of tfje ?Hmtiersitptifi5ortf) Carolina (Enbobjeb bp tKfte dialectic anb THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA ENDOWED BY THE DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETIES G 7 .R 81 V. h 1890 This book is due at the LOUIS R. WILSON LIBRARY on the last date stamped under "Date Due." If not on hold it may be renewed by bringing it to the library. DATE DUE RET. DATE DUE RET. M ^4998- MAI 'J '2 7 199J 2000 FEB 2 6 2[ fr form No. .5^3*' AW THE HISTORICAL GEOGEAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. BY PROFESSOR W. M. RAMSAY. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/historicalgeogra01rams ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL Supplementary SOCIETY. Papers. Volume IV. JOHN LONDON: MUKKAY, ALBEMAELE 3 890. STREET. LONDON PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITE STASirOKD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. CONTENTS. J>AGE Dedication . .1 Prolegomena (including additions to Part II.) ..... 3 PAET I. GENEKAL PRINCIPLES. Chap. I. Hellenism and Orientalism ..... 23 „ II. The "Royal Road" 27 „ III. Beginning of the Trade Route . . . . .35 „ lY. The Eastern Trade Route . . . . . .43 „ V. The Roman Roads in Asia Minor .... 51 „ VI. The Value of the Peutinger Table, Ptolemy, and the Itineraries, as Geographical Authorities - . .62' „ VII. The Byzantine Roads ....... 74 „ VIII. Change of Site 82 PAET II. A SKETCH OP THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE VARIOUS PROVINCES. Introduction .......... 89 Chap. A. Cities and Bishoprics of Byzantine Asia . . . 104 „ B. Cities and Bishoprics of Lydia . . . . .120 „ C. Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 134 „ D. Cities and Bishoprics of Hellespontus . . . .153 „ E. Roman Roads in the Province Asia . . . .164 „ F. Cities and Bishoprics of Bithynia .... 179 „ G. The Byzantine Military Road ..... 197 „ H. Cities and Bishoprics of Galatia Salutaris . . 221 „ J. Roman Roads in Galatia and Northern Phrygia . . 237 „ K. Cities and Bishoprics of Galatia Prima . . . 242 „ L. Roman Roads from Ankyra to the East . . . 254 „ M. Roman Roads in Central Cappadocia .... 267 „ N. Roman Roads over Anti-Tauros 270 „ 0. Cities and Bishoprics of Cappadocia .... 281 I. Strategia Garsaouria ..... 284 vTt) II. „ Morimene • . 287 V} III. „ Chamanene 296 C" IV. „ Saravene 300 ^ V. „ Laviniane ...... 302 ^ VOL. IV. A vi CONTENTS. PAGE Chap 0. Cities and Bishoprics of Cappadocia (continued), VI. Strategia Kilikia 303 YII. „ Sarqarausene ..... 308 VIII. „ Kataonia 310 IX. „ Melitene 313 X. „ Tyanitis 314 XI. The Province and the Theme Cappadocia . . 314 Chap. P. The Ponto-Cappadocian Frontier ..... 317 „ Q. Lykaonia and Tyanitis. ...... 330 „ R. The Passes over Tauros 349 „ S. Roman Roads in Lykaonia and Tyanitis . , . 357 „ T. CiLiciA Tkacheia or Isauria ...... 361 „ U. CiLiciA 383 „ V. Cities and Bishoprics of Pisidia ..... 387 „ W. Pamphylia, Caria, and Lycia ..... 415 Addenda 427 Index of Ancient Authors quoted in Part If. . . . , . 461 Alterations in Text of Ancient Authors. ..... 466 Index of Proper Names ......... 467 Index of Greek Names ......... 494 Suggestions in September, 1890, after a Journey in Asia Minor . 495 Table of Stations in Armenia Minor . . . . . .71 Table of Cities of Asia ...... to face page 104 » Lydia „ „ 120 „ „ „ Hellespontus ....... 152 „ „ „ BiTHYNiA to face page 197 „ „ „ HONORIAS AND PapHLAGONIA . . . „ „ 197 „ „ „ Galatia Salutaris 222 „ „ „ Dkecesis Amoriana 232 „ „ „ Galatia Prima . . . . . . . 243 „ „ Cappadocia Prima et Secui^da et Tertia . . 282 „ „ ,, Helenopontus et Polemoniacus et Armenia Prima 319 Table showing Rearrangements in Armenia and Pontus . . . 325 Table of Cities of Lykaonia ........ 331 „ „ „ Isauria ..... to face page 362 „ „ „ Cicilia 383 „ „ Pisidia ..... to face page 388 „ „ „ Pamphylia Prima » » 415 Table of Bishops of Etenna and Katenna ..... 418 Table of Cities of Caria ...... to face page 422 » Lycia „ „ 424 MAPS. Index Map of Ancient Asia Minor, showing Roads at Different Periods „ „ 23 Asia, Lydia, and Caria » „ 104 Hellespontus and Bithynia • „ » 179 Galatia, with parts of Cappadocia and Lykaonia . . „ „ 197 Cappadocia and Armenia Minor », „ 267 Lykaonia/.Cilicia, and Isauria » „ 330 DEDICATION. The Eector and Fellows of Exeter College, Oxford, will, it is hoped, find in tlie following pages a justification of the indulgence and generosity which they have extended to the writer, and which have at once impelled him and made it possible for him to devote to the present work the needful years of study. The writer also hopes that the research fellowships, instituted by the enlightened liberality of the college, while held by more dis- tinguished successors, may perhaps be judged hereafter to be not ignobly inaugurated by the first holder with this book. PKOLEGOMENA. The following work requires some prefatory notice, to explain the delay in its appearance, to apologise for its shortcomings, and to indicate those friends to whose encouragement and help it owes so much. The Eoyal Geographical Society, which had liberally helped the Asia Minor Exploration Fund, required from me a contribution ; and from the effort to make the lecture worthy of the audience this book has grown. In May 1886 the first sketch of it was read before the Society. The difficulty of the subject, and the distraction caused by other work both as a Professor (first in Oxford and afterwards in Aberdeen), and as a traveller (I left London for Smyrna the day after reading the paper, and spent considerable part of the summer of 1886, 1887, and 1888 in Asia Minor), delayed the completion and publication of the sketch. In the beginning of April, 1888, I brought the complete MS. with me to London to hand over to the printer.* I discovered, thirty-six hours after starting from Aberdeen, that the manuscript was no longer in the bag where I had placed it, and which had been for most of the time close to my hand, and I have never found the slightest clue to the time or manner of its loss (I have no other reason to suspect myself of somnambulism). At that time the manuscript was about as long as Part I. of the present work. I have found it impossible to rewrite the paper in its original form. All notes for it had been destroyed, and when, after months spent partly in travel and partly in despair, I began to rewrite it, the task proved impossible. The literary form, which it had been my ambition to give to my treatment of the subject, could not be recovered ; not merely had I no time and no heart to go through the work of writing and rewriting, but also I had lost in residence at home the inspiration that formerly arose from intimate familiarity with and love of the country and the scenerjr. I have therefore worked into Part I. ever^^thing that I could recollect of the lost paper; and I have added in Part II. my collection of material for the history and antiquities of the country, so far as it has any bearing on geography and seems to be new. * It was practically complete in February 1886, when I read considerable extracts from it before the Aberdeen branch of the Koyal Scottish Geographical Society. 4 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. The organisers of the Asia Minor Exploration Fund and the contributors to it, private individuals and corporations like the Eoyal Geographical Society, the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies in England, and the Ottoman Railway Company through their manager, Mr. E. Purser, have been the real authors of this work. The reward they wish for lies in the scientific results, and in estimating these, there must be reckoned not merely the present writer's works (whether those already published or that history which, if circumstances are propitious, may hereafter be completed), but also the works of those who have been trained in the first instance through the expeditions made in connection with the Fund, chief among whom I may reckon Professor J. R. S. Sterrett and Mr. D. G. Hogarth. The brilliant explorations of Prof. Sterrett were inaugurated by four months' preliminary training with our Exploration Fund ; and I have his own authority for stating that he would never have thought of Asia Minor exploration, but for the invitation to join in our expedition of 1883. The credit and honour of his admirable work are not diminished by giving a share to the English Fund : indeed, according to the principle laid down by Shelley * his own share of the glory is only increased by giving away a little of it. I am specially bound to express my gratitude both to the College and to the Fund,f for the confidence and generosity which they have shown in making so little restriction on me, in leaving so much to my own discretion, and in making me practically complete master of my own time and work during all the period of my connection with them. To mention in detail those to whom I am indebted for help, and information in the preparation of this work would require a separate chapter. I have utilised everybody I knew in every way possible, and to such an extent that I cannot now even thank them, but mention one or two names as specimens. 'Ek Ato? apx^ixeo-Oa: the Camden Professor of History, Mr. Pelham, has done so much for the Fund that every one will recognise the propriety of mentioning him before any other. In one case only I have not availed myself of the best help that I could get, viz., on p. 173. After I had already written my own theory as to the pragmateutes, Mr. Pelham pointed out to me that actor was the proper equivalent. But it seemed to me more fair in this case, as Ben Jonson says, " to put weaker and no doubt less pleasing of mine own than to defraud so happy a genius of his right by my loathed usurpation," and to give Mr. Pelham's view in the Addenda under his own name. The change needed in my text is little more than the sub- stitution of actor for negotiator in two or three cases ; all inferences * Epipsychidion, 174 if. t Directed by a committee consisting of the Provost of Oriel College, the ]nte Mr. Ferguson, and Mr. H. F. Pelham from the first : in more recent years also of Sir C. W. Wilson and Mr. Douglas W. Freshfield, with Mr. G. A. Macmillan as Honorary Secretary. PROLEGOMENA. 5 follow equally, whichever servile title is used. But in general I have used the best I could find ; Prof. Th. Mommsen has often generously- interrupted his own work to answer my questions ; Mr. Bywater was often a present help ; and many friends in Smyrna and other parts of Asia Minor have given me invaluable help in numberless ways which I gratefully remember. While the opportunity of carrying out the workup to the present has been given me by the Travelling Archaeological Studentship, instituted by the late Professor M. Bernard, by the Kesearch Fellowship to which Exeter College elected me, and by the Exploration Fund,* the training and the incentive are due to Colonel Sir C. W. Wilson, Consul-General in Anatolia from 1878 to 1882, in whose company and by whose invitation I made two long journeys in the country in 1881 and 1882. To him and his subordinate officers, especially Colonel Chermside, Major Bennet, and the late Colonel Stewart, who was killed on his way back from Khartum, I am indebted for help in numberless ways.| The coins at the British Museum, described to me especially by Mr. Head, or seen by me, have often helped me over a gap : would that the wonderful collection of M. Waddington were public property, whether in a descriptive work or in any other way ! Without the constant help of the " Historia Numorum," many trains of reasoning in the present work would not have suggested themselves ; and a slight taste of M. Waddington's collection in 1882 enables me to realise how much this book loses for want of better knowledge of it. Throughout the work I have been helped in various ways by my wife, and numerous slight typographical errors were detected by her in finally reading the proofs.^ Finally, I am specially indebted to Mr. Hogarth for volunteering to go over the proofs and to make the Index of 'Authors Quoted,' for many salutary criticisms and useful suggestions, and most of all, for that intelligent sympathy which is able to find human life and history in earth and atmosphere, and which is unfortunately so much less common now-a-days in our own country than it was among our older scholars and is still among foreign scholars. The narrowness which would limit the study of antiquity to fireside perusal of a few great authors, is so easy and seductive an error, that few are conscious of its narrowness. * It is in justice necessary to add that, quite apart from these sources, and apart also from our own time and work, my wife and myself have been much the largest con- tributors to the expense of our explorations in Asia Minor. t I owe to Colonel Chermside the explanation of the term passus, viz. that passus does not mean a " a pace," but a complete motion of the body involving two paces. A diflferent and far-fetched explanation of the word is given in Zft. f. Latein. Lexico- graphie, 1889, p. 567. X She also compiled the index to Part I., after I had started for Turkey, with even too great minuteness and patience. It is therefore more complete than the index to Part II., see p. 12. 6 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR, Of the references made to ancient authors in the course of the pre- sent work, 95 per cent, have been found in my own perusal of the original documents, undertaken for the purpose and still far from com- plete. The great majority of them have already been used by some one or other of the modern authorities, though no single modern writer has made any tolerable collection of the references; but in a number of cases I have added the decisive passage, which completes the chain of evidence. Even those references which have been already used by modern geographers have not been taken at second hand, nor even merely verified in the original authorities. My scheme has been (after several experiences of the difficulties caused by accepting wrong con- jectures of modern writers) to make an absolutely fresh work founded on the ancient authorities alone, in which the geographical situation, the natural surroundings and the commercial advantages of each city, should be set forth in an account of its history. That scheme is inter- rupted by the present work, in which topography gets the lion's share in Part II., while some general reflexions on the effect exercised by natural situation and surroundings on the history of the population compose Part I. ; but though the greater scheme is interrupted for the present, yet my belief is, that the vigorous criticism which I should like to arouse, and the stimulus and precision which I hope may be given to further exploration of the country, may really facilitate the completion of the larger work. Had circumstances permitted, my desire was to complete that undertaking myself ; but the current of events, which at one time, by no choice of my own, prescribed this work for me and drifted me into a position of unique advantage for it, is now making it more and more difficult for me to continue. There has, therefore, been always present in my mind, while writing Part II., the intention to make it useful for the successors who may carry out the larger undertaking.* What they can find elsewhere I do not try to give them. In order to keep down the size of the book, I have in numberless cases restricted myself to an obscure hint or a dogmatic statement, where I might have spent pages in clothing the bare fact with life, and expressing it in its relations to human history. This rigorous self- denial was necessary if Part II. was to appear before the public at present. The ordinary reader will find it a mere mass of dry dust and lifeless details, but he may be sure that human life is latent in every detail, and that, whether or no the present writer possesses the art of expressing that life, it can be so set forth in a larger picture as to possess the deep interest of real history. From the arrangement and compression thus imposed on the writer, * I cannot resist the tempt.ition to say that an unusual number of the necessary qualities are united in Mr. Hogarth, whose co-operation in the exploration of the country- has been my greatest help in recent years. PROLEGOMENA. 7 arises much, that may be found puzzling in the order of exposition and in the proportion of the parts. It may almost seem as if the space devoted to each name were inversely proportionate to its historical importance ; and it is almost strictly true that the attention given to any place is in proportion to the difficulty and obscurity of the subject. It would have been easy to write a hundred pages about Ephesos, Celaenae, or Smyrna : it was difScult to avoid writing a score about these and many other great names. The civilising power of the " Mother of Sipylos," in early time, culminating in the Smyrna of the Roman period with its " Golden Street " extending from her temple right across the city to the temple of Jupiter, exercises an extraordinary fascination on all that have come under her influence, and all that is wanting to make the fascination universal on educated minds is the literary art ; the artist, however, is still to be discovered. In this book, on the contrary, even the attempt has been precluded by the lex operis ; and if the reader wishes to find what I have to say about the great cities, he must use the index to Part II., collect the disiecta membra from it and from the ordinary authorities, and breathe the life into the fragments by his own historical genius. Similarly if the reconstruction of the ancient map and the topo- graphical discussions which are given in this work, hit the truth, much light must be thrown on the history of the long warfare between the Saracens or the Turks on the one hand, and the early or later Byzantine rulers on the other hand. The numerous discussions on special points in these campaigns will show how much use has been made of this hitherto almost untouched source of topographical information; but, however delightful a task it would be to write the story of the long struggle waged by Mohammedanism for the possession of Asia Minor, that is not the subject of the present work, and the references to it must be picked out by those who will from the mass of details. After some preliminary studies published in my earlier papers, I was in 1883-4 driven to the opinion that the only hope of progress in the geography of Asia Minor lay in the discovery of new authorities ; and I resolved to read over the Byzantine authors, the Acta Conciliorum, and the Acta Sanctorum, as well as the ordinary authorities, for the purpose. I know that there is still a great deal more to be learned from these documents ; but the reader may be assured that 95 per cent, of my quotations were copied out as I came on them in my reading, and that most of them have been re-read several times in the original authorities while the proofs have been going through the press. As to the remaining 5 per cent,, they had escaped me while making my original collections, and my attention has been directed to them by seeing them quoted by modern authorities ; but in such cases I have always gone to the original source, studied each passage in its context, 8 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. and copied it out as I read it.* One or two exceptions, where I had not access to the original authority, are mentioned as such and quoted on the authority of the writer from whom I take them. While making my own independent study of the country, I carefully avoided using any modern works, except of course the indispeusable foundation laid by Prof. H. Kiepert in his maps ; but my intention has been, after finishing my own first sketch, to peruse afresh all that has been said by modern authorities with a view to comparison, and to give every one the credit for everything that he had said rightly. Absolute want of time, unless the completion of this work was to be delayed for a whole year, has prevented me from doing this as fully as I intended ; and I take this oppoi-tunity of apologising to any writer whose thoughts I have appropriated either unconsciously through ignorance of his priority or carelessly through forgetfulness of my debt to him. Every instance of the kind is regretted deeply by me and is directly contrary to the plan and intention of my work, which I once hoped would contain an outline of the history of discovery in Asia Minor. In the introduction to Part II. I have spoken more fully about my debt to modern writers. It will be found that I have referred more frequently to the errors of modern authorities than to their excellencies. This is greatly due to the above-mentioned failure to complete the plan of the work ; and every one who takes into consideration that more faults are pointed out in Prof. H. Kiepert's works than in those of any other modern scholar, and who at the same time is able to appreciate Kiepert's absolute devotion to truth, his marvellously wide knowledge, and the liberality with which that knowledge is placed at the service of students, as well as my own conviction that it is almost an impertinence in me to praise him, every one who does this will understand that my corrections are really a homage to the authority and the value of the writers criticised : I should rarely criticise them were it not necessary to prevent their deservedly high authority from giving wide currency to their occasional faults. If I succeed in rousing any one to make a minute and sharp criticism of this book, I shall be grateful for the salutary medicine he may administer, provided he teaches me better. I can truly say that it gives me far greater pleasure to confirm an identification proposed by previous geographers than to correct one that seems to me mistaken. The contemplation of human error impresses one with the vanity of human effort, and the sense that one's own turn to be corrected must soon come. Moreover the correcting of a previous error has often involved pages of extra argument, which I would gladly have spared myself and my readers. * Circumstances prevented me from making a final revision of the references, but I hope to do this before the book appears, and add a list of errata. PROLEGOMENA. 9 Among the acknowledgment of previous work made in the "beginning of Part II., I observe that too little has been said of the Ecole Fran9aise d'Athenes. Besides the statement made on p. 101, that its jonrnal, the ' Bulletin de Correspondance,' has done more than any other to aid the student of Asia Minor, I feel bound to add that the first young travellers in the interior of Asia Minor were members of the Ecole Fran^aise. MM. Duchesne and CoUignon in 1876, set the example of plunging boldly into the heart of what was then an unknown land. They had little in the way of proper equipment, and had every- thing to learn about the method of travel in Mohammedan lands. Accordingly they have suffered the fate of most originators in research. Their work has been superseded by other more elaborate and better equipped investigations, which in their turn must suffer the same fate at the hand of subsequent workers in the same field. But no account of exploration in Asia Minor will ever be complete without an honourable mention of their names. In the Epilogue to Vol. V. of his great work, ' Histoire de I'Art dans I'Antiquite," p. 899, Monsieur G. Perrot says " ce sera un travail pour les bibliographes de I'avenir, que de reunir les titres de tons les articles oil M. Ramsay a eparpille, dans je ne sais combien des recueils differents, les precieux renseignements qu'il a recueillis. Que de peine il leur aurait epargnee en ecrivant un livre ! " I can answer only by the question, " who would publish the book ?" In the present instance my best thanks are due to the Royal Geographical Society, through whose liberality this book is able to appear. The text has been altered and cut about during the printing in a way that has at once greatly shortened the time of its composition, and increased the expense of its printing. In many cases, where my reasoning depends on the balancing of many different arguments drawn from widely separate sources, the task has been much facilitated by having the whole of my previous work always before me in a printed yet only provisional form. The correcting and revising of the proofs took in many places more time and work than the first composition. I give as a single example the following. In August 1889, ten complete and undivided days' work was devoted to about fourteen pages of print, which during that time grew into nearly twenty pages. During great part of the period since the printing began, it has been in my power to correct freely what was in print ; and while I have fully availed myself of this power, I have been much encouraged by finding that, although I was continually discovering new matter and new arguments, and have often been able to cut out the word " perhaps " from my pages, and to substitute comparative certainty for probability, I have rarely been obliged after expressing in this book an opinion about the situation of any city, to alter that opinion, even when it was formed on grounds that were in my first draught expressly said 10 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. to give a mere probability. Yet so closely does the whole of Part II. hang together, that the addition of a sentence or the specification of another site in the later parts of the work has frequently necessitated a score or more of slight modifications throughout the proofs. My views have changed greatly while writing, but the change has been almost wholty in the way of steady growth. Minor changes have been innumerable ; some specimens are given at the end of this preface. On the other hand I have now found it necessary to alter in this general and more mature study a number of opinions stated in my earlier papers, founded on a narrower view of single districts. Few changes (though many additions) are needed as yet in my " Antiquities of Southern Phrygia and the Border Landi^," 1887-8, or in my " Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, Part II.," 1887.* More are required in " Cities and Bishoprics, Part L," 1884,f and still more in earlier papers. But I can still point to the following identifications, made in consequence of the exj)erience of 1881 and 1882, and printed years ago, as justifying confidence in my maturer opinions of 1890 ; the very names show how obscure and difficult were the problems that were solved in many of these cases — Brouzos, Hieropolis and Otrous and Stektorion approxi- mately, Akroenos, Augustopolis, Aquae Sarvenae, i.e. Basilika Therma (the widely divergent opinions since expressed by Kiepert and Hirschfeld prove how difficult it is to attain certainty about them), Anaboura, Metropolis with Ehotrini or Rhocreni Fontes, Amblada with various small Pisidian villages, Larissa and Aigai in Aeolis, Neonteichos, Temnos, Sasima, Nazianzos. The chronology of the various parts of the book is of some conse- quence to those who may use it, inasmuch as the arrangement of topics, which has a rather haphazard appearance, is to a great extent the order of discovery, tempered by consideration of the convenience of printing (a consideration which is, I fear, not so apparent as to be recognizable without an express statement). Part I., Chapters I.-IIL, and Part II., Chapters L to S and part of T, were written in the autumn of 1888, after returning from Asia Minor, and were printed in the early months of 1889. The work was inter- rupted by the Aberdeen University Session, during which I find that no work involving the comparison of many authorities is possible. J * A comi^lete change is maJe as regards Temenothyrai, Gerina and Eudokias of Galatia. t Keretapa, Sanaos, Soa, Tiberiopolis, and the arrangement of part of the com- parative table, are the chief changes. X There is no inconsistency between this statement and the fact tliat my " Study of Phrygian Art, I.," "Laodiceia and Sinethandos," " Syro-Cappadocian Monuments in Asia Minor," "Inscriptions Ine'dites d'Asie Mineure," and four papers on "Early Christian Monuments in Phrygia " were written during the winter. Such papers, involving little research at the moment, but merely stating results of previous study, can be written piecemeal, being taken up in occasional hours of leisure. PROLEGOMENA. 11 Part II was almost finisiied, the proofs corrected, and tlie wliole set up in pages during the five months, May to September, 1889. I had hoped to finish the work during that time ; but two papers for tlie ' Journal of Hellenic Studies ' took up too much time, and at the end of September the task was still incomplete. October to December, 1889, were entirely taken up, partly with college duties, partly with an engagement rashly entered into with Dr. Westcott to give a lecture in Cambridge on October 1 8 ; during these months Mr. Hogarth and Mrs. Eamsay helped me by reading the proofs. In the next three months, the brief Christmas vacation and occasional hours of leisure in the intervals of college work sufficed only to finish Part II., pp. 407- 451,* to write the Addenda, to prepare the maps and to revise the whole. Part I., Chapters IV.-YIII., together with this preface, were written in April aod May, 1890 : owing to a change of plan in the print- ing, it became necessary either to alter the entire paging of Part II. with the index of authors and all the references, or to fill up exactly pages 1-88. As the least of two evils the latter course was preferred. f Besides the time indicated in the preceding paragraph, I have been collecting material with the view to a " Local History of Asia Minor " since 1883, and most of this material has been equally applicable to the present work in accordance with my principle of giving everything I can say about all but the great places, except what has been already correctly said in the ordinary authorities. In stating my opinions I have tried to steer between two dangers, on the one hand merely leaving a choice between alternatives to the reader, on the other hand stating my own opinion too absolutely, as if there were no difficulty in the choice. It is easier for one who knows the country to make the choice, and I have put as clearly as possible the opinion to which I incline in each case. Of the two dangers it is preferred to incur the charge of dogmatism and confidence rather than of helplessness. My principle has been to carry out each train of reasoning to its extreme consequences and present a definite result : it is a real step to have a distinct theory to test by subsequent discovery, even where the proofs are confessedly incomplete. A series of indexes are required to make such a work as this thoroughly useful ; and I am conscious that the two which are given are not sufficient. But to make a sufficiently minute set of indexes would have added seriously to the expense and would have postponed the publication for another year : a new expedition to Asia Minor in 1890 will take up my whole time till the beginning of college duties. The index of authors will show where most remains undone by the * Hence the very summary way in which the last provinces, Pamphylia, Caria, Lycia, are treated : pp. 452-460 were added in May, and a footnote, p. 454, in September. t Miscalculation of my MS. produced some inequalities in the execution ; and a con- cluding chapter has been omitted. 12 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. present writer, that may yield further information. The proper names for the Index, as far as regards Part II.,* were all marked by myself, the transcription and arrangement being performed by the index-maker of the K.G.S. I have intended to insert in this index all names and words that were most likely to be useful in helping the student of history or geography ; but modern Turkish names are usually omitted. In regard to the spelling of ancient names of places, my original intention was, to transliterate the Greek form in all cases except a few names like Iconium, which are household words ; but when the proofs came to hand, it was obvious that this principle had not been carried out completely. It tlien seemed preferable to leave the variety of forms than to weary the printer by correcting every c to k and every us to os, or vice versa. In some cases the variation is intentional : Cilicia denotes the country, Kilikia the strategia.\ I cannot better conclude this preliminary statement than by quoting the opening words of the preface to M. de Mas Latrie's ' Tresor de Chronologic.' " Je ne presente pas sans quelque apprehension ce livre au public studieux et au public savant. Non pas que j'ai epargne ni le temps ni les soins pour le rendre digne d'un bon accueil ; mais, modifie dans sa composition premiere, ralenti dans son execution par suite de circonstances independantes de ma volonte, il pent, au premier abord, sembler un ceuvre ou manque I'ordre et la coherence." Since Part II. was in type certain additions have come to my know- ledge, the chief of which, in April and May, 1890, are here appended. P. 104 (A 3) and 430. M. de Mas Latrie, 'Tresor de Chronol.' p. 1799, would identify Pyrgi or Birgui as one of the names of Tralleis, comparing Schebab Eddin, 339, 369; Ibn Batoutah II. 295-310. In that case Ducas, p. 83, must be guilty of writing Tmolos for Messogis, when he describes the position of Pyrgion. The Seljuk principality of Aidin was also called Birgui ; but as that principality extended from Smyrna to Tralleis and included the Kaystros valley, it might naturally have had a fortress with the family mausoleum of the chiefs in the Kaystros valley at Pyrgi, where Tchineit was taken and buried. P. 109 (A 15). Ilerakleiaad Sipj^lumis fixed by the boundary-stone, published in my ' Contributions to the History of Southern Aeolis ' ( Journ. Hell. Stud., 1881). The name disappears in the Byzantine time, and either it was merged in Archangelos, or else the testimony of Aelius Dionysius, quoted by Eustathius ad Hom. Iliad. B (I take the reference * As regards Part I., see p. 5, note. t Much variation is due to the attempt to reproduce faithfully the Byzantine spelling, which often gives a clue to local pronunciation. ADDITIONS TO PART II. 13 from Wesseling's note on Steph. Byz., s.v.) 'Hpa/cXeia yj koI Mayvryo-ia, must be accepted literally, and it must be concluded from this statement compared with the inscription above mentioned that Magnesia bore the name Herakleia during at least the third century B.C. But precisely during that century we have the great inscription, C. I. G., 3137, con- taining the treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia, concluded about 244 B.C. Perhaps the truth is, that the territory along the north and west of Sipylos was divided between Magnesia and Herakleia, and the load-stone found there was called indifferently Mayvrjs and 'HpaKAewr?;? XlOoyvds, and the local name Maion or Imaion corresponding to it, are related to the name Maes (on which see M. Th. Eeinach's excellent paper in ' Rev. des ilt. Grecq.,' 1889, p. 270) as Tataion or Tottaion to Tatas or Tottes, and the other instances quoted on p. 439. P. 420 (W 14). The interpretation of Eudocias and Jo via as epithets of Termessos makes intelligible the following signature at the Council of Chalcedon, Zenodotus Telmessi et Eniadis civitatis loniae. This is obviously corrupted from Termessi civitatis et Eudociadis et lobiae. Zenodotus of Telmessos in Lycia is frequently mentioned at this council ; but no bishop of Termessos occurs in the lists to warrant the supposition that two successive entries had been mixed up. Most probably Zenodotus of Telmessos and Zenodotus of Termessos were both present (Mansi, VI. 575, VII. 433). At the Council of 325, Heuresios of Termessos was present ; in 431, Timotheus of Termessos and Eudokias ; in 448, Sabinianus of Termessos, Eudokias and lobia ; in * Compare Nazianzos or Nadiandos, Podandos and Bozanti ; see p. 348. t Not a universal rule ; see p. p. 451. ADDITIONS TO PART II. 19 692, Constantine of Eudokias ; in 787, Callistus of Eudokias, This list shows the epithet gradually establishing itself and displacing Termessos, according to the theory advanced in my A.S.P. The two bishops of 458, Auxentius and Innocentius, are the sole difficulty in the way of this theory, and I have conjectured that one of the two names is a corruption or marginal correction, which crept in between " Termessi " and " Eudociadis," and thus caused the single bishop to become double. P. 423. The mountain CAABAKOC is mentioned on coins of Apollonia : Drexler in Num. Zft., 1889, p. 122. P. 423. Olymos, a place near Mylasa, is mentioned in a series of inscriptions, Le Bas, 323 to 338, Athen. MittheiL, 1889, p. 367. P. 426. Strabo often mentions the Solymoi; but the words of Herodotus, I., 173, ol Se McXvaL rore '^oXv/xol eKaXeovro tends to show that they were even then an extinct people, whom Strabo afterwards identified with some existing people; such is the suggestion of Sittl, Berlin. Phil. Wochenschr., 1888, p. 338. He also quotes Cicero's words (Verr., IV., 10, 21) Lycii, Graeci homines, to prove that the graecising process had progressed very far in Lycia early in the first century B.C. P. 110 (A 20). On the coins of Ephesos-Theologos and Magnesia- Manglasia see Mr. Grueber's description of the find at Ephesos in Numism. Chron., 1872, p. 120 jff. M. de Mas Latrie, ' Tresor de Chronol.,' p. 1799, quotes from Schlumberger, *Num. Orient.,' p. 483, on the coins of Magnesia, but omits those of Ephesos. P. 115 (A 33). The Homereion at Smyrna is mentioned in an inscription, Mous. Smyrn., IV., p. 176, no. r^. P. 125 (B 16). M. Waddington assures me that no coins of the Mosteni known to him give the title Macedones : considering his unique knowledge, this may be taken as final, and the coins in question may be rejected as misread. P. 135 (0 7, 8). Ducange on Zonaras (vol. VI., p. 187, ed. Dindorf) quotes the miracle at Khonai. The published versions (Bonnet, 1890) are late and topographically absurd, but must be founded on an original of good character, full of local colour. P. 136 (C 23). Peltai was a Macedonian colony. P. 136 (C 24). Eumeneia, as a seat of the worship of Isis, is quoted by Drexler, in Num. Zft., 1889, p. 167. An additional proof is furnished by the inscription, which may belong either to Peltai or to Eumeneia, C.I.G., 3886, more correctly in Bull. Corr. Hell., 1885. None of the editors have observed that koI Eto-€([Sos] must be read in line 6, if M. Paris has rightly copied the inscription. I have three times searched in vain for this inscription, about the locality of which Hamilton and Paris give very dififerent accounts. Eumeneia boasts on its coins to be a city of Achaeans; the title was assumed by the Pergamenian colonists in opposition to the Macedonians of Peltai. VOL. IV. c 20 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. P. 138 (C 35). Another Alia, a mere katoikia, lias been proved by M. S. Keinach to have been situated at or near Kirgol, between Tiberiopolis and Aizanoi : it is mentioned in an inscription found there, v^hich will soon be published. P. 172. Prof. G. Hirschfeld has recognised in the modern name Baradis the ancient Aporidos Kome of Livy. P. 178. Hogarth, in Journ. Hell. Stud., 1890, gives several examples of the common Lycaonian name Sousou. P. 187 and p. 352. The line of beacons is also given by Zonaras, II., p. 162, ed. Par. His enumeration agrees with Cedrenus, except in the names Mimas and Kyrizos. Duoange quotes in his notes on Zonaras also the forms Aigiklos and Augilos as variants in Scylitzes and Theoph. Contin. He mentions that the hill of Saint Auxentios was about 10 miles from Chalcedon, and was the same as Oxeia (see p. 189, F 65). Saint Auxentius, who lived under Marcianiis and Leo, built a monastery there. Ducange quotes the Menaea, June 1, 3, 13, and January 19. Theophanes, p. 436, says that this hill was near Damatry (see pp. 218, 312 ; and Ducange, Constant. Christ., lY., p. 177). P. 190 (F 76). The passage of Constantino Porphyrogenitus, de Them., p. 25, where Hpovo-ias almost certainly denotes Prousa ad Olympum, may serve to elucidate two passages in Pliny's Epist. ad Tra., 58 and 81, where also Prousias is used in a similar way. Mr. Hardy in his edition, takes a different view, making Prousias an adjective. P. 242. The road Ancyra 24 Crentius 32 Legna 24 Carus (Gams v.l.) Yicus 30 Krateia 24 Claudiopolis has been accidentally omitted in the text. Crentius, a suspicious form, seems to be the modern Girindos, where I have placed Manegordus. P. 295. The description of Ozizala as abounding in gardens, streams, and groves, should in the parched country of Cappadocia, make it easy to prove its precise situation (see Greg. Naz., Ep. 26). I have not travelled along the left bank of the Halys above the situation where I place Parnassos, but to judge from the appearance of the district as seen from the road on the right bank, it corresponds to the above description better than any other part of Cappadocia that I have seen. When Ozizala is once placed, the situation of Parnassos and Nyssa would be still more narrowly defined. P. 324 (P 6) and p. 448. M. Duchesne follows the lead of the Bollandists (so also does Mural t) in saying that Euchaita was renamed Theodoropolis in a.d. 972, in honour of the great victory gained by John Tzimisces over the Turks. Cedrenus, II., j). 411, says that the emperor relmilt the church in which the body of Saint Theoclorus lay, and changed the name of the place from Eukhaneia to Theodoropolis. The iauthors whom I am arguing against assume that, because the biographies of Theodorus say that he was buried at Euldiaita, and Cedrenus says that the emperor rebuilt the church where Theodorus's ADDITIONS TO PART II. 21 "body lay, therefore the city which is meant by Cedrenns is Eukhaita. They take Eukhaneia and Eukhaita to be the same place (M. Duchesne does not even notice the difference of name) ; but on the following page Cedrenus speaks of Theophilus, archbishop of Eukhaita, distinguishing it as a neuter plural from Eukhaneia as a feminine singular. Did Cedrenus make a mistake, and distinguish as two different names two forms of the same name, or do the BoUandists and MM. Muralt and Duchesne wrongly identify two different places as a single place They certainly only follow Zonaras, II., p. 214, ed. Par., who gives Eukhania and Eukhaita as equivalent forms of the same name. Thi» can hardly be correct. Notitiae II. and X. mention Eukhania and Eukhaita as separate metropoleis ; and Gelzer shows, " Jahrb. f. protest. Theol.,' 1886, p. 540-2, that Eukhaita became a metropolis between 886 and 911 (see Addenda, p. 448), and Eukhania between 1035 and 1054. I therefore refuse to accept Zonaras's evidence as to the identity of the names, and believe that he was misled by the resemblance between them. Because Saint Theodore helped the Byzantine army against the Eussians, a church would naturally be erected to him near the battle-field, and not in Helenopontus. The singular analogy of the names, and the coincidence that both Eukhania and Eukhaita were associated with Theodore, betrayed Zonaras into his error. Thus the; last shred of evidence, on which M. Duchesne relied for the theory that the name Theodoropolis belonged peculiarly and specially to Eukhaita, has now disappeared. Eukhaita might be styled the ' city of Theodore,' but so equally might any city in which a church was dedicated to him. This long disproof of M. Duchesne's interpretation of the inscription of Safaramboli (see p. 320) may seem unnecessary, as the case is so clear ;. but my experience in the case of Koloe, Themissonion, Eriza, &c., shows me how I may go on for years reiterating in vain the disproof of errors, suggested without any evidence and accepted implicitly by the world. The nature of Theodoras the Soldier, as a saint worshipjoed in Pontus and Paphlagonia, about whom there grew up purely legendary accounts, without a trace of historical truth or verisimilitude, has been thoroughly illustrated in our discussion. P. 364 (T 7). I had thought that the exact site of Olba might be at the remarkable ruins seen by Mr. Hogarth when travelling froni' Maghra to Seleukeia in 1887. About three hours before reaching Seleukeia he saw these ruins at no very great distance to the east, but divided from him by a ravine. He was assured by various informants, at Maghra that Mr. Sterrett had visited these ruins, and therefore did not go to them, as his companion was ill, and they were hurrying to. the coast for a steamer. But in the utter uncertainty as to the mapping of this district and even of Said Pasha's new road from Seleukeia to Maghra (see p. 361), nothing but a loose approximation to the site is- possible. 22 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. This identification was arrived at in tlie early winter of 1888-9, and was printed in the appeal issued by the Asia Minor Exploration Fund in Decemher, 1889, for funds to carry out a new expedition into the eastern part of Asia Minor. The programme of the route proposed was there printed, part of which was to examine this site, perhaps that of Olba. More recently J heard from Mr. Bent that he has found Olba south of Maghra at a site some miles north-east of the one seen by Mr. Hogarth, which also has been examined by Mr. Bent. The name Oura, which is still attached to the site of Olba, shows that I was right in maintaining that Ourba (i.e. Ourwa, for beta denotes the sound of w, cp. footnote on p. 312) was the native form of the name, and Olba a grecism to suggest a connection with oXjSos.^ Witli Ourba compare Ouerbe in Pisidia (Pamphylia Secunda). Mr. Bent's discoveries confirm the general course of my arguments, and will add greatly to the further development of them, f * Seleuceia also was originally named Olbia, and may have been in the country of Olba. t I add a note after visiting Olba, Mr. Bent's discovery. It is rightly placed in my map : but tlie map attached to Mr. Bent's paper in Proceed. E. G. S., Aug. 1890, is far from accurate. Uzunja Burdj should be placed much further south, about lat. 36° 37' ; Oura should really be east by north from it, instead of south. Maghra should be much further south. Euren Keui, which we did not visit, is more nearly correct. We estimate the height of Uzunja Burdj 2000 feet lower than Mr. Bent. In the * Athenaeum,' July 19, p. 105, Mr. Bent discards Kastabala of Cappadocia entirely, and infers from Strabo that Tyana and Kybistra were in Cilicia near Kastabala. I adhere to all that I have written : my opinions were in print months before Mr. Bent travelled, and I consider them confirmed entirely by his brilliant discoveries. THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR PART I. GENERAL PRINCIPLES. day. THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Part I. GENERAL PEINCIPLES. I. Hellenism and Oeientalism. Planted like a "bridge between Asia and Europe, tlie peninsula of Asia Minor has "been from the beginning of history a battlefield between the East and the West. Across this bridge the religion, art, and civilisation of the East found their way into Greece ; and the civilisation of Greece, under the guidance of Alexander the Macedonian, passed back again across the same bridge to cooquer the East and revolutionise Asia as far xis the heart of India. Persians, Arabs, Mongols, Turks, have all jfollowed the same route in the many attempts that Asia has made to ■subdue the West. The very character of the country has marked it out as a battle- ground between the Oriental and the European spirit. The great mass of Asia Minor consists of a plateau, 3000 to 5000 feet above sea-level, around which there is a fringe of low-lying coast-land. The plateau is like a continuation of Central Asia, vast, immobile, monotonous. The western coasts on the Aegean sea are full of variety, with a very broken coast-line and long arms of the sea alternating with pro- minent capes. In the scenery also, the plateau presents an equally strong contrast to the western coast. The plateau from the Anti-Taurus westwards con- .sists chiefly of great gently undulating plains. The scenery, as a rule, is monotonous and subdued ; even the mountains of Phrygia seem not to have the spirit of freedom about them. The tone everywhere is melan- choly, but not devoid of a certain charm, which, after a time, takes an •even stronger hold of the mind than the bright and varied scenery of the Greek world. Strong contrasts of climate between the long severe winter and the short but hot summer, a fertile soil dependent entirely on the chances of an uncertain rainfall, impressed on the mind of the inhabitants the insignificance of man and his dependence on the power of nature. The tone can be traced throuo;hout the leo;ends and the xeligion of the plateau. The legends are always sad — Lityerses slain 24 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. by the sickles of the reapers in the field,* Marsyas flayed by the god Apollo, Hylas drowned in the fountain — all end in death during the prime of life and the pride of art. But the scenery of the ^gean coast- lands is as bright and varied as that of Greece itself. There is not a trace of monotony or melancholy in the constant alternation of sea and promontorj^ of sharp rugged mountains and deep fertile valleys. The sense of life and vigour is wonderfully quickened in the clear atmo- sphere and the bright light, where cape after cape stretches far out to the west as if trying to bridge over the " estranging sea " to the islands, and where the water of the inlets, offering an easier road than the land itself, provokes the navigating instinct. The thought of death is never present where the incitements to life and action are so great. Thus the plateau is in every way characterised as a border-land between East and West, and a battlefield between the Oriental and the European spirit. The idea of this great struggle was a formative principle which moulded the gradual development of the Iliad, and gave the tone to Herodotus's epic history. We can trace its main features from that time onwards. Greece and Persia were the representative antagonists for two centuries. Then the conquests of Alexander, organised and consolidated later by the genius of Eome, made the European spirit apparently victorious for many centuries. But the conquest was not real. Romans governed Asia Minor because, with their marvellous governing talent, they knew how to adapt their administration to the people of the plateau. It is true that the great cities put on a western appearance, and took Latin or Greek names : Latin and Greek were the languages of government, of the educated classes, and of polite society. Only this superficial aspect is attested in literature and in ordinary history, and when I began to travel the thought had never occurred to me that there was any other. The- conviction has gradually forced itself on me that the real state of the country was very difi'erent. Greek was not the popular language of the plateau even in the third century after Christ : the mass of the people spoke Lycaonian, and Galatian, and Phrygian, although those who wrote books wrote Greek, and those who governed spoke Latin. Th& people continued to believe in their own religion : their gods were identified by educated persons with the gods of Greece and Rome, and called by Greek names ; but they had none of the Greek or Roman character, they were Asiatic deities. Christianity conquered the land, and succeeded in doing what Greece and Rome had never done : it imposed its language on the people. But the Christianity of Phrygia was never like the Christianity of Europe: sects of enthusiasts who * The talc is commonly given in the form that Lityerses slew all strangers and hid their bodies in the sheaves, and that he was himself slain by Herakles and lamented by the reapers in the Lityerses Song : but he must ultimately be an impersonation of the life of nature cut down in the harvest, and celebrated in harvest songs. I. HELLENISM AND ORIENTALISM. 25 perpetuated tlie old type in tlie new religion always flourished there, and the orthodox writers frequently inveigh against the numerous Anatolian heresies. It is a suggestive fact that the old names of many cities which had been replaced by Greek or Latin names often survived and returned into use. There was a city of Isauria named Diocaesareia : it is often mentioned in the first seven centuries after Christ. In the later Byzantine writers Prakana, a name unknown in earlier writers, is regularly used ; but the identity of Diocaesareia and Prakana would be unknown, where it not for a casual phrase in the proceedings of a Christian Council (Concil. Nicaen. II.) of the eighth century, which shows that at that time the popular name Prakana was forcing itself into the official registers alongside of the official name Diocaesareia. The foundation of Constantinople was a sign that the West had not really conquered Asia Minor. The immense power of governmental organisation which Koman genius constructed maintained itself for many centuries. But the Oriental character grew stronger century by century in the Byzantine government ; one dynasty overturned another dynasty, and each was less " Western " than the preceding one. Phrygians, Isaurians, Cappadocians, and Armenians, ruled under the style of Eoman Emperors, till at length a purely Oriental dynasty of Osmanlis eliminated even the superficial forms of the West. The change was not in all respects so great as we are apt to suppose. The language and the religion and the government of Anatolia reached at last the Oriental goal to which the genius of the land tended. There is no more interesting process in history than this which was completed by the conquest of Constantinople in 1453. At the present day, after the East has ruled for centuries undisturbed in Anatolia, the old struggle has recommenced. The Greek element is gradually supplanting the Oriental on the Aegean coast. That strength and vitality which the Greek race seems to possess under every govern- ment except its own,* is gradually placing the coast valleys in its hands. The Oriental element does not retreat, it is not driven back by open war: it dies out on the coast by a slow yet sure decay. But the interior is still wholly Oriental, and if the same peaceful development continues I believe that the Turks, as soldiers, and the Greeks, as traders, will, united, make a happier country than either race could by itself ► English railways are gradually pushing their way into the country from Smyrna, which is the metropolis of the western element ; and western commerce is trying to reorganise the lines of trade. The same trado routes across Asia Minor now lead to Marseilles and to Liverpool, which once led to Eome, and the railways are reopening the roads of ancient times. There are two competing routes. One follows the line of the * I must confess that the development of Glreece during the last few years is- disproving the innuendo in this sentence, which was written four years ago. 26 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. great Eastern highway of Groeco-Koman time : it passes through Ephesos, the GroBCo-Roman capital, which has now lost its harbour and sunk into complete decay ; and from Ephesos onwards it follows, and must continue to follow step by step, the Roman road. The other is opening np the old line of the "Royal Road": its engineers have surveyed both the original route and the modified course that it followed in the Roman period, and the prophecy is not a dangerous one that the latter will finally be adopted. These movements of armies and peoples and civilisations have taken place along a few lines of road, some of which have been more important at one time, some at another. To trace in outline the history of these roads, to show how they are marked out by nature, and how the ■variation in their comparative importance, produced by historical Teasons, has reacted on the distribution of the chief centres of population, is the subject of this essay. The road-system of Anatolia is at present in a transition state. Since steam navigation was introduced the great land-routes, starting from Constantinople and leading to the various provinces of the empire, have fallen into disuse and disrepair. Previously the necessities of government required the maintenance in tolerable repair of roads and a postal service. This Turkish road-system was practically the same as ^ "the Byzantine system, which was gradually introduced after the foundation of Constantinople as the capital of the eastern world. That event soon produced a total revolution in the road-system, which previously had been arranged for commercial and military purposes with a view to easy communication with Rome. We must therefore go l^ack to an older road-system, of which Rome was the centre. According to that system all roads led to Rome : all the products of the provinces of Asia Minor, from the huge monolithic columns of Phrygian marble to the red Cappadocian earth (/xtAros) for making pencils, were carried to the harbour of Ephesos, and thence shipped to the West; from Rome came all the governors and officials, and to Rome they returned ; along the same roads all alike travelled, merchants, officials, tourists, every one who was attracted towards the great centre of life. The ■same road-system, on the whole, existed under the Greek kings, except that it was unorganised and only inchoate. The only road whose existence is expressly attested under the Greek kings, and whose course is described, coincides with the great Roman highway from Caesareia to Ephesos. But before the conquest of Alexander we find a different set of roads, whose course testifies to a wholly different system of communication, and opens a glimpse into another period in the history of the country. ( 27 ) II. The " EoYAL Eoad." Herodotus describes tlie great road of the Persian period from Ephesos by tlie Cilician Gates, to Susa. It was called the "Eoyal Eoad," because the service of the Great King passed along it ; and it was, therefore, the direct path of commnnication for all government business. This road crossed the Halys by a bridge, which Herodotus had heard of, probably from the narrative of merchants at Sinope, among whom a bridge over such a great river as the Halys was certainly considered a wonderful work of engineering. Now the centre of Asia Minor is occupied by a great salt lake and a salt desert, and there are really only two routes across the plateau from east to west, one south and the other north of the desert. If the "Eoyal Eoad" had passed south of the desert, it could not have crossed the Halys ; it must, therefore, have taken the northern route. The southern route is the great highway of the Greeco-Eoman period. The history of Asia Minor for six or seven centuries depends mainly on it. It is a far shorter M'ay from Ephesos to the Cilician Gates than the northern route, which involves an immense detour. It is also by far the easier. It follows the one easy path that nature has made between the Aegean coast and the high grounds of the plateau, while the northern route has a very difficult path for a hundred miles in the western part of its course. What was the reason why the Persian road preferred the difficult and circuitous to the direct and easy route? The only reason can be, that the Persians simply kept up a road which had developed in an older period, when the situation of the governing centre made it the natural road. It is an accepted fact that in several other cases roads of the Persian Empire were used by the Assyrian kings long before the Persian time, and, in particular, that the eastern part of the " Eoyal Eoad," from Cilicia to Susa, is much older than the beginning of the Persian power. A similar phenomenon presents itself in the eastern part of Asia Minor. At the present time the harbour for Cappadocia is either Samsun on the north coast or Mersina on the south. In the time of Strabo, the harbour on the north coast was the same, and he describes the great trade-route from Central Asia by Komana Pontica to Amisos (Samsun), which obviously coincides with the modern route, Sivas-Tokat-Samsun (See below, p. 262.) But if we go back to an older time, we find that not Amisos, but Sinope, w^as the harbour on the north for the products of Cappadocia and Central Asia. In the time of Strabo, Sinope was a city whose greatness lay in the past. Its situation, as the natural harbour of a coast district, and one of the three chief seats of the tunny fishery, gave it a certain importance, and even at the present day Sinub, as it is still called, is a harbour where the Turkish steamers call. But 28 THE HISTOEICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. this is not sufficient to account for its great importance in older historyr It could not have been such a centre of historical legend as it is, except as the port of the eastern trade. Curtius has recognised the secret of the early greatness of Sinope* as lying in the fact that it was the terminus of a caravan-route, along which the products of the East were brought to the Greek cities. To Sinope converged the routes from the Euphrates, by Mazaka (Ca3sareia in later times) and from the Cilician Gates by Tyana. But before the first century B.C. Sinope had lost this advantage. The trade of the East was borne, chiefly to Ephesos by the great Greeco-Koman highway from the Euphrates and Caesareia- Mazaka, partly also to Amisos by Sebasteia, Komana, and Laodiceia. One trace of this early importance of Sinope as the harbour of the Cappadocian trade is preserved by Strabo (p. 540). The red earth (/xtAros) which was found in Cappadocia was much used in Greece and Italy. During the last centuries B.C. it was carried along the great eastern highway of Greeco-Koman time to Ephesos, and there shipped to the West ; but before that commercial route had been organised, the red earth had found its way to Greece by Sinope, and was known to the Greeks only as Sinopic Earth. Now the natural road, the easiest and shortest, from Cappodocia in general to the Black Sea, goes to Amisos. Sinope is cut off from the interior by broad and lofty mountains, most difficult to traverse. | We have here a second case, where the earlier road prefers the longer and more difficult route to the shorter and easier, and the reason must be the same: the road must have come into existence at a time when the centre of power made it the natural one. These two roads, from Ephesos to the Cilician Gates over the Halys, and from Central Cappadocia to Sinope, meet in the parts of Galatia east of the Halys. Precisely in this quarter lie the most remarkable remains of early Anatolian history. At Boghaz Keui are situated the ruins of by far the most extensive ancient city in Asia Minor. Its wall, whose remains show that it was of great thickness and height, embraces a circuit of four or five miles. J The remains of a palace (or possibly temple) in it are unique in Asia Minor for size and style. The rock-sculptures beside it show it to have been an important religious centre. Here we have the only city in Asia Minor which is marked by its remains as a ruling city of the Oriental type, unaffected by, and earlier than, Greek influence. Its situation explains all the difficulties presented by the early roads. It communi- cated naturally with Sinope, and the road from it to Ephesos crosses * Griech. Gesch., ed. 5, vol. I. p. 408. t I have never crossed this road, hut, according to Sir C. Wilson, its difficulty was described hy Col. (then Lieutenant) Kitchener in the very strongest terms. X I speak from eyesight only ; but Dr. Humann, who has surveyed the whole site, tells me that the estimate is not exaggerated. II. THE "ROYAL ROAD." 29 ilie Halys. We are thus led back to an early state of Asia Minor, when a great capital at Boghaz Keui communicated on the one hand with the East through the Cilician Gates, on the other hand with Ephesos. The road from the Gates to the capital passed through Cappadocia, and the products of Cappadocia were carried along it, and then on to Sinope. The name Pteria, which its discoverer Texier saw to be right, has been accepted by every traveller. History has recorded only one fact about it. When Croesus made war against the Persian conqueror of the Median Empire, he marched on Pteria.* He crossed the Halys by a bridge, obviously the bridge on the Royal Road, along which there- fore his march was directed from Sardis to Pteria. A bridge implies a road, and in this passage we have a clear proof that the " Royal Road " was already in use before the Persians had entered Asia Minor. Other considerations show that this road is older than the Persian period. Herodotus represents it as known to Aristagoras, and there- fore, existing during the sixth century, B.C., and the Persians had had no time to organise a great road like this before 500 ; they only used the previously existing road. Moreover, the Lydian kings seem to have paid some attention to their roads, and perhaps even to have measured ihem, as we may gather from Herodotus's account of the roads in the Lycus valley, and of the boundary pillar erected by Croesus at Kydrara.f The exact route which this " Royal Road " followed between Pteria •and Sardis cannot be determined with certainty, but in all probability it went by Pessinus and the city of unknown name which lies above the Tomb of Midas. Sculptures, similar to those of Pteria, are found at intervals along this route. The style of art is similar, and they are generally accompanied by hieroglyphics of the same type. Whereas the cities on the southern route, the great Grseco-Roman highway, bear names which belong to the Greek or the early Imperial period : Csesareia, Archelais, Laodiceia Combusta, Philomelion, Julia, Lysias, Apameia, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Antiocheia, Nysa ; J the names of the cities on the northern route are of an older stamp : Tavium, Ankyra, Gordion, Pessinus, Orkistos, Akmonia, Satala, Sardeis.§ Yet some of these cities were, at one time, great religious and commercial * Herod. I. 76. He declares liis own opinion that Croesus crossed by the bridge, but mentions the common Greek story that Thales had enabled the army to cross by dividing the river. Herodotus, who had heard at Sinope of the Halys bridge, saw that Croesus must have crossed by it, but the fact is inferred, and not taken from written authority, nor even from popular tradition. f Herod. VII. 30. — ej/6a ar-fjAr] KaTaTrein]yv7a, (XraBeLffa 5e vir}) Kpoitrov, Karafxrjvvei Sia ypafifxarocv tovs ovpovs. X Several, perhaps all, of these cities had an earlier existence and name, but the refoundation under a new name was generally on a new site, chosen for commercial convenience. § Trajanopolis is the only exception : Ankyra was called also Sebaste, but the name never acquired popular currency. Trajanopolis is balanced by Hadrianopolis on the southern road. 30 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. centres,* and they could not have become so nnless they were on an. important track of communication ; moreover, they were greater in the earlier period, as is shown by their place in legend, while in the Eoman period they are either ordinary provincial cities like Pessinus, or mere- villages like Gordion. Greek historical legend always localises the old Phrygian kings, not in southern Phrygia on the later route, but in the broad Sangarios- valley traversed by this older route. The following are the points where I think that traces of this old road exist. Between Ephesos and Sard is it crossed the pass of Kara Bel, in which are the two monuments of Syro-Cappadocian art, one of which has long been known as the " Sesostris." Near Sardis it probably joined another road of this earlier period, coming from Phokaia and Kyme by the north side of Mount Sipylos, past the famous " Niobe," another monument of Syro-Cappadocian art, really a. cult-statue of the Great Goddess Meter Kybele.f From Sardis its first stage cannot ba doubtful; it went nearly due east, not far from the course of the Mseander, passing through Satala,J the seat of a cultus of a goddess Artemis-Anaitis-Leto, which appears to have been the chief religion of the Katahekaumene. I think that there is a large tumulus about the place where it probably issued from the mountains on to the plain of Ushak (Temenothyrai and Grimenothyrai).§ It must have passed through Keramon Agora (Islam Keui), for there is no other possible road. A little south-west of Islam Keui, close to the natural line of the road, is a large tumulus. It must then have ascended the Hamam Su, and climbed the slope of the ridge in which that river rises. On the highest j)oint of this ridge, close to the line of the road, is another large tumulus. At this point alternative routes are open : the road might either turn to the south-east through Prymnessos and Amorion to Pessinus, or keep on towards the north-east. The road probably followed the latter route, traversed hilly country and issued on to the plain of Altyntash at Besh Karish EijuJc, " Five Span Mound," a village which derives its name from the large tumulus beside it. It * Gordium baud magnum quidem oppidum, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium. — Li v. 38, 18. Yieffcrlvovs efxrrdpiov tu>u ravrr) fx4yi;vot (as in Pliny) for MoKKaSrjvoL. KtSvT^cro-cts for KvSia-o-ets. Mo^eavot is more correct than MoiiavoL. 'IcpoTToXtrat was the native name, 'UpaTroXiTaL the form used by Grecising writers. 4 § 3 ZaX-i^KOv for ZaXiCTKOv. 4 § 4 It is unnecessary to alter AiSv/xov to AivSv/xov : the forms are equivalent, see Athen. Mittheib, 1888, p. 237. 4 § 5 VeppLavLKOTToXLS for VepfxavoTToXis. 4 § 7 ToXiaTo/3d)yLOL for ToXlPwo-tol. ToXicTTO^wpa for ToXacrTdxppa. 4 § 9 ^ovfSdyyjva is a Greek rendering of a Latin original Fuagina, an error for Euagina, see p. 261. 4 § 10 UpoaeiX-rjiJiixevLTai (inhabitants of the x^P^ Trpoo-eiXyjixixivrj) for U/ooo-epA-i/x-eviTat. Tvptatov for TerpaStov. 4 § 12 'OpovStKov for 'OpovSiKOL : tbe tribe was called 'OpovSet?. 6 § 3 iSveSpa for ^wSpa. 5 § 6 Xlepp-tvoSecDV for MeveSyfiLov, Ovep^tavoTToXt? for OtipavoTToXt?. *'IcrtvSa for IltcrtvSa (i.e. cTrt "I(nv8a). 5 § 7 Upoaravva is more correct than IIpoo-Ta/xa. 5 § 8 KofxafjLa KoX. for 'Ko/xfjiaKov, 6 § 3 ^avapoLav for ^amyopiav. * ASP., B 4. VI. VALUE OF THE PEUTINGER TABLE, PTOLEMY, ETC. 73 Cappadocia, Lykaonia, and Cilicia have all been discussed sufficiently in Part II., and I need not recapitulate tlie suggestions made there. These views about the authorities under discussion were arrived at during the composition of Part II., being forced upon me by the discovery of successive errors in them. The example of Tynna given in this chapter, shows that a statement unsupported at present may afterwards be confirmed by new evidence. But the numerous errors that are proved show that we cannot safely accept any statement until we can confirm it by some independent evidence, direct or indirect. This long discussion is perhaps not too long for the necessities of the case. For example, I have in regard to Cappadocia and its Strategiai discarded entirely the authority of Ptolemy, which has been hitherto accepted implicitly, even by Prof. Kiepert, and have, in de- pendence on a few sentences of Strabo, placed some Strategiai as much as 100 miles from the situation assigned to them by Ptolemy's minutely detailed map, and followed by all modern geographers. This proceeding may seem too bold ; but we must follow either Ptolemy or Strabo, whose evidence is in irreconcilable contradiction. My general impression with regard to Strabo's account of Asia Minor is, as stated on p. 96, that as a rule " his brief descriptions are marvellously accurate, and, to the eye-witness, marvellously lucid." Individual cases of vagueness, and even slight inaccuracy can be pointed out, but they are exceedingly rare.* In some cases his description of the scenery of the eastern part of the plateau is so good as to depend either on his own observation, or to be reported with closest precision from the account of an eye-witness, f The western part of the plateau, including Phrygia, on the other hand, he has evidently not seen. Now his own distinct evidence is given (see pp. 535, 536) that he had travelled in Cappadocia : he had been in Komana of Cappadocia and had seen the wonderful gorge where the Pyramos breaks through Taurus. A native of Amaseia could not see these two places without seeing a good deal more of the country ; and must indeed have been travelling for the purpose of observation. J Finally, with regard to Hierocles, whose authority I place so high, I have discussed the subject both on pp. 92-95, and at numerous places throughout Part II. The many cases in which his order has been * I have shown in * Cities and Bishoprics,' Part IL § xliii., that the puzzling arrangement of the cities of Phrygia in four groups becomes accurate when the single slight change of EYMENEIAN to AKMONEIAN is made. t Von Diest (' Von Perg. z. Pontus,' p. 15) says tliat a passage in p. 625 shows actual experience of tlie road from Pergamos to the east. On the other hand he shows that Strabo gives an inaccurate account of the Aeolic coast. X Niese shows that Strabo does not profess to have seen any places away from the sea in Asia Minor except Komana, the Pyramos, Hierapolis in the Lycus valley, and Nysa in the Maeander Valley : see his ' Beitrage zur Biograpbie Strabos ' in Hermes, XIII., 1878, p. 42, where he shows that Strabo lived from about 63 B.C. to 19 a.d., and that he wrote his geographical work in Rome, for a Koman public, about 18-19 A.D. 74 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. confirmed by new discoveries, have given me great confidence in Iiira, though of course it is necessary to look as much as possible for corrobo- rative evidence. I have tried to show that, (1) his chief authority is a list of bishoprics, which he modifies into a list of cities; (2) this list must have been arranged in an approximately geographical order, partly according to roads, partly according to districts ; (3) Hierocles modified it and even added to it in Bithynia and still more in Helles- pontus ; (4) there is great corruption and transposition in the lists of Lydia and Hellespontus. VII. The Byzantine Eoads. A change in the road-system began in a.d. 292. Diocletian made Nikomedeia the capital of the east, and the roads that connected it with the provinces acquired increased importance. This tendency was confirmed when Constantinople was founded in 330; for precisely the same set of roads lead to Nikomedeia and to Constantinople. The centre of attraction was now no longer Eome, but Constantinople, and the roads which served only for the Koman traffic rapidly sank into mere cross-country paths. At first the old Roman roads were utilised as far as possible, and both the Peutinger Table and the Antonine Itinerary show us these roads adapted to the new requii ements. But a steady and progressive change was produced over the whole of Asia Minor. Previously prosperity had been greatest in the southern half of the plateau. But during the two centuries that elapsed between Constantino and Justinian, the northern half of the plateau grew steadily in importance as being nearer Constantinople and in easier communication with it ; and many new centres of population were formed, which gradually acquired the rank of cities and bishoprics.* Steadily also the system of communication altered, as it was gradually found that new routes served travellers better than the Roman roads. By the time of Justinian the change was complete, and it is clear that in his reorganisation of the administration he recognised the new system and put an end to the old. No document has been preserved that attempts to give us a complete account of the Byzantine roa-ls. We are reduced to piecing together scattered hints in the historians, and interpreting them in accordance with the natural features of the country. We are aided by the fact that on the whole the Byzantine system continued in use throughout the Turkish domination ; but the he^t result attainable with regard to the two centuries of change is a few isolated pictures of separate points. We know that Apameia had been one of the chief centres of Graeco- * This principle is stated 0. B., § Ixvii., and is proved in many details in Part II. VII. THE BYZANTINE ROADS. 75 Eoman civilisation and commerce, and also of tlie rising power of Christianity. But its prosperity depended on its situation at a knot on the great eastern trade-route. That route lost all importance under the Byzantine rule ; and Apameia sank into a third or fourth-rate town. Various other examples of a similar kind are given in Part II.,* only one of which I shall refer to here. A fortunate chance has preserved to us a petition addressed to the emperor Theodosius about 380-90 a.d., intreating him to build a bridge over the Halys for the sake of preserving a coDstaat connexion between Caesareia-Mazaka and the provinces of Galatia and Pontus. I have interpreted this document (p. 255 ff.) as marking the transition from the old Eoman road between Ankyra and Caesareia, which did not cross the Halys, to the modern road, which crosses the Halys twice. I have shown how Parnassos on the old road lost consequence, whereas Mokissos on the new road rose to importance, was constituted by Justinian the capital of Cappadocia Secunda,t and is still one of the chief cities of Anatolia. Probably the document which has preserved to us this interesting episode is not unique, and more careful investigation of the records of the period will reveal others. The completion of the Byzantine road system dates from Justinian. The most important part of the system was the Military Road forking east of the Halys to Caesareia and to Sebasteia. The character of this road has not, so far as I know, been observed hitherto by any historian, and I have therefore in Chapter G discussed it in detail from the first stage onwards. Much of the Byzantine military history in the east depends on the recognition of this great road. At intervals there were standing camps in convenient places near it, and as the emperor passed along towards the seat of war, he was joined by the contingents of troops from the difierent provinces which had concentrated at these camps. A march in spring from Constantinople along the military road, a summer campaign on the eastern frontier, a return march to the capital along the same road at the appr(jach of winter, and a few months in Constantinople before the next campaign began — such was the life year after year of many of the vigorous emperors. The line of their march, where nothing is expressly mentioned, may as a rule be assumed * See pp. 205, 216, 220, 223, &c. I must maiutain that the road from Tavium by Korniaspa to Sebasteia is a Byzantine interpolation in the Antonine Itinerary. It is entirely out of keeping with the Eoman system, and is strikingly illustrated by the Byzantine records. t I have, for convenience sake, always spoken in Part II. of Mokissos as metropolis of Cappadocia Tertia. But it must be remembered that politically there were only two provinces of Cappadocia, of which Caesareia and Mokissos were the respective metro- poleis from the time of Justinian onwards, while Tyana, which had been metropolis of Cappadocia Secunda from the time when Valens divided Cappadocia into two, retained its ecclesiastical rank and its authority over a few bishoprics. 76 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. to be the military road : and in many cases this is of great importance for the understanding of the operations described. I shall here quote only one example, viz., the march of Romanus Diogenes in 1068, from Helenopolis to the east. After crossing the Halys, he avoided the road to Caesareia.* It is only the fact of the road forking beyond the Halys to Caesareia that gives any point to the statement that the emperor did not touch Caesareia, a city that lay quite sixty miles from the nearest point of his march, and a hundred miles from the crossing of the Halys. He then encamped at Krya Pege, for some days ; and the beauty, the plentiful water, the trees and the grass of this place are described in glowing terms. This is obviously the camp called Bathys Ehyax, by Constantino Porphyrogenitus, I., p. 444, and Genesius, pp. 123, 124. He then proceeded to Sebasteia, where again he took the left road to Koloneia, not the right to Tephrike (see pp. 57, 267). I have ascribed to Justinian the formation of this road and the institution of the whole system of aplekta' connected with it. The fact is nowhere recorded, and I depend for proof of the statement entirely on inference from a number of slight details, which are collected in ch. G. They prove that the great importance of the road is as old as Justinian ; and if so, there is little doubt that he also arranged its military connection, for its importance lies mainly in its military character : it is^not the shortest route, but it is the best route for an army. The general map shows the chief lines of road, radiating from Constantinople, whose existence in the Byzantine period can be proved. Some of these we hear of first in the latest warfare under the Nicasan empire or the Palaeologi, when the theatre of operations was narrowed down to the west of Asia Minor, But the previous existence and importance of many of them cannot be doubted (see pp. 129, 130). A study of the chief references to these roads and of the operations that took place along them would form the proper completion of this subject: the incidental references that occur in Part II. are quite insufficient to show its importance. Such a study would probably show that several other lines of road, used in the Turkish time, but not indicated on my map, are referred to hj the Byzantine historians in passages that have escaped me. But such a study would expand into a discussion of the Byzantine campaigns in Asia Minor, which is too great a task to enter on at present : it forms the third part of the programme of work on the history and antiquities of Asia Minor which I^had once sketched out for myself. During certain conditions of warfare other roads besides the great military road, and even occasionally others in addition to those that radiate from Constantinople, assumed a temporary importance in Byzantine history. On p. 197 ff. I have described all the routes that led from Constantinople to the east, and have given some examples of * tV Kai(TdpCLau irapeXOwv, Scyl., p. 691 ; Kaicrapiuv fir] Trpoff/i^as, Attal., p. 146. VII. THE BYZANTINE ROADS. 77 marches wMcli took place along them. The long frontier wars against the Saracens tested every route ; for the light-armed marauders, crossing from Cilicia for a run in the Christian lands, took sometimes one pass, sometimes another. The two leading routes during these wars are through the same passes that have been important at all periods, that from Germanicia to Arabissos, and the Cilician Gates (Loulon, see p. 350). But almost every important mountain pass in the whole of Asia Minor has its great battle, and some of them their score of conflicts (see pp. 368, 381, 382). I add one example. The campaign of 860 is described very vaguely. The only express statement as to the situation of the great defeat of the Saracens is that of Genesius, that it was 500 miles from Amisos, which is of course so absurd as to suggest a doubt about the text. But when we compare the accounts,* we find (1) that the battle took place near the confines of the Armeniac and Paphlagonian Themes, (2) on the west side of the Halys, (3) on the road that leads south from Sinope, (4) on a river that flows from north to south, (5) near the Halys, for a very few fugitives escaped across the Halys into the Kharsian Theme, (6) among the hills in a glen, where the Saracens were surrounded. There are only two localities which can suit this description, one where the road from Sinope descends to Boiabad and the Halys, the other further south, where it again descends towards Andrapa and the Halys. The fact that the crossing of the Halys led into the Kharsian Theme decides in favour of the latter. Historians difi'er greatly about the names : probably Lalakaon was the district, Poson or Person the place, and Gyris the river.f But Genesius and the Continuator call the district Abysianon or Amysianon, Person the place, Lalakaon the river, and G^^'is the meadow on the river by the Saracen camp. Amysianon is perhaps connected with Amnesia (see N 12, p. 278). Amysianon was on a road leading probably from Paphlagonia to Kommagene (see p. 354), and Amnesia was on a road from Arabissos to Constantinople, perhaps by Eukhaita. Accurate exploration might probably determine the very spot where the battle was fought. With the Turkish invasion in the latter part of the eleventh century, a new period of military history begins. Civil history and commercial intercourse have from this time onward hardly any existence, owing partly to the misery of the situation and partly to the degrading and enfeebling influence of the Byzantine rule,| in which the Eoman * Georg. Mod., 825 ; Symeon Mag., 666 ; Theoph. Cont., 181 ; Leo Gram., 238 ; Cedr. II., 164 ; Genfes., 96 ; Zonar. II., 159, ed. Par. t Ducange on Zonar. quotes Epist. 167 of Photius, addressed ©eoSory '2,'jraQapo- KavdiSdrcf} Kara tovs AaXaKcavas. X This had gradually destroyed the spirit of the different communities, discouraged the free flow of trade between the provinces, and produced an oriental stagnation, in which each district got on as best it could on its own resources. Exceptions can be 78 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. character had almost wholly given place to an Oriental despotism. Great part of the plateau passed into the hands of the Turks, whose power extended over Lykaonia, Cappadocia, and considerable part of Phrygia and Galatia. Dorylaion was the north-western limit of their authority; but Kotiaion they did not hold. From Dorylaion they advanced along the road to Constantinople, and even seized Nikaia. On the south-west they held for a time Sozopolis, Apameia (then a mere village), and Laodiceia. It would appear that their right to these terri- tories was recognised in the disgraceful agreement concluded with the Turks about 1076 a.d., when their help was bought by the surrender of a^great territory. The Seljuk Turkish capital was at Iconium, and the four chief roads that led to it became the chief scene of warfare from this time onwards until the rise of the Osmanli Turks. Two of these roads were the same as roads of the earlier period, viz., those which led by Dorylaion and by Kotiaion. We also begin now to hear of a third, which coincided for some distance with the road to Kotiaion through Bilejik and Basilika, and then diverged to Dorylaion (see pp. 208, 236, 445). The fourth road was one which is first heard of at the end of the eleventh century, though we then find that it must have been of some military conse- quence from a much earlier time ; it was the central road of the Theme Khoma. The first three of these roads form a connected group. The great road to Dorylaion was the most direct, but fell earliest into Turkish hands. The road through Kotiaion was important because that city did not fall under the power of the Seljuks till 1182.* It was apparently in Byzantine hands in 1156, but the limit of their power, when Manuel Comnenus marched towards it from Isauria. In 1116 also it was certainly in Byzantine hands, and probably in 1113. The campaign of 1116 furnishes an excellent proof of the use of the road by Kotiaion and Dorylaion. Alexius Comnenus then advanced with a large army through Dorylaion to Philomelion. Here by one of his pious frauds he ascertained that the will of heaven forbade him to advance to Iconium. He therefore retired towards Constantinople, and was then hard pressed by hordes of Turkish light troops, who had offered little opposition to his advance. After two days of continuous fighting the army reached a point between Poly botes and Ipsos, where they diverged from the road by which they had advanced, and turned towards Ampoun. There were only two roads open to them. One led proved, but such was the general condition of the later Byzantine empire, and herein lay its weakness. * Dorylaion was not maintained as a fortress by the Seljuk Turks, who never showed any organising ability ; it sank into ruins, and the fertile valley was occupied by nomadic bands until 1175, when Manuel refortified it. VII. THE BYZANTINE ROADS. 79 by Polybotos, and then across difficult country where the Turkish skirmishers would have had a great advantage ; and by this road it would be many days before they reached Byzantine territory. The other went along the valley towards the village now called Ambanaz,* a few miles north of Akroenos. The latter road, usually known as the route to Kotiaion, was preferred ; and on the following day, when the army was between Angus topolis and Akroenos, a truce was concluded. This may be taken as a fair indication that Akroenos and the country between it and Kotiaion were still in Byzantine hands. In 1145 Manuel Comnenus advanced along the Kotiaion route almost up to Iconium, and retired by Khoma. Again, in 1175 Manuel resolved to make a great effort to break the Turkish strength. As a preliminary he rebuilt two deserted fortresses, Dorylaion and Soublaion. In 1176 he chose the latter route to deliver his great blow at the Seljuks. He advanced from the Khyndakos (obviously by Akhyraous Thyateira) to Khonai, and thence to Khoma. This campaign, therefore, was conducted along the fourth of those roads which we have mentioned as of pre-eminent importance in the Turkish wars-t Soublaion was situated at the site now called Khoma, retaining the name which was coming into use among the historians of the twelfth century. The change of name is of course a common pheno- menon in Asia Minor. It is probable that the name of the Theme Khoma was applied to the central fortress of the Theme. Anna Comnena mentions the Khomatenoi several times, and it is clear from her language, II. pp. 325-7, that the frontier defence against the Seljuks was divided between the Themes of Khoma and Cappadocia.J But why the name Khoma was given to the Theme, whether the troops were first called Khomatenoi from some reason unknown to us, and the country where they were stationed got the name Khoma from them ; § or whether the local application is the earlier, and the troops were called after the country in which they were stationed, it seems now impossible to discover. II The central road of the Theme connected the two great fortresses, Khonai and Khoma. ;Two routes are possible for it. One, which was actually traversed by Barbarossa, went up the Lykos, along the salt * Obviously the same name as Ampoun ia Anna Oomnena. On the whole subject see my paper in ' Athen. Mittheil.,' 1882, p. 140. t On Manuel's defeat, see p. 136 and my " Notes and Inscriptions, IX.," in * Amer. Journ. Arch.,' vol. ii. X On the changes of the Theme Cappadocia, see pp. 216, 250, 316. § See p. 316. 11 I have in ASP, in a final appended note, suggested the possibility that Khoma, whieh is known also between Konia and Bey Sheher (where we find Yokari Khoma and Ashagha Khoma), may be actually the Turkish name of the town, adopted like many others by the Byzantine writers ; but this is not probable. The name has not a Turkish appearance, and there is no time for a Turkish name to have gained currency between the appearance of the Turks and the use of the name by Anna. 80 THE HISTOKICAL GEOGEAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. lake Anava, and then struck across by Bolatli direct to Klioma. I tliink, however, that the other route by Denizler (different from Denizli) and Harir Boghaz, was the Byzantine road (see ASP). In either case the line is a strange one, diverging as it does from the Eoman trade route ; but the evidence seems conclusive. Khoma lies on the shortest road between the Hermos valley or the upper Mteander valley and the east in general. That line is indeed not an easy one, but to light active troops such as rode in the Arab forays into Asia Minor, it presents no serious difficulty, while its directness recommended it to them. Pro- bably the same state of things also existed when the Sassanians were ravaging the whole country up to the Bosphorus and the Aegean during the earlier centuries. Two possibilities suggest themselves as to the period when Khoma was made an important fortress, viz., either the reign of Justinian or the time of the Iconoclast emperors. Many reasons induce us to prefer the former. One is that the pair of fortresses, Khoma and Khonai, were apparently on the same scheme ; and I cannot think that Khonai was founded so late as the Iconoclast period. The very name Khonai supplanted that of Kolossai between 692 and 787, and that can hardly have taken place immediately after the foundation of the fortress of Khonai. Another lies in the bishopric Justinianopolis or Oikokome. I understand Oiko-kw/x?; as a grecised term for the Yicus marked in the Peutinger Table between Eumeneia and Apameia. Justinianopolis would then be the fortress above it united under one bishop with the settlement in the open plain.* More- over, I am unable to discover any signs of the foundation of fortresses or cities by the Iconoclasts. The whole system of organisation and defence had been so admirably planned by Justinian, that nothing remained for later emperors to do except to maintain or restore what he had built. Justinian then built the fortress of Khoma or Soublaion (Siblia) beside the pass leading towards the Aegean coast. Nicetas Choniata distinguishes that fortress from another actually in the pass, called Myriokephalon,! which was a ruin in the time of Manuel Comnenus. During the period 1076-1119 the line of the Eoman trade-route between Laodiceia and Apameia appears to have been entirely in Jthe hands of the Turks. In 1119 John Comnenus advanced by Philadelphia to Laodiceia and captured it: and in 1120 he advanced further and captured Sozopolis, which remained in Byzantine hands till 1182. But even after 1120 it appears that the line of the trade-route through Apameia was deserted and unsafe, owing to the bands of Turkish nomads who infested it. In 1146 Manuel Comnenus was attacked and wounded beside his own camp by a troop of these Turks, when he was encamped near Soublaion, and had incautiously gone out towards Apameia to hunt. The history of the reigns of the three Comneni, Alexius, John and * See p. 136, C. 25. f On the name, see p. 220. VIT. THE BYZANTINK ROADS. Manuel, suggests that during that entire period the road through Apameia was not used by the Byzantine armies ; and the phrase used at a later date by Tagenon in describing the march of Barbarossa past the salt lake Anava, "loca desertissima Turcorum " (see p. 130), suggests the reason. The route by the Harir Boghaz was employed, and I have placed Cbarax and Graos Gala on it. Apart from the temporary changes caused by such circumstances as the Seljuk empire with its capital at Iconium, there has been little alteration in the road system of Anatolia as it was fixed by Justinian until our own time. But the roads are now in a transition stage. When all Turkish government business had to be carried across Asia Minor to the eastern and southern parts of the empire, the important routes had to be maintained in decent condition ; and a postal service, with relays of horses, was kept up along them. When Leake was sent in haste from Constantinople to Egypt in 1800, he rode across Asia Minor by Dorylaion and Iconium to Anemourion, and there took boat to Cyprus. At present a traveller or a government messenger to Cyprus would take the steamer. The difference in this case is typical of a vast number of similar changes, which have curtailed the number of roads along which a horse-post is kept up. Another cause of change lies in the growth of Smyrna, which has become the commercial capital of Turkey. Railways from Smyrna have crept up the country into Lydia and Phrygia. One follows the general line of the old " Eoyal Eoad," until it has reached the foot of the plateau and is confronted with that step of 2000 feet, which is required to place it on the plateau. The other keeps closely to the line of the great trade route, and has already reached Apameia. The expansion of commerce between Asia Minor and the west has made these railways, in spite of many difficulties interposed by government. One ground for the action of the government concerns us. These railways would make Smyrna the central city of Asia Minor, but the government wishes that Con- stantinople should continue to be the governing centre ; and that wish lias led to the projected railway from Constantinople to Ankyra (Angora), which as a commercial enterprise has no prospect of being remunerative for a long time. Within my own knowledge of Asia Minor, great activity in road- making has been shown by the Turks. In some cases the new roads are a blessing to the country ; but I have also seen broad new roads, whose path across the country was conspicuous by their greener and more luxuriant crop of grass, and I have seen numerous roads made in uncon- nected fragments, or in a more advanced state with everything ready except the bridges. In the great majority of cases one quarter of the ex- penditure would be sufficient to improve the existing roads in their worse parts. But the new scheme of renovation is usually on too grand a scale. An entirely ne^v route is laid out, great expense is incurred, and VOL. IV. a 82 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. then the road is left unfinished ; or/ worst fate of all, the broad new road, with small stones scattered over the smooth level surface, is not so pleasant for pack-horses as the old narrow well-trodden path; and traffic deliberately prefers the old road, leaving the new road to grow a magnificent crop of grass. Part of the reason why the roads are in many cases so fragmentary lies in the fact that they are built by the labour of the villagers : each adult is bound to give his labour for a few days in the year ; and when his time is done the conclusion of his work must be postponed till the next year. This plan is the only one possible in the country, and it demands from the inhabitants their fair contribu- tion to the common good in the way that presses most lightly on them ; but it needs more skill in the proper application of the labour than is generally shown. But in other cases the reason for the failure of the new road lies in mismanagement or in fraud. I have seen a ruined fragment of a new bridge over the Halys, composed of a mere shell of masonry filled in with earth : this bridge was once completed, and must have looked very well during the summer months, till the first high water swept great part of it away. This deficiency in the Turkish road-system is likely to have im- portant political consequences. Anatolia is essentially a Mohammedan country, but Armenia is a Christian country, where the inhabitants tend surely to union with Kussia. The consummation of that union is only a matter of time, and probably of no long time. The Kussian railways have reached the frontier : there are no Turkish railways, existing or even projected, near the frontier, and few roads even that are in decent repair. Nor is there any likelihood that Armenia proper would content Eussia. The Halys, the greatest river of Asia Minor,* has often been a river of boundary. The province on the east of the river, one of the finest in the Turkish empire, contains a number of Armenians ; and it is not improbable that the next step made by Eussia will carry her to the banks of the Halys. VIII. Change of Site. The variation iii the site of cities at different periods of history is a point which is frequently touched in the present work. One of the thoughts which oftenest occur to the traveller in Asia Minor is to ask why modern towns so rarely occupy exactly the site of ancient cities. In sume cases the change was made from purely accidental reasons. Prof. J. E. S. Sterrett f mentions that during the Egyptian war " a large number of Turkish troops were quartered for an indefinite period on the people of old Malatia, which stood on the site of Melitene. This * It is the longest, though it drains an area decidedly smaller than the Sangariog. t ' Epigraphical J ourney,' p. 300. VIII. CHANGE OF SITE. 83 was more than tJie long-suffering inhabitants could bear; so tliey abandoned their old houses to the soldiers, and built a new city among the gardens seven or eight miles south-west of Melitene." The story has a look of popular mythology about it, and Prof. Sterrett does not state on what authority he has received it ; but, if true, it would be an excellent example of a kind of change which can be properly treated only in a ' Local History ' of Asia Minor. There is an infinite variety in the history of the various districts ; but a few general considerations may be here brought together. The ancient site is sometimes absolutely deserted. At other times it is succeeded by a mere village, while the modern town which is the heir to the importance of the ancient city is situated at a considerable distance. In the Lykos valley, Denizli, several miles from Laodiceia, may be taken as both geographically and in respect of importance the representative of the now deserted Laodiceia ; for the tiny villages in the plain which are nearer the ancient site, are chifliks, and do not correspond to the ancient city. But Tripolis is represented geogra- phically by Yeni Keui, in name by the pass called Derebol, and in importance by BuUadan ; Attoudda is represented geographically by Haz Keui, but in importance by Serai Keui * ; and Hierapolis is repre- sented geographically by Pambuk Kalesi, but in importance by Denizli.f In the following pages when I speak of a modern town as the represen- tative of an ancient city, I mean that it has succeeded it as the chief centre of population and the seat of government ; but I do not imply that it actually occupies the ancient site, or that it is the nearest inhabited place to the ancient site. The rule is general that each modern centre is the representative of some ancient city, and conversely that almost every ancient city has a modern representative. Eoads which were important in one period of the history of Anatolia, often lost all importance in another period. In such cases it frequently happened that along with the road, a city on it lost importance, and its influence was transferred to a new centre. Apameia (see p. 75) was great in the Eoman period, insignificant in the Byzantine time ; and quite recently it has taken a new start in life, as the mere possibility of a railway reaching it became evident. Other examples in abundance are to be found in Part 11. The fact that almost all the cities on the line of the " Royal Road " bear old Phrygian names, while almost all those on the great trade-route bear names that mark them as refounded by Greek kings or Roman emperors, needs no comment. Apart from changes in the road-system, however, we observe that * A market, which used to be held almost on the site of Attoudda, has been transferred within living memory to Serai Keui. t Yeni Keui is about a mile from the site of Tripolis, which is quite deserted; Bulladan is about six mik s distant. Pambuk Kalesi lies close below the actual site of Hierapolis. G 2 84 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MIKOR. certain character in regard to situation, access, and local surroundings can be traced in the cities of each period.* The chief characteristics that are observed in the sites of ancient cities in Asia Minor are (1) military strength, (2) ease of access and commercial advantages in general, (3) convenience of water-supply. Military strength seems to have been the determining consideration in the earlier time. Sites were in many cases selected on hills whose sides either were naturally precipitous or could readily be scarped. Thus great strength was attained without much positive fortification. In some cases a slight parapet at the top of a perpendicular wall of rock 50 to 100 feet in height was all the artificial work needed. The description which I have given of the early Phrygian cities in my " Study of Phrygian Art" f sufficiently illustrates this subject. Similar fortifications were all that were needed in Blaundos, Akmonia, Palaeo- Sebaste, Lounda, Celaenae, &c. The people must have lived in the open plain except during attack by an enemy, when they retired into the fortified town. Too little is known of this old period to justify us in saying much about it ; but that a certain amount of commerce and a certain regard to commercial convenience existed even then is shown by the very name as well as by the situation of Keramon Agora on the "Royal Road." So also Pessinus, on the same road, can hardly have been a strong fortress ; its chief defence was religious veneration. The sacred cities of this early period often grew up around some place, where the divine power was most strikingly manifested, e.g. by hot medicinal springs, a hole with mephitic exhalations, or any other natural phenomenon. A sacred village, Hiera Rome, grew up near or round the sanctuary, and depended on the divine power alone for protection.J Such was the temple of Artemis at Ephesos, which stood apart from and often in opposition to the Greek city. A city of the native character often grew out of this sacred village, and the name Hieropolis was often attached to it. Wherever native feeling is strong, the form of this name is Hieropolis, " City of the Hieron ; " but where Greek feeling and education spreads, the Greek form Hierapolis, " the Sacred City," is introduced. The diflerence of form, though apparently so slight, really corresponds to a remarkable difference between the native and the Greek spirit. According to the former the Hieron, according to the latter the Polls, is the leading idea. Types of these * Professor G. Hirschfeld in his essay ou ' Typologie griechischer Ansiedelungen im Alterthum,' should be read iu counectiou with these remarks ; see " Aufsatze Ernst Curtius gewidmet." Hirschfeld has many excellent remarks on the same subject in his ' Reiseberichte.' t ' Jomn. Hell. Stud.' 1888 and 1889. t On this subject see the description of the village named Atyokhorion near Dionysopolis in my " Artemis-Leto and Apollo-Lairbenos " in ' Journ. Hell. Stud.," 1889. VIII. CHANGE OF SITE. 85 priestly foundations are to be found at Hieropolis in the Glaukos valley, Soa among the Prepenisseis,* Aizanoif in Phrygia, Komana in Cappadocia, &c. But apart from these hieratic centres and a few markets like Keramon Agora, safety and military strength determined the sites of the earliest cities. Water-supply often constituted a serious difficulty in them. Water was sometimes stored in large cisterns to provide for the contingency of a siege. In Amaseia a passage was cut through the rock down to a plentiful supply of water. Each individual city has its own method of supply. The foundations of the Greek kings were of a different character. Military strength was still a prominent factor in determining the sites chosen during the century that followed the death of Alexander ; but it was not the sole dominant consideration, and it was sought more by artificial fortification. Ease of access and commercial convenience were also aimed at. These cities were intended to be centres of civilisation and of a foreign domination in the country ; and they must therefore be in easy communication with each other and with other countries. The site of Celaenae was now deserted, and Apameia was founded near it on a site of the new character. Synnada, Seleuceia Sidera, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Antiocheia in Pisidia, Antiocheia ad Maeandrum, and many others, belong to the same type. They are situated on rising grounds at the edge of open plains. They are thus easy of access, yet their walls, placed on the edge of the low hills that constitute the sites, rise high over the plain and make them very strong fortresses, so long as the fortifications are kept in thorough repair. The size of these cities was determined by the hills on which they stood. Synnada, one of the oldest, must have been a tiny city ; and indeed Strabo expressly remarks on its small size. The water-supply would have to be studied separately in each case. In Laodiceia ad Lycum it could be well seen a few years ago. The line of the underground conduit which brought the water from the abundant sources that flow through every street of the modern Denizli could be followed for several miles from Laodiceia : I did not attempt to trace it up to the source. In the northern part of the city it rose in the large earthen- ware pipe that brought it to a height sufficient to dominate the whole city : there it communicated with a number of smaller pipes. In this way the pressure was diminished to the amount needed for distribution, and the supply could be easily cut off from any of the smaller pipes. * I have shown, p. 144, that the form Bennisoa has no existence except in the misinterpretation of an inscription ; Soa, " the Grave " (i.e., of Atys), shows that the character of this religious centre was similar to that of Atyokhorion near Dionysopolis. See also my " Study of Phrygian Art," part ii., in ' Journ. Hell. Stud.,' 1889. t Aizanoi with its priestly dynasts, who looked to Euphorbus as first of their number and probably as their ancestor (such priests being generally hereditary), seems to be proved by the quotation from Hermogenes, ap. Steph. Byz., s.v. 86 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. This interesting building was in process of destruction wlien I visited Laodiceia in the spring of 1883. In the peaceful period which began with the ascendency of the Pergamenian kings after B.C. 190, and continued under the Eoman rule, the population tended to concentrate in open defenceless situations on the plains, where the conditions of life were more pleasant than in the strong but uncomfortable cities of the early period. The foundations of the earlier Diadochi indeed, being on low hills close to or even in the middle of open plains, maintained their existence. But where the ancient custom of living partly in the open plain, with a city in a lofty situation as a military refuge, had continued, open defenceless cities grew during the Pergamenian and Eoman periods. In many cases, e.g. at Lounda and at Sebaste, the older situation was abandoned owing to the gradual concentration of the population in more pleasant homes : the name continued as before, but the locality changed. The new cities founded by the Pergamenian kings were placed in situations of a similar character. Eumeneia, Dionysopolis, Philadelphia stand on very gentle slopes under the shadow of hills on which no fortifications existed. ApoUonia of Pisidia stood in a quite defenceless situation in an open plain. This character may be used, in concurrence with other considerations, to prove that such cities as Lysias and Philomelion were Pergamenian foundations. Doiylaion and Metropolis (in the Tchul Ova) also occupied during the Eoman period similar situa- tions ; but the latter at least was of the same character as Lounda and Sebaste, having been originally situated on a high hill in the neighbour- hood.* The Eoman Dorylaion was situated at Shahr Eyuk, a little to the north of Eski Sheher in the plain. After it had sunk into desolation Manuel rebuilt it at Karadja Sheher (see p. 212-3). Yon Diest affirms that there are traces of early work beneath the mediaeval ruins at Karadja Sheher, and I should readily admit that the ancient Dorylaion was moved to the open plain and afterwards back to the defensible, but waterless old site."]" In Lykaonia the situations of such cities as Laodiceia Combusta and Barata (Bin Bir Kilise) struck me as characteristic of that country. They lie in theatre- shaped recesses in the outer skirts of the mountains. From whatever reason it may be, no cities have left such an impression of charm on my mind, and yet I fear that their situation in their bald and bare gently sloping recesses would be found most disappointing by the tourist in search of striking effects. In several other Lykaonian * The site of Metropolis can be traced in the centre of the plain between Tatarli and Haidarli (see p. 142). I was told that there were traces of fortification on a hill which I did not visit. t On Kiepert's opinion, see p. 15. Von Diest describes Eski Sheher as feverish : his experience was bad, but on his own showing it cannot be blamed on the place. My account, given p. 212, was derived from the people. Koula and Eski Sheher have been more lauded to me than any other towns in Anatolia. VIII. CHANGE OF SITE. 87 cities, e.g., Iconium and still more Kybistra, the luxuriance of the well- watered orchards is doubly pleasing by contrast with the bare and waterless plains that stretch in front for a hundred miles.* In the period of trouble, when the defences of Asia Minor had to be considered, — against the Sassanians, the Arabs, and the Turks — when foreign armies ravaged every valley and advanced to the Bosphorous, sites of great natural strength again came to be of surpassing import- ance. Such marauding inroads as were practised especially by the Arabs, required for purposes of defence fortresses impregnable against a sudden attack ; but a lengthened siege was not a danger to be dreaded. Fortresses perched on the summit of precipitous rocks then became common, and some of them became the centres of great cities. Such are Afiom Kara Hisar and Sivri Hisar. At Kara Hisar, only three miles from the Roman city Prymnessos, a single mass of volcanic rock rises out of the plain erect like a column to the height of 900 feet : it can be ascended only by a zigzag series of stairs cut in the rock. The fortress is first heard of at the beginning of the eighth century. In 740 the famous Seid Batal Ghazi was defeated and slain before it ; and from that time onwards it is mentioned not rarely under the names Akroenos and Nikopolis. On the site of Prymnessos there is now a village Seulun, while Kara Hisar is one of the greatest cities of Anatolia. Sivri Hisar, the Pointed Castle, lies about ten or twelve miles north- west of the Roman city Pessinus : a fortress on the lofty volcanic rock with its two sharp points was impregnable in ancient warfare except to starvation. It was fortified by Justinian, and called Justinianopolis. Pessinus is now a mere village, while Sivri Hisar is a great city, as cities are in Anatolia. Numerous other fortresses, mentioned in Part II., belong to this class. They were founded generally in the time when a reorganisation of the government and attention to the defences of Asia Minor gave the Byzantine empire new life. They were suited to the warfare of the period, for they were impregnable against a mere foray ; but they could never have been provisioned with food and water against a long siege. T'he cities which have grown up under their shadow are situated in the open plain, and, as a rule, are quite defenceless. The foundations and changes of cities, which we have hitherto dis- cussed, spring from vigour and growing or recuperative power; but there are other changes of a later kind which are symptoms of decay and of waning civilisation. In the case of many towns and villages in modern time, it seems to be purely the neighbourhood of the water- supply that determines the situation. The Roman and even the By- zantine engineers did not hesitate to bring water from a considerable * The ruinous state of modera Konia partly hides its beautiful surroundings from the hasty traveller ; a drive or walk to Meram is the shortest way to learn what might be the case everywhere in the neighbourhood. 88 THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. distance to supply tlieir cities. It is indeed true tliat to this day necessity has maintained some skill in this one branch of engineering (so far as my experience goes, among the Greek Christians only) : the modern aqueducts are constructed with considerable skill in under- ground channels which wind round the slope of hills to secure a slow, continuous descent from the source to the public fountain or Tcheshme. But even where such aqueducts have recently existed, they have often been allowed, like all things in Turkey, to go to ruin. Moreover, the ancient engineers were far less dependent on the nearness of their sources than the modern. In many cases a modern town has grown up at some point where abundant water is at hand, while the Roman or Byzantine city a few miles distant has sunk into decay. Examples of this class are Tyana, formerly supplied by a large aqueduct, now a mere village a few miles distant from the towns of Bor and Nigde,* and Laodiceia, now supplanted by Denizli. In general the probability is that some such convenience is the reason for any change of site that has occurred in the last few centuries. In the later Byzantine period an instructive example which bears on this point occurs. Tralleis had gradually descended from the high plateau, where the Roman city commanded one of the grandest inland views I have ever seen, down the slope towards the lower valley of the Mseander. As the valley was made unsafe by Turkish incursions, the city became entirely deserted. Andronicus Paleeologus about 1306 made an attempt to restore the city on the Roman site above ; but the inhabitants found the water-supply deficient, and were soon forced to desert Andronicopolis or Palasologopolis, as the new city was called during its brief existence. The water-supply, which was sufficient for a rich and large city in the Roman time, and which even at present is conducted in a channel nearly on the level of the ancient city, would have been quite enough for Andronicopolis, if engineering skill to use it had been possessed by the founders. * Tyana is still a considerable village, as good springs rise close to it The ancient aqueduct came from Eski Gumusli, about 12 miles N.E., and was carried in a subter- ranean channel for great part of its course. The arches which extend for a mile near the city are pre-Koman, and probably pre-Persian. The modern village is as large as the natural water-supj^ly permits : the ancient city could not have existed without an artificial supply. PART II. A SKETCH OF THE HISTOEICAL GEOGKAPHY OF THE YAEIOUS PROVINCES. VOL. lY. H Part II. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE VARIOUS PROVINCES. Introduction. In the following pages the attempt is made to indicate the principles on which the topography of Asia Minor must be studied, and to give a sketch of the subject as a whole. In addition to this I give a number of details about special points which have been collected in the course of my readings, and which have become too numerous to hold together in my mind, amid the distractions of other work, without the printer's aid. I have not tried to make them complete, or to give what may be found in ordinary sources of information. Every fact * has been gathered from the original sources, and represents the impression which the context has made on my mind : I cannot, of course, feel sure that the impression has always been correct, but from the first page to the last this sketch springs from a fresh collection and an independent valuation of the material. A comparison of the lists of cities in each province whose existence at various periods can be traced forms the basis of this study, and a brief criticism of the chief authorities is necessary as an introduction. First may be mentioned the Kotitiae Episcopatuum. The most important Notitiae published by Parthey and Pinder are VIL, VIII., IX., I., III., X., XIIL All the unpublished Notitiaa that I have seen are mere variations of some of these. A complete Notitia consists of two parts, a list of metropolitans and archbishops, and a list of the bishops subordinate to each metropolitan : the first of these two parts is wanting in IX., III., XIII., and the second is contained only in the seven Notitias above mentioned. VII. is a mere fragment. It will appear on examination that the lists were very carelessly kept, and were not altered to suit the actual changes that took place. When an ordinary bishopric was raised to the dignity of an archbishopric, it was often left in its old place in the list and entered a second time as an archbishopric. Sometimes an entire group of bishoprics disappears from some or all of the Notitiae, e.g. the Akmonia group and the Klionai group in Phrygia, or the Kormasa-Komama group in Pamphylia Secunda. * A very few exceptions have been carefully noticed. They are quotations from books inaccessible to me in Aberdeen, which I have found cited in modem books during the summer of 1889. H 2 90 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Among these seven Notitise, III., X., XIII. form a class by themselves, which I frequently mention as " the later Notitiae." VII., VIII., IX. form another class, not so distinct and well marked, which I often refer to as " the earlier Notitiae." I. stands in an intermediate position, but is on the whole much closer to the earlier class, and may almost be included in it and contrasted with the later class. Within the latest group of Notitiae, X. and XIII. are much closer to each other than to III., and are also later than it. Among the earlier Notitiae there are much more serious variations, so that in many pro- vinces the class has to be subdivided. The chronological order in this group is VII., VIII. and IX., I.* The two intermediate Notitiae agree sometimes with VII. and sometimes with I. VII. approaches Hierocles more closely than any other Notitia does : the mutilation of this docu- ment is bitterly to be regretted, and has deprived us probably of much valuable information. An early Notitia is one of the chief desiderata in the history of Asia Minor, and may yet be found in manuscript. The correction of the first part of a Notitia, viz. the list of Metro- politans and Archbishoprics, was naturally much more carefully per- foimed than the correction of the second part. Hence the date which can be ascertained for the first part of each list cannot be assumed for the second part. The facts of the second part had often ceased before that date to exist. The second part of Notitiae III., X., XIII. differs greatly in many provinces from that of VIL, VIII., IX. and I., and on the whole belongs to a later date, presenting some remarkable analogies to the Councils of 859 and 869. The first part of VII., VIII., IX., I. is liker the older Councils and even Hierocles. Still the difference between the two classes does not simply lie in the fact that the later class gives the result of certain changes made in the older class. There are peculiarities in the later class which distinctly belong to an early period and to the arrangements of Justinian. I think that Notitiae III., X., XIII. go back to a different register from VII., VIII., IX., I. Perhaps the former were taken from a register kept by the ecclesiastical authorities in Constantinople, and the latter from a register kept by the civil authorities in the palace.f The first part in the Notitiae, * Parthey and Finder, on the other hand, maintain that they have arranged the Notitise in chronological order : I. the oldest, and XIII. the latest (^Praef., p. vi). In Lycia, III. agrees with I., not with X., XIII. t Compare esi^ecially I. and IX. The ecclesiastical register was the only one accessible to the writer of Notitia XIII. later than 1621, a.d., but the facts in that Notitia obviously belong to an epoch centuries earlier. Ecclesiastical registers of various kinds were kept. For example, at Cone. Mopsuest., a.d. 549, we read: Kecitentur sacra diptycha, quae declarant sanctae memoriae connumerationem sacer- dotum istius Mopsuestenae civitatis, usque ad hunc sacerdotem qui in praesenti tertia- decima indictione defunctus est. Et recitati sunt et habent sic : " Pro requiescentibus episcopis, Protogene, Zosimo, Olympio, Cyrillo, Thoma, Bassiano, Joanne, Auxentio, Palatino, Jacobo, Zosimo, Theodore, Symeone." Ex alio diptyclio : " Pro requiescentibus episcopis " [same list follows]. Et ex aliis diptychis : "Pro requiescentibus episcopis" A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 91 being more carefully corrected than the second part, approximates closely in the two classes. As to date the following facts may serve as typical. (1) Amastris became an archbishopric* about a.d. 800. VIII., IX. give it as a bishopric under Gangra, but VIII. also gives it as an archbishopric (VII. is mutilated, but does not give it as an archbishopric). It is clear therefore that VIII., IX. give a state of the Church later than 800, but are not properly corrected. I., which is dated 883, gives Amastris as an archbishopric, not as a bishopric. III., X., XIII. do the same. (2) Nakoleia became an archbishopric between 787 and 862. Notitise VII. , VIII., IX., I. give it only as a bishopric under Synnada. Notitia X. gives it as an archbishopric. (3) Khonai became an archbishopric in 858. Notitiae VIII., IX., I. do not mention it; and omit along with it a group of bishoprics lying close to it. This is due to the fact that this group must have been attached to Khonai, and that the list of Phrygian bishoprics had been corrected, but the new group had not been entered in its proper place. III., X., XIII. give Khonai as an archbishopric, but assign to it no subordinate bishoprics. (4) Akmonia must have been at some unknown time metropolis of a group of bishoprics. This group is entirely omitted in VJII., IX., 1. ; whereas III., X., XIII. give them in their due place under Laodiceia. The latter arrangement was in force in 787. (5) Five north-western bishoprics of Phrygia Pacatiana were sepa- rated from Laodiceia at some date before 787 ; according to my conjecture this arrangement was made by Justinian. Here III., X., XIII. agree with Concil. Nicaen. II. in placing this group under Hierapolis, while VIII. , IX., I. assign them to Laodiceia. (6) Amorion became an archbishopric before 787, and a metropolis of a group of bishoprics at some time in the ninth century. Notitiae VIII., IX. give it as a bishopric subject to Pessinus, yet VIII. also mentions it [same list follows, but ends with " Jacobo," omitting the last three]. (Mansi, vol. ix., p. 278.) But we learn that the lists had been altered, Theodorus, the heretical bishop who along with Diodorus of Tarsos originated the Nestorian heresy, being ejected, and Saint Cyrillus of Alexandria being named in his place. This had taken place before the memory of the oldest persons, but all knew the facts. Again : Theodorus episcopus fuit in mea civitate [Tyana] temporibus Gregorii sanctae memoriae. Praedicatur enim in sacris diptychis ita : " Pro Eupsychio, Anthemio, Aetherio, Deodato, Calliopio, Longino, Theodoro." (Speech of Euphrantes of Tyana in C5ouncil of Constantinople, 553, A.D. Mansi, ix., 258.) * Saint George of Paphlagonia, son of Theodosius and Megetho of Kromna (quod propinquum est Amastridi urbi), was a hermit in Mount Agrioserica, and afterwards a monk in the monastery of Bonyssa. He was consecrated bishop of Amastris by the patriarch Tarasius, 784-806, and obtained from the emperor (Constantine (?), who died 790), that Amastris should be no longer subject to Gangra, but should be auto- kephalos ('Act. Sanct.,' Feb. 21, p. 268 ff.). 92 A SKETCH OF THE HISTOEICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. among the archbishoprics. T. gives it as metropolis of a group of bishoprics ; so do III., X., XIII. The principle that the formula 6 ^TpaTovc/ceias ^roi KaXa/xov, and many similar entries, indicates two cities included under one bishop, is often quoted in the following pages, generally as " Hirschfeld's canon." Hirschfeld was the first, so far as I know, to give any convincing example of it, but does not lay it down in general terms nor give it such wide application as I do.* I consider that wherever two centres of common life, towns or villages, were included under the care of one bishop, this formula might be used ; in many cases one of these towns was a new growth which gradually replaced the old centre (as Hirsch- feld has rightly remarked), but there were, as I think, also many cases in which the two centres both existed simultaneously, without being sufficiently important to have two separate bishops. The Notitiae unfortunately very rarely give a second title to a bishopric, but there were probably very many such. For example, IliVapa koI AtSv/xa occurs only at Cone. Seleuc, 359 a.d. Such omission of half the title accounts for the disappearance of many old names in Byzantine lists. These lists are really complete statements of the ecclesiastical organisation of the whole country, and (except for unintentional faults) every village and town in the whole land is included under some one of the bishoprics mentioned. The lists of bishops present at the different councils are of the highest value, and would be by far the most important authority accessible to us, were they more complete. Unfortunately numbers of bishops were often absent, and it is very rare that a metropolitan signs on behalf of his absent suffragans and names them. Moreover, we often have only an incomplete list even of the bishops who were j)resent. The most valuable lists are those which give the signatures of the bishops as they were added to the records. As a curiosity among these I may cite from Cone. Constant., a.d. 449 : " Elias, episcopus Hadrianopolis Asiae,| definiens subscripsi per Eomanum episcopum Myrorum, eo quod nesciam literas " (Mansi, VI., p. 929). It is as yet impossible to state positively the sources and the method of composition of Hierocles' Synekdemos. In the first place the doubt may be raised whether we have more than an index or epitome of the contents of Hierocles' " Travelling Companion " : the name certainly implies naturally more than a mere list of names, but on the other hand some of the omissions are hardly possible if a description of each province and of its cities had ever formed part of the work. * Reisebericht, in ' Berl. Monatsber.,' 1879, p. 315 : "Den erwunscLten Aufschluss iiber Agliras geben zwei der Notizien, wo ein Bischof SeAcuKetas ^rot 'Aypuu genannt wird ; also Agrae war auch der alte Name dieses einst zu Seleukeia gehorenden Ortes, der allmalich den verfallenden Hauptort iiberfliigelt und schon im Djihan-numa s. 699 als ein bliihender Ort ervvahnt wird." t Asiae is an interpolation, not given in the Greek version. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 93 Iq the second place the question has been raised whether the list is taken from an ecclesiastical list of the bishoprics, or a civil list of the administrative districts. The answer to this question has usually been given prematurely without an attempt to determine the relation of the civil to the ecclesiastical lists. I may here state my opinion briefly. (1) There was in general a practical identity between the ecclesias- tical and the civil lists. The policy of the civil administration was to keep them the same as far as possible : but the Church often resisted, and refused to alter its organisation to suit political changes. In older time the Church had to submit : even Basil was unable to preserve his authority over the bishops of Cappadocia Secunda, when that province was separated from Prima. About 408 Pope Innocent, writing to Alex- ander, bishop of Antioch, laid down the principle that the Church should maintain : " sciscitaris utrum divisis imperial! iudicio provinciis, ut duo metropoles fiant, sic duo metropolitani episcopi debeant nomi- nari: non vere visum est ad mobilitatem mundanarum Dei ecclesiam commutari" (Mansi, Act. Cone, III., p. 1055). But, even in the twelfth century, the archbishops of Ankyra and Herakleia tried vainly to preserve their authority over Basileion-Juliopolis and Madytos, after these cities had been made metropoleis (see under Basileion Galatiae). The principle that every city should be also a bishopric was ex- pressly enacted, with two exceptions, by an imperial law, probably of Zeno, 474-91 ; " unaquaeque civitas proprium episcopum habeto Excipitur autem Tomensium Scythiae civitas, illius enim episcopus reliquarum etiam civitatum curam gerit ; * tum etiam Leontopolis Isauriae subest episcopo Isauropolitano " (Ooc?. Just., I., 3, 36). Some other differences of detail, however, existed, owing to the fact that some divi- sions were kept up by the Church and ignored by the state. (2) In the province Scythia Hierocles follows the civil list, and gives Tomis with the other towns. (3) He omits Leontopolis, following the ecclesiastical lists, in which only Isauropolis was given. (4) Eukhaita was a city of Helenopontus, and would certainly be mentioned in a civil list : j but being an archbishopric it would be omitted in ecclesiastical lists. Hierocles, following the latter, omits it. (5) Pamphylia was ecclesiastically divided into two districts not later than the first half of the fifth century ; one district being subject to Side and one to Perga. This division seems never to have been made in the civil administration. Hierocles apparently follows the civil list, giving Pamphylia undivided ; but examining his names we find that he * Sozomen says of Scythia (H. E. 6, 21), tovto 5e tQvos iroXKas fxhv ^x^i Kal woAets Kol Kcifias Kol (ppovpia, ^-nrpSiroKLS 5e ecTTi To^iJ, . . . eftreTt Koi vvv eOos iraKaibv ivddde Kpare?, tov iravrhs ^duovs %va ras e/c/cA.7j(rios iKicrKoireTy. t For example, it is given in the list of cities of Helenopontus by Justinian, Novel. XKVni.; 94 A SKETCH OF THE HISTOEICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. lias really used tlie ecclesiastical lists, and gives first the names in Pergensis, then those in Sidensis. (6) Kotiaion occupied a peculiar position in Phrygia Salutaris, being a great heretical centre. It was an archbishopric, and though perhaps mentioned as a bishopric under Synnada in Notitise YIII., IX.,* this if true must have been only a temporary degradation. Hi erodes omits Kotiaion, whereas if he had used a civil list, this, the largest and richest city of the province, could not have been omitted. (7) Bithynia was divided ecclesiastically, not civilly, between Nico- mediensis and Nicseensis, and Chalcedon was an archbishopric. Hierocles, like the civil list, gives the whole set of cities without any division. (8) There are many other cases besides Leontopolis and Isauropolis, in which two neighbouring cities were united in one bishopric. Hierocles sometimes follows the civil list in giving these places as separate cities,! and sometimes he gives only one of them, J as if he followed an ecclesiastical list in which (as was often done) one of the aames was omitted. I need not give any other examples here ; several will be found in the following pages. But the preceding are enough to establish the following conclusion as probable. Several of the facts are inconsistent with the use by Hierocles of a civil list, while, of those which suggest the use of a civil list, none imperatively demand it : e.g., even though Tomis was the only bishopric of Scythia, ecclesiastical lists might give the names of the cities in the province. § All the facts that I have observed suggest that Hierocles used an ecclesiastical list of the period, and that he did not simply reproduce it, but made use of it along with some other evidence. This other evidence did not include a civil list of administrative divisions or cities, and it is difiScult to say whether it included more than the general knowledge possessed by an educated man, except in Hellespontus, with which he shows such intimate acquaintance as to suggest that he was an inhabitant of the province. Bithynia, which was so near Constantinople, is also treated by him in a more independent way, though without giving more than the names of the bishoprics. But in more distant provinces he makes errors which are explicable only through his slavish and unintelligent use of ecclesi- astical lists, omitting names which his authority omits, and misunder- standing names in their ecclesiastical form.|| * VIII. Ko/jlitIov, IX. KvTLixiov. As Koraition is unknown, -we must probably under- stand Kotimion as an error for Kotiaion. t Limnai and Dabinai, Nikopolis and Palaiapolis, &c. % Palaiapolis without Alieros, &c. § The Notitise, especially some MSS. in Paris, often give some statistics beyond the actual lists of bishoprics. 11 E.g. 6 Ti/jL^pidSwv (^iirlffKOTTos), &e/xicr6vios, and genitives like SaToAewr, 'Hpa/cA-etas 'Oy/jLov, 'UpaK\eias 'S.aXfiaKSvos, and the many instances of 5»7>ou, while he wrongly infers from 6 Kepacreoov a name Krjpaae, from d 'BpiavSov Bplava, from 6 ['AjreareDr Tidvai^ A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 95 It is very difficult to determine the origin of tlie numbers given in the heading of each province in the list of Hierocles. They are probably not genuine, but are added by some ignorant person, who often counted as two a city with a name consisting of two words. They, however, seem to be older than certain corruptions of the text. The following numbers are wrong. (1) Asia has 42 cities. The number yjy is got by counting either Magnesia Maiandria or Adramyttion quae antea Lyrnesus as two cities. (2) Hellespontus has 34 cities, even taking Htos TpaSos and 'A8ptai/ov '"Hpat as each a single city. The number X is older than the corruption which transferred from Lydia to Hellespontus at least three cities : these are — BAavi/Sos which appears as BAaSos KaAavSa ,, ,, „ ^KeAevra {i.e. [et]? KaXavra) '^rpaTovLKaia „ „ Etos TpaSos (i.e. els [o"] TpaSov[tK€ai']. (3) Phrygia Pacatiana has 38 cities. The number X6 is got by counting Trj/xevov ®vpai as two. (4) Lydia has 22 cities. The number kj is got by counting 'AttoAAcoi/o? 'le/aov as two : if the view stated in (2) is correct, k-/ must be a later alteration. (5) Pamphylia has at most 44 cities, even taking Jovia as a distinct city from Termessos, Myodia from Choria Milyadica, Maximianopolis from Ktema Maximianopolis, and Demousia from Demon Sabaion. In reality I think only 40 cities existed in it. The number fxt,' is got by counting as two cities Xwpta MiXvaSiKd, ©cp/xecrcros kol EvSoKta, Haveixov T€t;(09, KrvJ/xa Ma^i/xiavovTroXem. (6) L^ cia has 32 cities. The number A8' is got by counting double Mvpa MrjrpoTroXis and Kiofirj MdcTTavpa : the number is therefore older than the corruption Ko/Ato-rapao?. (7) Insulae has 18 cities. The origin of the number k is not clear, for TLopo-creXyvr) and 'Ao-Tv-TraAata could hardly be counted double. (8) Caria has 27 cities. The number A is got by counting double 'Hpa/cAetas 'Oy/xov, 'HpaKAeias "^aX/SaKovos and Mr^rpoTroAts 'A^poSicta?, and is therefore older than the gloss [ko] KxT^/xa-AtKat,* which has crept from the margin into the list. Ptolemy is a writer whose value depends greatly on his authority, and who has used and combined in unintelligent and self-contradictory style several different authorities. He has used to a certain extent an authority whose value as to the apportionment of the cities between the different Roman provinces was very high, possibly an official authority of some kind. But he has tried to subdivide the provinces according to * I.e. KTrjixa ^vAiKoioy. On this imperial estate see below, C 11, and ASP, B 4, •where some correction of my arguments is needed. 96 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. the old historical countries, and has made various errors in doing so.* His paragraphs describing the districts and demoi of Phrygia, Ljdia, and Mj^sia are borrowed from one authority, and his lists of the cities from at least one different and contradictory authority. In Cappa- docia he has used in part an authority who described the country as it was divided into eleven strategiai, the eleventh consisting chiefly of Lykaonian and Cilician territory. This division had long ceased to exist, and Ptolemy combines it in the most blundering way with incon- sistent authorities. Hence he gives Olba of Cilicia Tracheia twice,f both in Cilicia Tracheia, district Ketis, and in Strategia Antiochiane of Cappadocia. The former assignation was true in his own time ; the latter was true in the time of king Archelaos, and partially true under Antiochus lY., who was king of the eleventh strategia in 37-8 ; the name Antiochiane must be derived from this brief dominion, and seems to give a date for Ptolemy's authority on the strategiai. Hence also we have such absurdities as Lykaonia under Cappadocia, but Derbe and Laranda under Antiochiane of Cappadocia, and Isauria under Galatia. Almost every statement in Ptolemy can be traced as true at some period, yet as combined they often make a tissue of contradictions. While Ptolemy is so difficult to use and so liable to mislead unless the greatest caution is used, Strabo can hardly be praised too highly. His authority is naturally higher, perhaps, in Asia Minor, than in any other country. His brief descriptions are marvellously accurate, and, to the eye-witness, marvellously lucid. I hardly ever venture to attri- bute even the fault of vagueness to him. The Peutinger Table is descended from an original of the fourth centary. It gives us a rather distorted and inaccurate picture of an original, in which the roads of Asia Minor were represented as radiating from Constantinople as capital. But although it thus gives the roads of the new^ post-Eoman, period, yet the original was made before the old Koman road system bad been entirely superseded by the Constantino- politan system of roads. The lines of road are indicated as fairly straight, radiating from Constantinople ; but roads crossing from east to west, though really great and direct routes of the Koman period, are made up of extraordinary zigzags, and are frequently interrupted. My obligations to modem writers are too numerous to mention. Kiepert's maps, both the published maps and others in manuscript of large districts of Asia Minor, have been of course my chief aid. His generous and genial letters and talk have done much to help me. I should also like to say how much I have learned in the way of method from Waddington's occasional topographical fragments — models of reasoning alike in boldness and in sobriety — and from some of the * He separates Lycia-Pamphylia into its two parts, and puts Sagalassos and Trebendai in Lycia. t In both cases "OA^a should be read in place of OA/3a(ro. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 97 general principles enunciated by G. Hirsclifeld. The germ or the first clear statement of almost every principle with regard to the relation of cities to their natural surroundings and the preference accorded in different periods to different sites for cities, are to be found in Hirsch- feld's writings : on the other hand, I am frequently obliged to differ from his opinions as to the placing of cities, and sometimes, e.g. in Tavium and Metropolis, he appears to me to draw the wrong conclusion from the facts before him. Sterrett's two volumes are a rich mine of unused information, gathered with great skill and care. His inscrip- tions give the situation of Adada and Pappa (though he himself draws in both cases the opposite inference), also Heracleia, Anaboura and Sebastopolis (already known),* Tymandos, Lystra, and Hadrianopolis, beside many villages, Astra, Artanada, Plinna, Sobagena, Sarromaena, Gorgorome, and Sedasos. He has also deduced from the modern survival the ancient names of Lalassis, Lauzados, Minassos and from general considerations the sites of Derbe, Tavium, Sirica, and Timbrias. But his remarks about the situation of Aarassos, Nora, Neronopolis [_sic\ Domitianopolis [sic\ Delendis [6•^c], Maragos as a survival of Sarro- maena, Papporondeis, and Savatra (many of which have been quoted as conclusive and are, owing to the great merits of his work, likely to become accepted identifications), show defective acquaintance with the literature of the subject, and fall back from the modern standard of topographical reasoning to the primitive guesswork of sixty years ago.t The brilliant character of his discoveries makes it necessary to protest in the interests of science against the easy acceptance of his mistakes. At one time I hoped to ascribe to its originator the identification of each ancient site, but time has failed. It may perhaps be possible to add in the indices a rough list of the cities placed by a few of the more important of modern writers. It has become inevitable in a work which is really an investigation to refer more to the mistakes than to the merits of such writers as Le Quien : his frequent errors have passed into literature, and his lists of bishops are quoted by writers on ecclesi- astical history without apparently any attempt to verify his statements. I have quoted a few of the mistakes which I have observed as a warning that he needs verification. It is a matter of great regret to me to mention only the faults in such a splendid work as his, and to find that I have so rarely alluded to his merits, which far surpass those of most later writers. It has always been a pleasure to record the cases where Leake's guesses are correct. His work, however, is that of a student in his * Anaboura, the discovery of which is ascribed to Mm by Kaibel in Hermes, was placed from an inscription by me in ♦ Atheniscbe Mittheikmgen,' 1883 ; Heracleia by Waddington, on general grounds, and by Paris and Holleaux from an inscription. Sebastopolis was placed by Sclionborn from an inscription. t I also do not accept his Isaura Nova, which has been generally applauded, but it is a not unnatural inference from his inscription ; his Tekmorion as a town also seems to me a mistake. 98 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. study, not of an eyewitness,* and though he has made many admirable guesses, his wonderful topographical eye and instinct had not a fair opportunity in his book on Asia Minor. A word must suffice for the admirable commentaries of Wesseling, for the accuracy and care of Hamilton, and for Schonborn, to whom insufficient equipment denied a fair chance of work. Eitter's ' Kleinasien,' an indispensable work, suffers from bad arrangement: perhaps it was want of knowledge of the country that often made him unable to distinguish between im- portant and unimportant facts. I have not been able to determine whether Mannert or Forbiger is the worse authority : Forbiger, as more detailed, has more opportunities to err, and uses them. The whole subject of Anatolian topography is at present in such a state that it cannot be discussed without a number of combinations which have only more or less probability. These combinations may be proved or disproved in two different ways. Either direct external evidence may be discovered to show the name of the sites in question, or indirect evidence may be found agreeing or disagreeing with the scheme which is proposed for the district as a whole. My experience is that an identification seldom stands the test of several years' careful study without some indication turning up to confirm or disprove it. For example, no direct evidence has been discovered to disprove the hypothesis which I suggested in 1883, that Tiberiopolis was near Altyntash, but that hypothesis is now so completely out of court that I have not even referred to it as antiquated in discussing the district. The backward state of civilisation and city- organisation around Altyn- tash, as disclosed by the inscriptions, is quite inconsistent with a city like Tiberiopolis, which coined money from Trajan onwards, and must have been made a city of the Grseco-Roman type under Tiberius. It will be convenient to put together here a few references which show how far the native languages were retained in Asia Minor, and how badly the Greek language was pronounced even where it was used. The result of this was that local names were exposed to great alterations when native names were turned into Greek, or when Greek words were pronounced by natives. In the former case, the native names were especially liable to modification through the etymologising tendency, which tried to get forms with a meaning in Greek. In Yit. Auxentii ('Act. Sanct.,' Feb. 14, p. 780), which dates perhaps about 500, we read, ''ille, qui nos de hoc instruxit, erat quidem lingua barbarus, ut qui esset ortus ex Mysia." As to Cappadocia, Philostratus (Vit. Soph., II., 13} says, — 7ra)(eta. rfj yXwrrr) Koi ws KaTrvraSoKats ^vvrjOes, ivyKpoviov fxkv ra ivficjicxiva Tcov nKAiEnN;nKAEnN Pkokaia 14 Pho'kia 14 Phokia II. 2 Phokaia MYPINAinN Myi-Lna Myrina Myrrh ina 13 Myrina 13 Myrrin§ 13 Myrrhina KYMAinN Myke Myke 37 Kyme 37 Kyme 34 Kyme /37 Khlyaroi \ \20 Pergamoi / nEPTAMHNnN Pergamoa Pergamos Pergamos 22 Pergamos Elaea Elea 5 Elaia niTANAinN Pitana Pittane Pitane 12 Pitgane 12 Pittamne 12 Piltamne ATTAEITON Asaion Tianai (Tiarai) Sion 29 i 27 li Stiiv nEPriEPHNION (36 Tbeodosionpolisl \ Perperine J r36 Theodosioupoli \ Peperlne 133 Theodosionpolia \ \ or Pepeiineua J AAPAMYTHNQN Adramyttion |Adramyttion orj Antandroa Atramyton 6 Adramyntion 6 Adramytion 6 Atramytion ANTANAPinN Antandi-os 3d Tandroa 35 Antandroi 32 Altandroa TAPrAPEnN Gai'gaS"' 8 Gargara 8 Gargara AESinN IS.UyaS\ns \ \Nauloclio3/ 17 Mascha Kome ■■ II. 7 Sosandra In 787 Nicephorus Ar'cadiopolia and Joannes Arcadiopolia occur in different lists, both being given under Aaia., Basil ot Magnesia and Basil of Magnesia Mae. are both mentioned in several different lists aide by side. Not. VII. omits Anea. Not. X., III. give Hypaipa twice, both aa archbishopric and as bishopric. Not. XIII. pnta Smyrna for Myrina, and adds note that it is a metropolia. To face pacje 104. A.— ASIA. 105 lists of tlie Delian Confederacy, to whicli only cities near the coast belong. It may be beside Kos Bunar, where some remark- able archaic monuments exist.* Euaza seems to be the same as Augaza in the ' Notitise ' ; its site is unknown. Kolose is usually called Koloe or Kaloe in the ' Notitiae ' and Councils ; it is still named Keles. Algiza seems to be the same place as Argiza ; I shall discuss it more fully below. Nikopolis is certainly the Nikaia of coins, one of the cities of the Kilbianoi. The inhabitants of the middle Kaystros valley were called Kaystrianoi, and of the upper valley Kilbianoi. Palaiapolis is still called Baliamboli, which is only the modern pro- nunciation of irakaia.v iroXiv. Baretta is unknown. All these cities appear in the ' Notitise Episcopatuum ' except Nikopolis and Algiza. In addition, the Thyraioi are mentioned in Not. iii. ; this appears to be a false entry, as Thira is already mentioned under the name Arcadiopolis. The double entry arises from the carelessness with which the registers were kept. The official name had disappeared from common use, and the popular name Thyrea or Thyraia was added at the end. 4. Next, Hierocles gives the cities between the Kaystros and Hermos valleys. We have Auliou Kome. and Nea Aule, which is proved by the inscription published as No. Ka in the Smyrna Mouseion, vol. i., p. 120,| to have been not very far from Philadelpheia, probably in a glen of Mount Tmolos. Kolophon, Metropolis, Lebedos, Teos, Smyrna, Klazomenai, and Erythrai (mis-spelt Satrote), all belong to this group. 5. The following belong to the lower Hermos valley, Magnesia, Aigai (called Apae) {, and Temnos ; the middle Hermos valley belongs to Byzantine Lydia. Ducas calls the river Hermon.§ The whole of groups 4 and 5 appear in the Notitiae except Aigai, Temnos, and Auliou Kome. 6. On the coast between Hermos and Kaikos are Phokaia, Myrina, and Kyme (called Myke) ; strictly Kyme should come before Myrina. 7. The Kaikos valley embraces Pergamos, Elaia, Pitana, Tianai or Tiarai, and probably Theodosiopolis or Peperine. I regard Tianai as the correct form, not Tiarai, and see in it an inference of Hierocles from the ecclesiastical form 6 Ttavwi/ (eTrt'o-KOTro?), which is probably derived from Attea, known to be a town of Mysia, and in this district. 6 Tiaywi/ is probably the same bishop who is commonly mentioned in Councils and Notitiae as 6 || * Described by M. Weber in yiovcrelov 'Sfxvpv., vol. iv. f Read Ait Kopv^aic}} Aia 1,aovdCtov TSSeavXc'iT'nv : the stone is at Philadelpheia. I 'ATTctTj, a mistake in the MSS. for 'Aydrj, which Hierocles gets from some ecclesi- astical list, similar to those of the later Cone. Nicaen. ii. § SapSets 'NviJ.}s re TToAeo)? dvaLdrjv ra i-n-LcrrjfxoTepa jW-epTy Trepttwre? Kat Tiva rourots CTTCiSovre?, dvSpda-i re Kat. yuvat^t Ar;crTpiKco9 eTTtoi/re?-, 7roA.{;v avrdv etpya^ovro cfiovov, ravTr] Tov oIkcIov riyov/jievoi SaL/xova rt/xav. Metaplir., Vit. Timoth., i. p. 769. In nefanda festivitate eorum quam vocabant Catagogiorum, quae est secundum Asianos quidem mensis quarti die tricesima, secundum autem Eomanos mensis Januarii vicesima secunda die, regnante in Eomanorum civitate prsedicto Nerva, procurante autem Asiam Peregrine. Yit. Timoth., AA. SS., Jan. 24, p. 566. 20. Mesaulion was six hours' march from Ephesos, on the road to Smyrna. There was a bridge over the Kaystros towards Mount Galesion,* which was crossed between Mesaulion and Ephesos. 21. Ducas (p. 87) mentions, under the name at KAetcrovpat at Trpo? MacavSpov, the pass leading from Ephesos to Magnesia, now traversed by the railway. 22. Anea, or Anaia, is mentioned only in Byzantine times ; it was a harbour (Gr. Pach., ii. p. 420). It did not coin money. It was certainly in the TrapaXta 'E(/)€o-ta (Strabo, p. 639). It was perhaps at Scalanova (Turkish Kush Adasi), which has taken the place of the harbour of Ephesos, now silted up. It is perhaps to be identified with one or other of the following two harbours, which were in the same coast. 23. Pygela, or Phygela, an ancient city with a shrine of Artemis Mounychia, founded by Agamemnon, disappears almost entirely during the Byzantine period. The only late reference to it that I have found is in Michael Attaliota (p. 224), who tells that Phokas was about to sail from Pygela to Crete, and that, when all was ready, he enquired the name of the harbour. Hearing the name Phygela, he disliked the omen (arising from the resemblance to e(f)vyov), and asked what was the name of a promontory which was visible at a considerable distance ; when he learned that the name was Hagia, he ordered all the force to disembark, march by land to Hagia, and re-embark there. Hagia appears to be the promontory of Scalanova (Turkish Kush Adasi), and Pygela must be a harbour at some distance. Strabo (p. 639) mentions on the coast the Panionion, then Neapolis,! then Pygela, then the harbour Panormos, and finally Ephesos. 24. On the coast, at the mouth of the Mteander, there was a place named ' The Gardens ' (Kt^ttoi, Cedren., ii. 198). It is also mentioned in Theophan. Contin., p. 204, as in the Thrakesian Theme,J and, p. 236, as on the coast beside the Mseander. Genesius, p. 103-5, also alludes to it. Another KaTrot was in the Carian island Pserimos, Paton in Bull. Corr. Hell., 1888, p. 282. * airo rrjs yepa . , . i^r]cfiavit,ovTo). Andronicus rebuilt Tralleis, and intended that it should, under the name Andronicopolis or Palaeologopolis, perpetuate his glory. But no pro- vision was made for a water supply, and the inhabitants suffered much in consequence, till after a year or two the Turks under Mentesli captured the city. — Georg. Packym., i. p. 468-72. Akharaka lay between Tralleis and Nyssa ; it was the seat of a singularly important and interesting cultus of certain gods, named in the hellenising fashion of the Eoman period Plouton and Kora. Hot springs in the neighbourhood are mentioned by Athenseus (ii. p. 43a) in a passage where the reading must be amended tov 'AxapaKaKMfx-^Trjv TTora/xov. C. I. G. 3923 refers to the worship at Akharaka, and is wrongly referred by MM. Waddington (Le Bas, 1663c) and Perrot (Rev. Arch., 1876, p. 283) to Mastaura. I have distinguished between the inscrip- tions of Nyssa and Mastaura in Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, 1883, p. 270. Nyssa, with its tribes Sebaste Athenais, Octavia Apollonis, Germanis Seleukis, Antiochis (less certain), and Kaisarios, is recorded to have been a foundation of the Seleucidae, and the names point to this period.j A prominent citizen of the second century is in inscriptions sometimes called Alkibiades and sometimes Alkipales ; the variants are certain and strange. J 28. Brioula is often said to have been situated at the modern Yourla ; but the sole evidence is the resemblance of name, and the order of Hierocles is confirmed by Strabo, who expressly gives it in the Maeander valley east of Mastaura, and by Pliny who gives it in the conventus of Ephesos (v. 111). HAIOC and MHTHP . ©EON occur on its coins. Vourla is mentioned by Ducas (p. 175), ra Bpi;eXa§ kol at 'EpvOpal ' * Strab., p. 440, cp. A S P, A ii. t Bull. Corr. Hell., 1883, p. 270. X Bull. Corr. Hell., I.e. ; C. I. E., 2747-8 ; Le Bas, 1652 f. ; Sterrett, EpigrapMcal Journey, 3. § Pronounced Vryela. 114 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. KXa^o/xevat re ; in this form it certainly resembles very closely the ancient Brioula, and the latter name perhaps occurred twice. Yourla is near the ancient Klazomenai, on the opposite side of the peninsula from Erythrai. 29. Dios HiERON is placed by Kieperfc on the coast between Notion and Lebedos.* This is impossible, for it violates the order of Hierocles, and, moreover, the river Kaystros is named on its coins. It is sometimes called Christopolis in Byzantine lists ; the name was changed to avoid speaking of Jupiter, as Aphrodisias was changed to Stauropolis. It can hardly have been farther away from the coast than Kos Bunar, and the ancient remains in that neighbourhood point to some early city.j The lists of the Delian confederacy have the name AtocrtpiTat; coins have AIO:SlEPEITON. 30. The Kilbian, Kelbian, or Kerbian plain was the upper part of the Kaystros valley, with the cities of Kolose and Nikaia. Coins of the Kilbianoi are numerous ; they are of three classes, Kilbianoi of Nikaia, Kilbianoi of Kea or Keaia, and Upper Kilbianoi. The third class perhaps corresponds to the city of Koloe.l The second is represented by one coin only, and is rather doubtful; the reading is KEAITON or KEAITON. The Kilbian plain was in the Thrakesian Theme.§ A path from it over Tmolos to Sardis is mentioned by Theophanes (p. 417) ; Di Boor, in his index, understands that this passage refers to a city Kelbianon, but the word which is understood is TreStW. 31. Teira perhaps means " the town," as in Thya-teira, the town of Thya, compare Thyessos and Thyassos.|| After the name Arcadiopolis was disused, it is frequently mentioned in the later writers, as 0upea and ©upata, Ducas, pp. 97, 175, 196. Georgius Pachymeres mentions (ii. 588) that Sasan removed many of the inhabitants of Ephesos to Thyraia, after pillaging the church of St. John, in 1308. The river Kaystros is now called the Little Maeander. This name may perhaps be traced in use as early as Anna Comnena. The entire coast from Smyrna to Attaleia was exposed to the ravages of the Turks. Alexius sent Philokales with an army. He rebuilt Adramyttion, which had been entirely destroyed. He learned on enquiry that the Turks * His authority is Steplianus, TrjAis fxera^v AejSeSou koL KoXoipwvos. The other evidence proves that this is an error. t On these remains see Weber in Mous. Smyrn. IV. X The name Kolose has hitherto been accepted on the evidence of an inscription (Smyrn. Mous. No. |')? but tlie most recent copy reads 'KoXoiqvwv, Mitth. Ath. 1889, p. 98 ; and the form Kolose must for the present be discarded. The Byzantine authorities have Kobe or Kaloe. § Cinnam. p. 39 ; cp. Anna Comnena, ii. 252, 268. II This suggestion, which has been in my mind for years, can now be quoted from M. S. Eeinach's paper to the French Institute, which will soon be published. The first statement, and therefore the discovery, must be credited to him. A.— ASIA. 115 were in force at Lampe, and sent a detachment against tliem, which defeated them, and behaved with horrible cruelty. The detachment returned to Philokales, who stationed himself at Philadelpheia. Hassan, governor of Cappadocia, now came against him with a large army, passed beside Philadelpheia, and taking no notice of Philokales, whom he considered too weak to be dangerous, he divided his army into three parts ; one was sent into the Kilbian plain, one to Nymphaion and Smyrna, and one to Pergamos and Khliara. Philokales then defeated the first two divisions singly, but the third escaped him by a hasty retreat. Anna mentions that the fugitives of the second division were overwhelmed in the Meeander (Trora/xos 8e ovto<; rrepl ^pvyiav, o-KoA-tcoraro? TTorayttcov aTravrcav). The passage is unintelligible except on the supposi- tion that this statement refers to the fugitives of the first division, and has been through Anna's error referred to the second division. The river would in that case be the Little Meeander, now the Cutchuk Menderez, the Cayster. 33. Smyrna. It is customary to identify the famous river Meles with the stream that flows under Caravan Bridge on the eastern skirts of the modern Smyrna. A study of the references shows that this is a mistaken view. This stream rises in the plain of Kolophon, near Sevdi Keui, and is little more than a torrent, dry during the greater part of the year, but swollen in the rainy season. It may be granted that it was most probably richer in water in ancient times, owing to greater abun- dance of trees and rain ; but there can be little doubt that the whole of its water must have been diverted above Smyrna to supply the city. On the other hand, the Meles is described in great detail by Aristides, Philostratus, and Himerius.* It flowed with an equal volume of water in winter and summer, quiet and gentle, and never swollen. It has not a long course, but rises close to where it flows into the sea after a curved course. It rises in a grove of the Muses beside Smyrna. Aristides bathed in it and found its waters warm and pleasant in the depth of winter. Such points, and many others that I might quote, prove that it is the stream rising in the springs now called " Diana's Bath," whose waters never vary, and have their temperature the same in winter as in summer. 34. Between Klazomenai and Smyrna there were hot springs. Philostratos calls them the springs of Agamemnon ; they were 40 stadia from Smyrna.| Aristides mentions them as one of his resorts during his illness. * M4\7]ti irapexoixevo) ras irTjyas oh Troppco tu>u iKfioXwv. Philostl'., Imag. 8. e/ce? eKjSoAAcov '6d^v &px^Tai, id. ib. on jxi] Xdfipovs ras irr^yas eKSi'ScccTi, id. ib. ti ovv at Movaai SePpo; ri 8e i-rrl rots Trrjyais rov McAtjtos (then he explains the natural connec- tion of the Muses with Ionia and with the Meles), id. ib. rh p4^os t^s ^ixvpvr\s iv § 6 Mix-ns. Philostr., Vit. Apoll., vii., § 8, t Strab. p. 645, cp. irriyaX Q^pfxaX iv 'Icoj/ta, in Koi vvy ' Ay afiefivoveLOVs KaKovaiv ol 'Zjxvpvav oIkovvt^v aTrcxovffi Se oi/iai rerrapaKovTa crraSta rov ^(rreoy, Kal aurjiTTo irore avroh alxH-aAwTa Kpavrj Mvffia, Philostr., Heroic, ii., p. 160. 116 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 35. Villages in the valley of Smyrna, or in the neighbourhood, are (1) Karina ; a woman ex vico Carina in prison at Smyrna, v. Acta Pionii in Act. Sanct., Feb. 1, p. 44. It seems impossible to understand here the town on the Mysian coast, north of Atarneus, mentioned by Herodotus, 7, 42, and Pliny, H. N., 5, 30. (2) Phlebia (perhaps Flavia) may be the baths of Agamemnon. The Emperor Theodore Lascaris II. left Nymphaion in the spring, and after passing some days kv tol^ <3>Xe^ioi9, went to Klyzomene (i.e. Klazomenai) ; at this place the Emperors were accustomed to pass a good part of the spring after leaving Nymphaion, as the place offered a fine open grass- covered plain, watered with abundant sources (^KarappvTo^s 8e Tvyxa-v^i koI vSaa-iv), and with numerous villages and cities close at hand.* (3) Periklystra is now called Bunar Bashi ; it was a summer resi- dence of John Vatatzes, and Nymphaion was his winter residence. When he was sick at Nymphaion he went to Smyrna to pray to the Christ of Smyrna. The prayers which he addressed to the deity of Smyrna brought him no relief. He stayed at Periklystra in a tent.j (4) Zeleia and (5) Sykai are mentioned in an inscription published in Le Bas-Waddington, 1534. 36. Magnesia became, in later Byzantine time, one of the greatest cities of Western Anatolia. In early Christian time it boasted a martyr Charalampius, whose story, laid in the time of Severus, is devoid of local colour and historical verisimilitude (Act. Sanct., Feb. 10). Its Turkish coins, with the legend " moneta que fit in Manglasia," are known. 37. AiGAi.J The territory of Aigai must have been very wide. It extended from Myrina and Kyme on the west to Apollonis and Magnesia on the east ; it was bounded on the north by the territory of Pergamos, and on the south by that of Temnos. In the 'Bulletin de Correspon- dance Hellenique,' 1887, MM. Lechat and Radet have been led into error through not distinguishing between the town and the territory. They have discovered a sepulchral inscription at a village Mafullar Keui, on the eastern frontier of Aigai and Apollonis, which mentions that copies are deposited in the archives of Aigai (as the city of which the deceased ranked as citizens, though they lived in a village) and of Pergamos (as the seat of the conventus). On the evidence of this text they seek to move Aigai from Nemrud Kalesi, and to fix it at a village Sari Tcham, some distance to the east of Mafullar. They lay stress on the vague statements of Strabo that Magnesia was not distant (ovk aTrco^ci/) from Temnos and Aigai, and of Suidas that Aigai was near Magnesia and Smyrna ; but they place no value on the more numerous authorities * Georg. Acropol., p. 187. t Acropol., p. 91, cp. 110, Sircas rep e/cettre irpoffKvviicrri Xpicrr^ and t6ttos 5e 4(Xtiv ovTos iyyvs ttov rrjs ^^vpvqs 5ta rh ttoXKo'ls toIs SSaffi irepiKAv^ccrOai ovrw iroos KaTovojxa- X Aigaiai is the most correct form. A.— ASIA. 117 wlio expressly connect Aigai witli the Aeolic cities of the coast, and they do not even quote the most valuable testimony about Aigai, viz. the statement of Galen * that Aigai bordered on Myrina and Perperine on Pergamos. I lay no stress, after this testimony, on Stephanus (Atyat iv MvppLvrf), nor on Wesseling's excellent and certain emendation of Suidas, TrXrja-Lov Mayv^yo-tas kol MvpLvf]AABI $IAAAEAEON, showing that for some time it bore the epithet Elavia or Flaviopolis in honour of the Flavian emperors. The coins also mention an alliance with the unknown people 'Op€(rT€LVOt. 4. Tripolis also bore the name Antoniopolis, as Pliny mentions. It mentions on its coins the goddess Leto, the games Letoia Pythia, and the river Maeander. 5. Thyateika was originally called Pelopeia and Semiramis. It was peopled with a Macedonian military colony by the Seleucid kings in the third century. Its coins and inscriptions mention Artemis Boreitene and Apollo Tyrimnaios. These first four cities lie on the important road described under Asia, and it might be a mere coincidence that both Hierocles and the Notitia3 place them first ; but these lists also agree in putting Saittai fifth, which must be due to imitation. 6. Saittai retains its name as Sidas (i. e. Saittas) Kale. It names * Even assuming that this view is correct, we should still have to explain why Sala, &c., are omitted from the Phrygian list. The only explanation would be that Hierocles was there under the influence of the ecclesiastical lists, and hence omitted Sala, &c., in both cases. See below, § 41. t Joan. Lyd., pp. 75, 349, where he also speaks of the hot springs of Laodiceia and Hierapolis. X 'Etti Tr]u *iAa5eA0ou atpiK^ro' /xeyiffTr] Se avrr] iroXis Kol iroXvdvdpooiros Koi uirKiCecrdai SeSuj/TjMeVous olKT]Topa.s exovffa Kai {xaKiffTa ro^elav affKOvvras. Georg. Acropol., p. 111. K 2 122 A SKETCH OF THE HISTOKICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. the rivers Hyllos and Hermos on its coins. Near it was a fortress Magidion, wMcli became important in the later Byzantine time, and should be readily found (v. Georg. AcropoL, p. 30). It mentions (Men) Aziottenos on its coins. 7. AuRELioPOLis and Perikome * have been placed in Mount Tmolos (see Asia). 8. Julia Gordos is still called Gordiz. It has alliance coins with Kadoi. 9. Tralleis and Sala I conjecture to be a pair of cities on the southern frontier of Lydia, adjoining Phrygia. The coins of Sala mark it as under the influence of the Laodicean coinage, and moreover Ptolemy places it in Phrygia, near Tripolis and Laodiceia, which he assigns to Lydia. I therefore place Sala at Alamsalam, 10 or 12 miles N.W. from Bulladau, and Tralleis (or as some lists give it, Tralla) at the site discovered by Hamilton east of Gone. On the name Tralleis, see Asia. 10. Sala. The omission of Sala by Hierocles is difficult to account for : perhaps it is a mere error of the scribe, due to the number of similar names in the list, Tralla, Attalia, Satala. We cannot look for it under the temporary title Julianopolis, for that name denotes Silandos. On coins it bears the epithet Domitianopolis, and it mentions the HPnS ANTINOO^. Sala is omitted by Le Quien, but the following bishops of Sala are recorded (1) Noumenius Helenopolis Lydiae, Cone. Ephes., 431 a.d. Le Quien invents a bishopric Helenopolis of Lydia ; but Helenopolis is only a bad rendering of t^? ^aXr]vC)v TrdAewg. (2) Anatolius Sellenorum, A.D. 458, is attributed by Le Quien to Silandos ; but Silandi or Silanden- sium is a violent alteration : read Salenorum. (3) Michael Salorum is attributed by Le Quien to Satala. It is not improbable that Sala and Tralleis were included in one bishopric : none of the signatures are inconsistent with this hypothesis. 11. Silandos is understood to have retained its name as Selendi. The identification cannot be called certain, for the name Selendi occurs elsewhere, as e.g. in the Hermos valley at Hierocaesareia, and in the Kaikos valley, east of Kirk Agatch. Moreover, Silandos names the Hermos on its coins, while Selendi is on a different stream, a tributary of the Hermos, at a point far from the main river.f It is apparently disguised in Hierocles as Julianopolis. Still the territory of Selendi must have extended to the Phrygian frontier on the east and * Often written Perikope : Perikomma, as the lists of Cone. Nic. 11. give it, is perhaps the correct form. t Saittai, on the Hyllos, names both Hyllos and Hermos on its coins ; but it is a little nearer the Hermos than Selendi is, and its territory must have extended to the Hermos on the south, while Tabala perhaps separates Selendi from the Hermos. Yet Selendi-Silandos must be pronounced a very tempting identification, like Seledik- Kalanda in the Kaikos valley. B.— LYDIA. 123 north-east towards . Kadoi, and, therefore, would touch, the upper Hermos. This second group, 6 to 11, is given by Hierocles almost in the reverse order of the Notitise, except that Gordos is omitted and added at the end of the list as an afterthought. In the rest of the list no resemblance whatever can be detected. 12. Maionia retains its name as Menye, as Hamilton observed. Opsikion is the modern Koula : the latter is quoted as the Turkish name by Georgius Pachy meres (ii. 435), and the former is mentioned by Georgius Acropolita (p. 30). Zeus Olympics is mentioned on coins of Maionia. 13. It will be convenient to add a word here about the modern Koula. There is now at Koula an inscription erected by KoXorjvwv rj KaroLKLa. The resemblance of this name Koloe to the modem Koula led Wagener, who first saw and published the inscription, to say that Koula is the modern form of Koloe. Tsakyroglos, in publishing the inscription independently, drew the same inference : he was aware * that the owners of the stone say they brought it from a place far away to the north, but the coincidence of names seemed too remarkable, and he disbelieved their evidence. The coincidence of names, however, is quite accidental ; the name Koula is a good Turkish name, which was used even by the Bj'zantine writer Pachymeres. It is the name, meaning " fortress," which they applied to the strong fortress called by earlier Byzantine writers Opsikion. There is, therefore, no reason to doubt the evidence of the owners of the stone, whom I have questioned on the subject. It was found in the district of Kara Tash, on the southern side of the mountains (probably part of the ancient Temnos) which separate Synaos (Simav) from the Katakekaumene, eight hours north of Koula. Kara Tash produces madder root in great abundance, and Koula, which is one of the chief centres of the carpet manufacture, formerly carried on a great trade with the district where the root was found. In recent time bad but cheap European dyes are used ia place of the fine but troublesome native colours, and the people of Koula have little or no intercourse with Kara Tash, while the district of Kara Tash is ruined.f In the time when the trade in madder-root was brisk, one of the Koula Greeks brought back this stone with him. The name Koloe, therefore, belongs not to Koula but to some village in the Kara Tash district. Such is the evidence, and we must follow it, instead of turning aside into the fanciful path of etymological similarity. 14. Apollonos Hieron struck imperial coins with the legend AnOAAONIEPEITON. The only clue to its situation, besides the fact that it was in the conventus of Sardis, lies in its being in later * I conversed with him on my first visit to Konla. t The people of Kara Tash, in one of whose villages I stayed a night in 1884, enquired of me what the reason was why their madder was no longer wanted. 124 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Byzantine lists included in tlie same bishopric with Aetos, which, there- fore, may be understood to be a fortress that rose to importance in the Turkish wars. Now Aetos is mentioned on the march of the Germans under Frederick, in a.d. 1190, from Philadelpheia to Laodiceia.* It is, therefore, very probable that Apollonos Hieron is at the upper end of the plain of Philadelpheia, and Aetos a fort commanding the pass across the mountains to the Lykos valley. 15. The Hyrcani and Mosteni were two neighbouring peoples in the middle Hermos valley. The general indications are quite sufficient to place them between Magnesia, Sardis, and Thyateira ; but the discoveries of M. Fontrier of Smyrna have given additional epigraphic evidence to localise them along the Hermos on the east side of the Magnesian terri- tory. They were neighbouring peoples, if any stress can be laid on the phrase of Tacitus, Ann., 2, 47. This part of the Hermos valley was called the Hyrcanian plain, from the colonists settled there by the Persian kings. One of the Hyrcanian villages was called AapeLovKio/xr],^ and the plain was called sometimes the Hyrcanian plain, sometimes Kvpov HeStov (Strab., pp. 627, 629). This explanation assumes that Cyrus's colonists were anastatai, according to a frequent custom of the oriental sovereigns. 16. The Mosteni were in the conventus of Pergamos, and are there- fore to be sought on the north side of the Hyrcani, who were in the conventus of Smyrna. There is little room for doubt about them : the reference of Tacitus shows that they were neighbours of the Hyrcani, and they must therefore be placed betw^een them and AjDollonis, perhaps at Sari Tcham. They sometimes bear on coins the title KAICAPEON and AYAON. The epithet Caesareia, which is thus proved to have belonged to the city, might perhaps suggest that the Caesareia which Pliny gives in the conventus of Ephesos might be the city of the Mosteni. This, however, seems to be impossible, for Pliny's Ceesareia is more probably Tralleis, and it can hardly be allowed that any part of the Hermos valley belonged to the conventus of Ephesos; moreover Pliny distinctly includes the Mossyni in the conventus of Pergamos, and this name, Mossyni, when compared with that of some coins, MO^^INON, seems to denote certainly the Mosteni. This evidence seems stronger than the restoration M[osteni] given by M. Fontrier in an inscription of Tchoban Isa,J and followed by M. Foucart and Dr. Schuchhardt. Moreover, even admitting the restoration, it cannot be reckoned a certain proof that the Mosteni were south of the Hermos. Schuchhardt, in his excellent paper,§ supposes that there was a * Nicet. Chon., p. 539. Another Aetos in Tlirace, Nic. Bry,, p. 149. t Wrongly referred to Magnesia by M. Foucart, Bull. Corr. Hell., 1885, p. 398 ; 1887, p. 79. X Tchoban Isa, i. e. Sliepherd Jesus, a eui ions but not uncommon Turkish name. § Athenische Mittheilungen, 1888, p. 1. B.— LYDIA. 125 colony of Macedonian veterans among the Mosteni. The inference from Tacitus's words indeed is not quite convincing, and there is no other evidence. M. Foncart speaks of " plnsieurs monnaies portant la legende Moa-TTjvCjv MttKeSovwi/," but he should not on this point have accepted the evidence of a traveller who got a hasty glance at certain coins : no coins with such a legend are known. The contrast drawn by Schuchhardt himself between the coins of the Mosteni and the Hyrcani suggests that the former had more of the native Anatolian character, while the latter were more Greek in character. The words of Tacitus, " quique Mosteni aut Macedones Hyrcani vocantur," (Ann. ii. 47), may very well be explained as " the peoples who bear the name of Mosteni or of Macedonian Hyrcani." * The Hyrcanian plain, then, is that through which the Hermos flows, between the territory of Sardis on the east and of Magnesia on the west. The Hyrcani inhabited both sides of the Hermos, and the Mosteni adjoined them on the north-western frontier. Asynkritos, bishop of Hyrcania, martyred on April 8th, perhaps belonged to this city, and not to the country Hyrcania. 17. Dareioukome, Ormoita, and Tyanolla, were three villages of the Hyrcani on the south side of the Hermos, known only from the inscrip- tions discovered by M. Fontrier of Smyrna. They are referred to Magnesia by M. Foucart, who has republished them in the Bulletin de Corresp. Hell., 1885, pp. 394 ff. (cp. Bulletin, 1887, p. 79, note). But the evidence of locality is conclusive that they do not belong to Magnesia, and this is confirmed by the fact that they mention a stepha- nephoros : this magistracy is often found on Hyrcanian, but never on Magnesian coins. The only doubt that can exist is about Ormoita. The inscription of Ormoita is in honour of Tib. Claudius Kleitianos : now the family of Kleitianos seems to be Magnesian, for a strategos of that name is mentioned on Magnesian coins of Alexander Severus, i.e. not later than 235, and another, Aurelius, is mentioned as twice Strategos under Philip, 245-50. The older Kleitianos also probably was a Magnesian ; he was a man of high standing through the province, and was honoured by the Hyrcanian Ormoiteni for certain special services. 18, 19. AkrA-SOS was in the Kaikos valley, and mentions the KAIKO^ on its coins. Its precise situation is unknown, but it was probably on the upper part of the river, for an Acrasiote was buried at Yenije Keui, eight miles north-east of Thyateira (Bull. Corr. Hell., 1887, p. 176). The two cities, Akrasos with coins AKPA^IOTON, and Nakrasa with coins NAKPA:SE0N or NAKPA:§EIT0N, in the same valley, are confusing, and it is often difficult to tell which of the two is meant by the corrupt * The unusual form of expression is due only to Tacitus's love of variety in a long list of names. Schuchhardt, in his remarks, appears not to have remembered that Tacitus is giving a list of twelve cities, and that two separate cities are summed up by him in this clause, as is well known from other authorities who give the list. 126 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. forms of tiie ecclesiastical lists.* The following forms can be dis- tinguished : Hierocles Kr]pa(Te (read KepacreTwj/]) Kotiti.ie 'AKpaffov, Kepaaewu, Kaipaar^wy. 'AKapacrov. or AKpacrcrov, It is remarkable that one of the cities always appears in the ethnic, the other only in the city name : this is perhaps for the sake of distinc- tion, and the form in Hierocles seems to show that this peculiarity of the ecclesiastical lists was preserved by him.t The first syllable of Nakrasa always disappears without a trace. The name Akrasos occurs in Phrygia as a plain on the lower Tembris, Kpacra-ov ttSlov or Kpacros. Nakrasa is marked by an inscription at Bakir on the road Thyatira- Nakrasa-Germe-Pergamos, which shows that, like Thyateira and other cities, it received a Macedonian colony in Seleucid time. Lipara and Akrasos are included in one bishopric by Notitias X., XIII., but at Cone. Nic. II., Basil of Lipara, Constantino of Akrasos, and Michael of Keraseis, were all present. Lipara was therefore a separate city from Akrasos, and at some period they were united under one bishop. 20. Apollonis was long known to have been near Palamut, but M. Fontrier was the first to place the site above doubt. Strabo says it was 300 stadia alike from Sardis and from Pergamos, referring to a direct road between these two cities by Apollonis. Schuchhardt has, in an excellent paper, shown that it was probably originally named Doidya, that it was made a colony of Macedonian soldiers by the Seleucids about 270-50 B.C., and refounded as Apollonis by Attalos II. soon after 159 B.C. 21. Apollonis is to be distinguished from Apollonia, a city of the Kaikos valley on the left as one goes from Pergamos to the east (Strab., p. 625). This Apollonia is not mentioned elsewhere. Probably it was a Pergamenian refoundation, and the name Apollonia J was replaced after a time by the original name. It lay high, probably .on the hills on the north of the Kaikos (jierewpoL^ iTriKa/xivrj tottois). 22. Masdyenoi. a people called Maa-Sv-qvoL are mentioned as included in the population of the Pergamenian kingdom without having full rights of citizenship. The citizenship was given to them, along with the Macedonians, Mysians, &c., after the death of Attains III.§ They || * I do not mean lliat these forms are mere corruptions of scribes. In a great many- cases they are real indications of popular pronunciations, though gross clerical errors also exist among them. t Compare SaraAewr in the list of Lydian cities, gen. of the ethnic from :S,dTaXa. X Apollonia is a Pergamenian city name in Pisidia. § Inscription (inv. 295) published by Frankel in Jahrb. der kgl. Preuss. Kunstsamml., ix. (1887), p. 84. I take the reference from Schuchhardt, Athen. Mittheil., 1888, p. 14 11 See Addenda. B.— LYDIA. 127 are probably Paphlagonian mercenaries. The name Masdya may be with Doidya ; compare Mastaura, Mastusia (a hill near Smyrna). 23, 24. Trakoula and Gandeia. The later Notitise mention a bishopric of two towns, Gandeia or Gaudeia and Trakoula. A bishop of Trakoula was present at Cone. Nicaen. II. in 787. No other reference to these places is known to me. Trakoula seems to have retained its name as Trakhala, a village and mountain near Soma. Soma is near the site of Germe, a small town which probably struck no coins,* and is never mentioned in the ecclesiastical lists. Apparently it was sub- ordinate to Trakoula in later Byzantine time, and Gandeia or Gaudeia was somewhere near. Germe, however, seems to be mentioned under the name Karme by Anna Comnena (see Bithynia). 25. Attaleia was originally named Agroeira or AUoeira (v. Steph.) It was refounded by one of the Pergamenian Attali. The site, first approximately determined by M. Eadet, has been more accurately specified by Dr. Schuchhardt at Seljikli near Gordiik Kalesi, a few miles north of Thyateira (Athen. Mittheil., 1888, p. 13). 26. Blaundos mentions the river Hippourios on its coins. The site at Suleimanli was proved by Hamilton. The people are called Mlaundeis on early coins, and Phlaudeis in some of the Notitiag. There can be no doubt that the name is really the same as that of the Mysian Blados,"!" and the Pisidian Amblada or Amlada. The native form, involv- ing the syllable Mlad- or Blad-, was adapted to Greek pronunciation by various devices, giving such forms as Amilanda, Ampelada, Amplada, Amlada, Amblada, Blandos, Blaudos, Blados, Blaundos, Phlaudos. 27. Klannoudda is known only from some very rare coins of the second or first century before Christ, and from the Peutinger Table, which places it 35 miles from Philadelphia on the road to Akmonia. There is every probability that we should read 40, and that the site was beside Ine, where there are several inscriptions. The reason why the name does not appear in Byzantine lists is either that the place took a new name, or that it was included under another bishopric ; the former alternative seems impossible, and the probability is that the town passed under the influence of the neighbouring Blaundos, and hence lost the right to strike coins under the empire. 28. Mesotimolos, has usually been wrongly identified with Tmolos, the identification being aided by the fact that the Byzantine lists apparently omit the latter, concealing it under the name Aureliopolis. A clue to the position of Mesotimolos is given by several Notiti9e,f which give it as included in the same bishoj3ric with Blaundos, though * The coins TEPMHNnN all perhaps belong to the city near the lake of Apollonia. t This Mysian Blades, however, is perhaps an error, and Blados is really the Lydian Blaundos, see below, § 41. % No confidence can be placed in such hellenised names; this name seems more plausible, but has no more real character, than Thyateira for QvydreLpa, because Seleucus heard there of his daughter s death (Steph.). 128 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. most omit rjTOL, and turn a single bishopric into two. The corruption, ^oiySos €7rtt]to-/xaT[a], and should probably be attributed to Peltai. ASP, A, xiv. 23. Peltai, between Kara Agatchlar (pronounced Karayashilar) and Yaka Keui. CB, xii. 24. Eumeneia, at the sources of the Kloudros, between the Glaukos and the Magander, on the site of the modern Ishekli. The known tribes of Eumeneia are Herais, Athenais, Hadrianis, Argeias. CB, xiii. 25. Siblia, or Soublaion, at the modern Homa, which retains the Byzantine (or Turco-Byzantine) name. The plain in front is the plain of Lampe, in which is the village Vicus (called ad vicum in the Peutinger Table) or Oikokome. The name Justinianopolis appears to have been given to Soublaion in the sixth century. The Douz Bel, east of Homa, was an important Byzantine Kleisoura, commanded by the fortress Myriokephalon ; and the Turrije Boghaz, leading down to the east from Douz Bel, is the T^v/SpLrlri of Nicetas Choniata. ASP, A, xviii.; CB, xiv. 26. Attanassos is the modern Aidan, CB, x., ASP, A, xvi. Eski Aidan is on the eastern, not as I have stated on the western, bank of the Glaukos ; * it lies on the eastern side of Yeni Aidan. 27. Kharax and Graos Gala were on the road between the fortresses of Khonai and Soublaion. Kharax cannot be connected with Alexandrou Kharax, mentioned by Stephanus, near Kelainai-Apameia. 28. Okoklia, known only from coins, may perhaps be the city situ- ated near Elles, or Elyes, on Lake Askania (lake of Buldur). In Byzan- tine time it probably took the name Yalentia, given in Phrygia by * I spoke OB^y from information, but have since visited Aidan. C— PHKYGIA. 137 Hierocles, but afterwards apparently attached to the division of Pam- phylia, which was separated from the rest, and which in my list (ASP, D) is distinguished as Tertia. Okoklia then must be included in the conventus of Kibyra or Laodiceia (CB, xxviii.), taking the place doubtfully assigned to Adada. It is also necessary to add Lagbe to this conventus, and therefore to include it within the Eoman province of Asia. An inscription (ASP, D, 14) provides that a penalty for violating a tomb at Lagbe is to be paid to the " City of the Kibyratai." This implies either that Lagbe was subject to Kibyra, or that it was in the conventus of Kibyra ; "* as it was an independent city, coining money, the latter alternative must be accepted. To this conventus it is probably necessary to add also the two demoi, Thiounteis, and Kagyetteis ; and perhaps there were several other small demoi near Lagbe, such as Sinda, which were included, in the conventus. The imperial estates of the Ormeleis, T^^mbrianasa, and Alaston, and the town at Gebren, all of which seem sometimes to have used the Asian era, 85 B.C., should also go with Lagbe. In this way we may reach Pliny's total, xxii. or xxv. (the reading varies). In the conventus of Apameia it is necessary to substitute Motella for Blaundos ; the latter must have been under Sardis. 29. Pepouza, probably at Yannik Euren, on the road from Eumeneia to Stektorion, Otrous, and Hieropolis ; CB, xvii. There were two towns named Pepouza : IleTrov^av ttoXlv tlvo. ep'rjfxov avdixeo-ov PaXaTta? kol KaTTTra- SoKtas KOL $pvytas- ccrri Se kol aXXr] IleTrov^a (tract, de hajresibus, ap. Coteler., Eccles. Gr. Mon., II, p. 293). 30. Beia, i. e. " the town." Macedonius, bishop of Bria,| was present at the Council held 553 a.d. Bria is mentioned under the form "iKpta in Notitiee i., viii., ix., where k is an example of a very common clerical error for /3 : this conjecture, in accordance with which I modified in the table attached to CB, part 11. the table of part I., is proved to be correct by the Bodleian MS. Baroc. 185, fol. 16, which reads 'Ivpta. The prothe- tic iota is common before the two initial consonants. CB, xviii. 31. Sebaste, about Seljiikler, Sivasli, and Bunar Bashi ; CB, xix, Palaeo-Sebaste ; the old site at Payam Alan, for want of any better name, has been thus labelled. It seems of too little importance to have been a separate bishopric. In my CB, part IL, § xx., I advanced the conjecture that the place which bore the name of the god Men J might be Palaio -Sebaste : but this view is impossible. Athen^eus (II. p. 43) speaks of the hot springs beside Menos Kome, and this Menos Kome must be the same place that Strabo says was called after Men. The hieron of Men in the place called by his name is undoubtedly the famous * This principle, which might, I think, be safely assumed, has been carefully discussed by Prof. G. Hirschfeld and Dr. Treuber. t There is frequently in the lists a confusion between him and Macedonius of Brouzos, who was also present. J Th rov Mtjpos [Ifphy] iv ru- b^uvvjXif T67r(f, Strab,, p. 5o7. L 2 138 A SKETCH. OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. temple of Men Ear ou beside Attoudda. The village attached to the temple was called Menos Kome ; compare above, 16, Atyokhorion. Hi era Kome is a generic name for such villages. 32. Aloudda or Elouza. The identity of these two names seems to me certain, and the subjection to Sebaste under the Romans seems })robable. In that case it would have reached the rank of a ttoXls in the early Byzantine time. Site at or near Hadjim (or Hadjimler). Aloudda is placed there by a consideration of the road Akmonia — Aloudda — Klannoudda — Philadelpheia, and the order of Hierocles requires a situation in this neighbourhood for Elouza. 33. Akmonia, at Ahat Keui. CB, pts. I. and II. § xxii. ; Amer. Journ. Arch. 1885. 34. Keramon Agora, at Islam Keui, CB, xxii. bis. A large tumulus, about an hour south-west from Islam Keui, may some day yield results to its excavators. This identification seems to me as certain as any one ot* the kind can be ; it explains the route of Cyrus and makes it reasonable, and it suits the distances. Hamilton's identification with Ushak, still followed by Kiepert in his latest map, seems absolutely without reason. It is quite out of keeping with the distances, and it attributes a march to the army of Cyrus over a country which no army would attempt except under dire necessity, first across a low mountain ridge, then over the enormous caiion of the Banaz Tchai. Cyrus was not anxious to discourage his army by long unpleasant and unnecessary marches at the outset. 35. Alia. Its situation near Kirka seems probable, but the proximity of Kirka and Hadjimler prevent any confidence in the exact position until a more thorough exploration has been made. The general situation seems well established, if the order of Hierocles is as true to geography as usual.* It is beside Akmonia and Hierokharax, but it is not in the district subject to Akmonia. A situation north-west of Akmonia and soutli-west of Hierokharax would be still more in accordance with Hierocles, if such a site could be found. Possibly an ancient town may have existed on the Banaz Su, towards its source, north-west of Islam Keui. The thought has also occurred to me that the site at Islam Keui may have been, under the Romans, an independent town, and not a village subject to Akmonia ; and in that case it might be Alia. But a town at Islam Keui could only be one of the bishoprics attached to Akmonia, viz. Hierokharax, Diokleia, Aristion, and Kidyessos. On the whole, therefore, Alia, though uncertain, may best be placed at Kirka, unless some site be discovered further north than Kirka, but west or north-west of Islam Keui, on the south-eastern skirts of Murad Hagh (Mount Dindymos). A situation beyond the vast mass of Dindy- mos is quite out of keeping with the order of Hierocles. * It must of course be admitted that isolated exceptions occur, but there seems no reason to suspect one here. C— .PHRYGIA. 131) 36. HiEROKHARAX, disfigured as loukharatax in Hierocles, and as Oraka in the Notitia?, was one of the cities of the Moxeanoi. It was probably at Otourak,* on the road from Akmonia to the north and the east in general. Moxeanoi is the form in Ptolemy and an inscription : Mozeanoi on coIds. 37. DoKELA or DioKLEAj one of the cities of the Moxeanoi, was situated at Doghla, on the road from Akmonia to the Pentapolis of Phrygia. 38. Aeistion is unknown except as occurring in the Byzantine lists : it is to be sought in the western Sitchanli Ova. 39. KiDYEssos, at Geukche Eyuk, in the eastern Sitchanli Ova. The name is frequently corrupted in the ancient authorities, e. g. KvSio-cret? in Ptolemy, and the false form is regularly quoted by modern writers, e.g. Meyer ' Carier ' and Pauli ' Altgriechische Inschrift aus Lemnos ' (CB, xxvii.). Kidyessos is related to Kadoi, as Selgessos to Selge (see Sagalassos). 40. Pentapolis was the name of the valley of Sandykli, with its five cities : (41) Otrous (Tchor Hisar), (42) Brouzos (Kara Sandykli), (43 ) Stektorion (Emir Hisar), (44) Hieeopolis (Kotch Hisar), and (45) EuKARPiA. In his recent map Prof. Kiepert places Eukarpia twelve miles north of its real position, probably a slip.f 46. Synnada was detected by M. Perrot, from inscriptions copied at Tchifut Cassaba by M. Choisy. CB, xxxv. Theodosius, bishop of Synnada, 408, in 'Act. Sanct.,' Jan. 13, p. 477c. 47. DoKiMiON, at Istcha Kara Hissar (CB, xxxvi.). 48. Prymnessos, at Seulun, two miles S.S.E. from Afiom Kara Ilissar (CB, xxxvii.). The third milestone (A PRYMNESSO III P) is still beside its original position at a bridge to the north-east. 49. Kone or Konna, at Beuyeuk Tchorgia, five or six miles north of Afiom Kara Hissar, was united with Metropolis under one bishop ; the latter was probably at Ayaz Inn. 50. Ambason is given by Stephanus as equivalent to Metropolis. It was probably the Byzantine Ampoun and the modern Ambanaz, a little to the east of Beuyeuk Tchorgia (CB, xl.). 51. Akroenos, now Afiom Kara Hissar, took away the importance of Prymnessos. The form implies a stem, ah'u, as Kadoeno,5 implies Jcadit (in Kadys) and Otroenos implies Otru (in Otreus). Akroenos was perhaps called Nikopolis on account of the great victory over the Arabs under Seidi Ghazi in 740 a.d. (CB, xli., xlii.). Notitio3 iii., x., xiii., have probably omitted the word r/rot between Prymnessos and Akroenos, as is done by most Notitiaa in the case of Mesotimolos and Blaundos. 52. Paroreios Phrygia, was the country between Sultan Dagh and * OtouraJc, " leisure," from otour, to sit. t The Dame Pentapolis is known only from the signature to Cone. Constant., a.d. 553, Paulus episcopus Stectorii civitatis, Pentapoliticae regionis, Phrygiae Sahitaris Provincial 140 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Emir Dagli, including tlie large lakes, and the cities Polybotos, Julia- Ipsos, Philomelion, Thymbrion-Hadrianopolis, and Tyriaion. Its north- western limit was Holmoi, now Tchai ; its south-eastern limit was Tyriaion. The ancient names of the lakes are unknown, except that in the twelfth century Ak Sheher Gol was called the Lake of the Forty Martyrs (Anna Comnena, ii. p. 329). Forty-two martyrs, captured in Amorion and slain at Samara ou the Euphrates on refusing to become Mohammedans, are worshipped by the Greeks on March 6th, Act. Sanct., p. 457. M. Perrot in Eev. Arch. 1876, I., p. 190 ff, wrongly infers from Strab. p. 576, that Synnada was in Paroreios : on the meaning of that passage and the necessary alteration 'AKfxoveLav, see CB, xliii. 53. Julia, the Roman correspondent to the place called in more ancient and in Byzantine times Ipsos, was in all probability near Sakli. It seems to be near the Kaystrou Pediox of Xenophon. See Addenda. 54. PoLYBOTOS retains its name as Bolowodun. 55. Philomelion, Ak Sheher, was pointed out by Hamilton, who also correctly placed 56. Tyriaion at Ilghin. 57. Thymbrion seems to have been refounded as Hadrianopolis. It was a little way south of Philomelion, on the direct road to Ikonion via Kaballa. Thymbrion was the great city of earlier time, until Philo- melion (probably a foundation of the Diadochi, perhaps of the Perga- menians) took its place. The fountain of Midas, five miles north of Philomelion, is, according to Xenophon, apparently included in the territory of Thymbrion. In his recent map. Prof. Kiepert still identifies Thymbrion with Philomelion, in defiance of Pliny, who mentions the Tymbriani as one of the peoples in the same conventus as Philomelion. Philomelion was in all probability a foundation of the Seleucid or Pergamenian kings, and, in the time of Xenophon, Thymbrion was the nearest city on the march past the Fountain of Midas. 58. DiPOTAMON is several times mentioned without any precise indi- cation of locality ; it was an imperial estate, and bore also the name Mesanakta.* Mesanakta was on the road by which Pomanus Diogenes marched from Constantinople to Syria in a.d. 1032. On his previous expedition ho marched by way of Philomelion, and in all probability the same reasons which made that road convenient in 1030 acted also in 1032.| Moreover, the operations of the year 977 seem to make it prac- tically certain that Dipotamon-Mesanakta was on a road leading byway of Kotiaion to the east, and there can be hardly any doubt that this road must be by way of Philomelion (see Cedrenus, ii. 424). We are not left to probability, however, for Anna Comnena mentions (ii. 329) that a place named Mesanakta was situated on the road between * XOiplov 5e fiaffiXiKov rh AnroTaixoy, o MeadvaKTa liaTovojud^ovcriv ot eyxc^^iot, Cedren, ii., 424. Cp. Leo Diac, p. 120. t Cedren., ii., 491, 499. C— PHRYGIA. 141 Polybotos and Philomelion, beside the Lake of the Forty Martyrs (Ak Sheher Gol). The imperial estate no doubt included the splendidly fertile land at the north-west end of the Jake, where the beautiful " fountain of Midas " flows into it. This stream is perhaps the Atos Xlora/xo?, from which the name Dipotamon is derived : On the estate see E, 22. Haase has reached a very different conclusion. He places Dipotamon- Mesanakta at the junction of the Tembris, either with the Bathys or with the Sangarios.* The error arises from his taking into account only Cedrenus, ii. 424, and Leo Diaconus, 120, without observing the other references. His suggestion that the Bathys is identical with the Bathyrrhyax is shown to be impossible by the discussion given in Section G of the latter stream, which proves it to be near Yeni Khan, west-north-west of Sivas. 59. Antigous. After Dipotamon has been fixed, it becomes possible to place on the map some other names which Leo Diaconus mentions in connection with it (p. 120-2). In a.d. 971 Skleros advanced from Constantinople against the rebel Bardas Phokas. He halted at Dorylaion till the troops of the surrounding themata concentrated there,"|" and in the meantime communicated wdth Phokas, vainly urging him to submit. He then advanced to Dipotamon, and again halted, sending emissaries to corrupt the adherents of Phokas. It is clearly implied that Phokas was encamped not very far away, at a place called Bardaetta ; and as his followers gradually deserted him he fled to the castle of the Tyrannoi, called Antigous. J Cedrenus, with whom Zonaras agrees, tells the circumstances differently, saying that Phokas was encamped all the time at Ceesareia of Cappadocia, until he fled to Tyropoion. But Leo is clearly a better authority. He relates that Phokas escaped from Amaseia, where he was living in banishment, to Ca3sareia, where he stayed some time collecting an army. It is implied that he then advanced towards the west, and the circumstances are very similar to those of A.D. 667, when Sapor advanced from Cappadocia to Hadrian- opolis (see Hexapolis below). Phokas also advanced into Phrygia Paroreios, obviously by the great Roman highway leading from Caesareia to Philomelion, Synnada, and Ephesos, and encamped at Bardaetta,§ a little to the south-east of Dipotamon. Cedrenus and Zonaras omit the forward march of Phokas, and even Leo only implies it without expressly describing it. He then fled to Tyrannoi or Tyropoion. Right on the line of his flight towards the east lies Tyriaion, and it seems impossible to doubt that to twv Tvpawoiv fjipovpLov stands for to twv Tvparjvdv povpLov, and that Tvpo-n-oLov is an alteration of TvpLaiov, due to the * See art. Phrygia in Ersch & Griiber. t I expand the brief references of Leo and Cedrenus, p. 387, in accordance with the account given below of Dorylaion. X Th Tuv Tvpdvvuv KdffTpoy, t ^Avriyovs ve/cATjrat, Leo Diac, p. 122. § The name is modified by the popular etymologist to give the sense, the defeat of Bardas." Is Baretta the true name ? 142 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. etymologising tendency. Standing by the hieroglypliic inscription a mile or more north of Koli-tolu, I saw a high steep hill, beneath which llghin lay out of sight. On this hill there may have been a Byzantine castle. A rocky hill was also pointed out to me from the inscription, apparently about an hour or two distant,* which was said to be a fortified Kale. 60. Hexapolis. a district in Asia Minor of this name is occasionally mentioned. t The Arabs ravaged it in 667. Sapor, the Strategos of the Armeniac Theme, rebelled against the Emperor Constantino in 688, and, as we may infer, marched westwards. He occupied Hadrianopolis, and was there thrown from his horse and killed. Phadalas was sent by the Khalif Moawiya to help Sapor, and when he reached the Hexapolis he learned of the death of Sapor. He halted until he could send for further reinforcements, and when they arrived he advanced to Chalcedon, and as he retired he captured Amorion. This account seems to imply that Hadrianopolis was in the Hexapolis. Now the Armeniac Theme at this time embraced the whole of Cappadocia, and a very natural road for Sapor to advance towards Constantinople was through Phrygia Paro- reios and Hadrianopolis. It seems impossible to understand in this passage any other of the cities named Hadrianopolis. In that case the Hexapolis must be equivalent to Paroreios, and the six cities may be Julia-Ipsos, Philomelion, Hadrianopolis, Tyriaion, Sinethandos, and Laodikeia ; these six, lying on or near a great route, might be classed together for some government purposes, and thus form a Hexapolis. 61. Lykaones, in the Cutchuk Sitchanli Ova (CB, Ixxxv.), are called in inscriptions AvKaoves Trpo? cVSov. 62. Aurokra or Aulokra, with the famous fountain called Rocreni (i.e. Aurocreni) Fontes by Livy,J and Aulokrene by the Greeks generally, is the name of the Dombai Ova (CB, Ixxxvi.). 63. Metropolis, in the Tchul Ova, three miles west of Tatarli (CB, Ixxxvii.). 64. KiNNABORioiT, probably at Geneli, in the south-western corner of Karamyk Ova (CB, Ix.). 65. OiNiA, still called Oinan, in a valley which was probably called Euphorbium (CB, Ixi., Ixii.). 66. Khelidonia, mentioned by Strabo (p. 663), between Metropolis and Holmoi (Tchai), must have been the Dini^ which Livy mentions between Metropolis and Synnada. It is to be looked for below Karadilli, at the south-western extremity of the Oinan Ova (see below). * The inscription is about two miles from Koli-tolu, a yaila of Kliadyn Khan. From the stone I read the hill over Ilghiu 275° Koli-tolu 139°, Khadyn Khan 116°, and the Kale 320° See my paper in ' Athen. Mittheilungen,' 1889. t Theophau., p. 348, 350. X Rhotrinos in the text of Livy (xxxviii., 15), is an error for Rliocriiios; but the common correction Obriraas is absurd and utterly unjustifiable. / C— PHRYGIA. 143 67. SiBiDOUNDA, not mentioned by Hierocles, but perhaps to be included under Ms demos Amadassos* whicli may also be the true form corrupted by Ptolemy as Gammaousa or Gamboua. Perhaps it is to be sought between Augustopolis, Polybotos, Holmoi (Tchai), and Lysias. Sibidounda is to the Isaurian name Sbida as Attoudda is to Attaia, and as Aloudda to Alia (CB, Ixiii., Ixiv.). 68. Lysias, probably a Pergamenian foundation, about Bazar Agatch and Karadja Euren (CB, Ixv.) 69. Augustopolis, at Surmene (Athen. Mittlieil., 1882). 70. 71. Kleros Oreines and Kleros Politikes formed between them a great imperial estate, the latter being the territory of Augustopolis, and the former probably in the hilly country to the north. They seem to have been used, among other purposes, for breeding horses, " quos Phry- giaB matres sacris praesepibus edunt." | 72. Trokonda was a village, mentioned in an inscription found at a bridge three miles north of Prymnessos, and four miles west of Augus- topolis.J It may possibly be the old name of Augustopolis. 73. Anaboura, is the station between Mandri Eontes and Beudos on the march of Manlius. It is to be sought a little way south-east of Surmene, or possibly even at Kara Arslan. The latter, however, seems too near Beudos. Anaboura was also a city of the Phrygo-Pisidian frontier, now called Enevre, six miles west of Kara Agatch. 74. Mandri Pontes, altered by the editors of Livy (xxxviii., 15) to Alandri Pontes, are the fountains that flow away towards Polybotos, a few miles north of the village of Mandra, and a few miles east of Seidilar. Eev. des Et. Grecq., 1889. 75. Beudos Vetus (as opposed to the new city of Synnada, five miles distant, which was probably a foundation of the earliest Diadochi), at the village Aghizi Kara. Boudeia, and Phyteia are perhaps other forms of» the name. Hierocles gives it corruptly as Debalakia. Mirus was bishop of Beudos in 451 a.d. 76. Leontos Kome is mentioned in Athenseus as a village of Phrygia, with hot springs, the water of which was harsh and impregnated with nitre.§ The reference possibly may be to the hot springs about 14 miles E.S.E. from Afiom Kara Hissar, between Tchobanlar and Yeni Keui, or to the series of hot springs about three hours north-west of Afiom Kara Hissar. It is possible that the same place is referred to by Leo Diaconus (p. 122) as 'QyXeovTa, or in the rustic speech TcoXiovra: Leon Phokas fled thither, a.d. 920, from Chrysopolis on the Bosphorus. Cedrenus says that he first came to the fortress Ateous, and when refused * The name is not quite certain. Hierocles has 'A\aiJ.ato/3oj/xtot 0eot '^efiao-Toi, either Augustus and Livia, or more probably Tiberius and Livia, the imperial mother and son taking the place of the divine mother and son, who were often wor- shipped in Asia Minor as Leto and Lairbenos. The district around it w^as called Abrettene, as M. Waddington has shown in his admirable discussion (Le Bas- Waddington, No. 1011). 90, 91. Ankyra and Synaos were proved by Hamilton to have been situated at Kilisse Keui and Simav. They were joined in one bishopric in later Byzantine time. Ankyra sometimes bore the epithet Sidera or Ferrea, apparently to distinguish it from the Galatian Ankyra.* The river Makestos rises in the lake of Simav, and the district around was called Abbaeitis. 92. Kadoi. The accusative form has remained till the present day in the form Ghediz. The ethnic KaSorjvo? shows that Kadoi is derived from the name KaSu?, a Lydo-Phrygian hero.f The proper form, there- fore, is KdSoFoL or KaSot, KaSdFov? or KaSoO?. Hence comes the personal name KaSova?, i.e. KaSoFas, found on the southern Phryo- Pisidian frontier. Kadoi was a Macedonian colony (Pliny). 93. Theodosia is placed by the order of Hierocles at Shap Khane : no other evidence exists.| I have assumed that Theodosia and Eudokias * M. Waddington (I.e.) says "quant a I'epithete de Ferrea qu'il [Le Bas] lui donne, je ne sais ou il I'a rencontre'e." It occurs in the Usts of the Nicene Council, t KadoYrjvos, 'OrpoFrjj'os, imply an original stem Kadv, 'Orpu. X Domninus Theodosiopolis Phrygise Pacatianse in 536 (Labbe, p. 74) ; cp. p, 128. 148 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. disappear in tlie interval between Hierocles and the earliest ^^otitia. Tliis may be justified by the example of Dabinai in Pisidia, which does not occur later than Hierocles, and of Kinnaborion in Phrygia and of Atenia in Pisidia, which appear in Hierocles and the earliest class of Notitiae, but disappear in the latest j^otitiee. In such cases the town did not, as I think, disappear entirely, but was only merged in the same bishopric with some neighbouring place. 94. Temenothyrai. The situation of this city is a difficult problem, as two sources of evidence, each apparently precise, seem to conflict with each other. In the first place Temenothyrai bears also the name Flaviopolis on its coins, and Arundel heard of an inscription of Flaviopolis at Ushak, and an inscription of a native of Temenothyrai, found at Ushak, is published in Le Bas-Waddington, No. 727. Now the site of Grimenothyrai-Traja- nopolis was about six miles east of Ushak, and it is natural to suppose that the two names designate a pair of cities of the valley of Ushak, one on the east side and the other on the west. I have found coins of Temenothyrai ofiered for sale in great numbers at Ushak. In the second place, however, Pausanias mentions that Temeno- thyrai was a small city of Upper Lydia, where there was a tumulus containing the corpse of Hyllos, son of Ge, " from whom the river took its name." It seems a natural inference from this that the river flowing past Temenothyrai was the Hyllos. Now the Hyllos is known from coins to be the tributary of the Hermos flowing past Saittai. This river, whose course I have traced from its source, is incorrectly given in Kiepert's maps. It rises in the lofty mountains immediately south of Synaos (Simav), and has a course similar to that of the Demirdji Tchai. This range of mountains runs apparently continuously along the south side of the Makestos valley, and there can be little doubt that the western part of the range at least was called Trjfxvos. The name TrjfjLo/o- Bvpai was clearly understood to mean " the passes of Mount Temnos," * and the case then might seem made out that Temenothyrai lies on the upper waters of the river Hyllos, on the southern slopes of Mount Temnos. The situation suits Pausanias's expression, " a city of Upper Lydia." It must be acknowledged that we should expect Temnos to be the division between Lydia and Phrygia, and all places on the south of the mountains to be Lydia. The only difficulty, then, would arise from the fact that all Byzantine lists place Temenothyrai in Phrygia ; and this difficulty cannot be considered insurmountable. The second view seemed to me the more probable when writing CB, § cvii., and Prof. H. Kiepert has since followed it in his recent map of Asia Minor. He has, however, made the error of placing Temeno- * I have however no doubt that M. S. Keinach's explanation of Qvpai as altered by- popular etymology from teira, " village " (compare Thyateira, Teira, and perhaps Hadriftnouthcrai), is quite right. C— PHRYGIA. 149 thyrai, not on the river whicli flows by Saittai, but on tlie Demirdji Tcbai. Owing to the small scale of the map, the site of Saittai seems to be half-way between the two rivers, but really it is not in the valley of the Demirdji Tchai, but near the course of the next river on the east. I then imagined that Arundel's authority could not be trusted in regard to this inscription, which he gives only in cursive text, remarking that Flaviopolis is known as a bishopric. As this remark is wrong, being based apparently on a confusion with Trajanopolis, I thought that the inscription could not be accepted as evidence. But Monsieur S. Eeinach has since convinced me that I was unjust to Arundel. He has found two inscriptions of Ushak, copied in the early part of the century by a French traveller, which mention Temenothyrai.* The first view then must be accepted, and the words of Pausanias may then be perhaps understood as not implying that " the river " in question flowed past Temenothyrai, but merely as referring to the Lydian river at no great distance, which flowed into the Hermos. Pausanias seems to speak not as an eye-witness. But perhaps a better interpretation is to suppose that there were two rivers Hyllos, one at Saittai, and one at Temenothyrai, the latter flowing towards the Maeander. The story seems much more natural if Hyllos be a local personage ; and if the name Hyllos were not actually preserved in the local nomenclature, it is hard to see why the hero Temenos, who is mentioned on the coins of the city, should not have been made the proprietor of the bones. I should then look for Temenothyrai a little to the west of Ushak, on the higher ground separating the basins of the Hermos and the Maeander. The " throne " mentioned by Pausanias, as wrought in a projecting rocky spur of a hill at Temenothyrai may perhaps yet be discovered.! The neighbourhood of Kure and Yeni Keui, or possibly Ushak itself, may be given as the site of Temenothyrai. 95. Trajanopolis was refounded and renamed in a.d. 119, about the end of September, by permission of the Emperor Hadrian. J Trajano- polis was a city of the people called Grimenothyritat, as Ptolemy § mentions. Coins of the Grimenothyritai are found under the earlier emperors, but none are later than Hadrian. It would appear, then, that a city was founded in their territory and named Trajanopolis, by special leave of Hadrian, in honour of his deceased imperial father. It was apparently named in emulation of Temenothyrai-Flaviopolis. The name * The copies are very fragmentary, but I could see no reason to doubt his restoration of the full name, Temenothyrai Flaviopolis. t @p6vos avZpos 4(TTiv ii/€ipya(rfi4vos opov: AtOwSet irpoQoXij, Paus. i., 35, 7. J The inscription mentioning the date was copied first by Hamilton, and is published in a more complete form in my CB, cviii. It is at Toliarik Keui. The inscription is older than, and cannot be connected with, Hadrian's journey in Asia Minor, and does not therefore justify Duerr in quoting it as evidence in his " Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian." § The text has TpifievoOvpTrai ; the correction is made by M. Waddington, on Le Ba=, 727. 150 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Grimenothyrai disappears hencefortli from use, so far as coins and the Byzantine lists are concerned ; but the name Flaviopolis was soon disused, and Temenothyrai remained current. The order of Hierocles places them together, and so also do NotitisB iii., x., xii. The actual site of Trajanopolis was at Giaour Euren, near Orta Keui, which is about six miles east of Ushak. 96. PuLCHERiAXOPOLis is probably the name under which Motella was first raised to the rank of a TroXt?, CB, cix. The name seems to be a false form. Ilov\x€pLov7ro\L» O O ^ .2 o ^ ^ S § " ^ ■i? c3 H S 43 HHQWPhH a ^ 02 O i § Pionius T] Stephanus Gemellus : Timotheus Patricius . Eulalius f Alexander m a. <3 Q. 3 U/ Co o to -8 o . » . . I: c P CO . : ^ ^ : : S f_ © O Co . §J . ?] KviVto), neither completely nor accurately given. The connection, Eumeneia xn ad Yicum xiiii Apameia, given in the Table is clearly only part of a road giving a route from Apameia to Philadelpheia and the Hermos valley, but no other evidence exists to prove it. 15. The Table gives a third road — Dorileo — Fl. Sagar — Docymeo xxxii Synnada Asynnade Vforbio mil. XXXVII. Euforbioc Ab Euforbio. Ab amea Mil. xxxvi Apamea Ciboton. This road is a false one, due to incorrect drawing of the lines, one of the commonest sources of error in our copy of the Table. This road should go to Pessinus, and not to Dorylaion. The position of the river San- garios shows this, and a consideration of the possible routes led me long ago to this conclusion (CB., § XXXVI.). Prof. G. Hirschfeld, in his * Report on our Geographical Knowledge of the Ancient Greek World,' advances a different opinion as to this and the preceding road. He considers that the road Synnada-Dokimion- Dorylaion coincides in more than half of its length with the road Eucarpia-Nakoleia-Dorylaion. He therefore apparently holds that the road Dokimion-Dorylaion turned westwards to Metropolis or north-west to Meros, and thus coincided with it through Nakoleia to Dorylaion.* The point is one which cannot be determined ; I cannot prove that there was not a Roman road from Dokimion to Metropolis or to Meros. I can only say that I for a time held the view that this road joined the other * Unless this road joined the other a good way south of Meros, it could not coincide "With it for more than half its length. 170 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. at Meros,* aud was, after careful examination, obliged to give np this 02)inion: as to a road Dokimion-Metropolis-Meros-Nakoleia, I hardly think that Prof. Hirschfeld can have thought of it. Moreover, the simplest and easiest way of bringing the names and lines in the Table into harmony with each other and with the facts is to suppose that the line Dokimion-Sangarios-Pessinus had been drawn awry, so as to touch the line Dorylaion-Pessinns, &c., at the wrong place. Then two names which should fall between flumen Sangarios and Dohimion^ viz. Amorion and Abrostola, got out of their right position : they continued to hold their place near Pessinus, but as the line Pessinus-Dokimion had ceased to exist, they got into the line Pessinus- Archelais. 16. The route from Dokimion to the coast is commercially almost the most important in Asia Minor. The road along which the enormous monolithic columns of Dokimian marble were transported as early as the time of Strabo must have been well-constructed and carefully kept. Its course is now quite certain. It passed through Synnada, where the central office for managing the quarries was situated, and which gave its name to the marble. Between Dokimion and Synnada was Prymnessos, a little west of the direct and easy path, but yet necessarily included in the XXXII miles placed by the Table between Dokimion and Synnada.f The road went straight south from Synnada to Metropolis by a route via Baljik Hisar, crossing a lofty ridge by a finely engineered path, the cuttings and curves of which can still be observed. J The approximate distances are : Synnada to Metropolis xviii miles. Metropolis to Apameia xxiv. This road was, as I believe, constructed by the Romans. Before their time the case was probably the same as at the present day : there was a horse-road over the mountains, and a waggon-road round the detour by Uzun Bunar. Manlius, who was accompanied by an army heavily laden with plunder, must have taken the waggon-road, and Diniae, through which he passed, must be sought on it. Alcibiades, on the other hand, was more likely to travel by the direct horse-road, and Melissa, where he was killed, was on the road between Synnada and Metropolis,§ and may be sought at Baljik Hisar, where there are said to be remains on a hill round which the road winds. * At an earlier time I had fancied that the road Dokimion — Dorylaion joined the other at Nakoleia. This opinion also I had to abandon, or rather it is a bad way of saying that the road Dokimion — Pessinus intersected at Bayat the road Dorylaion — Nakoleia — Polybotos— Julia— Philomelion — Ikonion, so important in later time. t The actual distance is about xxv miles at most, but if Prymnessos and the detour be counted in, we have 15 + 17. M, Choisy took seven hours to the journey from Afiom Kara Hisar to Synnada, and estimates the distances from 25 to 30 kilom. (15 to 18 miles) : I took five hours ten minutes to the journey, and estimated the distance at 17 to 18 miles. Prymnessos is about two miles nearer Synnada. X I wrongly believed formerly (CB., LXI.) that the road made a long detour to the east to avoid this lofty ridge. Until I crossed it, I thought that the monolithic columns could not have been carried over it. § Athenseus, XIII. p. 574, F. E.— ROADS OF THE PROVINCE ASIA. 171 17. Strabo describes, after Artemidorus, the great caravan-route from Epbesos to Apameia to the east. Between Metropolis and the borders of Paroreios Phrygia at Holmoi it did not take the route by Synnada, which the Eoman governors preferred, Now the natural path is by Oinan and Geneli. This path is singularly easy and is throughout practicable for carriages at the present day. Artemidorus probably wrote before the direct road Metropolis to Synnada was made : but even after that road was built it is hardly conceivable that merchandise should be carried round Lysias — Synnada — Metropolis, when there is a far shorter and more level road Lysias — Geneli — Oinia — Metropolis. Even without any artificial causeway, this natural path is perfectly easy for vehicles. Khelidonion then is to be sought about either Geneli or Oinia. The route by which Manlius marched co- incides with this road until it enters the Oinan Ova, and then turns off to the north. Dinia, through which Manlius passed, seems to be the second part of Khelidonia (for the difference of vowel is paralleled by the two forms Siblia and Soublaion), and therefore Dinia — Kheli-donia must be in the south-western end of the Oinan Ova. 19. The line Dorylaion 26 Nakoleia 12 Santabaris 9 Kakka- bokome 18 Etsya 15 Polybotos — Julia — Philomelion — Hadrianopolis — Kaballa — Ikonion became important after Constantinople was made the capital, but it is very doubtful whether it existed in the Roman period. It may, however, have been represented on the Table, which gives the routes radiating from Constantinople, for part of it, viz., the direct road Philomelion — Kaballa — Ikonion was given on the original from which our copy is taken, and this part has no importance except as the com- pletion of the shortest line from Constantinople to Ikonion. The observation, which Prof. Hirschfeld made, that circuitous routes are often given on the Table as direct (and, I will add, direct routes as circuitous) is a valuable one, and many examples of it occur in this paper. But a zigzag route on the Table serves as a proof that the complete roads, of which parts are given in the zigzag, already existed. 20. The route Smyrna — Sardis — Philadelphia — Akmonia — Hiero- kharax — Aristion — Kidyessos — Prymnessos has been one of the important trade-routes in modern time, but apparently it was not constructed in Eoman time. The trade of Dokimion and Prymnessos passed to the coast by Synnada and Apameia. 21. The Boundaries of Eoman Asia are traced with approximate correctness by M. Waddington in Chap. II. of his ' Pastes des Provinces Asiatiques,' p. 25. His words are : " Commen^ant par le nord, le coui s du Ehyndacus servait d'abord de limite (Plin., H. N., Y., 142) jusque un pen au-dela de la ville d'Hadriani, qui appartenait a I'Asie et non a la Bithynie ; la frontiere se dirigeait ensuite a Test, passant au nord de Dorylaeum [atteignait probablement le Sangarius],* puis redescendait * Omit the words in brackets, which are due to the bad representation of the Sangarios in old map?. 172 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. au midi, en passant a Test de Midaeum,* d'Amorium et de Philo- melium,f qui etait la ville la plus orientale de la province." The rest of his description can be given more accurately. The boundary passed south of Hadrianopolis, and there turned north-west along the Sultan Dagh, leaving Neapolis and Antioch out, till it reached the long ridge which separates the valleys of Karamiik, Oinan, and Tchul, from the country that drains into the great lakes Hawiran and Egerdir, which, as Hirschfeld has suggested, were probably known as Limnai. The boundary ran along this ridge till it came to the valley of Dombai (Aurokra), when it turned south to include the valley in Asia. One of the boundaries is still preserved in this part. The road from Apameia to ApoUonia, after passing close over Aurokreni Fontes, reaches a small village Tchapali, and ascends a long steep slope. At the top of this slope there is a large pillar, square in plan, with base and capital of very slightly ornamental type : the pillar is now lying flat on the ground, but originally stood on a low circular basement, which still remains in a fragmentary state. On one side of the pillar is the following inscription J : — YnEPTHCAYTOKPA TOPOCKAICAPOCGE OYTPAIANOYnAPGI GYN OYAYI 5 OYTPAIANOYAAPI ACTOYAPXIEPE MEnCTOYAHMAP OYCIACTOlO YnATOYTOrnATPOCnAT 10 OC lACKAIAICON CAYTOYTEKAI □ANTOCOIKOY OYHBOYAHKAIO AHMOCOAHOAACjONIA 15 AYKICONKAI0PA ' a)NCji)N©EOIC NOPIOIC This dedication is dated in a.d. 135 From this point the boundary ran to the village of Baradis, where the following boundary-stone was copied by me in 1882 : — Finis Caesaris N This stone probably indicates the boundary of an imperial estate, which included the rich valley of Ketchi Borlu and Kilij, and which was * For Midaeum read AkkilaioD, and add "de Troknades, d'Orkistos" before *' d'Amorium." t For Philomelium read Thymbrion-Hadrianopolis. X I saw it first in 1882, when travelling with Sir Charles "Wilson. It was in such a position that it could not be read. In 1888 I returned to the place, and after five hours' work, got the stone turned and the inscription copied. virep TTjs avTOKpd- Topos Kaiffapos, 0e- ov Tpaiavov Uapdi' Kov vlov, de']ov N[€/)]oua ut- wv]ov, Tpaiavov 'Adpi[a- vov crefiJatXTOVj apxt^p^' wy] ixiy'icrroVj Srj/xap- XiKrjs i^']ovaias rh i6', virdrov rh 7', irarphs irar- pi'5]os, [ffuTTjp]ias Kai alwu' iov Sia/JLovr}']s avrov t€ koI Tov (rvfi^TravTos oXkov avT^ov, 7) fiovXi] Kol 6 S^fios 6 *A'iroW(t)Via- TWJ/], AvKldiV Ka\ ®p<^ \ Kwv KoXjcavcau, 0eots ^E'jvopiois E.— ROADS OF THE PROVINCE ASIA. 173 included among tlie Phrygian estates directed perhaps by the Procurator Phrygiae. South and east of this boundary the territory belongs to Galatia, in which the city Konane was included. The lake of Buldur (Askania) was probably the boundary, and near its south-western end at the village of Deuer, we find another boundary (which I copied in 1884), to. /xkv iv Seiia elvai %aya\aYAAKaNANECTh p 6p]o ' €t Se Tt l3ov\€va-[(Df Tavjra cTt ^wv eTriypdif/o). The restoration of tlie latter part is given by an inscription, side by side with the above, which the Austrian travellers omitted. It is engraved in faint and worn letters. I have published it in ASP., D 14 ; but the end must be read to) Kara TOTTOV ixL(TOvXaKi l(ru exet, Kol us twv BiOvvuv iraffyis irSx^uv fii(iTp6iToKls iyv NtKT^rtarov ry}v Iv raJ koAtto) tt}? ^LKOfxrjS€La\ov Tov iirivelov rod KarayriKpv Trjs twv NiKOfirj^ecav irdk^ws &vros. 2 186 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. "but on the way was detained for a time at Helenopolis by contrary windsi It was also apparently near the road to Nikaia, and is by these considera- tions placed beside Eriboia or Eribolos. It is possibly a shortened form of the same native name, which is grecised in these two forms. 50. But travellers to Nikaia would make a great detour in going by Nikomedeia : the direct road does not touch Nikomedia. Now, during the Byzantine period, by far the most important road that led from Constantinople into Asia, passed through Nikaia to Dorylaion, and there forked in several directions. The direct path to Nikaia therefore acquired immense importance, and is very frequently referred to, while we rarely hear of the stations near Isikomedeia. The land road to Nikaia coincided for some distance with the road to Nikomedeia. Travellers crossed the Bosphorus by one of the ferries, most commonly taking the ferry which went to Damalis. They then went through Pantichion and Dakibiza to Aigialoi, where they crossed the narrow entrance of the gulf of Astakos to Kibotos, and continued their journey by land to Nikaia. 51, 52. The ferry from Aigialoi to Kibotos is described by Anna Comnena (vol. IL, p. 279). There might otherwise be a temptation to identify Kibotos with Kibyza, the shortened form of Dakibyza and the modern Ghevse. But it is clearly necessary to place Kibotos on the south side of the ferry, near the narrowest part of the entrance to the gulf of Astakos. This ferry is still in use, and is described by Leake, who has not observed the ancient names, and errs in placing Libyssa where he should put Aigialoi. Ducange (notae in Alex., p. 683), fol- lowing the reading of the editio princeps, gives the name as Aigylloi, and identifies it with Aigilos, but the hitter is the second point from Argeos in the line of beacon-fires from Loulon to CoDstantinople, and must be in the north of Phrygia. 53. In place of the land-road and the ferry it was often found more convenient to sail from Constantinople direct to the south side of the gulf of Astakos, and Procopius sneers at Justinian (Hist. Arc, 30) for encouraging this method, and allowing the road between Chalcedon and Dakibyza to fall into decay. In the fourth century Praiuetos was the usual port to land at, and it is the only one mentioned in the Peutinger Table. But Constantino founded a new city, Helenopolis, at a place called previously Drepana, which became the usual harbour for landing at throughout the Byzantine period. Justinian, who encouraged this method of making the journey, beautified Helenopolis by many fine buildings, as Procopius relates (de Md\f., v. 2). The emperors seem to have had some private landing-places at some imperial estates in this neighbourhood, for in a.d. 1068 Eomanus Diogenes observed a bad omen * Leake calls the north end of the ferry Malsum. Kiepert does not give the name. It is 22 hours south of Pandik. It is often mentioned as Civitot in the Latin histories of the Crusades. F.— BITHYNIA. 187 in the fact that, when he did not land at Neakomos, but at Helenopolis,* the vulgar pronunciation of the name was Eleinopolis. Attaliota reports the matter with some difference, and apparently more correctly. Koma- nus did not land at Pylai, where tliere was a royal palace, nor at Neon Korae, another imperial estate, but at Helenopolis. "f 54. Nea Kome is probably the true name of the village on the imperial estate, called Neon Kome, or Neakomos, in the passages just quoted. 55. Pylai J was a coast town of Bithynia, west of the gulf of Astakos, probably near the promontory Poseidion, to judge from the Peutinger Table. Manuel Comnenus (a.d. 1146), settled there the Christian popu- lation whom he carried off from Philomelion ; but Cinnamus is quite wrong, when he says (p. 63) that Manuel gave the place the name Pylai. The name is at least as old as the fourth century : it occurs in the Peutinger Table. It is mentioned in 1068 by Attaliota § as an imperial estate, and evidently Manuel in 1146 gave the estate to the refugees. This passage of Attaliota also proves that Pylai was between Poseidion and Helenopolis. Pylai, Prainetos, and Nikomedeia, maritime towns (AttaL, p. 268). Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentions that Pylai was the usual place for the emperors to land when they were going to the East, and describes all the ceremonies of their reception (de Cerimon. vol. I., p. 474, and p. 493). 56. A hill called Mokilos, or Moukilos, above Pylai, was one of the line of beacons between Loulon and Constantinople. It must be Samanli Dagh. Then Kyrizos may be Katerli Dagh, and Olympos perhaps some point on the south-eastern skirts of Keshish Dagh rather than the main summit. 57. Helenopolis was founded in the year 318 at Drepana by Constan- tine, and named after his mother Helena. It was built in honour of Lucianus the martyr. || It continued, according to Procopius, to be a mere village, till Justinian gave it a water-supply by building an aqueduct, * ovK iu NeaKw/JLOV ou5e virar'ias x<^P'0'S Tiat ^uctlKikoTs Trpooccp/JLifraTo aW' eV 'E\evovTr6\€i (Scylitz., p. 689). t oifd yap kv ra'is TlvKais /cat ro7s ^aaiX^iois ZSfxois...., ouS' eV Necov Kwfxr], x^P'^V Tiu\ x^PV^'^'^V ^acTiXiKris Zopv(popias t) viraTelas, dAA.' els 'EKevoiroAiv (p. 144). The Bonn text prints Trv\ais for UvAais. X Pegai, a port on the Hellespont near its eastern end, must be distinguished from Pylai. Both are frequently mentioned : 'A-n-b Kv^Ikov els Uriyas iroXiv ttjv kuto, rhv 'EWrjaTTopTov iXQuv (Cantacuz. I., 339). Cedren., II., 310, mentions the Church of the Yirgin at another Pege, close to Constantinople. § See the passages of Attaliota (p. 144) and Scylitzes (p. 689) quoted and compared above. 11 ApeTTuyav rhv iu NiKOfMr^deia, iiriKTiaas els rifirjv AovKiavov rov eKelae (xapTvp-i](ravros (Cedren., I., p. 517, cp. Theophan., p. 28, where Di Boor accents Apeirdvav, but quotes the variants Apeiravhy and ApeTvavav). Act. Sanct. Jan. 7, p. 362, gives a very interesting account of tlie foundation and population. 188 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. and constructed baths and public buildings. According to Procopius, who actually says that Helena was a native of the place, Justinian's motive was to do honour to the founder of the empire ; but the discussion of the Byzantine military road will show that this city was only part of his general scheme in making that great road. Malalas, p. 323, says that its original name was Suga. Helenopolis was near the river Drakon, and Leake has shown that the Drakon was the river of the Forty Fords (Kirk Getchid). Helen- opolis therefore was near the narrowest part of the entrance to the gulf of Astakos. 58. Prainetos, said by Stephanus to have been founded by the Phoenicians, is not mentioned till the Byzantine period, when it shared in the development of the country between Chalcedon and Nikaia. It was on the south side of the gulf of Astakos, and east of Helenopolis, as is proved by the Table and Hierocles.* It lay on the march of Nicephorus Botoniates from Nikaia to Constantinople in 1078,t but he may have diverged a little from the direct road to ensure its adherence to his cause. It is also mentioned on the route by which Taticius retreated from Nikaia towards Constantinople in a.d. 1085 (Anna, I., 305 ; see No. 73). The Peutinger Table also gives it on the coast xxviii miles from Nikaia, which agrees very well with the situation assigned. If it were west of Helenopolis, it would be more than xxviii miles from Nikaia. Its position on the Peutinger Table shows that it was one of the ports to which travellers from Constantinople to Nikaia were in the habit of going by sea. The native name was perhaps Prietos or Prinetos. J It will be best here to discuss the situation of some other places beside or on the road to the important city of Nikomedeia. 59. Semana is mentioned as a village not far from Nikomedeia (Act. Sanct. April 27, p. 484, vit. S. Anthimi). 60. Sabandja Dagh, east of Nikomedeia, on the south side of the lake Sabandja, and overhanging the road to Ankyra, which passes between the mountains and the lake, has long been recognised as the Byzantine Sophon (tw Xeyo/xevov l^o^wra to opos (Attal., p. 189 ; Scjlitz., p. 710). 61. 62. SoREOi, and Limnai, were two neighbouring places on the south coast of the gulf of Astakos. They are mentioned only in the Acta S. Autonomi, Sept. 12, X^P^^ '^'■^'^ ^ rovvojxa fxkv iSwpeot', fcctrai Se kv Sc^La TO) ctcTTrAeoj'Tt rov ttJs NtKO/xr/Set'a? koXttov, and again KOLKeWev iv Ai/xi^ats ytVerat, )(U)pLov hi tovto Swpcots izX-qaLa'Cov. * npeVeros, ifiirSpiov KaravTiKph t^s NtKO^rjSei'as K^ijx^vov (Socr,, 'Hist. Eccles.,' VI., 14). NiKOfx-qSeia, Upiveros, 'Ekev6TroKis (Hierocles). t Compare Scylitzes, p. 734, with Nicepli. Bryen., p. 124, and Attal., 267. X irphs Upieroy, f/Tts Upalyeros irapa rcov ^yx^P'-^^ ^iTUiv6ixa(rrai (Theophan. Coiltin., p. 464). The above is probably the intention, though the words mean the converse ; Upierov should probably be corrected to npiVerov. The passage goes on to mention that the place was named after some irarpios 0eo's of the Bithynians. Stephanus calls it Pronektos near Drepane (i.e. Helenopolis). The Table has Pronectos or Pronetios. F.— BITHYNIA. 189 63. S. Hypatius, of the monastery Eufiniana or Drys, three miles east of Chalcedon, went to visit the brothers in the interior of Bithynia, Gangra Gal.itia Prtphlagouia Gan-i-a 1 Tiyypa GaDgra 1 rdyypcai' 1 rdy-ypcov SEBAZTH ■ MHTPO • nA ■ ? ASnNOTElXElTHN, inNOnOAEITON Abonou Teicbos PoDtua YI. lonopolis 5 ''lovv6Tro\is lonopolis 3 'lovvovirdKeons 2 'lvyouTr(jA.6ws Pontua VII. Dadybra 6 Ad5v0pa Dadybra 3 Aa5v0poiv AMAETPIANQN (MHTPOnOAEITON) Amastris Pontus Vm. Amastris Amastris 2 ' AfidfTTpiSos 1 ^Afj-diTTpiSos nOMnHIOnOAEITON • MHT • nA*A • Pompeiopolis Puntus IX.? Pumpeiopolia 6 nO;U7r?jioi;TroAts Pompeiopolis 1 Hop-TreiovirSXecos 1 YlofimjiovTraKeas To /ace page m. BITHYNIA. NIKOMHAEON npoYZAEHN • n • OAYMnn AnOAAnNIATHN ■ HPOE • PYNA KAIZAPEIAZ • TEPMANIKHZ NiKofijfifia Bithyuia I. npofo-o npis 'Ohifinif Bithynia II. KAAXAAONinN AnAMEQN KIANDN AdyovTa AagAeis (p. 443) [T]aT„oi,o. XaA.fCTjStif Upovffids : Bithynia IV. ; Bith. vici Bithynia Y. Bith. vicus Bith. ■ Bith. vicus Bithynia VII. Bithynia VIII. Bithynia IX. I Nicomedieusis I Prusiadis justa Olympum Apolloniensis, 325 Neocaesariensis, 381 Hadrianopolis or Hadriau- ensis, 325 Caesariensis, 325 Calehedonensis Cone. Chalcedon, 451. (Palladius Helenopolis, 400) (in Hellespontua) Eegio Doris Kegio Tottaion K'lov (a Co), Hieiocles, 530, 2 UtKoix-fiSeia 9 npovtra 3 UplvfTQS 4 'E\ev6iro\is 16 'PeyeStiptts 15 'PiyeraTilios 1 XahK7}Uv 8 'Airdixeia Nikomedeia Prainetos Helenopolis Basilinopolia Neocaesareia (?) Nova Justiniana, 553 Nikomedeia Theopolis Prainetos Helenopolis Basilinopolia Daskylion Theotokia Neocaesareia Hadiiani Caesareia Kadosia iNova Justinianopolis] I Gordi or Nova Jub- t tiiiiana (M4\a) | Gordoserba Nikomedeia Helenopolis Easilinopolis Daskylion ApoUoniaa Neocaesareia or Ariste Adriani Caesareia Notitiae Vm., IX. 1 NlKO/iljSt'oS 2 UpovaTjs 3 npaiceVoy 4 'E\evovTT6\fus 5 'Ba(ri\itiowr6\eas 6 TOU AaiTKV\(ov 10 Kaitrapeias 11 W\Aou ijToi KoSoffias 1 NiKafay 3 AifrfTjs 4 TopSovaTipfi. 1 NiK0fij]8eias 2 IIpoiJ(r7ir 3 Upaivirov 4 'E\ecoinr(f\€a)r 5 Baa-ivovirSKiais 6 TOU Aao"KuAfou 7 'AiToWuvidSos 12 'Ep{o-Ti7s 8 'ASpiamr 9 Kaiffapdas 10 TaAAou ^Tot A6X^''^"' '''^^ Bw^avTi'ou eVl U.a\aL(TThrjv, Tre^'p t7)v Tropeiau iroiov/j.ei'os • Koi St; (pQaaas rh 'hfx.6f)iov eVeAeuTTjo-e (Sabae Vita in Coteler. Eecles. Graee. Monum. III., p. 369). I Theophan., p. 467, where Di Boor has irvpyovs in place of Uvpyovs, and in the index gives the name under Anydroi. The above description shows that he is mistaken in describing it as near Tarsos. § It is doubtful whether Pyrgos on the Table is a Latin accusative plural, or a nomi- native singular. G.— THE BYZANTINE MILITARY ROAD. 199 4. Nikaia, Linoe (Aine Gol), Kotiaion, Akroenos (Afiom Kara Hisar), and Ikonion. — This road is described by Cinnamus,* p. 40, on the march of Manuel Comnenus ; and Alexius Comnenus traversed it on Lis return march from Ikonion. It became important only at a very late period as an alternative route between Constantinople and Ikonion, when the latter was the Seljuk capital. It is not given in the Peutinger Table. 0. Dorylaion, Pessinus, along the west shore of lake Tatta to Archelais. — This route is given in the Peutinger Table, with no interruption, but with several interpolated names. It is not a useful route, and I know no historical example of its use. 6. The preceding are the great routes to Cilicia; but when the intention is to go to Ankyra, Tavium, Caesareia, Armenia, or Kom- magene, the pilgrims' route is on the whole the best for light travellers, but it traverses a mountainous country, and although the natural interest that belongs to it has caused its importance to be much exaggerated, it was not one of the great through routes of the Byzantine Empire. The military history for many centuries depends on another road, longer but more useful and easy. This road went by Nikaia and Dorylaion, crossed the Sangarios by the bridge Zompos, and the Halys at the modern Tcheshnir Keupreu, and then forked to Sebasteia and Armenia, to Caesareia and Kommagene, and to the Cilician Gates. This great military road of the Byzantine Empire was maintained with the utmost care for many centuries. It fell into disrepair under the weak sovereigns who succeeded Heraclius, and who brought the Empire to the verge of ruin. But under the vigorous rule of the Iconoclast Emperors the defences and communications of the Empire were again brought to the perfection in which they had been left by- Justinian in the sixth century, and although we can trace the history of this road only in obscure passing references, there is no doubt that in general attention was paid to its maintenance until the eleventh century. Almost all the military expeditions of the vigorous emperors passed along this road. In the emperor's progress from Constantinople, he found the contingent of troops furnished by the different provinces awaiting him at stated points near the roads. These stated points were called aTrXrjKra : they were no doubt large standing camps, such as the old Romans called Stativa. They are enumerated by the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the tenth century. This main military road of the Empire was longer than the pilgrims' road. Its advantages lay in its greater ease and in its passing near the most convenient military stations for the defence of the provinces. But when these advantages disappear, when all roads fall alike into neglect, and when a foreign army which had no contingents to draw from the provinces invaded the empire, then the directness of the pilgrims' route * The route is Pithekas, Akrounos, Philomelion, p. 38. VOL. IV. P 200 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. must again bring it into prominence. Siicli lias been tlie case since the eleventh century. The course of the road was determined by considerations of easy concentration of the forces of the different provinces along the road, and it was defended at intervals by strong fortresses. Those which I have seen are as a rule of the same general character. They are perched on lofty precipitous rocks, which are of immense natural strength, but which could not be provisioned against a long siege, though they were practically impregnable against a short siege. Such fortresses were well suited to the desultory character of the invasions to which Asia Minor was exposed from Sassanian or Saracen armies : these were, as a rule, mere predatory expeditions, which retired at the end of autumn. A series of forts which could not be captured except by blockade and star- vation formed an admirable system of defence against such enemies. Hence these forts became the nucleus of new cities, and their importance grew steadily during the Byzantine period, while cities in defenceless situations were deserted or reduced to mere villages. Even cities whose strength depended on artificial fortifications and disciplined garrison troops and the observance of proper precautions, were not suited to protect a country, which was often ruled by careless and incompetent emperors, and whose defences were therefore often allowed to fall into disrepair. Although the great stations on the road are expressly described by Constantino in a passage which I shall quote and emend below, I am not aware that any modern writer has connected this passage with the road, or has shown its extreme importance for the understanding of Byzantine military history. It is therefore necessary to prove my theory, step by step, as regards both the route and the importance of the " Byzantine Military Eoad." 7. With regard to the time when this road was first organised, we observe that no less than four different cities, founded by Justinian and named Justinianopolis,* besides a paved causeway many miles in length, which was constructed by him, occur on this road. Four separate points showing his work may be taken as sufScient proof that he organised the whole route, and its creation may be fairly adduced as one of the most striking proofs of the skill with which he planned and renovated the government of Asia Minor.j I shall now proceed to discuss the road in detail, point by point, so far as the evidence I have been able to collect reaches. Starting from Constantinople, an emperor using the road might either * I have regarded it as certain that all these foundations date from Justinian I. ; even where they are not attested by Procopius, most of them can be proved to have existed before Justinian II., a.d. 685. t The road towards the east, on which he took care to maintain the postal service in high order, though he neglected it on other roads according to Procopius (' Hist. Arc.', 30), was certainly this road. G.— THE BYZANTINE MILITARY ROAD. 201 cross tlie BospTiorus and take the land route from Chalcedon to Aigialoi and cross the ferry to Kibotos, or he might take ship to some harbour such as Helenopolis, or Prainetos, or one of his private landing-places * on the south coast of the Gulf of Astakos. It has been already remarked that Helenopolis was the usual starting-point of the land road, and that the great series of buildings with which Justinian beautified it was part of his general scheme for this great road. Kibotos was close to Helenopolis. In later time at least the emperors themselves usually landed at Pylai, but this involved a detour, and was practised by the emperors alone. Eomanus in 1076 is mentioned as an exception : perhaps being in a hurry he took the direct and usual course, and landed at Helenopolis. Hence the road went to Nikaia. From Nikaia the road apparently went to Leukai on the Sangarios.'f It passed first a village Gaita, which bears the same name as a Phrygian villasre on the horse road between Philomelion and Ikonion. We hear more than once about Christians from the neighbourhood of Philomelion being settled in Bithynia, and perhaps the name may have been carried in this way. J 8. PiTHEKAS is the next point mentioned on the road. There was a bridge beside it (r^v Kara tov UtOrjKav yecf}vpav, Anna, 1. c). Strong for- tifications at this place are mentioned by Nicetas Choniata.§ Haase, in the art. Plirygia, in Ersch and Gruber's ' Allgem. Encyclop.,' p. 274, inaccurately supposes that Pithekas was in the neighbourhood of Phila- delpheia. Manuel Comnenus, marching from the lower Ehyndakos, crossed the Mysian Olympos (Keshish Dagh) before reaching Pithekas. He strengthened the fortifications in order to protect himself against the Turks of Konia. This shows how widely the Seljuk power was extended at the time. Only in the later years of his life did Manuel seize and fortify Dorjdaion. In his earlier jesivs Dorylaion was com- pletely in Turkish power, and Manuel always in his earlier campaigns preferred the road by Kotiaion (which also passed through Pithekas). Kotiaion was further west and longer in the Christian possession than Dorylaion. II Armenokastron is perhaps one of the forts in the neighbourhood of Pithekas, which have just been mentioned (cp. F. 69). Anna Comnena mentions it on the march of Alexius between Pithekas and Leukai. * These have been described above (F. 53) in discussing the road to Nikaia. t Anna Oommena, XV., vol. II., p. 322. X The village south of Philomelion is still called Agait ; it is mentioned by Cinnamus, p. 42. Christians were brought in this way by Manuel Comnenus some years later, and settled at Pylai in Bithynia. Alexius also brought back Christians from Philomelion. § to; irepl rhu nt07j«:aj/ epvfiaTa (Nicet. Ohon., p. 71 ; cp. Cinnam., p. 38). II It is clear that in the disgraceful treaty of 1074 between Suleiman and the Emperor Michael, Dorylaion and Sugut, but not Kotiaion, were included in the country recognised as Seljuk, I have discussed the southern frontier in the American ' Journal of Archseo- logy,' 1886, and have shown that Apameia-Celaenae, but not Soublaion, was included in the Seljuk country. P 2 202 A SKETCH OF THE HISTOEICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. LeuivAI retains its name as Lefke. It is beside the junction of the river Gallos with the Sangarios. The suspicion suggests itself that the bridge of Pithekas, just mentioned, is the bridge over the Gallos, and that Pithekas, Leukai, &c., are all in the same neighbourhood. The fortifications by which Manuel streugthened the district of Melagena (Nicet. Chon., p. 71) would then be identical with ra -n-epl tov liLOrjKav ipvfxara (ib.). 9. Malagina, Melagina, Melagena, Melangia, or Mela, are different names given to the first great station on the military road. It was an a7r\r]KTov, where troops from the surronnding country concentrated to await the emperor's arrival, and to accompany his march to the east. Unfortunately the account of the aTrXrjKra given by Constantine, our sole authority, is so confused and inaccurate that its value is greatly impaired. He makes the troops of the Thrakesian and Anatolic Themes concentrate at Malagina ; he omits to tell what troops concentrated at Dorylaion, the second airXrjKrov, and he repeats the Anatolic Theme as concentrating at Kaborkion, the third aTrXrjKrov. We are therefore obliged to trust to our own judgment in the matter. The Optimate troops would natnially concentrate at Malagina, the Opsikian and Thrakesian would concentrate at Dorjlaion, the Domesticus Scholar um would come either to Dorjlaion or to Kaborkion, the Anatolic troops would come to Kaborkion, so would the Seleukeian troops. 10. It will be convenient as a preliminary to our whole investiga- tion to give here the text of this most important passage of Constantine, vol. I., p. 444 : — Et(rt TO. OLTrXrjKTa ° TrpQrov aTrXrjKTOV ets to, MaXaytva, Sevrepov to AopvXeLOv, TpCrov eh to Ka^opKiv, reraprov eh KoXojT/tav, TrejXTrrov eh Katcrapeiai/, cktov eh ^ApfxevLaKOvs eh tov Aa^i/^ojva • ore 6 arpaTrjyos Tuiv ©paKYjorLinv kol b CTTpaTTjyos TOiv 'AvutoXlkwv ocjieLXovcTLV VTravTav tw /SaaiXeL eh to, MaXaytva. 6 SofxeartKOs twv a^oXtjJv koi 6 arpaT-qyos tcov 'AvaroAiKcoi/ Koi 6 aTpaTr}yb<5 ^eXevKias o^eiXovo'iv viravrav teiXovcrLV diroaajpeveaOai eh ^aviavav, el Trpos to. [xeprj ryjs 'AvaroXrj<;, 6y Ma\ayluoou). X Weil, ' Gesch. der Khalifen,' II., 157, note, and Muralt both speak of Mangana here ; Mangana is a very different place, beside Constantinople. § Compare Theoph. Contin., p. 198. Symeon Mag. (p. 660) mentions that Malagina was in the Opsikian Theme. 204 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. the Byzantine Court,' wliere their whole organisation is described (pp. 459, 476, 486). In 803 Bardanes, who had rebelled against Nicephorus, advanced to Cbrysopolis on the Bosphorus, but retired immediately as far as Mala- giua : he was strategos of the Anatolic Theme, where he had rebelled, and towards which he naturally retired again. His march, therefore, must have been towards Dorylaion (Theophan., p. 479). The Paulicians, under Chrysocheir, penetrated as far as Malagena in 872 (Genes., 114). All the recorded campaigns of the Paulicians pass along the military road. 12. The forms Melangia and Melagina or Melagena, as already recognised by Ducange, are clearly equivalent to Malagina ; but I add some proofs of the position of Melangeia on the same road. Constantino, bishop of Melangeia, is mentioned as late as 1269 by Pachymeres (vol. I., p. 102). Melagina is mentioned as an archbishopric in an unpublished Notitia Episcopatuum, in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. It is given, last in order, as No. 39, among the apxi^u-io-KO'TTai This Notitia belongs to the same class as Parthey's No. X. It is in a MS. marked No. 960, a codex hombycinus of the end of xiii or beginning of xiv century ; and it begins on fol. 89 r"^. The reference of Pachymeres seems to imply that the bishop of Melangeia was already raised to this dignity : he is men- tioned along with the bishops of Ankyra, Ephesos, &c. Melangeia is also mentioned as on the road from the Bosphorus to Dorylaion. Conrad crossed by the ferry Damalis, and advanced towards Philomelion by Melangeia and Dorylaion (Cinnam., p. 81). The em- peror Manuel Comnenus, 1175 a.d., crossed at Damalis, advanced through Melangeia, where he collected the troops which concentrated there from Bithynia on the east, and from the districts along the Khyndakos * on the west, i.e, the Optimate and Opsikian Themes, and then proceeded to Dorylaion. Melangeia here is shown to be on the same road as Malagina,"]" and like it to be an aTvXrjKTov, where the troops of the Optimate Theme met the emperor on his march. There can, therefore, be no doubt of the identity of the two places. After the preceding and following paragraphs were finished, I observed that Zonaras asserts the identity of Melangeia and Malagina, saying that the latter is the more rustic name.J 13. The form Melagina seems to have led to another corruption Melaina. Melaina is mentioned by Ducas as a village on the road from Amasia towards Prousa (eyyvs ttov Upova-rjs, p. 129). I think there can be no doubt that Melaina = Melagina, § and we have thus a proof that * Cinnam., p. 294 (cp. pp. 36, 127). t The form MaXdyyiva sometimes occurs for MaXdyiva. X Zonaras, III., p. 129 (Basel, 1557). § Melagina becomes Melaina, either through the operation of popular etymology, seeking a word with a meaning, or through the tendency of modern Greek pronunciation to weaken g before i into y. G.— THE BYZANTINE MILITARY ROAD. 205 tlie place was at the crossing of the roads from Prousa to the east and from Nikaia to the south, which exactly confirms the conclusion to be drawn from the fact that Malagina was an aTrXrjKTov where the Optimate troops concentrated. After Dorylaion had passed into Turkish hands Melagena was the natural aTvXrjKTov for the Opsikian troops also. 14. Mela, which does not occur in Hierocles, is mentioned as a bishopric in all the Notitiae. It must, therefore, probably have risen to this rank after 530 a.d. In the Council held at Constantinople in a.d. 680, the bishop of Mela was present, and the names Mela and Justinianopolis Nova are used as equivalent. Mela therefore was refounded by Justinian and raised to the rank of a bishopric. Procopius, though he wrote his account of the buildings of Justinian not earlier than 560 a.d.,* does not refer to the building of Justinianopolis Mela, but the passage in which he describes the building and paviug of the road from Bithjnia into Phrj'gia may fairly be connected with the foundation of the city, and may serve as a proof that the city was situated on the road.")" It may, of course, be confidently assumed that the road described by Procopius is the imperial post-road to Dorylaion, the great artery of communication with Phrygia. Procopius mentions his care of the road to the east (Hist. Arc, 30). 15. The situation of Mela is further determined by the usual entry in the Notitise, Modprjv^s yjtol McAr)?. Mela was sufficiently near Modra or Modrene, for the two to be included in one bishopric. Modra was situated on the upper waters of the Gallos. If the text of Strabo (p. 543) is to be trusted, the Gallos joined the Sangarios a little over 300 stadia, nearly 40 miles, from Nikomedeia, and this distance, as Leake mentions, proves that the Gallos is the river which flows past Leukai,J rising in the little Lake Aine Gol ("Mirror Lake"). The probable inference then is that Modra was about the village Aine Gol, and Mela about the point where the imperial highway crossed the river Gallos. Strabo knew the distance from this point, the junction of the Sangarios and Gallos, to Nikomedeia, from an itinerary, and hence he * He refers to the Sangarios bridge as in process of building. It was begun in 5G0. t ''EcTi 5e Tis iu Bidvvo7s odhs is ra ^pvyccv ^9r] ivdepde Iovti, cuOa drj avOpconois re avapl6jj.ois kol ^ciois erepoLS x^'-l^^^^^ ^P? Sto\oi}\evai ^vi/e^aiye ' yewdris yap virepdyau 7) Xwpa oucra, firi on 6/x$pcov i^aLaicou KarappayeuTcov fj x^ovooy ttoKKoov 4iTiKexviJ^^:VU}V re koL SiaXvd^iauu eV eo-^aTw, aWa kol i|/€K:a5coj/ iTvnmrrooKviwv, ovtoj tvxoi, is reA^ua fiaOv Kal airSpevTov ^vviaTa/xiur], rits re oSovs revaydoSeis ipya^ojxivT], tovs Trjde louras eK rod iirl TrXelcTTOv aviiruiy^v. aWa Kal rovrov avTos re jx^yaXocppoavvij y\ivx^s Kal r) jSaaiAls Qeodwpa rhv Kiudvvov to7s irapiovai hUXvaav. is r]fi4pas yap odov rifxiau ev^wucc avSpl Kidois Tra/j.fX€y€Oe cross by some 12 miles down. It would go straight across from Tchifteler to Sivri Hisar (Justinianopolis). Moreover, it cannot be sup- posed that the Cappadocic Thome extended to the sources of the Sangarios at this time. It might, of course, be argued from Constantine*s * I am assuming Texier's account to be correct. But possibly he is wrong, and the bridge has five arches. In that case Pentegephyra would be correct, and Pontogepbyra the corruption. t There seems to be here some strange misconception of the great geographer, as in the same sentence he speaks of the plains of Dorylaion on the east of the Sangarios. X Texier, ' Asie Mineure,* p. 391. VOL. IV. Q 216 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. description of the Cappadocio Theme that it could not have reached to any part of the Sangario;^, but was confined to the east side of the Halys ; but his description applies to the older form of the Theme, and about 890 the Cappadocic Theme was actually extended as far west as the mountains east of Sivri Hisar (Gunusu Dagh, the ancient Dindymos ?). 35. It is necessary at this point to discuss the limits ^at different periods of the Cappadocic Theme. Constantino identifies the Cap- padocic Theme, which was one of the three divisions of the great Armeniac^ Theme, with the old province Cappadocia Secunda ; but this is a mere slip, for in the earlier part of his account he defines it clearly as adjoining Lykaonia on the one side and reaching to Caesareia on the other, and in another direction bordering on the Buccellariote Theme on one side and reaching to Loulon and even up to Podandos on the other side ('deThem.,' p. 19). But his description of the Buccellariote Theme shows that it extended to the Halys, and that it was divided from the Cappadocic Theme by the Halys. A passage, however, in his treatise ' de Administrando Imperio ' (p. 225) shows clearly that, though originally the Buccellariote Theme did extend along the Halys as far south as the frontier of the old Cappadocian province near Parnassos, yet a modi- fication took place subsequently.- About the year 890 four military districts of the Buccellariote Theme, Bareta, Balbadon, Aspona, and Akarkous, together with three of the Anatolic Theme, Eudokias, Saint Agapetos, and Aphrazeia, were transferred to the Cappadocian Theme. These seven districts comprise all the southern part of Galatia, from Aspona, near the Halys, to the Sangarios and even to Eudokias, and are called the Turma Kommata.f The bridge Zompi crosses from Eudokias to Saint Agapetos or Myrika, and apparently either a tbird change must have occurred and Eudokias been again attached to the Anatolic Theme, or else Michael refers to the fact that the Anatolic Theme included all the country south of the Sangarios, and must have come close up to Zompi. 36. Of these seven bandai or topoteresiai, Eudokias, Saint Agapetos, Aphrazeia, and Aspona, have (H, 5-12) been placed approximately or exactly. The precise sites of Bareta, Balbadon, and Akarkous, can hardly be fixed, but Akarkous is probably a false reading for Akarbous, and is a variant of Gorbeous.J Bareta and Balbadon would then comprise the central parts of the Haimane (Bareta on the north, * Tr]V rocv 'AvaroAiKuv Koi KainraSoKau eVt^evyfuei iirapx'iav (Mich. Attal., p. 184). t Komraata is possibly the Latin comata. X Gorbeous, Akarbous, compare Loulon, Halala, which have been identified in an- other part of this book. K for B is a common error ; compare Ikria for Ibria in Not. I., VIII., IX. I misinterpreted Ikria in my ' Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia/ part I., but put^it correctly in the Table, part II. Since then, I find my correction confirmed by the Bodleian manuscript, Baroc. 185, fol. 16, which reads tvptW, and which invariably writes v for )8, G.— THE BYZANTINE MILITARY ROAD. 217 Balbadon on tlie south), and Akarbous and Aspona similarly the eastern Haimane np to the Halys. Akarbous would be a fort commanding the military road, and similarly we may look for Bareta or Balbadon on or near the military road at a point south of Ankyra, and near the road from Ankyra to Perta and Archelais Colonia. A comparison of the account given (K 15) of the Kharsian Theme «hows that this later Cappadocic Theme must have been practically •confined to these seven bandai. It was bounded on the north by the Buccellariote Theme, which is mentioned a.d. 1035 by Cedrenus, II., p. 514, and Glycas, p. 588, as still in existence, on the east by the Halys and the Kharsian Theme, on the south and west by the Anatolic Theme. Its importance, in spite of its small size, lay in its being on the line of the great road. It is certainly true that the expression of Michael Attaliota about Zompi connecting the Anatolic and Cappadocic Themes suggests that the river separated the two Themes, and a great river is certainly the natural boundary between two military districts, just as the Halys was on the east. But on the other hand Eudokias seems necessarily placed at Yiirme, and the baths of Saint Agapetos equally necessarily at the Hamam near Kadi Keui. Eudokias borders on Germa, and even if we could place Eudokias east of the Sangarios, separated by that river from Germa,* it would then be almost necessary to place Saint Agapetos at Yiirme, and the difficulty would still remain. In 1068 Eomanus Diogenes, marching to the east by the usual road via Helenopolis, crossed the Sangarios by the bridge Zompos, and afterwards the Halys. f This passage also proves that Zompi was on the military road. 37. Another bridge called Tantaendia, evident^ over the Sangarios, or perhaps one of its tributaries, the Tembris or the Siberis, is mentioned in the life of Theodorus Sykeota.J It lay between Colonia Germa and Sykea, and must be either over the middle course of the Sangarios, south of Sykea and Lagania, or over the Tembris near Germa. It is just possible that it is identical with the bridge over the Siberis built by Justinian (Procop., ' ^dif.,' V. 6). 38. To cross Galatia with a large army from east to west, there are only iwo roads which afford a water-supply. One of these would keep along ihe Tembris (Porsuk Su), cross the Sangarios, and ascend the Ankyra river. The military road appears not to have taken this course, and it must in iill probability have taken the other. In that case, from Justinianopolis * The position so far north is, however, impossible, for the seven bandai are clearly the southern part of Galatia, The Anatolic Theme, to judge from Constantino's descrip- tion, could never have included Eudokias, unless it was pretty far south; and nothing is left for the Buccellariote, if the Anatolic extended to the river of Ankyra, which in that case would be the northern border of Eudokias. t Scylitz., p. 639, and Attal., p. 139. X Act. Sanct., April 22nd, p. 53. Q 2 218 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. it went to Eudokias, crossed the Sangarios south of the present KawTinji Keupreu, ascended the Ilija Su, which flows with a fine stream throughout the summer * from the central Haimane. The road would pass under the walls of Kizil Hissar Kale, which I suppose to be Aphrazeia, and which overhangs the river. It would then cross by Bareta or Balbadon to Gorbeous-Akarbous, and descend a stream which flows eastwards towards the Halys. 39. The Halys must have been crossed by a bridge, and Tcheshnir Keupreu is admirably situated, where the river is narrowed to enter a gorge in the mountains. A bridge over the Halys is indeed never mentioned by Byzantine writers; but it can hardly be the case that the Turks were the first to construct a bridge there.f In A.D. 905, Samonas, the Saracen favourite of Leo YL, on pretence of going on a visit to his own monastery Speira, which was situated in Damatry beside Constantinople, fled to his native country, and, in order to avoid pursuit, hamstrung all the post-horses as he passed. He was, however, refused permission to cross the Halys, and was in consequence overtaken by his pursuers. A doubt might be raised whether this refers to the passage of the Halys at Tcheshnir Keupreu, or to the other crossing between Justinianopolis-Mokissos (Kir Sheher) arid Caesareia. He had already long passed Speira, and was going onwards towards the east, when he was arrested, so that it was clear that he was fleeing. He then pretended that he was going to the Timios Stavros, the Holy Cross, at Sirichas or Sirachas.f When we remember that one of the fortresses in southern Galatia which we have (K 12-6) seen reason to place on the military road, was called Timios Stavros, there can be no doubt that Samonas was arrested at Tcheshnir Keupreu, and then pretended that he was going to the Holy Cross for religious purposes. The incident incidentally confirms in a general way the situation which has been assigned to Timios Stavros. 40. Another place on the road west of the Halys was Ara. In a.d. 906 Eustathius Argyrus was banished to his own house in the Kharsian Theme, but on his way died at Ara, and was buried at Spynin, a high point beside Ara.§ His sons, however, exhumed the body and carried it to the family monastery of S. Elizabeth in the Kharsian Theme. There is no clue to the exact position of Ara and Spynin. 41. There must certainly have been a fortress near the bridge to protect the crossing of the Halys. This fortress, as I shall try to prove, was Saniana. In the first place, the defending fortress was on the east side of the ♦ I have gone along it in the middle of September. t The present bridge may be only a repaired Byzantine bridge : it has a single pointed arch. X Sirichas Leo Grammat., p. 278 ; Theophan. Contin., p. 369 ; Sirachas, Cedren., II., p. 264. § is rh Sirurlf rod "Apa rrju Kyios rjyovfxcvos T(x)v TepixLwv and 'loidvvrjs irp^u^vrepo'i Tov *Aytov %€.pyiov tcuj/ TepfXLCov. 5. EuDOXiAS is a name given to some town or village of Galatia in honour either of the mother or of the daughter of Theodosius II. It belongs to a large group of city names, which seem all to belong to the period of Valeus, Theodosius I., and Pulcheria Augusta : in Phrygia Pacatiana, Yalentia, Eudokias, Theodosia, and Pulcherianopolis ; in Pisidia, Theudosiopolis (Eudoxiopolis in Hierocles) ; in Asia, several different places were named Theodosiopolis, and Arcadiopolis occurs ; and man}^ other examples might be collected. Eudoxias and Germa were conterminous bishoprics, as is shown by a passage in the life of S. Theodorus Sykeota.* There was a feast of the Virgin in Musgi oppido, at which it was customary for the bishops of Germa and of Eudoxias to be present. Musgum was, therefore, probably a village on the frontier of Germa and Eudoxias, and the Christian custom perpetuated an old religious connection of both cities with some holy spot between them. Such a connection is not likely to have existed between cities on opposite sides of the Sangarios, and no other territory in Galatia Salutaris, conterminous with Germa, remains, except on the south of that city and on the east of Pessinus. There is, therefore, every probability that Eudoxias was situated at Yiirme, where there are considerable remains of a Byzantine bishopric, and in that case 6. MousGON was probably situated at the fine hot springs about six miles N.N. W. of Yiirme. 7. Synodion. It appears that the bishopric which is named (in genitive case) ^vwdhoiv, ^^wcSeW, %vvo^iov in the late Notitias III. and X., and in the Council of Constantinople, 692, must be identified with Eudoxias ; but the reason of the name is quite unknown, unless it be derived from this great gathering at the hot springs ^ad Musgi oppidum. 8. GoRDiON. The famous city Gordion is apparently to be identified with Eudoxias. Manlius, after crossing the Sangarios south of Pessinus, marched in one day to Gordion; and Alexander the Great, marching probably by the same road to Ankyra, passed through Gordion. It was an important commercial city of the early period, and the situation at Yiirme explains this importance, because it is on the " Eoyal Eoad from Pessinus to Ankyra. The identification seems fairly certain, for there is absolutely no other city within a day's march of the place where Manlius must have crossed the Sangarios. 9. Akkilaion is wrongly identified with Eudoxias, and the frontier of Asia consequently pushed too far east, in the map attached to my " Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia," part II. The false situation assigned to Germa by all authorities and accepted by me, threw the whole * ' Acta Sanctorum,' April 22nd, p. 47. 22G A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. topography of the district into confusion. Akkilaion has now been properly placed on the Tembris, between Midaion and Germa. So long as Germa was placed at Yunne, since Eudoxias was certainly adjoining it, there was no alternative except to place Eudoxias on the lower Tembris. Then Akkilaion and Eudoxias were side by side, and, as Akkilaion never occurs as a bishopric, I supposed them to be actually included in one bishopric. The name Akkilaion, like Midaion from Midas, Dorylaion from Dorylas, Tataion or Tottaion from Tatas or Tottes, is obviously derived from a personal name Akkilas, and there can be little doubt that this is a variant of the very common Phrygian personal name Akylas.* Akkilaion is perhaps Gratianopolis, on which see C. B., LXXXIII., Act. Sanct., Apr. 22, p. 42, and Cone. Ephes., A.D. 431, where Philadelphus, bishop of Gratianopolis, was present. Akkilaion was in the province Asia, as is clear from its coins. 10. Myrika. The situation is proved with certainty by the hot springs, mentioned in a signature at the Council of Chalcedon. Besides the hot baths between Germa and Eudoxias, the only others known in Galatia Salutaris are at the Merkez of the Haimane, near Kadi Keui, at the head- waters of a stream which flows into the Istanoz Su not far above its junction with the Sangarios.f The exact form of the name is uncertain ; the adjectives formed from it are Mvpi/ctos and MvpiKrjvo?. Hierocles has MvpuKLiovj which is apparently adapted from a list of bishoprics (o MvptKtwv). In one entry at Council. Chalcedon J we read Elpidio (episcopo) Thermensis majoris," which implies a distinction from some other Thermae of less imporlance. 11. Saint Agapetos. In the later Notitiae and in the Council. Quinis. .\.D. 692, the bishopric changes its name, and is called after Saint i\gapetos, to whom its church was doubtless dedicated. This seems to have been a real case of change of name, and not a change of situation. The common phrase with the double name (connected by tjtol) does not occur, but the new name is substituted for the old one and the entry is &€p/xa Tov 'AyLov ^ Ay airrjTOV. An important passage of Constantine Porphyrogenitus (* de Admin. Imp.,' p. 225) is clear and readily intelligible, when Eudoxias has been placed in its proper position. About 890 the bandai or topoteresiai of Eudokias, Saint Agapetos, and Aphrazeia were transferred from the Anatolic to the Cappadocic Theme, and the latter (with four additional handai) was made to include all the territory now called Haimane, bounded by the Halys on the east, lake Tatta on the south, and the * For the variations between i and u in Phrygian cp. Siblia and Soublaion, kahin and hdkoun, &c. ; see my paper on the Phrygian inscriptions in * Zeitschrift fUr vergleich- eude Sprachforschung,' 1887, and Fick, * Ehemalige Spracheinheit,' connects Akrisias and akristis with the root krus. t The flow of the water is wrongly indicated in some of Kiepert's maps of this country. X Ed. Labbe, p. 87. H.— GALATIA SALUTARIS. 227 mountains between Sivri Hissar and Yiirme (which are now called Gunusu Dagh, probably the ancient Dindymos *) on the west. The seven bandai constituted the Turma Kommata.f The general situation of this Turma, as it has now been placed, is confirmed by a passage in Genesius, p. 122, who says that the Paulicians of Tephrike under Chrysocheir advanced as far as Ankyra and Kommata (/x€xpt 'Ay/cvpas TToAcw? kol avrm' to)v Ko/MfxaTiov J). The Paulicians besieged or captured Ankyra, and even the military stronghold Kommata. It is doubtful whether this word is here to be understood as a definite f(jrtress, the centre of the Theme, but more probably it denotes only the whole military district, with seven divisions and seven fortresses. 12. Aphrazeia. Nothing is known about it, except that it must have been a fortress adjoining Saint Agapetos, and in the Anatolic Theme. Probably it was the fine fortress now called Kizil Hissar Kale, on a hill about three or four hours south-west of the hot springs of Myrika. On the termination -a^to?, -a^ta, in Phrygian, Lycian, etc., see Kinch in Zft. f. Numism, 1889, p. 192. 13. Petinessos or Pitnisos. Its situation in the salt desert west of lake Tatta between Lykaonia and the Haimane is made clear by Strabo (pp. 567-8). The exact situation remains to be discovered by explora- tion of the southern frontier of Galatia. I have as yet made only one rapid journey across from Myrika to Philomelion. The site of Pissia (Piri Begli) would suit the indications of Petinessos fairly well, but a site further to the east would agree still better with Strabo. It seems difficult, in consistence with the order of Hierocles, to put any other bishopric on the Lykaonian frontier of Galatia Salutaris. 14. TiiOKNADES, a people with an apparently Gaulish name, in- habited the country on the northern or left bank of the Sangarios. Their chief town was apparently situated at Kaimaz (See C. I. L., nr. Supplem., No. 6997). Hierocles has the name Eegetnakade, i.e. Regio Troknades. In Not. III., X., we find instead of 6 TpoKvdSoiv the strange name of 6 AwrtVov : this is probably derived from the name of a saint — perhaps Plotinus, like Saint Agapetus for My"rika.§ * Strabo, p. 567, gives the name. He also agrees (p. 626) with Herodotus in giving the name Dindymos to Murad Dagh, where the Hermos rises. A third Dindymos lay over Cyzicos. Kybele is often named Dindymene, for which the variant Zizimene is known (compare Nazianzos, Nadiandos), which suggests that Dindymos and Didyma are two forms of the same name (see Athen. Mittheil., 1888, p. 237). The reading Didymos in Ptolemy therefore need not be altered to Dindymos. t Perhaps comata, as a title of some body of troops ; the Latin word may have been misunderstood and turned into rd KS/xnara : cp. Perikommata Lydiae. X The Bonn text prints Konfidruv without a capital. § Examples of this are numerous, and prove the power of the Church in the country ; so we have Myriangeloi for Germa, and probably this cause has produced many modern names : Elias has given his name to Adada, Stephen to Maximianopolis (see my * Antiquities of Southern Phrygia') ; Aitamas (ayios Qu/xas) is a Mohammedan village three hours east of Nigde; Yogounnes {'IwdwTjs) is the ancient Seioua; 228 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. On the whole, then, the probability is that Pitnisos was the bishopric of the district now called Djihan-beg-li, and that its territory was conterminous with that of Psebila-Verinopolis on the east and Amorion on the west, and that it reached to the regio Orkistena, the Sangarios and Aplirazeia on the north. This gives an enormous stretch of very sparsely inhabited country ; but no doubt the territory of Amorion stretched far away to the south and east of the actual city. Con- siderable remains occur at Tcheltik, but I should prefer to connect Tcheltik with Amorion and to place Petinessos further east. 15. Trikomia is mentioned by Ptolemy, and occurs in the Peutinger Table between Midaion and Pessinus. It is an old observation that the distances place it at Kaimaz.* It is not certain whether Trikomia is a Grecised form of Troknada, or whether three villages of the Troknades were actually united in one state (see my " Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia," part ii., § xcv.). The Eegio Trocnadensium was original^ in Eoman Asia and Byzantine Phrygia, and was, doubtless, transferred to Galatia, along with Orkistos, between 386 and 395. 16. Orkistos. The site, discovered hy Pococke, is at Alikel Yaila. Alekian is the name given by Pococke and Mordtmann, and it is under- stood, though not commonly used, by the people of the district. It was part of the diocesis Asiana in a.d. 331, j" and must, therefore, have belonged to Phrj^gia. In a.d. 451 it was in Galatia Salutaris. There can be little doubt that it was transferred from Phrygia to the new province of Galatia Salutaris at its formation, probably about 386-95 A.D. (See Amorion.) The territory of Orkistos extended to the eastern skirts of the Phrygian mountains. An inscription found at Baghlije, the ancient Petara, shows that it was in the territory of Orkistos, unless the §tone has been carried : Oeov KojXfxoSov ^OpKia-T-qvCiv 6 Stj/jlo's kol y yepovo-ca (Athen. Mittheil., 1889, p. 91). The name " Orkistos " does not occur in Hierocles, though all the Notitiae mention it as a bishopric, and it was elevated to the rank of a city in a.d. 331. The name in Hierocles which seems to correspond to it is 'PeyejaavpeKtov, i.e. 'Peyewv AvpeKLov. In this name av is to be taken Yonuslar ("Johns') is the ancient Vasada. Ayassaluk took the place of Ephesos, which was early deserted : Ayassaluk is 'Aylov Q€o\6yov, from the great church of S. John, built by Justinian, and not "Ayios Aov/cas, as Mr. Wood, followed by Prof. G. Hirschfeld, thinks. * Kaimaz cannot, as is usually said, be a survival of the old name Trikomia : because (1) Trikomia was not the popular name, but Troknades; (2) Kaimaz is a good Turkish name, occurring elsewhere : it means, " it does not slip." Names of this class are found occasionally: e.g., Et-yemez, "he does not eat flesh;" Bulduk, "we have found." t Compare the great inscription, the Charter of Orkistos, which may now be read more correctly in Bruns, 'Fontes juris Komani,' or in a paper by Mommsen in * Hermes,' 1887, p. 317, and which will soon appear as No. 6997 in the Supplement to C. L L., iii. H.— GALATIA SALUTAKIS. 229 as a rendering of o ; and e is inserted between two consonants. The name is then equivalent to 'Pcyewv "OpKtoi/, i.e. " the region of the tribe Orkoi." 17. Orkoi. The Orkaorkoi are mentioned three times by Strabo {pp. 567, 568, 576) as inhabiting the vast treeless plains on the eastern frontier of Phrygia. The reference in p. 568 seems to place them north •of Pitnisos, and that in p. 576 south of Pessinus, while that in p. 567 implies that they are between the Galatian Tektosages and Phrygia. The great plains extending along the right bank of the Sangarios from its source are the localitj'" indicated by these references. Now, the name Orkaorkoi, if the form is correct, is a reduplication ; and within the district where Strabo places them, is the city Ork-isto-s, "which is obviously a sort of superlative of the tribal name. Instead of Orkistos Hierocles gives 'Pey cfxavpeKiov, i.e. 'Pcyewi/ "OpKLov. In the north of the country of the Orkoi or Orkaorkoi, at the source of the Sangarios, I have proved that there was situated a bishopric, Kaborkion, i.e. Kaov-6pK-Lo-v, which probably contains the same tribal name with a prefixed word.* Thus our investigation brings together on the map these three words, occurring in such different periods of history and with such slight topo- graphical indications, and when they are brought together they are found to contain the same tribal name. The great inscription, the Charter of Orkistos, mentions that the town had once been a station (mansio) where four roads met, but that recently these roads had sunk into decay. At the time, a.d. 331, it is quite true that the old Roman road-system was in a state of transition. Eoads leading to Constantinople were now taking the place of roads leading to Rome. The coincidence between the words of the inscription and the known facts of history is so striking that we must accept the conclusion that the position of Orkistos was more important under the Roman system of roads than under the Byzantine system. But it seems difficult to accept the aqcoiint which the Orkisteni give of the former importance of their town except after large allowance for exaggeration due to local patriotism ; for most of the evidence accessible to us tends to show that mo great roads of the Roman period could go by way of Orkistos. It is quite clear that no road mentioned in the Peutinger Table passed through Orkistos. The only routes which naturally pass through OrkistQS are (1) a route from Pessinus straight to the west like the *' Royal Road " ; (2) a route from Amorion northwards through the Troknades (Kaimaz) to Midaion and Bithynia or Juliopolis and Paphla- gonia. Neither of these is very important, but they seem to be meant in the petition of the Orkisteni, in which the four roads were enumerated, but which is now imperfect. Three are mentioned in the part that remains to us : — * It has even occurred to me that OPKAOPKOI in Strabo is a corruption of KAOYOPKOI. Compare also my " Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia," ii. § Ixxiv. 230 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. (a) The road to Pessinus, xxx. miles. This is an over-estimate, for the modern track can hardly be more than 25 miles. The only way in which the distance xxx. could be made up is that the road made a detour to a bridge over the river. This bridge must have certainly been on the direct road between Pessinus and Amorion, which is a far more important route. (h) The road to " civitas aitanorum xxx. miles : " the firfct letters of the name are lost, but Mommsen's restoration [Mid]aitanorum seems to be very probable, although (1) Midaion is very much more than 30 miles from Orkistos; (2) the order of enumeration seems to- require here a road to the south-east, between the Pessinus road and the Amorion road. (c) The road to Amorion. There can be little doubt that the fourth road led to Nakoleia. It is clear that the route Pessinus-Orkistos-Nakoleia corresponds on the whole to the *'Eoyal Road," and that the route Amorion- Orkistos-[Trikomia-]- Midaion is the other of the only two routes, which, as I have said, can pass through Orkistos. It is, on the whole, true that these routes lead in a westerly and south-westerly direction, and therefore they are more encouraged by the set of trade to Ephesos and Rome than to Constantinople. We must, then, accept the evidence of the inscription that these two roads were considerable trade-routes under the Roman empire, even although no other evidence confirms their existence. But I think that a milestone, which was long a puzzle to me, so long as I accepted the Peutinger Table as a fair picture of the Roman road-system, becomes- intelligible as soon as we accept the road Pessinus-Orkistos-Nakoleia as a Roman road. In ' C. I. L.,' iii., Supplem. No. 7169, a milestone will shortly be published which I copied in 1884; it is in a cemetery li miles S.W. of Altyntash. It gives the number A E, i-e. 35, and there- seems no possibility of understanding this except as the distance from Akmonia. But a road from Akmonia to Altyntash cannot end there ; it must go on over the Phrygian mountains towards the east, and would finally reach Orkistos and Pessinus. 18. Amorion: the site near the village Hamza Hadji was proved by Hamilton.* Amorion was in the Roman Province of Asia, and at one- time took the name Vipsania. During the fourth century it must have- been part of Phrygia, for it could not have been included in Galatia when Orkistos was in Phrygia. Between 386 and 395 f therefore it must have been transferred along with Troknades, Klaneos and Orkistos- to form the newly created province Galatia Salutaris. * The plain stretching to the east is still called Hadji Omar Ova, which is perhaps a. reminiscence of Amorion. Hamilton calls the now quite deserted site Hergan Kale ; no name except Kale was known to any of the surrounding villagers to whom I talked. t When Theodosius made the new province Galatia II., see p. 221. H.— GALATIA SALUTARIS. 231 In the feeble parody of the fine system of defence organised by the older Byzantine emperors, which was kept up in the eleventh century, the district between Amorion and the Sangarios was dignified with the name of the "Theme Cappadocia." This Theme and that of Khoma were, under Alexios Komnenos, entrusted to a toparches Bourtzes (Anna, I., 171) ; and the country towards the Sangarios was under his government (Anna, II., 325, 327). Pankaleia appears to have been a name applied to the wide plain €ast of Amorion: the only reference to it is: Kara rrjv ILayKaXnav . . . . linr-qXaTOV tovto ttcSiov, tw 'A/xoptw Trpocriyyiov, Leo Diac, p. 170. But Oedrenus (II., p. 431), describing the same battle, says : rj HayKaXeia -n-eStov avaTreirraixivov tc koX iTntrjKarov, cyyio-ra ttov tov irorafLov "AXvos k€l/x€Vov. Byzantine writers often speak so loosely that it is difficult to decide in this case, but Leo Diaconus describes the events of this period with infinitely greater topographical accuracy than Cedrenus, and is to be preferred in this case. Moreover Zonaras also confirms Leo, saying that the battle took place near Amorion. Amorion was fortified in the reign of Zeno (474—91 ; Cedren. I., 615). It had an eventful history during the Arab wars. It was captured a.d. 666 by the Saracens under Yezid, and recaptured by Andreas, general of the Emperor Constans in the same year (Cedren., L, 763, Theophan., 351). It was again besieged unsuccessfully by the Saracens in a.d. 716, 778, and 789.* In the first siege it was saved by the vigour of Leo the Isaurian, afterwards emperor, who fortified it so strongly that it was able to resist the Arabs for a long time. But it was captured by the Saracens, a.d. 838, through the treachery of a citizen, and the most splendid city of the Eastf was reduced to ashes. Monasteries at Amorion are mentioned at the Second Nicene Council, 787 A.D. : Bao-tAto? fxova^6u irXrjOos iKird\ai ruv xporwi/ iyKaTOiKl^erai' Kai Tis 5e alp^ffis 4k rrjs aWriKuv Koivuvias Koi Si7]V€kovs 6/u.i\las iTriaXo<;), and ceased to be subject to the metropolitan of Pessinus, or rather of Justinianopolis. In the later Notitise Amorion appears as metropolis of a district carved out of Phrygia Salutaris, Pisidia and Galatia, the bishoprics in which are given as Notitia I., TaKarias Sevrepas. Notitia III. Notitia X. Hierocles and Not. VIL, VIII., IX. 6 TOV ^Afiopiov . o ^iXo/jLTjXiov « TOV AoKijxlov . 6 K\dy^ . . 6 TloXvfiwTOv 6 Utarcrias . T^ 'A/xoplov ^pvylas a. b ^iXofirfXiou . fi'. 6 TOV AoKL/xiov y'. 6 KXaveov 5'. 6 noXvfioTov . e'. 6 TlKTalas . (t^ 'AfiWpl^ TTJSI \ i'pvyias . . / b ^iXo/uLTjXiov b AoKi/xiov . b KXadeov . 6 UoXv^Otov b TlKTaias Galatia Salutaris. Pisidia. Phrygia Salutaris. Kxducos Galatia Salutaris. Phrygia Salutaris. Not mentioned. This new district was formed under Amorion as metropolis a considerable time after Amorion was made autolcejplialos, for the order of enumeration at Concil. Nicaen. II. (a.d. 787) shows clearly that Amorion was independent, but that the bishoprics afterwards subject to it were still in their original connection. The reference to the dignity of Amorion in 858 a.d. is indecisive as to its exact position, whether as avTOKi(f)a\o K- Alt MeytVro) KapTroSoTT^ rrjpL 'OAvj/TTto) ratos Te/xivL- os Ovd\rj<5 evidfji€VOS KaO[^L- 236 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Pasha Khan, and therefore must be at Bardakchi, where there are great remains. Edrisi gives the route from Amorion as — 15 miles to village offish, and 2 to river . . . . = 17 12 „ to Fandj = 12 15 „ to Calahi-el-Ghabe (of the Forest) . . . = 15 12 „ to Jew's Fort, and 18 to Sendaberi . . . = 30 30 „ to Merdj djama el Melik Baderwana . . . = 30 5 „ to Gharoboli, and 3 to Churches of ihe King = 8 25 „ to Mulawwen (Bilejik) =25 15 „ to El-Agradh, and 15 to Meladjena . . . = 30 5 „ to King's Stable = 5 30 „ toElA'bra . . = 30 24 „ toElKhalidj =24 Total ... . . . 226 Many of these names are uncertain, but the route appears to be one from the Canal (el Khalidj), i.e. the Bosphorus, to Amorion by a circuitous route through Melagena (Meladjena), Basilika, Dorylaion, and Santabaris. Thence it goes to Amorion by a zigzag route, perhaps through Sivri Hisar, and across the Sangarios (river of fish). Jew's Fort may be Tchifteler : Tchifut means a Jew, Tchifte, a pair. * Merdj djama would then be Dorylaion, Churches of the King would be Anna Comnena's Basilika. The passage in which Anna mentions Basilika and Alethina (vol. II., p. 281 if.) has been discussed (Gr 20). The omission of Nikaia before El A'bra is remarkable : El A'bra must be at the ferry from Kibotos to Aigialos. 26. PoiMANENON is mentioned as a place on the road from Santabaris to Amorion. Stypeiotes occupied it when detached towards Amorion, as was described above under Kedrea. No other reference occurs to the place, but the text is clear. It is doubtful whether it was in Byzantine Phrygia or in Galatia Salutaris. The name is interesting, as con- stituting another link between central Phrygia and Hellespont ine Phrygia. The town of Poimanenon (now Maniyas) in Mysia is well known. 27. Petara is proved to have been at Baghlije by an inscription, which I have published in my ' Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia,' II., § Lxx. It was probably actually a village in the territory of Orkistos, according to an inscription found in the village, a dedication to Corn- modus by the Orkistenoi (see No. 16). 28. Abrostola is mentioned only in Ptolemy and in the Peutinger Table. The latter gives it twice, on the road between Amorion and * Fandj then is Pessiuus, and Calalii-el-Ghabe the strong castle (Kale) of Sivri. Hisar. Jaubert must be wrong in taking Agradh as Aorata, which is in quite a different direction. See Addenda. H.— GALATIA SALUTARIS. 237 Pessiniis, and on the road Amorion to Arclielais. One, at least, of these positions must be wrong, for these two roads go from Amorion in quite different directions. The error must arise from bad drawing of the lines representing the roads, a frequent cause of error in the Table.* Pto- lemy's authority is in this case valuable ; for his lists, though in many respects bad, are generally so correct in assigning the cities to the Roman provinces, as to show that he used an excellent authority, perhaps an official list of the cities of each province. Abrostola is in the province of Asia, and it is not possible to bring it into the province of Asia except by placing it between Amorion and Pessinus on the right side of the Sangarios. The total distance from Amorion to Pessinus is about thirty Roman miles, and I should expect to find Abrostola either on tha left bank of the fine stream that rises at Bunar Baslii, two or three miles east of Amorion (vi miles from Amorion, and xxiv from Pessinus, as in the Table), or on the right bank of the Sangarios (xx miles from Amorion, xi from Pessinus). I consider the former position more probable. J. Roman Roads in Galatia and Northern Phrygia. I. The Road from Dorylaion to Ankyra is given in the Antonine Itinerary as : — Dorylaion xxx Arcelaio xx Germa xxiv f Yinda xxxii Papira XXVII Ancyra. Modern views as to the course of this road have always been distorted by a false idea, started by Leake, as to the site of Germa. It is supposed that Germa still retains its name as Ytirme or Yiireme, and that the road makes a detour to the south in order to pass through it. But for this misapprehension, no doubt could exist in the mind of any person as to the natural course of this road : it must descend the Tembris (Porsuk Su) to the Sangarios, cross the Sangarios, and then go straight to Ankyra, passing a little to the north of Basri. This is both the easiest and the shortest route. Now, there is no evidence to place Germa at Yiirme, for the re- semblance of the names is purely accidental. Yiirme is a Turkish village name, which I have several times found elsewhere, and there * To avoid an argument which is likely to be advanced against me, I may say that at first I tried to reconcile the two positions by supposing that a road went from Amorion to Ai'chelais along the east coast of lake Tatta, and that at the point where this road passed nearest to Pessinus it was joined by a road from Pessinus, and that Abrostola was the point of junction. "Were this road a real one, it would partly reconcile the positions given to Abrostola on the Table. But I had to give up this view when I visited the country east and south of Amorion. In tlie first place the road from Amorion to Arclielais is an important route both now and in ancient time, it passes along the western skirts of the Salt Desert ; and in the second place Ptolemy is decisive, for he places Abrostola in Phrygia and in the Eoman Province Asia. t The reading XXXII. also occurs for XXIV. in the Itinerary, pp. 201. 202. 238 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. is no reason to think that the modern word is a survival of the old name Germa. The remains at Yiii me are not those of a Roman Colonia, as Germa was, but of a Christian city of the early Byzantine type.* On the other hand, the Latin inscriptions found at Masut Keui on the lower Tembris leave no doubt that Germa was situated in that neighbourhood (' C. I. L.,' III., 284-6) : they give the Latin name of Colonia Julia Augusta Felix, known also from coins. Moreover, other epigraphie evidence as to the course of the road has been discovered at various points, and probably only the fact that the modern roads follow dif- ferent routes has prevented the discovery of much further evidence. We already have : — (1) An inscription which I found at Basri, and which will be published ' C. I. L.,' III., Supplement, No. 6770. It is a dedication t& Julius Maximus Caesar, a.d. 235-8, by the soldiers of a Eoman cohort, probably a detachment stationed at Basri. A military station must be on a Eoman road : and several other inscriptions show that Basri is near an ancient site, which must clearly be Yinda. (2) An inscription found on an ancient bridge, about three hours west of Balyk Koyunji, and pnblishedby me, " Inscr. de la Galatie," in ' Bull, de Corresp. Helleniqne,' 1888, p. 22. It records the building of the bridge by a bishop Paul, probably him that was bishop of Ankyra in a.d. 571). (3) A milestone of Aurelian, copied by Domaszewski five hours west of Angora on the road to Sivri Hissar (' C. 1. L.,' III., Supplein.,, No. 6902 (4) A milestone fuur hours west of Angora (' C. L L.,' III., 317). (5) A milestone one hour west of Angora (' C. 1. L.,' III., 316). The situation of Papira is still unknown : it is to be looked for in the country near Balyk Koyunji. The distance from the point where I suppose Germa to be (near Masut Keui, but perhaps lower down the river) to Dorylaion is more than fifty miles. But the road must pass through Midaion (see below), and there can therefore be no doubt that one station is omitted, and that the road must be restored on the authority of the Peutinger Table as — Dorylaion xviii Midaion xxx Akkilaion xx Germa xxiv Vinda (Yindia) xxxii Papira xxvii Ankyra. The distance from Germa to Ankyra is here too great. There must be some error in the numbers, but it is uncertain wh,ere the correction should be made. If one of the numbers be diminished by x. the result would be nearly correct, for the sum of distances station to * Among the ruins is the best preserved fa9ade of an early church that I have seen in Asia Minor. None of the inscriptions are Latin, and many are of the Byzantine period. J.— EOMAN ROADS IN GALATIA AND PHRYGIA. 239 station is of course greater than tlie direct measurement given on the milestones from Germa to Ankyra, which was apparently about Lxin. II. The road from Pessinus to Ankyra is given in the Antonine Itinerary as : — Pessinus xvi Germa xxiiii Vinda, &c. as before. The previous exposition shows what must have been the course of this road: it went north from Pessinus (Bala Hissar) to Germa on the lower course of the Tembris. A milestone has been preserved from the road Pessinus-Germa. It was copied at Miilk by Hamilton ; and I have in vain, in 1883, searched through the village for it. As the road has now been determined, the position of this stone is quite natural, but according to the old view as to the site of Germa, its position is quite inexplicable. It is LXXI, miles from Ankyra, giving the distance Ankyra-Germa about LXI. to LXV., which is about the actual distance from a point near the mouth of the Tembris to Ankyra. III. The road from Dorylaion to Pessinus is given in the Peutinger Table as — Dorylaion xxviii Midaion xxviiii Tricomia xxi Pessinus. Coins of Midaion show that it was situated on the river Tembris (Porsuk Su). The remains at Karadja Eyuk on the south bank of the river, about eighteen miles from Dorylaion, must be those of Midaion,* and the number in the Table must be diminished by x. Tricomia is apparently to be identified with Kaimaz, which was the chief centre of the tribe Troknades (' C. I. L.,' III. Supplem., No. 6997) ; and the Greek name Trikomia was probably applied to it as a union of three villages. "f The distances from Kaimaz to Bala Hissar and to Karadja Eyuk iae correctly given in the Table. A mere cross-road from Midaion to Pessinus would be too unim- portant to find a place in the Table. There can be no doubt that this is only a part of a great through route, which is rightly given in the Table as leading to Archelais Colonia. The rest of the stations have been discussed under Lykaonia. The roads in the Peutinger Table were originally drawn by one who thought of all roads as radiating from Constantinople, and in this case he had in his mind a road leading from Constantinople by Dorylaion, Pessinus and Archelais to the Cilician Gates. Similarly he had in his mind another road by Dorylaion, Amorion, Laodicea Combusta, to Ikonion and the south coast ; but in both cases the line is broken in the copy that remains to us as the Peutinger Table. * ' Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia,' in ' Journal of Hellenic Studies,' 1887, § Ixxx., where I have omitted to state that the distance xviii. is a correction, t ' Cit. and Bish./ § xcv. 240 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. IV. The road from tlie BospTiorus to Ankyra is given in our ■authorities as follows : — Peutinger Table. Antonine Itinerarj\ Jerusalem Itinerary. Coiistantinopolis . . Constantinopoli •Calcedonia Oalcedoniam mutatio Nassete vii. mansio Pandicia vii. mutatio Pontamus xlii. Tjivissa XXXVII mansio Libissa viiii. mutatio Brunca xii. ^icomcdia xxiii Nicomedia xxii civitas Nicomedia xiii. mutatio Hyriboluui x. JJribulo mansio Libum xi. mutatio Liada xii. INicea xxxiii . . civitas Nicia viii. mutatio Schinje viii. Mocdo Orientis xvi . . 1 mansio Mido vii. mutatio Chogese vi. mutatio Thateso x. Tateabio xl . . mutatio Tuta'o viiii. 1 mutatio Protunica xi. mutatio Artemis xii. Dablis XXIII . . mansio Dablse vi. 1 mansio Ceratse vi. Cenon Gallicaiiou xviii mutatio Finis x. Dadastana XL Dabastana xxi 1 mansio Dadastana vr. mutatio Trans monte vi. mutatio Milia xi. Inliopoli XXIX Valcaton xii . . Fines Cilicie x luliopoliin XXVI civitas luliopolis viii. mutatio Hycronpotamum xiii. Lagania xxviii Laganeos XXIV mansio Aganuia xi. mutatio Ipetobrogen vi. Jlizago xxxviii mansio Mnizos x. mutatio Prasmon xii. Manegordo xxviii . . 1 mutatio Cenaxem palidem xiii. [Ancyra] xxviii Ancyra xxiiii civitas An chira Galatia . . . . As I have never traversed any part of the road, I cannot speak about it in detail. As far as Nikomedeia it follows the direct road to the East through Pandik. From Nikomedeia, instead of going straight on along the lake Sabandja to Geive, the road makes a detour to Nicsea. The reason probably is that it was common to take ship -to the coast opposite Nikaia, land at Prainetos, and take the land- route through Nikaia. Probably the two roads via Nikomedia and md Nikaia would meet at Geive, which may be supposed to be close to Tottaion. ToTTAiON is an important name. It appears in Ptolemy as Ila- raovLov, obviously a fault for TaraovLov. Ilierocles has 'P^yeTaTaLov, and Tottaion, Tataion, Tateabion occur indiscriminately in the ecclesiastical lists. The name therefore contains the sound of digamma, which is commonly omitted in Greek writing, but is sometimes given as ov or J.— ROMAN ROADS IN GALATIA AND PHRYGIA. 241 jS.* The name is formed from a common personal name Tatas or Tottes, like : — Dorylaion from Dory las. Kotyaion 33 Kotys. Kadoi (for Kadooi) 33 Kadys. Otroia (Otrya) 53 Otreus. Otroos 33 Otreus. Anaia 33 Anes. Attaia 33 Attes. Akkilaion 35 Akylas. Dablis is probably to be sought near Terekli as indicated in Kiepert's old map. Dadastana was the border town of Bithynia and Galatia, in the latter province. The emperor Jovian died there in 364 a.d., when marching towards Constantinople along this road.j The Itineraries agree about the boundaries between the provinces, but Ptolemy places Juliopolis, Laganeia, and Dadastana, as well as Dableis and Tatavion, in Bithynia. Apparently, therefore, the boundary of Galatia was altered when the new arrangement of the provinces, attributed to Diocletian, came into existence. Ptolemy's apportionment of the cities among the Roman provinces is in general far more correct f than the positions which he assigns to the cities. The discrepancy between the authorities in regard to the section Dableis-Dadastana is probably to be explained by the omission of a station in the Jerusalem Itinerary between Fines and Dadastana. Juliopolis was certainly situated by the river § a little west of Nalli Khan : it is described at greater length below. Twelve miles east of Juliopolis the road crossed the river Siberis (Hierus in Pliny, || Hycronpotamum in the Jerusalem Itinerary). The village of Sykea or Sykeon was situated at the crossing of the river, and Justinian built a bridge over the stream (Procop. ' Aedif.,' V., 4). Theodorus Sykeota was Lorn there in the sixth century, son of a woman of loose character, who made a profit from the travellers along the road (Act. Sanct., April 22, p. 32). Anastasiopolis was situated twelve miles east of Sykea, and must therefore be a Byzantine name of Lagania, which ♦ So Sanaos or Anava has the ethnic Sanabensis in some ecclesiastical lists. t Ammian., XXV., 10, 12 ; XXVI., 8, 4. Zosimus, III., 34, p. 173, says Trjs BiOvuias ?y« Kivrjs. 8. 'Aj'oo'Tao'iouTroAews. 6. Mi^^oy. MviCov. 3. 'HAtou7r(^A.ea)s. 5. B77^tJ/ou7roA€a)s. 1. Ay KVpas. 2. To)8€£oy. 4. 'Al/r](pi(rd7ipai aWa itap' ahrwv ' 8ia rh r^v .... iKKXriaiav rod BacriXaiov iiria-KoiTT^v elvai rou- ' Ay Kvpas. K.— GALATIA PRIMA. 24^ or more probably under Leo (886-912), being given in memory of his fatber. But the name Basileion occurs at Cone. 869, and this is- an example of the frequent omission to correct Notitiae up to date. It is evident that some changes were introduced in the city simul- taneously with the change of name, and that its importance was raised. In the later historians Basileion is not unfrequently mentioned. The- reason why Juliopolis became so much more important in this later time is probably to be found in the fact that the great military road^ which will be described below, was not maintained so carefully, and the direct road from Constantinople to Ankyra would in that case become more important, and with it Juliopolis, as a half-way station, must rise in consequence. The original name of Juliopolis recurs in a late document of the Eastern Church, where a monastery iv t(3 x^P'V ''^^ TopSiov Kw/xrys is said to be under the control of rov MrjTpoTroXiTov tov ^aytr^-^. 8. Petobriga was a village on the road 12 miles east from Lagania. It is mentioned as Petos or Peton in the Acta S. Theodori, April 22, p. 55. 9. KiNNA. After all the other bishoprics of Galatia are placed there remains a great district west of Ankyra, in the north-western part of the rich corn-growing district now called Haimane. The order of Hierocles seems to show that Kinna is to be placed there, but the exact situation can be determined only by further exploration. Kinna is to be sought in the country between Mnizos, Myrika,, Ankyra, and Gorbeous (Beinam). A passage in the ' Acta S. Theodori,' April 22, pp. 45-6, agrees with such a situation, but is too vague to afford any accurate evidence. Theodore, returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, after entering the borders of Galatia, stopped at a monastery called Druina (apud Druinorum monasterium). Here it was soon found out who the visitor was, and he healed various sick people. He then, went to bless a neighbouring monastery of S. Stephen. Then Amiantus,, bishop of Kinna, heard of his presence, and induced him to visit Kinna. He returned from Kinna to Drnina, and thence proceeded on his road to Anas ta slop olis. The question is by what road Theodore would travel. None of the names mentioned make this certain. In the fourth or fiftk century the probability would have been all in favour of the usual pilgrims' route by Ankyra and Parnassos. But this road had in his. time (600 a.d.) ceased to be an important one, and the road by Ankyra and Mokissos (Kir Sheher) had supplanted it. But the difference is not. important in this case. The roads coincide between Sykea and Gorbeous. (Beinam), and the probability is that Druina lies north of Gorbeous, between it and Anastasiopolis. 10. A great number of places, generally near Sykeon and Anastasio- polis, are mentioned in the Acta S. Theodori. Such are Dugaria (p. 45)^ Euchraes (p. 46) or Eucraa (p. 55), Eeace (p. 44), Tzidrama (p. 35); Euarzia, 8 miles from Sykeon, is perhaps the same as Euchraes (p. 44)^ 246 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Buna or Bunas and Hynia (p. 55). Pidrum was a town in the territory of Juliopolis (called by a common Byzantine error Heliopolis), near which was a place Ambrena with an oratorium Archangeli (p. 49).* Buzaea was in the territory of Gratianopolis in the regio Gordiana, outside the bounds of Galatia (p. 42).| Trapezus was 10 miles from Sykeon (p. 36). Area, 8 miles from Sykeon, was a pagan holy place, protected by Diana. Alectoria (pp. 52 and 57) was clearly near Sykeon. Araunia was a town five miles distant from Sykeon on the road to civitas Sebasta^ which is a translation of ttoXis ^cySacrrT}, and may mean either Ankyra or Constantinople. An archipresbyteros Andreas lived at Araunia. Scudra was beside the Sangarios not far from Sykeon (p. 60). Xeroniaca was a valley near Sykeon (p. 43). Oppidum Sandi is within a day's journey of Sykeon (p. 54), and oppidum Permetaniae is a little further away but in Galatia (p. 55). Permetania seems to be the same as Permetaia (p. 43). ^antium seems to be near Permetania (p. 57). The hill Brianea (p. 43) with a monastery of S. Theodorus (p. 54) was eight miles from Sykeon. Konchas, a small town, and Enistratus, a village, were also near Sykeon (p. 38). Mazamea or Mazania, on the upper Siberis sub climate Mnozenide, possessing a church of S. Euenicus (p. 40), was evidently in the territory of Mnizos. The Siberis must drain a large area, since one of its branches rises in the territory of Mnizos. Places to whose situation no clue is given are Potamia Galenirum (p. 43), Apocomensis vicus (p. 43), Mons Draconis (p. 43). The Psilis is a river of Bithynia, west of the Artanes. Oppidum ^antium and oppidum Silindiconense J (p. 57) are perhaps in Galatia: Colonossus regione Lycaonias (p. 43). In Carta fluvius Cojpas is probably a false reading (p. 44) : the river Scopas or Scopius flowed past Juliopolis into the Sangarios. lopolis (p. 35), 15 miles from Sykeon, is clearly a mistake for Juliopolis. The 'Acta' of Theodore Sykeota are very important, as giving a picture of the state of north-western Galatia in the end of the sixth century. § Unfortunately only a Latin translation is published in ' Acta Sanctorum,' and the names and perhaps also the sense have been sometimes very badly represented; but we may believe safely that all topographical details are faithful. All the places which we know from other sources are mentioned with correct descriptions, though sometimes under distorted names — Mnizos, Petobriga (called Peton), AnastasiopoHs, Juliopolis, and the rivers Siberis and Scopas. The numerous topo- * Pidrum must be in the Buccellariote Theme, and is to be distinguished from Pidra, an unknown place in the Anatolic Theme, rov \^hvaroKiKov] Qi^aros iirl nvi rd-nu TliSpa TrpoLt,ov), entirely defeated them, and pursued them 30 miles ((ztto tov BaOvpvaKos ews tov KaTOivofxaa-jxivov Kwvo"Tai/TtVou ySowov). Bathys Ehyax, or Bathyrrhyax, is also mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus as one of the a-rrX-^KTa on the great military road which we have described (see G .). It should therefore be looked for at a junction of roads where troops from different quarters could conveniently con- centrate on the military road, to be in readiness to swell the army as it marched eastwards. This consideration places it in the valley about Yeni Khan, a very important point. 21. Now, all roads from Sivas towards the west or north must pass through Yeni Khan, as Sir C. Wilson asserts positively after long familiarity with the country. It follows, therefore, that the roads from Sebasteia to Verisa and to Agriane must have coincided as far as Yeni Khan. In that case, considering the frequent corruptions in the itineraries, it would seem probable that Simos is a false reading, and is in some way to be identified with Fiarasi and Siara of the other road.f The distances, xxxvi in two cases, xl in the third, are rather too great ; xxx is the utmost distance of Yeni Khan from Sivas. 22. The road from Mushalem Kale to Yeni Khan is 16 hours (by Kara Kay a 10 hours). This confirms the Itinerary, and Agriane must be looked for about Ekkayi. The road is to be restored Tavium xxi Korniaspa xxv Tarbasthena [x]xxv Sibora xx Agriane xxx Siala xxvii Sebasteia. According to another account, the Paulicians reached the place called Bathyrrhyax in the evening, and the Byzantine troops encamped on a hill above them. — Theophau. Contin., p. 272, [No statement here shows how long the detached troops followed the Paulicians.] t Perhaps 2IAA02 has become 5IM05. Sialos and Siara are practically identical. Fiarasi is probably caused by a correction si being added to a false form Fiara. L.— ROMAN ROADS FROM ANKYRA TO THE EAST. 267 From the preceding exposition it may be inferred that an important road, already shown in part, has to be completed as follows : — Amasia xxxii Zela 20 Sebastopolis 24 Siala or Siara 27 to 30 Sebasteia. 23. The road Sebasteia-Nikopolis-Satala, &c., is quite unknown to me by actual inspection, and, as it is unusually well described in our authorities, I need not go through the task of applying the ancient state- ments to the modern maps. I have no new material to contribute, and I content myself with quoting the description of one march along the military road from Constantinople to Armenia. In the year 1069 the Emperor Eomanus marched from Helenopolis on the Bosphorus, crossed the Sangarios by the Bridge Zompos, crossed the Halys, and avoiding Caesareia, came to an excellent camping-place named Cool Fountain (Kpvav Urj-yi^v) and thence to Sebasteia.* After crossing the Halys on this march he traversed the province of Kharsiana (jrj tov Xapcnavov eVapxta) (Mich. Attal., pp. 145-6 ; Scylitz., p. 690). At Sebasteia two roads parted, and again converged in the theme of Coloneia : Romanus took the left road. At last he reached Theodosiopolis, and finally Manzikert. On his return he passed through Theodosiopolis, then through Coloneia, then through Melissopetrion (^Kaa-Tpov ^1 rovro Ittl tlvos X6(f)ov KCLficvov), then advancing into the Armeniac Theme, he encamped at Dokeia (Mich. Attal., p. 168). The castle of Kara Hissar, near the line of this road, is a Byzantine not a Roman stronghold. It is once called Mav poKaa-rpov (i.e. Kara Hissar): tov Mav poKdcrrpov (ppovpiov, ets em rdv 'A p/xevtaKwj/ tottcoi/ €7rt X6(f>ov K€Ljx€vov vij/rjXov KOi SvcrKaT€pyd(TTOv (Mich. Attal., p. 125 ; cp. Scylitz., p. 679). It is perhaps Koloneia. M. Roman Roads in Central Cappadocia. 1. The Peutinger Table gives a road : — Tavium xvi Euagina xxiiii Saralio xxii Zama xxxv Aquae Aravenae xx Dona xx Sermusa xvi Siva xxii Cambe xvi Mazaca Caesareia. The distance from Tavium via Aquae Sarvenae (Terzili Hamam) to Caesareia is not more than 120 miles: the distance on this road is 191 miles. The road is therefore much too long. Prof. E. Hirschfeld has discussed this road at length in his paper on Tavium in / Berlin. Sitzungsberichte,' 1883, p. 1260, and has come to the conclusion that it is the surest guide amid the tangled and * This description becomes much clearer from the discussion of the Byzantine military road ; after crossing the Halys he avoided Caesareia, i.e. he took the left fork of the road, not the right : before Sebasteia he came to a fine camp at Cool Fountain, i.e. the camp at Batliyrrhyax. At Sebasteia he took the left road to Zara, not the right hand road to Tephrike. 268 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. contradictory accounts of the roads and stations in the border-lands of Pontus, Galatia, and Cappadocia, inasmuch as it is guaranteed by two independent authorities, Ptolemy and the Peutinger Table. But Prof. Kiepert in his ' Gegenbemerkungen ' has proved that Hirschfeld's view of this road is mistaken, and as it depends on a theory of the site of Tavium which is definitely disproved, I need not discuss it. I have (see L 18) shown that the Aquae Saravense were the hot springs now called Terzili Hamam. The read of the Table, then, is not a direct road, but a detour. Euagina is at Gone, and we have therefore a part of a great north route from Caesareia via Aquae Saravenae, Euagina, and Karsia (Alaja), to Amaseia and Amisos. Sir C. Wilson informs me that this is at present the great road from Caesareia to Amisos : it is the only road that is practicable for arabas, and must always have been a great trade-route. It passes through Tchorum (Eukhaita). It is possible that from Alaja there was a connection via Iskelib and Boiabad to Sinope, which is a junction of four roads on the Table ; but this difficult mountain path cannot have been important. The road on the Table needs further correction. Between Euagina and Tavium a station is omitted ; and between Euagina and Caesareia the numbers are far too great. Zama is a town of Khamanene, and cannot possibly be on this road. It has been transferred from the road Tavium- Mokissos, which is defective in the Itinerary and omitted in the Table. Saralos (Saralio) is, I believe, transposed (see L 10), and we have Tavium xvi Saralos xxii Euagina xviii Aquae Saravenae. Between Aquae and Caesareia the distance is given as 94 miles, which is too much. The stations, however, cannot be correct, for Dona (Dora) can hardly be separated from Ptolemy's Odoga or Dogra, which is evidently the Doara of the Byzantine lists. This was one of the bishoprics in Cappadocia Secunda under Tyana, and afterwards in Tertia under Mokissos, and cannot therefore possibly be placed on the road between Caesareia and its subordinate bishopric Aquaj (i.e. Basilika Therma), for that road must have been wholly in Cappadocia Prima. Moreover, such a number of short distances as are given on this road is unusual in the Table, and most improbable in a country like Cappadocia, thinly peopled, with few cities, and only slightly civilised. Dona has therefore been transferred from another road, probably Caesareia- Mokissos. Sermusa is given a second time in the Table as Seramisa, between Zela and Neocaesareia, and it is clearly identical with Ptolemy's Ser- mouga in Pontus Galaticus. The other position in the Table must therefore be preferred, and there remains Aquae xx Siva xxii Cambe xvi Cassareia. Siva is the modern Yoannes (Kiepert), or Yogounes, where the name of the saint to whom the church was dedicated seems to remain. Kambe is M.— ROMAN ROADS IN CENTRAL CAPPADOCIA. 269 Kemer. The only correction needed is xxxii for xxii between Siva and Cambe. 2. The Antonine Itinerary gives a road from Tavium by Therma, Soanda, &c., to Csesareia. The mention of Soanda proves that this is not a direct road (per compendium), but a circuitous road by Soanda. Soanda is known as a station between Archelais and Caesareia. The mention of Therma gives a further clue. Therma denotes the hot springs of Kir Sheher (Mokissos), and the Itinerary is really giving the route Tavium to Mokissos, and thence by Soanda to Csesareia; but the loss of several names at the beginning has obscured the account.* The two, roads cannot meet except at some point near Nev Sheher, where therefore Soanda must be placed. The route Mokissos to Soanda must certainly go by Hadji Bektash (Dogra) and Zoropassos. An intermediate station is omitted. A comparison of this road with that from Kyssa to Cgesareia shows a remarkable similarity. They are thus represented : — There can be little doubt that the road from Nyssa to Caesareia passed by way of Nev Sheher, and about that point it would join the road Archelais to Caesareia. Thirty-two miles is about the distance from the position we have given Nyssa to Nev Sheher.| Osiana then must be about Nev Sheher, where we have placed Soanda, and it seems necessary to consider Osiana as a corruption of Soanda. The next station on each road appears in a great variety of forms in the MSS. — Siccasena, Saccasena, Accasena, Sacasena, Seccasena, and Sacena, Sacona, Saconna. There is great probability that all are corruptions of one name, and the distance 28 or 32 suggests that the station was near Inje Su, which is an important junction of roads. But a few miles north-east of Inje Su are the ruins called Yiran Sheher, and near them Major Bennet tells me there is a village Suksun, which has preserved the actual name Siccasena. Hence we may confidently identify the site of this station as Viran Sheher, and prefer the distance 32 between Soandos and Siccasena. J From Yiran Sheher to CaDsareia is too short a distance for the numbers on the Itinerary. Even if we correct xxx to xx, the estimate * Another example of names omitted in this Itinerary is in the road Ankyra to Dorylaion. Prof. Kiepert has rightly seen that this route is likely to have been given in some of the Itineraries, but makes the error of identifying Aquae Sarvenae as Kir Sheher, and thus applies the wrong names to the road, see his ' Gegenbemerkungen zu Prof. G. Hirschfeld.' t The total from Parnassos to Soandos (56 Roman miles) agrees well with the actual distance from the situation a few miles above Tchikin Aghyl to Nev Sheher. X Strabo's route by Sadakora takes a more southern path, see p. 306. Nyssa. Osiana, 32. Sakasena, 28. Therma. Soanda, 18. Sakoena, 32. Csesareia, 80. Ochras (Acras v.l.), 16. Csesareia, 24. 270 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. seems great enough, as the distance can hardly be more than sixteen English miles : but the numbers in the Itineraries can never be pressed. It is clear that Ochras or Acras is inserted here wrongly ; and it also is evidently a corruption. Perhaps it is [Odjogra misplaced, and then the road is to be restored Tavium — Zama xviii Therma xviii Odogra xvi Soanda xxxii Sakkasena xv Csesareia. It has been suggested above that Zama belongs to this road. 3. The direct road Tavium to Csesareia is apparently omitted in the ancient documents, but in reality every station on it is given : — Tavium xxi Korniaspa xxvi Siva [x]xxii Kamoure xvi Cassareia. 4. The road Sebasteia-Caesareia is given in the Antonine Itinerary as : — CaBsareia xxvi Eulepa xxiiii Armaxa xxviii Marandara xxx* Scanatus xxviii Sebasteia : total cxxxvi, and in the Peutinger Table as : — Caesareia xiii Sorpara xiiii Foroba xiiii Armaza xvi Eudagina XXXII Magalasso xxxii Comaralis xxii Sivastia. The total distance is about cxxv miles,| which agrees fairly well with the Antonine Itinerary. The road passes through Palas, obviously an ancient name : we shall see that it is probably the bishopric Aipolioi. Eulepa seems to be another form of the same name : J the consonants being transposed as in Capatiana for Pacatiana, Morea for Komea (i. e. 'Pco/xata), &c. The distance is fairly correct : Palas is about xxx miles from Caesareia, but the ancient site may have been different from that of the modern village, a common phenomenon. Armaxa is guaranteed also by the Table, and is probably a correct name. Marandara is also given as Malandara and Marandana. It is perhaps Ptolemy's Mardara. Eudagina is Euagina transferred to a wrong road. Comaralis is Carmalis, and belongs to a different road (0 II). On Scanatus see II. Magalassos is perhaps a form of Daga- lassos, Ptolemy's Megalossos, between Sebasteia and Nikopolis. N. EOMAN KOADS OVER AnTI-TaUROS. 1. In the roads between Caesareia and Melitene, the Antonine Itinerary is extraordinarily full, but so full of contradictions and errors that it was quite unintelligible till a series of milestones threw light upon them. § * V.I. xxxviii., whicli is more likely to be corrupt. Cfesareia xvi. Eulepa also occurs t According to Major Bennet : Sivas 13 Yildiz Su 7 Sarai 23 Karadj Euren 25 Tchepne 11 Stone bridge over Halys 12 Palas 30 Kaisari. X Palas, of course, is an accusative form. Aipolioi is grecised to get a form with a meaning. § The first was discovered by Mr. Clayton in 1881 ; I added several in 1882 ; and Mr. Sterrett has copied and published a fine series. M.— ROMAN EOADS IN CENTRAL CAPPADOCIA. 271 Strangely enough, tlie continuation of the great Koman highway, Ephesus and Csesareia to the Euphrates, is quite obscured and only part of it is given in the course of a different road. There are two possible routes for this road. (1) The first is C^sareia 24 Zerezek 10 Zamanti Su 30 Kara Kilisa. This is the most important of the modern roads which cross Anti- Tauros from Caesareia. It is practicable for wheeled traffic throughout, and in all probability it is the route which was taken by the Koman road from Kokussos or Komana to Caesareia. The only other route which can be thought of goes by Mardin and Tomarza. There it forks, having a choice of routes over Anti-Tauros ; the southern route goes by Keuseli (where it is joined by a road from Ferak Din, Argya Sheher, &c.) over the Gez Bel, past Eumlu, to join the Komana-Kokussos road south of Keklik Oglu, while another route goes by Suwagen (%€l3dyr]va) on the Zamanti Su, crosses Anti-Tauros by either the Dede Bel, or the Geuk Bel, or the Kuru Bel, to Elimenli and Komana (Shahr-Dere-si). I can trace no probable reference to the Tomarza route in ancient writers, and the identification of Arasaxa as Zerezek (mentioned first, I think, by Major Bennet, many years ago) seems to prove that the Eoman road followed a more northern route. The precise route east of Zerezek is by Kulete, over Zamanti Su, near a recently built Mohajir {i.e. Eefugee) village, past Tass, over Anti-Tauros by the Kuru Tchai pass to Kara Kilisa on the Saros. Thenceforward the road coincides with the road from Sebasteia and Ariarathia to Kokussos or to Komana. There is indeed a path leading more directly to Arabissos, Melitene, and the Euphrates, by Tovla, Tcharshak, and Dali Kavak, to Maragos and Tanir (Tanadaris). It is iibout 24: miles from Kara Kilisa to Maragos : but the path is quite im- practicable for wheels, and cannot have been used as the Koman road. (2) The other road is Caesareia 26 Karadai* 6 Ekrek 8 Yere Getchen 4 Zamanti Su 24 Keui Yere 15 Maragos 4 Khurman Kalesi 7 Tanir 12 Arabissos. This is also still a road of some importance, and wheeled traffic can traverse it. It crosses Anti-Tauros, between Zamanti Su and Keui Yere, by the pass called Yedi Oluk,"]* which is also the pass leading from Azizie (Ariaratheia) to the Saros valley. This road has also a •continuation direct towards Tanir and Arabissos, which is just barely practicable for wheels. It is probably the trade-route which Strabo ■describes as leading by Erpa, on the Karmalas, to the Euphrates at Tomisa, which is doubtless, as Kiepert puts it, due east of Melitene. It is more difficult to decide whether the Koman military road followed * Karadai is about a mile north of Zerezek t There is an alternative pass more to the west^by Kavak Tepe, not practicable for wheels. 272 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. this route or took the pass by Kuru Tchai. The numbers that are given certainly suggest that Codusabala was at Keui Yere, and that the road Kokussos-Caesareia coincided with the road Kokussos-Ariaratheia for a greater distance than is possible by the Kuru Tchai road. Moreover,, the frequent appearance of Ptanadaris (Tanir) in the Antonine Itinerary proves that it must have been a station of some consequence ; it is always put by the Itinerary on the wrong road, but the explanation of the mistake would be easy if there were two roads, Codusabala-Kokussos- Arabissos and Codusabala-Ptanadaris-Arabissos. We may then probably say that a Eoman road went along the Yedi Oluk route that has just been described. The road is described in the Antonine Itinerary as : — Caesareia xxiiii Arasaxa xxiiii Codusabala. The mention of Arasaxa is not conclusive, for, although I have not given Zerezek on the Yedi Oluk road, yet that place lies hardly a mile south of the shortest path, and may quite well be taken on the road. It is clear that either the second xxiiii must be corrected to XLiiii, or that a station has been omitted. Strabo gives the station Erpa on the Zamanti Su, and we may conjecturally insert it. The whole road might then be restored as follows : Caesareia xxiiii Arasaxa xix Erpa xxiiii Codusabala xxviiii Ptanadaris (Tanir) xxii Arabissos. The Peutinger Table gives Caesareia xxiiii Sinispora xiiii Arasaxa x Larissa xxiii in Cilissi XX Comana. I give this as a typical example of corruption. Sinispora xiiii must be eliminated : Sinis is perhaps Sinis near Melitene and pora is perhaps Erpa. In Cilissi should be in Cilicia, and belongs to the road through the Cilician Gates to Tarsos.* But, in regard to Larissa, the Peutinger Table is confirmed by Michael Attaliota in describing the march of the Emperor Eomanus, who, in the year 1067 starting from Constantinople, marched by Caesareia and came to Larissa {rjycv ets Tr]V Kataapctav, etra Kat rfj Aa pL(T(Trj tt poaefXL^e) : then, advancing further, he encamped at some distance from Melitene (Mich. Attal., p. 123). Larissa is also often mentioned as a Turma, originally belonging to the Cappadocian Theme, but transferred by Leo VI. in 890 to the Theme of Sebasteia. This weighty coincidence must be accepted, but the distance x. from Arasaxa is probably too small, and in the present state of the Table it is impossible to say anything more definite about the position of Larissa, * The roads on the Peutmger Table from Komana to Melitene and to Samosata» though very long, do not contain one correct station : e. g. Catabola is Kastabala, brought from the road Iconium-Pylae Cilicise-Tarsos ; Arcilapopoli is Archelais Colonia, trans- ferred here from the road Laodicea-Ctesareia ; Sagalasso and.Sama are Dagalassos and Zara, brought from the road Sebasteia-Nicopolis. N.— EOMAN ROADS OVER ANTI-TAUROS. 273 than tliat it was on the direct road to Melitene, not very far east of Arasaxa and probably near Erpa on the river Karmalas. Maroga, now Maragos, was also on this road xii miles from Tanadaris, but I omitted it in the list given above in order to retain one more number from the Itinerary. The possibility must of course be left open that both the Kuru Tchai route and the Yedi Oluk route were used by the Eomans, and Larissa may have been on the former, Erpa on the latter. 2. The rest of the Anti-Tauros roads would be quite unintelligible without the recently discovered series of milestones. In studying the milestones the first principle to observe is that stones in the cemetery of a town are carried from all quarters : hence the mile- stones of Kokusos vary from PA to PMA. But five miles east of Goksun the number PKB occurs, and 12 miles north the number PAH occurs, and 17 miles north the number PMA. The distance Kokusos to Melitene along the Eoman road then must have been in all probability 127 Roman miles. The distance of Arabissos cannot be determined so certainly, but is near 100. In the roads which are given in the Itinerary, the most striking feature is the constant introduction of Ptanadaris. There can be little doubt that Ptanadaris is Tanir, and in that case it is introduced in the most absurd and impossible way. It belongs to the road Arabissos-Caesareia, and should be eliminated from all other roads. If we cut it out we have the road in the Itinerary Melitene to Arabissos 104 M. P., Arabissos to Kokusos 28 M. P. Now, the sum of separate distances, station to station, is always greater than the direct distance from end to end. We may therefore conclude that the follow- ing stations are accurately given in the Itinerary : — Melitene xxviii Area xxi Dandaxina xxiiii Osdara xxviii Arabissos. Osdara must be looked for between Demirji and Alhazli. What route did the Roman road follow between Melitene and Arabi ssos ? Mr. Sterrett says that between Albistan (12 miles east of Arabissos) and Malatia " no milliaria were found. I am wholly unable,, to account for this fact, as there are only two possible roads from Albistan to Melitene, one of which we traversed on the way out, and the other on our return. It may be safely afiirmed, however, that the Roman road did not go by way of Koz Agha and Pulat, since this whole road, is much too difficult. Had the Roman road gone this way it could not have avoided the abrupt pass of Ola Kaya, and it is exactly this pass, that makes it necessary to look for it elsewhere. The only other route is that by way of Derinde, and thence down the Tokhma Su to Malatia." There is, however, another road, apparently unknown to Mr. Sterrett,. of which I have been told by Major Bennet, who has traversed it. It passes through Arga, crosses the mountains in a nearly direct line, and reaches the valley of the Sogutlu Irmak near Alhazli. The road may ■274 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. be thus described : — Arga, 3600 feet above sea-level, at 8 miles crosses summit 4680 feet, at 14 miles crosses summit 6270 feet, and soon after another summit 6250 feet, at 30 miles reaches Sogutlu Irmak, at 66 miles reaches Arabissos. By this road the distance. Area to Arabissos, would be about 70 Koman miles : let us say 71 miles. We have the distance Melitene to Area 28 M.P., and from Arabissos to Kokusos 28 M.P., rgiving a total Melitene-Kokusos of 127 miles. The Eoman road then must have followed this route. The road was formerly an excellent •one, practicable for wheeled carriages ; but it has in recent years fallen into disuse and disrepair. 3. To understand the rest of the Itinerary it is necesary to observe the exact position of Komana, which lies in a glen right off the main road, and can be reached only by a detour from the direct road. The direct road Kokusos-Sebasteia passes by Kemer 24 miles, Keui Yere 35, to Azizie about 55, and thence to Tonosa and Sebasteia. The distances Azizie-Tonosa and Tonosa-Sebasteia seem about 42 Eoman miles. Kemer is certainly a Roman site, and if so it must be Sirica : placing Coduzabala, 'by conjecture, near Keui Yere. The road, then, may be Kokusos xxiiii Sirica xii Coduzabala xx Ariarathia xlii Tonosa XLii Sebasteia. The direct road Kokusos-Komana diverges at Yalak from the road IKokusos-Sirika : measuring along this road, the distances are about Kokusos XXVI Komana vi Sirica xii Coduzabala. But it is more probable that there was only one Roman road to Komana 'diverging at Sirica : the distances then would be Kokusos XXIV Sirica vi Komana vi Sirica xii Coduzabala, &c. Between Sirica and Komana the milestones P N B and P N P (152 and 153 are found) about two or three miles from Sirica. These agree so -well with the latter system of measurement, that it may be provisionally adopted. If hereafter milestones be found between Sirica and Ariarathia, ^reckoning without the detour to Komana, so as to give about 162 miles Melitene to Coduzabala, the proof will be complete. 4. A Roman road of great importance led direct from Arabissos to •Sebasteia. There can be no doubt about the course of this road. It passed Aristil 5, Khurman 7, Kashanli 14^, Almali 18, Gorun 39.* The rest of the distance can be calculated only roughly, but if, as is probable, it passed by Kangal, it would be about 80 Roman miles. [Between Kangal and Arabissos it must coincide with the road Nicopolis- Arabissos, given in the Itinerary (181-3) : — Arabissos xxvii Tonosa xxv Zoana xxiii Gundusa xxx Eumeis XVIII Zara xx Dagalasso xxiv Nicopolis. * Gorun retains the name of the ancient Gauraina. N.— ROMAN ROADS OVER ANTI-TAUROS. 275 Between Sebasteia and Kangal it is perhaps given in the Itinerary^ (177):- Sebasteia xxiiii Blandos xxviii Enspoena xxiiii Aranis xxviiii Ad Praetorium xxxii Pisonos xxii Melitena. The direct road Sebasteia-Melitene passes through Kangal, but the- distances in the above route are so much too great as to show there is some error. If, however, we suppose that Euspcena is Kangal, and that X has-been added between Euspoena and Sebasteia, we have a fair approximation to the proper distance, which is about 40 from Sebasteia to Kangal, 100 from Kangal to Melitene. 5. The roads are too corrupt, and the localisation of every point too uncertain, to justify any scheme of reconstruction. It is sufficient to show here what the routes must have been. But a few words must be devoted to the extraordinary corruption of the road Arabissos-Nicopolis- Satala. It is represented as a direct road, and yet it passes through^ Tonosa; but the name Tonosa* is certainly false. If we suppose an intermediate station on the way to Gorun, we should have the following- road : — Arabissos xviii near Almali xxiii Gauraina xxxviii Euspoena. Gundusa is perhaps Ptolemy's Godasa, and Doana Ptolemy's Dagona,. and Eumeis is surely a corruption of Camisa. It may, however, be doubted whether there was any direct road Euspoena-Camisa. The sys- tem of defence was probably content with the road Euspcena-Sebasteia- Camisa-Nicopolis. 6. As to the road Satala-Melitene, which completed the circle of military roads within the province Cappadocia, I cannot speak, but I may add the following note about one station, given as Arauracos,. 45 miles south of Satala. Arauraka is mentioned also: (1) in a gloss on Theophanes (p. 7,, 1. 19, Di Boor), 6 aytos Evo-Tparcos 6 (xtto ' ApavpaKLViov op/JiMfxcvo^ TroAews ; (2) Ptolemy has the name in the form %apaPpaKa rjToi SaAa/xySpia ; and (3) Constantine Porphyrogenitus de Thematibus, p. 31, calls it Arabraka. Arauraca seems too close to the name of the Gallic tribe Eauraci to be- unconnected with it, yet no ala or cohors Eauracorum is known which might have been stationed there as ala Auriana was at Daskousa, legio- XII at Melitene, legio vii at Samosata. This road is given in the Itinerary as Satala xvii Suissa xxviii Arauracos xxiv Carsagis xxviir Sine- ruas XXVIII Analiba xvi Zimara xvi Teucila xxviii Sabus xvi Dascusa xxxii Ciaca xviii Melitena. Kiepert places Satala at Sadagh, seven geographical miles north-east . of Melik Sherif, and 15 east of Sehabhan Kara Hisar. Legio XV * It has been corrupted through recollection of Tonosa between Sebasteia ^ancl_ Ariarathia. 276 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. ApoUinaris was stationed here (' C. I. L.,' III. Supplem., 6744). Daskonsa was on the banks of the Euphrates opposite Penga. Ala II. Ulpia Anriana was stationed here (' C. I. L.,' III., Supplom., 6743). Ptolemy assigns Daskousa, Zimara, Sinibra to Armenia Minor on the banks of the Euphrates, and mentions Analibla west of the Euphrates in Armenia Minor. He puts Ciacis (which he seems to have derived from an itinerary where it was given as an ablative), and Dagousa (which is probably a dittography of Daskousa), in Melitene. 7. Three passes, leading across the eastern part of Tauros into Kom- •magene, can be traced in the ancient records, one from Kokussos to Oermanicia, a second from Arabissos to Germanicia, which is far more frequently mentioned and evidently much more important, and a third leading direct south from Melitene to Samosata. These three passes •correspond with the three chief modern routes, Guksun to Marash, Albostan* to Marash, v/hich is by far the most important, and Malatia by Pulat to Adiaman and Samsat. The statement of these facts leaves little doubt that Marash is near the ancient Germanicia. But, as this rsituation has been disputed by Bitter and Kiepert, I must examine it more closely. Kiepert, having sacrificed all the north-western part of Kommagene to the two Strategiai Saravene and Laviansene, which he follows Ptolemy in misplacing, is obliged to set Germanicia and other Kommagenian towns much further south and east than their true position. First, however, I may describe some of the marches of Byzantine emperors across Tauros. 8. The march of Basil from Caesareia into Kommagene, in 877, is described in great detail by Cedrenus II., p. 213, and Theoph. Contin., p. 278. It is the same route which Romanus Diogenes afterwards took in A.D. 1068 (Scylitz., p. 671). After leaving Caesareia, the advanced guard captured Xylokastron (Psilokastron, Cont.), and Phyrokastron (Paramokastellon, Cont.). Then the castle of Phalakron surrendered.! The Saracen army fled before the emperor, who captured Kasama (KaisosJ or Katasamas, Cont.), Karba (Robam or Endelekhone, Cont.), Ardala (Andala, Cont.), and Erymosykea (Erymosykaia, Cont.). Then Basil crossed the rivers Ouopniktes and Sardos (Saros, Cont.), and ^arrived at Kokussos or Koukousos, whence he penetrated through the defiles of Tauros, cutting his way through the forests, by Kallipolis and Padasia to Germanicia. He chose this uncommon route evidently because the regular route by Arabissos was in the hands of the Saracens. * This pass has been described to me, and its importance most strongly emphasized, by Sir Charles Wilson, Colonel Chermside, and Major Bennet. Albostan, "the Garden," has taken the place of the ancient Arabissos, as the northern key to the pass : the site of Arabissos is the modern village Yarpuz, which retains the ancient name. t This place, whose name is given in the same form by Cedrenus and Contin., must t>e distinguished from the mountain Phalakron, mentioned by Constantino Porph., de 'Them., p. 31, as on the northern or nortli-western frontier of the Theme Koloneia. X On Kaisos as an Arab personal name, see Muralt, p. 151, 307. See p. 280. N.— ROMAN ROADS OVER ANTI-TAUROS. 277 All the forts which are mentioned on this passage must be strong- holds commanding the roads between Caesareia and Erpa, for they are all mentioned before the Onopniktes (Karmalas). Melitene and even Arabissos appear to be at this time in the hands of the Saracens. After devastating the outskirts of Germanicia, but not venturing to attack the walls, within which the Arabs remained, Basil besieged Adata in vain, and finally' returned to Caesareia. 9. To appreciate fully the evidence of this campaign, it is necessary to examine the frontier between the Arab and the Byzantine power at this time. It is hardly possible to fix the exact date when Germanicia passed into the Saracen power.* The Byzantine records are silent, till in 745 Theophanes mentions that it was recaptured by the Christians. On this subject we may collect the following facts. In 668 Arabissos and Melitene were both still in Byzantine hands : Arabissos was a military station and residence of the Kleisourarch who guarded the eastern passes of Tauros (Theophan., p. 350). The Arab historians declare (see Weil, 'Khalifen,' I. 471) that Marash was evacuated by the Greeks in 695 ; but this was perhaps only a temporary withdrawal, as in 700 the Greeks defeated the Arabs near Samosata. But most probably the cam- paign of 700 was a single great effort, and Kommagene now passed into Saracen hands. In 712 Theophanes, p. 382, apparently implies that Melitene was outside of the dorniniotjs of Philippicus. Amaseia was conquered in the same 'year, and in 726 Caesareia of Cappadocia was taken. In 716 the theatre of war was about Amorion, Akroenos, and -even Per games. In 717 the Arabs crossed by Abydos into Europe, and «ven besieged Constantinople. But this rashness cost them a severe defeat. It is practically certain that at this time the passes of Tauros were entirely in Arab power. The Khar;^ian fortress was captured in 730 by the Arabs. But from this time their power diminished. In 740 they were defeated at Akroenos, and were trying to capture Tyana, which they had taken in 708, but which must again have passed under Christian power. In 746, according to Cedrenus, II., 7, and Tlieophanes, p. 422, Constantino Copronymos, taking advantage of the dissensions among the Arabs, captured Germanicia and laid waste Doulichia (i.e. the country near Doliche). In 752 he captured Melitene and Theodo- siopolis, in Armenia. The great pass was thus in Christian hands for some years, till in 770 Germanicia was recaptured by Al Mansur, and incorporated in Palestine, i.e. Syria.f In 778 a great Bj-zantine army * The dates given by different authorities vary considerably. I follow Muralt for convenience in every case where he mentions the events. t Finlay wrongly understands that the inhabitants were transported to Palestine : jj-ereiroir^er] els UaXaiarivrjv is Theophanes's way of saying that it was separated from the Byzantine sway, and made part of the Arab dominions. Palestine ought to be translated Syria here. 278 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHT OF ASIA MINOR. besieged it in vain. The Arab historians say that at this time they captured Adata (Hadath, Weil, II., p. 98), but Theophanes does not mention this fact. We ma}^, however, safely assume that the northern entrance to the pass had been held by the Christians since 746 at latest. In the next year the Saracens restored the fort Hadath, and made an unsuccessful attack on Dorylaion and on Amorion. In 780 they captured Semalouos in the Armeniac Theme. The tide of conquest now turned once more, and the Greek arms were probably never seen again in eastern Cappadocia till Basil's expedition in 880. Basil did not venture to advance by the usual route, which was doubtless strongly defended. He advanced by Kokussos, and opened up an unused and un- defended route. He ravaged the country up to the walls of Germanicia, and closely besieged Adata. 10. These references show that Adata was nearer the Byzantine frontier, and more accessible to them than Germanicia ; in other words, Adata was a fortress a little north of Germanicia defending the pass to Arabissos. Basil's plan was a bold stroke to capture the Syrian end of the pass, even though the northern end was not yet in his power ; but he was not successful. A foolish prophecy and legend is related in connection with the siege (Contin., p. 280). Adata, the famous city (irepLporjTo^'), remained in Saracen hands till 946, when Bardas, the general of Constantine, captured it. Melitene, called a city of Syria, i.e. of Saracen land, had previously been taken by John Kourkonas, in 934 (Theoph., 416). 11. Adata and Germanicia are, therefore, two distinct places, but not far from each other on the same great eastern road. They were no doubt, under the same bishop, who may have been styled 6 TepfxavLKecas yjTOL 'ASaTwv. Hence Glykas, p. 549, makes the mistake of actually identifying them.* Weil, II., p. 98, is probably wrong in inferring from the Arab geographers that Hadath was south of Marash. f The preceding reasoning is confirmed by the enumeration of Mohammedan border- fortresses, Malatia, Hadith, Marash, Harunie, Kenisa, Ainzarba, Massissa, Adana, and Tarsos.| Heraclius in 640, evidently marching by the pass that leads to Arabissos, passed Adata after Germanicia.§ 12. Almost all the military expeditions which we can trace as crossing eastern Tauros, most probably followed the route Arabissos-Germanicia. So in 668 Andreas, the envoy of Constans, returned from Damascus by Arabissos and Amnesia. || Unfortunately no account gives a list of names * T€p(xaviK6'Ko\iv riva \eyo/j.&r]v *'A5aTO, p. 549. t They give Hadith between Marash and Membitch. X Istakliri, liher climatum, translated by Mordtmann, Hamburg, 1845, pp. 33, 38, 42 44, quoted by Ritter, Kleinasien, ii. 57. § Theophanes, p. 313, where the reading "ASara must be corrected. \\ If Amnesia is connected with the river Amnias, we may say, with confidence, that he returned by Sebasteia, Eukhaita, Pompeiopolis, Kastamon, &c. N.— ROMAN ROADS OVER ANTl-TAUROS. 279 ^along the road ; either the northern or the southern end of the pass being til ways omitted. But the military importance of Arabissos (see p. 311) ^nd the frequent military references to Germanicia, show that they were the two critical points on the great Tauros pass. The Antonine Itinerary does not give any road across Tauros, except that which crosses the eastern pass from Melitene to Samosata : but it is evident, from its Syrian routes, that Germanicia was a critical point on the great road to the east. 13. From Marash two important roads lead to the Euphrates and Edessa, one by Samosata, the other by Doliche and Zeugma. These two roads are given in the Antonine Itinerary as — (1) Germanicia xv Catabana xvi Nisus xiiii Tharse xiii Samosata leg. VII. XII Edessa. (2) Germanicia xx Sicos Basilisses x Dolicha xii. Zeugma xx Bemmaris xxv Edessa. These routes are most probably correct, but the numbers are wrong : such small numbers are improbable in Syrian roads, and the Antonine contradicts itself, giving on the next page — Germanicia xv Sicos Basilisses xv Dolicha xiiii Zeuo;ma. 14. The evidence of Ptolemy is certainly in favour of placing Germanicia at Marash. He places it further west than any other city of Kommagene. Though Ptolemy's authority is not high, it counts for something when it agrees with all other indications from ancient authors. The order of Hierocles and of the Notitiee, practically the same, gives no clear evidence, but puts Germanicia among the five northern cities of Kommagene. 15. Germanicia was formerly placed at Marash. Ritter* mentions that several writers of the Middle Ages held this opinion, and that the Armenians call Marash Germaniki. But he and Prof. Kiepert identify Marash with Antiocheia ad Taurum, while they consider that Ger- manicia must have lain further south or east. In the first place, Ritter and Kiepert have to answer the question, what was Marash called in the early Byzantine period. They trace its history down to Ptolemy under the name Antiocheia, and then resume it towards the beginning of the ninth century under the name of Marash: had it no importance and no Byzantine name in the inter- mediate period ? It certainly existed, and must always have been an important place, as it commands the southern entrance to the most important pass across the eastern part of Taurus. It is known f to the later Byzantine writers by its native name Maras : this pi obably proves that the native name had been preserved in local usao-e, while officially the city bore a name of the Graeco-Roman type, and that the. * ' Kleiaasien,' ii. p. 47. t Marash is mentioned asMapdcnou by Cinnamus, 216 ; and as Mapdaiy, Anna, ii. 115 (see Ducange's note, p. 633). Similar examples are Xclpirore iv Usroirola^iioL k-4u^i;ov Cedren., ii. 419 ; Sis, v. Flayias Cilicise. ' " ' VOL. IV. ^ 280 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. native name at last expelled the official title.* I believe that this official name was Germanikeia. Eitter, who maintains that it was Antiocheia, is bound to show what Byzantine bishopric included within its bounds this city of Antiocheia. In the second place, Eitter gives as one of the reasons for placing Germanicia further south than Marash, that Stephanus saj's it was in Euphratesia, " also im Siiden von Kommagene dem Euphrates naher geriickt." But according to the provincial division of Diocletian Euphratesia bordered on Melitene, and even Perre is included in it, and is named by Hierocles next to Germanicia : Euphratesia included the whole of Kommagene, and Kommagene extended to the borders of Melitene and Kataonia. Perre is well known to have been beside the modern Adiaman, north of Samosata. Again, Altyntash Kale, where Kiepert would place Germanicia, is pronounced by Puchstein to be a purely mediaeval ruin, without any trace of ancient importance. Its situation and its remains are both alike inadequate to explain the importance of Germanicia, and the route Germanicia-Zeugma-Edessa in the Itinerary is ridiculous if Germanicia is at Altyntash Kale. 16. Almost the only reference to a third route crossing Taurus from Melitene to Samosata is the account of the military road in the Antonine Itinerary. Melitena xii Maisena xxviir Lakotena xxvi Perre xxiiii Samosata. This route is fairly certain. It goes by Elemenjik, Khan Bunar, Viran Sheher or Surghy (near which Lakotena must be placed), and Adiaman (Perre). We should gladly place some of Ptolemy's names on this road. Maisena or Maiasena does not seem a correct name, and Lacotena should perhaps be altered with some MSS. to a Cotena. But some new evidence is needed before any conjectures are justifiable. In Theophanes, p. 350, it is shown that the ordinary route from Damascus to Melitene was not by this pass, but by that of Arabissos. This pass is mentioned along with that of Germanicia and Adata in the treatise de Yelit. Bell. Niceph., p. 250, where the names Melitene, Kaloudia, Kaesoun, and Daoutha, are connected with it. Kaesoun must be distinguished from Kaisos (see § 8). 17. The road from Kokussos to Eastern Cilicia is given in the Peu- tinger Table as follows : — Cocuso xviii Laranda xviii Badimo xxii Praetorio xxii Flaviada xviir Anazarbo. Total 98 miles. This is a route of considerable importance : it has been described to me by Colonel Stewart and Major Bennet. * Prakana replaced the official Dioc£esareia in Isauria about 787, and so Kardabounda and Sibilia replaced those of other Isaurian cities. N.— ROMAN EOADS OVER ANTI-TAUROS. 281 Miles. Guksun, 4500 feet above sea-level. 6. Adji Alma plateau, 5690 feet. 13. Kara Kilisa ruin, 5400 ; then cross canon of river Saios, exactly 1000 feet deep. 21. Hancha Dere, 3900 feet. 31. Hadjin, 3200 feet, near Badimon. 40. Geuk Su (Saros), 2300 feet. 47. Kiraz Bel, 5130 feet. 54. Tapandere, 3000 feet, near rraetorium. 68. Girgen Su, 940 feet. 76. Sis,* 500 feet, Flavias. 90. Anazarba. 113. Osmanie. 124. Geuz Khane (Epiplianeia, Bennet). 130. Eeach sea. 0. Cities and Bishoprics of Cappadocia. Generally, the lists of Hierocles and of the Notitise Ejpiscopatiiim form the best starting-point for the discussion of the topography of a province. 1 annex a comparative table of these lists, but it is of little use in this case, because the organisation of Cappadocia was apparently very peculiar. The other provinces were for the most part divided into cities, each possessing a certain territory ; a few districts or demoi mentioned in each province form exceptions. But Cappadocia was divided into large districts, in each of which there were many villages, or even towns. The district under the Bishop of Cassareia was so large in the fourth century, that he had fifty chorepiscopi to help him. The name of the district often differs from that of the most important town known in it, and sometimes the bishop gets his title from the town (Sasima, Basilika Therma, Doara), while the district in which that town is situated is mentioned by other writers under its own name. Hence many of the names in Cappadocia have an adjectival form (Melitene, Sakasena, Sobagena, Sebagena, &c.). Kuhn, Yerfassung des romischen Eeiches, ii. p. 231 ff., gives an excellent account of the Cappadocian political sj^stem. Strabo says there were only two cities — Greek cities in a Cappadocian country, according to Philostr., Vit. Apoll., i. 4 — Eusebeia (Ceesareia) and Eusebeia Tyana, but it would appear that at least Archelais and Ariarathia should be added as centres of Hellenistic organisation. Elsewhere there were no citizens, no assemblies, no city magistrates."!" * Other distances are Sis to Adana 44, Adana to Missis (Mopsouestia) 15, Adana to Ayas 34, Missis to Osmanie, 35. t ITaxeto rfi yXdoTrrj koI ws Ko7r7ro5d/cois ^vvrjOeSy ^vyKpovwv fxev to. avix ^ I ^ rH (M "2 (Zi b 3 S 8 (o o P J3 g-*5 § b o ~ o b b :S. CC rfH © lO Eh ^ W i-H ^ r-i "Si o a, 3 ,35 tn pa 'o -2 .t3 03 -i-> — O O OS -u en 6 ■ s oP^ O ,02 0.— CAPPADOCIA. 283 It is impossible to group tlie different towns and villages under the bishoprics to which they were subject, as evidence is altogether wanting. I therefore prefer to discuss Cappadocia under the Strategiai. The classi- fication into bishoprics, however, often gives important evidence in par- ticular cases, and I shall often have to appeal to the Byzantine divisions, an account of which is necessary as a preliminary. In the winter of 371-2 the Emperor Yalens divided Cappadocia into two provinces, with the intention of injuring Basil, Bishop of Caesareia, by reducing the size of the province subject to him ecclesiastically. Podandos, a mere hamlet, was first made metropolis of the new province, Cappadocia Secunda, but afterwards Tjana was made the metropolis. Then arose a struggle between Anthimos, Bishop of Tyana, and Basil, the latter trying to retain his authority over Anthimos and the other bishops of Secunda, the former claiming to be independent and Metro- politan in his province. Cappadocia Secunda was again divided into two by Justinian about A.D. 536. He made Mokissos the capital of CapjDadocia Tertia,* giving it the name Justinianopolis. The account which Strabo gives of the ten Strategiai differs very much from the position assigned to them by Ptolemy. Kiepert follows Ptolemy, and places Laviansene and Saravene south of Melitene on the frontier of Kommagene, along the Euphrates. I shall follow the authority of Strabo, and in tracing out the map after him I hope to show so many incidental confirmations as to prove that he is more to be trusted than Ptolemy. Strabo divides the Strategiai into two groups of five each. The first lie in a series extending along the southern side of Cappadocia (i.e. towards Taurus), from the Euphrates on the east to Lykaonia on the west; they are Melitene, Kataonia, Kilikiajf Tyanitis, and Gar- sauritis. The other five extend along the northern side, from the eastern limits of Cappadocia to the Galatian frontier ; they are Lavian- sene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene, Morimene. Pliny (vi. 3) agrees partly with Strabo, partly with Ptolemy: CappadocioB pars praetenta Armeniae majori, Melitene vocatur ; Comma- genae, Cataonia; Phrygiatj, Garsauritis, Sargarausene, Cammanene; Galati89, Morimene. Ptolemy agrees fairly well Tvith Strabo as regards the general position of Tyanitis, Garsauritis, Kilikia, Chamanene, Kataonia, and Melitene, though even in their case he has frequently made serious errors ; but he has placed Sargarausene where Saravene should be (Pliny makes the same error J), and Mouriane (i.e. Morimene) where * I find no instance of this title in ancient documents ; both Mokissos and Tyana being called metropoleis of Secunda Cappadocia. t I distinguish Kilikia as the Strategia of Cappadocia, Cilicia as the country south of Taurus. ; The error is probably due to the likeness of the two names: ^apavrivf] and 284 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Sargarausene should be, and has put Saravene and Laviansene in Kommagene, either omitting most of their territory, or putting it in Armenia Minor. His map of Cappadocia and Armenia Minor is there- fore inexact to a degree entirely beyond his representation of the other j)rovinces of Asia Minor. The reason appears to be that the Strategiai were an antiquated institution, belonging to history, not to political reality. He could therefore not have access to Roman official lists, but was obliged to trust to the maps. The authority which he followed appears to have given him in most of the Strategiai the names of several of the chief towns.* These he places together, sometimes first, in his list of the cities of the Strategia, and. their known position disagrees in many cases with the situation which he assigns to it, while it agrees perfectly with the situation which Strabo assigns to it. He then added a few other towns in each Strategia, which he derived from the authority of existing maps or itineraries of the district where he placed the Strategia, and which therefore seemed to him to agree with his position for it. I. Garsaouria is fixed by Garsaoura, which has been recognised by Leake as the old name of Colonia Archelais, now Ak Serai. It therefore bordered on Lykaonia. Ptolemy, Strabo, and Pliny are agreed in this position. The cities of Garsaouria are given by Ptolemy as ^peara AtOKatcrapcia 'Ap)(eXai<; !lSaA.a/x/3p6a rj koI %apd(ipaKa Navecrcros TerpaTrvpyLa. Phreata is never mentioned elsewhere. The immense depth of the wells in the plain of Hassa Keui and Malakopaia may have caused the name. But this plain seems to belong to Morimene, and wells are characteristic of many villagesj in the plains of Cappadocia and Lycaonia. Very deep wells existed also at Savatra (Strab., p. 568.) Archelais Avas founded, as its name denotes, by Archelaos, king of Cappadocia. Leake has shown that it is the same as Strabo's Tcomopolis Garsauira (p. 537, 539) on the great eastern highway, and we might infer that the foundation of Archelais is later than Strabo's time, were it not that his information can be traced down to 19 a.d., whereas Archelaos died and Cappadocia was made a Roman province in a.d. 17. Probably therefore Strabo's information about Garsauira was not up to date. Strabo mentions that, though a mere komopolis in his time, it had been formerly a metropolis. It was made a Roman colony by Claudius. J It struck no coins under the empire, a remarkable character * I shall show under Isauria that Ptolemy gives a name to the eleventh Strategia which could be used only during the reign of Antiochus IV., a.d. 37; his authority on the Strategiai must therefore have been living at that time. t Most of the places mentioned by Ptolemy are mere villages. Strabo mentions that there were only two cities in Cappadocia, Mazaka, Tyana (p. 537 : see p. 281). X Pliny, ' Nat. Hist.,' vi. 3, who makes the mistake of placing it on the Halys. 0.— CAPPADOCIA. 285 whicli it shares with Claudius's other colony Claudiopolis in Cilicia Tracheia (Byzantine Isauria). It was an important city throughout Byzantine history, and even more important under the Seljuks of Konia. Nicetas Choniata mentions that it was called Td^apa by the Turks in the twelfth centmy. Td^apa is apparently a Greek writing of the Turkish Ak Serai.* It is very often mentioned in Byzantine authorities as Nanessos must be the same place which is called Momoasson in the Jerusalem Itinerary, 12 miles east of Archelais on the road to Tyana. It still retains its name in the form Mammasun, about three hours east of Ak Serai, and this form shows that the Itinerary is more accurate in the name than Ptolemy. DiOG^SAREiA was the name given under the Eoman Empire to the small town of Nazianzos, the birth-place of Saint Gregory Theologos Nazianzenos. Many passages prove the identity : e.g. FpriyopLOv ixvT](raLro rhu erpecpe Ka-mradoKea-aiu 'H AioKaiaapecx}]/ oKlyt] iroXis. — Greg. Naz. Poem., p. 1121 Migne. About 376-80 a.d., Diocaesareia, for some act of insubordination, was threatened with degradation from the rank of a city. Gregory interceded successfully on its behalf with Olympics, the governor of Cappadocia Secunda (Greg. Naz., Ep. 141.) By the Emperor Eomanus Diogenes (1067-71) Nazianzos was raised to the rank of a metropolis (Scylitz., p. 705 [845]). Nazianzos was on the road to Tyana, 24 miles f from Archelais. It still retains its name as Nenizi, six hours east of Ak Serai. In the Jerusalem Itinerary it is corrupted to Anathiango, and in the Antonine it is written Nantianulus. Philostorgius (ap. Suidam, s. v. Tpr^yoptos) mentions that it was a station on a Eoman road (o-raO/xos). The forms Na8tav8o? and Na^iav^os are given as equivalent ■ by Philostorgius (Ilist. Eccles., viii. 11). Karbala was the name of a village in the territory of Nazianzos, beside which was an estate Arianzos, the hereditary property of Gregory Nazianzen. It still retains its name in the form KaXjSap-^ in Greek, and Gelvere in Turkish. Gelvere is a Christian village, 2^ hours south of Nenizi, containing numerous rock cuttings (churches, houses, &c.), and a church full of relics of S. Gregory Nazianzen. The inhabitants are all aware that Nazianzos, the city of their saint, was at the Turkish Nenizi. In some references a doubt is left whether Karbala was the village, and Arianzos the estate, or vice versa ; but it is distinctly mentioned in one passage (see Mansi, Act. Concil. ix., pp. 256, 258), that Arianzos was * Compare Cinnamus, wlio has "AKoriapri and U^ycriap-n ; Turkish, Ak Sheher and Beg Sheher. Taxara is for to 'Ak 2apa : compare Chalcocond., p. 243, who speaks of Konia as ToKoueiou. See also p. 279, 290, and Addenda. t XII. -f XII. M.P. The distances are seemingly rather too great. 286 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. a farm (praedium) in Ihe district of Nazianzos, "belonging to Gregory ^^az.,* where he was born. The expression KTrj/xa iv 'Aptav^ots occurs. At Arianzos a festival of the holy martyrs on the twenty-second of the^ month Dathonsa is mentioned by Gregory Xazianzen (Ep. 125). Thi» village Karbala is called tov x^p^ov KarrpaXim (Greg. Naz. Ep., 308), where the spelling either varies or the reading is corrupt; Gregory writing to the governor [of Cappadocia Secunda], says that when the latter happened to be present [at Nazianzos], Gregory had the oppor- tunity of talking with him (jrapovarjs Trj(pt NavtAwv), a place near enough to Nazianzos for Gregory to go there on a visit, but far enough for the visit to be a matter of some difficulty. (Ep., 204-6.) * Philostorg., X. 6. — h.aKopoyivoX Se rots aypoTs rb 6uo/xa. Cf. xi. 5. t This expression is misunderstood by the writer in Smith's * Dictionary of Christian Biography ' (s.v. Eunomius), who says that Dakora was under the shadow of Argseus. €sesareia ad Argseum is the distinguishing title of CaBsareia-Mazaka. 308 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. BoEissos, a village (^Kwfxr)) of Cappadocia, where Karterios and Eu- lampion, tlie parents of Philostorgios the historian, lived. (Philost. H. E., IX. 9. GetaSA : TO, Yn^Taaa tov aypov rov BcofjuXca-Tdrov linu-KOTrov MeAertov. (Greg. Naz. Ep., 99.) NoEA or Neroassos has been placed by Hamilton at Zengibar Kalesi. Sterrett also says, " There can scarcely be a doubt but that the higher peak of Zengibar Kalesi is Nora." But the only distinct topographical statement about Nora is that it was on the borders of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, which requires a situation very much further west. More- over, Strabo mentions that Sisinas kept his treasure in it, and that Kadena was his capital. Now Kadena is probably on the western frontier (see Chamanene). Moreover, the context in Strabo shows that Argos and Nora were a pair of forts on the western frontier, and he goes on, " Garsauira also is on the Lycaonian frontier." Nora was probably further north than Argos, perhaps on the skirts of Ikejik Dagh, or at Halva Dere on the northern spurs of Hassan Dagh. The following names occur only in the Peutinger Table, and are untrustworthy : — Scclla, Asarinum, Pagrum. The towns and villages of Kilikia then are Csesareia Mazaka. Saccasena. Sadakora, Dakora. Arkhalla. Kamoure, Kamoulia. Arasaxa. Sebagena. Kiskisos. Aipolioi. Demakella, Makellon. VII. Sargarausene (or Sargabrasene) is placed by Ptolemy on the Galatian frontier, and by Pliny on the Phrygian frontier, which may be treated as almost an equivalent definition. Ptolemy's error may have been produced by the similarity of the names '^apavrjvrj and ^apyavpa- a-rjvrj, for he has placed the latter exactly where he should have placed the former. Strabo places Sargarausene on the side of Cappadocia towards Taurus, between Kataonia and Kilikia. Its exact relation is fixed by the course of the Karmalas, which flows through it, and by the town Erpa or Erpha on the road from Csesareia to Melitene at the crossing of the Karmalas. The towns named by Ptolemy agree with the situation as defined by Strabo. The boundaries, then, are: on the north Laviansene, on the east and south Melitene and Kataonia, on the west Kilikia. Ptolemy gives the following towns in Saragausene : — iSaSayi^va. 'ApLapdOcpa. Tavpatva. Mapwya. Phiara may perhaps be the Siara or Eiarasi of the Itinerary, at Yeni 0.— CAPPADOCIA. 309 Khan, nortli-west of Sivas.* In Ptolemy's map Phiara appears in this position, north-west of Sebasteia. If the identification is true, Phiara must have been placed here by Ptolemy, not from his authority about the Strategiaij but by inference from his conception of the position of Sargarausene. Sadagena seems to be a false reading for Sobagena, which, as Professor Sterrett has discovered, is the fortress now named Khurman Kalesi. Here, again, Sobagena is doubtless the name of the district, and Khurman is j)robably the ancient name of the fortress still preserved. The in- scriptions which enabled Professor Sterrett to fix the site of Sobagena and Sarromaena are so important for topography that I quote them here: I received, two years before Professor Sterrett travelled, a copy of these inscriptions from Major Bennet, and reached the conclusions stated here before Professor Sterrett's copy was known to me. They are engraved on a rock near Khurman Kalesi to the north-west. (1) At^^a8t?7S Kw/X7ycrt ^lXlttttiov ^Apaivoov re ovTos dptyvoiTO? Upeioiv opo» Theodosiopolis Cappadocia Prima J) Trapezous Pontos Polemoniakos i» Kerasous Satala ArinpniQ T*rimfi Nikopolis )> Colonia Armenia Secunda Sebasteia J5 >> Sebastopolis »» j» Komana Pontes Polemoniakos »> Verisa Armenia Prima j» Zela Helenopontos Helenopontos Amaseia urbs ?» Amisus urbs »> I bora urbs H » Eukhaita urbs J> Andrapa urbs >» )> Sinope urbs J) ») Leontopolis urbs >> Neocsesareia urbs Pontes Polemoniakos »» Polemonion urbs Pityous phrourion t> Sebastopolis phrourion The confusion caused by the fact that Armenia Sebastiana was Prima before Justinian and in the Notitise, Secunda in the civil * Justinian, Novel., xxxi., formed a new province of Armenia Prima with the metropolis Leontopolis. He adds : Urbes illi adsignavimus, Theodosiopolim, quam etia prius habuit : Satalam, et Nicopolim, Colonea quoque ex prima (ut ante vocabatur) Armenia assumpta : item Trapezunte, et Cerasunte ex Polemoniaco prius dicto Ponto, He made Armenia Secunda out of parts of the old Prima and of Pontos : Secundum vero ordinem tenere iussimus eam Armeniam quae ante prima dicebatur, in qua caeteras praecedit Sebastea urbs, attributa illi, et Sebastopoli, quam prius quoque habuit, et insuper Commana ex Polemoniaco prius Ponto dicto ; et Zela ex Helenoponto : neque non Berisa. Armenia Tertia was the old Secunda unchanged ; 'see O. 2. Armenia Quarta was formed out of various tribes, including the districts Tzophanene, Anzethene, Balabitene, etc. It contained the city Martyropolis and the castle Kitharizon. 326 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. division after Justinian, is often apparent in the ecclesiastical lists r e.g. at Synod of 680, Verissa Secnndse Armeniae ; and Notitia I. speaks of Armenia Quarta (evidently that of Justinian, for it mentions Kitharizon, though it places Martyropolis, part of his province, in Mesopotamia), and yet it has no Armenia Tertia. 9. Sebastopolis, also called Heracleopolis, was situated at Sulu Serai. This is proved by an inscription on the Eoman bridge beside the town, which has been published by Kenier (' Eev. Archaeolog.,' 1877, p. 200) and by Koehl (' Beitrage zur griech. Epigraphik ') from a copy so bad that their transcripts differ widely. It was afterwards published by me from the accurate go^j of Sir Charles Wilson (' Journal of Philology," 1883, p. 154). It is erected by the archons, senate, and people of Sebastopolis Heracleopolis, under the governor of Cappadocia, Arrian (the historian), a.d. 137. 10. Amasia, Amisos, Sinope, Neoc^sareia, Komana, Sebasteia, have all retained their ancient names with more or less modification to the present day. Komana is now a small village on the Iris, above Tokat, which is said to be called Gomenek : I have not seen it. Strabo (p. 557) mentions that the Iris flowed through the city of Komana. Sebasteia was called Megalopolis after Pompey, and under the early empire took the name Sebasteia. Its walls were rebuilt by Justinian. 11. Ibora. The position of Ibora can be determined with approximate accuracy by the letters of Basil and Gregory Nyssenus. The family estate where they were born, where they often went to live, and where their sister Macrina died, was on the banks of the Iris, at a village Annesoi. The road by which Gregory returned from Annesoi to Nyssa after the death of Macrina passed through Sebastopolis, which was apparently not far distant. In his youth Basil retired from the world to live as a hermit close to Annesoi, but on the opposite side of the Iris.* It is frequently mentioned that Annesoi was in the diocese of Ibora. Emmeleia, the mother of Basil, Macrina, and Gregory, had brought the remains of the Forty Martyrs to Annesoi and built a church there to receive them.f Hence, when the Bishop of Ibora died, Gregory took temporary charge of the church, as he felt to be his duty.J Here delegates from Sebasteia, the metropolis of Armenia Secunda, came to visit him. Now Ibora was a bishopric on the frontiers of Pontus, and not far from Dazimon (Tokat) ; therefore it was probably that bishopric of Pontus which adjoined Sebasteia. ^ Gregory Nazianzen (Epist. iv.) describes the hermitage to which * Basil Epist., 3 and 223. — €7rt ttis fiovris ttjs eVl "ipiSi Trora/xcp. t Kd^fiTjs rris ifiol irpoariKovffris, eV ^ ra tuv TpifffiaKapicov Tovrwv auaireiravrai Xeiypava, ear I ris iroXlxvn t] yelTwv, "ipcapa KaXovffiv avTt]v. — (Greg. Nyss., in *Quadr. Mart.,* p. 783.) \ *'l/3copo TT^AiS eVrl ro7s opiois Tov HSvtov KaTCiiKicrfifv-ri, exoutro irphs ^/iSy apxatov . . . . eVj^^TjTws. — Greg. Nyss., * Epist.,' p. 1075. /caret tIv irpoa-liKovra rris irap avrois iKK\T](rlas iire/xeK-fidTjfKy. p.— THE PONTO-CAPPADOCIAN FRONTIER. 327 Basil retreated as situated in a narrow glen among lofty mountains, which keep it always in shadow and darkness, while far below the river foams and roars in its rocky, narrow, precipitous bed. (Ep. iv.) This description can hardly refer to any other part of the river than the rocky glen below Turkhal. Ibora cannot be placed further down, because it is the frontier bishopric of Pontus towards Sebasteia ; and further up there is no rocky glen until the territory of Komana is reached. Gregory Nyssenus, in his treatise on Baptism (vrpos tovceVa)v) at Yerisa (eV ^r]pL. For some time previously it seems to have been divided between Pisidia and Isauria. In later Byzantine times Lj^kaonia was entirely included in the Anatolic Theme. This is mentioned by Constantino {de Them.'), and his * The fortress Loulon, which commanded the road through the Cilician Gates, was at this time in Byzantine hands. From Melitene the Arabs would probably advance through Sebasteia. t In C. I. Gr., 4184, the statement also appears. MX 3 ^8 b 5v 3 to 3 ^ 3 t- to b -8 ;\ b- ^8 §■ r < . §- • w CO lf5 (N rH i-H 1— ( I— I 3 CO TfH 3 3 F 8 t. ^ H U W !> O CO C5 to •-8 to < ;^ 3 to ^8 8 =i- o o ^ --8 < §- "8 HH --tl CO W T+l CO < M .9 to 3 ^ 3 3 t5 ;8 ^ o CQ. H C W fH 00 I> C5 O lO CO 1—5 > 1 3 3 ■-8 II 3 ? cn : -8 t- ^ ^ e ^>j/ -8 B < pq ? H C W f-. crs GO ri (X) C g .2 O I-! I-H CD S . 8 S b b 2 ^SS" Q-to a a Q. a :i a ^ ^ 8 8 Q_cQ."u/ ci. a -a i: "8 < j£j W C W f-i § m H-i t-i 3 -si P PQ 3 g ^ I S 1 O 2 S 03 to COg5 CO CO ^ eS O gco Q Ch:i pq P ^ 00 rH 00 CO 00 CO * ^CO ^ it - ^ ^ J 3 ■^^ a © S H-1 ^ ^ O C © C3 rQ « O c3 i-n 02 PP^ ^ >^ g a) « o J « z < . _l © c3 Z 3 O 3 OL- AEL- H ICONIENSI OL-IVL-FE LVSTRA Galati 3 < 3a.OUJ3 GPAC c3 mblada IVOIVV r- ■ I >■ < - U;<2<< 1 -OHV IHTPO ICAVP O O < < 5 o b^:: CD > 332 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. statement is confirmed by another authority, who mentions that the Anatolic Theme bordered on Cilicia.* I now discuss the cities in detail, taking first Lykaonia and then the southern part of Cappadocia, and finally the passes across Taurus. The foundation of such a discussion must as usual be a comparative table of the ancient lists; see p. 331. 2. IcONiUM. The site of Iconium has never been uncertain ; it has preserved an unbroken history and a single name down to the present day. According to tradition Sosipatros, one of the Seventy Disciples, was bishop of Iconium, and was succeeded by Terentius, also one of the Seventy (* Act. Sanct.,' June 20th, p. 67). Cornutus, bishop and martyr, in Act. Sanct., Sept. 12. Iconium was selected by the Seljuk sultans as their capital, moved partly by its central situation, and partly perhaps by the amenity of its surroundings, unusual in Lycaonia. The gardens and orchards on the west and south-west of Konia are still a pleasant feature ; they depend on irrigation, of course. The irrigating channels are mentioned in Nicetas Choniata, p. 542 (to. twv kt^ttwv ra^peu/xara re koL tovs Stwpu^as, ot (rDve;)(ets ctcrt Trepi to 'Ikoviov}. 3. Lystra is proved to have been at Khatyn Serai by the following inscription, found on the site now called Zoldera, a mile north of the village, by Prof. Sterrett (' Wolfe Expedition,' p. 142) : Bivum Aug(us- tiim) Col(onia) Iul(ia) Felix Gemina Lustra consecravtt d{ecreto) d{ecurionum). This situation for Lystra was conjectured by Leake in 1820, but subse- quent writers had inclined to other views, till Prof. Sterrett's dis- covery confirmed Leake's guess.j Artemas or Artemius, one of the Seventy Disciples, is said to have become bishop of Lystra in the first century (Act. Sanct. June 20th, p. 67). 4. MiSTHiA or MiSTHEiA. The evidence with regard to this city is scanty. It was on a Eoman road, for it is mentioned by Anon. Bavenn, It was in the territory of the Orondeis, who had another city named Pappa. Misthia was in Lykaonia, and Pappa was in Pisidia ; therefore, the territory of the Orondeis was divided by the boundary between Byzantine Pisidia and Lj^kaonia, and the two cities must have lain near each other on the frontier. These conditions point unmistakably to the north-eastern extremity of the Bey Sheher Lake. For Misthia there is practically no choice ; it must have been situated at the site called * De Velit. Bell. Niceph. Phok. praef. (p. 185 Bonn), — eV to7s yeirovovcri tt? Tap(rci> B^ixaai, T-p re KainradoKLa Kai 'AvaroXiK^. Still later Selenkela became a separate Theme, between Cilicia and the Anatolic Theme. t My own error as to Khatyn Serai (' Bulletin de Corresp. Hellen.,' 1883, p. 318) was due to my observing that the ruins were evidently those of a Koman colony ; and as it was not known in 1883 that Lystra was a colony, the proof seemed complete that Lystra could not have been situated there. A year later the first evidence was published that Lystra was a colony, viz. a coin belonging to^M. Waddington. MIVI. Eadet and Paris identify Zosta with Lystra (Bull. Corr. Hell., 1886, p. 511). Q.— LYKAONIA AND TYANITIS. 333 Monastir between Khiak Dede and Kirili Kassaba, on the Eoman road Antioclieia-Keapolis(Kara Agatcli)-Misthia-Karallia(Bey Sbeber). The mile-stones at Khiak Dede, Kirili Kassaba, and near Bey Sheher, also the inscription of a o-rarnovapios * at Kirili Kassaba, prove the course of the Eoraan road. Misthia is very rarely mentioned. It was captured by the Arabs in 712, but probably not long retained by them (Theoph., p. 382). In the reign of Leo (about 900 a.d.) a Saracen army invaded the Anatolic Theme, and laid siege to the castle of Misthia (to Kaa-rpov Micr^ctas), but were obliged to retire when they heard of an inroad made by the Byzan- tine general Nicephorus Phokas into Cilicia. The castle of Misthia may be situated on one of the hills beside Monastir, or may even be the actual city Misthia.f Misthia is given in the earlier NotitiaB YII., VIIT., IX., as a bishopric under Iconium. But in all the rest it is an archbishopric.J It was apparently raised in dignity at the same time as the neighbouring Neapolis of Pisidia, and this must have taken place not later than the middle of the eighth century. 5. Vasada and Misthia were adjoining bishoprics, so that it could be a question to which of them certain ground belonged. § The northern territory between Misthia and Iconium still remains without a bishop- ric, and at Yonuslar there are the remains of a large and fine church. Yonuslar was therefore the centre of the bishopric which extended over this hilly but well- watered and, in many parts, very fertile region, and its ancient name must be Vasada. Yonuslar means Jonases or Johns. This suggests that the church was dedicated to St. John, and that, as is very often the case in Anatolia, the religious name has supplanted the civil name in popular use, and has thus passed into the modern language. See also pp. 220, 227, 305. Saint Eustochios belonged to Ousada [read Ouasada]. He was baptized by Eudoxios, bishop of Antiocheia. He then removed to Lystra, where he converted Gainos, his cousin, with his entire house- hold. He was arrested in the time of Maximian, carried before the * Published by me in ' Bulletin de Corr. Hellen.,' 1883, p. 316. t The Byzantine habit of making castles on precipitous rocks suggests that this Jiastron was not on the actual site of Misthia, but on some lofty site. It is even possible that the kale about a mile west of Selki Serai is meant : it stands on a lofty hill, and is of great natural strength. I did not ascend it, and saw no traces of walls through a glass, but the natives of Selki asserted that it was an ancient fortress. Theodore of Misthia, Cedi-en., II., 398. I do not know why Misthia and Koloneia are united in Notitia X, unless it be that Koloneia was in partihus infidelium and the title was conjoined witli Misthia. X In Not. VIII. it occurs twice, first as an archbishopric, and then as a bishopric under Iconium. This is an example of a common kind of error in these registers, arising fi om carelessness in correcting them. § rhv ayphu e/ceij/oj/, Thv viroKeifxevov rf) MT/cre/a, cf iireKrjpvxOv o dv6po3Tro5, KeXeuacy Ova(r6dois viroreXe'iy. — Basil. Ep., 118 ; quoted by Wesseling ad loc. Read OvaffaZois. 334 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. praeses Agrippinus, and finally sent to Ankyra, wliere lie was executed (Act. Sanct., June 23. p. 472). 6. Amblada, according to the order of Hierocles, is beside Mistliia and Ouasada ; according to the Notitise, it is beside Homonada and Ouasada. These indications would be excellently satisfied by a situation at or a little to the north of Selki Serai, if there were any indication of ancient life there. None, however, is known to exist, and this district belongs to Misthia, while other reasons point to a situation for Amblada, further west, beyond Misthia. Amblada is placed both by Ptolemy and by Strabo (p. 570) in Pisidia ; the latter mentions it as on the frontier of Phrygia and Pisidia, and the former as being (with Apol Ionia, Antiocheia, and Neapolis) in that part of Pisidia which still remained in his time attached to the province Galatia. These particulars are sufficiently explicit to warrant us in placing Amblada on the eastern side of the Limnai (Egerdir Gol) near Galandos.* This situation is confirmed by the statement of Strabo that Amblada was renowned for its wine ; now the shores of the Egerdir Lake have always been renowned for their grapes, and, in reply to my questions, the inhabitants of Antiocheia (Yalowaj) and the neighbourhood unanimously declared that the country about Galandos was covered with vineyards, and supplied grapes to their markets. In the middle ages it was said that thirty-six difierent species of grapes were produced on the southern shores of Egerdir Lake.f On the other hand, grapes, though not altogether wanting, are very little grown on the east side of Bey Sheher Lake, about Misthia and Selki Serai, which furnishes a new reason against the attempt to place Amblada there. I have, therefore, no hesitation in placing Amblada at some place not far from Galandos on the eastern side of Egerdir Lake. Philostorgius, Hist. Eccles., V. 2, mentions that Amblada was in an unpleasant and unhealthy situation, that the soil was barren, and that the inhabitants were rude and uncultivated. The name occurs in a great variety of forms, Amlada, Amblada, Ampelada, Anpelada, Amilauda, &c. ; the native form was probably Mlad-a, or Mlad-os, which is hellenised in various ways. The name occurs also as Blaundos, or Mlaundos, or Blades, or Phlaudos in Lydia. Many members of the Society called Xenoi Tekmoreioi J belonged to Amblada, and this fact suggests that it was not far from the north-east end of the Limnai (Hoiran Gol). This situation makes it difficult to explain why the * I placed Amblada here in a paper published in 1883 (' Journ. Hell. Stud.,' vol. iv., p. 37). Professor Sterrett, who explored the district, mentioned (on my request that he should examine for the purpose) that there were no traces of ancient life there, ia his Preliminary Report. This forced me to retract my opinion (' Mittheilungen des Instituts zu Athen,' 1885, p. 349), but since then, he has published both Greek and Latin inscriptions found by himself in the district (' Wolfe Expedition,' pp. 277-8). t Ritter, ' Kleinasien,' ii., p. 484, after Hadji Khalfa. X See Sterrett, ' Wolfe Expedition,' p. 240, and my paper in ' Journ. Hell. Stud./ 1883, p. 23 ff. Q.— LYKAONIA AND TYANITIS. 335 bishop of Amblada was under tlie metropolitan of Ikonion ; but the examples of Argiza and Theodosiopolis (E. 2 and p. 305) sbow that bishops sometimes were connected with a distant metropolitan, for some unknown reason. The situation of Pappa and Misthia, in Ptolemy, seems to be south and east of the district which contains Amblada, Neapolis, and Antiocheia ; and, when Ptolemy confirms other evidence, he may be accepted as valuable. 7. HoMONADES were a tribe occupying the mountainous region east and north of Trogitis (Seidi Sheher Lake). This situation is clearly demanded by the description of Strabo, as on the Pisidian border, on the north-eastern side of Cilicia Tracheia, and near Isaura (pp. 668, 679), and as adjoining the territories of Selge and Katenna* (pp. 569, 570) among the mountains of Taurus. There can hardly be any doubt that the inscription (Sterrett, * Wolfe Expedition,' No. 240), in which the Demos of the Sedaseis speak of T^/Att? Koi Tovs ofioeOviL'^ rjiJLiov, proves that the Sedaseis were one of the demoi into which the ethnos of the Homonades was divided. This inscription was found at Namusa, in the district which has just been assigned to the Homonades. No coins of the Homonades are known, and this failure can hardly be an accidental one, due merely to the deficiency of our collections. The reason, I think, lies in the subdivision of the ethnos into smaller parts. Hence in later time the Homonades are enumerated in the lists both of Pamphylia and of Lykaonia ; some of their villages or towns were in one province, some in the other. One of these towns was, as I believe, Dalisandos, which was a member of the Koinon Lykaonon, and which must therefore be distinguished from the other Dalisandos, a member of the Dekapolis of Isauria in the valley of the Ermenek Su. In a paper recently published in the ' Athenische Mittheilungen des Instituts,' I have argued that Dalisandos was situated at Fasiller, and this localisation seems to me to be correct ; but I had not then learned that a second Dalisandos must be assumed in Isauria. I then thought that a border city might have been mentioned in both provinces, but I now find that the authorities for placing Dalisandos or Dalisandos in the Dekapolis are conclusive. The Homonades, being thus broken into small demoi or towns, formed no political unity and did not strike coins. Dalisandos did, and perhaps such places as Kolybrassos have also developed out of mere villages or demoi of the Homonades. Strabo's account makes them extend from Katenna and Selge on the west to Cilicia Tracheia on the south-east and Lykaonia on the east; and strictly taken this would imply that Lyrbe and Karallia also were towns of the Homonades, not to mention Gorgorome. Possibly even Parlais, if I have correctly * Selge at Siirk has long been an accepted position, and Professor G. Hirschfeld detected Katenna in the modern name Godena. 336 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. assigned it, was a colony founded on tlie edge of tlieir territory by Augustus in order to keep down this people who were in Lis time a real danger to the pacified provinces. Similarly Lystra on their eastern frontier served the double purpose of a fortress against the Isaurians and the Homonades. 8. Ilistra retains the ancient name in the form Ilisera. 9. Laranda is still called Laranda by the Christian population, as well as Karaman, which is the official and usual name. 10. Derbe. In fixing the site of Derbe, the first preliminary is to understand what is meant by Ptolemy's ' Strategia Antiochiane,' which he places in Cappadocia, and which contains the four towns Derbe, Laranda, Olbasa, and Mousbanda. In studying any statement of Ptolemy, the first essential is to determine his authority. In this case there can be no doubt that he refers to the same historical fact as Strabo does (p. 585), when, after describing the ten Strategiai of Cappadocia, he adds that in the first century before Christ there was an eleventh strategia consisting of part of Lykaonia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia (tt po(T€y€V€TO 8' v(TT€poy TTapoL 'Pa)/>tatW CK r)}s Kt/VtKta9 rots Trpo 'Ap)(€\dov koI evdcKarr] aTparrj-yLa, rj TtepX Kacrra^aA-a kol K.v/3La-Tpa fJ^^XP'' '^1'^ ' Avtlttolt pov Tov Xtjcttov Aip^r}^)*. This, like the other Strategiai, had ceased to exist long before the time of Ptolemy; but we may accept his list as a valuable testimony as to its limits. His list contains only four names, Derbe, Laranda, Olbasa, and Mousbanda ; but Appian and Strabo both add Kastabala, and Strabo also adds Kybistra. Of these, Olbasa, or rather Olba, according to the necessary correction of M. Wadding ton (' Voyage Numismat.,' s.v.) and Mousbanda, are cities of Byzantine Isauria, which was in earlier time called Cilicia Tracheia. Laranda has been already mentioned, and the situation of Kybistra at Eregli is certain. Accordingly, the general position of this eleventh Strategia is certain. It extends from the original frontier of Cappodocia at Kybistra westward and southward as far as Derbe {fJi^xP^ AdpjBr]?, Strabo), which must therefore be west of Laranda. Considering the frontier line and the position of Ilistra and Laranda, there is hardly any choice left. Derbe must be placed about Zosta."!" The situation agrees admirably with the order of Hierocles and Not. L, YIL, Yill., IX. It is demanded also by another passage in Strabo (p. 569), who defines Laurica as containing the two Isauras and many other villages, and proceeds: r^s 8' 'laav pLK^s Io-tiv Iv TrAcvpat? rf Aep/Srj. His next words, fxaXiara ry KaTTTraSoKta cTrtTrc^UKO?, refer to the fact that it was on the frontier of the eleventh strategia, an external addition which had been attached to Cappadocia. ♦ He refers to the same district (p. 537) as rr/i/ iiriKr-nTov (i. e. (TTpartiytav) : ras 5' eTTt/cTTfjTous ov (rvvapiOfxS) ravrais, (1) ra Kacrd^aKa koI to KvfiiffTpa, (2) /cat ret, &C. Appian (Bell. Mithr., 105) merely says, "several cities of Cilicia Tracheia, among which was Kastabala." t This situation was first suggested by Professor J. R. S. Sterrett. Q.— LYKAONIA AND TYANITIS. 337 Strabo (p. 535) is clear tliat this district of Kybistra, Kastabala, Derbe, &c., was in tbe province Cappadocia, constituted by Tiberius A.D. 17, when the last king Arclielaus died, but in later time Derbe and Laranda appear as part of Lykaonia, cities of the Kolvw AvKaovMv. It is not recorded when they were transferred from Cappadocia to Lykaonia, but it is highly probable the title Claudio-Derbe was insti- tuted by Claudius, when he arranged the transference, a.d. 41. After- wards, when Cappadocia and Galatia were united by Vespasian, the whole of Lykaonia was included in this vast province. Hence Ptolemy is confused in his division of Galatia and Cappadocia, putting part of Lykaonia in the one province and part in the other. The Straiegia Aniiochiane he derived from an old source ; for there is no probability that the Eoman province was administered according to the Strategiai.* If the Romans had kept up this division, Ptolemy's list of the cities in the Strategiai would probably not have been so bad as it is. 11. Barata is very rarely alluded to. The following is the only reference known to me in literature. A saint, named ' Joannes in the Well,' lived in Kybistra with his mother Julia and his sister Themistia. He chose the life of a hermit, and with his mother's consent went out at the age of thirteen to live in the wilderness (t?)v eprjfxov olKrjcrat y^v). An angel met him and guided him, and he went a journey of one day till he found a well, in which he lived ten years. Then a certain Chrysias, 0)1/ iv rrj vXrj twv Baparewv,! was brought by an angel forth into the wilderness and buried Joannes (Act. Sanct., March 30th, p. 830 and add. 43). The locality is clear. Joannes went forth from Kybistra (now Eregli) into the plains north-west, which lie between Eregli, Kara Bunar, and Kara Dagh. Barata must be one of the towns on the edge of this desert, and the order of the Byzantine lists, which place it along with Laranda, Derbe, and Hyde, is more in favour of a site in the Kara Dagh, while Hyde was at Kara Bunar, and S. Joannes lived in the treeless level plains between them. The Peutinger Table confirms this situation. It mentions Barata fifty miles from Iconium on a road leading to the east. This coincidence of authorities places Barata at Bin Bir Kilisse or Maden Sheher J in Kara Dagh. If I am correct in placing Hyde at Kara Bunar, the order of the Byzantine lists points conclusively and inexorably to this site for Barata ; but the conjectural position of Hyde is too much in need of external confirmation to be able to afford any support to other identifications. * Kubn, ' Stadtsverfassung des rom. Reiches,' considers, on the contrary, that the Eoman administration was conducted according to the strategiai. t One might suspect "TS?? for vXrt, for there are no trees in Lycaonia, and Hyde -svas in this country. Perhaps the original text was "TSt? [irXria-iov] twv Bapariuv. X Maden Sheher means " City of Mines." No mines are now known. 338 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Still it is important that these positions should in their entirety confirm the order of Hierocles. As this site, though rather famous, has been very little explored, I may briefly mention the remarkable series of churches, which are well worth a careful examination by students of ecclesiastical antiquities. Sir C. Wilson and I copied the following inscription, which ran along the side walls of the nave of one of these churches : a syllable or two were engraved over the keystone of each of the arches. The remaining part of the inscription began from the east end. +TOKOAAHniN to KoXX^[y]Lv GNKOINU) ev Kotvw eY5A evid- M6N0I fievoL eje/iii/ lTe[t . . The inscription must have begun at the west end, on the left hand as one entered the church, and, after running the whole length of the church, continued on the right side, back to the entrance.* On the walls of a church, outside the ancient city, there are a number of pilgrims' marks, all of the same type. GYXHNHCI evxn IS^V^L- OYTIBGPIOY ovTL/SepLov. €YXHT€YKPOY cvx^ TevKpov nAniOY IlaTrtov. eYXHNGY €vxr]v Ev[y€VLov?]. Similar inscriptions from Bin Bir Kilise are given by Davis, p. 310, GYXHIN ■ ■ ■ ■ €vxr]'ly[y€vovai?] GYXHAOMETIOY cvx^ Ao/xeriov. and by MM. Eadet and Paris, 'Bull. Corr. Hell.,' 1886, p. 512, which may perhaps be restored [eu^]^ Teop[yLov kc Zo)]rj<; [kc] Travro? \_otKov I should be glad if some attention could be given to these ruins, which are perhaps the most interesting in Asia Minor for church antiquities. 12. Ubinnaca, in the Peutinger Table, near Archelais, is certainly a corrupt form. Hyde suggests itself as perhaps the original name. According to the following restoration of the Koman road, Hude and Canna were adjoining stations, and their names may have been corrupted into the single Ubinnaca. * The correction Ko\Xri[y]Lv seems necessary, but the reading seemed clear on the wall. I do not understand in what sense KoWrjyiv, a well-known form = collegium, is to be taken, unless it be " tlie church of a collegium." t The three other inscriptions from Bin Bir Kilise, published on the same page, are badly explained, and perhaps not well copied. One seems to begin aurr] rj KaT(of)/c(7j)(r(t)s M(c«j)u[(r]7js Tov 'idcrovos. Another ends ij.7]v(1) Noefipov i. The third begins [b Setra ]ou i5to[t]s aya\u)fj.a(n, &C. Q.— LYKAONIA AND TYANITIS. 339 13. Hyde. Of this city nothing is known. Pliny says it was a city of Lykaonia, situated on the borders of Galatia* and Cappadocia, and it struck coins as a member of the Koinon Lycaonon. Hierocles mentions it after Derbe and Barata, and Notitiae I., YIII., IX. have it also after Barata and Derbe, and before Savatra and Kanna. These considerations agree well with the neighbourhood of Kara Bunar. Now Notitise III., X., XIII. omit Hyde and mention Thebasa. It is a natural supposition that the omission of Hyde was not accidental, but that Hyde was merged in Thebasa. 14. Alterations were frequently made in the situation of cities during the Byzantine period f : in such cases the lists sometimes, but not always, give the names of the old and the new site side by side. I shall now proceed to show that everything recorded about Thebasa points to a situation in the country about Kara Bunar. In Not. III., X., XIII., Passala and Tibassadaf occur as 13 and 14. There can be little doubt that these two names are a dittography, and that they denote the strong fortress Thebasa in Lycaonia. Thebasa is said by Plin}^ v., 27, to have been a Lykaonian city, situated in Tauros. It is also mentioned in the account of the Saracen inroads during the eighth and ninth centuries, when it was a critical point. It was, therefore, situated on one of the roads by which the Saracens were in the habit of invading the Byzantine territory, i.e. it was one of the two roads which met at Podandos (one by way of Tyana, the other by Herakleia-Kybistra), and went south to Tarsos through the Cilician Gates. § Herakleia-Kybistra was another of these critical points at the time ; Malakopaia (north of Tyana) another. Thebasa belonged to Lycaonia, whereas Herakleia-Kybistra was part of Cappadocia at all times ; therefore Thebasa must have been further west, and perhaps on the direct road thence to Iconium. We should then look for it in the neighbourhood of Kara Bunar ; there are there both Avater and suitable points for fortification. A convenient water supply in this dry plain was of course an object of the first importance for the Saracen invaders. It was a pleasant confirmation of my work that, when independent reasoning had led me at different times to place Thebasa and Hyde as I have done, I then observed that the result explained the omission of Hyde in Not. III., X., XIII. We have one of the numerous cases of * He uses the name in the sense of the province Galatia, in which Lykaonia was included. t I.e. a new centre grew up, and the mass of population collected there. % Tibassada; with the termination compare Tymbriada, a form of Tymbrias. nA22AAA = TI[B]A22AAA. § Loulon was in Saracen hands at the time when Thebasa is mentioned, and conse- quently invasions were as a rule made through the Cilician Gates (see below). 340 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. correspondence between a city in the low ground, Hyde, and a strong fortress on a rock, Thebasa. Corresponding examples are — Prymnessos and Akroenos Kolossai and Cbonai Pessinus and Justinianopolis-Palias It is possible that some MS. Notitia may yet be found with the entry "YSrj rjTOL ©>^/3acra. 15. It must be acknowledged that the above conditions are not very definite, and that they would be fairly well fulfilled if Hyde and Thebasa were situated further north-west at Kara-ang-Kapu, where there is a very strong castle on a lofty hill, rising on three sides right out of the Lycaouian plain, and close to the Cappadocian frontier. This might seem to suit the position of Ubinnaca on the Peutinger Table much better ; for Ubinnaca there seems to be placed on a road from Archelais to Tyana, passing west of Hassan Dagh, and therefore through Kara-ang- Kapu. The only difficulty in the way of this is that Argos or Argeos seems to be the name of the castle above Kara-ang-Kapu, and that I feel very doubtful whether a road west of the Hassan Dagh can ever have been in use. My opinion, after traversing the road, was that it can at no time have been the route from Archelais to Tyana, and that no Koman road passed through this rocky, dry, and barren country on the western skirts of the Hassan Dagh. Moreover, it is hardly an admis- sible supposition that a city striking coins could have existed in such a miserable situation as Kara-ang-Kapu. The conditions would not be well fulfilled if Hyde and Thebasa are supposed to have been situated at Ambararassi : (1) I think there is no hill there which could become a Byzantine fortress : (2) Kastabala was more probably situated there ; (3) the corruption Ubinnaca in the Peutinger Table then remains unexplained. Thebasa was fortified by Nicephorus a.d. 805, along with Ankyra and Andrasos. In 806 Harun-al-Rashid occupied Tyana, and built a mosque there ; he then captured Herakleia, Thebasa, Malakopaia, Sideropalos, and Andrasos, which in the Arab account are given as Herakleia, Sakaliba (Byzantine AovXov, called by Joan. Chald. Hisn Assakaliba, the bulwark of Tarsos), Dabesa (apparently Thebasa), Safssaf, Kunia or Malkunia (apparently Malakopaia), and Dsu-l-kala.* As soon as Harun * As I quote this list, I may here give a discussion of the names, which might more suitably be given below in R. In this list Safssaf and Dsu-l-kala seem to correspond to Andrasos and Sideropalos. Safssaf means " willow," and in Turkish Sogud (Suyut), which has the same meaning, is a common village name. Safssaf was taken by the Saracens in a raid, a.d. 797, when Harun penetrated as far as Ankyra (Weil, ' Gesch. d. Khalif.,' ii. 470). Theophanes mentions a raid of the Saracens in 796, which reached Amorion (p. 470). The two are possibly the same, Q.— LYKAONIA AND TYANITIS. 341 retired, Nicephorus refortified tlie same places, and even ravaged Cilicia about Mopsonestia and Anazarbos ; but Harun again sent an army, and once more captured Thebasa. Tiieodosius, bisbop of tbe Catbolic Cburcb in Ide, signed the will of Gregory of Nazianzos. He is, doubtless, Bishop of Hyde. Pliny mentions the Thebaseni in Galatia, i.e. the Eoman Province, which included Lykaonia. Mordtmann, not observing this, distinguishes the Galatian from the Lykaonian Thebasa, and identifies the former with Pteria (' Miincb. Sitzungsber.,' 1860, p. 178, ff.). Here is the most convenient place to discuss the south-western corner of Cappadocia, which is properly a part of Strategia Tyanitis, but is by Ptolemy separated from it. It contains two cities, Kybistra and Kastabala. 16. Kybistra was situated where tbe modern Eregli stands, in an open well-watered situation, a very city of orchards. Such a situation was not suited for the troubled times of Byzantine warfare, and during the eigbth and ninth centuries we often hear of a fortress Herakleia, which is proved to have been close to Kybistra, and united with it in one bishopric by an entry in Notitia X., 96: ra Kv/Jio-ra ^rot ra 'RpaKXeovs. The name of the fortress has been preserved in the modern form Eregli ; its precise site is to be looked for on some hill in the neighbourhood. Kybistra is mentioned by Cicero (ad Fam., xv. 4) as in Cappadocia, near the boundary of Cilicia, and not far from Taurus. Herakleia-Kybistra was captured by Harun in 805, and by Almamun in 832 A.D. Kybistra-Herakleia was originally a bishopric under the metropolis Tyana, but it was formed into an archbishopric under the Patriarch Constantine (1059-64, Not. X. 96). It is mentioned in the list of arch- bishoprics in Not. X.* and XI. This event probably marks the recog- nition by tbe Church of the fact that great part of Cappadocia now passed into Mohammedan hands, but Kybistra still remained in Byzantine possession, and it therefore became an archbishopric ; though the names but I prefer to distinguish them, for my principle is (p. 345) to follow our authorities as far as possible, and not try forcibly to identify every raid mentioned by Arab historians in tbe unceasing frontier wars with some event described by Byzantine writers. "We shall therefore regard the obvious resemblance of the names Sideropalos and Dsu-l-kala as accidental ; we shall distinguish the raid on Safssaff and Ankyra from that against Amorion, and take the former as a probable proof that Safssaflf was on the road from the Cilician Gates to Ankyra. Andrasos (p. 868) then was not SafssafF, and must therefore be Dsu-l-kala. Cf. Theophan., p. 482; Weil, 'Gesch. d. Khalifen,' ii. 160 ; Edrisi Jaubert, ii. 301. But see Addenda. * It therefore occurs twice in Not. X., as an archbishopric, 96, and as a bishopric, 129, a typical instance of the carelessness with which these registers were kept. The actual words of Not. X., 96, might apply to another Constantine, 1153-5, but the explanation given in the text shows that this date is unsuitable, as Cappadocia was entirely in Turkish hands at that time. Nazianzos was made an archbishopric by Romanus Diogenes 1067-71. 342 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. of Tyana, &c., were retained as bishoprics, yet they were really in partihu^ infidelium. In the year 1069 Komanns IV. advanced from Sebasteia (Sivas) against the Turks who were ravaging Lykaonia. He came as far as Kybistra-Herakleia (r^s X€yo/xivr)<5 'Hpa/cAeovs kw/xottoAcws). The road which he took must have been by Caesareia and Tyana. Here he heard that the Turks, after capturing Ikonion, had gone away; and he altered his plans, and sent part of his forces into Cilicia. 17. Kastabala. Ptolemy mentions Khasbia in Lykaonia : this is an obvious corruption ; and Kastabala is the probable correction. Strictly, Kastabala ought to be in his Strategia AntiocJiiane, but different au- thorities are followed by him in the lists of Antiochiane and of Lykaonia. Kastabala is mentioned by Pliny, YI. 3, without any precise indication of locality, as a city of Cappadocia. It is mentioned by Ptolemy in the corruption Khasbia as of Lykaonia. It must therefore have been on the frontier west of Kybistra, which was always reckoned in Cappadocia, and east of Laranda. This agrees with Strabo, who twice mentions Kastabala (p. 535 and 537) along with Kybistra, as a pair of towns, not far from Tyana, but nearer Mount Tauros. When Kybistra is fixed at Eregli, it is a natural and probable conclusion that Kastabala is at Ambararassi. Another Kastabala was situated on the Pyramos, and bore also the name Hieropolis. The lucid statement of M. Imhoof-Blumer (Monnaies GrecqueSj p. 353) points to a different conclusion from that which he draws. The coins which he there describes were probably all struck by a city of Cilicia proper, situated near the river Pyramos : the exact site of the city still remains to be discovered, and the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries are unfortunately confused and inaccurate in this part. I should look for it on the Pyramos near Osmanie. A cutting conducts the road across the rocks immediately beyond Kastabala, two miles before reaching the end of the lake, and about 19 miles from Kybistra. Katabatala {ttjv twv Mavtxatwv ttoAiv), which was captured by Basil's generals (a.d. 876) at the time when he himself was taking. Loulon and Melouos, can hardly be Kastabala (Theophan. Contin., 278), but is more probably in Armenia, near Tephrike, Argaous, and the other Paulician cities (Lokana, Tauras or Taras, Amara : Theoph. Cont., 267, 278> Cedren, ii. 154, 207). If Kastabala was a fortress in this situation, why is it never mentioned as an important point in the Saracen wars ? The reason is, I think, as follows : — Kastabala was a fortress of the kind which was usual in the time of the Greek kings and of the Roman empire, conveniently situated near a great road, and depending for its strength mainly on artificial fortification. But almost all the fortresses which were important in the Q.— LYKAONIA AND TYANITIS. 343 Saracen wars were perched on lofty and liardly accessible rocks ; sucli were Loulon, Khonai, Akroenos, Sozopolis, Justinianopolis - Palias, Kharsianon Kastron, and many others. Kastabala was not sufficiently defensible, and fell into decay early in the B3^zantine period. 18. IsAUROPOLis is mentioned by Hierocles and at the Council of Chal- cedon (a.d. 530 and 451). It is never mentioned in any of the Notitiae. But Zeno, providing in one of his laws that every city should have the right to be seat of a bishop made a special exception of Isauropolis, which went along with Leontopolis.* Leontopolis is mentioned as an autokephalous diocese in the Notitiae. Isaura was situated on the high and strong hill now called Zengibar Kale ; it was discovered by Hamilton. MM. Radet and Paris wrongly infer, from an inscription which they have published in ' Bull. Corr. Hell.,' 1887, p. 67, that Isaura was a Eoman colony. The words on which they rely, 'Icravpecov rj fSovXr) Koi o Srj/JLO'S ot re (rvixTroXLTevofJievoL 'Pw/Aatoi, do not, as Professor Mommsen informs me, justify such an inference. Hilarius, bishop of the Catholic Church Trj(riv, ano re ruu iv SeAeuKem KXeiffovpSiy KciX rov Twy ^AvaroXiKcov Oe/xaTOS^ Ka6a to. TavpiKO. lipr) rijv re KiKiKiav Siopl^ovcri Kainra- SoKiav T€ Kol AvKavSSv irpbs rovrois Se kui ra irapaKel/xeva Tep^aviKudv re Kol 'ASaroj/, Kol rh Ka7}(rovv koI rod AaovOa, Me\irrjur]v re, Koi ra KaXovSia' Kal ra irepaQev rov Eixppdrov TTorafiov K.r.\. t The Caesareia road separates from the other beside Podaudos (Bozanti Khan) ; the- other two fork at Takhta Keupreu, six miles further north. K.— THE PASSES OVER TAUROS. 351 oppose the Saracen invasion, so that the troops with Nicephorus must have been mainly those of the eastern Themes, Kharsiana, Armeniaca, &G. Hence Nicephorus must have advanced by one of the other passes, and certainly by the regular military route by Tyana, which, therefore, is the pass Maurianon. On his return the pass of Kybistra is obviously even more out of the question than on the advance ; hence the name Karydion remains for the pass leading to Kaisari by Bereketli Maden. After writing out this argument, I turn to my map, and find that the road from the Pylae Ciliciae to Cassareia passes by Bozanti Khan (Podandos) and Funduklu ; Funduklu is the Turkish translation of KapvSiov.* The point where the passes Maurianon and Karydion forked was perhaps called Gytarion or Typsarion. In 1068 the Byzantine army crossed the passes of Mount Tauros from Cilicia, iiiovo-L 8' rjfuv cts rt XOipCov T^s Tov TlohavTOv K\€L(TOvpa<; CKTO?, Tvij/dpLov Kokovixevov. The emperor went thence direct to Constantinople ; hence there is every probability that Typsarion is not on the Eregli pass, but on the direct road from Podandos to Tyana. Mich. Attal., p. 121. Scylitzes, p. 677, differs from Michael as to the name and the position, — et? tl x^P^ov t^s IloSavSo^ K\€iarovpa<;, TvrdpLOv KaTOvofjLat,6ix€vov. At this point the army heard reports from Melitene : there is there- ore only one point which suits all the conditions, — that point is where the direct road from eastern Cappadocia joins the Tyana-Tarsos road. Here news would naturally reach the army ; and it is a point out of the pass in one sense, yet it would be equally correct to say that it is in the pass. The pass Maurianon was guarded by the strong fortress Loulon, which had been captured by Basil in 878, and the route was therefore open to Nicephorus. 3. LouLON, called Sakaliba or Hisn Assakaliba by the Arabs, was a frontier fortress of primary importance in the Saracen wars. It com- manded the main pass leading north from Tarsos, and its possession was a critical point. Its critical importance is often mentioned,! and the references, if taken strictly, would show that Loulon was close to Tarsos ; but a study of its history shows clearly that this is quite impossible, and * The three roads may be thus given, with approximate distances : — (1) Pylse 12^- Podaudos 4^ Yosunlu 2 Funduklu 5| Kamushli Khan 31 Soldakli 12f Kaya Alti 81 Kavlak 5J Frenk 2^ Enehil 3i Ashlama 5 Geideliz 3 ArapH 8 Develi Kara Hissar 19|r Indje Su 19 Kaisari. (2) Podandos 3 Ak Keupreu 3 Takhta Keupreu 19 Pashraakji (near Faustinopolis) 13 Tyana. (3) Takhta Keupreu 13 Tchifte Khan 11 Ulu Kishla 12 Tchapan 15 Eregli (Kybistra) 20 Kastabala. Most of these estimates I owe to Major Bennet. t rb irXelffra rrjv 'Pu/xaiKTju iiriKpaTeiav u(pe\ovv ox^Jp^Tarov Kaarpov (Theophan. Contin., 277), the bulwark of Tarsus (Jo. Chald.), (ppovpi6v n ttT Tapo-y dyxidvpov iirl Tivos v\pr}XoTdTov x6povpLov avwOev tov ^Ikovlov StaKeLfxevoy). The only other reference to Kabala which I have observed is in A.D. 824, when Choireas, governor of Kabala, was implicated in the insurrection of Thomas against Michael II. Kabala is an important point in the Byzantine military system, for the governors of Kabala and Saniana are both in situations of great power § (see Saniana in Galatia). 7. Colonel Stewart describes this route, Ak Sheher to Eleveras 5, to * G)rapare Kakkabas or Kakkabokome, see my ' Cities and Bishoprics,' pt. ii. sec. Ixviii. t Nicetas ChoTiiata (p. 72) says he laid siege to Iconium, but this is a pure exaggeration. T*nt even Cinnamus's account suggests that he came very close to Iconium, and his line of retreat suggests that he advanced beyond the junction of the road Misthia-Vasada-Iconium with the road Philomelion-Kaballa-Iconium ; the junction is between the two passes described in the text. X Ctdren., ii., p. 266. Georg. Mon., Sym. Mag., and Theoph. Contin., all mention the name Kabala, in telling this incident, the flight of Andronicus fi om Leo iy.,in 908, but do not specify its situation. Cp. Zonaras, II., p. 180, ed. Par. § Cedren., ii., p. 90; Theophan. Contin., p. 71. YOL. IV. 2 B 360 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Aghayit 7, to Ereis* 9, to Doghan Hissar 17, to Rus 21, Tcliir (correct form Tcliigil) 29, Derwent 37, Kavaklu 48, Konia Hence we may- restore tlio road on the Table as Philomelion xxx Kaballa xxxvi Iconium. 8. After putting this road on the restored Table, we have also fo form the connections Iconium-Laodiceia and (4) Laodicea-Savatra- [Koropassos]-Archelais, both of which may be taken as quite certain. One other Lycaonian or Cappadocian road is represented in the Table — [Archelais] xx Salaberina xvi Caena xvi Tracias xvi Tyana. Salaberina is unknown. Caena is given by the Jerusalem Itinerary on the road from Tyana to the Cilician Gates, and has therefore been falsely transferred to its place in the Table. Traciae was an imperial estate near Andabalis, 16 miles from Tyana on this road. The road Iconium by Kara Bunar to Tyana is described by the late Colonel J. D. H. Stewart as : — Iconium 12 Dedem 7^ Karkhu (stone bridge over a stream) 7 Ismil 11 Yerekli Devrent 15 Kara Bunar 21 Bektek 7 J stone bridge over a stream 11 Tchayan (15 Tyana). This road falls at Bektek into the road from Kybistra to Tyana, and there is no reason to think that it ever was a Roman road. 9. A fragment of the Table still remains unaccounted for — Iconium xx Pyrgos xxiii. and probably some of the far too numerous names between Pessinus and Archelais belong to roads in the west of Lycaonia. It is quite possible that there was a station Pyrgos between Laodiceia and Savatra, and it may be assumed as certain that one or more stations were mentioned on the road which is given as Amorium xx Laodicea. The existence of this last road is certain. 10. The road Archelais- Pessinus appears on the Table thus (Archelais) xii Comitanasso (i.e. Coropassos, mixed with Par- nassos on another road) xx Perta xx Conguso xx Pegella xx Egdava xv Vetisso xx Bagrum vii Tolosocorio xxiiii Abrostola. Of these, Abrostola may be at once dismissed as being Phrygian in the province Asia,! and Vetisso seems to be the same as Ptolemy's OueVeo-Toi/ in Galatia. The distances on this road may be estimated as follows : — Archelais xri Coropassos 20 Eskil 35 Inevi 70 Sangarius bridge 25 Pessinus. * Sterrett gives this name Reghiz ; the correct form is Egri Goz, " Squint Eye," but the pronunciation approximates to Ereghoz. t Abrostola is given by Ptolemy as in Phrygia, and there seems no reason to doubt "his statement, which gives a valuable clue to its situation. S.— ROMAN ROADS IN LYKAONIA AND TYANITIS. 361 On the road as it appears in the Table a station Congoustos is given, but Ptolemy places it far west, and it probably belongs to one of the western roads. There remain, then — Archelais xii Coropassos xx Perta (Eskil) xx Pegella xx PAAYAMA (Inevi). Here the road forks, one branch goes to Ankyra : the other, which is shown on the Table, goes to Pessinns and Dorylaion. We niay restore its course as — PAAYAMA XV Pitnisos xx Bagrum — Tolistochora xxiin Pessinus. T. CiLiciA Tracheia or Isaurta. 1. The map of Isauria, though much improved by Professor Sterrett's journey in 1885, is still too uncertain to permit anything like a proper study of the ancient topography. As I have never travelled in any part of the country, I cannot do more than put down a few notes about scattered points. The beginning of a study of the country should be made from the great roads which lead across Taurus from Laranda to Kelenderis, to Anemourion, and to Seleuceia. The first of these was a Eoman road, and it must in all ages have been an important route between Iconium and the sea. But the other roads are also of import- ance. In ancient time the road Laranda-Seleuceia apparently passed by Claudiopolis, but another road has recently been made practicable for wheeled vehicles in furtherance of Said Pasha's scheme to connect Konia with a harbour on the coast. It goes direct from Laranda through Maghra, and traverses a desert country. A study of the list of Hierocles has led me to the belief that he arranges his cities with an eye to these roads. This view can be proved only by a careful exploration of the country, which still remains to be made. Professor Sterrett's exploration in 1885 was very far from exhaustive : he traversed none of these roads, and, though he acutely detected several ancient names in the modern village names, yet no epigraphic evidence to fix any city * was added by him. In brief terms my view is that the three chief roads are — (1) Laranda Koropissos Claudiopolis Kelenderis. (2) Claudiopolis Diocaesareia Seleuceia. (3) Laranda Melouos Adrasos Germanicopolis, where it forked, one path leading to Kelenderis, and one near Eirenopolis to Anemourion. The grounds on which this view is based are rather difficult to put clearly. 2. The following statistics as to these roads were given me by the late Colonel J. D. H. Stewart. * Astra and Aitanada were not cities. 2 B 2 362 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. (1) Akliman (harbour of Seleuceia) to Mut (Claudiopolis), 54J miks.* Akliman, sea level. 38 Zehne. lOj alt. 2100 feet. 451 Tareveliler. 221 Geuk Belen. 54i Mut, 1000 feet. 31^ Noghreen, 1700 feet. (2) Mut (Claudiopolis) to Karaman (Laranda), 51 miles. Mut, 1000 feet. 31 Watershed, 1500 feet. 91 alt. 4650 feet. 441 Fusandeen. 14 Summit, alt. 5250 feet. 51 Karaman. 20 EestelYaila. (3) Kilindria (Kelenderis) to Ermenek (Germanicopolis), 59 miles. Kilindria or Gulnar, over 26 Tash Oglu, 4500 feet. Selli Pass. 46 Zeve, 2896 feet.j 17 Eleribas, 3300 feet. 59 Ermenek, 4442 feet.f (4) Ermenek (Germanicopolis) to Karaman (Laranda), 59 miles.f Ermenek, 4442 feet. 31i Bostakchi Su. 16 Kanish Boghaz. 36^ Meliss Tepe. 19 Boundary of Vilayet Konia. 47 Boyalar. 30 Bostan Su Keui in Kaza 59 Karaman (Laranda). Khadim. Another estimate by Colonel Stewart, taken from another journey, is — Kilindria to Ermenek, 63,j miles, time, 25 hours, 10 minutes. Ermenek to Meliss Tepe, 48 J miles, time 16 hours 3 minutes. Meliss Tepe to Karaman, 5 hours. (5) Laranda to Selef ke via Maghra.* Laranda. 50i Maghra, 4590 feet. 21 alt. 5500 feel. (?) Alsliman. ^9 alt. 6100 feet. Colonel Stewart could not give me any estimate of the roads Aklimaa to Maghra, and Kilindria to Mut. The latter is stated by Leake as 18 hours, and the former by my friend Mr. Hogarth as 11 hours §, — about 40 to 45 miles. The road Ermenek-Anamur (Anemourion) seems to be very little used now, and can never have been a route of any real consequence. 3. The most direct road from Laranda to Kelenderis passes through Mut, and it is generally agreed that Leake is right in identifying Mut as the ancient Claudiopolis, which is described by Theophanes as lying in a plain between the two ridges of Taurus (/x€Ta$v twv Svo Tavpwv iv * I think tliat Colonel Stewart's estimates of distance are too small, owing to liis reckoning that a horse's pace is slower than I believe is the case. His time of march is Akliraan-Geuk Belen 9 hrs. 20 mius., Geuk Belen-Mut 6 hrs. 30 mins. t Heights of Zeve and Ermenek taken according to boiling-point. % Time, Ermenek to Karaman 22 hrs. 55 mins. § Eleven hours in an araba going down hill. ISAURIA. Coin,. Ptolemy. Hierocles (ab. 530). Concil. 325-553. Concil. Cbalced. 451. Ep. ad Leoncm 453. Nolitia I. Notilia HI. Concu. 6S0,S92. Concil 737 879 Con^ntlne Por^hyrogeoltua ZEAEYKEHN 325, 3S1, 431, 636, 553 Seleuceia Seleuceia 1 2e\eii«eio 1 2fAsi./t(;oi Seleuceia Seleuceia, 7S7 Seleuceia KEAENAEPijnN KeXetrScpT/ SSI Kelendeiis Kelenderis 2 KiAeVSp.)! Kalendeiia Kelenderis, 7S7 ANEMOYPIEnN Anemoimiim Anemorium 3 'A«;,ip,.v 3 •A«M''Jl Anemoiion Sykai, 7S7, 879 TITIOnOAEITON T.T.OiiiroXis 3S1 Titipolis (sic) 4 T.T.oi^oMs 4 TiTi'oi'Tro'Aews Titiopolis Titiopolis AAMOY MHTPOnO Aajioi Cbaiadia? Latmi et Calendri 5 AdMO! 5 Aci^"^ Lamoa, 787 ? 325, 3SJ Antiocbeia Antiocbeia 6 ■A.T.rfxs.o 6 ■Ai.T.oxsfas Antiocbeia (Tbeopbanes, S79?) ? 'louAioffejSacTTT) Nepbelis Sebastia 7 'HMouo-tBaffTi) S 'HXiovai^aariis KECTPHNnN K.Vrpo. Ceteatoroenais Kestios 8 Keo-Tpa Kitidion ? TPAIANO • ZEAINO ■ 3SI, 431 Seliuus Hellinosii 7 2eX.^oD>.Tos lUlTAnEITOJN Latapis Zolape 10 •l^n-riT,!, A&PI • AlOKAIEAPEflN MH ■ KEN ■ 3S1* Diocaesareia 11 A,o«a,ff-'«oi"AT 20 Tfpnau,K0inr6Xtus Germanicopolia, 787 Germanicopolis E'lpTjvSTTaAis 381, 431 Irenopolis Hermopolis 17 EtpnvoWoX,s 19 E;p,™»>rJXe»! Irenopolis Ii enopolia, S79 Eireuopolia EnN ■ KHTIAOI 3S1 Atlrasos 553 Pbiladelpbeia Pbiladelpbeia 21 •ti\a8sXi(>(ia 23 M<\o'7) 22 'ASpafffis 16 tiAuSeA^iei'o! IS MeA.<:>i! 17 'A5p5s ^eXcvKeta^ ixofieva iSpvraL, p. 68). His authority is confirmed in this case by the order of the Byzantine lists, which always connect Diocaesareia with Olba, Claudiopolis, and Hiera^olis. I should look for Prakana on the lower Kalykadnos between Claudiopolis and Seleukeia, and near it, but east of the river, also Olba, which would thus be in the mountainous district above Soli. Diocaesareia is also proved to have been on the Kalykadnos by the fact that it was one of the cities of the Decapolis, whose limits 'and cities will be treated below. Saint Papas was forced to run from Laranda to Diocaesareia and Seleukeia before the horses, * Act. Sanct.,' Mar. 16, p. 420. The road was probably via Claudiopolis. 8. Another proof of the situation of Ketis is derived from the legend on coins, nOAEMONO^ BASIAEO:^ [OABEjON AAAA^^EON KAI * Ourbanopolis in Acta S. Bartholomsei, Aug. 25th; Ourba, with v. 1. Orba, iii Theophanes. Olba aa-TvyelTwy irdMSi Basil of Seleuceia in Vit. S. Theclae. T.— CILICIA TEACHEIA OR ISAURIA. 365 KENNATON. These three countries must have adjoined each other. Now the district Lalassis seems to be fixed with certainty on the upper waters of the Ermenek Su loy Prof. Sterrett's acute observation that Lakhlas has preserved the old name Lalassis. 9. Kennatis is known only from coins, as bordering on Ketis and Lalassis. We may perhaps infer that some of the Byzantine bishoprics, which are unknown to the numismatic lists, were cities w^hich grew up in Kennatis during the gradual progress of civilisation in Cilicia Tracheia in the third to the fifth centuries. It probably included the region between Ketis and Lalassis, and may have formed part of the Decapolis. Kennatis and Lalassis were made independent for a time, as is proved by a coin struck under Domitian with the legend KOINON AAAA:§E0N KAI K[EN]NAT0N. These indications, vague in them- selves, leave little or no doubt as to the general situation of Ketis, east of Lalassis and Kennatis, and along the course of the Kalykadnos. 10. The third city of Ketis is Philadelpheia. No evidence remains of situation except (1) what can be derived from the order of the Byzantine lists, and (2) the fact that it is not one of the cities of the Decapolis Isauride, i.e., it is not on the Ermenek Su.* Hierocles places it next to Eirenopolis. 11. Eirenopolis has retained its name as Irnebol to the present day, opposite to Germanicopolis (Ermenek) on the south side of the Ermenek Su valley. It is called Isnebol on Kiepert's map, but Prof. Sterrettj has observed the proper form, Irnebol, though his identification of Irnebol as Neronopolis is impossible, because there is no such city recorded in Isauria or Cilicia Tracheia. Neronias, which occurs as a name of Eirenopolis, is referred by all lists which mention it to the other Eirenopolis of Cilicia Campestris nearAnazarbos and the Pyramos ; and I think that all coins EIPHNOnOAEITfiN belong to the latter and not to the Isaurian Eirenopolis. Leake's attribution of Eirenopolis to the coast of Cilicia Tracheia was founded on a coin reading IPHNOnOAEITllN ZEYPIOTON ; but this coin cannot be accepted as genuine, depending only on the testimony of Vaillant ; and moreover Leake's situation is disproved by the evidence given above that Irenopolis was on the Ermenek Su.J Philadelphia then is to be placed probably north of the Ermenek Su, on the road from Germanicopolis to Laranda, and in the country of Ketis. 13. This city Eirenopolis must be carefully distinguished from the Cilician city, Eirenopolis, a bishopric of Cilicia Secunda, an inland city, to be looked for not very far from Anazarbos. In all probability the ♦ I shall prove in a fullowing paragraph that the name Decapolis was given to the district along the Ermenek Su and the Kalykadnos below the confluence. t ' Wolfe Expedition ' in Papers of Amer. School of Athens, iii. p. 84. X It is one of the cities of the Decapolis, or valley of the Ermenek Su. Isnebol, about which Prof. Sterrett (I.e., p. 81) makes no suggestion, is probably Zenonopolis Isaurise. CG6 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MLXOR. coins whicli read EIPHNOIIOAEITON simply, belong to the Cilician city. Its era on coins is a.d. 52. It was on a river, probably the Pyramo^-', as a coin shows the Good Fortune of the City with a river-god at her feet. 14. All evidence as to the situation of Ketis therefore agrees with the Peutinger Table in regard to Koropissos, and it may be considered very probable that Koropissos was on the road between Claudiopolis and Jjaranda, probably near Kestel. 15. Koropissos, metropolis of Ketip, must have been an important town. It appears as a bishopric at the Nicene Council, a.d. 325 ; but it is not mentioned either by Hierocles or in the Notitise. The only explanation can be that it is concealed under another name. It is not improbable that Hieropolis is the name that replaces Koropissos : that the metropolis should also be the holy city of Ketis is quite in accordance with the analogy of the cities in this district, where the dynasts were priests. 16. The Decapolis of Isauria is mentioned, and the ten cities Germani- copolis, [DiojCaesareia, Eirenopolis, Neapolis, Lauzados, Zenopolis, Dometi- opolis, Titiopolis, Claudiopolis, Dalisandos, are enumerated by Constan- tino Porph., Them,, p. 36. In the life of Gregory Decapolita Isauricus the expression occurs /xt'a twi/ t^s AeKaTroAew?, rwv Trpb rrj^ ^lo-avplas, TrdAts y ovofxa EtpT^voTToXt? (quoted in 'Act. Sanct.,' April 18th, p. 583 : but the day of this Gregory is Nov. 20th). The expression vrpo t^s 'laavpia? suggests that they were all in the same district, and this is corroborated by Con- stantino's remark that they were " over Seleukeia," i.e. higher up the river in the inner country. The title Decapolis is obviously applied to a well-marked district in which there were ten cities. This district must have been along the Ermenek Su. Many of the ten cities are placed there by other evidence, and for the rest the same locality is fixed by this title.* Of the ten cities, Claudiopolis and Germanicopolis have been fixed at Mut and Ermenek by Leake, and in the preceding paragraphs it has been shown that Diocaesareia, Eirenopolis, Zenopolis,t and Domitiopolis were on the Ermenek Su. 17. Dalisandos is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantius as an altered form of the older AaWavSds. The connection of AaAto-ai/Sds with the name of the people AaXao-o-ets is too obvious to be passed by. But another AaXio-avSdg which is mentioned among the bishoprics of Pamphylia, must be distinguished : it cannot possibly be situated among the Lalasseis, for it was a member of the Koinon Lykaonon, and must therefore have been situated near the plain of Lycaonia and on the frontier of Pamphylia. It seems impossible to avoid the conclusion that there were two cities Dalis- * Another Decapolis is found in Palestine, a third in the Katakekaumene of Lydia. To the Isaurian Decapolis belong Gregoriua Isaur. Decapolita and Theodorus Decaj o- lita (Smith's Diet., 34). t The proper form Zenonopolis is commonly abbreviated Zenopolis. T.— CILICIA TRACHEIA OK ISAUPJA. 3u7 andos. One belonged to the Koinon Lykaonon, and was afterwards attached as a bishopric to Pamphylia Prima. It was perhaps situated at Fassiller on the Eoman road from Iconium to Karallia and Side. The other w^as properly AaXtcravSo?, and was a town of the Lalasseis on the southern arm of the Kalykadnos : the order of the Byzantine lists and the fact that it was included in the Decapolis alike demand this position.* 18. Three cities, Titiopolis (with coins), Neapolis, and Lauzados, remain, and may confidently be assigned to the Ermenek Su valley, and Prof. Sterrett has once more well observed that Lauzados has retained its name to the present day as Lavdha. As to Titiopolis, the order of Hierocles causes some difficulty (see § 31). 19. The Decapolis gives important negative evidence. All cities not included in it are not on the Ermenek Su from its source down to Claudio- polis : and none of the three cities of Ketis are included, therefore Ketis w ot the district on the Ermenek Su, which consequently cannot be the L uadnos. Again the evidence is conclusive that Lalassis was the district along the upper Ermenek Su. Finally, all cities omitted from the Decapolis are to be sought in other parts of Isauria. 20. Comparing the order of Hierocles with the list of the Decapolis we find confirmation of our previous results, and a suggestion of more. Dio- caesareia is on the lower Kalykadnos above Seleuceia, and Olba is next to it but away from the river, perhaps on a branch road Koropissos-Olba- Seleuceia. Next comes Claudiopolis on the middle Kalykadnos, and then Hieropolis, which we have identified with Koropissos and placed north of Claudiopolis on the road to Laranda. Then Hierocles gives three cities of the Ermenek Su, and thereafter three cities of the north, Philadelphia, Meloe, and Adrasos. 21. It has been shown above that Melouos or Meloe (Moloe in Hierocles) was situated on one of the passes leading from Lycaonia into Cilicia, and that the ancient name Melouos remains under the modern form Meliss Tepe nearly twenty miles south-west of Laranda. 22. Hierocles mentions Adrasos and Meloe side by side. This order suggests that Adrasos is to be looked for on the same road, and the inference is confirmed by the accounts given of the great Bj'zantine victory of 960 a.d., over the Saracens, which was fought in the kleisoura leading to Kelenderis or Kylindros. This battle is twice referred to, though the name is not mentioned, in ' Niceph. Phok. de Yelitat. Bell.,' prae/. and c. 3, p. 191. The latter passage tells that the Saracens were defeated when, on finding one pass blocked (perhaps the pass leading direct to Claudiopolis) they made a detour to take another. Some of * This Dalisandos was TrSXeus €^5a\ov in Ka\ bvofxa eu rols oKpaviai /xev koX avuvvixois aTreppifx/jLcvi] in time of Basil, bishop of Seleuceia 418-458, ed. Migne, p. 580. 368 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. the authors who mention this victory give the name as Andrassos or Adarassos ; * but one account describes it more accurately, and says that the Byzantine army occupied ttjv Kkua-ovpav t7]v ovto) KaXovfiei/rjv, and attacked the Saracens as they were returning through the Kleisoura from a plundering expedition ."f The Kleisoura Kylindros is the great pass that led to the coast at Kelenderis (a name subjected to great variations by Byzantine writers). The name, therefore, may be given to one or other of the two routes from Laranda to Kelenderis, the one passing by Claudiopolis, the other by Meloe (Meliss Tepe) and Germani- copolis. The order in Hierocles leaves no doubt that Adrasos is on the latter road, and it is confirmed entirely by Notitiae III., X., and less thoroughly by Notitia I. 23. Next in Hierocles comes Sbide (misspelt Zeede). We should therefore look for it in the north, and perhaps on the same road, or at least in the same district as Meloe and Adrasos. This presumption is confirmed both by the order of the ecclesiastical lists, and by a passage of Theophanes. In a.d. 475 the Emperor Zeuo, with his wife Ariadne, were expelled from Constantinople by his mother-in-law Verina, and her brother Basiliscus. They took refuge in Ourba (v. I. 'Op/5a) of Isauria, the native country of Zjeno Trascalisseus. Orba is described as ijipovpLov TL L(rxvp6v' Hero Illos and Trokoundos laid siege to them, whereupon they changed their quarters to Sbida or Sbide, where they were pressed by the enemy till 477. This suggests a situation for Sbida more inaccessible than Olba or Orba, and therefore suits a position among the mountains west of the Kalykadnos, and north of the Ermenek Su. The name Sbida suffers many transformations in the ecclesiastical documents, but the best form seems to be Sbida. The variants Zeede, Sbide, Sbeda, occur ; it frequently is spelt as a trisyllable, J Syneda [for Sybeda], &c. Ibidinge, mentioned at Synod. Quinisexta, seems to be for Sibidinge, and to be the name Sibide with a suffix, which occurs in the Isaurian name Ninilingis (Theophan., p. 138). This Isaurian suffix perhaps corresponds to -nda or -dda in other parts of Asia Minor. Sibidonda (Phrygia) Sbida (Isauria) Attoudda (Phrygia) Attaia (Lydia), Atys Aloudda (Phrygia) Alia (Phrygia), Ala, " horse " Klannoudda (Lydia) Kelenai (Phrygia).§ * These variations of the name Adrasos occur in the ecclesiastical lists also. On the Arab name Dsu-l-kala, applied to Adrasos, see p. 341 and Addenda, t Anon. Vat. 60 b. quoted in notes to ' Velitat. Bell. Niceph.' X Compare the Phrygian Sibidouada, which obviously contains the same word with the common Anatolian suffix, "onda." § Kelenai is usually called Kelainai, to suggest a meaning in Greek : but the coins and inscriptions always give Zeus Keleneus. T.— CILICIA TRACHEIA OR ISAURIA. 369 24. The principality of Sibilia on the borders of the Mohammedan and Christian territory, which is mentioned on the route of Bar- barossa in 1190, is clearly to be identified with Sibela (which is not in Hierocles). Immediately after leaving Laranda the Crusaders entered the territory of the Christian Armenians, and the prince of Sibelia, who had the control of their road, came to meet them. Unfortunately the details given of the march between Laranda and Seleukeia are insufficient to show what route Frederick followed ; but it is at least clear that Sibelia was in the northern part of the mountain country.* Sibyla, which was captured by Kilij Arslan in 1156 along with an unknown town Punura,"]" is evidently the same place : Manuel in reprisal made an expedition into Cilicia ; the Armenians of Cilicia evidently took Sibyla between 1156 and 1190. The probable limits of Seljuk power at this time agree with the conclusion that Sibyla or Sibilia was between Laranda and Mut. It was either near Koropissos or possibly a late name given to that city. The possibility, already referred to under Psebila of Lykaonia, that a city on the borders of Isauria and Lykaonia was assigned to both provinces, as Sibil a in Isauria, and as Verinopolis-Psebila in Lykaonia, must for the present be left open. But this seems to me not to be probable. 25. Mousbanda is mentioned by Ptolemy as a town of Strategia Antio- chiane. There can be little doubt that it is an equivalent form to the Bousmadis (Bovcr/xaSts, 'IvavpLKr) ttoXis) of Stephanus Byzantius. The bishops of Mousbada (sic) and Sibilia or Sibela were both present at the Second Council of Niceea a.d. 787. Musbanda must be identified with Musanda, mentioned along with Anemourion and Korakesion by Pliny, V. 93 (Myanda is the common reading there, but Musanda has manu- script authorit}^). Forbiger is perhaps right in identifying Myanda with Mandane, given in the Stadiasmus (see Leake, p. 203) between Anemourion and Kelenderis near Sykai. It is remarkable that Sykai and Mousbada are both bishoprics in 787, and have each a bishop named Sisinnius. Some of the lists of 787 omit Sykai, but so many lists mention both bishoprics that the occasional omission of one of them is probably accidental. One of the two is probably equivalent to the bishopric Anemourion, which is not mentioned in any of the lists. 26. Leontopolis was very near Isauropolis, for Zeno ordered, in ex- ception to the usual rule, " one city, one bishopric," that Leontopolis * I use, not the original authority about Sibelia, viz. Tagenon, but the account given by Eitter, ' Kleinasien,' ii. 317, and the brief reference of Von Muralt. [But, since the preceding was printed, I have had the opportunity of reading Tagenon. I give the itinerary on p. 346, and have no doubt that Frederic marched by way of Claudiopolis.] t Cinnam., p. 176. The index gives the name as Punsura. 370 A SKETCH OF THE HISTOKICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. •and Isauropolis should have the same bishop. It was doubtless the modern Siristat, and may be the town mentioned as the birthplace of Conon (' Act. Sanct.,' March 5th, p. 360) ; ex villa Bidana \_Ka)fjLr] BL^avrj] oriundus, and one MS. adds xviii. stadia ab urbe Isauria. 27. Kardabounda, a bishopric in the Second Council of Nicaea (787 a.d.) is the native name of some bishopric, which commonly bears a Grseco- Eoman name. The cities which have retained their Graeco-Eoman name till the present day, Zenopolis, Domitiopolis, Eirenopolis, are of oourse excluded by this fact. 28. Lauzados. Continuing the list of Hierocles we find, after Sbida, that he mentions two cities of the Decapolis, Neapolis and Lauzados. He has in his list traversed the Ermenek Su valley from east to west ; the presumption then is that the two cities are on the head-waters of the Ermenek Su, and in this neighbourhood Prof. Sterrett has acutely -detected Lauzados in the modern Lavdha. 29. Neapolis may probably be the Ninika, which Ptolemy places in Lalassis, and may be localised at Lakhlas (Lalassis) in the same neighbourhood. 30. The principle of Hierocles's enumeration has now become clear. He first enumerates the coast cities, then he traverses the valley of the Kalykadnos to the junction, .and therafter continues along the Ermenek Su. After each group of cities along the river he mentions the cities on the road which traverses the country from north to south, and reaches the river in their neighbourhood. One difficulty occurs in this list. 31. TiTiopoLis is a city of the Decapolis, and must therefore be on the Ermenek Su, or else on the lower Kalykadnos. Either in this single case there is a dislocation in Hierocles, and Titiopolis is misplaced, or else Titiopolis was situated on the mountains between the Ermenek Su -and the coast. 32. A comparison of Hierocles with the NotitiaB reveals some remarkable omissions in his list. The most striking of these is the failure of Domitiopolis and Zenopolis, two cities at the upper end of the Ermenek Su vallej^ which have both retained their name to the present day. Domitiopolis is mentioned by Ptolemy, Zenopolis certainly is named after Zeno the Isaurian (474-91),* and was therefore in existance when Hierocles wrote. These cities are probably omitted only because, in the earlier Byzantine period, more than one city in the narrow upper valley were united under one bishop, and Hierocles is greatly under the influence of the ecclesiastical lists of his time. The other omissions are clearly due to the fact that the towns lay in mountain tracts west and * His Isaurian name was Traskalisseus or Tarasikodisa Kousoumbladeotes : the second word is perhaps an ethnic from a local name Rousoumblada, which is compounded with a name like Amblada. T.—CILICIA TRACHEIA OR ISAURIA. 371 north-west of the Kaljkadnos, and were of slight consequence, except Leontopolis-Tsauropolis, which Hierocles assigns to Lykaonia.* The Klimata of Kasai, Bolbosos, Kostras, and Banaba, are only districts and not cities-j Kodaka of Notitiae III., X., is probably a corrupt name. 33. KoTRADA is not mentioned by Hierocles. The Notitiae give it as an independent archbishopric, and this arrangement has probably misled Hierocles, and made him omit the city ; similarly he omits entirely the important cities Eukhaita of Helenopontus and Kotiaion jf Phrygia Salutaris for the same reason. 34. It is unfortunately impossible to attach much weight to Ptolemy's description of these districts. He seems to confuse Lalassis with Selentis J Tracheia, which, as he says, contains five cities, Seleuceia, Diocaesareia, Philadelpheia, Domitiopolis, and Kaystros. Of these, Domitiopolis is on the upper Ermenek Su, Philadelpheia to the north in Ketis, Seleuceia and DiocaBsareia on the lower Kalykadnos, and Kaystros on the coast. Kaystros is given in the ecclesiastical lists as Kestros. 35. Ptolemy mentions Eirenopolis in Lakanis, which should be perhaps AaKamrt?. Coins were struck between 40-70 a.d., with the legend AAKANATON, and, as the name is not found in later time, it is clear that one or more cities were founded, whose names are substi- tuted for that of the people. It will be shown below that Lakanatis lies south of the Ermenek Su. Ptolemy places Lalasis east of Ketis instead of south-west, and mentions in Lalasis a city Ninika, but the name is not found elsewhere. 36. Some additional light is thrown on the topography of Isauria (or Cilicia Tracheia) by a study of its history. M. Waddington has made it highly probable ('Mel. Numism.', ii., p. 121) that from 43 till at least 29 B.C., a principality extending from Iconium to Olba was held, first by Queen Aba 43-39, then by M. Antonius Polemon. Now we know that a part of Cilicia Tracheia was given by Augustus to Archelaos in 20 B.C., and Strabo defines this part as embracing rj Tpa^eta -rrcpi 'EAatovcrcraF KtAtKta Kol TTOLcra rj ra Trctpariypta (TvaTrja-afxevrj, p. 535 ra iv rfj Tpa^^eCa 'KiXiKLO. iv rj rrjv ^^Xaiovcrcrav vrjcTLOV evKapirov crvviKTLo-cv 'Ap^eXao Yalowatch (Antiocheia), Seidi Sheher (Lyrbe (?) Kolybrassos (?)), and Sparta (Baris) : see Kitter, 'Kleinasien,' II., 461. X Implying the common dialectic variety Shahr for Sheher. The final t) represents the Turkish ending in -i. For other examples of Turkish names in Greek compare p. 209, p. 290. § I do not, however, think so ; first, because it is uncertain whether the name Karalis was used in later Byzantine time (see § 3) ; and secondly, because Kirli is a common Turkish name. v.— riSIDIA. 391 and then Mr. Sterrett discovered an inscription whicli proved Colonia Lystra to have been situated at Khatj n Serai. Parlais remains to be placed on another site. Kiepert has recently conjectured that Parlais has retained its name as Barla, on the west coast of Egerdir Gol. This I think impossible because — (1) it does not account for Ptolemy's attribution to Lykaonia : though Ptolemy's authority is, of course, slight in such a matter, owing to his frequent errors, yet he is confirmed by the phrase "Parlais Lykaoniae " at some of the councils ; (2) it does not account for the attribution of Parlais to Isauria in the Nicene Council ; (3) Barla lies in a nook between the mountains and the lake, a place which could never have been of the slightest military importance. The Roman colonies founded by Augustus were planted for military reasons and connected by military roads. The idea that a military road could ever have wound along the crooked and narrow west bank of the Limnai can only appear ridiculous to any one who has seen the country. These colonies were certainly founded on one scheme and all connected with the military centre, Colonia Antiocheia Pisidiae. The only way of reaching Barla from Antiocheia is by a very circuitous road round the lake, a road which has in many places only just room to pass between the mountains and the water. The aim of the colonies was to control the mountaineers of Pisidia and Isauria ; but colonists at Barla would be cut off from the world and utterly useless. Kiepert's conjecture must,, therefore, be rejected. The problem is to find a site adjoining at once Pisidia, Isauria, and Lykaonia. Such a site can be found only at the south end of lake Karalis, or between Karailis and Trogitis. The series of Roman mile- stones, of large size, but none with any visible traces remaining of inscription, leading down the east side of Karalis and as far as Trogitis, also point to the existence of an important military road here, and a colony is to be looked for on an important military road. Moreover, an Augustan colony is wanted on the Pisidian frontier, between Lystra on the east and Kremna on the west, to complete the scheme of Augustus. Finally, the Latin inscriptions of this neighbourhood are more numerous than usual, and Latin inscriptions always indicate the presence of Romans. These considerations seem conclusive. There remains only the difficulty of selecting the exact site. Paralais was in Byzantine Pisidia, and that province can have included only the western and south-western shore of Karalis. Ruins named Uzumla Monastir are reported near the south-western extremity. These ruins are close to the important route from Antiocheia and Ikonion to the coast at Side, and the situation appears to be admirably adapted for striking in several directions. At the same time the form " Paralais " has, as others have suggested, perhaps arisen from the situation on the lake. Coins have the form " Parlais ; " but popular derivation, aided by the natural tendency VOL. IV. 2 D 392 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. to develope a vowel sound between the two consonants, sought a form that gave some possible meaning in Greek.* The principle enunciated in the preceding paragraph that, in the central and eastern parts of Asia Minor, "Latin inscriptions always indicate the presence of Eomans,"f appears to be an important one. Latin was very little known in the country, and Latin inscriptions are rare : the educated classes wrote in Greek, and the uneducated spoke only the native language, with perhaps a smattering of Greek. But it is quite unjustifiable to argue, as MM. Radet and Paris do in ' Bull. Corr. Hell.,' 1886, p. 511, that "la presence d'une inscription Latine a Zosta" (in the midst of several Greek inscriptions) " semble indiquer I'existence d'une colonic romaine." If this argument were allowed, we should have far more than a hundred Eoman colonies in the country. The proper argu- ment to prove the exifetence of a Eoman colony has been stated by me in *Bull. Corr. Hell.,' 1883, p. 318, where it is inferred, from the fact of four inscriptions out of seven at Khatyn Serai being Latin, that a colony must have existed there. My inference has since been justified by Professor Sterrett's discovery; and, in general, it may be maintained that, if the majority of the inscriptions found on a particular site are Latin, and if more than four or five in all are found, the site is that of a Eoman colony. The converse, however, cannot be maintained, that in all colonies the majority of the inscriptions are Latin. 7. An indication of the position of Parlais may bo deiived from a less certain source, viz., the Acta Concil. Nicaen., a.d. 325. The lists of this council are older than the formation of a separate province of Lykaonia. The boundaries of Pisidia, and Isauria, and Pamphylia were then very different from the later bounds, and Parlais belonged to Isauria. It is, however, true that there are several cases in which the bishoprics at the Council of Nicaea are apparently assigned to the wrong province ; but, in almost all cases, those which are wrongly assigned are near the frontier. It may reasonably be maintained that the lists of this council are much more correct, and that they give us a better picture of the provincial organisation than such writers as Czwalina billow. For example : it is possible that before the province of Lykaonia was formed in 361-2 there was a single large province of Isauria, including the southern part of Lykaonia and the eastern part of Pamphylia, with such cities as Syedra, Homonada, Paralais, and with the metropolis Isaura. When, in 361-2, it was found advisable to divide further the large province of Isauria, all the Lykaonian cities were taken from it and from Pisidia. It was perhaps at the same time, J * I believe indeed that it was late before Greek became the language of the Pisidian people in general ; but it was known to all educated people, and as a rule it is only the testimony of the educated that has come down to us. t I.e., cives Komani, who are not necessarily Italians. % The character of the changes, as they are described in the sequel, makes it probable that the redivision of Isauria took place all at once. v.— riSIDIA. 393 certainly it was later than a.d. 325, that Lycia-Pamphylia v/as divided into two provinces, Lycia and Pamphylia. In our oldest authority, the Verona MS., Lycia is omitted, which merely means that it was included, along with Pamphylia, in a single province. In 313 the same governor is given to both Lycia and Pamphylia.* It has been maintained that in the Verona MS. Lycia must be restored; but before correcting our authorities, it is better to try whether they cannot be justified. The lists of 325 divide the eastern towns of Pamphylia between Isauria and Fisidia, assigning Selge to the latter. When Pamphylia was separated from Lycia, parts were taken both from Isauria and from Pisidia to form the new province Pamphylia. As Side bad equal claim with Perga to be a metropolis, the ecclesiastical lists always separate Pamphylia Prima under Side and Pamphylia Secunda under Perga, though the civil organisation admitted only a single province."!* Similarly Bithynia was divided for ecclesiastical, but not for civil, purposes between Nikomedeia and Nikaia. To compensate Pisidia for the loss of Ikonion, Amblada, Selge, &c., Paralais was added to it, and also Mallos, if I rightly place it in Mallos Ova. It was probably the unruly state of Isauria, and the difficulties it caused to the imperial Government, which led to its being reduced to a more manageable size. I add the lists of the three provinces as they existed in 325 : the bishoprics of Pamphylia and of Lycia are separated at the Council, but the part of Pamphylia that remains is too small to have been really a distinct province. Pisidia. 1. Eulalius Iconiensis (aft. Lykaonia). 2. Telemachus Hadrianopolitanus. 3. Theodorus Uzelenis. 4. Eutychius Seleuciensis. 5. Hesychius Neapolitanus. 6. Uranion Selgensis, Sutenonensis. 7. Apagamus, or Aramius, Lisiniensis, Limenensis. 8. Tarsicius Apamenus. 9. Patricius Ambladensis (aft. Lykaonia). 10. Polycarpus Metropolitanus.J Ikonion. Hadrianopolis. Zorzila. Seleuceia. Neapolis. Selge. Limnai. Apameia Cibotos. Amblada. Metropolis. * Cod. Theodos. 13, 10, 2. t This division is implied by the order of Hieroeles, in the Epistola ad Leonem, A D. 458, and in the lists of Cone. Chalced., a.d. 451. It is not recognised in the lists of Cone. Constantinop., a.d. 381. It may be doubted whether Polycarpus is not the metropolitan of the whole province and bishop of Antiocheia, for the metropolitan is not always put first (see the Isaurian list). But, on the whole, this view seems less probable, and perhaps Iconium may at this time have been either sole metropolis or one of two metropolis, in the pro- vince Pisidia. Silvanus of Isauropolis is not called simply Metropolitanus, but in Isauro 2 D 2 394 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHr OF ASIA MINOR. PisiDiA — continued. 11. Acumedius, Academius Pariensis,* a Paro. Pappa. 12. Heraclius Barensis. Baris. Theodorus Usensis : dittograpliy of 3. 13. Adon Bycias Lycius. Laodiceia. Pamphylia (-united with Lycia). Callinicus Pergensis. Perga. Euresius Termessenus. Termessos. Teuxius Cyrbenis, Siarbitanus. Berbe. Domntis Aspendius. Aspendos. Quintiamis Seleuciensis.f Sillyon. Patricius Maxiniianopolitanus. Maximianopolis. Apbrodisius Magidorum. Magydos. ISAUEIA. Stepbanns Baratthensis, Barata. Athenaeus Zoropassenus, Corpissitaims. Coropissos. Etbesius Clandiopolitanus. Claudiopolis. Agapetus Seleuciae. Seleuceia. Silvaniis Metropolitanus in Isauro. Isanropolis. Faustiis Phupbenatensis, Pbanemu- tbiensis. Panemonteicbos ? | Antonins Antiocbenus. Antiocbeia. Nestor Syedrensis. Syedra. Hesycbius Cborepiscopus. Cyrillns Sidensis, Cumanadensis. Side ? Homonada ? Tbeodorns Vasagadensis,§ Vialbitanus. Vasada? Olba? Tbeodorus Cborepiscopus, Anatolius Cborepiscopus. Paulns Larandensis. Laranda. Quintus Cborepiscopus. [ Tyberius Lystrensis. Lystra. Aquila Cborepiscopus. Eusebius Paralais Lycaoniee. Paralais. is added : compare the phrase of Hilarius, who signed the will of Gregory Nazianzen in the end of this century, rrjs Kara 'laavpiay KadoXiK'^s iKK\T]yvtuv 7roA.€(jOS eTTap^tas Ilio-iSia?. The names Talbonda and Tymandos are here used as equivalent to each other. There is a saint named Conon connected with Mandi or Manda in Pamphylia who may belong to Tymandos : the ecclesiastical lists often omit the first syllable of the name. But Mandi may be for Magydi. Another Conon of Bidane, 18 stadia from Isaura, is difficult to distin- guish from this Conon (' Act. Sanct.,' March 6). The beautiful spring in the hill south-east of Yassi Euren,! called Ayasman (dyiac/xa) by the Turks, is still a place of annual pilgrimage for the Greeks of Olu Borlu (Apollonia). In the pagan time it seems to have been dedicated to Hercules Eestitutor, as is shown by a Latin inscription (C. I. L., iii., Supplem., No. 6867) : " Herculi Eestitutori C. Julius Hilario."f The permanence of the religious awe attaching to this and other such striking manifestations of the divine power is one of the most interesting features in the religion of Asia Minor. 19. Metropolis was placed in the Tchul Ovassi by G. Hirschfeld, the first traveller who explored the valley ; but he afterwards deserted this view, and argued confidently that it was in the valley of Apollonia. The fact that it was on the great highway from Ephesos to Caesareia would alone be sufficient evidence that the latter view is incorrect. * Kormasa, Korbasa, Kolbassos and Tarbassos seem to me a certain case of equivalence ; but others may doubt it. t Sterrett discusses the proper form of this name at some length, and finally concludes that the first word is Yaztii, meaning " level." He has misunderstood the sharp dental sibilant. Kedhouse's Turkish handbook gives Yassi, level. It is a common element in Turkish village names — Yassi Eyuk, Yassi Euren, Yassi Giimii. X Ephem. Epigraph. V., 13054 from Sir 0. Wilson's copy. Less correctly by Sterrett, • Wolfe Exped.,' No. 559. On account of his difference in text I went back in 1888 and re-examined the inscription. v.— PISIDIA. 403 Kiepert's old map placed Metropolis with approximate accuracy. It is difficult to see why Metropolis was given to Pisidia under the Byzantine system. It naturally goes with Phrygia. It is closely connected by road with Synnada, while the mountain chain which in general bounds Byzantine Pisidia on the north divides it from the rest of that province. In spite of these considerations it was divorced from Synnada, and subjected to Antiocheia. In the * Cone. Chalced.,' Heorticius, bishop of Metropolis, is so often called bishop of Nikopolis Pisidiae, and even of Metropolis Nikopolis Pisidiae, as to make it probable that the name Nikopolis was actually borne by Metropolis during the fifth century.* 20. Apameia was long one of the greatest cities of Asia Minor. Its decay dates from the foundation of Constantinople. Under the new system it was no longer on a great road, whereas so long as commerce tends to the west it is situated at a knot in the road-system. Professor G. Hirschfeld's discussion of the topography is generally satisfactory, but he is certainly wrong about the rivers. Mr. Hogarth has corrected him. Hirschfeld identified the Lidja as the Marsyas. Hogarth, with correct instinct, rejected the idea that " this melancholy stream, bubbling tamely out of a flat tract at the foot of a naked slope, and slinking away more like a drain than a river, could be the storied Marsyas." "f This little stream is formed by tepid springs, called, therefore, by the generic name Lidja, and a coin of Apameia, which shows the four streams Mai(andros), Mar(syas), Or(gas), and Ther(raa), grouped around the patron goddess of Apameia (a deity of the Ephesian Artemis type), is a conclusive proof that the people of Apameia distinguished the hot springs from the Marsyas. Professor Hirschfeld quotes in support of his identification of the Marsyas " ein paar Quellen, welche ganz nah seinem Austritte jetzt aus zwei Bogennischen aufsprudelnd alsbald in ihn fallen : " these springs he identifies as KXatW and TeXojv. He has not observed that the two " Bogennischen " are simply two low arches to carry the Roman road over the hollow where the various hot springs rise. His supposition of a grotto having formerly existed at this place seems to me J absolutely inconsistent with the surroundings. Hirschfeld also errs in giving the name Huda-verdi, " God hath given," to the principal stream. The name * I devoted a paper to the " Metropolitanus Campus" in * Journ. Hell. Stud.,* April, 1883. I have to add the following fragment of an inscription, which I copied on the actual site of Metropolis, half-way between Tatarli and Haidarli m October, 1883 : [t) fiovXij Kol 6 Brtfios ireifirjffev 'A']p[reiJ.']L5a}pou 'Soo'depovs rov 'Ap[T]e/xt5[&;p]ou (rx[oJ^[«]f^'''4!'']oi', &udpa i7ri(r7}fj.oj/ Kol eV iroWoTs xp7](rt/tof yeyov6[T']a rrj Trarpidi, Sovra Kol apyvpiou els aywvos 5jo t Hirschfeld " Uber Celainai-Apameia Kibotos," in * Berl. Akad. Abhandl.,' 1876 ; Hogarth in ' Journ. Hell. Stud.,' 1888. % I visited Apameia in 1881, 1882 (very hurriedly), and 1888, when I examined this point carefully, knowing Hogarth's unpublished opinion. In 1881 I had not read Hirschfeld's paper ; but as I knew he had done the site very carefully, I paid no special attention to the topography. 404 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Huda-verdi is restricted to a single fountain, whicli burst forth about 50 years ago (as I was told) at a point about 100 yards or more below tbe chief fountains of this stream, and a little above the highest mill. This new fountain gives fine drinking-water, which, if I remember rightly, none of the other fountains do, and hence is called Huda-verdi. Much of its water is kept separate, and carried off by a wooden pipe for the use of the town. The supposed fountain Kallirhhoe at Apameia depends on Sestini's false reading of a coin ; see Imhoof-Blumer, Num. Zft., 1884, p. 289. Professor Hirschfeld's large scale map of Apameia is very good. It is to be regretted that we have no other map like it for any site in the interior of Asia Minor.* His small map of the Dineir and Dombai valleys, given on the same sheet, is not so good as it should be. His study of the history of Apameia-Celainai is very important. Hierocles now passes to the southern parts of Pisidia, and goes along them from west to east. His first name is one of the great difficulties of the province. 21. EuDOXiouPOLis is never mentioned, except by Hierocles; but probably it is to be identified with Theodosioupolis,| mentioned among the signatures to the ' Epistola ad Leonem.' The order, Apameia, Eudoxi- oupolis, Sagalassos, Paris, suggests that Eudoxioupolis is to be placed at Kilij, near the north-eastern end of lake Askania, and near the modern town Ketchi Borlu. There can be no doubt that there was an ancient city and bishopric here, and equally little doubt that it was in Byzantine Pisidia.J The district seems to have been an imperial estate on the borders of Phrygia, and a boundary- stone of this estate has been described in E., 16. We cannot, therefore, place at Kilij any city that coined money, and if this is correct the only names of the Roman period that can be applied to it are Zorzila and Bindeos. Now Zorzila seems to be more probably situated elsewhere. Moreover, we have just seen that Theudosioupolis was the name given to this place in the fourth or fifth century, and Theudosioupolis may be identified with Bindeos, but cannot possibly be identified with Zorzila, for the two occur in the same lists, 458 and 530. Bindeos, therefore, may be placed at Kilij ; its want of coinage is due to its being on an imperial estate. It received from one of the two emperors Theodosius the rank of a city and bishopric, but the old name Bindeos returns from 692 onwards. The modern name Fandas, 2 hours south of Kilij, at the other end of the valley, may contain the ancient name, but is certainly not the ancient site. The form of the name, which is always 6 tov BivSaiov * Even on the coast hardly any sites are decently mapped. M. Weber's map of Ephesos is one of the few exceptions. t The form [0]eu5oo-ioy7roAis might readily be corrupted EvSo^iovnoXis. X Sterrett, ' Wolfe Expedition,' gives several inscriptions, and I have copied addi- tional ones. v.— PISIDIA. 405 (Bti/Scov) cTrto-KOTTos, Hiaj be due to its being an imperial estate, and KTrjixaro^ may be understood. In tbat case BtvSatov would be the genitive of an adjective, and BiVSa, or some similar form, would be the name ; but from want of any distinct authority I retain the name as Bindeos. Ptolemy gives in Pisidia both Beudos Yetus and Ouinzela. The former is transferred by error from Phrygia ; the latter occurs also in Galatia.* I think that Beudos has been placed here by Ptolemy through confusion with Bindeos, and the mention of it along with Baris, Konane, and Seleuceia, suits admirably the situation just assigned. 22. Sagalassos it called Sagalessos by Pliny, and Selgessos is given as an alternative form by Strabo. Probably, therefore, the second a is a weak vowel that has developed between the two consonants, and Saglassos or Selgessos is closer to the native form of the name. The modern form is Aghlasun, which is the old accusative ^ayXao-ov with the loss of initial s. Saglasos differs from Selge § only by the addition of the suffix -sa or -ssos, which is so common in Asia Minor. Similar examples are — Prokonessos (Hellespontus). Prakana (Isauria). Thyessos (Lydia). Thya-teira (Lydia). Kidyessos (Phrygia), Kadoi (Phrygia). Halikarnassos (Caria). Halikyrna (Boeotia). Professor G. Hirschfeld, followed by Professor Kiepert in his latest map, makes Manlius march by Sagalassos. Livy says only that he laid waste " agros Sagalassensium," and I have shown in my " A. S. P." that the agri are the lands along the south side of lake Askania, which belonged to Sagalassos even down to the time of Diocletian. Professor Hirschfeld's error was entirely excusable until the inscriptions which •show the wide extent of the Sagalassian territory were discovered ; and if he had known this fact he would doubtless have recognised that Leake was correct in his idea of the march of Manlius. The route that Kiepert, in modification of Hir^chfield, gives in his last map shows magnificent disregard of impassable mountains. Kiepert apparently saw that Hirschfeld's view that Manlius advanced into Pamphylia is irreconcilable with Polybius, who is clear that Manlius did not advance further than " near Termessos." But he clings to Hirschfeld's theory of the subsequent route, and makes Manlius cut along the ridges of Tauros north-east from Termessos. This via media is impossible physi- cally : either Hirschfeld's theory or mine must be accepted. * Ouinzela, given twice, is an error such as Ptolemy repeats in the case of Olba and Kormasa. It is, perhaps, to be identified with Vinda or Vindia of the Antonine- Itinerary on the road between Dorylaion, Germa and Ankyra. This suits Ptolemy very well. t The difficulty of rendering this name in Greek is shown by the older coins with legend ZTAEnOZ, EZTAELIIYZ ; v. Imhoof-Blumer, ' Monn. Gr.,' p. 340. 406 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 23. Baris retains its name as Sparta or Isbarta : Isbarta is the official spelling, Sparta is the invariable pronunciation.* 24. MiNASSOS has retained its name to the present day as Minasun. It was discovered by Professor Sterrett, a little to the south-east of Sparta, and it is known also from coins reading MINAZZEON KAI KONANEQN OMONOIA. Its situation might be taken to prove that it was united in one bishopric with Baris, but the above coin indicates some old-standing connection between Minassos and Konane, and rather points to its being united with Konane. The point is difficult to decide. At Cone. VI. Constant., a.d. 680, we find Koa-fxas Kovavwv tjtol Mavovwvj which we might correct to Mtvacrorcwv, but in other entries we find Ko(r/x,a9 KavTavwv t^s rTa/x^vXtW hrap-)(€.laitcroi/io9 * Compare Burdur, the official form, Buldur the popular one. I am unable to understand why Prof. Gr. Hirschfeld says in a note in his paper on the route of Manlius in the Gratulationsschrift of Konigsbevg University to the Koman Institute that the modern form Isbarta proves that the ancient accent was Bapis, not Bdpis : ets BdpiZa naturally becomes Isbarta ; ets BapiSa could only become something like Isvrid, compare eis NiKOfji.rjS€iav, Isnimid, Ismid. The accented syllable remains, the unaccented syllables grow weak and often disappear. v.— PISIDIA. 407 (eTTio-KOTTos) is a form clearly derived, and certainly corrupted, from a list of bishops. The only name which could readily be corrupted in this way is Prostama. Attains Prostamensis was present at Concil. Constant., a.d. 381. Prostama is obviously to be identified with Prostanna of coins. The most remarkable and frequent type on coins of Prostanna is the mountain 0YIAP05. When in 1886 I traversed this district I came first in sight of the lofty peak of Egerdir rising above the intermediate hills, as we crossed from lake Askania to the valley of Baris, and when for days afterwards I saw what a remarkable feature it was in the view from many points of our route, I recognised it as Mount Viaros. Then I observed that Hierocles mentions the city between Timbrias and Konane, which exactly suits Egerdir. Finally the posi- tion and importance of Egerdir requires an ancient city to have been situated somewhere in the district naturally connected with it. On these grounds I propose the identification Prostanna — Egerdir with some confidence. I do not mean to assert that the two are on exactly the same site, for it is rarely the case that a modern city in Asia Minor occupies precisely the ancient site ; but I consider that Prostanna was situated at the southern end of the Limnai. If Prostanna was so important, why is it omitted from all the lists of bishoprics? Two possible reasons suggest themselves. It might liave been constituted an archbishopric in the sixth or seventh century, and though it is never mentioned among the archbishoprics, the objection is not fatal, for these lists omit also Akmonia and other places. But in this case I think another explanation is more probable. The bishoprics of Limnai and of Prostanna were probably united in one at some time later than 381. The two naturally go together; Limnai includes especially the two islands close to Egerdir, and its religious importance would lead to the conjoint bishopric being named after Limnai. A thoroughly complete list would probably give both names, 6 AifivCiv ■^TOL Ilpo(rTavvi(i)v. 29. JusTiNiANOPOLis is, as Wesseling saw, a temporary name of Konana. The evidence may be put more strongly than he gives it, since we have distinguished the classes of Notitise. YII. and VIII. give the same list of bishoprics : and they give the following : — VII. 17 Tymandos, 18 Justin ianopolis, 19 Metropolis. VIII. 17 Tymandos, 18 Konana, 19 Metropolis. 30. Konana was detected by Professor G. Hirschfeld in the modern Gonen. The name is frequently confused with Komama and Komana in the ecclesiastical lists, so that the task of separating the bishops of the various cities is by no means easy, and has not been satisfactorily done by Le Quien. 31. In the last two names Hierocles turned back westwards to complete the western district of Pisidia. He now goes on to complete the southern frontier by giving the cities in the south-eastern district of VOL. IV. 2 E 408" A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Pisidia. Mallos is probably to be looked for in the Mallos Ova, on tli© road from Parlais to Side. 32. Adada is fixed at Kara Bavlo by the inscription found there by Mr. Sfcerrett (' Wolfe Expedition,' No. 420), though he himself draws, on p. 283, exactly the opposite inference. Professor G. Hirschfeld and myself independently drew the same conclusion from the inscription when it was published. In the games held at Kara Bavlo a competitor who was a citizen of Timbrias and of Adada gained the prize. Timbrias and Adada then were probably neighbouring cities, and, as Timbrias has been fixed elsewhere, it remains to put Adada at Kara Bavlo. The inference is, of course, not binding, but in the dearth of information it gives a clue to the situation which quite agrees with the order of Hierocles. 33. ZoEZiLA and Tityassos are quite uncertain. In the last two numbers it is impossible to lay any stress on the order in Hierocles, as it is commonly his custom to insert at the end names omitted in the body of the list (e.g. Lydia, Phrygia Salutaris). No other evidence is as yet available about either city. The modern name Burdur or Buldur has suggested itself to me as a modification of Durzela, Zarzela, or Zorzila, and the march of Manlius which passed along the coast of lake Askania mentions a city Darsa in a position which suits Buldur very well. I propose to correct Livy's text from Darsam to Darsilam, and see another form of the native name which is hellenised in so many ways. Zorzila or Zarzela struck no coins. It might certainly be expected that a city with the splendid situation and surroundings of Buldur would be rich enough to coin money. But inscriptions come to our aid here, and show us tbat the territory along the southern shore of lake Askania belonged to Sagalassos, Buldur, then, was only part of the " ager Saga- lassensium," and could not strike coins as an independent city. The identification, however, is quite uncertain ; and further evidence is required. 34. Tityassos struck coins. No evidence is known as to its situation, except the following inscription, in very rude letters, which I copied at Ilghin (Tyriaion) in 1883 : — * In 1. 1 is very uncertain, and in 1. 2 the second A is also doubtful. Pisidian names have often many vowels together, as 'Hovrjios, and here elrjos. AS/nvrjs shows the ANGCTHCAM eNTHTAYKYTA THHMCjONMH TPIdOMNHC eKTOONY AP +AYPHAIOC0I HcCTATIACCH NOCK€AnTONIC 4-Av/o^Xtos ©t- 7)0^ TaTLaacTY]' vos K€ 'Avrrovis (i.e. 'A^^onos) €V rfj yXvKVTOL' TYj yjlXiiiV fJLf]' Ik roiv v[7r]ap- v.— PISIDIA. 409 It is possible that Tartao-or/^i/os is a badly spelt ethnic from Tityassos. If that be so, it would be an argument that Tityassos was in the east rather than the west of Pisidia, as inhabitants of a neighbouring city are more likely to have settled at Tyriaion than those of a city at the other side of the province. Tituensis, assigned to Pamphylia at Cone. Constant., 381 A.D., is not a bishop of Tityassos. The two consecutive names Mydus Pentenessen- sis, Paneminensis, Midos Panemou, Heraclides Tituensis, Ptynsensis, Tychensis have been confused, and are to be restored — Midos Petnelissen- sis, Heraclides Panemoutichensis. 35. One of the most curious and important series of inscriptions that have been found in Asia Minor, are those of the Xenoi Tekmureioi, which belong to the country on the north-west and west of Antiocheia. The first of these was found by Sir C. W. Wilson and myself in 1882, and was published by me in ' Journ. Hell. Stud.,' 1883. Prof. J. R. S. Sterrett in 1885 found a number of others, and in 1886 I revised the text of the whole series and added one or two more. Sterrett has published the entire series in his ' Wolfe Expedition,' incorporatmg or mentioning in his Addenda most of my corrections and additions. By some accident, however, I did not see the proofs of his text of the first inscription, which I had published in 1883, till too late;* and this inscription, which is by far the most important of the series, as being the only complete and the longest one, appears in his work in a very different form from what it has in my publication. Prof. G. Hirschfeld has very properly, in his review f of Sterrett's work, called attention to the variation, which throws some doubt on my restor- ation and interpretation of the opening lines : no interpretation of the opening lines is attempted by Sterrett, and I may say that none is possible with his text. The most serious divergence is as to the arrangement of the lines, and as to my distinction of two separate inscriptions. For example, Sterrett gives as lines 9 and 11 of his copy, what I make two halves of one line, and he prints the whole as one inscription, while I have interpreted it as two. The reason of tho difference is that the first two or three lines and parts of others are on a fragment that has been broken off the column. Sterrett evidently did not, after putting the one fragment on the other, make a copy to show where the lines fitted on to each other. I did so in 1882, and in 1886 I again verified the arrangement, having the two parts of the column held firmly in their place, while I made a new copy ; and I now state, as I confusion of dative and genitive which begins in the third century and is quite common in the fourth century in the inscriptions of this district. * I had with me in 1886 his manuscript copies of all except this one, compared them all in a most careful way with the originals, and sent to him my whole uolej aud remarks. t Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeiger, 1888. 2 E 2 410 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. have already done in the ' Chroniqne d'Orient,' that my arrangement of the lines and my distinction of two separate inscriptions is correct in every point. It is now possible also, owing to the new inscriptions which Prof. Sterrett has discovered, to restore the whole more completely than I did in 1883. 3G. The first inscription began as follows : — 'ATT^yyciXav iv ?] tw Alttv- Xo) ?, CTTt dvaypafj>]€0);8or), and not on the Graeco-Roman system (Kara TroXet?). Where natives of cities which were centres of Graico-Roman civilisation are mentioned, such as Antiocheia, Julia, and Synnada, a village name is almost always added, showing that the person in question is ranked by his KuiixTj as well as by his ttoAis : in this respect I am indebted to Hirschfeld's paper for full comprehension of the facts, for I had previously understood the expression ^wmSevs otKwv iv KavSpovKwixrj as " a native of Synnada, who has settled in the village Kandroukome beside the Limnai." 39. The list of ethnics which Sterrett gives needs to be corrected in various points, and I shall therefore go over it in detail, trying to determine in each case the probable form of the village name. Prof. Sterrett has corrected several faults of my first publication ; e.g. in 1. 11 he has rightly substituted Kap/xrjvov for my Kap. M[€]v[c]ov, and KpavocrayT^i^os for my Kpavos 'Ayr^vos (compare Avkov Kpai/os of Phrygiaj. But he has followed my error in understanding 'lfxdr]vo<: or M.dr]voiK6xios 2/5tis, 431, 451 Nectavios Sesenniomm, 431 in 6 ^ifxvewv 7 "Se/ivewv, Sejuacwfr- AYPBEirnN Caius Liibensis, 3S1 •• Avfipv 15 Alip0T]S 14 AvppTjs 15 Avp&TJS Kiffai KA2ATON Tuesiaiuis Cassonensis, 381 Nectarius Cassorum, 431 (?) 6 KatT&v 5 KofTCWI' 6 Kniro'ctfj' [Katenneis, Str.] ('AKdKios Korevvuv, 4311 \Eu7efJOS KoTfVVtiiV, 451/ [Etenna, Polyb.] ETENNEnN Troilus Gi Eu5(i^ioy 'ETefvwc, 451 * 4 Sre'vi'T/s 4 'Ernffoy, 'EToefvoy KOPAKHZinTON Theoduliib CoracL-sieusis, 381 ("Ofipi/xos KopaKVtriov, 451 \ {MaTihtavos KopaKrjiriov, 431/ Kopa/fTjtrtot' 9 KopaKiffiov 8 To5 KopaKicrj/xov ^a/3atcoi/, and a marginal note Srjixov 'lo-^a added by a later scribe has crept into the text as a second place Ae/Aouo-ia. 3. He gives Aspendos under the name Primopolis. PrimopoHs or Priamopolis is the name under which Aspendos appears at Cone. Ephes., 431. The origin of the name, which is elsewhere unknown, is not certain. Possibly, as I have suggested about Hadriane Pamphyliae Secundae and Neronias Ciliciae, it was derived from a local saint (A S P, D 15). Philostratus (Yit. Apoll. I., p. 9[15]) calls Aspendos the third city of Pamphylia : he of course understands Side and Perga as the first two. 4. Side. — Notitiae YIII., IX. mention Zela before Side. This is obviously a dittography, arising probably from a form ^HAH, corrupted to ^HAH. 5. Selge became an archbishopric in later times. 6. IsBA. — Le Quien takes the S-qfxov ^a^atW of Hierocles as a corrup- tion of ^€ixv€v : the native name was probably Sba, which in Greek becomes some- times "lo-jSo, sometimes 2aj3a (compare Ispa of Laviansene or Armenia Minor). t Either he follows an ecclesiastical list, which put Isba in Secunda, or there is some dislocation in the text. % The arguments of Hirschfeld in his ' Reisebericht ' prove that Pednelissos cannot be placed at Kiesme. § * Bull. Corr. Hell.,' 1886, p. 500. W.— PAMPHYLIA, CARIA, AND LYCIA. 417 Xakoleia, which long led to an error similar to that which MM. Eadet and Paris make about Sillyon. The other inscription which they publish from the same neighbourhood seems to give the old name of Kiesme, MovXao-o-ewv 6 Stjijlo^. Moulassa may be compared with Mylasa or Mylassa of Caria. Now there is no bishopric Moulassa, and the people must have been included under some bishopric. I conjecture that Moulassa was part of the district Isba. 7. Sexxa. — The bishopric 2e/xi/eW seems to imply a town Semna (or ♦Semnos). There is here apparently an attempt to make the form give a meaniug in Greek. The form Sesenniorum in 431 suggests that the true form is Senna, corrupted Serna in Hierocles. There is no clue to the situation of Senna, except in its relations with Kasai. Le Quien mentions Xectarius Senneae twice, both as bishop of Sanaos in Phrygia, and correctly as bishop of Semneai (which is the form he wrongly infers from 6 %^ixvioiv), without noticing the inconsistency. 8. Kassai or Kasai was apparently a bishopric adjoining Sennea, and sometimes united with it under one bishop. In 431 Xectarius Casorum, with the marginal note Sesenniorum, was present at the Council of Ephesos ; and the Greek lists generally use the form NeKxaptos ima-KOTTos t^s iy ^cvvea KaOoXtKYj^s iKK\r](rLa<;. Ignatius was bishop of Semnea in 869 and of Kassai in 879.* Against these facts must be set the evidence of Cone. Const. 553, when we have Conon Semneatanorum or Semneonand Cyriacus Casatanorum (Casatorum, Curatorum). Either at this time the two towns were temporarily under separate bishops, in accordance with the law of Zeno (474-91 a.d.) quoted in the introduc- tion, or Semneon is an error for 'Etcvi'wv : the latter supposition is very improbable. At Cone. Const., a.d. 536, we have ©eoSwpos Kaaa-aTMv (in Latin Carissorum.)f Kasai is mentioned also at the end of some of the Isaurian lists, where we have ra 8e KXtfxara' ICao-o-cuV Bavapwv' BoXpoa-ov. The word nXifxaTa probably means ground sloping towards the sea, in which sense it seems to be used in Justinian.J From the character of the country it is probable that Kasai was on the slopes a little back from the sea on the frontier of Pamphylia and Isauria. This exactly agrees with Ptolemy, who mentions Laerte, Kassai, Lyrbe, Kolobrassos and Kibyra as KlXlklos Tpaxeitt? /xecroyaot in the province Pamphylia. Laerte and Kibyra are known to have been close to the sea. * Athanasius of Semnea and Ignatius of Kaseai, in 879, are rival bishops, Ignatian and Photian. t At Cone. Chaloea Marcellinus or Marcianus Coralliae or Caiissorum occurs. In both cases Carissa is probably a pure error. X ot ye ■rrphsTo7s K\l/xa(n Kei/xevai Stt'WTTTj re koI "'A^uttroy., Justin., Novel, xxviii., where the word seems to be used in the same sense; but in Act. Ti.eodori Syceotae, p. 40 (in loco Mazaniae, qui est ad Siberim superiorem sub climate Miiozeniae), it is used in the ordinary sense of "a region." 418 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 9. Etenna and Kotenna are very hard to separate. The following list gives most of the facts known about them. |Troilu8 \Hesychiu8 Geonensis (Tfvccu corrupted to Tfvwp) Cantinensis (Kotenensis) 381 381 CAkukios \Evrp6irios KorcvvSiu 'Erfvywv 431 431 j Evy €uios* \Evd6^ios Korevvwv 'ET€PVUV 451 451 KoTeuwp (Cotenorum) 536 Kaj^Tayw;' ^rot Mauovwp 680 Joannes 'ErewMV 787 1 MaKapios Ao]i/, as Dr. O. Crusius writes to me : ib., D. 19, (7), read &(pi\€u, et Se x^p[f^]'» as M. Waddington warns me in a letter, and Dr. Wolters in a later number of ' Amer. Journ. Arch.' t Gt Izer fixes the date more narrowly between 787 and 812. X Gelzer only says earlier than 968. Cp. Act. Sisinnii, Sept. 8, p. 41. W.— PAMPHYLIA, CARIA, AND LYCIA. 421 15. In discussing the proper form of the name of the town which belonged to the Aay/Jcwi/ or Kay-qvoC (ASP. d 14, and e), I did not properly explain the facts, but advanced alternative views. The Pisidian name had a form approximating to Lagwa ; compare %ayovqv6s in the Tekmoreian inscriptions. This form was Grecised sometimes as Aayo77 (probably also Kayov-q)^ which appears in Polybius and probably has been corrupted in Livy from Lagoen to Lagon, sometimes as Ady/Srj (where (3, as frequently, is substituted for an earlier ov) in Aaypiwv of an inscription, and in Aay/3r]v6<; of an inscription and a coin, sometimes with the complete loss of the spirant as Aay^, implied in the Byzantine AayrjvoL. 16. In regard to Olbasa-Hadriane ASP., d 15, I may add another probable reference which I get from Le Quien. A certain Olympius, 'ASpiavowoXcws €7rtb-K07ro5 Trj<; AvKiaSy is mentioned as having confuted the error of Origen about the resurrection, in the scholia to cap. 7 of the work *de Ecclesiastica Hierachia,' v\hich is attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite. Le Quien understands that Hadrianopolis of Pisidia is meant ; but the error is perhaps of a different kind. Zosimus I., 69, speaks of Kremna as in Lycia, and Ptolemy assigns Sagalassos to Lycia : in both cases the Koman province Lycia-Pamphylia is the cause of the error, a city which strictly belongs to Pamphylia being spoken about as belonging to Lycia. So I understand that Olympius was bishop of Hadrianopolis of Lycia-Pamphylia. This explanation supposes that the original authority for the statement wrote before the middle of the fourth century, when Lycia and Pamphylia were separated. 17. The route of the consul Gneius Manlius Vulso in w.c. 189, has been discussed in stages in former papers, and alluded to in this work, pp. 135, 142, 143. It is therefore unnecessary to spend any time in repeating what I have said previously. The route from Ephesos by Magnesia, Hiera Kome, Antiocheia, Gordiou Teichos, Tabae, the river Kazanes, Eriza, Thabusion, Sinda, the river Kaulares, lake Karalitis, Mandropolis, Lagoe, Fountains of the Lysis, Kolobatos, Isinda, a point a little north of Termessos where he turned and marched north again, the river Tauros, Xyline Kome, Kormasa, Darsa, Agri Sagalassensium, and Aporidos Kome to Ehocrini Fontes, has been described in ASP. E. The readings are there proposed in the text of Livy Gordiu Teichos (doubted by Waddington), Kazanes (proved by Waddington), Lagoen, Rhocrinos Fontes. The march from Aporidos Kome by Ehocrini Fontes, Metropolitanus Campus, Dinia-Khelidonia, to Synnada and Beudos Vetus, has been discussed in my paper * Metropolitanus Campus ' and in CB. Lvir. Aporidos Kome is still called Baradis, and lies a few miles east of Bindaios-Eudoxiopolis. The continuation of the march by Anaboura, Mandri Fontes, Abbassos, Lalandum Flumen, has been described in my paper * Inscrip- 422 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA Mli^OR. tions Inedites d'Asie Mineure,' where the proposed readings Mandri Fontes and Lalandura Fhimen are justified. The march next led through the village Tyscon, where amhassadors from the Pisidian tribe Orondeis came to the Roman general, a fact which suits a situation a little east of Amorion, for the ambassadors would naturally come by Hadrianopolis, Pissia (Piri-Bei-li), and Amorion. The army then advanced to Plitendum and Alyattos apparently in two days, and after some delay to Cuballum : whence several days' march brought him to the Sangarios. The short distance from the sources of the Lalandos to the Sangarios shows that Manlius was advancing by very short marches, while he was trying the effect of negotiation on the Gauls. The river was crossed by a bridge, con- structed by the army at a point south-east of Pessinus, south or south- west of Gordion. After this he must have again crossed the Sangarios, but as there was certainly a bridge already in existence on the road from Pessinus and Gordion to Ankyra, the passage of the river is not mentioned. 18. The frontier of Caria and Phrygia has been discussed in ASP, c. I give here a table of the bishoprics, but several of the correspondences are very doubtful, e.g. that of Eriza with Siza. There can be little doubt that in the Notitia3 the Roman name Sebastopolis is replaced by the original native name, but which of the names at the bottom of the Table corresponds to Sebastopolis is uncertain. Probably the decisive passage lurks in some ecclesiastical document. The same is the case with Xcopta HarpLfjiovLa (i.e. patrimonialifi) with the dittography Krrj/xa (fivXiKOLov, which from being a marginal note has crept into the text as 1^0-KTr}IXa-XLKU.L, 19. Besides the Carian cities mentioned in the table, coins were also struck during the Roman period by Kyon, Euippe, Euralion, Euromos, Hydrela,* Plarasa, and Bargasa. Of these, probably, Euromos was under the bishopric of Mylasa, Hydrela „ „ „ Brioula in Asia, Plarasa „ „ „ Aphrodisias, Except Kyon, the others are unknown, but it is certain that the im- portance and civilisation of the Carian coast was greatest in early times, and steadily decreased in the Roman and Byzantine period. Mr. W. R. Pa ton tells me that Roman imperial coins are very rare in his experience on the Carian coast. 20. Kyon. — The situation of Kyon was discovered by MM. Cousin and Deschamps. It would be difficult to find a more carelessly written article on ancient antiquities than that in which they have described * Hy\aaa 18. MvXdtTiraiu 19. Mu\c((r(rti)i' 17 'S.TpaToviKTi ZTPATONIKEnN Stratonicea 'SrparoviKeia 16. ^rparouiKlas 17. STpaToriKeias 15 AMYZONEWN Amazon 'A/xvC^v 19. Mlfou 20. M.lCu, 18 AAINAEDN Alinda "AXipSa 17. ■AX(i-5»i' 18. ■AAli'Sa.;' 16 'A\fi$avSa AAABANAEQN Alabanda 'A\d0auSa. 15. 'AXaSmSav 16. 'A\oflc!i'5w>' U 'Op6ui(rta openziEnN *Op6o(Tlds 13. 'OpeoatdSos 14. 'OpOcacidSos 12 "Apiraaa (APnAZHNnN • KAI • -Ap,.^. 11. "A/3iri;(ro.i/ 12. 'Apirairoil' 10 InEAHOAITON • OMONOIA 12. NcairdAeais 13 NtaJT&eios 11 YAAAPIMEQN "f\dpT}fxa 23. Aapi^a,v 24. 'TAopffimi' 23 .ANTIOXEnN Antioclieia •A^Tiix^ca 9. 'AvTioxeras TTjs Mfi-du^pov 10. 'Avrtox^ias Toy M. 8 A<)>POAIJ;iEnN Aplirodisias {XfiTpoTT. AtppoZtfTids I. 1. STau/JouTrtiAewj I. 1. SravpovniA.., I. 1 HPAKAEnrnN 'HpaKXelas 2aA^n«T)S 4. 'HpaK\e£a! 2a\3t^'fo'' 4. 'HpaKAefas SKaA^at*?^ (Tabae, Strabo) TABHNnN Td&ai 7. Taflix 8. Tafi&f ' AiroWwvla irphs 'AX^av^ AnoAAnNiAxnN ZEBAZTOnOAEIXnN Apollonia 'AiToWavids SfSatrTuVoAi! 5. ' Ana/^XufidSos 5. ^'AwoWiiii'idSos 4 lAZEnN • lAZZEnN lassos 20. •I«(r,roD 21. 'Ia(T(rou 20 •Ep^f7)^o. (rend -vol) EPIZHNnN Eriza 'Epefos 3. ^ICuu 19 BAPrYAIHXnN MapKiavouiruKis 21. ToC BapffuMov 23. BapffuKlov 21 (Bap/3) KIAPAMHNnN ' Aya(rTa{riQvTTO\is 28. Kij/Spa/iwr 29. KivSpiiiiiioi' 27 (KivS.) XlvAaKOtov (■tyAa«e?o(') Xvpla TlaTpifiSfia Klff. OAYMnHNnN Olympos Olympos "OAV/ITTOS 13. 'OAu^irou 18. TArATON rdya 9. Tdruv AKAAIZEEnN Capidalenais? Leontius ? Calindos 28. ■AKoM.rtroS 10. ^A-yapaaav 29. Ae/iio-troD (om. III.) 34. AStcrffoi AIMYPEnN Lim,ia Limyra Limyra APYKANAEnN Akalanda 'ApvKavSa Orykanda 8. 'ApvKdvSov 5. 'PoKacSou noAAAinrnN Padulla (Podalia, 879) 7. UTjSaXlas 4. no5«Ae(as XnMATEIXnN Kboma Ivhoma (Khoma, 879) 22. Xli/AOTOS 23. KOPYAAAAEHN Korydallos Korydallos Koiydallos 15. Kopv^dWoiv 24. KopuBaAoif MYPEQN Myra Myra Mupa fj.T}Tf}6irQKis Myra 1. i Mvpajf 1 Mypa (ntcrii/oGcT xm.) rHeliodorua \ arensiB 'Apvia 10. "Api/e'ioi/ KYANEITON Kv6.VtCLL 38 K.ni/ea... g AnEPAAEITQN 6 'ATpiAXuip EAAEITnN 24. *eA\oy n ♦sAAoS ANTI4>EAAEITnN AntiplicUos Antiphelloa 25. 'AvTif4AKov KANAYBEON .. KduSvffa Kandyba 23. Kaptdfiun 14 AYKinN-KPA (Eudokias, 536) 32. EuSoKiaSos 29. Eii5o»ici5o5 HATAPEON Patalei Patara Tldrapa Patara 33. IIoTiipa);' 21. ZANOinN Xanthos (Xanthos, 692) 18. Sdrtoi. 8. Etii-eou Koba, Komba 31. AVSuik 22. Mitral Nyssa 35. N^ffwi- 30. niNAPEnN fCratinua \ \Panorniitanns / Uivapa Pinara " Sidyma Didyma 11. 2i5ifvovTLov,* perhaps belong to one place. So certainly 'Avao-racrios Tvpdov and Ktovo-Tavrtvos Tvpacov, ^AvTLO)(otones, began and ended in Asia, yet traversed mainly a different province. The road lay entirely in Asia, when the frontier is rectified. P 166 (E, 4), compare p. 155 (D, 4). The inscription discovered by Dr. E. Fabricius, from which the site of Argiza is inferred, will be accessible in the supplement to C. I. L., III., before the present work is published. It was found at Balia (i.e. TraXata) Bazar Keui. The published maps are not sufficiently trustworthy to show whether this village, or the site whence the inscription was brought to the village, can be on the road from Pergamos to Cyzicos. I therefore retain the conjectural position given to Argesis on the road, and on the map, though I believe that Argesis is merely the ablative of Argiza. I have the firm conviction that everything which I have said about Poimanenon, Argiza, Ergasterion, &c., will have to be modified when the modern geography is pictured in a trustworthy map, but I also hope that the modifications required to adapt my words to the truth will be obvious to every reader. The view which I think most probable is that the Table has mixed up two roads : (1) Pergamos [55 Ergasteria] Argiza-Poimanenon 35 Cyzicos. (2) Pergamos-Adramyttion-Argiza-Poimanenon-Cyzicos. P. 173 (E, 21). I cannot venture to be more precise as to the boundary between Karalitis and the sea. The river Indos of Pliny and Livy is rightly distinguished by Kiepert in his recent map from the Kalbis of Strabo and Ptolemy. The Kalbis lies within the Koman province Asia, and the Indos is probably the boundary between Asia and Lycia. P. 173 (E, 22). With regard to the TrpayfiarevTat, Mr. Pelham sends me a note, which shows that this Greek term is a rendering of adores ( and not, as I have assumed in the text, of negotiator es). He compares Dig, 40, 5, 41, "^TL^ov Koi Adfiav tous Trpay/xarevras fJiOV, ous ovk eAeu- ADDENDA. 431> Oipoio-a quaero si paratis actoribus &o. : Plin., Epist. III.,. 19, eodem procuratore iisdem actoribus : Plin., Paneg. 36, actori et etiam procuratori tuo : Cod. XI., 72, de conductoribus et procuratoribus^ sive actoribus praediorum fiscalium : ib., 73, actores sive conductoreS' dominicos : Cod. Theodos., II., 31, servo, colono, conductori, procuratori, actorive. The acto7' was a slave charged with the rationes. Mr. Pelham also writes to me : jpraepositi pagorum are mentioned Cod. Theod. YII., 4, XII., 6, &c. They seemed to have replaced the old popularly elected magistri, had evidently some duties connected with the annona, and are coupled with p-aepositi horreorum. The office and its duties are discussed by M. Voigt, ' Drei Epigraphische Con- stitutionen Constantins ' (Leipzig, 1860, p. 169): see also for the office- as a munus to which curiales were liable, Kuhn, I., pp. 243, 244. There is no trace of it before the fourth century. The change from the elective magister to the praepositus, or praefectus (Orelli, 4025), has always seemed to me characteristic of the centralising tendencies of the empire." P. 176 (E, 22). But the inference that Tymbrianasa was included in Galatia at the time when this boundary-stone was set up, is not certain. The governor and procurator of Galatia might be acting in the matter because Sagalassos was at that time in Galatia, and the boundary-stone was a limit between the provinces Galatia and Phrygia. I prefer, on the whole, for the reasons given in Addenda to E, 1, tO' suppose that these estates were in Asia from the first, and that Manius Aquilius constructed a road from Apameia to Cibyra, which ran along the southern frontier of the new province, keeping within it the whole way. P. 181 (F, 15, 16). Ptolemy mentions UaraovLov as a city of Bi- thynia, and Mannert, Forbiger, &c., on his authority, speak of Pataviura. The name must be corrected to TaraovLov. It is often referred to-, generally as Tataion or Tottaion, in the Itineraries, the Peutinger Table, and numerous Byzantine documents. The form Tateabio, which is found in the Peutinger Table, is an error for Tatabio (the ablative being used as in many other instances). The Phrygian personal names Tatas and Tottes are connected with Tataion and Tottaion, as Dorylas is with Dorylaion ; compare Kotyaion and Kotys, Akkilaion and Akeles- or Akylas, Attaia and Attes or Atys, Anaia and Anes. Tottes and Tatas are therefore only varieties of one name. The identity of Tataion and Tottaion is paralleled by Attalos and Ottalos, Atreus and Otreus (see p. 189), and is placed beyond doubt by the references quoted in the annexed table of the bishoprics of Bithynia. Taraev? or Tara-^vo? occurs among the Xenoi Tekmoreioi, proving that a village Tataion existed also on the Phry go-Pi sidian frontier; and UaTrarjvoq proves there a village Papaion, connected with the divine and the personal name Papas. VOL. IV. 2 G 440 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. P. 191 (F, 81, note). M. Theod. Reinacli's note on the Roman Bithynian era seems to me to be a retrogressive step. He places tho government of Bithynia by Pansa in B.C. 48-7, supposing that Pansa was sent to govern Bithynia immediately after the battle of Pharsalia, Aug. 9, 48 B.C. But (1) On. Domitius Calviniis was probably the official who directed Caesar's interests in Asia and Bithynia in 48-7 ; (2) both Pansa and Hirtius were able to report to Cicero about April 47 (Ep. ad Att., XL, 14, 3) the language used by Quintus, which is a conclusive proof that Pansa was not in Bithynia at that time. Probably Pansa was left in Bithynia by Caesar during the summer of 47, or even after the victory of Zela on Aug. 2, 47. Probably the coins were not struck before the autumn equinox, when a new Bithynian year began. This year was 236 according to the coins of Nikaia and Apameia. In the year 46, Pansa returned to Eome (Cic. ad Fam., VI., 12, 2). We have therefore the fixed point that the Bithynian year 236 corresponds to 47-6 B.C., and therefore the year 1 corresponds to 282-1 B.C. Some event in the course of the last three months of 282 or in the first nine months of 281, gave a reason for reckoning this the Bithynian year 1 ; and Mommsen may. well be correct in assigning as the reason the death of Lysimachos and consequent triumph of the Bithynian dynasty. Still the supposition is not absolutely excluded that the coins may have been struck immediately before the equinox of 47, and that the year 236 began at the equinox of 48, which would make 283-2 the Bithynian year 1. P. 193 (F, 84). Probably one of the eleven civitates instituted by Pompey in Pontus was Neapolis, which did not long survive him. Strabo (p. 560) mentions that Pompey constituted Phazemon (about the hot springs of Marsovan or Merzifon) a ttoAis, and apparently made it part of the province, but some time afterwards it was put under the rule of kings. P. 193 (F, 84). The authority on which Mr. Head, Hist. Num., p. 434, relies, when he mentions Sebaste Paphlagoniae as a city coining money, is Mionnet (Suppl., IV., p. 570), who quotes five coins described by Sestini. Of these, three read C6BACTH : the otheis read respectively ZEBAZTHNn MHT and CEBACTHMHTPOnA*. Sestini says (Lett. di Contin., V., pp. 35, 36), that two of the first three came from Galatia; but he was led to attribute all the coins to Sebaste, the modern Sivas, on seeing the last coin, which belongs to the Chaudoir collection.* This attribution is certainly false : for the ancient name of Sivas was ^e/^acrreta not ^e^ao-T7j, and it was not in Paphlagonia. Either Sestini misread the last coin and all belong to the Galatian Sebaste (Ankyra), or the Phrygian Sebaste, or else an otherwise unknown Sebaste Paphlagoniae must have existed. I am indebted to * This collection is now, I believe, in St. Petersburg: my authority is M. Waddington, if I do not misrepresent him. ADDENDA. 44:1 Mr. Wroth's ' Coins of Pontus and Bithynia,' and to his private letters, for mucli help on this and other points. But see p. 453. P. 194 (F, 84). Timolaion is erroneously given as a city that struck ooins by Mr. Head, * Hist. Num.,' p. 435. The coin formerly attributed is, according to Mr. Wroth, * Coinage of Pontus,' &c., p. xiii, a badly preserved coin of Akmonia. P. 194 (F, 85). The era of Amisos is generally agreed to date B.C. 33, when the tyrant Straton was expelled and the city freed. But Strabo, p. 547, certainly says that the liberation took place in 30, during Augustus's eastern journey, and this contradiction led me to investigate i;he subject more minutely. With the help of information freely given by Mr. Head and Mr. Wroth, I reach the following conclusions : — When Amisos was set free, it adopted as its era the great victory of its liberator at Actium. The battle was fought on Sept. 2 in the year 31, and the current civil year at that date was reckoned as the year 1. The year of Amisos must have ended either at the autumn equinox or the winter solstice : the evidence is not absolutely certain as to which of these points was the new year, but is inconsistent with a spring or summer new year, and points to an autumn change as more probable. The following important dates occur on coins_ reported to me : — Amisos 1 ends Sept. 22, B.C. 31 Actium, Sept. 2, 31 101 „ „ A.D. 70 Galba (died Jan. 69) as Oehs ar^affrSs 168 169 248 27[2] 272 137 Sabina, 138 L. Aelius Caesar, died Jan. 138 217 Caracalla, died April 8, 217 241 Grordian III,, began to reign 239 241 Tranquillina, became empress 241. The coin of Galba was struck after his death, for he is styled Oeos ; and no inference can be drawn from the fact that he died in the year -of Amisos 100. The date on the coin of Sabina is important : it shows that her death was not announced at Amisos till after the year 168 had been running some time, i.e. till after September 23, 136. The last date is also important. It is inferred by Schiller from the coins of Alexandria that Tranquillina was married to Gordian III. between Aug. 30, 241 and Aug. 29, 242. From the comparison of this coin of Amisos we may now argue that the marriage took place before Sept. 22, 241. The principle that the ordinary civil year in Avhich the era occurred was reckoned as 1 is important, and I shall therefore confirm it by another case. It is of course well known that the era of the province Asia (used, however, only in Phrygia and the eastern parts of Lydia, never in the western and more civilised parts of the province) is the reorganisation by Sulla, B.C. 84. But it has been proved conclusively that the year 1 of that era begins in 85 B.C. The ordinary civil year 2g2 442 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MI^^OR. which was running, when the reorganisation was carried into effect, was reckoned 1. A Phrygian inscription is dated pojS' in the month Panemos in the consulship of Domitian XIY. and L. Minucius Eufus,*" i.e. between Jan. and April of 88 a.d. Now Panemos is the ninth- month of the year, therefore the Phrygian year must have begun during the summer. It may seem strange that the Phrygian year began in summer, and I have myself hitherto always supposed it to begin, like; the year of the Aegean coast cities, and of Asia in general, at the autumn equinox; but the above result agrees exactly with M. Waddington's conclusion (on Le Bas 980) that the year 1 had begun before Aug. 31, 85 B.C. As to the exact day when the Phrygian year began, only two possibilities seem open ; it must have begun either at the summer solstice, or about July 1, when the Roman Proconsuls of Asia probably entered on office.f Now it is highly improbable that the first day of the Phrygian year would have been changed from the usual Asian date at the autumn equinox except for the sake of being accommodated to a Roman custom and a solar year. I therefore conclude that in Phrygia and Upper Lydia the solar year was in vogue, and began on July 1st. The inscription in question, then, is dated in March, 88 a.d^ Many dates which have hitherto been explained on the supposition that the Phrygian era began in the latter part of 85 B.C. must be changed according to the following table. First Phrygian month called Dios is July Second " 55 Apellaios ,, August Third Audunaios „ September Fourth „ J5 55 Peritio3 „ October Fifth 55 Dustros November Sixth 55 55 Xanthikos Artemisios December Seventh ,, 55 Artemisios January Eighth „ 55 55 Daisies February Ninth 55 55 Panemos „ March Tenth 55 55 Loos 5 5 April Eleventh „ 55 Gorpiaios 5 5 May Twelfth „ 55 Hyperberetaios ,, June I shall take another example from the eras of Cibyra and of the province Pamphylia. M. Waddington (Le Bas, No. 1213) says that the year 1 of the Cibj ratio era began at the autumn equinox of the year 25- (a pour point de depart I'automne de I'annee 778). But the year 193 of Cibyra was running during the months of June, July, a.d. 218, for coins of Elagabalus, who was declared emperor on May 16, and of Macrinus, who died on June 8, in that year, both occur with the date 193. There- * Klein gives, on uncertain grounds, the praenomen of this consul as Quintus. The- inscription, ' Journ. Hell. Stud.,' 1883, p. 432, gives the correct form. New consuls^ came into office on April 15. t I assume that there was an official date for the entrance of the new proconsul ta office, and take approximately the;date July 1. ADDENDA. ^- - 443 fore tlie year 193 of Cibyra began Sept. 217, and ended Sept. 218 ; which proves that the year 1 of Cibyra began Sept. 24 and ended Sept. 25. From this I infer that some important event took place during that year which led the people to reckon the current year as the first of their new system. According to my interpretation of an inscription of Palaiopolis in Pisidia, published ASP., d, 16, the year 150 of Cibyra corresponded to the year 102 of another era which was also employed there. This other era I suppose to be that of the formation of the new province Pamphylia-Lycia by Vespasian. Palaiopolis is divided only by the small river Lysis from the territory of the province Asia and conventus Cibyra, in which the era of Cibyra was commonly used; and its in- habitants therefore naturally employed both their own provincial era and the Cibyra tic era. Now if the year 102 extend from Sept. 174 to Sept. 175 (which is 150 of Cibyra), the year 1 extends from Sept. 73 to Sept. 74. I therefore understand that, when a new governor arrived in spring or summer, a.d. 74, to govern the new province Lycia- Pamphylia, the inhabitants reckoned the year that was running when the new system began as the year 1. P. 196 (F, 86). Mr. Wroth, ' Coinage of Pontu8,* &c., p. 13, shows that the coinage of Dion or Dia is confined, so far as is known, to the age of Mithradates : the imperial coin of Augustus attributed to it in ' Hist. Num.,' p. 440, is a badly preserved coin of Sardis. This therefore proves that it is not likely to be the twelfth city meant by Pliny, which then must rather be a komopolis composed of the regiones Doris or Dablis and Tataion, in which there were curiales, implying a certain political constitution (Cod. Theod., XII., 1, 119). P. 197 (F, 88). The account of the province Bithynia given by Mr. Hardy in his most useful and praiseworthy edition of Pliny's corre- spondence with Trajan, p. 49, is not quite correct. He makes the Sangarios the eastern boundary, and yet names in the province several •cities far east of the Sangarios. The more usual statement, that the Billaios is the boundary, is hardly less inaccurate on the opposite side. The Billaios lies east of the strict boundary of Bithjnia. Yet it is not an uncommon statement that the Billaios lies west of the Bithynian fiTontier, and that the Parthenios is nearer the true boundary ; and Prof. Kiepert, in his latest map, places the frontier line much further east even than the Parthenios. The proof given in the text from Strabo and Justinian of the true frontier seems to me conclusive. The very name Heracleia in Ponto is itself conclusive : there is no other sense for it, as used on imperial coins, than " in the province Pontus," though I do not d^ny that originally the city may have been distinguished from others of the same name as "Heracleia on the (Euxine) Sea." In the new province of Bithynia, formed not later than Diocletian, Heracleia was included, but not Krateia or Tion (Justinian, Novel, xxix.). Moreover, 444 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. tiie letter of Pliny to Trajan, 75, seems conclnsive that Heracleia and Tion were both in Pontus, not in Bithynia. Mr. Hardy also attributes to Pliny the list of the XII. civitates of Bithynia, which he gives. Pliny gives only the number, but not the names, mentioning only Juliopolis or Gordou Kome, and (perhaps) Daskylion. The list depends, not on the authority of Pliny, but on that of Marquardt, and is, as I have shown in the text, incorrect. Mar- quardt's error in naming Tium as one of the eleven cities of Pontus, andi Tius as one of the twelve of Bithynia (in addition to Cius), has now become traditional, and is repeated by every person who speaks about the province. Tius and Tium are the same city, which belongs to Pontus. Mr. Hardy also speaks of Prusias or Hyppias : the name Hyppias (or rather Hypias) for the city does not, so far as I know,, occur. I mention these faults, not from any desire to pick faults in a most careful and meritorious book, but as an example of the numerous errors that I find in almost every paragraph of every writer touching on Asia Minor. If we must speak about Asia Minor, surely it is as well that there should be some trustworthy book to use as an authority, for it cannot be expected that every one shall verify from original authorities every statement about the country. P. 203 (G, 10). Since this was written, further study has shown me that Koloneia in Constantino must mean Koloneia of Armenia. The blunder which this implies is much more serious than the one which I have attributed to him in the text, and shows astounding ignorance of geography, but no other interpretation seems possible. It is then necessary to beware of correcting a geographical error in Constantino. In Them. p. 14, he ought to have said that Salutaris extends from Akroenos to Amorion, but we must not actually alter his text. In Them., p. 19, he makes Rodentos and Podantos two places, whereas they are only a wrong and a right name of one place. P. 217 (G, 38). While I think that the course of the military road from Dorylaion to the Halys was as I have described it in the text, I fully acknowledge that the proof is incomplete. The alternative route down the Tembris valley and up the Istanoz Su to Ankyra has much to recommend it : it was the Eoman road, and it seems the more natural road. But the arguments that lead me to prefer the other route are,. (1) the situation of Justinianopolis, whose obvious importance requires; a situation on the road, (2) the situation of Kaborkion, which can hardly have been very far from the road, (3) the bridge Zompi, which seems to have been decidedly further south than the mouth of the Tembris. Doubt exists only on the section between Akkilaion-Krasos and Gorbeous-Akarbous ; but the rest is more nearly certain. P. 219 (G, 23). Gezatorix is evidently a Gaulish chief, and bears a most interesting name, which connects the Gauls of Asia with those of ADDENDA. 445 the west. My friend, Mr. Neil, points out to me that Gezatorix is for Gaisato-rix, king of the Gaisati, or " Spearmen." P. 232 (H, 20). Gelzer remarks that the elevation of Amorion to be a metropolis over a group of bishoprics is probably earlier than the sack of the city by the Arabs in 838. It was antokephalos in 787. P. 236 (H, 25). Prof. W. Robertson Smith writes to me that this route "is to be found in more original form in Ibn-Khordadhbeh, p. 101, sq. (Transl., p. 74) " as- Forest of ' Ammiiria. 15 m. to the villages of Harrab. 2 „ ,, Saghari, the river of 'Ammuria. 12 „ „ Al-Ilj (the Barbarian), or on another reading, Al-Pajj. 15 „ „ Falami (var. Calami) of the forest. 12 „ „ The Jews' Castle, Hisn-al-Yahud. 18 „ „ Sandabari. 35 „ „ The meadow of the King's Asses in Daraulia (Dorylaion). 15 „ „ Hisn Ghariibuli (with several variants). 3 „ „ Kanais-al-Malik (the King's Churches). 25 „ „ Al-Toliil (the Hillocks). 15 „ „ Al-Akwar. 15 „ „ Malajina. 5 „ „ The King's Stables. 30 „ „ Hisn-al-Ghabra. 25 „ „ The Strait. This more accurate account confirms the interpretation in the text. The Sangarios and Dorylaion are established. The distance — 30 or 35 — from Dorylaion to Santabaris points to the situation of the latter at Bardakchi. Gharubuli or Gharoboli is mentioned also in another place by Edrisi, as one of the eleven fortresses of the district Lamchik, the others being Mkia, el Jehoudi, Agradh, Libadhia (Dorylaion), and Nikomedia. The route here given shows that Gharoboli is probably the fortress called Kiz Kale, marked by Kiepert beside Inn Ongu (Inn Oghi). Al-Akwar or El-Agradh must be Vezir Khan, and Al-Tolul or Mulawwen must be Bilejik. The King's Churches, the Basilika of Anna Comnena on the road alike to Kotiaion and to Dorylaion from Nikaia, must be Inn Ongu. El Jehoudi is clearly Hisn-al-Yahud. The other great divisions of Asia Minor, according to Edrisi, are Abhlakhonia, Malatia, El-Afa-chim, Batalous (including Alamin, Merdj- el-Chahm, Machkensin or Mechkenis, Barghouth, Amouria), Djarsioun (Housba = Sivas), Baklan (Ankira, Tamalo, Talbour, Tokhat, Kaisari), Arminiac (Konia, Khizlassa [elsewhere put in Baklan], Ladikie, Dirakio, Kaloumi, Belouti), Djaldia (Arsea or Erzeroum), Selefkia, Benadek (Adana, El-Massissa, Korra, Tibra, El«Adjouf, Dzoul'kila). Colonel Stewart gave me the following, estimates from Brussa, — 446 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. 18 miles Gemlek, 48 Isnik (Nikaia), 64^ Lefke, 80^ Bilejik, 98| Yeni Shelier, 112 Aine Gol. Another route is from Isnik, 16J Lefke, 26 Yezir Khan, 36^ Bilejik, 44^ Yeni Keui, 54^ Sugut, 80 Sugut Keui, 85^ Eski Sheher (Dorylaion), 123 Kutaya. P. 245 (K, 7) Juliopolis was perexigua civitas in a.d. 112, as Pliny mentions to Trajan, Ep. 73. Ignatius is mentioned, in 869, sometimes as bishop of Juliopolis, sometimes as bishop of Basileion. P. 246 (K, 10), Theodorus is said, in 'Diet. ChrLst. Biogr.', to have been bishop of Daras or Anastasiopolis. He was really bishop of Lagania : I know no authorit}^ for the statement about Daras, which is a city of Mesopotamia, never mentioned in the biography of S. Theodorus. The date of the birth of Theodorus is uncertain, but must have been about 540-50. P. 247 (K, 11). Since the text has been printed Sir C. W. Wilson informs me that the road Caesareia-Terzili-Gone-Alaja, to which I have attributed so much importance here and on pp. 265 and 268, is actualty a route of the first consequence. It is the araba route from Caesareia to the coast at Samsun. Goods carried on horseback can find a shorter route, but waggons from Samsun (Amisos) go by Marsovan (Phazemon), Tchorum, Alaja, to Caesareia. The distance from Marsovan by Kanli Bunar Pass, Doghanji (24 miles), and Sitlik Boghaz, to Tchorum is about 36 miles, and from Tchorum by Tekiye Hatab Dere and Babu Oglu (12 miles) to Alaja in Hussein Ova is about 27 miles. The point where this road crossed the Byzantine military road would be an important centre, and hence we understand why Basilika Therma was a bishopric. P. 248 (K, 14). Kaloumne must be the same place that is called by Edrisi Kaloumi. Edrisi mentions as cities of the Arminiac district, Konia, Khizlassa, Ladikie, Dirakio, Kaloumi, Belouti. Of these Konia and Ladikie really belong to the Anatolic Theme, called Batalous by Edrisi. I have found some reference to Kaloumne in one of the Byzantine writers, but have lost the note on the point : perhaps this may meet the e^^e of some reader who can complete my account of the place. The suggestion that Kaloumne (see p. 445) is Kotch Hisar, rests solely on the fact that Kaloumne was a place that became important only in very late time. Such places usually continue to be important in Turkish time. It was in Galatia, and its growing importance must be due to its situation on a road that acquired importance only in later time. That was the case with the direct road from Ankyra to Archelais, which was of no consequence while the route by Parnassos was in use, but which must rise to importance after that route fell into decay. Kotch Hisar could hardly be in Poman Galatia, according to the boundaries indicated by Ptolemy, but the Jerusalem Itinerary extends Galatia much further south than Ptolemy does. Kademna^ ADDENDA. 447 whicli is given in Phrygia Salutaris in Notitia I., is perhaps Kaloumne erroneously spelt and transferred to the wrong province. P. 253 (K, 21). Ptolemy's enumeration of the cities of Pontus •Galaticus and Polemoniacus (v. 6, § 9, 10) is on the whole so good as to be probably taken, in the main, from a Eoman document. Pontus ^Galaticus was added to Galatia, b.c. 7, as is proved by the era of Amaseia, combined with Strabo, p. 5G1 ; but it was probably enlarged, in B.C. 2, by the addition of some territory on the south, including ^ebastopolis-Heracleopolis, and in a.d. 38-9 by the addition of Komana and some territory on the east, tdken probably after the death of Dyteutos. The districts which Ptolemy calls Pontus Polemoniacus and Cappadocicus were incorporated in the Province of Galatia in A.D. 63. That era appears on the coins of Neocaesareia and Zela, in Polemoniacus, and Kerasous and Trapezous in Cappadocicus. From the names we may conclude that the former was subject to the dj^nasty of Polemon, but not the latter. The kingdoms of Pylaemenes and Deiotarus seem to have been in- corporated in Galatia in b.c. 7, as is shown by the era of Neoclaudi- opolis and Gangra, and to have constituted the district which was henceforth, under the name Paphlagonia, included in the province Galatia. But Ptolemy's enumeration of the cities of Galatia (V. 4, § 6, 9) is not good ; in all probability he was deceived by the name Paphlagonia applied to a part of the province Galatia, and mentions in this Paph- lagonia all the names which he could, from other authorities, include in Paphlagonia, and thus puts in the Roman province various cities that belong to the Pontic part of Paphlagonia, i.e. to the province Bithynia- Pontus. Also his Claudiopolis, § 9, seems to be identical with his Neoclaudiopolis, § 6. P. 262-3 (L, 13). After the remarks in Addenda to p. 247, the idea suggests itself that the trade-route to Amisos passed not by Ladik and Ahmed Serai but by Marsovan (Phazemon) : the former is only a horse- road, the latter is an araba-road. Pp. 275-6 (N, 6) and p. 326 (P, 8). Compare also the following, from the Council of a.d. 680 (Acta, p. 646) : Georgius Episcopus territorii Daranysensis (AapavaAews) sea Analiblae magnae Armeniorum regionis. Comparing the Greek form Daranalis with Ptolemy's Karnalis of Chamanene and Karmala of Melitene, we may hazard the conjecture, confirming and completing the theory advanced in the text (p. 288-91), that in reality there are two places, Daranalis or Darnalis, near the borders of Armenia Minor, and Karmalis on the river Karmalas, which have been confused and misplaced by Ptolemy. P. 285 (0, I.). Compare Parthey, p. 318, 129, KoXwvta rj vvv Ta^apa. P. 305 (0, VII.). A comparison of the list of a.d. 692 with that of 448 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. Notitige, VII., VIII., I., makes it probable that Theodosiopolis of Armenia was the great fortress of Kamache or Ani. P. 324 (P, 6). Gelzer lias sbown tbat Eukbaita was an arcli- bishopric before 553 : he is disposed to think that it was elevated ta that rank between 536 and 553. I still continue to think that its elevation had taken place before Hierocles. It became a metropolis between 886 and 959, as Gelzer shows, p. 540. I may add two further arguments that the passage in Notitia III. about Eukhaita and Neai Patrai is corrupt, and that the four bishoprics probably are subject to Eukhaita. (1) Other Notitiss show that Mar- maritzana was subject to Neai Patrai, but Notitia III. adds it by error to the bishoprics subject to the preceding metropolis of Mitylene. (2) Notitia III. goes on to state that there are no bishoprics subject to Khonai; but I have shown in CB that a group of bishoprics round Khonai were in all probability subject to it. I therefore think that Notitia III. ought to read, Tw Newv narpwi/, 6 MapfxapLT^dvcav. T(3 EvxtttrcDV, 6 Pa^aAwv k.t.X. Tw 'A/xacrTptSos 0p6vo including Cilicia Tracheia. The situation which I assign to Lamos,. however, is merely a choice among difficulties, which I cannot clear up completely. Cinnamus and Strabo are distinctly adverse to me- Mr. Bent has kindly sent me a slight sketch of his splendid discoveries near the river Lamos ; and between the mouth of the river and the site of Olba are several ruins which may belong to the city Lamos. For the present, however, the arguments in this difficult case are not so strong as to make me waver in my allegiance to the Byzantine documents. P. 390 (V. 6). An additional argument for the site of Parlais so far to the west might be found in the inference drawn by Mommsen in his last edition of the Monumentum Ancyranum, p. 119, that Augustus founded no colonies in Lykaonia, but only in Pisidia. But in the first place Augustus must have interpreted the name Pisidia in a very wide sense ; for he founded Lystra. In the second place the inference from his words and his omissions cannot be pressed, for he does not claim to have founded any colonies in Galatia, yet Germa (see p. 224) seems to be his foundation. P. 423. M. Waddington informs me that on grounds of style, he is disposed to place Titakaza in Mysia. I purchased a copy of Eittmeister von Diest's " Yon Pergamon iiber den Dindymos zum Pontus " in London on May 5, 1890 ; and have to add some notes after a hasty glance over his most interesting and accurately written account of his journey. His paper is in many respects a model of what such a paper should be. In one point I am indebted to him for an important correction ; but in all other places where he breaks a lance with me, I remain of opinion that my arguments are untouched and unshaken. His descriptions of the country are clear, and his map is, in those parts where I have travelled, like a picture of what I saw. I have been struck with the same quality in Admiral Spratt's map of Pisidia, whereas in Kiepert's maps, drawn not from sight but from the reports of travellers, it is notably absent. In my book all attempt to describe the country has been precluded by consideration of space and time : and I see little prospect that I shall ever be allowed by other work to record great part of what I have learned about the country. Yon Diest pays great attention to the explanation of Turkish words, and we find in his work few errors. In a number of cases he gives me new information as to the meaning of names. My knowledge of Turkish has been entirely picked up by ear from the peasants, and it is exceedingly difficult to get from them any explanation of a name. I have always paid great attention to distinguishing Turkish from non- Turkish names ; but the peasants can hardly be brought to understand ADDENDA. 457 what you want when you ask what is the meaning of the name of their village. A village is called Okiiz Eyiik ; you ask the meaning ; the invariable reply is " It is the name." If after five minutes of explana- tion and questioning you elicit at last that the name means " Ox-Mound," you are very lucky. Of the slighter errors that occur in Von Diest's paper, I give some examples: p. 10, Karaveli, personal name, should be Kara Veli, " Black Veli ; " p. 5, Eri-gol should probably be Egri Goz, "Squint Eye," a very common name; ibid., Kotch means "Ram;" p. 15, Jaila (Yaila), " summer residence of nomadic or semi-nomadic tribes;" p. 17, Jaghschilar (Yaghjilar), "Hunters;" p. 19, Kosse, a word commonly misunderstood, is given correctly (or nearly so) ; p. 27, the account of Seibek (Zeibek) is thoroughly accurate for the first time in print, so far as I have seen ; p. 28, Kara-Chiderli ; Heuder (as I have spelt it) is, if I rightly understand my informant, the name of John Baptist; ibid., Harmanar should be Harmanlar. On p. 11 (compare my p. 117) he describes the ruins at Bergas, where Dr. Schuchhardt places Perperine. The fullest description is given by Fabricius in Athen. Mittheil., 1886. No evidence for the name Perperine is given except a general argument from the words of Strabo, p. 607. The passage of Galen, quoted in this book, p. 117 and p. 13, seems to have escaped the notice of all these writers. Galen expressly states that Perperine bordered on Pergamos. Von Diest fixes Larissa at Burnudschuk (Burunjiik), relying chiefly on Aristides's description of his journey from Smyrna to Kyme and Pergamos ; he does not mention that I discussed the journey at length, and fixed Larissa accordingly, in 1881. He also discusses the situation of Neon Teichos ; he rejects the situation at Yanik Keui (which I proposed in 1881), and places it between Boz Keui and Okiiz Keui, where, however, he says that he has in vain looked for ruins. He concludes from this, not as he ought that his situation is wrong, but that all traces have disappeared. Let me quote Prof. Ernst Fabricius against him (* Theben,' p. 5) : " menschliche Ansiedelungen pflegen die nattirliche Beschaffenheit des Bodens in einer Weise umzugestalten, idass die Spuren auf Jahrtausende unvertilgbar bleiben." These words are indubitably true. Not to spend a couple of pages on a point that I proved in 1881, I need only say that Von Diest's arguments do not seem to me to touch the point at issue. Neon Teichos and Larissa were rival cities competing for the command of the Hermas plain. Strabo's account of the foundation of Neon Teichos by Locrians before Kyme itself was founded, which Von Diest takes for real history, is a mere myth founded on the historical relation between Larissa and Neon Teichos. Several cases have struck me in which Von Diest has not quite accurately represented my words. On p. 26 he says that " Ramsay, der zuletzt diese Gegend bereiste," states the sources of the Pythikos as 2 H 2 458 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. being at Aigai. I was the first and not the latest visitor to Aigai, viz. in January, 1881. I went up from Ali Agha to it one day, and returned within forty-eight hours. The country was a blank on the maps, and, speaking in contrast to Myrina at the mouth, T loosely said that Aigai was " near the head of the " Pythikos. I am afraid that I have in many other cases used a similar expression, though I knew that the place of which I was speaking was miles below the actual source. The sketch map which I gave represented only what I had seen. No one had ever before ]3ut the Pythikos on a map, and I simply put it in as far as my eyes had seen it ; and my sketch was printed, emitting part of what I placed on it (viz. the two rivulets surrounding Aigai mentioned in my text) : as I did not see a proof of the map, it was out of my power to make any correction. This took place in 1881, and even in 1882 the map published by M. Pettier in the Bulletin makes the Pythikos rise far below Aigai and quite near the sea. Perhaps this is what Von Diest is thinking about. On p. 32 Von Diest attributes to me the paper describing the Pythikos valley and the ruins of Usun Assarlyk (Uzun Hassanli is the correct name), the description of which is so vague that he complains that even an eye-witness cannot follow it. I did not write the paper ; I have not explored the valley of the Pythikos ; I have never seen the ruins at Uzun Hassanli. On p. 48 he says that I have not visited the Murad Dagh (Mount Dindymos). That is not quite accurate. It is true that I did not make the same route as Von Diest describes ; but I have been very near Bel Ova, and received detailed information about Bel Ova, Oisu, and the other places described by Von Diest. All the names which he gives are familiar to me. My opinion was that there was here no city, but only villages comprised within the bishopric of Appia. Von Diest's clear and admirable description only confirms my opinion ; but ■still I fully acknowledge that of the two names which he suggests, Tiberiopolis may possibly belong to this neighbourhood. It is, however, highly improbable that a city with a coinage like Tiberiopolis should be situated in this remote and obscure district, where I doubt whether any trace of Graeco-Roman civilisation existed until the third century. I still see no reason to alter any opinion expressed in C. B., part II., about this district, and regard Von Diest's work as a distinct confirmation of mine. Von Diest argues on p. 41 against my opinion about Koula, and about the ancient village Koloe in Kara Tash district (see pp. 123 and 432). His arguments contain several inaccuracies. He considers it improbable " that the stone should have been carried ten miles across the mountains. Such statements of the Turks are always untrustworthy. The sixty -three Greek coins found in the neighbourhood attest that an ancient city existed at Koula ; Koula, therefore, is Koloe." I have only ADDENDA. 459 to remark that I have known larger stones carried a longer distance ; that there are no mountains between Kara Tash and Koula ; that I do not depend in this instance on any statement of Turks; that I have known Asia Minor more years than Von Diest months; that I have visited Koula three times, seen the stone on every visit, and investi- gated its history as carefully as I could. Yon Diest spent one night in Koula, and saw no ancient remains except some coins purchased by a physician in the town ; yet I know that numerous ancient remains exist in the town, brought chiefly from Satala, partly also from Tabala, Maeonia, and even greater distances. On the strength of this limited acquaintance with the town and its surroundings, Yon Diest is not justified in waiving aside my assertion, that the stone in question was brought from Kara Tash by a Greek dealer in madder-root, with the words "derartige Angaben der Turken sind vstets unzuverlassig." After ten years' experience I also have learned something about the worthlessness or value of such evidence ; and I have also learned that some travellers will pick up trustworthy information and see numerous remains where others will find no remains, and be told only falsehoods. Yon Diest places Trajanopolis at Ushak on the authority of Kiepert. I have shown that Trajanopolis was situated at Giaour Euren, " Infidel Kuins," about six English miles east of Ushak. Yon Diest gives this name incorrectly as Giauren. His transcription of Turkish names sometimes shows that he has not understood the peasants' pronunciation, which often slurs over a syllable (compare his Hadjischein for Hadji Hussein, on p. 47). Unfortunately, Yon Diest did not explore the branch of the Senaros that flows from Tchedje Keui past Banaz to Islam Keui. I have a suspicion that Alia may be found beside Banaz. Banaz was formerly the seat of government, which recently has been changed to Islam Keui. See p. 138. After reading Yon Diest's remarks about the Tembris valley, I see nothing to alter in what I have said about Prepenissos, Kotiaion, and Dorylaion. On the few points in which he differs from me I remain unconvinced by his arguments, and it is not advisable to spend more time on them. We now come to a point in which Yon Diest (p. 58) enables me to correct a mistaken argument in the text of this book (p. 207 ff.). I had refused to accept Texier's identification of Mudurlu with Modrene ; but according to Yon Diest the official name is Mudurnu. I cannot refuse to identify Mudurnu with Modrene. I must follow the natural and simplest interpretation of the evidence, whatever difficulties be caused thereby. Mudurlu, then, is a remarkable and indisputable example, such as I have long sought, of popular etymology modifying a name to 460 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA MINOR. get a form with a meaning in Turkish. I have, therefore, to retract and apologise for my words in speaking of Kiepert's "error" in identifying Mudurlu with Modrene. Next arises the question, does this affect the site of Mela, which was included under the same bishopric? I must answer in the negative. Justinianopolis-Mela seems to me to be placed on the Byzantine Military Eoad by the argument in Chapter G. But, if Ibora on the Iris and Pimolisa on the Halys were united under one bishop, I see no difficulty in assuming that Modrene and Mela, at a less distance from each other, were united under one bishop. Another difficulty arises with regard to the river Gallos and the village Modra at its source. Von Diest accepts Perrot's view that Modra also was situated at Mudurlu. This I cannot accept. Strabo distinctly asserts that Modra was in Phrygia Epiktetos, or Phrygia towards the Hellespont (p. 543), and Mudurlu cannot possibly be in Phrygia.* Moreover the bishopric of Gallos was subject to the metro- politan of Nikomedeia, and I have tried to show what were the limits of Nikomedeian authority. The argument which I have advanced about the river Gallos from Strabo's statement as to its distance from Nikomedeia is also, I think, strong. Von Diest's argument on p. 58 is founded on a mistranslation. Strabo does not say that the Sangarios becomes navigable in consequence of the access of water from the river Gallos. The change of position of Modrene relieves us of the difficulty with regard to the bounds of the Themes, as described on p. 211. Justinian's bridge over the Sangarios (see p. 214) is said by Von Diest to be about 6 or 8 kilometres from the present bed of the river. It is built over the river Tchark Su (which flows out of the Sabandja Lake, and joins the Sangarios not very far from the sea), the Meias of Pachymeres, II., p. 331 (see p. 210). It has now no connection with the Sangarios, though the country between them is level, so that a former connection is quite possible. The bridge has eight arches, and is 435 metres long. Von Diest's paper is full of information about the Kaikos valley. It remains for some one now to do the Kaystros and Maeander valleys. P. 127 and p. 155. MM. Waddington and Imhoof Blumer assign all the coins to Germe on the Kaikos. The opinion expressed in the text was not founded on proper study, and for the present I of course defer to their opinion. P. 342. Mr. Bent has justified my forecast completely; he has discovered Hieropolis (i.e. Kastabala), with inscriptions of Artemis Perasia, on the north side of the Pyramos, where it comes nearest Osmanie. Considering the remarkably diverse opinions of M. Th. Reinach and M. Imhoof Blumer, the confirmation is highly satisfactory. * Perrot's work is not accessible to me in Aberdeen. Von Diest reports that Parrot considers Strabo guilty of an error. I prefer to follow Strabo. ( 461 ) INDEX OF ANCIENT AUTHOKS QUOTED IN PART IL, EXCEPTING NOTITLE, HIEROCLES, ACTA SANCTORUM, STRABO, PLINIT THE ELDER, PTOLEMY. NB. — Byzantine historians are quoted hy pax/es of Bonn edition, unless otherwise mentioned. The ordinary numerals refer to pages in this Volume : the black numerals to pages or chapters of the authors cited. ^CROPOLITA, GeORGIUS : p. 13, 154, 158 ; 20, 189 ; 30, 122, 123, 129, 130n., 159, 159n., 211 ; 31, 157n, 157, 158; 37, 157n. ; 38, 157; 50, 162; 64, 184; 73, 162; 91, 116n. ; 110, 116n. ; 111; 121n.; 173, 191; 187, 116n. ; 192, 183; 194, 129, 130; 195, 130n. Alexius Comnenus : Novella (Lib. ii. Nov. 4, Leunclav., Jus. Gr.-Rom., p. 130) 244n. Ammianus Marcellinus : xiv. 2, 13, 163 ; 25, 363n., 373. xxiii. 6, 347. XXV. 3, 180 ; 10, 196n., 241n. xxvi. 8, 241n. J^NNA Comnena : VoL i. 171, 231 ; 306, 188 ; 306, 190 ; 315, 163n., 209. VoLiL 26, 191; 76, 185; 79, 210; 89, 90, 211; 113, 420; 115, 279n. ; 120, 384; *121, 380n.; 126, 385; 138, 385, 386 ; 241, 386; 252, 108n., 114n., 118n.; 266, 118n.; 268, 114n. ; 279, 186, 208n. ; 280, 118n., 129, 158, 207 ; 281, 157, 236; 284, 213; 310, 159 ; 312, 185, 209 ; 314, 155n. ; 322, 201u. ; 324, 198, 233 ; 325, 327, 231 ; 329, 140. Ajjonymorum Opera : Tract, de haeresibus (ap. Coteler. Eccl. Gr. Mon., ii. p. 293), 137. Vat. 60b., 368ii. See NiCEPHORUS Piiocas, Geograpiii. Appian : Bell. Mithr., 106, 336u. Aristides, Aelius : Hieroi Logoi, p. 458, 157 ; 502, 157 ; 503, 155; 537, 157. Athenaeus : ii. p. 43A, 113, 135, 143n., 164, 431. iii. 14, 381 ; p. 678, 99. Attaliota, Michael : p. 104 ff. 292 ; 121, 122, 290n., 292, 351 : 123, 272 ; 126, 267 ; 135-138, 385iu ; 139, 217n. ; 144, 187n. ; 146, 219, 267 ; 168, 267 ; 174, 356n. ; 184, 215, 216n. j 189, 188 ; 224, 111; 267, 188a.; 268, 184n., 187. 462 LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Basil of Caesarhia (ed. Migne) : Epist. 3, o2Gn. ; 14, 348; 86, 87, 327; 95, 314; 118, 333n., 379; 210, 328; 212,. 330; 216, 328, 330; 217, 29G ; 223, 326n. ; 239, 306; 251, 305; 278, 314. Ep. Spuria (ap. Coteler., Eccl. Gr. Mod. II. p. 97), 256. Epp. 99, 308 ; 308, 286 ; 310^ 310, are letters of Basil, wrongly quoted in text from Gregory Naz. Basil of Seleuceia (ed. Migne) : I. p. 555 (p. 276 P.), 363n. Cantacuzenus : i. p. 339, 187n. ; 360, 185. Cassiodorus : Var. ii. 26, 175n. Cedrenus : 1. 214, 301; 437, 156; 517, 187n. ; 568, 117n. ; 615, 231; 633, 319n.; 678, 215 ; 763, 231 ; 789, 183n.; 800, 249n. ii. 7, 277; 69, 153, 231n. ; 90, 359n. ; 91, 197; 123, 249n. ; 132, 231; 137, 231n. - 174, 351n., 352n., 354; 198, 111 ; 209, 265n., 266 ; 210, 249n. ; 213, 276, 289; 216, 213n.; 217, 384; 250, 249n. ; 263, 314; 264, 218n.; 266, 359n. ; 269, 249n.; 293,, 144n. ; 310, 187n. ; 362, 385 ; 387, 141 ; 390, 355 ; 398, 333n. ; 419, 279n. ; 422, 291n. ; 423, 289 ; 424, 140, 140n. ; 430, 265 ; 431, 231, 250n. ; 432, 265 ; 433, 355 ; 514, 217 ; 626, 642, 328. Chalcocondylas : p. 13, 209n. ; p. 243, 285n. Cicero : Pro Flacco, 3, 218 ; ad Fam., vL 12, 2, 440 ; xv. 4, 341, 386 ; ad Att, v. 20, 386 ; xL 14, 3, 440. CiNNAMus, Joannes : p. 7, 420 ; p. 13-15, 321n. ; 16, 380n. ; 18, 386 ; 20, 386 ; 36, 204n. ; 38, 201n. ; 39, 114n., 364; 40, 199; 42, 201n., 359; 59, 389; 63, 187; 66, 364; 81, 144, 197, 204;, 127, 204n., 206; 176, 368n. ;., 179, 380n., 382; 180, 348n. ; 190, 382; 191, 144: 194, 185 ; 216, 279n. ; 294, 204n. ; 295, 213. Constantine Porphyrogenitus : De Admin. Imp., § 50, 103n., 316n.; § 51, 291n. ; p. 225, 216, 226, 248, 250n. ; 226, 316n. ; 228, 292, 317n. De Cerimoniis, p. 444, 202; 474, 493, 187; 488, 178, 213n. ; 497, 184; 644, 135n.,. 433 ; App. pp. 459, 476, 486, 203, 204 ; 491, 352n. De Thematibus, 330, 316n. ; p. 14, 151n., 444; 19, 216, 352n., 444; 21, 317, 355 ; 25, 190; 27, 215; 31, 275, 286n., 317; 36, 366; 38, 424. De Them. Lycand., 290n., 291n. Demetrius of Skepsis : Ap. Strabo., p. 603, 155n. DiONYSius Areopagita (quoted from Le Quien) : Schol. on, de Eccl. Hier. cap. 7. 421. DiONYSius Byzantius: Fr. 44, 185n. DucAS Michael: p. 13, 153n.; 72, 153; 77, 153; 83, 105n., 108n., 110; 85, 109n., 160n. ; 87, llOn.,. Ill; 97,114; 103, 109n. ; 104, 108n. ; 129, 204; 168, 160; 174, 117n., 118; 176, 113, 114; 193, 108n.; 194, UOn., 165; 196, 114; 204, 390; 332, 118; 346, 112. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. 463 EUSEBIUS : Chron. A.D. 21, 303. EUSTATHIUS : (Ad. Dionys. Perieg., 855, p. 161a.), 384. EUTEOPIUS : Vit. Tib., p. 77, 303. Galen (quoted from Wesseling) : riepi Evxvfilas, p. 358, 117n. Uepl Tpo

um, 294. See Kokussos Cumanadensis, 379 Cumialis, 262 Curca, 130 Curtius, 28, 52, 84 Cyprus, 81 C'vrus, 41, 42, 138 Cyzicos, 58, 119, 154, 162, 166, 212, 431, 438 Dabenai, 412 Dabeneus, 398 Dabesa, 340, 354 note Dabinai, 148, 388, 412 Dablis, 182, 240, 443 Dacozae, 262 Padaleia, 430 Dadaleis, 129 Dada-tana, 195, 240 Dadybra, 66, 193, 318, 323 note Kastamon, 66 INDEX. 473 Dacdalorum, 131 note Dagalasso, 274 Dagalassos, 270 Dagona, 275 Dagona (Dragoua), 71 Dagottheni, 190 note Drtgousa, 71 Dagouta, 190 Dakai, 262 Dakibyza, 184, 208 Daknai, 262 Dakora, 306 Dakoroa, 306 Dalauda, 71, 309 Daldis, 120, 128 Dalisandos, 310, 335, 358, 366, 379, 395, 419, 450 Dalisandos (Fassiller), 39, 69 Damalis, 186, 204, 208 Damascus, 312 Damatiy, 20, 218, 312 Dana, 449 Dana (Tyana), 15, 42 Dandaxina, 273 Daokome, 412 Daoutha, 280 Daphnoudion, 430 Daphnousia, 182, 430 Daphnusia, 15 Daphnutii, 196 note, 430 Daranalis, 447 Daras, 446 Daraulia, 445 Darbidoun, 321 note Dardanos, 152 Dareioukome, 125 Darenos, 159 Darnalis, 447 Darsa, 408, 421 Darsilam, 408 Darzila, 421 Dascusa, 71, 314 Daskousa, 55, 71, 275 Daskylion, 181, 196, 444 Daskylitis lake, 181 Dasmenda, 290, 312 Dastarkon, 290 note, 312 Dasteira, 290 note, 312 Daximon, 329 Dazimon, 220, 263, 326, 328 Dazimonis, 329 Debalakia, 143 De Boor, 114 Decapolis, 132, 366 note in Palestine, 366 note Lydia, 366 note Isauriae, 335, 365, 366, 424 Dede Bel, 55 Deiotarus, 192, 453 Deirman, 16 7iote Dekapolis of Isauria, 335 Delemnia, 251 Demakella, 307 Demetrias, 386 Dmeti-in, 64 Demetrium, 65 Demos Tiiiounteon, 433 Demon, 420 Demousia, 420 Denizler, 80 Denizli, 80, 83, 88, 454 Derbe, 99, 336, 371, 375, 453 Derebol, 83 Derende, 71, 309 Detaba, 424 Dia, 196, 443, 453 Diadochi, 54 note, 86 Diarkekis, 17 Diatora, 412 Didyma, 425 note Didymion, 112 Didymos, 227 note Diehl, M., 45 Diga, river, 129 Dilimaia, 251 Dindorf, L., 19 Dindymos, 138, 146, 151, 227, 458 Dinia, 421 Dinia-Chelidoiiia, 43 Diniai, 142, 170 Diocaisareia, 25, 280 7iote, 285, 310, 331, 364, 366, 371, 382, 450, 454 Diocaesareia Phrygiae, 135 Diocletian, 74 Dioecesis Asiana, 395 Dioklea, 139, 151 Dioklea or Dokela, 55 Dionysopolis, 44, 49, 84 7iote, 86, 136 Dios Hieron, 104, 114, 420, 430 Diospolis, 196, 453 Dipotamon, 140, 178, 356 Djaldia, 445 Djarsioun, 445 Doara, 268, 281, 287, 297, 301, 304, 305 Dodurga, 45 Doghan Hisar, 42 (D)ogra, 67 Dogra, 268 Doidya, 126 Doidye, 44 note Dokeia, 267, 316, 321, 356 Dokela or Dioklea, 139, 151 Dokimian marble, 135, 433 Dokimion, 14, 40, 43, 44, 53, 54, 139, 170, 232, 433 Dokimos, 40 Dolicha, 279 Doliche, 277 Dolichiste, 425 Domitianopolis, 122 Domitiopolis, 366, 370 Dona, 268, 297 Dora, 268, 297, 329 Dorano, 67, 70, 261 Doris, 181, 443 Dorkon, 184 Dorylaion, 16, 40, 49, 54, 66, 78, 79, 81, 86, 144, 168, 197, 199, 201 note, 209, 212, 226, 231, 233, 236, 237, 239, 241, 278, 301 note, 353, 361, 405 note, 428, 435, 436, 439, 444, 445, 459. Doublet, M., 52 Doudada, 412 Doulichia, 277 2 1 2 474 INDEX. Draconis, 71 Dragai, 347, 449 Drakon river, 188 Drepana, 187 Drexler, 14, 19 Drizes, 348, 449 Drizion, 348 Druina, 245 Drys, 189 Dsu-l-kala, 340, 354 note, 368 note, 445, 448 Ducange, 19, 20, 77 note Duchesne, M. I'Abbe, 9, 20, 21, 52, 53, 151, 319 Dugaria, 245 Durzela, 408 Dusae, 65 Dusepro Solympum, 64, 65 Dyteutos, 453 Dzoul'kila, 445. See Dsu Earsos, 287 Ebagena, 305 Eccobriga, 242, 251, 259 Edessa, 279 Egdana, 344 Egdava, 360 Egerdir, 407 Egypt, 60, 80 Eirenopolis, 361, 365, 371, 374, 384, 386 Eireumenia, 412 Ekk(ea), 412 El A'bra, 236 El-Afa-chim, 445 El-Agradh, 236 Elaia, 105 Elaioussa, 373, 380, 381 Sebaste, 372 Eleinokaprios, 134 Eleinopolis, 187 Eleinos river, 134 Eleutherocilices, 386 Elias, 227 note El Kbalidj, 203, 236 Elouza, 138 Elyes or Elles, 57 Empelos, 207 Endelekhone, 276 Enistratus, 246 Enteleia, 300 Ephesian Gate, 35 note Ephesos, 19, 26, 27, 28, 30, 42, 45, 48, 49, 50, 59, 60, 62, 84, 104, 109, 118, 167, 227 note, 271, 344, 402, 415, 431, 432 Theologos, 19 Epiktetos, Phrygia, 145, 150, 251 note Epiphaneia, 66, 281, 386 Epiphania Syriae, 302 Epiphanius, 16 Eregarsina, 71 Erezii, 155 Ergasteria, 166 Ergasterion, 155, 438 Eriboia, 185 Eribolos, 185, 209 Eribulo, 240 Eriste, 181, 183, 196 Eriza, 21, 45, 46 note, 136, 421, 422 Erizii, 119 Erpa, 49, 55, 271, 277, 289, 308 Erpha, 289, 308 Ertogrul, 16 Erymna, 112, 419 Erymosykea, 276 Erythrai, 105 Eski Sheher, 86 Esouakome, 412 Etenna, 395, 418 Etonia, 260 Etsya, 171, 235 Euagina, 248, 261, 268, 305, 452 Euagina (Fuagina), 70 Euaisai, 302 Euaissai, 304 Euarzia, 245 Euasai, 302, 304 Euaza, 105 Eubisa, 305 Euchraes, 245 Eudagina, 261 270 Eudoixata, 71, 330 Eudokias, 10 note, 18, 19, 146, 177, 216, 221, 225, 226, 344 Phrygiae, 151 Eudoxata, 330 Eudoxiana, 330 Eudoxias, 225 Eudoxiopolis, 225 Eudoxioupolis, 177 note, 387, 404 Eugonia, 261 Euippe, 422 Eukarpia, 14, 49, 139, 151, 168 Eukhaita, 20, 21, 52 note, 53, 77, 93, 101 note, 268, 278 no^", 305, 318, 371, 383 note, 395, 429, 448, 452 Eukhaneia, 20, 21 Eulepa, 270, 306 Eumeis, 67, 274 Eumeneia, 19, 44, 49, 80, 86, 136, 169, 431 Euoisai, 304 Euphemias, 296 Euphorbium, 49, 169 Euphorbus, 147 Euphrates, 28, 55, 57, 71, 311, 357 Euphratesia, 17, 280, 301 Euralion, 422 Euroraos, 422 Eurymedon, 406 Eusebeia, 304, 346 Eusimara, 314 Eusipara (Fusipara), 70 Euspena, Puspena, 67, 71 Euspoena, 275 Eustathius, 12 Evans, Mr. A. J., 430, 434 Ezara, 411 Falami, 445 Fandj, 236 Fassiler or Dalisandos, 39 Faustinopolis, 18, 346, 352, 449, E. HalaLi, 68 Ferguson, the late Mr., 4 note INDEX. 475 Fiara or Siara, 70 Fiarasi, 67, 308 Filaction, 135 note Flavia, 116, 328 note Flaviauae, 295 Flavias, 281, 291, 311, 385, 451 Flaviopolis, 385 Flaviopolis, Krateia, 45 Lydiae, 121 Phrvgiae, 148 Fontrier, M., Ar., 120, 124, 125, 126, 128, 132, 431 Forbiger, 64, 98 Foroba, 270, 306 Forty Martyrs, Lake of the, 140 Foucart, M., 124, 125 Freshfield, Mr. D. W., 4 note Fuagina, 70, 261 Fusipara or Eusipara, 70 Gabadonia, 349 Gadiana, 297 Gaita, 201, 359 Gaiou Kome, 145 Gaizatodiastos, 16 Gaizatorix, 16, 444 Galbana, 344 Galakrene, 185 Galatia, 10 note, 28, 40, 45, 54, 57, 64, 68, 70, 75, 78, 176, 192, 194, 196, 252, 260, 314, 334, 339, 341, 345, 372, 373, 375, 377, 378, 439, 446, 447, 451, 453 Prima, 242 Salutaris, 221, 254, 437 Galatia trans Halym, 250 Galaticus, Pontus, 69 Galea, 254, 297 Galen, 13 Galenirum, 246 Galesion, 165 Gallesion, 110 Gallipoli, 129 Gallos, 182, 202, 205, 208, 234, 460 Galmana, 344 GambrioH, 452 Gammaousa, 143 Gandeia, 127 Gangaris, 64 Gangra, 45, 48, 257, 318, 319, 321,447, 453 (Germanicopolis), 192, 258 Ganzaenos, 412 Gardibia, 412 Gardybia, 412 Gargara, 106, 118, 166 note Garmias, 254, 322 Garnake, 288 Garsaoura, 284, 343 Garsauritis, 283 Garsi, 248, 259 Garus, 20 Gaudeia, 127 Gauraina, 309 Gazala, 323 Gazelon, 323 Gazelonitis, 192, 323, 452, 453 Gelzer, 21, 427, 448, 450, 451 Genesius, 76, 77 Geonensis, 418 Genua, 10 note, 16, 217, 221, 224,237, 247, 405 note, 456 Germaniceia, 221, 301, Germanicia, 17, 35, 55, 77, 180, 276, 291, 311 Germanicopolis, 301 note, 355, 358, 361, 365, 366, 373. See Gangra Germaniki, 279 Germe, 127, 155, 167, 211, 401, 460 Germia, 224, 320 note Theodorias, 318 Germian hills, 155 note Germocolonia, 322 Geron, 301 Getasa, 308 Geuk Bel, 55 Gez Bel, 55 Gezatorix, 16, 444 Gharoboli, 236 Ghariibuli, 445 Giaour Kalessi, 31 Ginglarion, 130 Girindos, 20, 242 Gisza, 412 Giza, 412 Glauama, 344, 361 Glaudia, 71 Glaukos, 14, 85, 136 Glavama, 361 ■ Glycerins, 293 Gneius Manlius Vulso, 46 Godasa, 67, 71, 275 Goeleon, 144 " Golden Street," 7 Goleonta, 143 Gondosa, 71 Gorbeous, 46, 214, 216, 245, 255 Akarbous, 444 Gordiana, 246 Gordion, 16, 29, 30, 31, 225, 422 Gordiouteichos, 163 Gordiou Teichos, 421 Gordorounia, 210 Gordos, 132, 183, 210 Gordoserba, 15, 183 Gordoserboi, 210 Gordon Kome, 210, 244, 444 Gorgorome, 97, 335 Granikos, 129, 159, 437 Graos Gala, 81, 136 Gratianopolis, 16, 226, 246 Greece, 24, 32 Greek Colonies, 44 Grekkea, 412 Greuber, Mr., 19 Grimenothyritai, 30, 149 Trajanopolis, Gundusa, 67, 274 Gyris, 77 Gytarion, 351 Haase, 201 Hadath, 301 Hadith, 278 Hadreanuteba, 166 Hadrian, 36 476 INDEX. Hadriane, 416 Hadriani, 196 Hadrianoi, 157, 160, 171 Adriani, 181 Bithyniae, 437 Hadrianopolis, 42, 45, 56, 140,M41, 323 note, 359, 393 • (Asiae), 92 ■ of Lycia, 421 of Pisidia, 421, 422 — 01- Thymbrion, 400 Paphlagoniae, 193 (Phrygia), 171 Hadrianoutherai, 155, 167, 437 Hadrianouthyrai, 148 note Hagia, 111 Haidarli, 86 note Haimane, 216, 226, 245 Halala, 353 Faustinopolis, 346, 449 Halikyrna, 405 Halys, 20, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53, 55, 64, 75, 76, 77, 82, 191, 226, 251, 267, 303, 314, 315, 321, 329, 444 bridges, 75, 218, 256 Kama, 382 Hamam Su, 30, 31, 41, 42, 54, 55 Hamilton, 18, 41, 42 Hamilton, W. J., 98, 127, 255 Hammer-Purgstall, 16 Harasos, 49 Hardy, Mr., 20, 45, 443 Harir Boghaz, 80, 81 Harmala, 134 Harpasa, 423 Harpasos, 423 Harpy Tomb, 32 Harrab, 445 Harunie, 278 Haza, 56 Haz Keui, 83 Head, Mr., 5, 13, 40 note, 54 note Helenopolis, 76,179, 184, 186, 187, 201, 217 Lydiae, 122 Helenopontus, 21, 320 Helgas-Germanicopolis, 180 Helikore, 179 Hellespont, 34 Hellespontia Phrygia, 150 Hellespontus, 74, 95, 132, 153, 437 Hemerum, 189 Heracleia, 35 Heracleopolis, 326 Herais, 136 Herakleia, 13, 193, 318, 321, 340 ad Salbacuni ad Sipylum, 12, 109 in Ponto, 191, 197, 443 Kybistra, 160, 221, 339, 341, 349, 354, 448 Herakles, 24 note Hercules Restitutor, 402 Apotropaios, 110 Hermogenes, 85 note Hermokapeleia, 132 Hermokome, 412 ! Hermon, 386 [ Hermos, 59, 60, 61, 80, 105, 122, 168 ! Herodotus, 19, 24, 27, 29, 30 note, 31, 32, 1 33, 36, 37, 41, 42 note, 43 note, 52, 60, I 61 j Hesychius, 14 I Hetenna, 418 Heuresios, 18 I Hexapolis, 142 Hiera Germe, 155 note Kome, 84, 138, 421 Hierakoryphites, 381, 420 Hierapolis, 15, 49, 73 note, 83, 84, 91, 130, 135, 167, 364, 423, 433, 449, 450 Hiereia, 184 Hieria, 162 Hierocsesareia, 128 Hierocharax, 163 Hierocles, 13, 73, 74, 92, 106, 120, 132, 144 note, 148, 153, 179, 247, 318, 323, 371, 387, 395, 396, 407, 412, 415, 423, 424, 429 I Hierokharax, 54, 139, 168 I Hierokometai, 119 Hierolophienses, 119 Hieropolis, 10, 14, 40, 49, 84, 85, 139, 168, 342, 367, 460 Hieros, 195, 314 Hierus, 241 Hipponax, 37, 40, 58 Hippourios, 127 Hirschfeld, Prof. G., 10, 20, 38, 48, 61, 64, ^4: note, 92, 97, 100, 110, 137 note, 168 note, 169, 172, 112 note, 193, 195, 243, 257, 267, 317, 320 note, 335, 400, 402, 403, 405, 406, 408, 411, 414 note, 416 note, 418, 436 Hisn-al-Ghabra, 445 Hi spa, 71 Hosarth, Mr. D. G., 4, 5, 11, 20, 21, 22, 143, 177, 432, 435 Holleaux, M., 45 Holmoi, 140, 171 Homa, 434, 231. See Kh. Homer, 52 Homereion, 19 Homonada, 334, 391, 394 Homonades, 335, 395, 418, 419, 453 Houorias, 197, 317, 323 note, 451 Horophylakes, 175, 178 Horse-station, 203 Hot springs, 164 Hours of riding, 103 Huda-verdi, 403 Humann, 15, 16, 17, 28 note, 52 note Hyakinthos, 189 Hycronpotamum, 240 Hydara, 56 Hyde, 337, 338 Hydrela, 422 Hyelion, 134 Hykhantenoi, 163 Hylas, 24 Hyllarima, 423 Hyllos, 122, 148 Hymettas, 51 Hynia, 246 INDEX. 477 Hypaipa, 104, 128, 167, 431 Hypsela, 220, 249, 250, 265 Hypsele (loniae), 165 Hyrcani, 124 Hyrgaleis, 49, 136 Hyribolum, 240 Iassos, 423 Ibidinge, 369 Ibis, Mount, 207 Ibora, 263, 264, 321 7iote, 325, 326, 453 Ibora (Sibora), 69 Ibraham Pasha, 51 Ibriz, 35, 39 Iconium, 39, 42, 49, 50, 78, 79, 81, 87, 130, 171, 239, 299, 332, 342, 349, 357, 359, 371, 373, 375, 376, 377, 378, 384, 393, 395 Iconoclast Emperors, 80 Ida, Mount, 154, 207 Ide, 341 Idyma, 424 Iflatun Bunar, 39 Ikizari (Kizara), 69 Iliad, 34 Ilbeitenei, 163 Ilion Novum, 157 note llistra, 336, 448 Ilouza, 101, 138 Ilyas, 101 Imaion, 412 Imhoof-Blumer, 13, 14, 40 notey 453 Impei'ial estates, 14, 15, 173, 449 Indos, 135, 173, 438 Ine Gol, Inek Gol, Aine Gol, 16 Innocentius, 19 Insulae, 95 lobia, 18 logola, 295 lopolis, 246 lonopolis, 318 lotapa, 373, 450, 455 lotape, 69 loukharatax, 139 loulioupolis, 435 lovia, 18 Ipetobrogen, 240 Ipsos, 35, 36, 43, 78, 140 Irenopolis, 361, 365, 371, 374, 386 Zephyrion, 384 Iris, 326 Isamos, 352 note Isaura, 17, 18, 336, 313, 358, 377, 391, 450, 453 , Xea, 18 ■ Nova, 97 note Isauria, 25, 47, 57, 58, 78, 253, 336, 361, 393, 417, 424, 449, 450 Isauropolis, 18, 93, 343, 365, 370, 394. 395, 429 Isba, 101 note, 416, 420 Isgerea, 145 Ishkian Bazar, 46 note Jsinda, 9, 46, 421 Lyciae, 425 Isis, 19 Iskelib, 64 Iskome, 145 Islam Keui, 30, 41, 54 Ismid, 406 note Isnimid, 406 note Ispa, 67, 71, 416 note Issos, 358 Italy, 46 luliopolis, 240. See J. Jews' Castle, 445 John Comnenus, 80 Jonson, Ben, 4 Julia, 29, 35, 49, 49 note, 140, 171 411, 412, 434 Gordos, 122 Julianopolis, 122 Juliopolis, 71, 93, 229, 240, 244, 444, 446 ■ Gordoukome, 195 on the Euphrates, 300 Julio-Sebaste, 381, 384, 449 Justinian, 15, 74, 75, 76, 80, 241, 247, 248, 257, 300, 312, 313, 318, 324, 329 note, 356, 417, 428, 433, 436, 443 Justinianopolis, 80, 200, 387 Galatiae, 214,223,340, 343,444 Kamoulianai, 221, 304 ■ Konana, 407 Mela, 205, 20^, 460 Mokissos, 214, 220, 300 Myrome, 420 ■ Nova, 205 . Gordi, 209 • Palia, 214, 340, 343, 444] Siblia, 136 See also C. Kabaia, 189 Kabak Tepe, 55 Kabalis, 252 Kaballa, 56, 171, 359 Kabassos, 311, 386 Kabessos, 386 Kabissos, 386, 451 Kaborkion, 202, 211, 213, 215, 229, 444 (Kab)orkoi, 412 Kademna, 248, 446 Kadena, 297, 308 Kadmos mount, 134 river, 134 Kadoeni Macedones, 120 Kadoi, 122, 129, 147, 155, 168, 241, 405, 433 Kadosia, 182, 208, 247 Kadouas, 155 Kaesoun, 280 Kagyetta, 136 Kaibel, 97 note Kaikos, 105 valley, 209 Kaisari, 39 Kaisos, 276 Kakkabas, 144 or Kakkabokome, 14 Kakkabokome, 171, 233, 359 note Kakoza, 412 Kala, 211 Kalamos, 129 Kalanda, 118 478 INDEX. Kalanda, or Kalamos, 129 Kalauta, 130 Kalathos, 189 Kalbis, 438 Kalikarnassos, 405 Kallipolis, 276, 301 Kallirhhoe, 404 Kalos Agros, 184 Kaloudia, 280 Kaloumi, 445 Kaloumne, 248, 446 Kalpe, 191, 438 Kalpitos, 299 Kaltiorissa, 56, 71 Kalykadnos, 45, 58, 355, 363, 367, 370, 455 Kalymna, 424 Kalynda, 425 Kamacha, 18, 57, 305 note, 316, 448 Kamarga, 412 Kambe, 17, 304 Kamisa, 67, 315 Karaisene, 303, 315 Karaoulia, 304 Kamoure, 270 Kamouresarbon, 304 • Kamouria, 304 Kampai, 17, 304 Kandroukome, 413 Kangal, 274 Kanna, 344 Kanotala, 307 Kantana, 419 Kantina, 419 Kaparkelis, 302, 314 (Capareas, Caparceae), 69, 70 Kapniskerti, 382 Kapoi, 111 Kappadox, 314 Kapros river, 134 Kara Bel, 30, 60, 61 Eyuk Bazar, 46 Hisar, Afiom, 54, 87 , Shaban, 87 Hissar, 267 Tash, 123, 458 Karadja Sheher, 16, 86 Karalis, 359, 389, 391, 396, 419 , Lake, 39 Karalitis, lake, 173, 421, 438 Karallia, 252, 333, 335, 358, 379, 390, 395, 396 note, 419 Karape, 71 Karba, 276 Karbala, 285 Karbokome, 412 Kardabounda, 280 note, 370, 454 Karia, 134 Karina, 116 Karissa, 248, 259, 417, 452 Karma, 412 Karmala, 314, 447 Karmalas, river, 100, 221, 288, 303. 308, 310, 312 Karmalis, 270, 288, 303, 447 Karme, 127, 209 Karmeios, 42 Karnalis, 70, 288, 447 Karoura, 135 Karpe, 191 Kars, 290 Karsaga, 55, 56, 71, 275 Karseirda, 412 Karsenda, 412 Karsia, 268 Kartalimen, 184 Karydion, 350 Kasai, ,371, 417, 450 Kasama, 276 Kases, 220, 250 Kasin, 293, 356 Kasonia, 413 Kassa, 383 Iv^ssBii 41.7 Kastabala, 66, 69, 314, 336, 342, 357, 451, 460 Kastallis, 164 Kastaraon, 278 note, 321 note, 323 note , Kastamouni, 65 Kastor, 17, 192 Katabatala, 342 Katakekaumene, 30, 132 Laodiceia, 49, 343 Kataonia, 283, 310, 354, 357 note, 377 Strategia, 69 Katasamas, 276 Katenna, 335, 358, 395, 418 Katenneis, 418 or Etenneis, 14 Katiena, 413 Katoiraikia, 159 Kaulares river, 421 Kavakli Dere, 60 Kayajik, 109 Kaystrianei, 105 Kaystros, 12, 104, 111, 114, 371, 431 Kaystrou Pedion, 140, 435 Kazanes river, 135, 421 Keaia, 114 Kebrene, 153 note Kedrea, 233 Kedros, 234 note Kelainai, 369 note. See Apameia Kelbiacon. 130 Kelenai, 369 Kelenderis, 350, 355, 358, 361, 367, 450 Kelosnin, 412 Keltzene, 316 Kenisa, 278 Kenkhreai, 162 Kennatis, 365, 372, 373, 375, 455 Kephissos, 51 Kepoi, 111 Keramides, 162 Keramon Agora, 30, 42, 54, 85, 138, 146, 168 note, 435 Kerasia, 412 Keraseis, 126 Kerasous, 325, 447 Kerblan plain, 114 Keredi (Krateia), 45 Keretapa, 10 note Keretapa-Diocaesareia, 135 Kerge, 153 note INDEX. 479 Ketis, 34-4, 357 notey 863, 366, 367, 371, 375, 380, 455 Keupreu, Tash, 45 , Vizir, 45 Keuseli, 55 Khabarda, 382 Khaldia Theme, 316 Khamanene, 315 Kharadra, 380 Kharax, 136, 184 Kharax Alexandrou, 136 Kharioi'os, 158 Kharma, 412 Kharsian Theme, 77, 248, 265, 267, 317, 356 — Tourma, 250, 259, 317 Kharsianon, 249, 277 Kastron, 343 Khartum, 5 Khasbia, 69, 342 Khelai, 191 Khelidon, 197 note Khelidonia, 43, 142, 421 Khelidonion, 171 Khliara, 106, 117, 130, 209, 432 Khoma, 79, 80 , Theme, 78, 231, 434 , Yokari, 79 Khomatenoi, 79 Khonai, 19, 79, 80, 91, 135, 151, 232, 343, 396 note, 423, 429, 434, 448 Khthimena, 412 Khurman, 309 Kiakis, 70, 314 Kianika, 314 Kibotos, 186, 201, 208 note, 236 Kibyra, 15, 46, 49, 120, 417, 420, 438, 450 Kibyratic era, 252 note, 442 Kibyratis, 386 Kibyrrhaiote Theme, 111 note, 384, 420, 423 Kibyza 208 note Kidrames, 155 Kidramouas, 155 Kidros, 234 Kidyesseis, 145 Kidyessos, 49, 139, 151, 168, 405 Kiepert, Professor, 8, 10, 15, 16, 17, 35, 46, 48, 56, 57, 64, 67, 69, 96, 100, 114, 138, 139, 148, 182, 208, 211, 243, 255, 258, 264, 268, 271, 288, 314, 320 note, 391, 396 note, 405, 431,443, 460 Kietis, 455 Kilarazos, 134 Kilbianoi, 105, 107, 114 Kilikia, 283, 303, 357 7wte Strategia, 69, 70 Kilistra, 451 Kiminian mountains, 129, 159 Kiminas, 159 King's churches, 236, 445 stables, 203, 445 Kinna, 245, 430 Kinnaborion, 54 note, 142, 148, 413 Kios, 180, 212, 428 Kirgol, 20 Kirkos, 352 note Kirmasli, 437 Kirmasti, 437 Kiskisos, 304 Kissaion, 190 Kissos, river, 128 Kistramos, 382 Kitchener, Col., 28 note Kitharizon, 56, 325 note Kizara, 69, 302 Klaneos, 221, 233 Klannoudda, 54 note, 127, 168, 369 Klantea, 412 Klaudias, 71, 302 Klazomenai, 105, 108, 114, 115 Kleisoura, 111, 314, 368, 381, 423, 434 Kleisourarch, 277, 349 Kleisourophylax, 265, 312 Klela, 412 Kleodous, 164 Kleros Oreines, 143, 178 Politikes, 143, 178 Kleustia, 412 Kliraata, 371, 383, 417 Klitai, 372 Klotoidariza or Olotoidarizon, 56 Kloudros, 136 Knidos, 424 Knouteina, 412 Koasta, 163 Koinon Chersonasion, 424 note Lykaonon, 339, 378, 419 Koktemalikai, 136 Ko-ktema-likai, 422 Kokusos, 301 Kokussos, 55, 271, 273. 276, 291, 311, 350, 385 Kolbasa, 252 Kolbassos, 264 woio Koli-tolu, 40 Kolobatos, 421 Kolobrassos, 395, 417, 419, 450. See Koly. Koloe, 21, 101, 105, 114, 123, 219, 432, 458 Koloneia, 203, 267, 320 note, 325, 365, 444 or Kolonia, 17, 57, 76 Theme, 249 note, 267, 276, 316, 317 Kolonia Archelais, 219. See Archelais Theodorias, 320 note Kolopene, 303, 315, 453 Kolophon, 105, 431 Kolose, 105, 107, 114, 219 Kolossai, 61, 80, 135, 340, 429 Kolybrassos, 252, 335, 390 note, 395, 396 note, 417, 419, 450 Komama, 57, 252, 396 note, 407, 419 Komana, 28, 35, 55, 73 7iote, 2v2, 271, 274, 290, 310, 325, 326, 327, 329 note, 350, 407, 447 Komana Cappadociae, 66, 73, 85 Pontica, 27, 52, 58, 260, 310, 453 Kome Hiera, 84, 138, 421 Neon, 155 note, 187 Kommagene, 199, 219, 276, 283, 291, 301, 310, 350, 354 Kommakon, 419 Kommata, 216, 227 Komistaraos, 426 Komition, 429 Komodromos, 250 480 indp:x. Kouana, 387, 400, 407 Konane, 252, 405, 419 Konchas, 246 Kone, or Konna, 139, 168, 430 Konia, 79 note, 87, 454 Kouioupolis, 102 Konna, 139 Konne, 49 Konni, 430 Kopetos, 164 Kopidnados, 356 Korakesion, 450 Korax, 309 Korbasa, 264 note, Kormasa, 70, 252, 264 note, 396 note, 405 note, 421 Korna, 343 Korne, 71, 302 Korniaspa, 75 note, 264, 270, 288 note, 302, 307, 315 Koron, 355 Koropassos, 344, 358, 360, 455 Koropissos, 344, 358, 361, 363, 366, 367, 374, 394, 450, 455 Korsagaina, 314 Korydallos, 425 Korykos, 358, 380, 384 Kos, 424 Kostras, 371, 383 Kotaina, 17, 280, 287 Koteuna, 418. See Kat Kotiaion, 94, 144, 151, 168, 199, 201 note, 209, 212, 241, 371, 382, 395, 401, 428, 436, 445, 451, 459 Kotrada, 323, 371, 383 Kotyaion, 241 Kouboukleia, 190 Koula, 101, 211, 432, 458 Koumalettos, 413 Koundoza, 412 Kourikon, 384 Kousea, 412 Koutziagros, 323 Kradra, 412 Kragos Hill, 381 Kranosaga, 412 Krasos, 126, 213,435, 444 Krassos, 144, 435 Krateia, 191, 193, 318, 443 Ki-emna, 421, 453 Kromna, 91 note, 432 Krya Pege, 267 Ktema Maximianoupoleos, 173, 420 See M. Ktimena, 412 Kubitschek, 452 Kunia, 340, 354 note Kybistra, 160, 310 note, 314, 336, 337, 339, 341, 350, 357, 375 Kydnos, 350 Kylindros, 350, 367 Kymbalaios, 250 Kynie, 105, 457 Kyon, 101 note, 422 Kyrizos, 187, 352 note Kytimion, 429 Kytoros, 453 Kyzistra, 306, 357 note Lacotena, 17, 287 Ladana (Dalanda), 71 Ladoinei'is, 70, 314 Laerte, 417, 450, 455 Lagalassus, 66 Laganeia, 65 note Lagaaia, 195, 240, 244, 446 Lagbe, 15, 49, 137, 173, 175, 176, 182, 413, 421, 431 . Lagoe, 49, 182, 413, 421 Lairbenos, 84, 136, 147 Lakanatis, 371, 380, 455 Lakanis, 371 Lake Ascania, 49, 57. See Ask Lakerios, 134 Lakotena, 280 lakria.'ssos, 300 Lalakaou, 77 Lalandos, 231, 421 Lalandum Flumen, 421 Lalasis, 371 Lalasseis, 366 Lalassis, 365, 372, 373, 375 Lalisandos, 335, 366 Lamasco or Lainpsakos, 65, 70 Lamchik, 445 Lamos, 306, 380, 382, 456 Lamotis, 380, 384 Lampe, 115, 136 Lampes, 163 Lampsakos, 160, 162 Lanka, 413 Lankea, 413 Laodiceia, 28, 35, 44. 46, 49, 50, 78, 80, 83 88, 389 Combusta, 29, 37, 40, 42, 43, 44 86, 198, 239, 358, 360, 377, 400 Katakekaumene, 49, 343, 400 ad Lvcum, 29, 35, 44, 85, 120 130, 134, 165, 167, 169, 394, 400, 423 430, 431 Pontica, 28, 263 Laouiniane, 302. See LaA'iansene Lapara, 291, 317, 350 Lykandos, 291 Lapeistra, 413 Laphystra, 413 Lapistra, 413 Laptokome, 413 Lara, 387 Laranda, 44, 130, 280, 311, 336, 346, 355 358, 361, 363, 365, 368, 372, 382, 387 394, 454 Larasa, 112 Larasios, 112 Larissa, 10, 109, 290, 272, 457 turma, 317 Larissaios, 112 Laskoria, 259, 290 note Lassora, 259 or Laskoria, 67 Lateas, 64, 65, 67 Latmos, 413 mount, 134 Laustasa, 302 Lauzados, 366, 370, 449 Laviniane or Laviansene Strategia, 69, 71 INDEX. 481 Laviansene, 276, 283, 290, 303, 315, 410 note Leake, 51, 52, 68, 80, 97, 182, 205, 332, 454 Leandis, 70, 311, 314 Lebedos, 105, 165 note Lechat, M., 13, 116 Legna, 20 Lei, 424 note Leimmokheir, 134 Lentiana, 158, 208 Leo, 20 Leontopolis, 18, 93, 320, 323, 325, 343, 370, 383, note, 428 Leontos Kome, 143 Le Quien, 15, 97 Leto, 31, 121, 131, 147 Leugaisa, 314 Leukai, 109, 202 Leuke, 206 Liada, 240 Libadhia, 234, 445 Libissa, 240 Libum, 240 Linienia, 413, 414 Liranai, 172, 188, 294, 334, 389, 393, 396, 397, 407, 411, 414 Liagenthal, Zach. v., 15 Linoe, 15, 183, 199, 430 Lipara, 126 Lityerses, 23, 24 note Liverpool, 25 Livissa, 240 Livy, 20 Lokana, 342 Longias, 348 Longinias, 348, 382 Lophoi, 182, 206, 208 Lopadion, 117, 159, 160, 167 Loreni, 120 Loryma, 424 Lotinos, 227 Loulon, 77, 186, 216, 330 note, 339 note, 343, 351, 449 Louma, 134 Lounda, 49, 86, 134, 136, 169 Lycia, 11 note, 32, 49, 53, 58, 95, 393, 415, 438 Pamphylia, 252, 421, 450 Lyims, 29, 38, 59 Lydia, 95, 99, 134, 408, 422 note, 423 , Decapolis of, 132, 366 note Lykabas Sozon, 135 Lykandos, 291, 350 Theme, 291, 317, 350 Lykaones, 142, 151 TTp6s €v5ov, 413 Lykaonia, 38, 69, 73, 78, 86, 99, 253, 308, 330, 345, 346, 357, 364, 371 f., 372, 376, 379, 388, 392, 395, 453, 456. See also Proseilemmene Lykiokome, 413 Lykokranitai, 150, 436 Lykos river, 59, 79, 83, 134 valley, 423 Lyrbe, 252, 335, 390 note, 395, 396 note, 417, 419, 450 Lysias, 29, 41, 44, 49, 54 note, 86, 143, 171 Lysimachus, 35, 40 Lysinia, 173 Lysis, 421 river, 176 Lystra, 101 note, 332, 333, 336, 358, 376, 377, 390, 394, 396, 398, 450, 451, 453 Lytadarizon, 56 Lytararizon, or Alytadarizon, 56 Macedones, 125 Asculacae, 119 lilauudeis, 127 Doidyenoi ?, 126 Dokimeis, 14, 139 ■ Hyrkanoi, 124 Kadoenoi, 120, 147 Xakraseitai, 126 Peltenoi, 136 Thyateirenoi, 126 Macedonia, 34 Macedonian Colonies, 44 MacMillan, Mr. G. A., 4 note Macrina, 294, 322, 328 Maderi, river, 234 Mseander, 30, 37, 38, 41, 50, 58, 59, 73 note, 88, 104, 113, 389 403, 422 note Magalasso, 270 Magariassos, 307 Maghra, 21, 22 Magidion, 122, 130, 211 Magnesia, 13, 19, 49, 50, 104, 105, 421, 422 note, 432 (ad Sipyluin), 61, 108, 116, 125 Magnesian Gate, 35 note Magydos, 394 Mahomet, 108 xMaiandros, 403 Maion, 412 or Iniaion, 18 Maionia, 123, 168, 211 Maisena, 280, 314 Makedones Kadoenoi, 120, 145, 147, Makellon, 307 Makestos river, 147 Makre, 430 Makrina, 294, 322. 328 Malagina, 197, 202, 208 Malajina, 445 Malakopaia, 284, 287, 295, 339, 340, 354 note, 356 Malandara, 71, 270, 303, 306 Malatia, 82, 278, 445 Malkunia, 340, 354 note Mallos, 288, 358, 385, 387, 393, 395, 396, 408 Malos, 17 Galatiae, 251 Tvphs X^f^^ '2,aKr]v6u, 413 Malmistra, 385 Mamalos, 112 Mamas, 352 note Mammasum, 285 Mamista, 385 Mamouta, 413 I ]\lamps!sta, 385 482 INDEX Mampsoukrene, 384 Manaua, 419 Mandakada, 155 Mandalo, 150 Mandra, 413 Mandrai, 153 note Mandri Pontes, 143, 232, 421 Mandropolis, 421 Manegordo, 240 Manegordos, 242 Manegordus, 20 Mangana, 203 Manglasia, 19, 110 Manista, 385 Manius Aquilius, 47, 164 Manlius Vulso, Gneius, 46, 170, 225, 405, 408, 421 Mannert, 64, 98 Manoris, 64, 65 Manoua, 419 Mansis, 385 Mantalos, 150 Mantineion, 194 Manuel Comnenus, 78, 79, 80, 86 Manzikert, 267 Marallis, 413 Marandana, 270, 303, 306 Marandara, 270 Maragos, 271 Marash, 17, 35, 276, 278, 301, 311 Marathon, 51 Marcianus, 20 Mardara, 71, 270 Marinna, 165 Marissos, 307 Marmara, 112 Marmaritzana, 448 Marmessos, 164 Maroga, 273, 309 Marpessos, 164 Marquardt, 15, 196 note, 444 Marseilles, 25 Marsia, 413 Marsyas, 24, 49, 403, 423 Martyropolis, 311 Masalaios, 356 Mascha Kome, 106, 107 Masdyenoi, 126, 432 Masikytos, 425 Mas Latrie, M. de, 12, 19, 454 Masora or Kasara, 71 Massissa, 234, 278 Mastara, 234 Mastaura, 104, 113, 127, 422 note, 426 Mastusia, 127 Mastya, 432 Mataza, 286, 307 Matiane, 295, 304 Matrica, 258 Maty rope] is, 325 note Maurianon, 350 Maurokastron, 267 Maximianai, 15, 182, 191, 196 Maximianopolis, 173, 227 note, 394 Maximianoupolis, 420 Mazaka, 28, 35, 39, 43 note, 284 note Mazania, 246, 417 Medes, 33 Media, 62 Median Empire, 29 Medikion, 180 Mediterranean, 58 Megalassos, 270 Megalopolis, 315 note, 326 Megalopolitis, 315 note Mela, 183, 202, 205 460, Mela or Modrene, 15, 460 Meladjena, 236 Melagena, 197, 202, 208, 236, 445, 460 Melagina, 202 Melaina, 204, 438 Melangia, 202 Melangeia, 16 Melanoudion, 112 Melanpagos, 109 Melas, 215 Melas river, 210, 215, 460 Melentenes, 71 Meles river, 115 Melissa, 36, 41, 42, 170 Melissopetrion, 267 Melita, 313 Melitene, 46, 55, 66, 69, 70, 71, 82, 83, 221, 270, 275, 276, 277, 278, 280, 281, 2P3, 288, 309, 310, 312, 313, 330, 350, 351, 384, 447 ■ ' Meloe, 355, 367 Melokome, 136 Melos, 355 Melouos, 354, 361, 367 Membitch, 301 • Menaea, 20 Men Askaenos, 396 Men Askenos, 121 Men Karou, 135 Menemen, 108 Menos Kome, 135, 137 , Men or Sabazios, 131 Meram, 87 note Mercklin, 68 Merdj djama el Melik Baderwana, 236 Mergnia, 413 Mermessos, 164 Meros, 49, 144, 168, 212 Mesampela, 185 Mesanakta, 140 Mesaulion, 111 Mesena, 314 Mesorome, 264 Mesotimolos, 127, 388, 425 Mesopa, 163 Mesopotamia, 35 Theme, 316 Messogis, 12 Metaba, 424 Metabole, 206 Meteita, 71, 302 Metellopolis, 135 Meteoron, 131 Meter Isodrome, 113 Kybele, 30 Metita, 71, 302 Metopa or Mesopa, 163 IMetrophanes, 14 INDEX. 483 Metropolis, 10, 36, 40, 43, 49 note, 54, 54 note, 86, 105, 3 39, 142, 165, 168, 170, 290, 320 note, 393, 402, 413 Metropolitanus Campus, 426 Mezea, 144 Michael Attaliota, 57 Midaion, 211, 213, 229, 239, 301, 435 Midas, 140 Citv, 31 , Tomb of, 29, 31 Mido, 240 Mikkonia, 413 Milatai. 156, 437 Miletopolis, 156, 159, 166, 167, 180 Miletos, 37, 40, 58, 59, 62 Milia, 240 Milios, 355 Miller, Dr. K., 62, 63, 67 Milyas, 252 Mimas, 20 Mimnermos, 62 Minassos, 406 Mionnet, 14, 40 note Mirones, 263 Missis, 385 Misthia, 332, 335, 350, 358, 379, 390, 396, 451 M[i]sylos, 413 Mithradates, 45 Mithridation, 452 Mitylene, 112, 448 Mizago, 240, 242 Mlad-a, 334 Mlaundos, 334 Mnizos 240, 242, 244, 246 Mobolla, 424 Moderatiana legio, 312 Modra, 205 Modrene, 182, 183, 205, 459 Mcedo, 240 Mogarissos, 307 Mogaro, 67, 70, 261 Mogola, 424 note Mokillos, 352 note Mokilos, 187, 352 note Mokissos, 50, 75, 203, 268, 269, 283, 287, 297, 299, 305, 346, 420 Justinianopolis, s. J. Moloe, 367 Mommsen, Prof. Th., 5, 55 note, 68, 191 note, 343, 423, 440, 453 Momoasson, 285 Monarites, 313 Monembasia, 420 Monokleros, 413 Monolukos, 437 Mons Draconis, 246 Mopsouestia, 66, 90 note, 207, 281 note, 341, 381, 385, 386, 451 Mopsoukrene, 66, 310, 357, 384 Mordion, 413 Mordtmann, Dr. H., 150, 163, 255, 295, 223, 341 Morimene, 283, 287 Morsynos, 49 Mosoch, 303 Mossyna, 49, 135, 433 Mosteni, 19, 124 " Mother of Sipylos," 7 Motella, 135, 136, 150, 179 Mottianoi, 163 Moukilos, 187, 352 note Moulassa, 417 Mounychia, 111 Mouriane, 283, 287 Mousbada, 369 Mousbanda, 290 note, 336, 369, 372, 449 Mouseion, 115 Mousgon, 225 Moustilia, 290 mte, 295, 303 Moutalaska, 295 Mouza, 413 Moxeanoi, 139 Mudurlu, 46, 459 Mulawwen, 236, 445 Muodia, 420 Muralt, M., 21, 103 Musanda, 369 Musgum, 225 Myanda, 369 Mygdon, 40 Mygdones, 119 Myla, 420 Mylasa, 19, 417, 422 Mylassa, 417 Mylome, 420 Mvrabe, 420 Myriangeloi, 224, 322 Myrika, 221, 226, 243, 245 Myrina, 13, 105 Sebastopolis, 119 Myriokephaloi, 220, 248 Myriokephalon, 80, 136, 213 Myrlea, 180 Myrmex, 164 Mysanda, 369 Mysia, 68, 98, 145, 150, 190, 437 Mysia Abbaitis, 146 Mysomacedones, 118 Mysotimolos, 128 Nadiandos, 285, 297, 348 Nagidos, 383 Nakoleia, 49, 91, 144, 168, 233, 322, 417, 429, 434 Nakrasa, 44 note, 125, 167 Nampsucrone, 66 Nanessos, 285 Nasses, 183 Nassete, 240 Navila, 307 Nazianzos, 10, 50, 227 note, 285, 293, 296, 298, 307, 341, 348, 429 Nazoula, 413 Nea Aule, 105 Isaura, 18 Neai Patrai, 323, 448 Neakome, 155 note, 187 Neakoraos, 187 - Neandreia, 153 note Neapolis, 252, 333, 366, 370, 387, 390 note, 393, 396, 399, 423, 430 (loniae). 111 Isauriae, 452 484 INDEX. Neapolis, Pisidiae, 451 Popti, 44-0 Negotiatores, 5, 173, 438 Neidos, 413 Neil, Mr. 445 Neocaesareia, 183, 19G, 260, 263, 325, 328 Bithyniae, 133, 181 Ponti 181,447 Neoclaudiopolis, 320, 447 Andrapa, 451 . See A. Neokastron, 129, 130 Neonteichos, 10, 109, 163, 457 Neophytos, 413 Nephelis, 381, 449 Neroassos, 286, 297, 3i)8 Neronias, 365, 416 Neronopolis, 97, 365 Neubauer, Dr., 14 Nicaea, 47 Nicaean Empire, 76 Nicetas Choniata, 80 Nicopolis, 71 Niese, 15, 73 note, 452 Nigde, 88 Nikaia, 15, 45, 65, 66, 78, 105, 114, 179, 234, 415, 428, 435 Niketiata, 184 Nikia, 445 Nikomedia, 44, 45, 64, 65, 66, 74, 179, 184, 205, 212, 318, 321, 415, 428, 445, 453 Nikopolis, 55, 56, 57, 71, 87, 105, 10*6, 267, 270, 274, 315, 325 • Phrygiae, 130 Pisidiae, 403 Nile, 61 Ninika, 370 Ninilingis, 369 " Niobe," 30, 60, 61 Nisus, 279 Nitalis, 255, 296 Nitazo, 295 Nokotessos, 66 Nora, 286, 297, 308 Nosalene, 302 Notitiae, 89, 90, 387, 427 Notion, 431 Noumerika, 15 Numerica, 181, 196 Nymphaion, 108, 165, 167 Nymphios, 311 Nysa, 29, 43, 44, 49, 73 wie Nyssa, 20, 104, 113, 256, 269, 287, 299, 305, 326, 327, 422 note Obizene, 251 Oborai, 413 Ochras, 67, 269, 297 Odoga, 268, 297 Odogra, 297 Oikea, 413 Oikokome, 80, 136 Oinia, 142, 171, 413 Oiniandos, 386 Oinoandos, 386 Oka, 154 Okoklia, 57, 136 Olba, 21, 22, 70, 96, 336, 363, 364, 368, 372, 373, 374, 375, 394, 405 note, 452,454 Olbasa, 70, 173, 398, 421, 453 Olbasa-Hadriane, 421 Isauriae, 336 Olbe, 450 Olbia, 22 note, 45 note, 179 Olbianus, 379 Ole Oberda, 56, 71 Olenos, 251 Oleonta, 143 Oletoedariza, 56 Oletoidariza, 56 Olgassys, 193 Olotoedariza, 56 Oltiseris, 264, 288 note, 302, 307 Oluk, Yedi, 55 Olymos, 19 Olympenoi, 145 Olympokome, 413 Olympos, 65 Olympos, Mount, 187, 201, 207, 208, 352 note Mysiae, 146 Olympum, Prusa pros, 65 Onopniktes, 221, 276, 289 Opheos Kephale, 436 Opsikian Theme, 151, 159, 164, 178, 202, 203 note, 210, 212. 249 note, 435 Opsikion, 123, 130 Optiniate Theme, 179, 191 Oraka, 139 Orba, 22, 364, 368 Oresteinoi, 121 Orgas, 403 Oriel, Provost of, 4 note Orkaorkoi, 229 Orkistos, 29, 31, 54, 172 note, 221, 228 Orkoi. 229 Ormeleis, 137, 173, 431 Ormoita, 125 Oroanda, 398 note Oromandos, Oromandros, 71 Orondeis, 252, 332, 397, 422 Orphanene, 314 ^ Orsa, Orsara, 71 Orsologiaco, 254 Orthosia, 423 Orvmna, 419 Osdara, 273, 312 Osiana, 269, 295 Osman, 15 ! Osmanie, 281 Osmanlis, 25 Osmanli Turks, 78 Otresa, 257 Otreus, 40, 139, 189, 241, 437, 439 Otroia, 189, 241 Otroos, 241 Otrous, 10, 139 Otrvai, 189 Ottalos, 189, 437, 439 Ottoman Railway, 4, 26, 81, 83 Ouadata, 297 Ouarsapa, Ouaisapa, 71 Ouasada, 333. See Vas ) Oueteston, 360 INDEX. 485 Ouinzela, 405 Oura, Ourba, Ouerba or Ourwa, 22 Ourba, 364-, 368 Ourbanopolis, 364 note Ousada, 333 Oxia, Mount, 20, 189 Ozizala, 20, 255, 295, 297 Ozzala, 295 Paghymeres, 65 Padasia, 276, 301 Padia, 413 Paduando, 357 Pagada, 413 Pagos, 165 Pagrum, 66, 308 Palaeologi, 76 Palaeologopolis, 88, 113 Palaeologus, Andronicus, 88 Palaeo-Sebaste, 84, 137 Palaia, 163 Palaiapolis, 105, 107, 176 Pisidiae, 252 Palaiopolis in Pisidia, 443 Palalce, 263 Paleai, 163 Palia, 223 Galatiae, 163 Isauriae, 163 Lyciae, 163 Pambuk Kalesi, 83 Pamphylia, 11 7iote, 58, 93, 95, 376, 388, 393, 395, 405, 415, 450 ■ Prima and Secunda, 393 Secunda, 415, 420, 429 Pamphylian Coast, 46 Era, 442 Panasios, 134 Pandicia, 240 Panemouteichos, 163, 394, 369, note Panemoutichensis, 409 Panhorraos, 68 Panhormus, vi. Panionion, 111 Paakaleia, 231, 452 Panormos, 111 Panticio, 240 Pantichion, 183 Papaion, 413, 439 Paphlagonia, 68, 77, 191, 253, 317, 322, 440, 447, 450, 453 Paphlagoniaa Theme, 77, 219, 249 note, 321 Papira, 237 Pappa, 332, 335, 394, 398 Papyrion, 382 Paralais, 390, 391, 394 Paramokastellon, 276 Parbosena, 264, 302 Parion, 160, 163 Paris, M., 19, 45 7iote, 343, 417, 419 Parlais, 39, 332, 335, 358, 376, 377, 387, 390, 395, 398, 408, 420, 453, 456 Parnassos, 20, 46, 50, 216, 221, 255, 298, 314, 344, 446 Paroreios Phrygia, 139, 150, 399 Parthenios, 318, 443 Pasa; 347, 449, 451 I Pasarue, 302 Pasgousa, lake, 359, 381, 389 Paspasa, 347, 451 Passala, 339 Patavium, 439 Patara, 71 Patea, 413 Paton, Mr. W. B.., Ill, 423, 424 Patrimonialia, 422 Paulicians, 57 Pausanias, 32 Pazon, 144 Pedasa, 424 Pednelissos, 386, 416 note Pegai, 162, 187 note Pege, 187 note Pegella, 345, 361 Pegsiare, 390 Peidra, 413 Peisdia, 413 Pelekanon, 185 Pelekete, 162 Pelham, Mr., 4 note, 14, 45, 438, 173, 175 Peliganon, 413 Pelopeia, 121 Peloponnesos, 52 Peltai, 41, 44 note, 49, 136, 169 Pentakheir, 134 Pentapolis, 139, 151 Pentegephyra, 215 Pentelicus, 51 Pentenissos, 386 Pepouza, 137, 151 Perbena, 264 note Perga, 393, 394, 415, 420, 430 Pergamenian Kings, 86 Pergamon, 46 note, 48 Pergamos, 44, 73 note, 105, 130, 156, 166, 277, 438 Perikome, 106 note, 122, 227 note Perikornmata, 227 note Periklystra, 116 Permetauia, 246 Perokia, 413 Perperine, 13, 117, 457 Perre, 55, 280 Perrot, M. G., 9, 139 Perta, 50, 344, 361 Pesenia, 413 Pesinuute, 70 Peskenia, 413 Pessinus, 29, 31, 32, 40, 50, 54, 199, 221, 223, 229, 239, 361, 422 Petara, 236 Petersen, Dr., 177, 425 Petinessos, 221, 227, 233 Petnelissensis, 409 Petobriga, 245 Petobroge, 242 Petos, 245 Petra, 109 Petris, 243 Peutinger Table, 96, 314 Phagitze, 245 Phalakron, 276 Phargamous, 314 Phaselis, 424 486 INDEX. Phazemon, 440, 446, 447 Phazemonitis, 69 Pbemenio, 165 Phiara, 308, 315 Philadelpheia, 115, 121, 130, 168, 209, 364, 365, 367, 371, 373, 374, 396, 431 Lydiae, 381 parva, 452 Philadelphia, 16, 44, 54, 59, 80, 86 Philadelphus, 16 Philokrene, 185 Philomelion, 29, 37, 41, 44, 49, 50, 78, 86, 140, 171, 172, 187, 197, 201, 232, 359, 390 note, 396 note, 400, 411,431 Phlebia, 116 Phlaudos, 127 Phokaia, 105, 108 Phokia, 30, 60, 62 Phouphatena, 71 Phouphena, 71 Phourni, 211 Phousipara, 314 Phreata, 284 Phrygia, 14, 23, 30, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 45, 50, 54, 55, 73, 78, 81, 85, 99, 205, 334, 397, 422, 423, 437, 450 Phrygia Epiktetos, 150, 251 note Hellespontia, 150 Magna, 68, 150, 151 Pacatiana, 95, 436, 151, 415. Paroreios, 42, 150 Parva, 151 Prima, 151 Salutaris, 151, 221, 408, 437, 444 Secunda, 151 , Upper, 153 Phrygian Era, 441, 452 Phrygians, 58 Phygela, 111 Phylakaion, 135, 177 PhvrokastroD, 276 Phyteia, 143 Pida, 260 Pidis, 263 Pidra, 246 note, 413 Pidrum, 246 Pilgrim's Road, 197, 242 Piliganon, 185, 413 Pimolia, 219 Pimolisa, 219, 460 Pimolissa, 328 Pinara, 53, 92, 425 Pinches, Mr., 16 Pindenissos, 386 Pinnecusa, 424 note Pionia, 155 Pisidia, 47, 50, 51, 57, 99, 151, 252, 254, 334, 376, 378 note, 387, 388, 393 , Antioch of, 44 , Apollonia of, 44 note , Seleuceia of, 44 Pisidian Mountains, 39 Pisingara, Pinsigara, 71 Pisonos, 275, 314 Pissia, 227, 233, 235, 422 Pisye, 424 Pitana, 105 Pithekas, 201 Pitnisos, 50, 221, 361 , see Petinessos Pityous, 325 Pityus, 320 note Piza, 382 Plarasa, 422 Platana, 65 note Platanea, 65, 207 Plataneai, 67 Plateae, 65 " Plato's Spring," 39 Pleumaris, 261 Plinna, 97 Pliny, 13, 20, 45 note, 71 Plitendum, 422 Plotinus, 227 Plouristra, 413 Podando, 66 Podandos, 18, 216, 304, 306, 339, 348, 351, 356, 357, 384 Podantos, 444 Poimanenon, 157, 166, 208, 411, 438 Phrygiae, 236 Poimes, 158 Poketos, 164 Poleatikos, 184 Polemoniacus, 56, 69, 328 Polemonion, 325 Polemonium, 320 note Polichna, 154 Polybius, 52 Polybotos, 78, 140, 171, 197, 232 Polychalandos, 128 Polymarga, 413 Pompeiopolis, 64, 65, 192, 278 note, 318 Ciliciae, 387 Soloi, 358 Pompey, 15, 50 Pontamus, 183, 240 Pontana, 435 Ponticoussa, 424 note Pontogephyra, 215 Pontos Polemoniakos, 325 Pontus, 47, 45, 46 7iote, 50, 51, 75, 191 f., 314, 315, 327, 444 Cappadocicus, 447 Galaticus, 69, 195, 253, 260, 330, 447 Polemoniacus, 251, 253, 260, 447 Porson, 249 Porsuk (or Porsak) Su, 16 Porticus Octaviae, 70 Poseidion, 187 Post-horses, 263, 347 Potamia, 65, 246 Potomia, 64, 65 Pettier, M., 13, 458 Poungousa, 389 Pouzanes, 190 Praedium Rusticum, 178 Urbanum, 178 Praepositi, pagorum, 174, 439 Praetorium, 275, 281, 312 Pragmateutai, 4, 173, 438 Prainetos, 48, 179, 188, 201, 240 Praipenisseis, 144, 151, 412 INDEX. 487 Prakana, 25, 280 note, 310, 364, 437, 405, 454 Prasmon, 240 Prepenisseis, 85, 144, 151, 412, 459 Prepenissos, 68 Priapos, 154 Priam of Troy, 34 Priam opo] is, 416 Priene, 104 Prietos, 188 v Primopolis, 416 Prinetos, 188 Proagon, 174 Procopius, 56, 57, 66 note Prokonessos, 154, 300. 405, 420, 437 Pronektos, 188 note Proseilemmene, 251, 377 Prostama, 407 Prostanna, 407, 414 Protunica, 240 Proureistra, 413 Prousa, 65, 70, 160, 190, 204, 208, 212, 435 ad Olympum, 20, 180 Prousias, 318, 444 Province Asia, 57 Prusa pros Olympum, 65 Prusias, 48 Prymnessos, 30, 49, 54, 87, 139, 320 note, 340, 416 Psebila, 344, 369, 450 Pserimos, 111, 424 Pserkiokome, 414 Psilis, river, 246, 438 Psilokastron, 276 Ptagia, 413 Ptanadaris, 49, 67, 272, 311 Ptandari, 311 Ptandaris, 67 Ptelaia, 163 Ptemari, 261 Pteria, 29, 31, 33, 34, 35, 38, 42, 43 note Ptolemy, 46 note, 56, 62, 63, 64, 65 note, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 95, 195, 258, 447 Piichstein, 15, 16, 17, 52 note Pulcherianopolis, 120, 136, 150, 179, 225 Purser, Mr. E., 4 Puspena, 67, 71 Pygela or Phygela, 111 Pylae Ciliciae, 314, 349, 357 Pylaemenia, 193 Pylai, 187, 201, 211, 352 note Pylaimenes, 192 note Pylakaion, 135 Pyramos, 63, 73, 365, 366, 374, 385 Pyrgi, Birgui, 12 Pyrgion, 12, 110, 420, 430 Pyrgos, 50, 198, 345, 358, 378, 448 Pythia, 180 Pythikos, 458 Radamnos, 387 Radet, M., 13, 116, 120, 127, 129, 166 note, 417, 419 Raita, 413 Rauraci, 275 Reace, 245 VOL. IV. Regemaurekion, 228 Regetnakade, 227 Reinach, M. S., 13, 20, 114, 138, 437 , M. Th., 18, 191 note, 440, 460 Rekokome, 413 Renbea, 413 Renkylias, 425 Resapha, 357 Rhebas, 189 note, 438 Rheketa, 153 note, 155 Rhibas river, 189 Rhocrini Pontes, 10, 142 note, 421 Rhodiapolis, 53, 424 Rhoiteion, 153 note Rhosos, 358, 383 note, 386 Rhossos, 386 Rhoti-ini or Rhocreni Pontes, 10, 142 note, 421 Rhyndakos, 79, 160, 162, 196 note, 314 Rignon, 345 Ritter, Prof. Carl, 98 Ritzion, 185 Robam, 276 Rodeutos, 444 Rogmor, 260 Romans, 45 Romanus Diogenes, 76 Rome, 26, 58, 73 note, 74 Rosologia, 254 Rosos, 386 Rossos, 358, 383 7iote, 386 Roum, 34 Rouphenianai, 184 Rousoumblada, 370 note Royal Road, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 54, 81, 83, 84, 256 Rufiniana, 189 Russia, 82 Ruzaphata, 357 Ryma, 144 Saba, 71, 416 note, 420 Sabagena, 69, 302 Sabalassos, 310 Sabinai, 388, 397, 412 Sabinianos, 18 Sabous, 71, 275 Sabus, 275 Sacoena, 67, 306 Sacred trees, 164 Sadagena, 309 Sadakora, 256, 306 Safaramboli, 21, 52, 320 Safssaf, 340, 354 note, 448 Sagara, 134, 155 Sagalassos, 241 note, 395, 402, 405,408,421, 437, 439 Sagalessos, 405 Saghari, 445 Sagoudaous, 209 Sagoue, 413 Said Pasha, 21 Saint Agapetos, 216, 226 Auxentios, 19, 352 George, Castle of, 209 Gregory, Castle of, 209 2 K 488 INDEX. Saittai, 121, 129, 149 Sakaliba, 340, 351, 353 Sakasena, 49, 269, 281, 306 Sakoena, 269, 281, 306 Sakox'a, 193 Sakorsa, 193 Sala, 122 Salaberina, 286, 360 Salambria, 275, 286 Salbakos, Mount, 134 Salouda, 136, 451 Salsalouda, 451 Saltarius, 15 Saltus Zalichenus, 320 Salutaris, 437. See Galatia, Phrygia , Phrygia, 151 Sama, 66 Samara, 140 Sam OS, 352 note Samosata, 275, 276, 279, 311, 429 Samsun, 27 Sanaos, 10 notey 49, 430 Sanaos or Anava, 136 Sandi, 246 Sandykli, 14, 40 Sangarios, 30, 31, 34, 64, 65, 82 note, 144, 182, 199, 205, 215, 225, 231, 267, 360, 412, 422, 435, 443, 445, 460 Sangia, 144 Saniana, 214, 219, 248, 250, 359 Sanisene, 219 Santabaris, 144, 171, 215, 233, 235, 434, 445 Saos, 262 Sara, 66 Sarabraka, 275, 286 Saralos, 261, 268 Saravene, 52, 70, 264, 268, 276, 283, 297, 300 Sardeis, 29 Sardis, 29, 30, 31, 32, 41, 42, 43, 49, 54, 60, 62, 120, 121, 167, 396, 432 Sardos river, 276 Sargaransene, 283, 289, 303, 308 Sargarausene, Strategia, 69 Saricha, 312 Sarmalius, 17, 257 Saron, 386 Saros, 18, 55, 221, 276, 289, 310, 311, 385 Sarromaena, 309 Sarvena, 297 Sasabaris, 152 Sasima, 10, 50, 281, 293, 304, 305, 346, 349, 356 Sassanians, 80, 87 Satala, 29, 30, 36, 42, 43, 55, 56, 71, 129, 131, 168, 267, 275, 315, 325, 432, 459 Satnioesis, 207 Satyros, 183 Saunaria, 56 Savatra, 50, 56, 284, 343, 358, 360, 377, 378, 379, 448 Sayce, Prof., 15, 17, 449 Sbeda, 368 Sbida, 143, 368, 450 Sbide, 368, 450 Scalanova, 59, 111 Scamander, 154, 162 Scanatus, 270, 295 Scandis, 67, 295 Scandos, 67, 295 Schinae, 240 Scholarii, 212 Schcinborn, Herr, 97 note, 98 Schuchhardt, Dr., 13, 117, 124, 127 Scolla, 306, 308 Scopas, 246 Scopi, 430 Scopius, 241 note Scudra, 246 Sebagena, 271, 281, 305, 306 Sebaste, 29 note, 54, 86, 137, 381, 384 Ciliciae, 450 Elaioussa, 374 Paphlagoniae, 193 note, 440, 453 Phrygian, 440 Ponti, 440 Sebasteia, 28, 50, 55, 57, 58, 75, 76, 193,, 199, 220, 260, 262, 270, 275, 278 note, 290, 295, 303, 305, 309, 310, 315, 325, 327, 329 note, 342, 440, 445 Megalopolis, 315 note, 326 Theme, 219, 317 Sebastopolis, 49, 253, 260, 261, 267, 315,. 320 note, 325, 326, 422, 453 Heracleopolis, 447 Seberias, 302 Sedaseis, 335 Seiblia, 49. See Siblia Seid Batal Ghazi, 87, 322 Seidi Ghazi, 322 Seioua, 227 note, 302, 305 Seiouasa, 305 Seiotiata, 345 Selefkia, 445 Selentis, 363, 371, 380, 455 Seleoberroia, 56, 71 Selephica, 346 Selenceia, 46, 58, 85, 364, 371, 374, 379, 381, 384, 393, 394, 405 of Isauria, 130, 358, 361, 452, 372 346 — Pisidiae, 49, 85, 252, 406 Sidera, 49, 85, 406 Theme, 213, 220, 249, 332, 350 Seleucid, 43 Seleucus, 35, 36 Seleukeia, 22. See Selenceia Seleukeian Theme, 213, 220, 249, 332, 350 Seleukobolos, 353 Selge, 335, 393, 402, 416, 418, 437, 451 Selgessos, 402, 405, 437 Selinuntis, 371 note Selinus, 358, 373, 381 Seljuk Turks, 34, 78, 79 Semalouos, 278, 355 Semana, 188 Semiramis, 121 Semisos, 314 Semna, 417 Semnea, 417 note Senaros, 54, 459 Sendaberi, 236 Senna, 417 INDEX. 489 Serai Keui, 83 Seramisa, 262, 268 Serastere, 300 Serea, 144 Sergiopolis, 357 Sermouga, 262, 268 Serrausa, 262, 268 Seroukome, 163 Seser, 382 " Sesostris," 30, 61 Seuarias, 302 Seulun, 87 Shaban Kara Hisar, 57 Shahr Eyuk, 86 Shelley, 4 Shohair, 290 Siala, 267, 349 Sialos, 220 Siara, 220, 262, 267, 302, 308, 349, 453 (Fiara), 70 Fiarasi, 67, 315 Sibela, 345 Siberis, 195, 217, 241, 246, 314, 417 note Sibidonda, 369 Sibidounda, 143 SIbiktos, 323 Sibila, 345, 369, 450 Sibilia, 346, 368, 450 Siblia, 80, 201 note, 212, 220, 226 note, 248 Siblia or Soublaion, 136 Sibora, 264, 302, 304, 315 (Ibora), 57, 69 Siboron, 220, 249 Sibyla, 369 Siccasena, 67, 269 Sicos Basilisses, 279 Side, 58, 393, 394, 395, 408, 415, 420 Sidera, 49 Sideron, 153 note Sideropalos, 354 note, 340, 448 Sidyma, 53, 425 Sigeion, 153 note Sigriane, 162 Silandos, 122 Siliudicoueuse, 246 Sillyon, 394, 416, 420 Simena, 425 Simikka, 413 Simmikka, 413 Sinda, 421 Sindita, 287 Sineruas, 275 Sinervas, 71 Sinethandos, 388, 398, 400, 420 Singa, 66 Siniandos, 387, 398, 420 Siniandros, 398, 400 Sinibra, 71 Sinis, 70, 272, 275 Colonia, 71, 314 Sinispora, 49, 272 Sinope, 27, 31, 33, 35, 37, 58, 60, 77, 268, 320, 321, 325 Sinoria, 56 Sinub, 27 Sion, 105 Siopa hill, 189 Sioua, 302 Sirachas, 218 Sirica, 274, 312 Siricha, 312 Sirichas, 218, 312 Siristat or Tris Maden, 18, 370 Sirma, 130 Sis, 281, 291, 350, 385 Sisia, 451 Siskia, 385, 386 Sismara, 71 Sitriandos, 398, 400 Sittl, 19 Siva, 268, 270, 304 Sivas, 27, 445 Sivri, Hisar, 87 Siza, 422 Skamandros, 207 Skelenta, 129, 133, 155 note Skepsis, 153, 155, 161 * Skleros, 359, 389 Skopas, 241 note Skordapia, 145 Skoutari, 185 Sminthion, 166 note Smith, Mr. A. H., 15 Smith, Prof. W. Robertson, 445 Smyrna, 7, 12, 13, 19, 32, 35 note, 45, 54, 59, 60, 61, 62, 81, 105, 107, 109, 115, 117, 118, 415 Soa, 10 note, 85, 144, 412 Soanda, 17, 49, 220, 221, 269, 287, 295 Soandos, 287, 293, 306 Soatra, 343 Sobagena, 69, 281, 309 Sobara, 302, 306 Sogoute, 209 Soloi, 358, 364 Soloi-Pompeiopolis, 18 Solymoi, 19 Sonny, Ad., 14 Sophou, 188 Sora, 193, 318, 321 note, 323 note Soreoi, 188 Sorpara, 270 Sosandros, 108 Soua-gela, 412 Soublaion, 79, 80, 136, 226 note Soublaion- Justinianopolis, 151 Sousou, 20 Soura, 357 Sourbia, 413 Sozon Lykabas, 135 Sozopolis, 78, 80, J30, 247, 343, 381, 389, 400 Spaleia, 163 Spalia, 223 Spania, 163, 223 note Speira, 218, 312 Spore, 145 Spynin, 218, 249 \ Stadeia, 424 Stadia for miles, 190, 251, 258, 370, 384 Stauropolis, 114 Stauros, 218, 220, 247, 248, 345 I Stavros, 247, 248 490 INDEX. Stektorion, 10, 139, 151 Stephanus, 45 Stephen, 227 note Sterrett, Prof., 4, 17, 18 note, 21, 82, 83, 97, 174 note, 243, 314, 334 note, 335, 343, 360 note, 361, 365, 370, 376 note, 378 note, 382, 391, 392, 397, 399, 401, 402 note, 404 note, 406, 408, 409 Stewart, Col., 4 Strabo, 18, 19, 27, 28, 35, 38, 43, 50, 62, 63, 69, 73, 96 Strategia Antiochiane, 69, 96, 241 note, 336, 342, 357 note, 372, 375 , Eleventh, 310 note , Kataonia, 69 , Kilikia, 69, 70 , Laviniane or Laviansene, 69, 71 , Sargarausene, 69 Strategiai, 283, 314, 336 Stratonicea Hadrianopolis, 129 Stribos, 164 Strouma, 414 Suenda, 17 Sugut, 201 note, 209, 234 Suissa, 56, 275 Susa, 27, 42 Svcronos, 453 Sybala, 345 Sybeda, 368 Syedra, 374, 391, 394, 395, 450 Sykai (loniae), 116 Syke, 381 Sykea, 241, 244, 401 Symbolus Surius, 189 Synaos, 131, 147, 168 note, 209, 430 Syneda, 368 Synekdemos, 13 Synnada, 14, 35, 36, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 49, 50, 54, 85, 139, 169, 403, 411, 414, 421, 431, 433 Synodion, 225 Syria, 34, 35, 56, 69 Syrian Gates, 35, 134 Syrna, 424 Tabae, 49, 421 Tabala, 131, 459 Tagenon, 81 Taion, 182 Takina, 48, 136, 164, 173, 438 Talbonda, 102, 402 Talmud, 13 Tamileta, 414 Tanadaris, 271, 311 Tandaris, 70 Tantaendia, 214, 217, 247 Tantalos, 134 Tapoura, 71 Tarasikodisa, 370 note Tarbassos, 264 note Tarbasthena, 264, 302 Tarkhuudara, 17 Tarkondimotos, 312 Tarkundarios, 17 Tarkundberras, 17, 312 note, 455 Tarkundwerras, 17 Tarsia, 65, 191 Tarsios, 155 Tarsos, 58, 66, 278, 351, 357, 381, 382, 386, 387, 415 Tash Keupreu (Pompeiopolis), 45 Taspa, 358 Tataion, 196, 226, 412, 414, 437, 439, 443 or Tottaion, 15, 18 Tataios, 181 Tatas, 437. See Tataion or Tottes, 18 Tatavion, 181, 439 (Atravion), 65 note Tatta, lake, 199, 227, 243, 287, 314, 345, 353, 379 Tauras, 342 Tauros, mount, 277, 310, 315 , river, 421 Taurus, 44, 45, 47, 221, 349, 361 , Anti-, 23 , Mount, 39, 55, 58, 73 Tavio, 70 Tavium, 29, 48, 50, 64, 75 note, 243, 250, 257, 264, 267, 270, 320 note Tasara, 285, 290 note, 447 Tchakal Keui, 16 Tchakmak, 16 Tchal Ova, 86 Tchasnegir Kopreu, 16 note Tcheshnir Keupreu, 16 Tcheshme, 88 Tchineit, 12 Tchineit, 108, 117 Tchivrelitzemani, 359 Tchorum, 52, 53, 259 Tefenni, 101 Teira, 104, 114, 148 note, 437 Tekmoreian lists, 388 Tekmorian inscriptions, 107 note, 334, 388, 409 Tekmoreioi, 334, 409 Tektosages, 17, 229 Tel-el-Amarna, 17 Telmessos, 18, 58 Tembrion, 178, 213 Tembris, 16, 141, 144, 178, 212 note, 217, 435, 444 Tembrogius, 144 Temenothyrai, 10 note, 148, 168, 437 Temnos, 10, 105, 109, 167 , mount, 123, 148 Tena, 419 Tenia, 398 Teos, 105 Tephrike, 265, 267 note, 342, v. (Devrige), 57, 76 Tergasos, 426 Termera, 424 Termessos, 18, 46, 394, 405, 421 Jovia et Eudocias, 420 Tetra, 286, 306 Tetrapolis, 425 Tetrapyrgia, 286, 357 Tetrapyrgium, 357 Tettha, 414 Teucila, 275 Teucrid dynasty, 374 Teuita, 414 INDEX. 491 Teuthrania, 146 Texier, 29 Thabusion, 421 Thallusa, 183 Thampsioupolis, 384 Tharse, 279 Thateso, 240 Thebasa, 339, 340, 354 note Thebaseni, 341 Theme. See Anatolic, etc, , Armeniac, 77 , Kharsian, 77 , Koloneia, 57 , Paphlagonian, 77 Themes, 249, 315 Themisonios, 387 Themissonion, 21, 49, 101, 135, 384, 438 Themissonioupolis, 384 Theodoret, 17 Theodoropolis, 20, 320. See Eukhaita Theodorus, 20 Theodosia, 120, 128, 147, 178, 225 Theodosiana, 356 Theodosiopolis, 57, 117, 225, 267, 277, 325, 335, 404, V. of Armenia, 305, 384, 448 Theodosioupolis, 177 note^ 225, 387 note, 404 Theodosius, 75 Theologo, 110, 228 Theophanes, 20 Theotokia, 181 Therapon, 131 Therma, 164, 269, 403 Thermensis majoris, 226 Thiounta, 135, 433 Thiountene Marble, 135, 433 Thrakesian Theme, 114, 131, 151, 159, 202, 211, 249, 423 Thucydides, 52 Thyassos, 114 Thyateira, 79, 117, 121, 127, 130, 148 note, 167, 437 Thya-teira, 114, 405 Thyatira, 44 Thybris, 144, 213 Thyessos, 114, 128, 132, 405 Thymbrion, 42, 140 Hadrianopolis, 40, 172 note Thynias, 183, 191 Thynnaros, 14, 36 Thyraia, 105, 114 Tianai, 105 Tiarai, 105 Tiareni, 119 Tibassada, 339 Tiberias, 302 Tiberiopolis, 10 note, 20, 98, 147, 433 Phrygiae, 181, 399 note, 458 Pisidiae, 398 Tigris, 57 Timbrias, 339 note, 388, 406-408, 416 Timios Stavros, 218, 220, 247, 248, 345 Timolaion, 194 441 Timolites, 128 Tion, 193, 443 Tios, 318 Tirallis, 70, 311 Tisna, 13 Tita, 414 Titakaza, 423, 456 Titanus, 13 Titarissos, 314 Titiopolis, 370 Titnaios, 13 Titopolis, 366 Tituensis, 409 Tityassos, 387, 396, 408 Tlos, 414 note Tloua, 414 Tmaros, 128 Tmolos, 12 city, 106, 127 mount, 106 note, 128, 431 Tokat, 27 Tolistobogii, 192 Tolistochora, 361 Tolosocorio, 360 Tomaros, 128 Tomarza, 305 Tomi, 93, 428 Tomisa, 55, 271 Tomouros, 128 Tonea, 259 Tonosa, 274, 303 Topoteresiai, 250, 288, 429 Totonia, 414 Tottaion, 181, 189, 226, 240, 437, 439 Tottes, 27 note, 437 Tottoia, 145 Tourma, 429 Tozer, Mr., 324 Trabala, 425 Tracheia, Cilicia, 58 Tracias, 347, 360 Tragonium, 129 Trajanopolis, 29 note, 30, 68, 149, 168, 459 Trakoula, 127 Traleis, 400, 432 Tralleis, 12, 44, 50, 88, 104, 112, 122, 422 note, 431 (Caesarienses), 118 Tranquillina, 441 Trans montem, 240 Trapezopolis, 135 Trapezous, 325, 447 Trapezus Galatiae, 246 Traskalissens, 370 note Trebenna, 264 note, 425 Trekea, 412 Treuber, Dr., 137 note Triakonta, 165 Tribanta, 145 Tricensimum, 165 Tricomia, 145, 213, 228, 239 Triglettia, 414 Trikomia, 145, 228, 239 Trikomia-Troknada, 213 Trimitaria, 134 Triuoixeitai, 163 Tripolis, 49, 83, 121, 130, 167, 396 Antoniopolis, 120 of the Chersonasioi, 424 Troad, 34, 52 Troas, 154, 161 492 INDEX. Trogitis lake, 335, 379, 390, 391, 419 Troglodytes, 293 Trokmoi, 452 Troknada, 213 Troknades, 172 note, 221, 227, 353 Trokonda, 143 Trotolukeia, 424 Trouglettia, 414 Tsamandos, 289, 290, 310 Tsakyroglos, 123 Turkey, 81, 88 Turkish names adopted in Greek, 209, 290 note, 390 note Turkmens, 213 Turks, Osmanli, 78 , Seljuk, 78, 81 Tyana, 198, 220, 221, 250, 277, 283, 284 note, 297, 304, 305, 307, 340, 342, 346, 348, 349, 354, 357, 449 Tyana (or Dana), 15, 18, 28, 29, 39 note, 41, 50, 68, 73, 75 note, 88 Tyanitis, 283, 295, 314, 341, 346, 357 Tyanolla, 125 Tyita, 414 Tymandos, 401 Tymbriada, 339 note Tymbrianasa, 439, 137 Tymbrianassos, 173 Tynna, 68, 311, vi. Typsarion, 351 Tyraion, 430 Tyrannoi, 141 Tvriaion, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 49, 140, 377, 399, 400, 408, 430 Tyrimnaios, 121 Tyropoion, 355, 356, 141 Tyrsa, 414 Tyscon, 422 Tyta, 414 Tzamandos, 291. See Tsa Tzidrania, 245 Tzimisces, John, 20 Tzophanene, 325 note Tzoukanisterin, 110 Tzybritze, 136 Ubinnaca, 338, 340 Ulpia, Ala II. Auriana, 55 Uzun-Hassanli, 13, 458 Valcaton, 240 Valens, 75 note Valentia, 136, 177, 225 Valentinianopolis, 106 Vanand, 290 Vanota, 288 Varismorum, 262 Vasada, 39, 227 7iote, 333, 350, 358, 377, 379, 390, 394, 395 Vasagadensis, 379 Vekrokome, 144 Venasa, 220, 250, 287, 292 Verinopolis, 247, 324 Galatiae, 345, 369, 450 Lykaoniae, 344 Psebila, 369, 450 Verisa, 262, 325, 327, 328, 453 Vestene, 287 Veteston, 360 Vetisso, 360 Vialbitanus, 379 Viaros, 407 Vicus, 20, 80, 136 Vigesimum, 165 Vinda, 237, 405 note Vindia, 252, 405 note Vinzela, 252 Vipsania, 230 Virasia, 64, 257 Vizir Keupreu, 45 Von Diest, 46 note, 73, 86, 456-460 Vourla, 113 Vryela, 113 note Waddington, M., 5, 19, 46 note, 96, 113, 135 note, 171, 191 note, 371, 390, 415 note, 418, 421, 425, 454 Weber, M. G., 110, 114 Wesseling, 12, 17 note, 98 Westcott, Dr., 11 Whittall, the late Mr. James, 32 Wilson, Col. Sir C. W., 4 note, 5, 17, 28 note, 34 note Wolfe Expedition, 17, 18 Wood, Mr. J. T., 110 Wroth, Mr., 441 Xanxaris, 347, 449 Xeroniaca, 246 Xerxes, 36, 37, 41 Xenophon, 41, 52 Xyline Kome, 421- Xylokastron, 276 ' Yapuldak, 31 Yeni Keui, 83 Yeni Khan, 266 Yoannes, 268 Yogounes, 268 Yokari Khoma, 79. See Kh Yrinopolis, 452 Yiirme, 16. 31 note Zalekhos, 321 Zalikhos, 320 Zama, 268, 270, 297, 301 Zamaneni, 291 Zandapa, 235, note Zapetra, 291 Zara, 274 Zarzela, 408 See Zo Zeede, 368 Zela, 260, 263, 267, 315, 324, 329 note, 447 Zeleia, 116 Zelisa, 329 Zelitis, 315 Zeuodotus, 18 Zenonopolis, 365, 366 note, 425 Zenopolis, 366, 370 INDEX. 493 Zephyrion, 358, 384 Zeugma, 279 Zeus Asmabaios, 347 Asmabaios or Asbamaios, 449 Benneus, 147 Bennios, 144 Bonitenos, 193 note Bronton, 147 Gonaios, 13 Keleneus, 369 note Lydios, 121 Olympios, 123 Pandemos, 14 Zeus Poliouchos, 304 Zimara, 275, vi. Zingot, 145 Zizimene, 227 note Zizoatra, 302 Zoana, 67, 274 Zogoloenos, 266 Zompi, 199, 214, 444 Zompos, 267 Zonaras, 19, 20, 21 Zoparistos, 314 Zoropassos, 220, 269, 287, 298 Zorzila, 393, 404, 408 ( 494 ) GREEK PEOPER NAMES. ^AyKupocru(ra>v, 430 ^AKpo'iuov, 151 note "AKcriapT], 390 "AirX-nKTa, 199 "Apapda, 382 note ^ AxapaKaKwfi'fjTTjs, 431 i Baa-iXiKo. eepfxd, 297 Bovcrdfiois, 294 TdXfiava, 344 raA^aava, 344 TAAYAMA, 361 T6p5ov KcijUij, 244 TwAeoj'Ta, 143 AapPidovv, 321 noie Aa^vovcr'ia, 430 Ae/xov(ria, 420 AerajScov, 424 A^/xou, 420 'E/f5au/^o;'a, 344 Evcrifiapa, 314 ZiCSarpa, 302 Zo^TTapiO'TOS, 31 'lao-o-os, 314 'louAtouTToAty, 435 KaATT^TOV, 299 KaTrapKeXis, 302 KSTTOt, 111 KapfiaXa, 314 Kao-raiSaAAa, 451 K^TTOt, 111 Ktai/t«a, 314 Ki'^apa, 302 KXavSioviroXis, 435 KhiixaTa, 417 woie KAetcroCpoj, 111 Ko-KT7]jxa-XiKai^ 422 KoAwj/eta, 285 Ko/iiTtoi/, 429 KSfi/jiaKoy, 419 KovpiKou, 384 Kpao-oj, 126 Kpuar U-ny-fjVj 267 KTTjiua Ma^i/xtat'ouTToAews, 420 KvTLfiiov, 429 KcouffTavTivov Bovvos, 220, 266 AaSoivepis, 314 AaAicraj'5(^s, 366 AaucTTao'a, 302 Aeuyoio'a, 314 AwTiVou, 227 Ma|:/xiaj/oy7roAts, 420 MacraAatos, 356 MdcTTavpa, 426 Maup6KacrTpov, 267 Mer^^wv, 424 Moj/apiT77S, 313 MovoAuKos, 437 Mvudia, 420 NaStaj/Sos, 285 Nea/cc^jUTj, 155 noi(? Ni/cato, 435 NocraA^j/7j, 302 'Opearcivoi, 121 OueTefTToy, 360 "Oc/jecos KecpaXijj 436 Hacrdpvri, 302 ne'7a'tap77, 390 nhapa, 92 noAuxc'^«''5ou, 128 npayjuareuTat, 4, 173, 438 npoDo-a, 435 'PaSajUj/os, 387 'Peye/xavpeKiov, 228 'Pi'yi'Oj/, 345 2a)8a, 416 wo^e 'S.a^dynvaj 302 SayaAacro-f^j, 437 Sayopa, 134 2a7ou5aous, 209 "XaXafi^pia, 275 'S.apdfipaKa, 275 Saptxa, 312 SacrajSapews, 152 'Zi^dy-qva, 271 SeiSao-reja, 440 26A777, 437 SeAyTjo-crJs, 437 Stwi/, 105 S/ceAevra, 129, 133, 155 '2,oyovT7], 209 Ta|apa, 285, 290, 447 TapKvydfieppauj 17, 312 note TCvPpirCv, 136 T^ou/caj/iO'T^ptJ', 110 TiTapi(T(T6s, 314 T/iwAos, 106 TpoToXvKela, 424 'T;//?7Ar7, 265 *o7iT^77, 245 ^ovcrnrdpa, 314 XapaKwfi'qrTjv, 431 Xwpfa MiAuaot/ca, 420 D.TlX4ovTa, 143 ( ) SUGGESTIONS IN SEPTEMBER, 1890, AFTER A JOURNEY IN ASIA MINOR. Page 46. I have learned, in the certainly Roman road from Corycos to Olba, that several narrow old roadways, which I formerly took for early Turkish, are probably Roman. 139, § 36. Lobbecke (Zft. f. Nmn., 1890, 23) reads on another coin CIOXAPA- KEITQN. Is this an error of engraver for [l]EPO ? or is the error in lEPO? Both cannot, as Lobbecke assumes, be right. 271, 272. The Roman Road probably went by the Kuru Tchai pass. 336, note §. Zosta is not an ancient site. Derbe was situated at Gudelissin, two miles N.W. 358, § 3. The roads are Laranda-Philadelpheia (Maliya)-Dalisandos-Claudiopoli8- Diocaesareia-Seleuceia, and Laranda-Coropissos-Olba-Corycos : but probably connections existed Coropissos-Claudiopolis and Olba-Seleuceia. Dalisandos is about five miles N.W. from Mut. 391, \. 39. The ruins are beside Kashakli, on the araba road to the coast. 408. Zorzila probably at Karadja Assar, Tityassos near Bademli in the district called Yeni Sheher. Buldur was in Sagalassian territory, till at length it took the place of Sagalassos as chief centre of population. On Map insert roads from Adada to Perga, to Prostanna and Apameia, to Zorzila, Tityassos and Antioch. Table of Isauria. Two coins of Kestros belong to Mr. Lawson, A coin, which perhaps was struck by Claudiopolis, was bought by us at Laranda. The terms "Asia Minor" and "Anatolia" are used rather loosely throughout this work as equivalent, denoting the whole peninsula west of Armenia and Mount Amanus. N.B. — The reader is requested to complete or correct from the Addenda many statements in the text, using the Index of Proper Names. On the abbreviations CB and ASP, see p. 102 note. VOL. IV. LONDON: PRINTED BY \viLLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, Limited, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.