs. Agairre, thinking that 
 the houses of the town might give cover to the enemy, 
 ordered them to be set on fire, only leaving a few, for 
 the use of his arquebusiers. As the houses were of straw, 
 some of the sparks set fire to the church, which was 
 built of the same materials as the houses ; it is, however, 
 said that the church was set on fire by a soldier named 
 Francisco de Guerra ; but when Aguirre saw the church in 
 flames (to give an idea that he had some Christian feelings), 
 he immediately ordered that some ornaments and images 
 of saints, which were on the altar, should be saved. 
 
 The king's troops, being aware of the reason why certain 
 houses had been preserved, set fire to them when it was 
 night, so that the only one remaining was that in which 
 the traitor had his quarters. 
 
 During the night both camps were watchful of each other, 
 but at daybreak Diego Garcia de Paredes, with some friends 
 on horseback, and five arquebuses, which was the whole of 
 the artillery even now in the king's camp (they had had 
 only two at first, but were reinforced by three more), 
 approached Aguirre's entrenchment, fired the arms, and 
 made other disturbances, so as to disquiet the traitor and 
 cause confusion. Aguirre ordered his men under arms, 
 but it being still dark, it was some time before they could 
 distinguish one another. He then ordered forty of his 
 arquebusiers to sally out silently, and attack the maestro del 
 campo. When they were within firing distance, they dis- 
 
 E E 
 
210 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 charged their pieces, but without effect ; neither did this 
 operation cause any disturbance to those in the king's camp, 
 who, without discomposing themselves, were well on their 
 guard. 
 
 Each party retired to his camp ; and it would appear as 
 if God was so arranging these matters, that the traitor 
 should be conquered, without more blood being spilt on 
 either side, for enough had been already shed. 
 
 4. The governor, Pablo Collado (in consequence of indis- 
 position caused by his apprehension as to the success of 
 the king's arms), retired to Tocuyo, until captain Pedro 
 Bravo de Molina, with his people, came from Merida, which 
 was on the same day that Aguirre entered Barquicimeto. The 
 governor had no intention of being present at any encounters 
 with the traitor, notwithstanding the letter he had written to 
 him (as some understood and published), advising him to come 
 and cure himself of his malady in this New Kingdom, for that 
 it was especially adapted for the improvement of his health ; 
 under the supposition that he might overthrow the traitor. 
 Captain Pedro Bravo, perceiving the coldness of the gover- 
 nor, essayed to persuade him how important it*was that he 
 should be present in the king's camp, as representing his 
 royal person, which would animate the soldiers to comply 
 with their obligations, and in the hope that he would repay 
 their exertions, and report to the king their conduct in his 
 service, having seen with his own eyes what they had 
 done ; moreover, it would tarnish his honour if he did 
 not go. 
 
 At first the governor made some excuses, referring to his 
 peculiar attacks of illness, which had prevented him hereto- 
 fore from joining the royal standard ; but, as it was the 
 desire of captain Bravo, he said he would make the effort to 
 be found in the king's camp ; the more particularly with the 
 succours Bravo had brought with him, for which he was 
 very grateful to the captain, and, seeing that he was a good 
 
THE -TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 211 
 
 and proper man, lie named Bravo as his lieutenant-general, 
 not only for this expedition, but for the district he was 
 governor of, and he also gave him his commission as captain 
 of the cavalry. 
 
 CHAP. XLVIII. 
 
 1. Bravo accepts the posts conferred on him hy the governor ; they all 
 leave Tocuyo for the hinges camp. — 2. Aguirre's letter to the gover- 
 nor., Pablo Collado. — 3. Those from Tocuyo join the king's forces, 
 when victory over the traitor is a7iticipated. — 4. Two of Aguirre's 
 soldiers desert to the king's side. The maestro del campo and captain 
 Bravo catch some Indians belonging to the Maranones. 
 
 1. At first the soldiers of Merida did not think that their 
 captain ought to have accepted the offices he did, and that 
 he ought not to march under the governor's banner, but 
 rather go independently, as he came from another district, 
 under his own flag, and with his own followers, to do what 
 lay in his power, or even to show prodigies of valour. 
 
 But Pedro Bravo, by accepting the several important 
 offices, considered he was acting in accordance with the rules 
 of honour, as well as for the benefit of himself and his men, 
 and, in truth, he served his king right well in all he did. 
 
 The governor, still considering that he had not conferred 
 sufficient honours on Bravo, offered likewise to assist his 
 soldiers and followers in anything they required. Some of 
 the soldiers, in order to find out to what point the gover- 
 nor's liberality extended, rather than that they required it, 
 said, although they had come most willingly to serve the 
 king at their own expense, and what they required they 
 were willing to pay for, they would, however, accept from 
 his generous hands what they were much in want of, namely, 
 shoes for their horses. The governor sent orders to a mer- 
 
212 . THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 chant to give each soldier^ on his account, a dozen horseshoes, 
 with corresponding nails ; he, however, gave instructions 
 that they were only to have the horseshoes and nothing 
 else ; and with this present he considered they were abun- 
 dantly provided, and at little cost. Bravo's soldiers thanked 
 the governor for his offer, but, as it really was not their wish 
 to accept anything, the governor's offer of the horseshoes 
 amused them. 
 
 The governor, Pedro Bravo and his men of Merida, and 
 those who had joined him on the road, in the city of New Tru- 
 jillo, (in all some seventy men), marched out of Tocuyo late in 
 the day to join the king's forces ; and, having journeyed all 
 the night (it being very hot during the day), at daybreak 
 they met a messenger, the bearer of a letter to the governor, 
 from Lope de Aguirre. The governor made a halt to read 
 the letter, which he did to all his party. 
 
 2. "Most magnificent Senor. — Amongst other papers from 
 you, found in this town, was a letter of yours directed to me, 
 with more promises and preambles than there are stars in 
 heaven, and, as regards myself and my companions, it was 
 unnecessary for you to have taken such trouble, for I well 
 know to what point your power extends, and how far you 
 are able to oblige me, in your recommendations to the king. 
 Most superfluous are your offers, as I know well that your 
 position and power are but of poor account ; and, if the king 
 of Spain had to pass through the conflict there is to be between 
 us both, I would not accept them ; moreover, I will give you 
 every advantage in arms ; but to me all you say is a mere 
 artifice, and such as has often been resorted to against those 
 brave men who conquered and settled this country. And 
 you have come to rob them of the fruit of their hard-earned 
 labour, saying that you come to do them justice, and the 
 justice you offer them is to inquire how and in what manner 
 they conquered the country, and for this you come to make 
 war on them. The favour I ask of you is, that you do not 
 
THE ,TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 218 
 
 force us to come to blows ; if we do, your gains will be 
 few, for my companions make but light of your promise of 
 pardon, and are prepared to sell their lives dearly. I have 
 nothing to do with affairs in this part of the country; I wish 
 to pay well with my own money, for the cost of some 
 horses and other things ; by this course you will pre- 
 serve your district from the horrors of war. From what 
 we have already seen of the things of this land, we will 
 put wings on, and use our spurs well, not to be detained 
 here ; we have seen some of your hoods of helmets, or 
 rather hats, and playthings of lances, thrown away by 
 your soldiers in their hurry to escape from us. These things 
 tell us what your forces are composed of. I return to the 
 letter ; it is of little use your saying that we were not acting 
 as if we were in the king's service, I and my companions 
 are only doing what our predecessors did, which is not 
 against the king ; for we hold him who commands us as 
 our lord, and no other. It is a long time since we di- 
 vested ourselves of our rights as Spaniards, and we refuse 
 fealty to the king. We have made a new king whom we 
 obey, and, as vassals of another lord, we may well make war 
 against those we have sworn to fight, which is our business 
 and not yours. And in conclusion I say, that according 
 to the sort of behaviour you and yours adopt in our 
 vicinity, so will we treat you. If you search us out you will 
 find us ready for you, and the sooner you supply us with 
 what we require, the sooner will we leave this land. I do 
 not offer you my services, because you would hold them 
 valueless. Our Lord preserve the most magnificent person 
 of your worship, etc. Your servant, 
 
 " Lope de Aguirre." 
 3. The governor, having read this letter to his followers, 
 said, " Would to God that the result of this war might be 
 settled personally between me and Aguirre ; for although 
 he makes himself out so powerful, it might happen that I 
 
THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 sliould punish him as he intimates he could do with me; 
 but, as God has so ordained it, let us give him thanks 
 for all his mercies ; our sins are the cause of so many- 
 evils, that even to this great distance have reached the 
 sparks of the rebellions in Piru, that make us so unhappy, 
 and put us into such straits." This was said amidst such 
 showers of tears and demonstrations of fear, as to cause the 
 people to murmur, which continued so many days that it 
 must have come to the ears of the governor. 
 
 The governor and his party continued their march, and 
 arrived at the general's camp at midday, where they were 
 received with every expression of joy by the soldiers of the 
 camp, who were restored to new life by this timely addi- 
 tion to their numbers, and any doubts they may have had 
 previously as to victory over the traitor were now converted 
 into certainty ; particularly in regard to the stratagem played 
 oiF by Bravo, to give courage to the king's people, as well 
 as to intimidate their enemies, for he reported that in Merida 
 there was an oidor from the Audencia of Santa Fe, with 
 five hundred armed men. Bravo himself had brought only 
 two hundred men, which number appeared to him sufficient 
 to counteract the intentions of the traitor. 
 
 This favourable new^s soon spread through the camp, and 
 at nightfall a negro slave deserted to Aguirre, informing him 
 of the arrival of Bravo, with a force of two hundred men, 
 well mounted and armed. 
 
 The traitor heard this without shewing any particular 
 signs of astonishment ; but his soldiers became uneasy, and 
 concluded, if this was true, that they must be now routed 
 by the royalists ; so several proposed to themselves to watch 
 for an opportunity, desert to the king's camp, and so take 
 advantage of the governor's pardon. 
 
 4. Although Aguirre had kept strict watch upon his men 
 up to this period, he now increased his vigilance, and 
 would not let them out of his entrenchment ; this pre- 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 215 
 
 vented those who wished to escape, from doing so. But God 
 prepared an opening for them to go over to the king's peo- 
 ple ; two of Aguirre's men, named Rengel and Francisco 
 Guerrero, on the third day of their arrival, which was on a 
 Wednesday, managed to get secretly out of the entrench- 
 ment to the king's camp, where they were well received, as 
 it was of great importance to the royalists to know that there 
 were very many in the enemy's camp only awaiting an op- 
 portunity to desert, which they could easily do. They said, 
 that all the king's people had to do, to conquer the tyrant, was 
 to, as it were, besiege Aguirre, and see that he did not obtain 
 supplies of provisions, of which he was much in want, re- 
 peating that his men were most anxious to leave him, par- 
 ticularly captain Juan Geronymo de Espindola, Hernando 
 Centemo, and ten or twelve of their comrades. 
 
 With this fresh information, and with what they had 
 received through Pedro Alonzo Galeas, the king's party 
 felt they could well assail the tyrant, and that, being in sight 
 of him, they could prevent him from sallying forth in search 
 of provisions, unless the whole of the traitors came out 
 together. 
 
 On the same day the maestro del campo, the captain Bravo, 
 and forty soldiers, including Rengel and Guerrero, went to 
 within talking distance of Aguirre, when they commenced 
 calling to the traitor's men to come out and join them, telling 
 them not to dream of being victorious, as captain Bravo, 
 with two hundred men, well mounted and armed, was there 
 from Merida ; that if they resisted he would cut all their 
 throats ; that they should come out at once, take advantage 
 of the pardon, and thus save their lives. Whilst the king's 
 people were thus talking to those of the traitor, they ob- 
 served some male and female Indians, who were in the 
 service of the Maranones, washing clothes in a ravine not 
 far from Aguirre's position, so, leaving a number where 
 they were, the maestro del campo and captain Bravo 
 
^16 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 descended to the ravine with the rest, laid hands upon the 
 Indians, and took them up behind them on their horses, 
 all with the clothes they were washing. 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. 
 
 I. Aguirre sends sixty arquehusiers to fire into the Mng''s camp at night, 
 but without any result. — 2. The traitor comes out to the aid of his 
 men, and prepares to resist the royalists. — 3. Aguirre'' s fire makes no 
 impression on the royalists. Captain Diego Tirado deserts from the 
 traitor. — 4, Another soldier tries to desert to the royalists. A mounted 
 soldier of the hing''s party makes the circuit of Aguirre^ s entrench- 
 ment, 
 
 1. The traitor was beginning to have some fears of his 
 ultimate success, seeing that his men were deserting him, 
 that the king's men showed so bold a front, and even came 
 up to the walls of his quarters, and that his Indian servants 
 were taken from him. With the concurrence of those he 
 considered as his best friends, he resolved that sixty of them 
 should sally forth in search of provisions that night, and fire 
 into the king's camp, in the hope of doing them harm, and that 
 about daybreak they should be retiring, for at that hour he 
 would come out with the rest of his people to their help. 
 
 He gave the command of this expedition to Eoberto de 
 Susaya, the captain of his guard, and to Christobal Garcia, 
 captain of infantry. They commenced their foray in the 
 direction of the king's camp, when, after a time, they passed 
 near to the captain Komero (who had settled Villa Eica, 
 which he afterwards removed to another spot), who, with 
 some companions, were coming from his town to help the 
 king's party. Romero, in the stillness of the night, heard 
 the trooping sounds of the sixty Maranones, and, putting 
 spurs to his horse, he and his followers lost no time in gallop- 
 ing to the king's camp, and giving the alarm ; however it i^ 
 
THE TllAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 217 
 
 said by some^ that what E-omero heard was not a noise caused 
 by the Maranones, as they were far from the road he travelled 
 on, but that it was caused by some wild mares and foals, 
 which, scenting the horses of Romero's party, began to 
 run about. As the whole country was up in arms, Romero 
 might easily believe he had heard the footsteps of the 
 enemy. The report had the effect of causing a goodly party, 
 from the king^s camp, to saddle at once and go forth, but 
 they found no enemy, and returned to camp. 
 
 The sixty Maranones (who afterwards said they had heard 
 no one during the night, neither had they come up with the 
 king's camp) laid themselves down to sleep, and, at day- 
 break, they were perceived by the royalist sentinels, who 
 gave immediate alarm to their camp, when they all armed 
 and went out in pursuit of the enemy. 
 
 2, The Maranones, perceiving this movement of the 
 king's party, began to retire to their camp, and sent a 
 soldier to Aguirre to advise him of their position, but, coming 
 upon a portion of thick wood sufficient to protect their 
 rear, whilst in front there were some ravines, they formed, 
 and faced the royalists, who could not get near them with 
 their horses, and so they stood looking at each other, until 
 Lope de Aguirre with a troop came to the assistance of his 
 men. The traitor was mounted on a jet black steed ; the 
 flag of his guard floated in the breeze (which was made of 
 black silk, ornamented with two blood-red swords). Having 
 joined company with the sixty arquebusiers, he made a 
 movement as if he was coming from his cover to attack the 
 royalists, who were about one hundred and fifty in number, 
 all on horseback, for they had received people from Valen- 
 cia, Coro, and the Burburata ; still there were only five or 
 six arquebuses amongst them all. 
 
 The royalists saw that, as long as the enemy remained in 
 their present position, they could not get at them with their 
 
 F r 
 
21S 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 cavalry, nor do them any harm ; so they made a movement 
 as if retreating, when Aguirre left his cover and went after 
 the royalists. Now it was that some of the king's people 
 managed to get possession of the traitor's late position, pre- 
 venting him from returning to it. 
 
 The king's party thought this a good moment to attack 
 Aguirre at once ; however they considered it more advan- 
 tageous to commence skirmishing. Aguirre now implored 
 a portion of his soldiers to lose no time in keeping up their 
 fire ; besides these, he had another troop with their loaded 
 arquebuses, ready to fire, if the royalists attempted a general 
 attack. 
 
 3. But it so happened (and it looked like a miracle) that 
 being so near to each other, and many of Aguirre's party 
 fighting with courage and the desire to do all the mischief 
 they could, they did no harm to either man or horse of 
 the royalists ; some balls were seen, which, striking about 
 half the distance they ought to have gone, amongst some 
 horses, became as flat as cakes, sticking on the hair and 
 skin of the animals, without wounding them. However, 
 the king's party (although they had only five or six arque- 
 buses) killed Aguirre's horse from under him, and wounded 
 two of his soldiers. 
 
 During the skirm.ish a captain of horse (one of Aguirre's 
 confidants, named Diego Tirado) mounted on a mare, and 
 skirmishing in front of his party, thought this a good oppor- 
 tunity to desert to the royalists, and thus save his life (for 
 he had taken many lives away whilst he had been with 
 Aguirre) ; so, making rather a nearer gallop than usual 
 towards the enemy, he made a dash towards the royalists, 
 and got in amongst them, shouting " Long live the king, 
 long live the king." 
 
 The governor and others received Tirado with much 
 pleasure ; when he told the royalists on no account to make 
 an attack, as Aguirre had fifty armed arquebusiers in re- 
 
THE, TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 219 
 
 serve, but to scatter themselves, so that he could not get a 
 number of them together, and send in a heavy fire. 
 
 The royalists took this course, and to give more courage 
 to those of Aguirre's people who wished to desert his flag, 
 the governor gave Tirado his own horse, with instructions 
 to go and skirmish in sight of the traitor, who was much 
 aflfected on seeing that one whom he considered one of his 
 best friends, had turned against him ; he, however, said to 
 those about him, that he had sent Tirado on business to the 
 governor. 
 
 4. At the same time that Tirado deserted from the traitor, 
 his example caused another horseman, named Francisco 
 Caballero, to try and effect his escape ; but he did not suc- 
 ceed. 
 
 Both parties were engaged in these skirmishes, with- 
 out coming to a fight ; when one of the royalist soldiers, 
 named Ledesma, being very well mounted, gave his horse 
 the spur, going in the direction of Aguirre, who, seeing him 
 advance, thought the soldier was deserting to him, and he 
 shouted out to his men not to fire at the horseman, for that 
 he was coming over to them. Ledesma, having arrived within 
 thirty or forty paces of the traitor, was surrounded by the 
 Maraiiones, when he, shouting "Long live the king," turned 
 his horse and galloped back to his camp ; and, although the 
 Maranones gave him a volley from their arquebuses, not a 
 shot touched him. 
 
THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 CHAP. L. 
 
 1. Agidrre, having fears of the desertion of his men, retires to his entrench- 
 ment. The royalists go to their quarters, hut with hopes of victory 
 over the traitor. — 2. The traitor meditates on Jcilling the sick and 
 those soldiers he has fears of, hut is dissuaded from this. — 3. He takes 
 their arms away from sotne of his soldiers, and drives away others, 
 telling them to go and join the hing''s camp. — 4. One of Aguirre's 
 soldiers kills Pedro Bravo's horse. The traitor determines to return 
 to the coast. 
 
 1. Aguirre became very angry, on seeing that his soldiers 
 were so near the enemy, and with such good firearms, and 
 that they did the king's people no harm ; that two of his men 
 had deserted ; and that his horse had been killed ; so, with 
 his accustomed fury, he said, " Marafiones, is it possible that 
 a few herdsmen, with sheepskin jackets and hide bucklers, 
 thus shew themselves amongst us, and you do not bring 
 them to the earth?" Aguirre made these observations in 
 consequence of his opponents wearing a sort of cloak made 
 of the skins of pumas or deer, much used in these countries of 
 the Indies ; their swords were rusty, their lances in a simi- 
 lar state. He also had his suspicions that his men, instead 
 of firing at the enemy, fired only into the air ; so he began 
 to retire to his entrenchment, having almost to drive many 
 of them, with a halberd he carried. Having got into his 
 quarters, a Portuguese, one of his great allies, named Gaspar 
 Diaz, secreted himself behind a door, armed with an aguja 
 or sharp instrument, watching for the coming of Francisco 
 Caballero (he who tried to desert to the king's party, but 
 failed), and, thinking he would please Aguirre by Vhat he 
 was going to do, as Caballero approached, Diaz shouted 
 out, Death to the traitor," and threw the aguja, which 
 caught the soldier in his partes privadas, causing him ex- 
 cruciating pain ; some others who came up would have 
 finished Caballero, had not the traitor (knowing that he had 
 
THE TRAtTOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 221 
 
 not been very culpable) ordered that he should not be de- 
 prived of life, but that they should do their best to cure him. 
 
 The royalists, observing that Aguirre was retiring to his 
 quarters, did the same, feeling, after what they had seen 
 and done, that the victory would be for the king. They, 
 however, placed a strong guard around their camp. 
 
 2. The traitor, seeing that his own people were doing 
 mischief amongst themselves, began to rate them soundly, 
 calling them cowards and women-hearted ; that they had 
 showed no prowess over their enemy, even with the great 
 advantages they had over them in arms and in the affairs of 
 war, and that it appeared to him that they made war with 
 heaven, as they pointed their guns rather at the stars than 
 at the men they had before them ; this behaviour showed 
 him their intentions, and if this was the way they con- 
 tinued the war, they would soon get the worst of it. The 
 soldiers replied, that the reason why the balls did not reach 
 the enemy was that the powder was bad. 
 
 Aguirre now placed some of his best friends at the gate 
 of his quarters, as was his custom, to guard it, and prevent 
 any one from going out. It was manifest to the traitor 
 that many of his soldiers followed him unwillingly, and that 
 the sick were an encumbrance to him, and, fearing that 
 they would desert to the enemy, he considered it advisable 
 to strangle all the unwilling and the sick ; and, making a 
 list of such as were to suffer, they amounted to more than 
 fifty in number. 
 
 But, before putting this design into execution, he thought 
 he would communicate with some of his friends ; who could 
 not help looking most seriously at the atrocity of the meditated 
 act, and reflecting that if they sanctioned it, they would be 
 blamed and severely punished by the king's party, in case they 
 should be the victors, or perhaps God put it into their hearts 
 to prevent the perdition of so many souls, in such a manner. 
 They replied that the affair did not meet their approbation^ 
 
THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 for it might happen that, in the belief he was killing only 
 the culpable ones, he might be destroying some who were 
 only awaiting an opportunity to serve him well. 
 
 S. After much discussion, it was resolved not to carry 
 the strangling into effect ; but to disarm the suspected, and 
 Aguirre urged his friends to keep a careful watch on them, 
 giving his confidants directions, in case the suspected ones 
 made any attempt to escape, to kill them all. 
 
 Aguirre now began to reflect on his projected return 
 to Piru, and that he had met with great impediments and 
 resistance, and the idea flitted before him that he was not 
 to be victorious, and that his men would abandon him. 
 He considered, under these circumstances, that his best 
 course would be to make for the sea coast with all his fol 
 lowers, to embark wherever he could find vessels, change 
 his route, and also his mode of life. 
 
 These views and fears of Aguirre were not unknown in 
 the king's camp, and, with the idea of increasing his difli- 
 culties, thirty or forty of the royalist horsemen were always 
 on the watch over his entrenchment, to prevent any of his 
 party from sallying out in search of provisions, and also to en- 
 courage those who wished to desert. This being suspected 
 by the traitor, he allowed no one to go out of his entrench- 
 ment, not even his confidants (for he began to have his doubts 
 of them), to look for provisions, of which they were so much 
 in want, that they were obliged to kill some dogs and horses 
 to eat. The continuance of this state of things forced his con- 
 fidential guards to leave their posts, and go over to the king's 
 side by ones and twos. At sight of this, Aguirre's fears in- 
 creased ; but he still dissembled, and made it known that he 
 had not lost confidence in his best followers, of whom he 
 sent out a considerable number, armed with arquebuses, to 
 watch the movements of the maestro del campo, and captain 
 Bravo; who hovered about, near his camp, calling upon the 
 traitor's followers to desert him. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 22S 
 
 Aguirre's armed troop of horse went forth, and soon a war 
 of words commenced between the contending parties, the 
 king's people calling the others traitors, which irritated 
 them very much ; and they replied by a volley from their 
 arquebuses. Bravo now tried to put an end to this mode 
 of proceeding, telling his men that it was not politic to use 
 such language to their opponents, particularly as they were 
 of the same nation, but rather to speak to them in fair terms, 
 and so try to induce them to come over to the king's side. 
 
 4. Whilst Bravo was thus speaking to his men, and not 
 paying much attention to the enemy, one of them, named 
 Juan de Lescano, a mestizo, considering that Bravo was one 
 of the most active against his party, thought it a good oppor- 
 tunity to be revenged on him, by taking good aim at him 
 with his arquebuse, the fire from which only killed Bravo's 
 horse, which fell to the ground with his rider ; but God 
 spared Bravo. Aguirre's men believed that Bravo had been 
 killed also, so they raised a loud shout of triumph, for until 
 this time they had not done any damage to the royalists. 
 
 The king's party, on coming up and finding that their 
 commander was not hurt, returned the shout with a trium- 
 phant cheer, when the Maranones retired to their quarters. 
 The royalists had been informed by recent deserters that 
 Aguirre had formed the intention of proceeding to the coast, 
 and that he had disarmed many of his men, observing at the 
 same time that, as they appeared to have an idea of desert- 
 ing to his enemy, it was not well they should go with their 
 arms. 
 
 We now arrive at Monday morning, which was the vesper 
 of St. Simon and St. Jude, the 2Tth of October, 1561, when 
 Aguirre disarmed the greater number of his soldiers, and, 
 being on the point of leaving his quarters, his soldiers said 
 to him that, marching without arms, was as good as taking 
 them to be slaughtered, for how could they defend them- 
 selves against the king's party ? This they said to the traitor 
 
224: 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 in a courageous sort of manner, which appeared to Aguirre 
 to look like a mutiny against him ; but he now considered it 
 prudent on his part to return them their arms, making a 
 virtue of necessity, telling them blandly, that he begged they 
 would pardon him, for that this was the only error he had 
 committed during the whole expedition, and that it was but 
 just that they should look over it, also that his intentions 
 were very different from what his acts might lead them to 
 suppose ; however, some of the soldiers refused to receive 
 their arms (for they were sorely offended at being dis- 
 armed), and Aguirre in person had to beg of them not to 
 refuse. 
 
 CHAP. LI. 
 
 1. The maestro del campo and captain Bravo come up towards Aguirre^s 
 entrenchment. Some soldiers go out to oppose them. — 2. Captain 
 Espindola, with a troop, deserts to the royalists, and all the rest of 
 Aguirre'' s soldiers follow their example hy various routes. — 3. The 
 maestro del campo sends news of the victory to the governor. 
 Aguirre kills his daughter. — 4. Aguirre is killed hy two arquebuses 
 fired at him. His head is cut off, and his hands are given to those 
 from Merida and Valencia. 
 
 1. Aguirre was now occupied in this move to the coast by 
 daylight (although there were some who advised him to get 
 out at night, so that he might not be observed by the enemy). 
 He also desired to kill one of his captains, named Juan Gero- 
 nymo de Espindola, for some bold words he had uttered^ but 
 there were none who would help him to execute Espindola. 
 At this juncture, captain Bravo and Diego Garcia de Paredes 
 came, accompanied by a considerable mounted force, towards 
 Aguirre's quarters, having heard that he was about to march 
 to the coast. They began shouting to the traitor's followers 
 that he was deceiving them in all he was doing ; that they 
 should trust him no longer, but come over to the king's 
 
THE TRAITOH AGUIRRE. 
 
 225 
 
 side at once. Whilst they were instigating the Maranones 
 to desert, they perceived, as they had done some days 
 before, other Indian servants at the stream which was near 
 the entrenchment ; so captain Bravo and the maestro del 
 campo went out with fourteen or fifteen men, determined to 
 catch them, telling those who remained on the heights that 
 if they saw any of the traitor's men go forth to encounter 
 them, to make a sign with a drawn sword : they then 
 descended secretly to where the Indians were, but they 
 were perceived by some of the Marailones, who were outside 
 the entrenchment, trying to prevent, with their arquebuses, 
 the advance of those whom Bravo had left on the heights. 
 Aguirre, being informed of what was going on, sent Juan 
 Geronymo de Espindola with fifteen arquebusiers to defend 
 and bring the Indians in ; this movement was observed by 
 the king's party who were on the heights, who made the 
 concerted sign by brandishing a drawn sword. 
 
 2. Although Bravo saw the signal, he pushed onwards, 
 but when he descried Espindola and his companions on the 
 plain, he thought it prudent to retire, and join his party on 
 the heights, fearing the fire of their arquebuses, for the royal- 
 ists had scarcely any firearms with them. Espindola and his 
 party, seeing this, quickened their pace towards the retiring 
 royalists, and, on nearing them, shouted ^^Long live the 
 king, caballeros! long live the king!" this being heard by 
 the maestro del campo and Bravo, they halted at once, 
 awaiting the arrival of Espindola and his friends, when they 
 mutually saluted each other in a most friendly manner. The 
 Maranones declared themselves for the king, and were taken 
 to the heights, each behind a royalist horseman. 
 
 Bravo now requested Espindola to remain in sight of 
 Aguirre's quarters, in company with the maestro del campo, 
 whilst he posted off to the governor with the deserters. 
 
 Aguirre was now seen to be outside his quarters, observ- 
 ing the movements of the royalists, and it appeared to 
 
 G G 
 
226 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 them that his destruction was fast approaching, for as 
 Espindola had deserted him, in like manner did the 
 others, who, under plea of attacking the royalists, marched 
 out in sight of Aguirre and joined the king's men, shout- 
 ing " Long live the king, to whose service we come." The 
 maestro del campo received them most courteously, and 
 they begged of him to descend to the entrenchment, saying 
 that those who were within would not defend the place, 
 but would come over to him, for they were of the number 
 that Aguirre put but little confidence in. 
 
 Whilst this was going on, the captain Juan de Aguirre 
 Navarro, with some of his comrades, meditated on killing 
 Aguirre, but did not find the opportunity. When they 
 observed the maestro del campo coming down to their en- 
 trenchment, they sallied forth to receive him, offering their 
 services to him, and crying out, as the rest had done, "Long 
 live the king!" This was the last lot of the Maranones who 
 remained under the traitor's bloody banner, for the rest 
 of his followers, whilst Aguirre was watching operations 
 outside his entrenchment, had escaped by an old gate, 
 which Anton Llamoso was repairing (he it was who knocked 
 out the brains of the maestro del campo at Margarita), who 
 would not leave his tyrant master, saying that Aguirre 
 had been his friend in life, and that he would live or die by 
 his side. Meanwhile Garcia de Paredes, with his forces, 
 was approaching Aguirre's quarters, to take the life of the 
 traitor. 
 
 3. The maestro del campo, seeing that he had the victory 
 in his own hands, despatched a mounted messenger to in- 
 form the governor and others as to the satisfactory state of 
 affairs, and then marched straight on Aguirre^s quarters. 
 
 The traitor, on seeing that he had been abandoned by all 
 except Llamoso, asked him why he had not gone with the 
 rest, and taken advantage of the king's pardon ? Llamoso 
 replied that he and Aguirre had been friends in life, and 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 221 
 
 that he would live or die with him. Aguirre made no reply; 
 he was crestfallen and lost ; he went into an apartment 
 where his daughter was (who was now a woman) in company 
 with another female, named Torralva, of Molina de Arragon 
 in Castile, who had come from Piru in company with the 
 traitors. She cannot have been of great age, for, in the year 
 one thousand six hundred and twelve, I saw her (she was 
 then very young) in the city of Barquicimeto. The devil in- 
 stigated Aguirre to kill his daughter, so as to crown all his 
 cruel acts with this most bloody and unnatural one, that of 
 the destruction of his own flesh and blood. He said to 
 her, " Commend thyself to God, my daughter, for I am 
 about to kill thee ; that thou mayest not be pointed at 
 with scorn, nor be in the power of any one who may call 
 thee the daughter of a traitor." Torralva tried to save the 
 girl, and even managed to take the loaded arquebuse from 
 the hands of the father, with which he was about to fire at 
 his victim ; but Aguirre had a poniard, and with it he took 
 her life.^ Having done this, he rushed to the door of the 
 apartment ; but when he perceived that the king's forces 
 were upon him, his very hands lost the power of firing off 
 his arquebuse at them, so as to sell his life 4early ; and, 
 in the most dejected manner, he threw all his arms on the 
 ground, and went and leant upon a miserable barbacoa or 
 bed place that was in the room (opposite that in which he 
 had killed his daughter). One of the first to enter (before 
 the maestro del campo), was one Ledesma, a sword-cutler 
 and inhabitant of Tocuyo ; who, when he saw Garcia de 
 Paredes enter, thinking to make himself of importance, 
 said, " Here have I Aguirre as my prisoner." The traitor 
 replied, "I do not give myself up to such a villain as you ;" 
 and perceiving Paredes, said, " Senor maestro del campo, 
 I beg that you, who are a caballero, will respect my rank, 
 
 1 Castellanos makes Aguirre say to his daughter, " Die ! because I 
 must die." 
 
228 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 and listen, for I have many important things to say, for the 
 good of the king's service." 
 
 4. Garcia de Paredes replied that he should be respected; 
 but some of Aguirre's former soldiers, fearing if he were 
 allowed to live it might go hard with them — for he might 
 reveal what they had done during the expedition — persuaded 
 the maestro del campo that the best, safest, and most 
 honourable course was to cut off his head at once, and before 
 the governor's arrival. This view of the case did not dis- 
 please the maestro del campo, so he told Aguirre to prepare 
 himself for death, and commanded two of his own Maranones 
 to shoot him down with their arquebuses. This they did at 
 once, and the traitor fell dead at their feet. It is, however, 
 said that having received the fire of the first arquebuse in 
 a slanting direction, he said it was not well aimed ; but the 
 second was fired at his breast, and he said, That has done 
 the business," and then fell dead. A soldier named 
 Custodio Hernandez now fell upon the dead body, and, by 
 order of the maestro del campo, cut the head off, and, taking 
 hold of the hair, which was very long, he brought it out to 
 show it to the governor, who was just arriving, thinking to 
 do him honour.^ 
 
 The maestro del campo (for it was his prize) sought for 
 the flags and standards, and, going up with them to the 
 chapel that was above the entrenchment, let them blow 
 
 ^ "At Cumana, before the earthquake of December 14th, 1797, a 
 strong smell of sulphur was perceived near the hill of the convent of 
 St. Francis ; at the same time flames appeared on the banks of the 
 Manzanares, and in the gulf of Cariaco, near Mariquitar. This last 
 phenomenon is pretty frequent in the Alpine calcareous mountains near 
 Cumanacou, and in the island of Margarita, also amidst the llanos of 
 New Andalusia, where flakes of fire rise to a considerable height. 
 
 " This fire, which is like the Will o' the Wisp of our marshes, does not 
 burn the grass. The people call these reddish flames ' the soul of the 
 traitor Aguirre,' and the natives of Barquecimeto believe that the soul 
 of the traitor wanders in the savannahs, like a flame that flies the ap- 
 proach of men." — Humboldt, JVarr. 
 
THE TRAITOK AGUIRRE. 
 
 229 
 
 out ; but seeing that the governor was approaching, he went 
 off to meet him, dragging the flags after him as a signal of 
 victory. The governor was not well pleased that they had 
 shot the traitor without his permission ; but, concealing 
 his feelings because the thing was now done, he ordered 
 Aguirre's daughter to be buried in the Church, and the 
 father to be quartered, and thrown out in the road. 
 
 The traitor's head was taken to the city of Tocuyo and 
 placed in an iron cage, where it remained many days as a 
 warning to evil-doers : his skull is still at the same place, 
 with his flags ; also the bodice and mantle of yellow silk 
 worn by his daughter when her father killed her, with the 
 poniard marks in them. 
 
 Captain Bravo, and his soldiers of Merida, as well as those 
 of Valencia, to preserve a memorial of their doings in the 
 king's service, wished to have some of the traitor's flags ; 
 to this the governor and his followers would not assent, but 
 offered the hands of Aguirre to the towns of Merida and 
 Valencia, so that they might place a hand on the rollo, 
 in the respective towns. This was agreed to, Valencia 
 having the left, Merida the right hand, which were carried 
 to the said towns on the point of a lance. 
 
 The soldiers from Valencia took their leave, but on the 
 road, it struck them that their portion of the booty (the 
 hand of Aguirre) was of so little importance that they 
 threw it to the dogs, who ate it ; but it is true that those 
 of Merida, on their way home, and passing the famous 
 river Mototan, threw the hand that had fallen to them into 
 that river, and in this way got rid of the bad smell which the 
 putrefying hand was giving out. 
 
 The captain Pedro Bravo de Molina, with his people of 
 Merida, had behaved so courageously on all occasions, 
 particularly in this aff"air against the traitor, in which they 
 had taken a principal share, that in due time the king 
 largely rewarded them for such important services. 
 
230 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 The general maestro del campo Diego Garcia de Paredes 
 went to Castile to seek his reward shortly, afterwards, and 
 the king made him governor of Popoyan, which post he did 
 not long enjoy.^ General Gutierrez de la Pena was made 
 a mariscal. He who profited least by the overthrow of 
 Aguirre was the governor Collado, for the people of his 
 district, having taken umbrage at some of his proceed- 
 ings, took care to tarnish the good actions that he had 
 done. 
 
 CHAP. LII. 
 
 1. Gives an account of the country Aguirre came from, his character and 
 customs. — 2. His occupations during the year he was in Pirii. — 
 3. An account of the depredations he committed. — 4. Although the 
 governor kept his promise of protection, with some of the Maranones, 
 yet some were punished. 
 
 1. Lope de Aguirre was a Guipuzcoan of the town of 
 Onate, his parents were hidalgos, persons of fair standing, 
 but whose names we have not been able to find. When 
 the traitor was killed, he was a little more than fifty years 
 of age, of short stature, and sparely made, ill-featured, the 
 face small and lean, beard black, the eyes like a hawk's, 
 and when he looked, he fixed them sternly, particularly 
 when angry ; he was a great and noisy talker ; when well 
 supported he was most determined, but without support he 
 was a coward ; he was very hardy, and could bear much 
 fatigue, on foot as well as on horseback ; he always went 
 armed, and well protected, and never was without one or 
 two coats of mail, a breast-plate of steel, sword, dagger, 
 
 ^ Diego Garcia never reached Popayan, having been killed by some 
 Indians, when he landed on the coast of Venezuela. 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 231 
 
 arquebuse, and lance; he slept but little, especially at nigVt, 
 but he reposed during the day ; he was the enemy of good 
 men and good actions, particularly of praying, and he 
 would allow no one to pray in his presence ; so when he saw 
 any of his soldiers with rosaries in their hands, he took 
 them away, breaking them up, and saying that he did not 
 want Christian soldiers, nor praying ones, that such occu- 
 pations were only fit for monks and nuns, who understood 
 such things ; but that if necessary his men should play with 
 the devil at dice for their souls. He sometimes told his men 
 that God had heaven for those who chose to serve him, but 
 that the earth was for the strongest arm ; that he knew for 
 certain there was no salvation, and that being in life was to 
 be in hell ; and that as he could not be blacker than the 
 crow, he would commit every species of wickedness and 
 cruelty, so that his name might ring throughout the earth, 
 and even to the ninth heaven ; that he would not spare his 
 prisoners for the fear of hell, but that he would commit all 
 the cruelties he had the appetite for ; that belief in God 
 alone would take any one to heaven ; that he would show 
 Adam's will to the king of Castile, to see if he had left him 
 as his heir to the Indies. 
 
 2. Aguirre lived in Piru more than twenty years, in a 
 very different manner from the life he led in his last days, 
 as he told the king in the letter he wrote to his majesty. 
 His occupation in early days was that of a horse breaker, for 
 himself, as well as for others, his own stock daily increasing. 
 He was always of a turbulent disposition, and a lover of 
 revolts and mutinies, and during the time he was in Piru, 
 he was engaged in nearly all them. It is not known that he 
 had ever served under any noble banner, or even quite law- 
 fully under the king's standard. He, however, went with 
 Diego de Pojas amongst the Chunchos Indians ; then with 
 captain Pedro Alvarez Holguin, to the assistance of Vaca de 
 Castro, but, just before the battle of Chupas, he hid himself 
 
2S2 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 in Guamanga, so as not to be in that engagement. In the 
 rising of Gonzalo Pizarro, although he was nominated as 
 alguazil de verdugo (probably assistant to the public execu- 
 tioner), he remained in Nicaragua, and did not return to 
 Piru, until after the battle of Xaquixaguana. Afterwards 
 he was concerned in several mutinies which did not suc- 
 ceed ; and with Don Sebastian de Castilla in the affair of 
 the death of general Pedro Alfonso de Inojosa, the corregi- 
 dor of Las Charcas ; and, as one of the principal actors in 
 this mutiny^ he was condemned to death, and would have 
 been executed, had he not escaped and hid himself. The 
 mariscal Alonso Alvarado caused a strict search to be made 
 for him, but without success. He then rebelled against the 
 king, with Francisco Hernandez Giron, but the oidores of 
 Piru, having offered a general pardon to all those who had 
 been in mutinies and rebellions, if they would come in and 
 serve the king in the war against Francisco Hernandez, he 
 took advantage of the offer, and rallied under the royal 
 standard, when he was present in an encounter where he 
 was wounded in the leg ; but he was not very much dis- 
 pleased, for his wound prevented him from being exposed 
 in the succeeding battle.^ 
 
 1 After the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the pacification of Peru, 
 as related by Robertson and Prescott, there were several commotions 
 before the land of the Incas quietly settled down to the dead level of the 
 Spanish colonial system, and the last hot blood was sent away down the 
 Amazons, under the weak guidance of Pedro de Ursua. Very soon after 
 the departure of the president La Gasca, a party of soldiers under Bon 
 Sebastian de Castilla rose in Charcas, and murdered the corregidor, 
 Pedro de Hinojosa, and his lieutenant, Alonzo de Castro. The royal 
 auditors sent the marshal, Don Alonzo de Alvarado, to quell this revolt, 
 who crushed the insurgents with great severity by deaths, floggings, 
 and imprisonments, between July and November, 1553 ; when he re- 
 ceived news of the rebellion of Francisco Hernandez Giron, in Cuzco. 
 The extreme severity of the marshal in Charcas, and the discontent of 
 the soldiers at not being permitted to use the Indians as beasts of 
 burden, enabled Giron to assemble a number of discontented spirits ; 
 and, on the occasion of a wedding feast at Cuzco, on November 13th, 
 
TliE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 2So 
 
 He mixed himself up in so many seditions in various 
 parts, that he could not be tolerated in the country. He 
 was driven from one province to another, and was known as 
 Aguirre the madman.^ In Cuzco they nearly hung him for 
 
 1553, he seized the corregidor, let the prisoners loose, and formed a rebel 
 army. Giron then marched to Guamanga, to encounter the royal forces, 
 and continued his advance to Nasca, on the coast of Peru, south of Lima, 
 where he formed a regiment of negro slaves. Meanwhile Alvarado 
 marched from Charcas, through Cuzco, in pursuit of Giron, and the two 
 forces approached each other at Chuquinga, in the bleak region of the 
 Cordilleras. A battle followed, in which the royal army under Alvarado 
 was entirely defeated and dispersed. Giron then crossed the bridge 
 over the river Apurinac, and passing Cuzco, encamped in the valley of 
 Urcos. The royal army followed him from Guamanga, marched through 
 Cuzco, and Giron retired before it, until at length he determined to make 
 a stand at Pucara ; where he fortified himself in a strong position. On 
 the approach of the royalists, however, he sallied out at night, a panic 
 seized his troops, and they were thrown into confusion. Giron fled 
 alone, but was captured, brought to Lima, and publicly executed. His 
 head was hung up in an iron cage, beside those of Gonzalo Pizarro and 
 Carbajal ; but all three were soon afterwards stolen away at night, and 
 secretly buried by some friends of the wife of Giron. In 1557 the vice- 
 roy marquis of Canete arrived at Lima, and completed the pacification 
 of Peru. 
 
 Aguirre was mixed up in the rebellions of Castilla, and of Giron, and 
 was wounded at the battle of Chuquinga. 
 
 ^ A curious anecdote of a soldier named Aguirre, is given by Garci- 
 lasso Inca de la Vega (lib. vi, cap. xvii, del 2^ parte), and it is very pro- 
 bable that this soldier was the identical Lope de Aguirre of the narra- 
 tive. It is as follows : — " In 1548 a party of two hundred soldiers were 
 leaving Potosi, on their way to Tucuman, with laden Indians carrying 
 their baggage, though the judges of the Royal Audience had forbidden 
 that services of this nature should be exacted from the natives. The 
 licentiate Esquivel, who was the alcalde mayor, came out to witness the 
 departure of the soldiers, and allowed them all to pass with their laden 
 Indians, except the last, one Aguirre, whom he seized, and a few days 
 afterwards he sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes ; because he 
 had not sufficient gold and silver to pay the fine which was ordered to 
 be levied on those who pressed Indians. The soldier Aguirre, having 
 received a notification of the sentence, besought the alcalde that, instead 
 of flogging him, he would put him to death, for that he was a gentleman 
 by birth, and the brother of a man who was the lord of vassals in Spain. 
 All this had no effect on the alcalde, who ordered the executioner to 
 
 H H 
 
234 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 a mutiny against the king, in which he was concerned with 
 Lorenzo de Salduendo (whom, as we have already seen, 
 
 bring a beast, and execute the sentence. The executioner came to the 
 prison, and put Aguirre on the beast : but all the principal people of the 
 town went to the alcalde, entreating him not to execute so rigorous 
 a sentence, and he at length consented to delay it for eight days. When 
 they came to the prison, they found that Aguirre was already stripped, 
 and mounted on the beast ; and, on hearing that the punishment was 
 only delayed for eight days, he said : ' I prayed that I might not be put 
 on this beast, and stripped naked, as I now am, but now that I have 
 come to this, I prefer to suffer at once, rather than bear the suspense of 
 eight more days.' On saying this, the beast was driven on, and he re- 
 ceived the lashes, amidst the grief of both Spaniards and Indians, at 
 seeing so cruel and causeless a disgrace inflicted on a gentleman by 
 birth. 
 
 " Aguirre refused to proceed to Tucuman, but remained in Peru, and, 
 when the period of Esquivel's office expired, he followed him about, 
 with the intention of killing him, to avenge the indignity which he had 
 suffered at his hands. Esquivel went to Lima, a distance of three hun- 
 dred and twenty leagues, but within fifteen days Aguirre was with him. 
 Thence the judge fled to Quito, a journey of four hundred leagues, but 
 in little more than twenty days Aguirre was there also. When Esquivel 
 heard of his presence, he made another journey of five hundred leagues, 
 to Cuzco ; but in a few days Aguirre also arrived, having travelled on 
 foot, and without shoes ; saying that a whipped man has no business to 
 ride a horse, or to go where he would be seen by others. In this way 
 Aguirre followed his judge for three years, and four months. Esquivel, 
 being tired of so many weary journeys, which were of no use, deter- 
 mined to settle at Cuzco, because there was a judge there, who was so 
 strict, that he thought Aguirre would not dare to attack him. He, 
 therefore, took a house, near the cathedral, and always wore a sword 
 and dagger, though arms were not worn by men of his profession ; saying 
 that he now had no reason to fear a little man like Aguirre. However, 
 on a certain Monday, at noon, Aguirre entered his house, and having 
 walked all over it, and having traversed a corridor, a saloon, a chamber, 
 and an inner chamber where the judge kept his books, he at last found 
 him asleep over one of his books, and stabbed him to death. The mur- 
 derer then went out, but, when he came to the door of the house, he 
 found that he had forgotten his hat, and had the temerity to return 
 and fetch it, and then walked down the street. He passed the church 
 of San Francisco, and came to the open space on which they were build- 
 ing the nunnery of Santa Clara, where he met two young gentlemen, 
 brothers-in-law of one Rodrigo de Pineda ; and said to them, ' Hide me ! 
 Hide me !' without another word. The lads, who knew his story, 
 
THE TRAITOR AGUIRRE. 
 
 235 
 
 Aguirre killed). He was cast into prison, and althougli he 
 escaped into the woods, he was much sought after by the 
 
 asked him if lie had killed the licentiate Esquivel ; and he replied, 
 * Yes, sirs ! hide me, hide me !' They then took him into the house of 
 their brother-in-law, and concealed him in an enclosure where the 
 bullocks were kept, at the back of the house, telling him not to come 
 out on any account, nor even to raise his head, for fear some Indian 
 should see him, and promising to bring him food, without any one 
 knowing it. These boys, when they were eating their suppers at their 
 brother-in-law's house, slipped bread and meat into their pockets, and, 
 after supper, took the food to poor Aguirre. This continued for forty 
 days. Meanwhile, when the corregidor heard of the death of Esquivel, 
 he ordered the bells to be rung, and placed guards at the gates of the 
 churches and convents, and on the roads leading from the city, so that 
 no man could depart without permission ; but no tidings could be ob- 
 tained of Aguirre. At the end of thirty days the strictness of the watch 
 was relaxed, and the sentries were taken oflf the churches, but not off 
 the high roads, which were still carefully guarded. At the end of forty 
 days it appeared to certain gentlemen, named Santillan and Catano, that 
 it would be well to rescue Aguirre from the severity of the judge, by 
 taking him out of the city publicly, instead of attempting to effect his 
 escape in secret. He was, therefore, dressed as a negro, for which pur- 
 pose his hair and beard were cut, and his face, neck, hands, and arms 
 up to the elbows, were washed with water which had been mixed with a 
 wild fruit called by the Indians vitoc, that has the effect of making the 
 skin black, but is of no other use. They then dressed him as a vile 
 negro, and one day, at noon, they went out with him through the streets, 
 to the hill called Carmenca. He walked on foot, before his masters, 
 with an arquebuse on his shoulder. Thus they reached the outskirts of 
 the town, where the guards were posted, who asked them if they had 
 permission from the corregidor, to leave the city. One of them then 
 said to the other, " Walk on slowly, while I go back to get the permit, 
 and I will soon catch you up." The other then went on with his negro, 
 until they had passed the jurisdiction of Cuzco ; and, having bought a 
 pony, and given Aguirre some money, he said to him, 'Brother! you are 
 now free, and I can do no more for you.' He then returned to Cuzco, 
 and Aguirre went on to Guamanga, where he had a near relation, a rich 
 man, and one of the principal people of that city. This relation re- 
 ceived him as if he had been his own son, and sent him away, after some 
 days, well provided with necessaries. Thus Aguirre escaped, and this 
 was one of the most wonderful things that happened in Peru in those 
 times. The insolent soldiers said that if there were more Aguirres in 
 the world, judges would not be so free and tyrannical." 
 
 If this murderer of Esquivel was the identical Lope de Aguirre, the 
 
2S6 
 
 THE CRUIZE OF 
 
 authorities, and it was for this reason that he joined the ex- 
 pedition of Pedro de Ursua, with the intention of attempt- 
 ing and committing all sorts of crimes and enormities. It 
 was also reported that Pedro de Ursua's object in going on 
 this expedition, was to return in arms against Piru, as we 
 have already mentioned. 
 
 3. Having arrived at the town of the Motilones, and, 
 understanding that Ursua's intentions were different from 
 what Aguirre had supposed, and that Ursua was faithful to 
 his king, he proposed to kill him, and to raise Don Martin to 
 be the general, he whom Ursua obliged to return to Piru, but 
 as this was not effected, Aguirre killed Pedro de Ursua and 
 many others ; and in the short space of five months and five 
 days, the duration of the reign of his tyranny, he took the 
 lives of sixty Spaniards ; amongst them one priest, two 
 monks of the order of Santo Domingo, four women, and his 
 own daughter ; destroyed four Spanish towns, pillaging all 
 the estates he came near, of all of which he spoke very dif- 
 ferently in the letter he wrote to the king ; in which he said 
 that the reason why he had rebelled, and thrown off his 
 allegiance, was because his services had not been rewarded. 
 We have seen the class of services he rendered, which we 
 will not repeat here. 
 
 4. The licenciate Pablo Collado, governor of Venezuela, 
 kept the promises of pardon he had made in the name of 
 the king, with all those who had passed over to the royalist 
 side, treating them well whilst he remained in his district ; 
 he also gave them permission to go where they thought 
 
 indignity he suflfered at Potosi, and his long thirst after vengeance, 
 may have been active instruments in forming his inexorably cruel cha- 
 racter. 
 
 Lope de Aguirre was certainly in Peru at the time, leading a wild 
 unsettled life. Padre Simon mentions that he fled from Cuzco to escg-pe 
 from the consequences of a crime he had committed there, and it is 
 incidentally mentioned that the murderer of Esquivel was a short man, 
 which aPTCcs with the description of Aguirre,. given by Simon. 
 
AGUIRRE THE TRAITOR. 
 
 2S7 
 
 proper; so they scattered themselves about Tierra Firma, 
 sowing the seeds of mutinies and rebellions. 
 
 To arrest such a state of things the king, when he was 
 informed thereof, sent decrees in the following year, 1562, 
 from Madrid to all the provinces of these Indies, to arrest 
 all the Maranones, wherever they were found, and to send 
 them to Spain. However, none arrived there, for they fled, 
 or otherwise evaded the royal mandate. But not all of 
 them ; for in the city of Merida, Pedro Sanchez Paniagua 
 was taken prisoner and quartered, as one of the worst of 
 the Maranones. The same was done to Anton Llamoso, 
 the only one who did not desert Aguirre, by captain Ortun 
 Velasco, in the city of Pamplona, the said Velasco being 
 the chief justice.^ 
 
 The Royal Audience of Santa Fe was not behind in 
 issuing orders to arrest these Maranones, as I was well 
 informed in the city of Santa Fe, by Francisco de Santiago, 
 knight of the habit of Christ ; and they succeeded in laying 
 hands on Francisco de Carrion, the alguazil mayor of the 
 traitor ; Roberto de Susaya, his captain of the guard ; cap- 
 tain Diego Tirado, Garcia de Chaves, Diego Sanchez de 
 Balboa, and one Portuguese. All these were on their way 
 to Piru. They were punished in such a manner, that 
 neither they, nor the rest of the Maranones, escaped the 
 hands of justice ; thus no one dared to commence new rebel- 
 lions, for we have not seen any others (through the goodness 
 of God), in these Indies, of any consequence, since the time 
 of the " Tyrant" Aguirre. 
 
 ^ Castellanos remarks that Llamoso was the murderer of the lady Inez 
 de Atienza, and that he was put to death in Pampluna, a city founded 
 by Pedro de Ursua, the knight whom she had loved so faithfully. 
 Ortun de Velasco had been the comrade of Ursua when he founded 
 Pampluna, and, when Ursua departed in 1550, Velasco continued to 
 govern that town for twenty years. 
 
 FINIS.