TEE HISTORY OF SECESSION. 
 
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DOCUMENTS. 
 
 253 
 
 a copy of this despatch, with a copy of the papers 
 appended, to her Majesty's Secretary of State for 
 Foreign Affairs. 
 
 I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 J. P. Benjamin, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 H<jn. James M. Mason, 
 
 Commissioner, etc. etc., London. 
 
 Doc. 46. 
 THE HISTORY OF SECESSION. 
 
 BY A SOUTHERN MAN. 
 
 Me. Editor: There is, so far as I remember, 
 ho war to be met with in history entirely analo- 
 gous to the one now raging between the North 
 and the South. That produced by an attempt 
 on the part of three of the Swiss Cantons to sep- 
 arate themselves from the Confederation a few 
 years since, in some respects resembles it most 
 nearly. That attempt, it will be remembered, 
 was arrested, and the rebellious Cantons speedily 
 reduced to submission by the arms of the Con- 
 federacy. It is frequently compared to our rev- 
 olutionary struggle with the mother country, but 
 there is scarcely any analogy between the two 
 cases. The thirteen Colonies were not like the 
 Southern States, equal in political rights with the 
 other States of the British Empire. They pos- 
 sessed no sovereign power whatever. They were 
 not, as we were, entitled to representation in the 
 common Parliament of the British Union, but 
 were mere Colonies--— mere dependencies upon 
 the mother country. In an evil hour the admin- 
 istration of George Grenville, and afterward that 
 of Lord North, attempted to impose an unjust 
 tax upon the Colonies. This oppression was re- 
 sisted, and the resistance was made the pretext 
 for other oppression more unjust still. The Col- 
 onies continued their resistance in a constitutional 
 way for near ten years, by representations, re- 
 monstrances, and petitions, for the redress of 
 grievances ; but all in vain. At length they took 
 up arms, with the avowed object of enforcing j 
 such redress. They solemnly disclaimed all in- 
 tention of separation from the parent State, for 
 they were as loyal in their feelings of attachment 
 to the British Constitution as were the inhabit- 
 ants of Surrey or Cornwall. This resolute step 
 they confidently expected would procure the de- 
 sired redress ; but the advice of all the ablest 
 statesmen at that age — of Chatham, of Camden, 
 of Burke, of Fox, of Rockingham and others, was 
 thrown away on the narrow-minded monarch and 
 the bigoted ministry which then swayed the des- 
 tinies of the British Empire. Still in hope, they 
 continued the struggle for one whole year. At 
 length the British Parliament declared the Colo- 
 nies out of the protection of the parent State. 
 And then at last no other course was left them 
 but to proclaim their independence, and defend it 
 if need be with their life's blood. The battle of 
 Lexington was fought, on the nineteenth of April, 
 1775, and on the twelfth of April, 1776, the Pro- 
 vincial Congress of North-Carolina empowered 
 
 their delegates in Congress to concur with the 
 delegates of the other Colonies in "declaring inde- 
 pendence and forming foreign alliances," and on 
 the fifteenth of the following month Virginia, 
 through her Convention, instructed her delegates 
 in the Continental Congress "to propose to that 
 body to declare the United Colonies free and in- 
 dependent States, absolved from all allegiance to, 
 or dependence on, the Crown or Parliament of 
 Great Britain," and on the fourth of July follow- 
 ing the ever memorable Declaration was made. 
 
 But how different has been , the course of the 
 Secessionists. They seem to have resolved years 
 ago that the Union should be destroyed, and then 
 to have set themselves to work to forge such 
 grievances as would seem to give them a decent 
 pretext for the accomplishment of their premedi- 
 tated schemes. The first effort was made in the 
 days of nullification by the Secessionists of South- 
 Carolina. The grievance then complained of was 
 the tariff, although the State of South-Carolina, 
 herself, had been from the foundation of the Gov- 
 ernment nearly up to that period, as strong an 
 advocate of a high tariff as any State in New- 
 England. That question was compromised — 4 
 South-Carolina obtained all that she ostensibly 
 demanded. A revenue tariff, with incidental 
 protection, became the settled policy of the Gov- 
 ernment, and except for a short period under the 
 tariff of 1842, was never departed from. But 
 still they were not satisfied. Immediately after 
 the passage of Mr. Clay's compromise bill, the 
 newspaper organ of the Secessionists at Wash- 
 ington, declared " that the South could never be 
 united on the tariff question, and that the slave 
 question was the only one that could unite them." 
 And Mr. Calhoun, if I mistake not, said the same 
 thing in a speech at Abbeville, in South-Carolina, 
 about the same time ; and of course was followed 
 by all lesser lights among his adherents. Then 
 'commenced that violent agitation of the Slavery 
 question which had nearly culminated upon the 
 admission of California in 1850. Again, by the 
 efforts -of those immortal statesmen of the last 
 age, Messrs. Webster, Clay, and others, was the 
 matter compromised. The whole country at first 
 appeared to be' satisfied with the settlement, but 
 it soon appeared that there were a number of 
 restless spirits among the extremists of the South, 
 that would be satisfied with nothing short of a 
 dissolution of the Union. Of this class of politi- 
 cians, W. L. Yancey may be fitly selected as rep- 
 resentative man. He immediately began to agitate 
 the question again. He went to the Democratic 
 National Convention at Baltimore, in 1852, as a 
 delegate from the State of Alabama, and there 
 proposed as the ultimatum on which he could 
 continue to act with the Democratic party, and 
 upon whichj in his opinion, the Slave States could 
 consent to remain in the Union, that the doctrine 
 of non-intervention by Congress in regard to 
 slavery in the territories should be incorporated 
 into the Democratic platform. In this he failed, 
 and therefore did not support the nominee of the 
 Convention, Mr. Pierce. He could not, however, 
 at that time, succeed in creating a great schism 
 
 P 34\^ 
 
254 
 
 REBELLION RECORD, 1863. 
 
 in the Democratic party, so great had heen the 
 culm which the compromise measures of 1850 had 
 produced. In 1856 he again went as a delegate 
 from the State of Alabama to the Cincinnati Con- 
 vention, with his old ultimatum in his pocket. 
 Contrary to his wishes and expectations, it was 
 incorporated into the Cincinnati platform, and 
 being thus left without an excuse, he supported 
 Mr. Buchanan for the Presidency in the • fall of 
 that year. In the mean time, however, that fatal 
 measure, the repeal of the Missouri compromise, 
 had been consummated. It was brought about by 
 the extremists of the South, aided by a few par- 
 tisan Democrats of the North. The avowed ob- 
 ject of its authors was to open to Slavery the ter- 
 ritories north of the Missouri compromise line, 
 notwithstanding the agreement of 1820 that said 
 line should forever divide the territories between 
 the slave and free. States. It is said, however, 
 that the compromise of 1820 was unconstitution- 
 al, but what is that to the purpose? It was a 
 most solemn compact between the two sections 
 of the country, made for the settlement of a most- 
 perplexing question, and without any reference 
 to its constitutionality, should have been regard- 
 ed as an organic law, and observed as sacredly 
 as the Constitution itself. 
 
 The effect of this measure was great and rapid, 
 and there can be but little doubt that it was such 
 as a majority of its authors contemplated. The 
 result was the formation of a great party at the 
 North opposed to the further extension of Slave- 
 ry, and which party very nearly succeeded in 
 electing their candidate for the Presidency, Mr. 
 Fremont, in 1856. 
 
 After the election, this party seemed to be on 
 the wane, until the anti-Slavery spirit of the 
 whole North was aroused to madness, by an at- 
 tempt on the part of Mr. Buchanan's administra- 
 tion to force the Lecompton Constitution wit.h 
 Slavery upon the people of Kansas, in opposition 
 to the known and expressed wish of three fourths 
 of them. But for this most unjustifiable measure 
 the Republican party would undoubtedly have 
 dwindled down to moderate proportions ; and 
 even after this, it is doubtful if they could have 
 succeeded in the Presidential election of 1 860, if 
 the Secessionists with Yancey at their head, had 
 not determined that they should succeed. After 
 Mr. Yancey and his party had, against their wish- 
 es, succeeded in getting their ultimatum of non- 
 intervention incorporated into the Cincinnati 
 platform, they went to work to conjure up another 
 to present to the Charleston Convention. Aban- 
 doning their doctrine of non-intervention, they 
 went to the opposite extreme and demanded that 
 the intervention of Congress for the protection of 
 slavery in the territories should constitute a part 
 of the Charleston platform. This demand they 
 well knetv would not be complied with, nor did 
 they desire that it should be. Their object was 
 to procure the secession of the delegates of the 
 Cotton States from the Convention, and thus by 
 defeating the nomination of Mr. Douglas, and 
 rending asunder the Democratic party, to insure 
 the election of Mr. Lincoln, and thereby forge for 
 
 themselves a grievance which would seem to jus- 
 tify them in the execution of their long meditated 
 designs of destroying the Union. All of this they 
 accomplished, and the election of Mr. Lincoln was 
 perhaps hailed with greaterjoy at Charleston than 
 at New-York. I will do them the justice to state 
 that they also claimed to have some other gfiev- 
 ances ; among them, that some of the Northern 
 States by their statutes obstructed the execution 
 of the fugitive slave law, but the only States that 
 could complain much on that score, were willing 
 to remain in the Union, while South-Carolina, 
 the State which set the ball in motion, perhaps 
 never lost a slave. But it must be borne in mind 
 that no act of the National Government consti- 
 tuted any part of their grievances. They did not 
 pretend that anjr act of Congress infringed their 
 rights, and the decisions of the Supreme Court 
 were mainly such as they would themselves have 
 made. Nay, even at the very time of Mr. Lin- 
 coln's inauguration, if the Cotton States had al- 
 lowed their Senators and Representatives to re- 
 main, they would have had a decided majority in 
 both Houses of Congress in favor of the exten- 
 sion of Slavery, and in opposition to the policy 
 of the party which elected him. 
 
 The great cause of complaint was, that a man 
 opposed to the extension of Slavery in the ter- 
 ritories had been elected President of the United 
 States according to the forms of the Constitution 
 'which he was sworn to defend and protect, and 
 who disclaimed any other than constitutional 
 means in the accomplishment of his objects. Un- 
 der such circumstances it seems that if they had 
 labored under any real grievance, their course 
 was plain. They should have taken the course 
 of our revolutionary fathers. When the States 
 assembled in Convention, instead of proceeding 
 at once to declare their independence — for the 
 jdea of Secession, peaceable %f right., seems, as 
 Publius says, to have exploded and given up the 
 ghost — should clearly and concisely have stated 
 what their grievances were, and demanded re- 
 dress in respectful yet firm and decided terms. 
 They should have exhausted every constitutional 
 means of obtaining guarantees — if any were need- 
 ed — by representation, by remonstrance, by pe- 
 tition ; and failing in all these, they should have 
 done as our revolutionary sires did, that is, fight 
 in the Union for their rights until they, were 
 driven out of it. Such a course would have pro- 
 cured for us, as it did for our fathers, the respect, 
 the sympathy, and the assistance of other nations. 
 Instead of that, we have not a friend in Europe. 
 But such was not the course which these — in 
 their own estimation — wise statesmen chose to 
 pursue. "When such a course was suggested or 
 reepmmended to them, they evaded it by a long list 
 of magnificent promises which looked so splendid 
 as almost to dazzle the mind with their brilliancy. 
 
 First and foremost, they promised that Seces- 
 sion should be peaceable. 
 
 Secondly, they promised that if perchance war 
 should ensue, it would be a very short war, that 
 it would not last six months ; that the Yankees 
 would not fight ; that one Southerner could whip 
 
DOCUMENTS. 
 
 255 
 
 from ten to one hundred of them ; that England 
 and France would speedily recognize us and ren- 
 der us every assistance we might desire ; that 
 whatever might be their abstract opinions of the 
 subject of slavery, their interests would impel 
 ■them to promote its perpetuity in the Southern 
 States; that if after all. they should not be dis- 
 posed to assist us, Cotton was King, and would 
 soon bring all the crowned heads of Europe on 
 their knees in supplication to us ; would com- 
 pel them to raise the blockade — should one be 
 established-^-in thirty days, in sixty days, in 
 ninety days, m one hundred and twenty days, in 
 six months, in nine months, in one year at far- 
 thest. 
 
 Thirdly, they promised us that all the slave 
 States except Delaware would join the Southern 
 Confederacy — that slavery should not only be 
 perpetuated in the States, but that it should be 
 extended into all the Territories in which the ne- 
 gro could live ; that all the grievances occasioned 
 by the non-execution of the fugitive slave law 
 should be speedily redressed ; that slave property 
 should be established upon a basis as safe as that 
 of landed property. 
 
 Fourthly, they promised us that the new gov- 
 ernment should be a mere confederacy of States' 
 of absolute sovereignty and equal rights ; that 
 the States should be tyrannized over by no such 
 "central despotism' 1 '' as the old Government at 
 Washington ; that the glorious doctrine 6f States 
 rights and nullification, as taught by Mr. Jeffer- 
 son and Mr. Calhoun, should prevail in the new 
 Confederacy ; that the sovereignty of the States 
 and their judicial decisions should be sacredly 
 respected. 
 
 Fifthly, they promised us the early and perma- 
 nent establishment of the wealthiest and best 
 government on the earth, whose credit should be 
 better than that of any other nation ; whose pros- 
 perity and happiness should be the envy of the 
 civilized world. 
 
 And lastly, they promised us that if a war 
 should ensue, they would go to the battle-field 
 and spill, if necessary, the last drop of their 
 blood in the cause of their beloved South. 
 
 While such have been their promises, what 
 have been their performances ? Instead of se- 
 cession being peaceable as they promised that it 
 would, it has given rise to such a war as has 
 never before desolated any country, since the 
 barbarians of the North overran the Roman Em- 
 pire. 
 
 So far from the war's ending in six months, as 
 they said it would, should it ensue, it has already 
 lasted more than two years, and if their policy 
 is to be pursued, it will last more than two years 
 longer ; and notwithstanding their predictions, the 
 Yankees have fought on many occasions with a 
 spirit and determination worthy of their ances- 
 tors of the Revolution — worthy of the descendants 
 of those austere old Puritans whose heroic spirit 
 and religious zeal made Oliver Cromwell's army 
 the terror of the civilized world; or of those 
 French Huguenots, " who, thrice in the sixteenth 
 century, contended with heroic spirit and various 
 
 fortunes against all the genius of the house of 
 Lorraine, and all the power of the house of Va- 
 lois." England and France have not recognized 
 us — have not raised the blockade — have not 
 shown us any sympathy, nor is there any proba- 
 bility that they ever will, and that cotton is not 
 king is now universally acknowledged. And 
 Maryland has not joined the Confederacy, nor 
 has Kentucky nor Missouri ever really been 
 with us. Slavery has not only not been perpet- 
 uated in the States, nor extended into the Terri- 
 tories, but Missouri has passed an act of emanci- 
 pation, and Maryland is ready to do so rather 
 than give up her place in the Union, and the last 
 hope of obtaining one foot of the Territories for 
 the purpose of extending slavery has departed 
 from the Confederacy forever. The grievances 
 caused by the failure of some of the Northern 
 States to execute the fugitive slave law have not 
 only not been remedied, but more slaves have 
 been lost to the South forever since secession was 
 inaugurated, than would have escaped from their 
 masters in the Union in five centuries. And how 
 have they kept their promise that they would re- 
 spect the sovereignty and rights of the States ? 
 Whatever the Government may be in theory, in 
 fact we have a grand military consolidation, 
 which almost entirely ignores the existence of 
 the States, and disregards the decisions of their 
 highest judicial tribunals. The great central 
 despotism at Washington, as they were pleased 
 to call it, was at any time, previous to the com- 
 mencement of the secession movement, and even 
 for some time after it had commenced, a most 
 mild and beneficent Government compared with 
 the central despotism at Richmond, under which 
 we are now living. 
 
 Instead of an early and permanent establish- 
 ment of the "wealthiest and best government in 
 the. world with unbounded credit," what have 
 we got? In spite of all the victories which they 
 profess to have obtained over the Yankees, they 
 have lost the States of Missouri, Kentucky, Ar- 
 kansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Ten- 
 nessee, and in my humble opinion, have lost them 
 forever; and, in all probability, Alabama will 
 soon be added to the number. This will leave 
 to the Confederacy but five States out of the 
 original thirteen, and of these five the Yankees 
 have possession of many of the most important 
 points, and one third of their territory. So far 
 the Yankees have never failed to hold every place 
 of importance which they have taken, and pres- 
 ent indications are that Charleston will soon be 
 added to the number. The campaign of General 
 Lee into Pennsylvania has undoubtedly proved 
 a failure, and with it the last hope of conquering 
 a peace by a successful invasion of the enemy's 
 country. Our army has certainly been much 
 weakened and dispirited by this failure and the 
 fall of Vicksburgh, and how long even Richmond 
 will be safe no one can tell. As the Richmond 
 Enquirer said some time ago, " they are slowly 
 but surely gaining upon us acre by acre, mile by 
 mile,'* and, unless Providence interposes in our 
 behalf — of which I see no indications — we will, 
 
256 
 
 REBELLION RECORD, 18R2-63. 
 
 at no great distance of time, be a subjugated peo- 
 ple. 
 
 As to our unbounded credit based upon the 
 security of King Cotton, it is unnecessary to 
 speak. When we see one of the most influential 
 States in the Confederacy discrediting a very 
 large part of the confederate currency, and the 
 confederate Government itself repudiating, to 
 some extent, its most solemn obligations, we can- 
 not but suppose that the confidence of other na- 
 tions in the good faith and credit of this govern- 
 ment is small indeed. As regards their promise, 
 " to go to war and spill the last drop of their blood 
 in the cause of their beloved South," I will say 
 nothing. Every body knows how the secession- 
 ists of North-Carolina have kept their promise. 
 Every body knows that the leaders, with few 
 exceptions, will neither fight nor negotiate. 
 
 What a deplorable spectacle does the foregoing 
 history present to our view ! To what a despe- 
 rate pass have they brought us, and for what ? 
 They say that they did it because the North 
 would give us no guarantee in the slavery ques- 
 tion. I have before stated that not one of the 
 conventions of the seven Cotton States ever de- 
 manded any guarantee whatever. Nay, the}' 
 even refused to accept of any if their friends of 
 the Border States would procure them for them. 
 
 The Legislature of North-Carolina, at its regu- 
 lar session in January, 1861, adopted resolutions 
 appointing commissioners to the Peace Congress 
 at Washington City, and also to the Convention 
 which assembled at Montgomery, Alabama, in 
 February, 1861, for the purpose of adopting a 
 constitution, and establishing a provisional gov- 
 ernment for the confederate States of America. 
 On the motion of the writer of this, the resolu- 
 tion appointing commissioners to Montgomery 
 was amended so as to instruct them "to act only 
 as mediators, and use every effort possible to re- 
 store the Union upon the basis of the Crittenden 
 propositions as modified by the Legislature of 
 Virginia." The commissioners under these in- 
 structions were the Hon. D. L. Swain, General 
 M. W. Ransom, and John L. Bridgers, Esq., who, 
 upon their return, submitted a report to his Ex- 
 cellency, Governor Ellis, which was by him laid 
 before the Legislature, and was printed among 
 the legislative documents of that year, where it 
 may be consulted. In this report they say that 
 they had the most ample opportunities of ascer- 
 taining public opinion in the Cotton States, and 
 then add: "We regret to be constrained to state, 
 as the result of our inquiries, made under such 
 circumstances, that only a very decided minority 
 of the community in these States are disposed, 
 at present, to entertain favorably any proposi- 
 tion of adjustment which looks toward a recon- 
 struction of our National Union. In this state 
 of things we have not deemed it our duty to at- 
 tend any of the secret sessions of the Congress. 
 The resolutions of the General Assembly are 
 upon the table of the Congress, and having sub- 
 nutted them as a peace-offering, we would poorly 
 perform the duties assigned to us by entering 
 
 into discussions which would serve only to en- 
 kindle strife." 
 
 But it will be said that these guarantees could 
 not have been obtained from the North. This I 
 admit to be true, and only produce this piece of 
 history to prove that whatever might have been 
 obtained, nothing would have been accepted. 
 But the Congress of the United States did pass, 
 by the constitutional majority of two thirds, the 
 proposition reported by Mi*. Corwin, from the 
 Committee of Twenty-six, to so amend the Con- 
 stitution as to perpetuate slavery iri the States. 
 What stronger guarantees could be given so far 
 as the States were concerned, it would be diffi- 
 i cult to conceive. What then would have been 
 left to quarrel about ? The Territories. During 
 the session of Congress which closed on the fourth 
 of March, 1861, acts were passed to provide tem- 
 porary governments for the three remaining new 
 Territories, to wit, Colorado, Nevada, and Daco- 
 tah. These acts contain no trace or indication 
 of the Wilmot Proviso, nor any other prohibition 
 against the introduction of slavery, but, on the 
 other hand, expressly declare among other things, 
 that "no law shall be passed impairing the rights 
 of private property ; nor shall any discrimination 
 be made in taxing different kinds of property, 
 but all property subject to taxation shall be in 
 proportion to the value of the property taxed." 
 
 Now, when it is considered that all three of 
 these Territories are north of thirty-six degrees 
 thirty minutes, and that in the new territory now 
 owned by the United States south of that line, 
 slavery actually exists and is recognized by the 
 territorial law, the question may well be asked: 
 "What was there worth quarrelling, much less 
 fighting about ?" Here was a settlement of the- 
 question in the Territories made bj a Republican 
 Congress which gave the South all that, up to 
 the time of the Charleston Convention, she had 
 ever asked, and far more than she could hope to 
 gain in any event, by secession. Indeed, I think 
 it must now be apparent that secession, even if 
 it could have been effected peaceably, would have 
 been no remedy for the grievances of which they 
 complained. Nay, so far as any grievances aris- 
 ing from a failure to obtain a return of our fugi- 
 tive slaves was concerned, I think it must be 
 apparent that it would. have been an aggravation 
 instead of a remedy for the evil. I think that all 
 calm and dispassionate men everywhere, are now 
 ready to admit that it would have been far better 
 for us to have accepted the terms offered us and 
 preserved peace and the Union, than to have 
 plunged this once happy country into the horrors 
 of this desolating war, which has spread a pall 
 over the whole land — has brought mourning into 
 every family — has rendered hundreds of thou- 
 sands of hearthstones desolate — has filled the 
 land with the maimed and disabled, with widows 
 and orphans, and squalid poverty — has crowded 
 our poor-houses and alms-houses — has sported 
 away many hundreds of thousands of lives, and 
 many hundreds of millions of treasure, only to 
 find the institution for which they profess to have 
 
DOCUMENTS. 
 
 257 
 
 gone to war, in a thousand times greater jeopardy 
 than ever before. 
 
 Such being the condition into which they have 
 brought the country, the question presents it- 
 self: "Is there any remedy f A full, complete, 
 and adequate remedy, there is not ; for what can 
 restore the loved ones lost — repair at once the 
 desolation, or remove immediately the mourning 
 from our land ? Yet there is a remedy which, 
 with the helping hand of time, will accomplish 
 much, very much indeed, and which, with the 
 energy that usually follows desolating war, will, 
 perhaps, remove most of its traces, in a half-cen- 
 tury. This remedy is peace, speedy peace ! But 
 they say that we are so situated that no propo- 
 sition for peace can be made by us ; that having 
 proclaimed our independence we must fight un- 
 til it is voluntarily acknowledged by the United 
 States, or until we are completely subjugated. 
 On the meeting of the British Parliament, which 
 took place on the thirteenth of December, 1792, 
 the King in his speech to the Houses, intimated 
 his intention of going to war with the French 
 Republic. On moving the address in answer to 
 the speech a memorable debate arose. On this 
 occasion Charles James Fox delivered one of 
 those powerful speeches which have made his 
 name immortal — which have forever stamped 
 - him as the ablest of British debaters, and 
 the first of British statesmen. In the course 
 of that speech he said : " But we now disdain 
 to negotiate. Why ? Because we have no min- 
 ister at Paris. Why have we no minister there ? 
 Because France is a Republic ! And so we are 
 to pay in the blood and treasure of the people 
 for a punctilio ! . The road of common- 
 
 sense is simple, plain, and direct. That of pride 
 and punctilio is as tangled as it is serpentine." 
 In the impassioned language of Mr. Fox, I would 
 ask, are we to pay in blood and treasure of the 
 people for a punctilio f Shall we pursue the 
 path of pride and punctilio, which is as tangled 
 as it is serpentine, or shall we take the simple, 
 plain and direct road of common-sense, which 
 may lead to the happiest results ? Four fifths 
 of the people of that portion of North-Carolina 
 bordering for many miles on the Yadkin River, 
 and I believe of the whole State, are in favor of 
 the latter course. 
 
 The one great demand of the people of this 
 part of the State is peace ; peace upon any terms 
 that will not enslave and degrade us. They 
 may prefer that the independence of the South 
 should be acknowledged, but this they believe 
 cannot now be obtained, nor in viewing the situ- 
 ation of affairs do they see much hope of it in 
 the future. They natui'ally ask if, with no 
 means of recruiting to any extent, we cannot hold 
 our own against the armies which the Yankees 
 now have in the field, how can we 'meet with 
 their three hundred thousand new levies which 
 will soon be in readiness, while they can keep 
 their army recruited to a great extent, if not up 
 to its maximum number from adventurers who 
 are constantly arriving in their ports from every 
 country in Europe ? But if independence cannot 
 
 Vol. VII.— Doc. 17 
 
 be obtained, thert they are for any terms that are 
 honorable, any terms that do not degrade us. 
 Thejr would be willing to compromise upon the 
 amendment to the Constitution proposed by Mr. 
 Corwin from the Committee of Twenty-six, per- 
 petuating slavery in the States to which I have 
 before alluded. But in what precise way over- 
 tures shall be made, or the movement inaugu- 
 rated, I leave to wiser men and abler statesmen 
 than myself to propose. I would, however, sug- 
 gest to the people to elect members to the next 
 Congress who are in favor of proposing an ar- 
 mistice of six months, and in the mean time, of 
 submitting all matters in dispute to a Convention 
 of delegates from all the States North and South, 
 the delegates to be elected by the people them- 
 selves, in such manner as may be agreed upon 
 by the two parties. Others there are who desire 
 that the people of North-Carolina should be con- 
 sulted in their sovereign capability through a 
 Convention — that the Legislature should submit 
 the question of "Convention or no Convention" 
 to the people as was done in February, 1861. 
 Such a Convention would undoubtedly speak the 
 sentiments of the people of the State, citizens as 
 well as soldiers, as all would be consulted. But 
 I propose nothing definite, and only make these 
 suggestions to bring the matter before the public. 
 I would, however, most earnestly appeal to the 
 friends of humanity throughout the State to use 
 their utmost efforts to procure as speedily as pos- 
 sible an honorable peace. In the name of rea- 
 son,, of suffering humanity, and of the religion 
 which we profess, would I appeal to the public 
 men and statesmen of North-Carolina, and espe- 
 cially of that eminent statesman who possess in 
 a greater degree than all others the confidence 
 of the people of the State, and who has recently 
 been elevated to a high place in the confederate 
 government, to lend a helping hand and use his 
 influence to bring about an honorable peace. 
 And, lastly, I would appeal to ministers and 
 professors of our holy religion to pray constant- 
 ly — without dictation of terms — to Almighty 
 God for an honorable peace. 
 
 Having but recently occupied a large space in 
 your columns, I feel that I am intruding, and 
 will, therefore, after expressing my obligations 
 to you, close for the present. Davidson. 
 
 Clemontsville, N. C, July 16, 1S63. 
 
 — Raleigh Standard, July 31. 
 
 Doc. 47. 
 
 MORGAN'S INVASION OF OHIO. 
 
 ACCOUNT BY AN EYE-WITNESS. 
 
 On the twenty-seventh of June, 1863, the Sec- 
 ond and Seventh Ohio cavalry and the Forty-fifth 
 Ohio mounted infantry, together with Laws's how- 
 itzer battery, left Somerset, Ky., for Jamestown, 
 for the purpose of watching Morgan, who, with 
 his whole brigade, was encamped on the other 
 side of the Cumberland River. We lay there 
 from the twenty -ninth June to the third July, 
 more or less skirmishing going on all the while — 
 
258 
 
 REBELLION RECORD, 1863. 
 
 when on that day Captain Carter of the First 
 Kentucky cavalry, with detachments of the Sec- 
 ond Ohio cavalry and Forty-fifth Ohio mounted 
 infantry, went on a reconnoissance toward Co- 
 lumbia. There they had a fight with the ad- 
 vance of Morgan's division, which we then found 
 had crossed the river on the second of July. 
 About five o'clock on the afternoon of the third, 
 Captain Carter was very seriously wounded, and 
 the enemy pressed us so closely, that we were 
 compelled to fall back. At six o'clock a detach- 
 ment of the First Kentucky, Seventh Ohio cav- 
 alry, and Fortj'-fifth Ohio mounted infantry left 
 Jamestown to reenforce Carter, and arrived at 
 Columbia about eleven o'clock. They found 
 Carter in a dying condition, and Morgan with 
 three brigades in full possession of the town. 
 
 A short struggle ensued between us, for we 
 had not then learned the strength of the enemy, 
 and supposed it to be a force we might easily 
 crush; but as the fight went on we found the 
 forces with which we were contending were 
 larger than we had supposed ; when we fired 
 musketry we were answered with grape and can- 
 ister ; when we fired a few rifle shots we were 
 answered with whole volleys of musketry ; and 
 speedily beating a hasty retreat, we went as fast 
 as our horses would carry us to Jamestown. 
 We reached that place about five o'clock on the 
 morning of the fourth, and a courier was instant- 
 ly despatched by Colonel -Wolford to General 
 Carter, in command of the United States forces 
 at Somerset, announcing that Morgan, with his 
 whole force, had effected a crossing of the Cum- 
 berland River at Burkesville, and had advanced 
 north to Columbia. From this . date the pursuit 
 of Morgan commenced. 
 
 At six o'clock p.m. there was an unusual 
 amount of satisfaction expressed in the counte- 
 nances of our boys, for orders had just been 
 issued for all the mounted troops stationed in 
 Jamestown to prepare to move at a moment's 
 notice, and to provide themselves with six days' 
 rations. It was a relief after the wearisome mo- 
 notony incidental to the comparative inactivity 
 of camp life, to be suddenly called into active 
 service, and, if I must admit it — the pleasure was 
 none the less, because the prospects were that 
 the chase would not be too long to be pleasant. 
 Our boys therefore set about making their 
 preparations with a will, and in a few moments 
 we were ready to start. It was well that there 
 was so much alacrity displayed, for these first 
 orders were barely issued before it was followed 
 by another ordering us off at once, and a few 
 moments more saw us fairly off in pursuit of 
 the celebrated raider. 
 
 We could not have made a more propitious 
 start. The night was fine, clear and cool. The 
 moon, although occasionally obscured by light 
 fleecy clouds, gave sufficient light to enable us to 
 see well and clearly all around us, so that we 
 were to some extent free from apprehensions of 
 a sudden attack from any hidden foe. The 
 weather was sufficiently cool to enable us to ride 
 . along without discomfort, and altogether the ride 
 
 from Jamestown to the banks of the Green River, 
 on that splendid July night, was one of the pleas- 
 antest marches our boys have ever made. The 
 future we cared little about ; chatting and laugh- 
 ing and singing, we proceeded gayly enough on 
 our journey, occasionally speculating among our- 
 selves where we should meet with the man who 
 had become the great object of our desires, and 
 what we should do with him when we got him, 
 for the possibility of his escaping from us was 
 never entertained for a moment. 
 
 We reached the northern bank of the Green 
 River about daylight on Sunday morning, the 
 fifth instant, and after a hurried breakfast we 
 again started in pursuit, marching all that day 
 and camping on Sunday night, at eight o'clock, 
 at Casey street, where we were joined by the 
 Second Tennessee mounted infantry. The result 
 of our observations convinced us that our commis- 
 sary department had been neglected. We had 
 been ordered to prepare ourselves with six days' 
 rations, but many of our boys, having faith in 
 Providence, had failed to provide themselves, 
 and the consequence was, we found ourselves 
 with a bare average of three days' rations for the 
 whole number of troops. Consoling ourselves 
 with vague speculations as to the prospects for 
 foraging, we lay down to rest that night, and 
 started again in pursuit at half-past six o'clock 
 the next morning, the sixth instant, and drew 
 rein again at Bradfordsville at ten o'clock. There 
 we heard, for the first time since our departure, 
 of any of the movements of Morgan. We were 
 informed that he had captured our forces at Leb- 
 anon, and had then left that place for Bargetown. 
 Leaving Bradfordsville within half an hour of 
 our arrival, we took up our line of march for 
 Lebanon, arriving there at three o'clock in the 
 afternoon. At this place our forces had made 
 some resistance, in which Tom Morgan, the 
 brother of the guerrilla chieftain, was killed. 
 In revenge the rebels burned some eighteen or 
 twenty houses, robbed the post-office, cleaned 
 out the stores, and plundered and robbed and 
 destroyed all they could lay their hands on. An 
 incident occurred here which may perhaps be 
 worth relating. An old man living in Lebanon 
 had two sons in Morgan's command, who had 
 been with him ever since the commencement of 
 his military career. During the absence of the 
 young men, the old man's house and lot had 
 been sold at sheriff's sale, and had been purchased 
 by a strong Union man. 
 
 The rebels were informed of all these circum- 
 stances by the two sons, and proceeding to the 
 house they burnt it to the ground, leaving its 
 owner almost penniless to begin the world again. 
 Another significant thing began to be evident 
 here. John Morgan, who had heretofore been 
 so popular with all Kentucky men, was begin- 
 ning to lose a little of his popularity. Certain 
 little murmurs of discontent reached our ears for 
 the first time from some of those who are spoken 
 of by the out-and-out traitors — as " good, strong 
 Kentuckians." Morgan's men, in their passage 
 through the central part of the State, had been 
 
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