PRESIDENT WILSON'S NEW DECLARATION OF FREEDOM ^4 Charter for Humanity and IVorld Peace fti^Dn ¥4 ALL PROFITS FROM THE SALE OF THIS RETRINT OF PRESIDENT WILSON'S HISTORIC SPEECH ARE DEVOTED TO THE FUNDS OF THE BRITISH-AMERICAN PEACE CENTENARY COMMITTEE, CENTRAL BUILDINGS, WESTMINSTER, S.W THE ST. CATHERINE PRESS STAMFORD ST. S.E SIXPENCE NET PRESIDENT WILSON'S NEW DECLARATION OF FREEDOM ADDRESSING CONGRESS IN THE CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON ON MONDAY, APRIL 2nd, 1917, PRESIDENT WILSON SAID * S s jt 1st i CALLED Congress in Extraordinary Session because there arc serious, very serious, ehoiees of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right constitutional^ nor permissible I should assume the responsibility of making. On February 3rd last I oflicially laid before von the extraordinary announce- ment of the Imperial German Govern- ment that on and after February its purpose to put aside all ^ restraints of ^law or humanity, and use its submarine? to sinkeveiy vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and In land or the western coasts of Europe, or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the Gciinun submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the com- mander of its undersea craft, in conformity with its promise then given us, that passenger boats should not be sunk, and due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care would be taken that their erews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions then were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance arter instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business but a certain Jegree of restraint was observed. TILE new policy swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their Hag, character, cargo, destina- tion or errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning, without thought of help or mercy for those on board vessels of friendly neutrals, along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and Mri. keu people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with a safe conduct through the prescribed areas by the Ger- man Government itself, and were distinguished by unmistuk- marks of identity, were sunk with the same reckless lack □fa npa-.s r idple of International Law had its origin in an attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had the right of dominion, where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after "stage has that law been built up with meagre enough results indeed, after all lias been accomplished, always with a clear view at least of what the heart and con- science of mankind demanded. This minimum the German Government swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these, which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them wit bout throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or respect for the under- standings supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as thivt is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatant men, women and children engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for ; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. THE present German warfare against commerce is warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ship-, have been sunk and American lives taken in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but t he- ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed ill the waters in the same way. There lias been no discrimination. The challenge is to all Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with the modera- tion of counsel and temjx'rateness of judgment befitting our character and motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victo- rious assertion of the physical might of our nation, but only a vindication of right, of numan right, of which we are only a single champion. When 1 addressed Congress on February 20th last I thought it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, out- right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to k< ep our people safe against unlawful violence ; but armed neutralitv now appears impracticable. BECAUSE submarines an- in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks us the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, which are visible craft, when given chase upon the open sea. It is \ prudence in such circumstances, of grim necessity indeed, to endeavour to desire their own intention. They m dealt with at all. The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in defence of rights which no modern publicist ever before questioned. An intimation has been conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of the law, and subject to be dealt with as pirates. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at the best in such circumstances. In the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual. It is likely to produce what it was meant to prevent. It is practically certain to draw us into war without cither the rights or effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make and are incapable of making. We will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored and violated. The wrongs against which _ array oursclvc root of human life. With a profound sens character of the step I sibihties which it in vol' what I d< declare tin >ngs ; they cut to the very of the solemn, even the tragical in taking, and of the grave respon- s, but in unhesitating obedience to iy constitutional duty, I advise that Congress nt course of the Imperial German Government fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States ; that it formally accept the status of a belligerent which is thus thrust upon it, and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defence, but also to exert all its power and to employ its resources to bring the Government of the Ger- man Empire to terms and end the war. WHAT this involves is clear. It will involve the utmost practicable co-operation in Council with the Govern- ments now at war with Germany, and as incident thereto an extension to those Governments of the most liberal financial credits in order that our resources may as far as possible be added to theirs. It will involve the organisation and mobilisation of all the material resources of the country to supply materials of war to serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant yet most economical and most effective way possible. It will involve the immediate full equipment of the Navy in all respects, but particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy's submarines. IT will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war of at least 500,000 men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorisation of subsequent additional incre- ments of equal force so soon as they may he needed and can be handled in training. It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well-conceived taxation. I say sustained as far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me it would be unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely upon money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people as far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which are likely to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast loans. In carrying out the measures whereby these things will be accomplished, we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty — for it will be a very practical duty — of supplying nations already at war with Germany with materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field. We should help them in every way to be effective there. I TAKE the liberty of suggesting through several executive Departments of the Government, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting war and safe- guarding the nation will most directly fall. While we do these things — these deeply momentous things — let us make it very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from the habitual normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months. I do not believe the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have actuary the same things in mind now as I had when I addressed the Senate on January 22nd, the same that I had in mind when I addressed Congress on February 3rd and February 26tb. Oui object now as then is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish lutocratic power, and to set up amongst reallv free and self-governed peoples of the world such a eonccrt'of purpose and action as will henceforth insure the observance of these principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments backed by organised force which is controlled wholly by their will and not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances, vve are at the beginning ol an age in which it will be insisted tnat the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their Governments that arc observed among individual citizens of civilised states. WE have not quarrelled with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of svmpathv and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old unhappy davs when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties, or little groups of am- bitious men, who were accustomed to use their fellow-men as pawns and tools. Self-governed nations do not All their neighbour Stales with spies or set in course an intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which would give them an opportunity to strike and make a conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked only under cover where no one has a right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or impression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from light only within the privacy of Courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow- privileged class. Theyare happilv impossible where public opinion commands, and insists upon full information con- cerning all the nation's affairs. A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by the partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic Government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. There must be a league of honour and partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away. Plottings by inner circles, who would plan what they would and render an account to no one, would be corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honour steady to the common end, and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful heartening things that have been happening within the last tew weeks in Russia ? Russia was known by those who knew her best to have been always in fact democratic at heart in all vital habits, in her thought, and in all intimate relations of her people that spoke of their natural instinct and their habitual attitude towards life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood, and terrible as it was in the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character or purpose. And now it has been shaken, and the great generous Russian people have been added in nil their naive majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a league of honour. ONE of the things that have served to convince us that Prussian autocracy was not, and could never be, our friend is that, from the very outset of the present war, it filled our unsuspecting communities, and even our offices of government, with spies, and set criminal intrigues everywhere- afoot against our national unity of council and our peace within and without our industries and o Indeed, it is now evident that spies we the war began. It is unhappily not a ma but of fact, proved in our courts of just which, more than once, came perilously n peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the personal direction, of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States. Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them, we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them, lieeause we know that their source lay not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German peopk- towards us (who were no doubt as ignorant of them as ourselves), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us, and means to act against our peace and security at its con- venience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted Note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence. e here even before ,tter of conjecture, ce, that intrigues ~.r disturbing the Wfc are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a friend, and that in the presence of its organised power, always Iving in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no ussured security for the democratic Governments of the world. We are now about to accept the gage of battle with this foe to lilierty, and shall, if necessary, spend the whole to cheek and nullifv it, pretensions and its force of the vVe are glad, now that we see facts with no veil of false pre- tence about them, to light thus f,,r the ultimate peace of the world, for the liberation of its peoples— the German peoples included — the rights of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men even-where to choose their way of life and obedience. The world must be safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon trusted foundations of 'political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquests and no dominion. We ^eek no indemnities for ourselves and no material compensation for sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of tin champions of the rights of mankind, and shall be satisfied when these rights nre us secure us fact and the freedom of nations can make them. JUST because we light without rancour and without selfish objects, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all lic e peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion, and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we prod s, to be lighting for. 1 have -aid nothing of Governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany, because they have not made war upon us or challenged us'to defend our rights and our honour. The Austro-Hungarinn Government has indeed avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of reckless and lawless submarine warfare, adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it bus, therefore, n,,l been possible fortliis Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recentlv accredited to this Government by : l Hungary, but that Government has not actually ' in warfare against the citizens of the United States as, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing the discussi i of 01 ■relat Wi E < r this i .jtheie are no other mear It will be easier for us to conduct our liigh spirit of right and fairness li iity towards a pci sadvantage i m 3 an ii responsible "( isiderations of hum bring any injury armed opposition thrown aside alt ( running amok. We arc, let mesa) and shall desire ni__ of intimate relatio__. hard it may be for them for the t; spoken from our hearts. We have borne with their present Govemmcr. We shall happily still have friendship in our daily attiti of men and women of Gem who live amon^l iia ami slia to prove it towards all who hours and to the Governmeni THEY are most of them they had never known They will be prompt iithontir ii, but only in sent which' has nd right and is any other Amerioaas as if v or allegiance, linking and rc- id and purpose. I h with the firm id at all, it wdl of all straining the few who may be of different n If there should be disloyaitV it will be dealt ^ hand of stern repression, but, if it Nils its 1 lift it only here and there, and without em from the lawless and malignant few. It is a distressing and oppressive duty, G< gress, which I have performed in thus addres are, it may be, many months of tierv I rial in of us. It" is a fearful thing to lead lids M i people into war, into the most terrible and Civilisation itself seems to be in the balance, hut right is more- precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always curried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own government, fur the rights nnd liberties of small nations, for the universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as will bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such atask we can dedicate our lives, our fortunes, every- thing we arc, everything we have, with the pride of those who know the da\ has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and might for the principles that gave her birth and the happines- and peace which she has treasured. God help- ing her, she can do no other.