THE EARLY INDIAN WARS OREGON FROM THE OREGON ARCHIVES AND OTHER ORIGINAL SOURCES MUSTER ROLLS. FRANCES PULLER VICTOR. \\ >AI.E:T, OREGON: FRANK ( . UAKKIl, bTATI-: I lIINTER. 18W. Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1894 by FRANCES FULLER VICTOR, In the oflicc oJ the Librarian of Congress at Washington. HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 22. Introduced by HON. WM. ARMSTRONG. WHEREAS the early history of the territory of Oregon is in a chaotic state as regards the early pioneers, those noble men and women who braved the perils and sufferings incident to a long and tedious journey over the then trackless and uninhabited des ert ; and whereas there still remains a full and varied record of the heroic deeds of those brave men and noble women, in the office of the secretary of state, the compilation, tabulation, and publication of which would redound to the honor of this patri otic people, worthy of adorning the brightest page of American history, and thereby transmit to posterity the fortitude and sacri fices of the men who saved this state to the United States,-Ua state that today is the brightest gem in the galaxy of our glori ous constellation ; and whereas many of those early pioneers have passed that bourne from whence no traveler returns, and Time has laid his heavy hand on the hoary heads of those that remain, let us join with them in erecting to their memory a monument that will stand in the solitude of time, beneath whose shadow nations may crumble, and around whose summit generations yet unborn may linger, by the publication of those records, now resting in oblivion, in the archives of the state; therefore be it Resolved, That the secretary of state be and he is hereby in structed to cause to be compiled, tabulated, and published, as far as is possible from the material in his possession, a complete rec ord of the early Indian wars of Oregon, including the wars of 1855 and 1856, and a brief sketch of the pioneer history preceding such wars and connected therewith, and that he be instructed to expend not to exceed the sum of fifteen hundred dollars out of any moneys not otherwise appropriated, for the compilation and tabulation of such historical record, and such other information as will preserve the names and incidents connected with the In dian wars of Oregon ; such historical work to be compiled under his direction. Be it further resolved, That the unexpended balance, if any, shall be returned to the state treasury. The secretary of state is hereby appointed custodian of such book when published, and he is hereby authorized and directed to sell such book at the actual cost of compilation and publication, and to report to the legisla- (iii) iv HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 22. tive assembly of 1893 the amount of money received by him as the proceeds of such sales. The secretary of state is further in structed to compile statements showing services of the soldiers of the Indian wars of Oregon, and to publish the same in pamphlet form for distribution among the veterans of said wars. Adopted by the house, February 18, 1891. T. T. GEEB, Speaker of the House. Concurred in by the senate, February 19, 1891. JOSEPH SIMON, President of the Senate. PREFACE. HAVING been entrusted by the legislature of Oregon with the duty of recording the history of the early wars of the white race with the Indians of the northwest, it appeared to me eminently proper to set forth the causes in detail which led to those race conflicts. In doing this I have endeavored to "nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice," but rather to give a philosoph ical view of the events recorded. This is the more im portant because fiction and sentimentalism on one hand, and vengeful hatred on the other, have perverted the truth of history. The Indian is a wild man; it would only be a fact of evolution to call him a wild animal on his way to be a man, provided the proper environments were furnished him. While the instincts and perceptions are acute, the ethical part of him is undeveloped, and his exhibitions of a moral nature are whimsical and without motive. Brought into contact with white men. whether of the lowest or of the highest, he is always at a disadvantage which is irritating, and subject to temptations which are dangerous. On the other hand, the white man is sub ject to the more subtle temptation to abuse his superi ority for selfish purposes; he being in selfishness often but little, if at all, removed from the wild man. One point to be brought out in these pages is the ac countability of the government in our Indian wars, and (v) vi PREFACE. its indebtedness to the pioneers of every part of the country: first, in inviting settlement, and then in not properly protecting settlers. The policy of the govern ment for a hundred years has been to throw out a vanguard of immigration, and when these had fallen victims to savage cupidity or hatred, to follow with a tardy army and "punish" what it should have pre vented. The Spaniards did better than this, for they sent a garrison out with every colony and "reduced" the native population with comparatively little blood shed. If this record of the first ten years of Indian war fare in Oregon presents this subject fairly to the reader, it will have achieved the purpose for which it was writ ten. SALEM, July 30, 1893. CONTENTS. THK CAYUSE WAR. CHAPTER I. PAOB POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES REGARDING THE PACIFIC COAST TEMPER OF THE PEOPLE Co SGRESS SEEKING INFORMATION EARLY FUR-TRADING EXPEDI TIONSEFFECT OF CONGRESSIONAL INQUIRY ON THE PUBLIC MIND FLOYD S SCHEMES FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF OREGON PETITIONS TO CONGRESS TO PASS A BILL TO OCCUPY THE COLUMBIA REGION TROUBLES OF JOINT OCCUPATION *- INDIAN CALL FOR TEACHERS MISSION EFFORT, AND ITS RESULT IN THE WALLAMET VALLEY HOSTILITY OF THE MISSION COLONY TO THE BRITISH OCCUPANTS SECRET AID FROM THE GOVERNMENT HUDSON S BAY COMPANY INTRODUCE SETTLERS UNITED STATES NAVAL EXPEDITION FIRST ACTUAL SETTLERS FROM THE UNITED STATES ELIJAH WHITE S IMMIGRATION FIRST CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE INDIANS AND AMERICANS IN WESTERN OREGON / JEDEDIAH SMITH AND JOHN TURNER BLACK, GAY, BAILEY A ROGUE RIVER INDIAN SHOT LEE AND HINES VISIT TO THE UMPQUAS THE DALLES INDIANS ^ THE CLATSOPS PUGET SOUND TRIBES CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM THE FOREGOING 1 CHAPTER II. PRESBYTERIAN MISSIONS IN OREGON DR. WHITMAN H. H. SPALDING A. B. SMITH W. H. GRAY, CORNELIUS ROGERS DR PARKER S MISSION TO OREGON HEROIC WOMEN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FLATHEADS, CAYUSES, WALLA WALLAS, AND NEZ PERCES BONNEVILLE S PRESENT FROM A CAYUSE THEIR RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES --TAUGHT BY PA MBRUN MISSIONARIES UNABLE TO UNDERSTAND THE INDIANS THEIR DEMANDS SPALDTNG S TROUBLES THK FATE OF HAT ATTITUDE OF ELLIS EFFORTS AT AGRICULTURE MRS. SPALD ING CHEMEKANE MISSION CATHOLIC INFLUENCE BLANCHET AND DEMERS THE ROOT OF THE TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS CAY USES ASSAULT DR. WHITMAN ASSISTANTS REFUSE TO REMAIN AT THE MISSION GRAY S INDIS CRETIONTROUBLES OF SPALDING DEMANDS OF THE HOME BOARD ORDER TO DISCONTINUE WAHLATPU AND LAPWAI MISSIONS ARRIVAL OF WHITE S IMMIGRANT PARTY WHITMAN S PLANS, AND His SUDDEN JOURNEY EAST OREGON AFFAIRS IN CONGRESS WHITMAN S BILL, AND WHAT IT ASKED FOR -^ THE FAILURE OF His MISSION TO THE EAST CONCLUSIONS 17 CHAPTER III. DR. WHITE CALLED TO THE CAYUSE COUNTRY DISTURBANCES AMONG THK INDIANS PERSONNEL OF THE PARTY WHITE S POLICY COUNCIL WITH NEZ PEKCE.S SPEECHES OF WHITE, MCKINLAY* ROGERS, AND MCKAY REPLIES OF FIVE \ viii CONTENTS. CROWS, BLOODY CHIEF DR. WHITE S CODE ITS ACCEPTANCE ELECTION OF A HIGH CHIEF ADVICE TO THE NEZ PERCES SPALDING S REPORT TALK OF THE CAYUSES A COUNCIL APPOINTED RETURN OF WHITE TO THE DALLES TROUBLE AT CLATSOP FRESH ALARMS IN THE SPRING OF 1843 BREWER S LETTER WHITE S EMBARRASSMENT MEMORIAL AGAINST DR. MCLOUGHLIN How HE REPAID THE MEMORIALISTS COMPLAINTS OF THE DALLES INDIANS WHITE PROCEEDS TO WAIILATPU EFFECT OF His VISIT THE CAYUSES SHOW HIM THEIR FARMS AN EXTRAORDINARY CAVALCADE PERKINS VISITS TO TAUITOWE S CAMP WHITE GOES TOLAPWAI NEZ PERCES RECEIVED INTO THE CHURCH JOSEPH WELCOMES ELLIS EFFECT ON THEIR GUESTS LAAVYER THE NEZ PERCES ACCOMPANY WHITE TO WAIILATPU GRAND RECEPTION COUNCIL SPEECHES OF THE CHIEFS LAWS ACCEPTED WHITE RETURNS TO THE DALLES TO TEACH THE INDIANS MRS. WHITMAN LEAVES WAIILATPU 43 CHAPTER IV. \ Two IMPORTANT BARENTS WHITE S CAUTION TO THE IMMIGRANTS PILOTS OF 184:? INDIANS TROUBLESOME TRADING FOR CATTLE THE DALLES MISSION ABAN DONEDMISBEHAVIOR OF CHIEF COCKSTOCK THE AFFAIRS AT OREGON CITY COCKSTOCK AND TAVO AMERICANS KILLED HUNGER AND THIEA^ING IN THE WALLAMET VALLEY THE OREGON RANGERS AND THEIR EXPLOITS THE INDIAN CATTLE COMPANY KILLING OF ELIJAH HEDDING ALARM IN OREGON WHITE S DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON PEU-PEU-MOX-MOX IN CALIFORNIA IN 1846 NEAV INDIAN AGENT IMMIGRATION OF 1845 ROAD MAKING POLI TICS AND THE SOUTHERN ROUTE IMMIGRATION OF 1846 TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS BY THE COLONISTS IMMIGRATION OF 1847 NEGLECT OF OREGON BY THE GOVERNMENT THREATS OF INDEPENDENCE APPREHENSIONS THE BLOAV FALLS. CHAPTER V. CAUSES OF THE CAYUSE HOSTILITIES DR. WHITMAN WARNED IMMIGRATION OF 1847 AMERICANS AT WAIILATPU ARRIVAL OF CATHOLIC PRIESTS WHIT MAN S FEARS SICKNESS AMONG THE INDIANS WHITMAN AND SPALDING AT UMATILLA THE MASSACRE AT WAIILATPU DEATH OF DR. AND MRS. WHI K*. MAN AND SEVEN OTHERS ESCAPES, AND CAPTIVES REV. J. B. A. BROUILLET ESCAPE OF MR. SPALDING CANFIELD REACHES LAPWAI COURAGE OF MRS. SPALDING CONDUCT OF THE NEZ PERCES SPALDING S LETTER TO BROUTLLET A COUNCIL HELD AT THE CATHOLIC MISSION INDIAN MANIFESTO OGDEN S ARRIVAL AT FORT WALLA WALLA ANOTHER COUNCIL RANSOM PAID FOR THE CAPTIVES ANXIETY OF OGDEN DEPARTURE FOR VANCOUVER HORRORS OF THE CAPTIVITY SUSPICIONS AND MISTAKES OF CAPTIVES SUBSEQUENT CONTROVERSIES OGDEN DELIVERS THE RELEASED AMERICANS TO GOVERNOR A BERNETHY ENDLESS DISCUSSION OF CAUSES THE REAL CAUSE 92 CHAPTER VI. THE LEGISLATURE OF 1847-8 RECEIPT OF THE NEWS OF THE MASSACRE AT WAIJ- LATPU LETTER OF MCBEAN LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR A BERNETHY CONDITION OF THE TREASURY OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT EFFORTS TO PROCURE THE MEANS TO PUT TROOPS IN THE FIELD THE HUDSON S BAY COMPANY DECLINE TO FURNISH MONEY COM MISSIONERS BORROW A SMALL AMOUNT ON THE FAITH OF THE OREGON GOV ERNMENTTHE LEGISLATURE AUTHORIZES THE RAISING AND EQUIPPING OF A REGIMENT OF RIFLEMEN OFFICERS APPOINTED A MESSENGER DISPATCHED TO WASHINGTON, AND ANOTHER TO CALIFORNIA FAILURE OF THE LATTER-- 127 CONTENTS. ix CHAPTER VII. ELECTION OF ARMY OFFICERS BY THE LEGISLATURE APPOINTMENT BY THE GOV ERNOR OF A PEACE COMMISSION ITS OBJECT THE SALE OF FIREARMS TO THE INDIANS PROHIBITED ATTITUDE OF THE SETTLERS TOWARDS THE INDIANS FEELING TOWARDS THE HUDSON S BAY COMPANY COMPLAINT AGAINST OGDEN ATTITUDE OF THE DALLES INDIANS FORT GILLIAM FIRST SKIRMISH WITH THE ENEMY CONDITION OF PUBLIC SENTIMENT COLONEL GILLIAM S HOSTILITY TO THE FUR COMPANY LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS REPLY OF GOVERNOR ABERNETHY DEPARTURE FOR THE SEAT OF WAR GENERAL ORDERS THE COMMISSARY-GENERAL AND PEACE COMMISSIONER AT FORT GILLIAM ARRIVAL AT THE DALLES GILLI AM DISPLEASED ORDERS THE ARMY FORWARD THE CAYUSES ATTACK, AND OPPOSE THE CROSSING OF TIIK UMATILLA ARRIVAL AT WAUL ATPU AVOIDANCE OF THE INDIANS BY THE COMMANDER DEPARTURE OF MEEK S PARTY FOR WASHINGTON A COUNCIL FIELD WITH THE INDIANS BATTLE OF THE TOUCHET DEATH OF GILLIAM PROMOTION OF LEE TO THE COMMAND OF THE ARMY __ __ 152 CHAPTER VIII. ABERNETHY S LETTER TO GILLIAM CONDITION OF THE ARMY APPEAL OF MAX- ONEFFORTS OF THE WOMEN OF OREGON CITY COMPACT OF FIFTEEN YOUNG LADIES THE GOVERNOR S PROCLAMATION LEE S APPEAL MORE COMPANIES RAISED DIFFICULT Y OF SENDING MEN TO THE FRONT WITHOUT MONEY APPLEGATE S LETTER TO PALMER LETTER TO LEE AFFAIRS AT THE DALLES EN ROUTE TO FORT WATERS CONDITION OF COMMISSARY STORES INDIANS MORE FRIENDLY LEE FINDS THE REGIMENT IMPROVED, AND RESIGNS His COMMISSION ACCEPTS ANOTHER INSTRUCTIONS OF THE GOVERNOR TO THE SUPERINTENDENT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS OVERTURES OF THE YAKIMAS AND OTHER TRIBES LEE S CHARGE TO THEM FRUITLESS PURSUIT OF THE CAY- USESAGREEMENT WITH THE NEZ PERCES OFFER OF A REWARD FOR THE CAPTURE OF THE CAYUSES RESULTS OF THE CAMPAIGN CAYUSE LANDS CON FISCATEDWITHDRAWAL OF ARMY FORTS WATERS AND LEE HELD UNTIL SEPTEMBER ARMY DISCHARGED LEE S RESIGNATION AND EXPLANATION- SUSPECTED PRIESTS FOURTH OF JULY AT FORT WATERS RAIDS IN THE WALL- AMET VALLEY__ 194 CHAPTER IX. CORRESPONDENCE OF ABERNETHY WITH UNITED STATES OFFICERS AND OTHERS CONCERNING THE CONDITION OF OREGON LETTERS TO SHUBRICK LETTER OF GOVERNOR MASON TO ABERNETHY ABERNETHY TO MASON OGDEN TO ABERNETHY, ONE AND Two ABERNETHY TO OGDEN ABERNETHY TO HAR- DIE REPLY OF HARDIE ABERNETHY TO PRESIDENT POLK APPOINTMENT OF PICKETT INDIAN AGENT UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER AT HAWAII RE CEIVES A LETTER MUNITIONS OF WAR ARRIVE AFTER PEACE is RESTORED GOLD DISCOVERED MESSENGER MEEK REACHES WASHINGTON, AND THE TER RITORIAL ACT is PASSED LANE APPOINTED GOVERNOR AND MEEK MARSHAL INDIAN TROUBLE ON THE SOUND ARRIVAL OF THE MASSACHUSETTS WITH Two ARTILLERY COMPANIES SUB -INDIAN AGENT SERVICES OF DR. TOLMIE THE MOUNTED RIFLE REGIMENT DESERTION OF MEN SURRENDER, TRIAL, AND EXECUTION OF THE MURDERERS FAITHFUL DISCHARGE OF DUTY BY THE REGIMENTAL AND ACCOUNTING OFFICERS OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERN MENTREPORTS OF THE LOAN COMMISSIONERS, ADJUTANT^ GENERAL, AND COM MISSARY AND QUARTERMASTER-GENERALSETTLEMENT OF THE CAYUSE WAR DEBT __ 227 CONTENTS. ROGUE RIVER WARS. CHAPTER I. WITH THEM NAMING A CHIEF APPOINTMENT OP AN INDIAN COMMISSION TO MAKE TREATIES EXTRAVAGANT EXPENDITURE DART MADE SUPERINTEND ENTOUTRAGES BY SNAKE INDIANS CAUSES TROUBLE WITH THE ROGUE- RIVER INDIANS THE MURDER OF DILLEY TRAVELERS ATTACKED KEAR NEY S SKIRMISH, AND DEATH OF CAPTAIN STUART VOLUNTEERING LANE APPEARS AGAIN KEARNEY S FINAL BATTLE INDIAN PRISONERS DELIVERED TO GOVERNOR GAINES THE PORT ORFORD SETTLEMENT ATTACKED MASSA CRE ON THE COQUILLE ESCAPE OF T VAULT AND OTHERS TROOPS AND IN DIAN AGENTS GAINES AND SKINNER COLONEL CASEY S OPERATIONS AR RIVAL OF FRESH TROOPS CAMP CASTAWAY RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN THE ROGUE-RIVER VALLEY ELISH A STEELE AND AGENT SKINNER FIGHT AT BIG BAR TREATY MADE WITH CHIEF SAM NEGLECT OF THE FEDERAL GOVERN MENTMURDERS BY THE MODOCS MCDERMIT S AND BEN WRIGHT S CAM PAIGN EXPEDITION OF JOHN E. Ross PUNISHMENT OF THE MODOCS __ 267 CHAPTER H. WEAKNESS OF TREATY OBLIGATIONS RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES IN ROGUE-RIVER VALLEY ABSENCE OF AUTHORIZED AGENTS THE AUGUST OUTBREAK PETI TION TO THE COMMANDER OF FORT JONES AID FROM FORT VANCOUVER, AND A VOLUNTEER COMPANY FROM THE WALLAMET ALDEN TAKES COMMAND VOLUNTEERS FROM YREKA JOIN THE REGULARS FORCES ORGANIZED SKIR MISH ON EVANS CREEK, AND DEATH OF LIEUTENANT ELY WITH Six MEN LANE APPEARS ON THE SCENE Is OFFERED THE COMMAND TAKES IT AL DEN AND LANE WOUNDED CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES ARRANGEMENTS FOR A TREATY ITS TERMS THE INDIANS GO UPON A RESERVATION, WITH S. H. CULVER, AGENT TROUBLES IN OTHER LOCALITIES THE Loss OF LIFE AND PROPERTY IN 1853 MURDERS IN 1854 BY THE SHASTAS THEY GO UNPUN ISHED TROUBLES WITH THE COQUILLES THEIR PUNISHMENT BY VOLUNTEERS THE MURDERS OF THE YEAR ATTITUDE OF GENERAL WOOL TOWARDS CI VILIANSTHE "EXPEDITION TO FIGHT THE IMMIGRANTS " THE WARD MASSA CRE HALLER S EXPEDITION TO BOISE CURRY S ACTION THE PROCLAMA TION WITHDRAWN 307 CHAPTER III. SMALL MILITARY FORCE OF THE PACIFIC AFFAIRS OF THE INDIAN SUPERINTEND- ENCY THE TREATY OF WALLA WALLA CONDUCT OF CHIEFS AT THE COUN CIL SPEECH OF CAYUSE HEAD CHIEF THE INFLUENCE OF LAAVYER THE OPPOSITION OF KAMIAKIN THE TREATY SIGNED RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN SOUTHERN OREGON MURDERS VOLUNTEER COMPANIES AND REGULARS DIS AGREETROUBLES ON THE COQUILLE MURDER OF TRAVELERS IN ROGUE- RIVER AND UMPQUA VALLEYS THE LUPTON AFFAIR THE MASSACRES OF OCTOBER NINTH DEATH OF MRS. WAGONER BRAVERY OF MRS. HARRIS ARMING OF THE PEOPLE HOSTILITIES GENERAL THE NINTH REGIMENT THE BATTLE OF SKULL BAR MORE MURDERS GUARDING ROADS AND SET TLEMENTSBATTLE OF HUNGRY HILL CONDUCT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS BY THE CONTENTS. xi PAGE SUPERINTENDENT THE GOVERNOR CALLS FOR VOLUNTEERS NINTH REGI MENT DISBANDED NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN BATTALIONS CONSOLIDATION INTO THE SECOND REGIMENT OF OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS REGULARS ASSIST THE TERRITORIAL FORCES ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE "THE MEADOWS" FIGHT OF ALCORN ON LITTLE BUTTE CREEK THE FIGHT OF RICE ON ROGUE RIVER BATTLE OF "THE CABINS" FIGHT ON APPLEGATE CREEK BY BRUCE, O NEAL, AND ALCORN THE THANKLESS SERVICE THE NORTHERN COMPA NIES DISCHARGED RECRUITS CALLED FOR 332 CHAPTER IV. TROUBLES IN WRIGHT S SUB-AGENCY THE COQUILLE GUARDS THEIR OPERA TIONS IN COQUILLE DISTRICT LETTER OF CAPTAIN PACKWOOD TO GOVERNOR CURRY POLAND S GOLD BEACH COMPANY THE MASSACRE OF FEBRUARY TWENTY-THIRD KILLING OF WRIGHT AND POLAND LONG SIEGE OF THOSE WHO ESCAPED Loss OF A PARTY OF RESCUERS FROM PORT ORFORD FEARS OF A FAMINE TIMELY ARRIVAL OF REGULAR TROOPS UNDER COLONEL BU CHANANORGANIZATION OF MINUTE MEN ABBOTT S COMPANY ATTACKED INDIFFERENCE OF THE REGULAR TROOPS TO THEIR SUFFERINGS PETITION OF JACKSON COUNTY TO GENERAL WOOL His ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CIVIL AUTHORITIES RE-ORGANIZATION OF THE SECOND REGIMENT EXTRACT FROM THE WRITINGS OF J. M. SUTTON EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORTS OF CAPTAINS O NEIL, BUSHEY, BUOY, GEORGE, SHEFFIELD, WALLEN, CREIGHTON, HARRIS, AND COLONEL KELSEY ATTACK ON THE MEADOWS THE INDIANS DISLODGED PLANS OF THE UNITED STATES OFFICERS FOR PEACE A FIGHT AND A COUN CILJOHN DETERMINED TO CONTINUE HOSTILITIES SMITH ATTACKED NEAR THE MEADOWS THE BATTLE AND RELIEF MOVEMENTS OF VOLUNTEERS SURRENDER OF THE INDIANS THEY ARE TAKEN TO THE COAST RESERVATION DISCOMFORT AND DISCONTENT MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT FINAL CLOSE OF INDIAN WARS IN SOUTHWESTERN OREGON PRESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS... __ 371 THE YAKIMA WAR. CHAPTER I. EXTENT OF THE HOSTILE CONFERATION IN OREGON AND WASHINGTON THE YAK- IMAS MURDER MINERS DEATH OF BOLAN KAMIAKIN S CONFESSION TO A SPY THE PREPARATIONS FOR WAR ACTING GOVERNOR MASON OF WASHINGTON TERRITORY MAKES A REQUISITION UPON THE UNITED STATES FORTS MAJOR HALLER is ORDERED INTO THE YAKIMA COUNTRY His BATTLE AND DEFEAT COMMENTS OF GENERAL WOOL RE-ENFORCEMENTS AND VOLUNTEERS ARE CALLED FOR ACTION OF GOVERNOR CURRY A REGIMENT CALLED OUT BY PROCLAMATION MAJOR RAINS CAMPAIGN KAMIAKIN S LETTER RAINS RK- PLY WOOL S REMARKS ON RAINS CAMPAIGN INDIFFERENCE OF THE REGU LAR ARMY TO THE PERIL OF GOVERNOR STEVENS OLNEY S FUTILE ATTEMPT TO PREVENT THE WALLA WALLAS AND CAYUSES JOINING KAMIAKIN His OR DER TO THE SETTLERS RAYMOND S LETTER TO THE VOLUNTEER COMMANDER FORT WALLA WALLA DESTROYED WITH ALL ITS CONTENTS CURRY S VIEW OF His DUTY ORGANIZATION OF THE FIRST REGIMENT OF OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS OCCUPATION OF WALLA WALLA VALLEY BY OREGON FORCES THE BATTLE OF WALLA WALLA KILLING OF PEU-PEU-MOX-MOX INDIGNITIES xii CONTENTS. INFLICTED ON His BODY END OF FOUR DAYS TIRE LOSSES ON BOTH SIDES FORT BENNETT ERECTED SAFE ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR STEVENS AT THE FORT His COURSE WITH THE CCEUR D ALENES, SPOKANES, NEZ PERCES LOOKING GLASS TREACHEROUS SUCCESSFUL COUN CILSRESIGNATION OF NESMITH THOMAS CORNELIUS is CHOSEN COLONEL THE REGIMENT RECRUITED HARD FARE FIGHT WITH THE YAKIMAS Loss OF MOUNTS REGIMENT DISBANDED A BATTALION OF OREGON RANGERS OR GANIZED ___ _ 423 CHAPTER II. ARRIVAL OF COLONEL WRIGHT WITH NINTH INFANTRY POSTS GARRISONED IMPORTANCE OF THE CASCADES ERROR OF GENERAL WOOL ATTACK ON THE CASCADES BY THE YAKIMAS THE LONG SIEGE OF BRADFORD S STORE APPEAR ANCE OF THE TROOPS VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS FROM VANCOUVER AND PORTLAND SHERIDAN S PLIGHT STEPTOE S ERROR LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CASCADE INDIANS WRIGHT S CAMPAIGN IN THE YAKIMA COUNTRY, AND ITS RESULTS COURSE OF GOVERNOR STEVENS WASHINGTON VOLUNTEERS TAKE THE PLACE OF THE DISBANDED OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEER REGIMENT LETTER OF INDIAN AGENT CRAIG BATTLE OF GRAND ROND EFFECT OF SHAW S POLICY STEVENS FAILURE IN THE COUNCIL WITH THE NEZ PERCES ATTACKED BY THE CAYUSES AND WALLA WALLAS WOOL S REPORT ON THIS MATTER STEVENS REMARKS UPON THE POLICY OF COLONEL WRIGHT FORT WALLA WALLA ESTABLISHED THE OK- EGON AND WASHINGTON SUPERINTENDENCES UNITED GENERAL WOOL RE CALLED, AND GENERAL NEWMAN S. CLARKE SUCCEEDS HIM SLIGHT CHANGES AT FIRST STEPTOE S DISASTROUS MARCH CLARKE AND WRIGHT AT LAST AROUSED WRIGHT S CAMPAIGN BATTLE OF FOUR LAKES THE TROOPS VIC TORIOUS AND THE INDIANS SUBDUED KAMIAKIN S FLIGHT WRIGHT S HEROIC TREATMENT OF THE INDIAN QUESTION WHEN THE ARMY WAS HURT 458 THE CAYUSE WAR. X THE CAYUSE WAR CHAPTER I. POLICY OP THE UNITED STATES REGARDING THE PACIFIC COAST TEMPER OF THE PEOPLE CONGRESS SEEKING INFORMATION EARLY FUR-TRADING EXPEDITIONS- EFFECT OF CONGRESSIONAL INQUIRY ON THE PUBLIC MIND FLOYD S SCHEMES FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF OREGON PETITIONS TO CONGRESS TO PASS A BILL TO OCCUPY THE COLUMBIA REGION TROUBLES OF JOINT OCCUPATION INDIAN CALL FOR TEACHERS MISSION EFFORT, AND ITS RESULT IN THE WALLAMET VALLEY HOSTILITY OF THE MISSION COLONY TO THE BRITISH OCCUPANTS SECRET AID FROM THE GOVERNMENT HUDSON S BAY COMPANY INTRODUCE SETTLERS UNITED STATES NAVAL EXPEDITION FIRST ACTUAL SETTLERS FROM THE UNITED STATES ELIJAH WHITE S IMMIGRATION FIRST CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE INDIANS AND AMERICANS IN WESTERN OREGON JEDEDIAH SMITH AND JOHN*TURNER BLACK, GAY, BAILEY A ROGUE RIVER INDIAN SHOT LEE AND HINES VISIT TO THE UMPQUAS THE DALLES INDIANS THE CLATSOPS PUGET SOUND TRIBES CON CLUSIONS DRAWN FROM THE FOREGOING. FOR more than twenty years before the first immigrant party set out for Oregon, the government had been point ing out to the people of the United States the prize it was reaching after on the shores of the Pacific. As a nation America was still too young for conquest, even had it been a part of our policy to acquire territory by force, which it was not. By treaties, and by expending a few millions in money, we obtained the transfer of French and Spanish titles; and by force of defensive arms had compelled Great Britain to surrender to us the forts she held on our lake borders. But before this was accomplished, far-seeing statesmen had set on foot that transcontinental expedition, never appreciatingly eulogized in. the past, nor adequately hon ored with remembrance in the present the journey of Lewis and Clarke from the Missouri river to the Pacific, at the mouth of the Columbia, in 1804-5-6. It was a brave and a perilous undertaking, and forged one of the strong- CD 2 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. est links in the chain of evidence which prevailed in the controversy with Great Britain concerning our title to the Pacific Northwest. It stimulated the first commercial enterprise on the coast of Oregon the Pacific Fur Com pany of Astor the melancholy failure of which, through the cowardice and treachery of his Canadian partners, made room for the advent of a British company. The ruin of the Pacific Fur Company was regarded as a humiliation to the country, but such was the situation of international politics that congress declined to inter fere, or subsequently to extend aid to individual enterprise in Oregon, and the Hudson s Bay Company, successor to the Northwest Company, was left in actual possession, while diplomacy in London and Washington carried on the contest for mastery year after year, with varying prospects of success. The war of the Revolution had found Americans a nation of politicians, and left them a nation of patriots, barring the Tory minority, of whom, after the Declaration of Independence, very little was heard: The doings of congress in the early part of the century were far more interesting to, and notwithstanding the lesser number of public prints, more studied by the people than are its acts in this age of daily newspapers. Each man who had in any way aided in the struggle for freedom felt a personal pride in enhancing the glory of the new republic, and a corresponding desire to punish its enemies or abase its rivals. Such was the spirit of Americanism for the first fifty years of the existence of the United States. Well aware of the national temper, statesmen made use of it in the movement to establish the title to the territory in dispute on the Pacific coast. They took care to inform themselves of the private enterprises of the citizens in the Northwest, the most notable of which, as occurring so soon after Lewis and Clarke s expedition, was the adventure of Major Henry, who led a fur-hunting party to the head waters of therh&$rt in 1808. lie confined his suhse- THE CAYUSE WAR. 3 quent operations, however, to the headwaters of the $$& $(fd)WC where his name is preserved in Henry s Fork of that river. As early as 1820, Floyd, member of congress from Vir ginia, caused inquiry to be made "into the situation of the settlements on the Pacific ocean," having reference to Astoria, which had been restored to us after the war of 1812-15, and to the settlements of the British fur compa nies in this region. Among the matter brought to light by this inquiry was an account in 1823 of the expedition of W. H. Ashley in the previous year. Encouraged by indications of govern ment support, Ashley, in 1822, pushed a trading party as far west as the South Pass. In 1823 he took a wagon train to Green river, repeating his venture for several sea sons, and reporting to the government all the information obtained in his several expeditions. Other companies succeeded him, and came, into conflict with the Hudson s Bay Company on the west side of the Rocky mountains; their explorations being watched with interest by those having the future of the United States under consideration. Floyd, in 1821, presented a report to congress contain ing all the information gathered from the explorations of traders and adventurers, introducing a bill at the same time authorizing the president to occupy the Oregon territory, extinguish the Indian title, and provide a government, occupation meaning defenses at the mouth of the Colum bia, and military settlements at intervals along the route to the Columbia. This bill was discussed and amended from session to session, the military features being gradually eliminated as the temper of the nation changed, dona tions of land being offered to settlers as an inducement to emigration. Already, in 1822, petitions began to flow in from associations in different states, both north and south, memorializing congress to pass Floyd s bill, and books and pamphlets on the boundary question between Great Britain and the United States abounded, written not only, or not so 4 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. much by statesmen, as by politicians among the people. Correspondence between the diplomats of both nations may have been, if not aided, at least rendered more cau tious by the arguments put forth so freely on every hand. Congress, it must be conceded, by admitting bills promoting emigration to a territory in dispute while negotiations were still pending, violated the international code of fair deal ing; but not more, it was argued, than Great Britain, who peopled it with traders, and despoiled it of its natural wealth of furs, giving us occasion to act upon the premise that " all is fair in love and war." The congressional con science was satisfied by refraining from passing the bills under discussion, while the utterances put forth in speeches, often full of erroneous statements, served to keep the na tional spirit in a menacing attitude toward our British rival. Joint occupation, where each nation looked upon the other as an intruder, was a wholly unsatisfactory con dition, and fostered in the people a feeling of defiance towards the rival power never quite appeased since the late war. In the meantime it occurred to religious socie ties to send missionaries to teach the Indians of Oregon, about whom very favorable statements were made by the fur companies dealing with them concerning their natural tendencies towards religion. The appearance in St. Louis of four Flatheads, proteges of one of the companies, in 1832, and their demand for teachers, was the alleged cause of the immediate action of the Methodist church, and the subsequent action of the Presbyterian and Catholic churches, in establishing missions in Oregon. That these young chiefs should have traveled two thousand miles in search of spiritual teachers was deemed so much more remarkable than that the St. Louis company should have traveled the same distance in search of furs, that they were at once elevated into something, if not superhuman, at least greatly superbarbarian in character, and the country rang with the exploit. Those who gave the story its wonderful wings might have remembered that THE GAYUSE WAR. 5 in the history of all invasions or explorations of new countries, the invaders have brought back with them some best specimens of the native people to show in evidence of something they wished to prove. But in this instance it was not unnatural that these Indians, perceiving that white men were possessed of knowledge and property above anything ever imagined among themselves, should have desired to obtain a clue to this superiority; nor, since all primitive people are superstitious, with a great awe of spiritual influences, that they should have inquired con cerning the God of the white men, and desired to be taught his ways with his creatures. It was a day of great mission ary enterprises, and the call of the Flatheads was quickly responded to by the organization of a mission party of five men two preachers, Jason and Daniel Lee, from Stan- stead, Canada, and later of Wilbrahoam seminary; and two laymen, Cyrus Shepard of Lynn, Massachusetts, and Philip L. Edwards of Richmond, Missouri; with, as a helper, Courtney M. Walker of the same place, engaged for one year. These, in the spring of 1834, joined a fur-hunting expedition under Nathaniel J. Wyeth bound for the Colum bia river. In addition, two naturalists Townsend and Nuttall were attached to Wyeth s party, and all these, although > keeping up separate organizations, traveled together with the St. Louis Fur Company under William Sublette, the joint expedition numbering seventy men, with two hundred and fifty horses, and a small herd of cattle. The missionaries did not, as had been expected, tarry among the Indians upon the upper Columbia. Perhaps the American fur companies who traded with them did not desire it; at all events they came with Wyeth to the lower Columbia, and were received in an unexpectedly friendly fashion by the British company whose head quarters were at Vancouver, and who also politely but determinedly made Oregon very uncomfortable for the Yankee trader, who soon sold out to them and retreated from the field. 6 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Not so the missionaries, who selected ti site for their habitation in the fertile Wallamet valley, and began teaching as best they could a nomadic race, already infected with the poison of scrofula. The outcome was what might have been expected. They soon had, to use their own language, "more children in the graveyard than in the schoolroom"; for Indian youth, accustomed to freedom of movement, of air, and a certain diet, could not long with stand the influence of unaccustomed labor, confinement in a crowded house, and different forms of food. Besides, there was sickness among teachers as well as children, induced by the malaria arising from turning up the rich soil of the valley in opening the mission farm. In place of the Indians, however, a few white adventurers found their way to the valley. Under these circumstances what should be done? Go back whence they came and abandon their undertaking? No; indeed no! Lee had sent home such a report in the beginning as caused the church to reenforce him in the third year with a fuller complement of teachers women a physician, and mechanics, who came by sea. Other reports were sent home of the beauty and fertility of the country, and the arbitrary demeanor of the British resi dents towards American citizens, which found .their way to Washington. Then came a government agent in the character of a private citizen to confirm these rumors, who encouraged the missionaries to found a colony, and helped them to procure cattle from California to stock the grassy plains of the Wallamet. Following Slacum s report to the government was a petition gotten up among the missiona ries, who had attached to their colony the few Americans led by adventure into the country, all of whom signed the petition for protection from the tyranny of the Hudson s Bay Company, which, it was contended, had no rights the United States was bound to respect on the south side of the Columbia, where its dependents had already seized upon a large tract of fertile prairie. So well did they pre- THE CAYUSE WAR. 7 sent this argument to the Canadians themselves, that many of them in fear of losing their farms signed the petition to have the protection of the United States government ex tended over them. So much did Jason Lee have at heart the colonial scheme that in the spring of 1838 he returned to the states overland, carrying this memorial; and so did he prevail both with the church and members of the cabinet that in 1840 a third reinforcement and a shipload of goods and farming implements arrived for the mission settle ments, which were scattered from The Dalles to the mouth of the Columbia, but which as missions were soon after abandoned, the incumbents frankly owning the hopeless ness of the missionary cause with the native population of western Oregon. In 1840 the missionaries again petitioned congress to establish a territorial government in Oregon. The mission colony received this year a reinforcement of over fifty persons, swelling the whole number to seventy, and was assisted by the government an open secret then, and admitted freely at a later period. Every one who could be induced to go to Oregon at that time was encouraged, if necessary, by financial aid from the contingent fund; both parties to the boundary controversy feeling that occupation was the argument which must ultimately settle the vexed question. To offset the mission colony the Hudson s Bay Company introduced in 1841 about an equal number of Red-river people to the Puget Sound region, many of whom subse quently settled south of the Columbia. This year also Oregon was visited by the United States exploring expedi tion under Commodore Wilkes, who inspected the Ameri can settlements, and was consulted by the colonists with regard to organizing a provisional government; a scheme he disapproved as unnecessary. In the autumn there arrived overland a small company of actual settlers the first low wash of the wave of immigration which touched 8 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. the shore of the Pacific Northwest, which was neither of the missionary or adventurer classes, but men with families. 1 To such straits were the friends of Oregon in Washing ton reduced about this time by the condition of our international affairs, that in the spring of 1842 John G. Spencer, the then secretary of war, found it necessary to invite Dr. Elijah White, the first physician of the Metho dist mission, who had returned to his home in Ithica, New York, to come to Washington to answer certain questions; amongst others if he felt competent to pilot an emigration to Oregon that year. For notwithstanding the great amount of writing and public speaking on the Pacific territory claimed by us, and the prospect of the passage of a very favorable land bill in charge of Dr. Linn, senator from Missouri, who had taken up the work suspended by Floyd s retirement from congress, no important movement of the people in the direction of Oregon had yet been made. The people were waiting for the Linn bill to be come a law; and congress was waiting for an emigration movement to justify such a law ; for to legislate for Oregon while our northern boundary was unsettled might compli cate international affairs. Hence the appeal to White, and the offer of a commission from the government. White was of that happy-go-lucky temperament that nothing ever dismayed not even the reproaches of his own conscience and although he had never crossed the continent, he knew those who had, and felt himself equal to the emergency. He therefore immediately set about the labor of drumming up a company, for it was January, and he must start by the middle of May. His pay as Indian agent was only seven hundred and fifty dollars a year, with the promise of double that amount when the land bill became a law, and permission to draw upon the 1 It should perhaps be explained that these immigrants started for California in Bidwell s company, but turned off at Fort Hall and came to Oregon. They finally went to California with Wilkes overland expedition, as did also Joel P. Walker and his family, who arrived in Oregon in 1840. THE CAYUSE WAR. 9 government for funds to meet necessary expenses. Pocket ing his commission, which really amounted to nothing except as a sop to the colonists to keep them loyal and hopeful, he proceeded westward to St. Louis, lecturing by the way, and writing such articles for the newspapers as was calculated to engage the attention of those persons already half minded to go to Oregon. In this way he drew together the several small parties which constituted the immigration of 1842, a movement more important than at first appeared, the fame of it in the states encouraging the ten times larger immigration which followed in 1843. The effect of it on the colony also, together with the news he brought directly from Washington of the probable early passage of Linn s land bill, and the treaty in contem plation by which they expected the boundary would be defined, was to raise in their breasts happy anticipations of a local government sanctioned and supported by the strong arm of their common country. White s party consisted of one hundred and twelve per sons, fifty-two of whom were able-bodied men, and ten of whom had families. To these were added, en route, several mountain men and adventurers, bringing the number up to one hundred and thirty-seven. They traveled with a train of eighteen Pennsylvania wagons, and a long pro cession of horses, pack mules and cattle, and were the first openly avowed immigration of settlers to Oregon. The wagons and cattle were left at Forts Laramie and Hall, the remainder of the journey being performed with only pack animals a mistake due to Dr. White s ignorance of the country, he having traveled the sea route to and from Oregon. Accredited to this country as United States sub- Indian agent and government spy, he professed to believe himself the authorized governor of Oregon, although his commission was merely a verbal one, and its powers unde fined. The colony, however, ignored his pretensions, ex cept in so far as related to the office of United States Indian agent. 10 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Thus far no greater trials had befallen the Oregon colony than those which are common to border life. Indeed, they had been spared the great calamity of most border com munities Indian warfare. For this immunity there were two principal reasons: the first, that the nations of the whole country west of the Rocky mountains were in a state of semi-vassalage to the Hudson s Bay Company, which required them to live in peace, and was generally able to control them; the second, that the Indians of the lower Columbia and Wallamet valleys were so weakened by disease as to have lost their warlike character. That there were strong and hostile tribes to the south, east, and north, among whom even the powerful British company was forced to live in forts, was true, but they usually con fined their hostilities to strangers passing through their country, and did not go abroad to attack others unless they had some injury, real or imagined, to avenge. Thus, although sometimes alarmed by insignificant quarrels amongst them, occasioned by theft or by indulgence in strong drink furnished by Americans to their shame be it said the Indians in the vicinity of the missions were, if worthless, at least peaceable. To preserve this peace the fur company and the mis sionaries united in the purchase and destruction of a dis tillery and organized a temperance society, which was joined by a majority of the inhabitants irrespective of nationality, and to this influence without doubt was owing the immunity from Indian warfare enjoyed by the earliest settlers of the Wallamet valley. There were .not lacking, however, examples of savage manners sufficiently brutal and explicit to cause occasional shudderings among the handful of white intruders in their midst. Hardly was the mission established in the Wallamet valley when the bach elor housekeepers were startled by the appearance of a large and powerful white man, ill-clad, and accompanied by an Indian woman, descending the river on a raft, who landed and solicited succor. It proved to be John Turner, THL CAYUSE WAR. 11 a man afterwards famed among the settlers fur qualities not thought necessary to Christian endeavor, though he counted as an American, and no one esteemed his enor mous strength as worthless in a young community sur rounded by possible dangers. Turner had a story to relate which engaged the sympa thies of his entertainers. This was not his first appearance in Oregon. Five years previous he had been a member of a party under Jedediah Smith of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, who was approaching the Wallarnet valley via the coast route from California, when at the crossing of the Umpqua near where Scottsburg now stands, while looking for a fording place for the pack animals, the party was attacked and nine men out of thirteen killed, Smith losing twenty thousand dollars worth of furs and all his horses and other property. Smith himself escaped with one man, being on a raft in the river when the attack on the camp was made, and reached Fort Vancouver in a suf fering condition, where he wintered, being kindly cared for by the Hudson s Bay Company. A strong party was sent by the company to punish the Umpquas and retake the furs, which the company purchased, sending Smith back to the Rocky mountains after his associates had de spaired of ever seeing him again. Of two other men who escaped, Turner was one. He defended himself with a burning poplar stick snatched from the fire, his enormous strength enabling him to fell his assailants as he retreated, until finally he eluded them, fleeing to the mountains alone, and reaching Vancouver in a wretched state during the winter. The fourth man, named Black, also gained that asylum by the aid of some friendly Indians whom he met further north. Turner s second adventure in entering Oregon was with the Indians at the crossing of Rogue river, and was simi lar to the first. The party consisted of eight men, four of whom were killed. Turner s arrival at the mission was the occasion of great excitement, and the appearance of 12 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. others was anxiously looked for. After several days George Gay, and William J. Bailey, who became promi nent among the first settlers of Oregon, were discovered on the bank of the Wallamet, opposite the mission, con templating it with an earnest attention, as we may readily understand. Finally one of them, Bailey, plunged in and attempted to swim across, but being weak from wounds and famine, was about to perish in the strong current, when his companion sprang to his rescue, sustaining him until a canoe put out from the opposite shore to the relief of both. Bailey was frightfully wounded. One cut extended through the upper lip just below the nose, and through the upper and lower jaws and chin, passing into the side of the neck, only narrowly missing the jugular vein. Unable from the terrible pain to properly adjust the parts, he had simply bound them together with a handkerchief, from which neglect in healing they left his face distorted to an unsightly degree. He was placed in the hospital at Vancouver, where his numerous other injuries were at tended to, and afterwards, being bred a surgeon, he prac ticed medicine and surgery among the colonists. The fourth man missed the settlements, and reached Wyeth s fort on Sauve s island, more dead than alive, and was kindly cared for. When the cattle company was sent to California to pur chase stock for the mission and settlers in 1837, Ewing Young, a prominent American, was placed in command, and P. L. Edwards of the mission made treasurer. Tur ner, Gay, and Bailey were of the company, and as they approached the scene of their loss and suffering of two years before, with the precious herd, it became evident there would be trouble. The Indians would endeavor to secure some of the cattle; but even if thev did not, Turner, Gay, and Bailey were longing for vengeance, and uttering threats against the Rogue river Indians. Four days before reaching Rogue river, Gay and Bailey shot an Indian who THE CAYUSE WAR. 13 entered their camp, and threatened another one, a mere boy. The only justification offered was that they had before suffered by allowing Indians to approach them in camp. But the act was none the less imprudent as it was im moral; for it invited retaliation, and compelled Young to double the guard and to use extreme caution in passing points where an ambush was possible. On reaching the locality made memorable by the attack on their party in 1835, they were assailed by a cloud of arrows discharged upon them with deafening yells. Young s horse was shot twice, and Gay was again wounded. The guns of the white men were, however, more than a match for Indian arrows; and after a skirmish the savages retired to trouble them no more. The truth of history requires that the brutal act, of the superior race shall be recorded as well as those of the inferior, as by them we are able to form our judgment of both. In March, 1838, Jason Lee and Gustavus Hines made an excursion to the Umpqua valley in the vicinity of one of the forts of the Hudson s Bay Company in charge of one Gagnier, with a view to a mission in that quarter; but found the natives so wild and threatening in their disposi tion that despite the attractions of the country for coloni zation they gave an adverse report. Mr. Hines, in his History of Oregon, relates that Mr. Lee had brought a fowling-piece with him, and a patent shot pouch. This latter thing alarmed the chief, who happened to be at the fort, and he informed his people that Lee had brought medicine in a bag which he wore around his neck with which he intended to kill them all off. Gagnier sent his Umpqua wife with the missionaries to explain matters to the Indians, who with customary readiness avowed their intention to become Christians at once. Appearances were, however, so much against them that no efforts were made in that direction; and subsequent events justified this unfavorable judgment. 14 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Trouble was sometimes had with the Indians at The Dalles, who were a roguish and impertinent set of rascals, playing thieving tricks upon persons having to pass their way, and exacting double pay for any services when they had made these services indispensable by their own acts; but so far they had been held in check by the influence of the resident fur company. It was among these that Daniel Lee and H. K. W. Per kins attempted missionary work in 1838, which they con tinued with little success for four or five years. At one time they sent east glowing accounts of congregations of several hundred Indians and numerous conversions. But they had not made allowance for the shrewdness of the savage, nor for his cupidity and literalness. When Per kins was solicited by one of his neophytes for a coat, he said to him, "You must work and earn one"; whereupon the innocent replied, "You told me if I became converted and prayed for what I wanted I should get it. If it is work only that will bring a coat, I can get one any time of the Hudson s Bay Company." They often demanded pay for praying, or on receiving some great favor de clared their hearts were full of pray." It did not take them long to discover that supplication was not always rewarded with their heart s desire in other matters. On the death of a chief, one of Lee and Perkins converts asked sorrowfully, "What is the good of prayer? Our chief prayed, and now he is dead?" Lee himself was forced to purchase immunity from theft by valuable gifts. Refusing to pay an indemnity for a boy who died after being in his service, the mission horses were stolen. They resented not being allowed to avenge the murder of their relatives, and put on airs of equality with their teachers, demanding a visit of ceremony from the superintendent, such as the missionaries received. Such conduct would not be permitted by the officers of the Hudson s Bay Company, and the Indians judged the missionaries accordingly. That there was danger in it the missionaries saw, but knew no way, as peace men, to avert it. THE GAYUSE WAR. 15 W. W. Kone and J. H. Frost of the latest Methodist re- enforcement were sent to the mouth of the Columbia, and settled on the Clatsop plains. Here the degradation of the natives was such that the spirits of the missionaries re volted. It was bad enough at The Dalles, where Mrs. Perkins had interfered to prevent an Indian boy slave from being bound to the corpse of his master, to die of horror, in order that he might accompany the chief to the spirit world memelose illahee. But at Clatsop the Indians were, in addition to the degradation of superstitions, utterly corrupted. Frost relates that the health of the people was destroyed by syphilis, and their number rapidly decreasing. In addition, infanticide was common. When Mrs. Frost asked the Indian women why they killed their children, they answered that they could not take care of them and perform besides all the labor exacted of them by their husbands, who beat them if they failed. Like the interior tribes, they were ready enough to be converted if there was anything to be gained by it, and their excit able natures found relief in the exercises of an animated prayer meeting, with singing, of which they were fond ; as their ill-clad and ill-fed bodies found comfort in the forced hospitality of the mission house, the floor of which was often at night covered with the poor wretches. These Indians were not much feared. It was true they sometimes committed a murder, but so do white men; and the crime was promptly punished in their case by the fur company. Had they not been held in dread of hanging, it might have been worse for their teachers. In 1842 a mission site selected in the vicinity of Puget Sound and Fort Nisqualiy the previous year, was aban doned, and the missionary, J. P. Richmond, returned east. The Indians in the region were more warlike than those on the Columbia, but the reason given for leaving the country was that it was not fit for farming. From all these facts, selected only to show the condition of Oregon west of the Cascades when the first immigration arrived, the following conclusions may be drawn: 16 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. First. That the United States, while refraining from openly violating treaty obligations, was encouraging the people of the older communities to possess themselves of the Oregon territory, and hold it for the government, or at least to maintain the balance of power between itself and the English government. Second. That the reports sent at every opportunity by missionaries in western Oregon served to keep up that interest among the people first awakened in congress by discussions of the boundary question ; that their presence in Oregon enabled agents of the government to aid colon ization; and that the government did secretly aid the settlement of the country through the missions of western Oregon. Third. That the position of the mission settlements but for the presence of the powerful British fur company would have been most dangerous, and have required the estab lishment of military stations in various parts of the country; and that in its own interest the Hudson s Bay Company must have protected the American settlers in order to keep the Indians under control. Fourth. That the missionaries of western Oregon were not successful as religious teachers ; but were not averse to becoming settlers, and were active in keeping alive the rivalry between the two governments by frequently memo rializing congress upon what they named the aggressions of the Hudson s Bay Company; and by setting forth their own loyalty to the government of the United States, and their desire to have it extended over them. Fifth. That the arrival of White s party marked the close of active missionary effort, and inaugurated that of open colonization by the people of the United States; hence, that to the Methodist missionaries and their friends in Washington and elsewhere was due the Americanization of the Wallamet valley, and the inaugural movement towards a provisional government in Oregon, with all that it implied. CHAPTER II. PRESBYTERIAN MISSIONS IN OREGON DR. WHITMAN H. H. SPALDING A. B. SMITH W. H. GRAY, CORNELIUS ROGERS DR. PARKER S MISSION TO OREGON HEROIC WOMEN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FLATHEADS, CAYUSES, WALLA WALLAS, AND NEZ PERCES BONNEVILLE S PRESENT PROM A CAYUSE THEIR RELIGIOUS OB SERVANCES --TAUGHT BY PAMBRUN MISSIONARIES UNABLE TO UNDERSTAND THE INDIANS THEIR DEMANDS SPALDING S TROUBLES THE FATE OF HAT ATTI TUDE OF ELLIS EFFORTS AT AGRICULTURE MRS. SPALDING CHEMEKANE MISSIOK CATHOLIC INFLUENCE BLANCHET AND DEMERS THE ROOT OF THE TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS CAYUSES ASSAULT DR. WHITMAN ASSISTANTS REFUSE TO REMAIN AT THE MISSION GRAY S INDISCRETION TROUBLES OF SPALDING DE MANDS OF THE HOME BOARD ORDER TO DISCONTINUE WAIILATPU AND LAPWAI MISSIONS ARRIVAL OF WHITE S IMMIGRANT PARTY WHITMAN S PLANS, AND His SUDDEN JOURNEY EAST OREGON AFFAIRS IN CONGRESS WHITMAN S BILL, AND WHAT IT ASKED FOR THE FAILURE OF His MISSION TO THE EAST CONCLUSIONS. BESIDES the Methodist missions, there were north of the Columbia river and east of the Cascades mountains several Presbyterian missions, founded in 1836, 1837, and 1838. These were under the superintendency of Dr. Marcus Whitman, and supported by the American board of com missioners for foreign missions. Dr. Whitman was settled among the Cayuses in the Walla Walla valley, twenty-five miles from Fort Walla Walla of the Hudson s Bay Com pany. Rev. H. H. Spalding was stationed among the Nez Perces, eighty miles east of the superintendent, on the Clearwater river, at a place called Lapwai; and a third station on a branch of the Spokane river, about forty miles from Fort Colville of the Hudson s Bay Company, was in charge of Elkanah Walker and Gushing Eells, who had charge of the Spokane Indians. A fourth station was selected among the upper Nez Perces, about sixty miles northeast of Lapwai, which was put in charge of A. B. Smith. Each of these missionaries had a wife, who assisted him in teaching. There was, besides, a lay member, also married, attached to the missions from the first >W. H. Gray, whose work on the early history of Oregon is well known; also an unmarried man, Cornelius Rogers; and 18 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. from time to time several independent missionaries gave temporary aid to these widely scattered missions. Unlike the Methodists, the Presbyterians abstained from politics, and had no complaints to make to the home gov ernment of the tyranny and aggressions of the Hudson s Bay Company; or, if they ever felt in any way aggrieved, it does not appear in their correspondence with the home board. They had a different class of Indians to deal with from those in the Wallamet and lower Columbia valleys more intelligent, more imperious, and for both these rea- Isons, more dangerous as well as more interesting. To keep the peace with the Cayuses had on some occasions required all the tact and influence of the fur company. Allied to them were the Walla Wallas and the Nez Perces, the latter being a large and powerful tribe, of a better temper than their more southern relatives, who boasted of their compact of friendship with Lewis and Clarke, and of having always kept it. In 1835 Rev. Samuel Parker of Ithaca, New York, and Dr. Marcus Whitman traveled together to the Rocky mountains, escorted by the American Fur Company, where, meeting the Flatheads and Nez Perces, they became con vinced of their desire for teachers, and Whitman returned to the states to bring out assistants, only finding, however, Miss Narcissa Prentiss of Prattsburg, New York, whom he .married, Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, and Mr. Gray, who could be induced to join him at that time, and who journeyed with him to the Columbia river in 1836, where they were received literally with open arms 1 by the gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company at Fort Walla Walla and Fort Vancouver, their unconscious heroism in undertaking a land journey of thousands of miles, in company with mountain men, to live among savages in order to teach them, being appreciated by these gentlemen as it was not at that^time by the missionaries themselves. 1 Mrs. Whitman wrote her mother that Mr. Pambrun, then in charge of Fort Walla Walla, lifted her from her saddle with the tenderness of a father. THE CAYUSE WAR. 19 Before proceeding with this history, it might be well to inquire into the characteristics of the people concerned in it previous to the introduction of Protestantism among them, because it would be unjust to both parties to rep resent the Indians as in a wholly untaught state when the missionaries of the Presbyterian church came among them. On the contrary they had what might be called a national religion. Recent writers have seldom made sufficient distinction between the Flatheads and the Nez Perces. From Lewis and Clarke we learn that they were originally the same people, although their dialect had come to differ, as well as their habits. The Flatheads lived in the Bitter Root valley, and occupied the country northwest and westward to the Blackfoot river. Their territory shaded off into the Nez Perces country, and they very much resembled the upper Nez Perces. Both received stran gers cordially, when satisfied they were not foes; but while the Flatheads were brave, determined, and honest, the Nez Percys were of a weaker character, and would steal and beg. In dress, they resembled each other. The men wore buffalo or elk-skin robes, ornamented with beads. Bits of sea shells, chiefly mother of pearl, were worn at tached to an otter-skin collar, and hung in the hair, which was plaited in two braids falling in front. They also wore feathers in the hair, and used paint .of several colors on their persons. The women wore a skirt of ibex-skin reaching to their ankles, and festooned with shells and other ornaments, but did not wear ornaments on the head. As to food, the Nez Perces were very poor, and very much disinclined to part with a morsel. Nevertheless, such was their love of ornaments, that by selling the buttons off their coats, empty medicine phials, and empty boxes, the first explorers were able to purchase a scanty supply of provisions from them. Lewis and Clarke, on coming among the Cayuses, found them famishing, so that they greedily picked the bones 20 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. and ate the refuse meat thrown away by Lewis and Clarke s party. They were also despicable beggars. Captain Bonne- ville, of a later date, relates an anecdote of being enter tained by a Cay use chief, who presented him with a handsome horse, for which he returned a rifle, thinking the chief well paid. But the donor of the horse brought his wrinkled old wife with, "This is my wife she is a good wife I love her very much she loves the horse a great deal will cry to lose him I do not know how I shall comfort her that makes my heart sore." The cap tain remembered some ear-bobs, and made the old dame young with delight. The chief then brought his son, "A very good son a great horseman he took care of the fine horse he loves him like a brother his heart will be heavy when he leaves the camp." Again the captain bethought himself of a hatchet to reward the youth s vir tues. Then the chief, "This rifle shall be my great medi cine I will hug it to my heart, and love it for the sake of my friend, the bald-headed chief. But a rifle by itself is dumb I cannot make it speak. If I had a little powder and ball I would take it out with me, and would now and then shoot a deer; and when I brought it home to my happy family I would say, This was killed by the rifle of my friend, the bald-headed chief, to whom I gave that fine horse. " It is unnecessary to add that the captain, after handing over powder and ball, fled. Speaking of the moral characteristics of the Flatheads and ISIez Perces, Bonneville says that they exhibited strong and peculiar feelings of natural religion, and that it was "not a mere superstitious fear like that of most savages they evince abstract notions of morality, a deep reverence for an over-ruling spirit, and a respect for the rights of their fellow men. They (the Flatheads) hold that the Great Spirit is displeased with all nations who wantonly engage in war; they abstain from all aggressive hostilities. But though, thus unoffending in their policy, they are called upon continually to wage defensive warfare, espe- THE CAY USE WAR. 21 cially with the Blackfeet, with whom, in the course of their hunting expeditions, they coine in frequent collision, and have desperate battles. Their conduct as warriors is with out fear or reproach, and they never can be driven to abandon their hunting grounds." He added that they believed in dreams, charms, and a charmed life. In spite of their opposition to wanton warfare, they were not averse to some practice in the art of war. "War," they said, "is -a bloody business, and full of evil, but it keeps the eyes of the chiefs always open, and makes the limbs of the young men strong and supple. In war, every one is on the alert. If we see a trail we know it must be an enemy; if the Blackfeet come to us we know it is for war, and we are ready. Peace, on the other hand, sounds no alarm; the eyes of the chiefs are closed in sleep, and the young men are sleek and lazy. The horses stray into the mountains; the women and their little babes go about alone. But the heart of a Blackfoot is a lie, and his tongue is a trap. If he says peace, it is to deceive. He comes as a brother: he smokes his pipe with us; but when he sees us weak and off our guard, he will slay and steal. We will have no such peace; let there be war!" Wyeth gave the Flatheads equal, or even greater praise, saying he had never known an instance of theft among them, neither quarreling nor lying; that they were brave when put to the test, and more than a match for the Blackfeet. What is here said of the moral character of the Flatheads, applied, with the exception already made, to the Nez Perces; especially to the upper division of that tribe. Concerning the religious feeling of these Indians, the early American traders remarked upon their observ ance of the Sabbath, to which Bonneville adds: "We must observe, however, in qualification of the sanctity of the Sabbath in the wilderness, that these tribes, who are all ardently addicted to gambling and horse-racing, make Sunday a peculiar day for recreations of this kind, not deeming them in any way out of season." 22 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. This Sabbath observance, and other religious forms greatly surprised travelers among these tribes, namely, the Flatheads, Nez Perces, and Cay uses. Dr. Parker found in it a mystery also. But the explanation is simple. Says Bonneville: " Mr. Pambrun informed me that he had been at some pains to introduce the Christian religion, in the Roman Catholic form, among them, where it had evidently taken root, but had become altered and modified to suit their peculiar habits of thought, and motives of action, retaining, however, the principal points of faith, and its entire precepts of morality. The same gentleman had given to them a code of laws, to which they conformed with scrupulous fidelity. Polygamy, which once prevailed among them to a great extent, was now rarely indulged in. All the crimes denounced by the Christian faith met with severe punishment. Even theft, so venial a crime among the Indians, had recently been punished with hanging, by sentence of a chief." Bonneville, speaking of the Cayuses, says: "They will not raise their camp on that day, unless in extreme cases of danger or hunger; neither will they hunt, nor fish, nor trade, nor perform any kind of labor on that day. A part of it is passed in prayer and religious ceremonies. Some chief, who is at the same time what is called a medicine man, assembles the community. After invoking blessings from the Deity, he addresses the assemblage, exhorting them to good conduct; to be diligent in providing for their families; to abstain from lying and stealing; to avoid quarreling or cheating in their play, and to be just and hospitable to all strangers who may be among them. Prayers and exhortations are also made early in the morn ing on week days. 2 Sometimes all this is done by the chief from horseback, moving slowly about the camp with his hat on, and uttering his exhortations with aloud voice. -Farnham, in his Travels, speaks admiringly of these morning devotions as he saw them practiced near Whitman s station in 1839; but he took it for granted that it came from the teachings of the missionaries at that station. THE CAY USE WAR. 23 On all occasions the bystanders listen with profound atten tion, and at the end of every sentence respond one word in unison, apparently equivalent to an amen. While these prayers or exhortations are going on, every employment in the camp is suspended. If an Indian is riding by the place, he dismounts, holds his horse, and attends with reverence until all is done. When the chief has finished his prayer or exhortation, he says I have done/ upon which there is a general exclamation in unison." He says further: "Besides Sunday, they observe all the car dinal holidays of the Roman Catholic church," but that with them they mixed some of their pagan ceremonials, such as dancing and singing. Townsend, in his Narrative, expresses much interest in these Indians on account of their desire for instruction in religious matters, and evidently is at a loss to discover the motive for to ascribe a spiritual motive to the savage would be childish. The greater intelligence of a few tribes of Indians is difficult to account for, especially when in contact with degenerate tribes like the Walla Wallas and the Indians of the Columbia. But their motive in adopting any innovation is the same as the white man s. It is because it is to his material advantage. When it- ceases to be that, there is danger of a too sudden and serious revolt. It was impossible that the missionaries should under stand at once how to deal with a people so different from any of whom they had any experience. For the first year all was smooth sailing. The Indians at Whitman s and Spalding s stations were pleased with the idea of becoming wise like their teachers. But it was not long before they found they had not understood each other. The mission aries had to work, and wanted the Indians to do so; but the masculine side of savagery scorns work, leaving it to his female relatives. The gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company did not labor. Naturally their savage serfs en tertained contempt for white men who condescended to 24 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. do what servants ought to do, and were not able to make allowance for the poverty of missionary societies. An indiscreet remark of Dr. Parker s on his visit to them was also the occasion of much trouble. Dr. Parker, they said, had told them that their land should not be taken for nothing, but that they should be paid annually in goods and agricultural implements, that being "the American fashion." A year had not elapsed before a chief known as Splitted Lip ordered Dr. Whitman off the land he had taken to cultivate on the Walla Walla river, because he had not paid for it. In 1838, the same chief threatened the doctor with death should he fail to cure his wife, whom he was treating for some sickness. It would seem that Dr. Whit man thought these threats idle, or that the protection of the Hudson s Bay Company would suffice, for he went on teaching, assisted by Mrs. Whitman, and at the same time improving his farm. In the autumn of that year Gray s return from the states, whither he had gone to procure more workers for the missionary field, having with him a wife and seven other persons, men and women, a small company, indeed, was the occasion of fresh trouble. When Gray started for the states in 1837 he took with him a band of Indian horses to exchange for cattle, which were much needed. To aid him Mr. Spalding persuaded three young chiefs of the upper Nez Perces to accompany him, namely, Ellis, Blue Cloak, and Hat. By ,the time they had reached the rendezvous of the fur companies on Green river, their horses feet had begun to fail, and two of them turned back, Hat only continuing on. When Ellis and Blue Cloak presented themselves at Lapwai mission. Mr. Spalding, who was an excitable man and felt much anxiety for the success of the expedition, reproached the young chiefs severely, and declared they deserved punish ment for breaking their contract, and leaving Gray in the middle of his journey with insufficient help. THE GAYUSE WAR. 25 It was the custom of the Hudson s Bay Company when the Indians committed any offense not amounting to a seri ous crime, to demand pay for it; or, if pay was not forth coming, to require their chiefs to have them whipped the culprits receiving their chastisement with little sense of degradation. This custom was adopted, it would seem, by Mr. Spalding, who assessed the delinquents a horse each for their breach of faith, which was refused. Ellis, who had a large following, was able to avoid the penalty imposed on him, no one venturing to arrest him. Blue Cloak, however, one evening appeared at prayer meet ing unattended, when Mr. Spalding ordered some Indian pupils present to take and tie him. No one obeying, at last a young Nez Perces chief arose in wrath, seized Blue Cloak, bound him, and turning to Spalding said, " Now whip him." "No," said Spalding, "I do not whip; I com mand: God does not whip, he commands." "You are a liar," returned the young chief indignantly. "Look at your picture (a water-color sketch hanging on the wall, designed by Mrs. Spalding to illustrate bible teachings). You have there painted two men, and God behind them with a bundle of rods to whip them. Whip him, or we will put you in his place and whip you." Mr. Spalding yielded, punished Blue Cloak, and received the horse he had exacted, which discipline restored quiet for a time. In 1838, when Gray returned from the states, and it was learned that Hat, the chief who had accompanied him, had perished, together with four other Indians, in an attack made upon Gray s party by the Sioux at Ash Hollow, a great excitement was aroused by it among the followers of Ellis. That chief accused Mr. Spalding of designing the death of all three of Gray s Nez Perces aids. He had the mission family at Lapwai confined in their house for more than a month, during which time Mr. Pambrun sent a messenger several times to induce the Nez Perces to restore them their liberty, explaining to them tli at Gray could not have foreseen or prevented the attack 26 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. upon his escort, and was in no way responsible. They were finally persuaded to accept presents and release their captives. But this was not the end of the early troubles at the Presbyterian missions. A. B. Smith, the year after his arrival with Gray s party, was sent to establish a mission upon Ellis land at Kamiah, east of Lapwai. To do this he had permission, but was forbidden to cultivate the land. After being at Kamiah one year, Smith made some preparations to till a small field, but Ellis reminded him that he had been warned not to do so. " Do you not know," he asked, "what has been told you, that you would be digging a hole in which you should be buried?" At this he desisted, but the following year made another attempt, and was again reminded, when he made no more such efforts. In 1841 he left the country for the Sandwich Islands, having during his residence in Oregon writlen a grammar of the Nez Perces language, which was printed on a press brought from Honolulu, together with a hymn book, and primers to be used in the schools. Why it was that Spalding was permitted to cultivate does not appear, unless it was that he was able to convince the Indians by actual test that it was good for them to be able to raise food, and save themselves the trouble of taking long journeys every summer to procure game, roots, and berries. At all events he seems to have been very successful, and his reports upon the fertility of the country compare well with those written at a much later period. He presented those whom he could induce to cultivate, with hoes and ploughs a present going a long way toward convincing an Indian that your word can be trusted. Mrs. Spalding was a balance wheel in the missionary machinery. Her quiet devotion to duty, her kindliness and firmness, made a real impression upon the Nez Perces, the women looking upon her as their true friend, whose wisdom the} 7 never questioned. She taught them house- THE CAYUSE WAR. 27 work, sewing, spinning, and cookery, all of which they learned readily when they chose. Farnham, who visited Waiilatpu in 1839, was struck with admiration of the superintendent s work, both as teacher and farmer, and greatly impressed by the appar ently devotional character of the Cayuses as exhibited in some of the chief families, who were regular in their attendance upon public worship, and morning and evening devotions in their lodges. At the Spokane mission of Chemekane there was less improvement, and somewhat less anxiety. In 1839 one of the teachers at that station wrote, "The failure of this mission is so strongly impressed upon my mind that I feel it necessary to have cane in hand, and as much as one shoe on, ready for a move. I see nothing but the power of God that can save us." Yet the Spokaues were esteemed more tractable than the Cayuses. When the mission house was burned in the winter of 1839-40, they offered their assistance, and refrained from pillage. But not knowing what their course might be, the Hudson s bay gentlemen at Colville came down with their servants, and camped near, to afford their protection. As early as 1838 an element of discord of a nature different from those already mentioned, was introduced into the missionary life in Oregon. This was a period in church history, when Catholicism and Protestantism were in a state of active hostility to each other. The mere presence of a Catholic priest in the neighborhood of Waiilatpu was like a pestilence in the air, threatening the welfare of every member of the missions. The same feeling existed in western Oregon, with this difference that the natives there were so contemptible that their souls were not worth saving, and their bodies too insignificant to be feared. But in the upper country, inhabited by powerful and numerous tribes, religious antipathy and intolerance were likely to occasion disorders of a dangerous nature, partic- 28 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ularly as neither party was able conscientiously to yield to the other, but bound by duty to combat the contrary opinion with all the zeal that was in it. Dr. Whitman could readily see that the ceremonials of the Catholic faith must prove attractive to the childish minds of savages, who were likely to turn away from the lessons of an aus tere religion to the delights of bells and beads. Hence, when Rev. F. N. Blanchet and Rev. Modeste Demers came overland from Canada in 1838, making a brief pause at Walla Walla to hold a " mission " among the French Canadians, and to baptize all the natives whom they could reach into the holy mother church, the super- erintendent of the Presbyterian missions was filled with anxiety, and not without reason. The more ignorant peo ple are, the more bitter are their prejudices, and rancorous their animosities. A religious schism among Indians was therefore to be feared, and if possible avoided. Dr. Whitman had before him a fine example of religious toleration in the head of the Hudson s Bay Company, who received and listened to protestant missionaries of whatever sect visiting Vancouver, whom he also aided in various ways by courtesies and by contributions. He and all his officers and dependants were friends of Dr. Whitman. Pambrun, to whom they were indebted for many kind nesses, was a French Canadian arid a Catholic. Mr. Mc- Kinlay, Pambrun s successor at Fort Walla Walla, was a Presbyterian, and a warm friend of Dr. Whitman, but not more so than Pambrun. The Canadian servants of the company were Catholics, but they never refused friendly aid and neighborly kindness to the Methodists or Presby terians. And 3 T et Dr. Whitman was alarmed, with some reason we musj admit, considering that he lived ever over a mine of savagery that needed but a match to touch it off. The Catholic fathers taught their converts to say a few simple prayers, and gave them a picture called the " Cath olic Ladder," explanatory of the principal points of their faith; that was all. Mr. Spalding opposed to the "Catholic THE CAYUSE WAR. 29 Ladder" a picture representing two roads towards heaven one wide, where the Pope was selling indulgences, and at the end of which the purchasers were seen falling head foremost into hell; the other so narrow that few could follow it, but supposed to lead to bliss. This now seems puerile, but in that time was thought a worth} 7 means of bringing savages to practice the religion of Jesus Christ, by Catholics and Protestants. The Pres byterians often argued with the Indians, as it was the fashion of the churches to hold doctrinal arguments among its members a fashion most unwisely followed among a people whose understandings led them to literal construc tions, or to strange subtleties, rather than to spiritual insight. But the root of the troubles between the missionaries and the natives was not at any time in their religious differences, which was really a side issue capable of being turned to account, but which was never used except in simple competition, and which alone need never have endangered the peace of the country. The real cause of ill feeling between the Indians and their Protestant teachers was the continued misunder standing concerning the ownership of land, and the accu mulation of property. The promise of Dr. Parker had never been redeemed. No one had appeared to purchase the lands occupied by the missions, nor had any ships arrived laden with Indian goods and farming implements for their benefit. Doubtless Dr. Parker, when he made the promise, was thinking of the hoped for settlement of the Oregon bound ary question, and the speedy extinguishment of the Indian title to the country which would folio w,*in order that congress might carry out the plan of populating it by offering liberal donations of land to emigrants. But this we have seen had not taken place, while every year a few more Americans arrived and remained in the country, and without paying for their lands. 30 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. In the meantime, the very favorable view which was first held by the Presbyterians of the generous character of the Indians had faded out. We find Spalding saying that "I have no evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would look on with indifference and see our dwelling burned to the ground, and our heads severed from our bodies." Smith at Kamiah, and Walker and Eells at Chemekane thought the natives professed religion to secure presents, which not being forthcoming they were hostile; and all agreed as to their untruthfulness. In 1840 the Cayuses destroyed Dr. Whitman s irrigating ditches, and allowed their horses to damage the grain in the mission field. This was done out of malice, the Indians having been taught enough about farming to be perfectly aware of the mischief they were causing to the doctor s crops. When he angrily reproved them they threw mud upon him, plucked his beard, pulled his ears, threatened him with a gun, arid offered to strike him a blow with an axe, which he avoided. These demonstrations alarmed the doctor s friend, Mc- Kinlay of Fort Walla Walla, who counseled him to leave the country for a time at least, saying that the Indians would repent when they no longer had him, and want him back again. But he feared to abandon his place, which would probably be destroyed ; and the chief, Splitted Lip, who instigated the attack on him, dying that year, he hoped for relief from the persecutions he had suffered. Besides, he had determined, as he said, "never to show the white feather." In 1841 W. H. Gray struck an Indian boy, probably a well-deserved blow, and his uncle, who was the chief on whose lands the mission of Waiilatpu was built. Tilou- kaikt, a haughty and ill-tempered savage, struck Whit man in revenge, pulling his nose, and committing other outrages, which the doctor bore without any signs of fear. McKinlay, to punish them, refused to hire their horses as agreed, to take the Red-river immigrants to The Dalles, THE CAYUSE WAR. 31 unless the chief and all implicated in the assault should beg the doctor s pardon, which they consented to do. Hearing of these things prevented some missionaries at the Sandwich Islands from joining the Oregon missions, and prevented the board from sending more across the continent. The Indian boys were mischievous and thiev ing, and carried off the best fruits raised in the mission garden, which troublesomeness inspired Gray to sicken them with a dose of ipecac introduced into the finest looking melons. The illness induced by the drug caused the Indians to accuse the missionaries of designing to poison them, and incited them to fresh acts of hostility. These experiences at Waiilatpu were duplicated at Lap- wai, where the Nez Perces pulled down Spalding s mill, threatened him with a gun, and offered a gross insult to Mrs. Spalding. These were things hard to be borne; but both Whitman and Spalding were determined to keep their hold upon the homes they had built up in the wilderness under so many difficulties, until such time as the govern ment of the United States should come to their rescue. Added to his other trials, Dr. Whitman was worried by demands from the home board that the Oregon missions should be made self-supporting, a thing which could not happen while he had so few assistants, and where there was no market for any productions. He could barely subsist his family by raising and grinding grain enough ; and by eating horse flesh in place of beef. He could not purchase groceries, clothing, machinery, nor other necessaries, and so he told the board and that if they wished him to turn* trader they must furnish him assistants and means, and even then wait for a market to come to him, as the Metho dist missionaries and Hudson s Bay Company controlled the trade of the country. To all this the board finally returned in 1842 that Dr. Whitman must abandon the Cayuse station and join Walker and Eells in the Spokane country; and Spalding 32 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. must return to the states, leaving the ungrateful Cayuses and Nez Perces without teachers. Now, this was what these gentlemen were resolved not to do. From their point of view it was unwise to abandon good homes, at a period when it seemed most likely that the government was about to settle the question of the Oregon boundary, and immediately after of course, as they believed, to acquire title by treaty to the Indian lands, out of which the first settlers were to receive large donations. If only they could keep the peace a little longer! It was just at this painful juncture in mission affairs that Dr. White arrived at Waiilatpu with his immigrant party of 1842. He spent two days at the station, and we can imagine how eagerly Dr. Whitman questioned him, and how hopefully he heard what White had to relate, which confirmed his belief that if he could hold on a little longer he need neither abandon the Cayuses nor his home. If men in authority at Washington had asked White to start the emigration movement, and given him an office, the first delegated authority bestowed on any one in this Northwest, could he not also accomplish something for the country, the missions, and himself by going to Wash ington and Boston? If he was to do this, it must be now or never, for orders to vacate had been issued, and they must be obeyed, or a good reason given for the failure. He felt able, if he could see the board personally, to present a strong case. He could show them now, since immigration had begun, that Waiilatpu and Lapwai could be made important supply stations on the road to the Wallamet valley, and thus self-supporting; that fifty Christian families settled about him would be an example to the Indians, and give aid and protection to him, while a few more teachers among the Indians would help him greatly to maintain control of the native children, and through them of their parents. To politicians he would say, "Hold on to the country north as well as south of the Columbia; it is a fine coun- THE GAYUSE WAR. 33 try for grazing, and raises good crops where irrigated. He meant to ask some friends of Oregon in Washington to get an appropriation for erecting military stations in the Indian country, and he had thought that if he could obtain a grant of money to buy sheep to be given to the Indians as a reward for good conduct and a food supply, so that they might not have to go to the buffalo country for meat, it would have a tendency to give them more set tled habits, and incline them more towards civilization. With these mixed motives, and feeling driven by the exigencies of the situation, Dr. Whitman determined to start for the states as soon as he could find some one to take charge of his station. Rogers and Gray had deserted him, and he was forced to write for William Geiger, u Presbyterian, who had been employed in the Methodist mission school in the Wallamet, to come to Waiilatpu and remain during his absence. These matters arranged, he was finally ready for his journey, and aided by his friend McKinlay, set out Octo ber 3, 1842, for the east via Fort Hall, Uintah, Taos, Fort Bent, and Santa Fe, at which point A. L. Lovejoy, his only traveling companion, besides his guides, remained, while Whitman joined a trading company going to St. Louis, where he arrived in the month of March, having manfully borne the hardships of a winter journey seldom performed in that day even by mountain men. On reaching the frontier Dr. Whitman found that a treaty with Great Britain had been negotiated between our secretary of state, Daniel Webster, and the British pleni potentiary, Lord Asbburton, and confirmed by the high contracting parties seven months before his arrival, but that it did not in any way affect the Oregon question, leaving it where it had been before. He found also that the Linn land bill had passed the senate a few weeks previous, and been defeated in the house. But so sure had its passage been regarded by the people that a large number of immigrants were ready to 84 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. start for Oregon with their families, cattle, and household goods; and had appointed a rendezvous in western Missouri from which to march as soon as the grass should be suf ficiently high to subsist their stock. With some of these people he talked in passing, and gave them instruction as to the route, and the best means of traveling and encamp ing. He found the secretary of war in his last report had recommended a line of military posts with the object of impressing the Indians on the Pacific coast with the strength of the United States, and also to afford protection to the Americans in that region. The secretary went further, and recommended making an appropriation to send out a colony to settle in Oregon. He found petitions pouring into congress from Iowa, Missouri, Illinois, In diana, Ohio, Kentucky, and Alabama, insisting upon the occupation of Oregon. He found, in short, little left for him to propose or advocate in Oregon matters, for the subject was one more written and talked about than any other at that time. It appears from a letter preserved in the war department, that while Dr. Whitman was in Washington he had a con ference with the secretary of war, Hon. James M. Porter, and that he was requested by Porter to frame such a bill as would be for the best interests of Oregon. This he did after his return home in the autumn of 1843, but it was never introduced in congress, and remained forever a dead letter. This bill asked for the establishment of "a chain of agri cultural posts or farming "stations" from the Missouri to the Wallamet river in Oregon, with regulations for their management. Their avowed object was to set the example of civilized industry to the Indians; to suppress lawless ness on the frontier; to facilitate the passage of troops and munitions of war, and the transportation of mails. It will be observed that the bill makes no mention of the necessities of emigrants, but in a letter accompanying it, Dr. Whitman dilates upon the benefits to travelers not only THE CAYUSE WAli. 35 of protection from Indian aggression, but of being supplied with vegetable food while en route? These documents, which have only been brought to light after nearly half a century of lying perdu, serve to confirm reports concerning his troubles with the Cayuses, and his anxiety for protection. It was said by persons about Fort Walla Walla, that Dr. Whitman, in his vexation with the Indians, before leaving for the states, threatened them with bringing back many people to chastise them. This threat has been denied by his friends as not consistent with his character as a mis sionary; but the tone of his letter and bill of 1843 are en- 3 In reading the following letter and bill, it should be borne in mind that they were written after the doctor had been east, had learned the then political prospects of Oregon, and had traveled months in company with intelligent western men, with whom he talked freely, and to whom, according to their evidence, he never disclosed any political motive in going east. What he wanted both before and after going east, it is fair to assume, is set down in these documents, which are interesting as a part of the early history of Oregon, and as an indication of the character and motives of their author. They were received at Washington, June 22, 1844, probably forwarded by the Hudson s Bay Company s annual express via Montreal of that year. Nothing in either of these documents shows any political motive for Dr. Whitman s visit east ; but the second paragraph of his letter, in which he says the government will learn through him of the emigration of one thousand persons, shows a singular want in him of a knowledge of the facts, the government keeping a sharp lookout, as well as tlie newspapers of the day : To the Hon. James M. Porter, Secretary of War : SIR : In compliance with the request you did me the honor to make last winter while at Washington, I herewith transmit to you the synopsis of a bill, which, if it could be adopted, would according to my experience and observation prove highly conducive to the best interests of the United States generally, to Oregon, where I have resided for more than seven years as a missionary, and to the Indian tribes that inhabit the intermediate country. The government will now doubtless for the first time be apprised through you, and by means of this communication, of the immense migration of families to Ore gon, which has taken place this year. I have since our interview been instrumental in piloting across the route described in the accompanying bill, and which is the only eligible wagon road, no less than families, consisting of one thousand per sons of both sexes, with their wagons, amounting in all to more than one hundred and twenty, six hundred and ninety -four oxen, and seven hundred and seventy-three loose cattle. The emigrants are from different states, but principally from Missouri, Arkan sas, Illinois, and New York. The majority of them are farmers, lured by the pros pects of government bounty in lands, by the reported fertility of the soil, and by the desire to be first among those who are planting our institutions on the Pacific coast. Among them are artisans of every trade, comprising with fanrers the very best ma terial for a new colony. As pioneers, these people have undergone incredible hard ships, and having now safely passed the Blue mountain range with their wagons and effects, have established a durable road from Missouri to Oregon, which will 36 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. tirely consistent with such a proposition; his whole thought seeming to be how to repel Indian aggressions. Whatever admiration he had at first felt for the aboriginal character had been completely effaced by his experiences among them. Why then did he insist that the board should not recall him from the country, except that it was with him as with the Methodist missionaries, that the settler in him was stronger than the missionary as missionaries were at that period understood to be. To his disappointment the American board of commis sioners for foreign missions had no stomach for territorial conquest or Indian subjugation. They reprimanded him serve to mark permanently the route for larger numbers each succeeding year, while they have practically demonstrated that wagons drawn by horses or oxen can cross the Rocky mountains to the Columbia river country, contrary to all the sinister assertions of all those who pretended it to be impossible. In their slow progress these persons have encountered, as in all former instances and as all succeeding emigrants must if this or some similar bill be not passed by. congress, the continual fear of Indian aggression, the actual loss through them of horses, cattle, and other property, and the great labor of transporting an adequate amount of provisions for so long a journey. The bill herewith proposed would, in a, great measure, lessen these inconveniences by the establishment of posts, which, while [having] the possessed power to keep the Indians in check, thus doing away with the necessity of military vigilance on the part of the traveler by day and night, would be able to lurnish them in transit with fresh supplies of provisions, diminish ing the original burdens of the emigrants, and finding thus a ready and profitable mar ket for their produce a market that would, in my opinion, more than suffice to defray all the current expenses of such posts. The present party is supposed to have expended no less than two thousand dollars at Laramie s and Bridger s forts and as much more at Fort Hall and Fort Boise, two of the Hudson s Bay Company s stations. These are at present the only stopping places in a journey of two thousand two hun dred miles, and the only places where additional supplies can be obtained, even at the enormous rates of charge called mountain prices ; i. e., fifty dollars the hundred for flour and fifty dollars the hundred for coffee ; the same for sugar, powder, etc. Many cases of sickness and some deaths took place among those who accom plished the journey this season, owing in a great measure to the uninterrupted use of meat, salt and fresh, with flour, which constituted the chief articles of food they are able to convey in their wagons, and this would be obviated by the vegetable pro. ductions, which the posts in contemplation could very profitably afford them. Those who rely on hunting as an auxiliary support are at present unable to have their arms repaired when out of order ; horses and oxen become tender footed and require to be shod on this long journey, sometimes repeatedly, and the wagons repaired in a variety of ways. I mention these as valuable incidents to the proposed measure, as it will also be found to tend in many other incidental ways to benefit the migratory population of the United States, choosing to take this direction, and on these ac counts as well as for the immediate use of the posts themselves, they ought to be pro vided with the necessary shops and mechanics, which would at the same time exhibit the several branches of civilized art to the Indians. The outlay, in the first instance, would be but trifling. Forts like those of the Hudson s Bay Company, surrounded by walls inclosing all the buildings, and con- THE CAY USE WAR. 37 for leaving his station on so useless an errand, refused to pay his expenses, and left him to get back again as best he could. It is very probable they were more or less disgusted with him, these highly proper, clean-shaven, decorous Presbyterians, for seven years spent among sav ages, with every kind of farm labor to perform, could not have given that finish to his manner which the Bostonians "admired to see." So, they told him to go home and do the best he could without their aid. This was his reward for what he had endured for conscience sake for Dr. Whitman was a thoroughly conscientious man where a principle was in question. structed almost entirely of adobe or sun-dried bricks, with stone foundations only, can be easily and cheaply erected. There are very eligible places for as many of these as the government will find nee. essary, at suitable distances, not further than one or two hundred miles apart, at the main crossing of the principal streams that now form impediments to the journey, and consequently well supplied with water, having alluvial bottom lands of a rich quality, and generally well wooded. If I might be allowed to suggest the best sites for said posts, my personal knowledge and observation enable me to recommend, first, the main crossing of the Kansas river, where a ferry would be very convenient to the traveler, and profitable to the station having it in charge ; next, and about eighty miles distant, the crossing of Blue river, where, in times of unusual freshet, a ferry would be in like manner useful ; next, and distant from one hundred to one and fifty miles, from, the last mentioned, the Little Blue, or Republican fork of the Kansas ; next, and from sixty to one hundred miles distant from the last mentioned, the point of intersection of the Platte river; next, and from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles distant from the last mentioned crossing of the South fork of the Platte river ; next, and about one hundred and eighty or two hundred miles distant from the last mentioned, Horseshoe creek, which is about forty miles west of Laramie s fork in the Black Hills ; here is a fine creek for mills and irrigation, good land for cultivation, fine pasturage, timber, and stone for building. Other locations may be had along the Platte and Sweetwater, on the Green river, or Black s fork of the Bear river, near the Great Soda Springs, near Fort Hall, and at suitable places down to the Columbia. These localities are all of the best description, so situated as to hold a ready intercourse with the Indians in their passage to and from the ordi nary buffalo hunting grounds, and in themselves so well situated in all other respects as to be desirable to private enterprise, if the usual advantages of trade existed. Any of the farms above indicated would be deemed extremely valuable in the states. The government cannot long overlook the importance of superintending the savages that endanger this line of travel, and that are not yet in treaty with it. Some of these are already well known to be led by desperate white men and mongrels, who form bandits in the most difficult passes, and are at all times ready to cut oft 1 some lagging emigrant in the rear of the party, or some adventurous one who may proceed a few miles in advance, or at night to make a descent upon the sleeping camp and carry away or kill horses and cattle. This is the case even now in the commence ment of our western emigration, and when it comes to be more generally known that large quantities of valuable property and considerable sums of money are yearly carried over this desolate region, it is to be feared an organized banditti will be instituted. The posts in contemplation would effectually counteract this ; for that 38 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. He went to his old home in central New York, sold what ever property he had there, and started for Oregon once more, in company with his nephew, a young lad, a riding horse apiece, and a pack horse. It was characteristic of the man. He always took these desperate chances. Pro ceeding westward, he visited some relatives, and afterwards one or two of the missions on the border. He was sent for to address a meeting at the emigrant rendezvous in Mis souri about the middle of May, but returned to Westport, and did not overtake the emigration until it had reached the Platte in June. Dr. Whitman had wished to bring back with him some purpose they need not nor ought not to be military establishments. The trading posts in this country have never been of such a character, and yet, with very few men in them, have for years kept the surrounding Indians in the most pacific dispo sition, so that the traveler feels secure from molestation upon approaching Fort Lara- mie, Bridger s Fort, Fort Hall, etc. The same can be obtained without any considerable expenditure by government, while, by investing the officers in charge with compe tent authority, all evil-disposed white men, refugees from justice, or discharged vag abonds from the trading posts might be easily removed from among the Indians, and sent to the appropriate states for trial. The Hudson s Bay Company s system of rewards among the savages would soon enable the posts to root out these desperadoes. A direct and friendly intercourse with all the tribes, even to the Pacific, might be thus maintained, the government would become more intimately acquainted with them, and they with the government, and instead of sending to the state courts a manifestly guilty Indian to be arraigned before a distant tribunal and acquitted for the want of testimony by the technicalities of lawyers and of laws unknown to them, and sent back into the wilderness loaded with presents as an inducement to further crime, the posts should be enabled to execute summary justice, as if tho criminal had been already condemned by his tribe, because the tribe will be sure to deliver up none but the party whom they know to be guilty. They will in that way receive the trial of their peers, and secure within themselves, to all intents and pur poses if not technically, the trial by jury, yet the spirit of that trial. There are many powers which ought to reside in some person on this extended route for the convenience and even necessity of the public. In this the emigrant and the people of Oregon are no more interested than the resident inhabitants of the states. At present no person is authorized to administer an oath or legally attest a fact from the western line of Missouri to the Pacific. The emigrant cannot dispose of his property at home, although an opportunity ever s advantageous to him should occur after he passes the western border of Missouri. No one can here make a legal demand and protest of a promissory note or bill of exchange. No one can secure the valuable testimony of a mountaineer or of an emigrating witness after he has entered this, at present, lawless country. Causes do exist, and will continually arise, in which the private rights of citizens are and will be seriously prejudiced by such an utter absence of legal authority. A contraband trade from Mexico, the introduction from that country of liquors to be sold among the Indians west of the Kansas river, is already carried on with the mountain trap pers, and very soon the teas, silks, nankeens, spices, camphor, and opium of the East Indies will find their way, duty free, through Oregon, across the mountains and into the states unless custom-house officers along this line find an interest in intercepting them. THE CAYUSE WAR. 39 " Christian families to settle in the vicinity of the different stations." But in that he was disappointed. These families could not be induced to take the risks he was taking, and he talked freely with some of his fellow travelers to Oregon of his want of success, and fears of the consequences. Out of the whole immigration of nearly eight hundred persons, only one family, and one unmarried man, were persuaded to remain at Lapwai, while not one person consented to give him their assistance at Waiilatpu. This circumstance probably had a quieting effect upon the Indians, as no more of their lands were taken ; but they still complained that the missionaries traded with Your familiarity with the government policy, duties, and interest renders it un necessary for rne to more than hint at the several objects intended by the enclosed bill, and any enlargement upon the topics here suggested as inducements to its adoption would be quite superfluous, if not impertinent. The very existence of such a system as the one above recommended suggests the utility of postoffices and mail arrangements, which it is the wish of all who now live in Oregon to have granted them, and I need only add that contracts for this purpose will be readily taken at reasonable rates for transporting the mail across from Missouri to the mouth of the Columbia in forty days, with fresh horses at each of the contemplated posts. The ruling policy proposed regards the Indians as the police of the country, who are to be relied upon to keep the peace, not only for themselves, but to repel lawless white men and prevent banditti, under the solitary guidance of the superintendent of the several posts, aided by a well-directed system to induce the punishment of crime. It will only be after the failure of these means to procure the delivery or punishment of violent, lawless, and savage acts of aggression, that a band or tribe should be regarded as conspirators against the peace, or punished accordingly by force of arms. Hoping that these suggestions may meet your approbation, and conduce to the future interest of our growing country, I have the honor to be, honorable sir, Your obedient servant, MARCUS WHITMAN. Copy of a proposed bill prepared by Dr. Marcus Whitman in 1843, and sent to the secretary of war. A bill to promote safe intercourse with the territory of Oregon, to suppress violent acts of aggression on the part of certain Indian tribes west of the Indian terri tory, Neocho, better to protect the revenue, for. the transportation of the mail, and for other purposes. Section 1. Be it enacted by tlie senate and house of representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, that from and after the passage of this act there shall be established at suitable distances, and in convenient and proper places to be selected by the president, a chain of agricultural posts or farming stations, extending at intervals from the present most usual crossing of the Kansas river, west of the western boundary of the state of Missouri, thence ascending the Platte river on its southern border, thence through the valley of the Bweetwater river to Fort Hall, and thence to settlements of the Willamette in the territory of Oregon. Which said posts shall have for their object to set examples of civilized industry to the several Indian 40 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. the immigrants, acquiring wealth, while they, the owners of the land, remained as poor as before. Again, from the above facts, we may draw these conclu sions : First. That with the purest intentions, and with the best religious ideas of the times, the Presbyterian mission aries of the upper country found it impossible to implant spiritual religion in the minds of the aboriginal inhabitants of earth. Second. That the influence of the contact with savagery was to unspiritualize themselves; to drive out of their minds confidence in the power of religion to change the tribes, to keep them in proper subjection to the laws of the United States, to suppress violent and lawless acts along the said line of frontier, to facilitate the passage of troops and munitions of war into and out of the said territory of Oregon, and the transportation of the mail as hereinafter provided. Section 2. And be it further enacted, that there shall reside at each of the said posts one superintendent having charge thereof, with full power to carry into effect the provisions of this act, subject always to such instructions as the president may impose; one deputy superintendent to act in like manner in case of the death, removal, or absence of the superintendent, and such other artificers and laborers, not exceeding twenty in number, as the said superintendent may deem necessary for the conduct and safety of said posts, all of whom shall be subject to his appointment and liable to removal. Section 3. And be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of the president to cause to be erected at each of the said posts, suitable buildings for the purpose herein contemplated, to wit: One main dwelling-house, one storehouse, one blacksmith s and gunsmith s shop, and one carpenter shop, with such and so many other buildings for storing the products and supplies of the said posts as he may from time to time deem expedient ; to supply the same with all necessary implements of mechanical art and agricultural labor incident thereto, and with all such other articles as he may judge requisite and proper for the safety, defense, and comfort thereof; to cause the said posts in his discretion to be visited by detachments of the troops stationed on the western frontier; to suppress through the said posts the sale of muni tions of war to the Indian tribes in case of hostilities, and annually to lay before congress at its general session, full returns, verified by the oaths of the several super intendents of the several acts by them performed, and of the condition of the said posts, with the income and expenditures growing out of the same respectively. Section 4. And be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall be appointed by the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, for the term of four years, with a salary of two thousand dollars, payable out of any moneys in the treasury not otherwise appropriated ; that they shall respectively take an oath before the district judge of the United States for the western district of Missouri faithfully to discharge the duties imposed on them in and by the provisions of this act, and give a bond to the president of the United States, and to his successors in office and assigns, with sufficient security to be approved by the said judge in at least the penalty of twenty-five thousand dollars, conditioned to indemnify the president, his successors, or assigns, for any unlawful acts by them performed, or injuries committed by virtue of their offices, which said bonds may at any time be assigned for prosecution against the said respective superintendents and their sure THE CAY USE WAR. 41 nature of men in a low stage of their mental evolution. Third. That the change this discovery made in them selves, being perceived by the Indians, was a cause of dis pleasure to them, and of danger to the missionaries. Fourth. That the delay of the governments of Great Britain and the United States to settle the Oregon bound ary greatly increased this danger by preventing an un derstanding between our government and the Indians concerning property in lands; rendering it also impolitic to send troops among them before our sovereignty had been acknowledged by the only power disputing it. These circumstances left the defense of the loyal Ameri- ties upon application to the said judge at the instance of the United States district attorney or of any private party aggrieved. Section 5. And be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of said superin tendents to cause the soil adjacent to said posts, in extent not exceeding six hun dred and forty acres to be cultivated in a farmer-like manner, and to produce such articles of culture as in their judgment shall be deemed to be most profitable and available for the maintenance of said posts, for the supply of the troops and other government agents which may from time to time resort thereto, and to render the products aforesaid adequate to defraying all the expenses of labor in and about said posts, and the salary of the said deputy superintendent, without resort to the treasury of the United States, remitting to the secretary of the treasury yearly a sworn statement of the same, with the surplus moneys, if any there shall be. Section 6. And be it further enacted, that the said several superintendents of posts shall, ex officio, be superintendents of Indian affairs west of the Indian terri tory, Neocho, subordinate to and under the full control of the commissioner-general of Indian affairs at Washington. That they shall, by virtue of their offices, be con servators of the peace, with full powers to the extent hereinafter prescribed, in all cases of crimes and misdemeanors, whether committed by citizens of the United States, or by Indians within the frontier line aforesaid. That they shall have power to administer oaths, to be valid in the several courts of the United States, to perpet uate testimoney to be used in said courts, to take acknowledgements of deeds and other specialties in writing, to take the probate of wills and the testaments executed upon the said frontier of which the testators shall have died in transit between the state of Missouri and the territory of Oregon, and to do and certify all notarial acts, and to perform the ceremony of marriage, with as legal effect as if the said several acts above enumerated had been performed by the magistrates of any of the states having power to perform the service. That they shall have power to arrest and remove from the line aforesaid all disorderly white persons, and all persons exciting the Indians to hostilities, and to surrender up all fugitives from justice upon the requisition of the governor of any of the states; that they shall have power to de mand of the several tribes within the said frontier line, the surrender of any Indian or Indians committing acts in contradiction of the laws of the United States, and in case of such surrender, to inilict punishment thereon, according to the tenor and effect of said laws, without further trial, presuming such offending Indian or Indians to have received the trial and condemnation of the tribe to which he or they may belong; to intercept and seize all articles of contraband trade, whether introduced into their jurisdiction in violation of the acts imposing duties or imports, or of the acts to regulate trade and intercourse with the several Indian tribes ; to transmit the 42 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. cans holding it, to be performed by themselves. It left, in 1842, two mission colonies, and a few poor settlers, numbering altogether not more than two hundred and seventy, including children, and the party of immigrants who came with White, to contend in case of an Indian war, with many thousands of savages surrounding them on every side. To add to the apprehensions of the Amer icans, was a doubt in their minds as to which side, in case of a race war. would be taken by the foreigners in the country the free Canadians and the Hudson s Bay Company. same to the marshal of the western district of Missouri, together with the proofs necessary for the confiscation thereof, and in every such case the superintendent shall be entitled to and receive one-half the sale value of the said confiscated arti cles, and the other half be disposed of as in like cases arising under the existing revenue laws. Section 7. And be it further enacted, that the several superintendents shall have and keep to their several posts seals of office for the legal authentication of their public acts herein enumerated, and that the said seals shall have as a device the spread-eagle, with the words, "U. S. Superintendency of the Frontier," engraved thereon. Section 8. And be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall be en titled, in addition to the salary hereinbefore granted, the following perquisites and lees of office, to wit : For the acknowledgment of all deeds and specialties, the sum of one dollar ; for the administration of all oaths, twenty-five cents ; for the authen tication of all copies of written instruments, one dollar ; for the perpetuation of all testimony to be used in the United States courts, by the folio, fifty cents ; for the probate of all wills and testaments, by the folio, fifty cents ; for all other writing done by the folio, fifty cents ; for solemnizing marriages, two dollars, including the certifi cate to be given to the parties; for the surrender of fugitives from justice, in addi tion to the necessary costs and expenses of arrest and detention, which shall be verified to the demanding governor by the affidavit of the superintendent, ten dollars. Section 9. And be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall, by virtue of their offices, be postmasters at the several stations for which they are ap pointed, and as such shall be required to facilitate the transportation of the mail to and from the territory of Oregon and the nearest postoffice within the state of Mis souri, subject to all the regulations of the postoffice department, and with all the immunities and privileges of the postmasters in the several states, except that no additional compensation shall be allowed for such services ; and it is hereby made the duty of the postmaster-general to cause proposals to be issued for the transporta tion of the mail along the Inei of said posts to and from the said territory within six months after the passage of this act. Section 10. And be it further enacted, that the sum of thousand dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated out of any moneys in the treasury, not other wise appropriated, for the purpose of carrying into effect the several provisions of this act. Walla Walla Daily Union- Journal, August 10, 1891. CHAPTER III. DR. WHITE CALLED TO THE CAYUSE COUNTRY DISTURBANCES AMONG THE INDIANS PERSONNEL OF THE PARTY WHITE S POLICY COUNCIL WITH NEZ PERCES SPEECHES OF WHITE, MCKINLAY, ROGERS, AND MCKAY REPLIES OF FIVE CROWS, BLOODY CHIEF DR. WHITE S CODE ITS ACCEPTANCE ELECTION OF A HIGH CHIEF ADVICE TO THE <NEZ PERCES SPALDING S REPORT TALK OF THE CAY- USES A COUNCIL APPOINTED RETURN OF WHITE TO THE DALLES TROUBLE AT CLATSOP FRESH ALARMS IN THE SPRING OF 1843 BREWER S LETTER WHITE S EMBARRASSMENT MEMORIAL AGAINST DR. MCLOUGHLIN HOAV HE REPAID THE MEMORIALISTS COMPLAINTS OF THE DALLES INDIANS WHITE PROCEEDS TO WAII- LATPU EFFECT OF HIS VISIT THE CAYUSES SHOW HIM THEIR FARMS AN EX TRAORDINARY CAVALCADE PERKINS VISITS TO TAUITOWE S CAMP WHITE GOES TOLAPWAI NEZ PERCES RECEIVED INTO THE CHURCH JOSEPH WELCOMES ELLIS EFFECT ON THEIR GUESTS LAWYER THE NEZ PERCES ACCOMPANY WHITE TO WAIILATPU GRAND RECEPTION COUNCIL SPEECHES OF THE CHIEFS LAWS AC CEPTEDWHITE RETURNS TO THE DALLES TO TEACH THE INDIANS MRS. WHIT MAN LEAVES WAIILATPU. IN THE foregoing chapters we have presented to us the stage, and the dramatis persons on which, and by whom, was enacted the great tragedy of colonial Oregon, and have been given a view of its gradual unfolding. From this point the story proceeds more rapidly. Up 1o the time that Dr. White returned from the states invested with the authority of a sub-agent of Indian affairs in Oregon, and before Dr. Whitman had taken his departure for the east, there had been enacted no other hostilities than those above narrated; trifling if viewed in the light of actual warfare, yet of a threatening nature when the circumstances of the white inhabitants and the characteristics of the natives were considered. The colonists in the Wallamet valley, glad to be recog nized as belonging to the United States, even by the un warranted commissioning of a nondescript government officer, were proceeding to the discussion of steps towards a political organization, when they were startled by intel ligence from Fort Vancouver that the Cayuses had become openly hostile, having entered the mission-house at mid- (43) 44 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. night, and proceeded to the chamber of Mrs. Whitman, who escaped out of their hands only .by the timely aid of Mr. Geiger. A few days later the mission flouring-mill was burned down, and a large quantity of grain destroyed. Mrs. Whitman had been compelled to take refuge with the Methodist families at The Dalles, which place she reached by the kindness of the Hudson s Bay Company at Fort Walla Walla, accompanied by Geiger. The Nez Perces also had insulted and ordered out of her house Mrs. Spalding at Lapwai; and after stealing- Mr. Spalding s horse, had pointed a gun at, and further menaced him. These were acts of an unmistakable character, and Dr. White felt called upon to exhibit the authority in him vested. He secured the services of Thomas McKay, a noted leader of the Hudson s Bay Company s trading parties, and much respected as well as feared by the Indians, with six other picked men, to go to the scene of the disturbances. To this party were added Cornelius Rogers, late of Waiilatpu, and Baptiste Dorion, as inter preters. They were also joined by Mr. and Mrs. Little- john, who wished to go to the aid of the Spaldings at Lapwai, as they had agreed to do before Dr. Whitman s departure. At The Dalles it was thought best for Mrs. Littlejohn to remain until the temper of the Indians became better known; but Mr. Geiger accompanied the excursion to look after the mission property at Waiilatpu. It was already the sixteenth of November when the ex pedition set out from Vancouver. Owing to adverse winds on the Columbia it did not reach The Dalles until the twenty-fourth, where it made a short stay to procure horses, arriving at Waiilatpu, after having been joined at Walla Walla fort by Mr. McKinlay, on the first day of December. The Cayuses appeared shy, evidently unable to believe that this small party was all whom the a^ent of the United States had brought with him into a hostile country, and fearing a surprise. White took little notice THE GAYUSE WAR. 45 of them, but proceeded to Lapwai, where he arrived on the third, and had to wait for the upper Nez Perces, to whom a courier had been sent, to meet him. In the meantime he visited the chiefs in the vicinity, and the school, adroitly expressing surprise at the advancement of the pupils in reading and writing. " Next day," he says, " I visited their little plantations, rude, to be sure, but success fully carried on, so far as raising the necessaries of life were concerned; and it was most gratifying to witness their fondness and care for their little herds ; pigs, poultry, etc." Dr. White possessed some qualities which eminently fitted him to deal with Indians, as well as white men, among which was suavity of manner, and a desire to please as well as to be pleased. Accordingly, when the chiefs of the Nez Perces were assembled to the number of twenty- two, with a large number of their people, all giving a grave attention to his words, he stated the object of his visit, and that he had been sent by the great chief (president of the United States), to assure them of the kind intentions of his government, and the sad consequences that would ensue to any white man, from that time, who should invade their rights by stealing, murder, or selling them damaged goods, or alcohol. "Without threatening," he says, "I gave them to understand how highly Mr. and Mrs. Spalding were prized by the numerous whites, and with what pleasure the great chief gave them a paper (passport) to encourage them to come here to teach them what they were now so diligently employed in obtaining, in order that their children might become good, wise, and happy." McKinlay addressed them briefly, alluding to his several years residence among them, and the good understanding that had existed between the Hudson s Bay Company and themselves, and assured them that all the white people, whether Boston, King George, or French (Indian designa tions for Americans, English, and Canadians) were one, as 46 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the Nez Perces and ( -ayuses were one in their interests and affections. This hint that the Hudson s Bay people would not approve of any abuse of the missionaries, was softened by praise of their unexpected advancement in arts and sciences, as shown by their farms and schools. Then came Mr. Rogers who had done so much for them in helping to shape their written language, and who was a favorite with the Nez Perces. He reminded them of the good accomplished, and carefully brought them to remem ber the unhappy consequences which had followed a rupture between the United States and the tribes east of the mountains, exhorting them to be reasonable and accept such measures as were for their advancement. McKay reserved his remarks to the last, knowing that his mixed blood would appeal strongly to his auditors. He reminded them of the tragedy of the Tonquin, whereby he was left an orphan, since which time he had for many years constantly traveled through and mixed with the Oregon tribes; had mingled in their bloody wars with the Blackfoot Indians, and had enjoyed their seasons of peace; had suffered the pangs of hunger with them, and enjoyed their feasts and sports, until weary at last he had retired upon his plantation in the Wallamet valley, and was as one dead. But he was aroused by the call of his white brother, and now was again in their midst, and was glad. He had come at the bidding of the great chief whose children were more numerous than the stars of heaven or the leaves of the forest. "Will you hear what he says?" asked the orator, his tall figure and dark impassioned face tense with meaning. "You will! Your wonderful improvement in the arts and sciences prove you are no fools. Surely you will hear; but if disposed to close your ears and stop them, they will be torn wide open, and you. will be made to hear." A proposition appears to have been made in reference to the choosing of a high chief, the other chiefs to be his aids in carrying out his commands. It is not easy to un- THE CAY USE WAIL 47 derstand the action of McKinlay and McKay in supporting this measure, as the policy of the Hudson s Bay Company had been to destroy the chieftainships, thus to lessen the danger from combined action among the Indians. They may have seen that the rivalry that would be called into play would be an effectual check on combination, or they may have feared to injure White s influence by objecting. After an impressive silence, Five Crows of the Umatilla branch of the Cayuses, a wealthy chief about forty-five years of age, and dressed in English fashion, arose apolo gizing for doing so on account of his youth when compared with other chiefs present, saying he had hopes of better days before him, seeing the white men united in the matter; his people had much wanted something, they hardly knew what, and had been groping in darkness; but here was something: Should they accept it? After Five Crows, the oldest of the Nez Perces, the Bloody Chief, who had been high chief of his tribe when Lewis and Clarke explored the country, arose and referred to the friendship between him and the first white men who had visited this region. U I showed them," said he, "my many wounds received in battle with the Snakes; they told me it was not good; it was better to be at peace; gave me a flag of truce; 1 I held it up high; we met and talked, but never fought again. Clarke pointed to this day, to you, and this occasion. We have long waited in expecta tion. We sent three of our sons to Red-river school to prepare for it. Two of them sleep with their fathers; the other is here, and can be ears, mouth, arid pen for us. I can say no more. I am quickly tired; my voice and limbs tremble. I am glad I live to see you this day, but I shall soon be still and quiet in death." Following this speech, which was affecting from its sim plicity and pathos, several of the younger chiefs spoke, is undoubtedly an error of the interpreter s. Lewis and Clarke gave this chief a United States flag, explaining to him its meaning. Hence, he says, "I held it up high." He was called Twisted Hair by the explorers. 48 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. after which there was an adjournment of three hours to allow them to deliberate among themselves. On reassem bling White alluded to some of the offenses committed by the young men, and not sanctioned by the chiefs or old men, as he hoped; but, where the chiefs had done wrong, he attributed it to a misunderstanding of what they had been taught, or other mitigating causes. He then advised them to choose a high chief; and that all the chiefs should have a bodyguard to execute the laws. The code prepared by him was then presented for adoption, as follows: Article 1. Whoever wilfully takes life shall be hung. Article 2. Whoever burns a dwelling shall be hung. Article 3. Whoever burns an outbuilding shall be im prisoned six months, receive fifty lashes, and pay all dam ages. Article 4. Whoever carelessly burns a house, or any property, shall pay damages. Article 5. If any one enter a dwelling, without per mission of the occupant, the chiefs shall punish him as they think proper. Public rooms are excepted. Article 6. If any one steal, he shall pay back two-fold; and if it be the value of a beaver skin or less, he shall receive twenty-five lashes; and if the value is over a beaver skin, he shall pay back two-fold, and receive fifty lashes. Article 7. If any one take a horse and ride it without permission, or take any article and use it without liberty, he shall pay for the use of it, and receive from twenty to fifty lashes, as the chief shall direct. Article 8. If any one enter a field and injure the crops, or throw down the fence so that cattle or horses go in and do damage, he shall pay all damages, and receive twenty- five lashes for every offense. Article 9. Those only may keep dogs who travel or live among the game. If a dog kill a lamb, calf, or any domestic animal, the owner shall pay the damages and kill the dog. Article 10. If an Indian raise a gun or other weapon THE CAYUtiE WAH. 49 against a white man, it shall be reported to the chiefs, and they shall punish it. If a white man do the same to an Indian, it shall be reported to Dr. White, and he shall punish or redress it. Article 11. If an Indian break these laws, he shall be punished by his chiefs; if a white man break them, he shall be reported to the agent, and punished at his instance. To these -laws the Nez Perces gave their assent with apparent willingness, even advocating making some of the penalties more severe, and adding the dog law. The chiefs were astute enough to see how much power it placed in their hands, although each law had been framed for the protection of the white race. But to find a man among them willing to assume the responsibility, together with the power, was not so easy as might have been expected. The election was to be unanimous, and to be closed by the next day at ten o clock, after which, if all should be amicabb settled, a fat ox was to be slaughtered, and they were to dine with the white chiefs. As a feast will settle knotty questions in most quarters of the globe, so this one in anticipation put the Nez Perces in high good humor, and after referring many times to McKay and Rogers for advice, very sparingly given, they made choice of Ellis, of Kamiah, who was possessed of much influence among the whole Nez Perce nation. This was the same Ellis who started with Gray for the states, and whom Mr. Spalding would have had whipped for deserting him. He was now thirty-two years of age, and having been sent to school at Red river, spoke and wrote English passably well, being also the owner of a plantation, some sheep and neat stock, and eleven hundred head of horses. The election being announced the multitude partook of fat beef, corn, aad pease to repletion, smoking afterwards the friendly pipe until evening, when a special meeting of the head men was called to consider the grievances of which Mr. Spalding or the Indians had to complain. Ellis throughout conducted himself in a sensible manner, and 50 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. these difficulties were disposed of. Finally, on the follow ing day, another meeting was held, at which questions were asked and answered with a view to enlightening the In dians concerning the sentiments and laws of white people. "I advised in many matters," says White, " especially in reference to begging, or even receiving presents without in some way returning an equivalent; pointed out in strong language who beggars are among the whites, and how re garded; and commended them for not once troubling me during my stay with this disgusting practice; and as a token of respect now, at the close of our long and happy meeting, they would please accept, in the name of my great chief, a present of fifty garden hoes, not for those in authority, or such as had no need of them, but for the chiefs and Mr. Spalding to distribute among their indus trious poor." Before leaving, White prepared some medicines to be given the poor as they should be required; and exhorted all to be in obedience to their chiefs, and to look upon Mr. and Mrs. Spalding as their father and mother, reserving all points of difference to be settled when he returned in the spring. He was then escorted several miles upon his way, when the chiefs parted from him in high good humor; and Mr. Spalding afterwards wrote that the Nez Perces were quiet during the winter ; so easy was it, apparently, for a man with some tact to secure the good will and confidence of these adult children. A report sent to the sub-agent by Mr. Spalding in the spring contains many interesting facts concerning the Nez Perces at this time, in which he commended their industry and quickness of intellect, though giving an unflattering summing up of their moral characteristics as observed by him in his intercourse with them ; but confesses that when he attempts to hold it up as an exception to other nations without the wholesome restraints of law, and strangers to the influence of enlightened society, he is unable to do it. Returning to Waiilatpu, Dr. White found awaiting- him THE CAY USE WAR. 51 Tauitowe (sometimes called the young chief), head man of the Cayuses on the Uinatilla, and brother of Five Crows; and Feather Cap, belonging to Tiloukaikt s camp at Waiilatpu, with a few other chiefs from the three prin cipal Cayuse camps, the third of which was half way be tween the two just mentioned, and governed by Camaspelo. It was at once evident that much disaffection existed here, which it would be difficult to cure, and White put forward Rogers and McKay as better informed how to deal with it than he. " They had not proceeded far," says White in his report, "before Feather Cap, for the first time in his life, so far as we know, commenced weeping, and wished to see me ; said his heart was sick, and he could not live long as he now felt." The cause of Feather Cap s tears was the knowledge of his own guilt, the information that the Nez Perces had accepted the laws, and the fear that the Cayuses would do the same, when he would be in a bad case. Tauitowe had at first no tears to shed, and he had some charges to bring against the white race, three-fourths of whom, he said, though teaching the purest doctrines, were in practice bad men, an opinion founded upon what he had observed among mountain men when he had been on the buffalo hunt. He was shown that such examples did not apply in the present instance, and finally admitted it, and in a speech in which he related his troubles as high chief, wept freely. He had flogged 2 his young men, and reproved the middle-aged, until having none to sustain him, his popularity had so declined he was "left alone to say his payers and go to bed to weep over the follies and wickedness of his people." When Rogers and McKay had aroused the chiefs to remorse, they were sent to Dr. White, who magnanimously promised to refrain from punishing any but the actually guilty. The settlement of the count against them the offense against Mrs. Whitman and the destruction of Dr. Whitman s property, was allowed to stand over until -Flogging was a punishment first instituted by the Hudson s Bay Company. 52 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. spring, when a final adjustment would be made if a ma jority of the principal men could be brought together by the tenth of April. The Cayuses were then left to their reflections. At The Dalles, on returning, White held a four days meeting with the Indians of Mr. Perkins mission, whom he found in a state of great excitement, all kinds of rumors being afloat among them of the intentions of the sub-agent towards them, and having a well-founded conviction that individually and collectively they had broken, and should continue to break the white men s laws. But at the end of the four days they were persuaded to accept the code, and in the winter H. B. Brewer, farmer of The Dalles mission, reported them living up to the regulations, and cutting logs for houses. "For the least transgression of the laws," wrote Brewer, "they are punished by their chiefs immediately. The clean faces of some, and the tidy dresses of others, show the good effects of your visit." White had hardly reached the Wallamet before he was called to Astoria to settle a difficulty created by a deserting sailor from some vessel in the Columbia, who had insti gated the Indians to threaten the life of one of the mission aries at Clatsop. The man was arrested, and the matter settled by the Hudson s Bay Company allowing him to be sent out of the country in charge of one of their trading parties. Thus passed the winter of 1842-3, when in the spring a fresh agitation disturbed the American colonists. Whether justly or unjustly, Baptiste Dorion, son of that Madam Dorion, celebrated in Irving s Astoria for her courage and endurance in crossing the mountains and plains with Hunt s party, was charged with being the incendiary spirit who influenced the minds of the Indians with tales of the intended seizure of their country by people from the United States. It seems that Dorion, who acted as one of White s inter preters, remained in the upper countn r , and it may have THE CAY USE WAR. 53 been quite true that he, with half-caste cunning and suspicion, lit the smoldering fires in the haughty hearts of the Cayuse chiefs and their allies, which threatened to break out into a raging conflagration. But Hines, in his Oregon, remarks upon other causes for discontent and sus picion : " The fulfillment of the laws," he says, " which the agent recommended for their adoption was required by Ellis with the utmost vigor. Individuals were severely punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed by the people with impunity. They saw in the laws a deep laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession of their country." This sus picion received confirmation when they recollected that Dr. White himself brought a large party into the country with him; and by the threat of Dr. Whitman that he would bring many people to punish them for their mis deeds, a calamity they were looking forward to, at the end of summer. So firm was their conviction, that many of the Cayuses refused to cultivate their plantations in the spring of 1843, and were full of suppressed excitement. So much had their belief in the treachery of the white people grown upon them during the winter that they pre vailed upon the Walla Walla chief, Peu-peu-mox-mox (Yellow Serpent), to visit Fort Vancouver, and ask advice from the head of the Hudson s Bay Company. The reply of Dr. McLoughlin was that he did not believe the Amer icans intended to go to war, and that if they should do so incredible a thing, the company would not support them in it; and the chief returned comforted, after which the Cay- uses began again to hoe their little gardens. It appears that Dr. White did not keep his appointment with the Nez Perces, probably for want of means; but about the time he should have done so, such news was re ceived from the upper country relative to the designs of the Indians in that region that he was forced to make an effort to go among them. According to Mr. Hines, the Wall am et settlements were " thrown into a panic," the Cay- 54 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. uses, Nez Perces, and Waila Wallas having "threatened the destruction of the whites." A letter was received from H- K. W. Perkins of The Dalles, containing the information furnished by the Walla Walla and Wascopum or Dalles Indians, that all these tribes were much exasperated against the white people on account of the belief that they were corning to take away their lands; and it was stated that the Nez Perces, during the winter, had dispatched one of their chiefs on snowshoes, to visit the Indians east of Fort Hall to incite them to cut off the party which Dr. Whitman had told them he would bring back with him "to settle the Nez Perces country;" and that a coalition was forming for the destruction of the Americans not a part of them only, but every one. The terror of the Americans, thus, for the first time, brought actually to face a danger they had before only vaguely imagined, was very great. "In the estimation of some," says Hines, " the Indians were to be upon us imme diately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the settlement would be attacked before morning. The plan of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of de linquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to ex ceed two days travel, for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. This plan pleased some of the people, and they put down their names; but many were much dissatisfied with it, and as we had no authority, no law, no order, for the time being in the country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result if the Indians should attempt to carry their threats into execution." To increase the excitement, it was reported that the Klikitats were collecting on that portion of the Wallamet plains which now constitutes Washington county, and the THE CAYUSE WAR. 55 people, about thirty families, residing there, were much alarmed. A Calapooya chief also living near the Metho dist mission, incensed because one of his people had been Hogged, by order of Dr. White, for stealing a horse from the missionaries and flour from the mill at Salem, had gone away declaring he would return with a force to drive away the Americans. "The colony is indeed in a most defenseless condition," remarks Hines; "two hundred Indians divided into four bands might destroy the whole settlement in one night." White had no less than eight prisoners, white and red, on his hands at this time, and the adjustment of these affairs was occasioning no little trouble; but happily the Indians in the vicinity of the settlements were more brawl ers than fighters, and the dreaded outbreak was averted for the time being. On the twentieth of April, 1843, another letter was re ceived from Mr. Brewer at The Dalles, stating that the Indians in the interior still talked much of war between themselves, and that the white people in their midst had much to fear from their moocl. White then hastened to keep his appointment made in December, in order, if pos sible, to remove from their minds the excitement origi nating in Dr. Whitman s promise, and confirmed, it was said, by what Dr. White had told them in the council of December this latter being by inference only. But now the United States agent found himself in a very delicate position. United States authority and the national treasury were a long way off. No government of any kind existed in Oregon; no force was there with which to intimidate the Indians, should force be necessary; no public funds to draw upon for presents to pacify the sus picions of the Cayuses and Nez Perces; and to add to the hopelessness of the situation, the settlers had just previ ously dispatched to congress a memorial, charging the Hudson s Bay Company in Oregon with every species of tyranny and injustice towards the Americans, and particu- 56 INDIAN WABti OF OREGON. larly accusing Dr. McLoughlin of intending to injure them. Now, as in all their necessities past, or likely to come for some time, the Hudson s Bay Company, governed by Dr. McLoughlin, had been and still was an ever-present help in time of trouble, this memorial was but a poor return for kindnesses; but at this particular juncture of affairs it seemed likely to prove a serious blunder, as Dr. McLough lin was much incensed that such a document should be laid before the congress of the United States, and in his just wrath had declared he would extend no more favors to its authors. Dr. White did not consider that he came under the ban, being neither an author or signer of the memorial he was rather under the ban of his countrymen for not being one or the other. He determined to try his persuasive powers at Vancouver, 3 and accompanied by Rev. Gustavus Hines, and G. W. Le Breton, an enthusiastic young Amer ican, proceeded to that place on the twenty-filth, attended only by one Indian boy, and one Kanaka, neither Cana dians nor American colonists being found to undertake the dangerous service. The former, it was alleged, and with reason, were ordered by the Hudson s Bay Company to remain quiet at home; while the latter found this advice good as concerned themselves. There being no roads in Oregon at this period, travel was usually performed, in a leisurely manner, by canoe. On the way the agent s party was met at two different points by a courier with letters from Dr. McLoughlin, dis couraging the undertaking. One enclosed a communica tion from Rev. Demers, Catholic priest, just returned from :i White s salary was seven hundred and fifty dollars, with the guaranty that when Linn s bill passed it should be doubled ; and with verbal permission to draw upon government funds to meet his necessary expenses. He had difficulty afterwards in collecting for himself; and the board of management of the Hudson s Bay Company found nobody in Washington to honor White s order. The London managers sar castically informed the company in Oregon that they " did not understand govern ment securities," arid advised them to "stick to their beaver skins." After several years congress made an appropriation to discharge both obligations on account of the Indian service in Oregon, and Wliite was given another appointment on the Pacific coast. THE CAY USE WAR. 57 a mission to the interior, who reiterated what was known before, that the Indians were angry only with the " Boston r people or Americans, who they had declared, should not have their lands or take away their liberties. Such being the truth beyond doubt, Dr. McLoughliii still urged the policy of keeping away from them, and it was evident he feared an uprising, so easily brought about by slight indis cretions among these ignorant people. But White and Hines kept on, arriving at Vancouver on the evening of the twenty-eighth. Says Hines con cerning what followed : " Called on Dr. McLoughlin for goods, provisions, powder, balls, etc., for our accommoda tion on our voyage up the Columbia, and though he was greatly surprised that, under the circumstances, we should think of going among these excited Indians, yet he ordered his clerks to let us have whatever we wanted. However, we found it rather squally at the fort, not so much on account of our going among the Indians of the interior, as in consequence of a certain memorial having been sent to the United States congress implicating the conduct of Dr. McLoughlin and the Hudson s Bay Company, and bearing the signatures of seventy Americans. I inquired of the doctor if he had refused to grant supplies to those Ameri cans who had signed that document. He replied that he had not, but that the authors of the memorial need expect no more favors from him. Not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not come under the ban of the company; consequently I obtained my out fit for the expedition, though at first there were strong indications that I would be refused." Thus the Americans in Oregon were furnished with the means of protecting themselves against the alleged hostile influence of the company whose acts they continually denounced in their memorials, furnished at a long credit besides, and the risk of disturbing the company s relations with the Indians and the home board, because Dr. Mc Loughlin was too magnanimous to oppose himself to a OP THE 58 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. helpless community, however undeserving his favor it might be. On the twenty-ninth Dr. White, Hines, and Le Breton made a final start from Vancouver. At The Dalles, where they arrived May fourth, they were met by delegates from the tribes in that vicinity, who had accepted the laws in the previous December. They complained that the high chief elected, and his aids, had them punished for trifling offenses, for doing what they had always been in the habit of doing, and there had been broils among themselves in consequence. " Those appointed by Dr. White," says Hines, " were de sirous that his regulations should continue, because they placed the people under their absolute control, and gave them the power to regulate all their intercourse with the whites, and with the other Indian tribes. But the other influential men who were not in office desired to know of Dr. White of what benefit this whipping system was going to be to them. They said they were willing it should con tinue provided they were to receive shirts, and pants, and blankets as a reward for being whipped. They had been whipped a good many times and got nothing for it, and it had done them no good. If this state of things was to continue, it was all cultus. (good for nothing), and they would throw it away. The doctor wished them to under stand that they need not expect pay for being flogged when they deserved it. They laughed at the idea and separated." From this it would appear that no more serious trouble existed among these Indians than from their worthless character might be expected at any time. But nothing is more difficult than to learn the truth of an Indian rumor. The difference between the stories told to White present, and carried to White absent, was the difference be tween a tragedy and a comedy. The agent did not tarry long at The Dalles, but pro ceeded next day on his journey, accompanied by Mr. THE CAY USE WAR. 59 Perkins. Mrs. Whitman had returned to Waiilatpu a month before with Mr. Geiger, thinking, perhaps, to re assure the Cayuses by her presence in their midst, and was anxiously looking for the agent. The effect of the -appearance among them of so small a party, who they knew must have been informed of their threatened hostilities, was. to excite both admiration and doubt in the minds of the Cayuses. It was difficult for them to believe that there was not a large party concealed somewhere near, which only waited for them to assemble to rush upon them and cut them off at a blow. It did not take long to learn that the young men of the tribe had been in favor of raising a war party to go down to the Wallamet and take the settlements by surprise. But the older chiefs held them back by pointing out the lateness of the season, and the depth of snow in the mountains. They also added that it would be wiser to remain on the defensive than to attempt to cut off all the white people on their own ground ; and they recalled what Mr. McKln- lay and McKay had said that in case of insurrection there would be no difference of nationality between the English, French, and Americans, but they would all stand together. They fully expected, however, at one time, and were still full of the suspicion that they would be com pelled to go to war. " On convincing them of my defenseless condition," says White, "and pacific intentions, they were quite astounded and much affected, assuring me they had been under strong apprehensions, having learned I was soon to visit them with a large armed party with hostile intentions, and I actually found them suffering more from fears of war from the whites, than the whites from (fear of) the In dians." This attitude of the Cayuses at this time is confirmed by Hines also, who says, "They frequently remarked to Mr. Geiger that they did not wish to go to war; but if the Americans came to take a way their lands and make slaves 60 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. of them, they would fight so long as they had a drop of blood to shed." The agent s party felt much uneasiness in view of the rumors that were afloat, on learning that seven hundred Nez Perces, fully armed, were preparing to come to the rendezvous of Waiilatpu; and it was feared that unless the Cayuses should first have submitted to the regulations offered, a quarrel might arise, which would terminate in hostilities. To prevent such a catastrophe, an effort was made to gain the consent of the Cayuses to hold a council at once. But no arguments or persuasions availed any thing they would hold no council without the presence of their allies. So suspicious were they that they would not at first accede to White s proposal to go himself to Lapwai and hasten the arrival of the Nez Perces; and they were right in thinking he had some other motive, for he was anxious to learn the -temper of the Nez Perces before allowing the two nations to meet. There were also jealousies to be overcome, some fearing Ellis, with his large following, might be used to subjugate them. At the same time that a part of them insisted on Ellis presence at a council, another faction opposed a council on any terms whatever. Thus several days were spent in studying the situation from all points of view. During the period of parleying, the Cayuses invited Dr. White and his party to make an excursion among their plantations, and see what they had done, to which propo sition the agent willingly acceded. Hines has described, with some humor, Feather Cap, the leader. He says he possessed a countenance extraordi narily savage, but a dignified mein, and a voice of com mand. He was dressed in skin breeches, a striped shirt, which he wore over his breeches, and a scarlet coat trimmed to imitate the uniform of a British general. On his head was first a cotton handkerchief," thrown over loosely; this was surmounted by an otter-skin cap, on top of which was fastened the long hair of a white horse-tail, THE CAYUSE WAR. 61 which hung in ringlets down his neck. Mr. Geiger, who was a small man, was mounted on a donkey, also very small and very antic, which gave the Indians much cause for laughter. Mrs. Whitman accompanied them on horse back, as did Mr. Perkins, whose legs were as long as Geiger s were short. Two Indian women in calico dresses, riding astride, one with a child before her, and three Indian men, with Hines and White, completed the party. The Indians were pleased to show their farms. They realized that their condition as to food was vastly improved over what it was when the first Americans visited them. It was found that sixty Cay uses were cultivating each a small piece of ground in wheat, corn, pease, and potatoes; arid they were pleased to be commended for their industry. Rather late in the day Mr. Perkins left the party to go to the camps of Tauitowe and Five Crows, and also that of Peu-peu-mox-mox, to invite them to a conference at Waiilatpu. He spent the night at the lodge of the latter dignitary, whose son Elijah Hedding had been for a time in the Methodist mission school in the Wallamet valley. The chief and the missionary had evening prayers together, all the family joining in the exercises; and in the morning Perkins was so early in the saddle that he surprised Tauitowe in the act of calling his people together for the daily religious service by ringing a bell. His prayer, according to the report of Perkins, was, as he slipped his beads, "We are poor, we are poor, we are poor," ten times, closing with "Good Father, good son, good spirit," until the beads were all counted a petition which meant as much to the Indian as the long orations addressed to the Infinite in thousands of enlightened pulpits. The chiefs invited by Perkins declined to meet for the purpose of considering the laws without the presence of Ellis, whose approbation of any course they might pursue appeared to be by them considered of the highest im portance. Finding them immovable, White finally relin quished the effort to have the Cayuses committed to the 62 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. adoption of the laws before being joined by the Nez Perces, and, set out for Lapwai, as he told the Cayuses, to hasten their coming, but really to gain from them a pledge to use their influence for the laws with this people, or to stay at home. The agent and his party were warmly welcomed at Lap wai by Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, and Mr. and Mrs. Littlejohn, whom White had sent to the assistance of the mission dur ing the winter. Ellis, who was at Kamiah, sixty miles away, was sent for. Meanwhile the agent was informed of the progress of the people in learning and religion. Two hundred Indians attended religious services on Sun day. Joseph, the second chief of the Nez Perces, had already been received into the church ; also Timothy, an other chief, and thirty others stood proposed for member ship. Accordingly, Mr. Spalding determined to strengthen the hands of the agent by receiving these into the church, and on Sunday, May 14, 1843, the Presbyterian church at Lapwai was augmented by thirty Nez Perce members. At the end of three days, which were employed by White in visiting the chiefs, and administering to the sick, it was announced that Ellis, with his braves, was approaching, and preparations made to receive the high chief with due ceremony. Joseph s band, seven hundred strong, was drawn up with the agent s party in the center. On came Ellis men, about equal in number, mounted on good horses decorated with scarlet belts and headdresses, and when about fifty rods apart, Ellis forces rushed forward with a roar of mus ketry, the ear-piercing sound of the war-whistle, the beat ing of drums, the horrible yelling of savages in attack, the dashing to and fro on their mettlesome horses, while the froth from their nostrils flew in the faces of their pale-faced guests pale with a shock they were illy able to conceal. Says Hines: "The savage pomposity with which they were caparisoned, and the frightful manner in which they THE CAY USE WAR. 63 were daubed with paint, their fiery visages being striped with red, black, white, and yellow, were all calculated not only to inspire terror, but a dread of savage fury in the mind of every beholder. At the very height of the ex citement, when it appeared that the next whirl of the savage cavalry would trample us all beneath their feet, Ellis stretched himself up to his utmost height upon the back of his splendid charger, and waving his hand over the dark mass, all was quiet." All then dismounted to shake hands with the agent and his party, to whom they furnished horses to ride to a plain where the ceremony of honoring a brave who had killed twelve Blackfoot foes was to be performed. The honored warrior occupied the center of a large circle, and recited to an attentive audience the manner of killing each with the same particularity that Homer celebrated the deeds of his heroes, exhibiting the scalps and the arms taken. Then followed a rehearsal of a recent battle with the Blackfoot tribe, in which the Nez Perces were victorious, after which a war dance was performed, conducted by a chief called Lawyer, "in whom," says Hines, "is combined the cunning and shrewdness of the Indian, with the ability and penetration of the statesman." Lawyer, like Ellis, had received the rudiments of an English education at Red river. He was possessed of remarkable shrewdness, and had from the first meeting with the missionaries at the rendezvous of the fur compa nies in the mountains in 1836, remained their friend, and used his influence to quiet the Nez Perces in the vicinity of Lapwai, where he had his home, whenever such influ ence could be of advantage to them, and moreover to him self. Though inferior in rank at this time, his power in the tribe was nearly equal to that of Ellis. It had been White s intention to prevent Ellis from going down to Waiilatpu if possible, but on learning from him that he would act in favor of a reception of the laws, his objections were withdrawn; and a thousand horses 64 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. wore required to transport the escort of men, women, and children which attended the agent on his return. Says Hines, in speaking of the journey, "I was greatly sur prised, in traveling through the Indian country, to find that the outward forms of Christianity are observed in almost every lodge. The Indians, generally, are nomi nally Christians, and about equally divided betwixt the Protestant and Catholic religions." As the Nez Perces approached, the Cayuses formed in ranks to receive them, the warriors of each nation in front. When within a convenient distance, there was a simultaneous rush forward "like two clouds meeting on a height," followed by maneuvers similar to those witnessed at Lapwai, the Indians working themselves into such a state of excitement that the white spectators began to fear a real engagement might result; and to give them time to recover themselves, Mr. Spalding, who had accompanied the Nez Perces, announced a prayer meeting at Dr. Whit man s house. To this Dr. White repaired, followed by the principal men, and quiet was restored. Mr. Hines relates that Tauitowe came forward in a very boisterous manner, inquiring "what all the disturbance was for?" and implies that it was because he was a Cath olic that he was incensed at the display made to receive a Protestant chief. It was far more reasonable to believe that Tauitowe s irritation was in consequence of a suspicion justly founded indeed that Dr. White had brought all these people to force the laws upon the Cayuses, by argu ment if not vi et arm/is. No council was called until the twenty-third, when the chiefs met Dr. White and his party to hear what might be said to them. It should be remembered that the only written reports we have of the proceedings are those of the United States agent, made to the government in terms general, and n altering to his own success; and the story as told by Mr. Hines, who expresses himself guardedly, but who entertained at the time a feeling of scarcely concealed THE CAYUSE WAE. 65 contempt for the as he regarded him intriguing United States sub-Indian agent and would-be-governor of the colony of which Hines was a member. There is nothing to show that White was not as con scientious in the discharge of his duties as any man would have been in his place. At an early period in the history of the Wallamet colony he had a quarrel with Jason Lee, the superintendent of the mission, as he himself said, on account of an honest difference of opinion as to the best way of carrying forward the objects of the mission. The quarrel was a bitter one, and he* resigned, the home board, on his return to the states, disapproving of his leaving the mission. But the superintendent had the more or less cordial support of some of the most prominent men in the colony, of whom Mr. Hines was one, a cause sufficient, under the circumstances, to explain his attitude towards the sub-Indian agent. The council was called to order in a few grave words by Tauitowe, and his speech being interpreted, the subject that was uppermost in all minds began immediately to be discussed. "They were told," says Hines, "that much had been said about war, and we had come to assure them that they had nothing to fear from that quarter," and the pres ident of the United States had sent an agent only to regu late their intercourse with his people. They were assured that the government agent was not there to catch them in a trap like beaver, but to do them good ; and that if they would lay aside certain practices and prejudices, cease quarreling, cultivate the ground, and adopt good laws, they might become a great and happy people. So far, so good. But they were also informed that they were few in comparison with the white people; and that in order to accomplish anything, they must be united advice that was good for the Indians, but dangerous for the colonists. The chiefs were counseled to culti vate friendship towards each other, and to be considerate towards their people; and the people were told to be 66 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. obedient to their chiefs, and remember them in their morning and evening prayers. This too, was good talk, but it did not touch the subject tying nearest the Cayuse heart, which was: Would Dr. Whitman return with many white people to take away their lands. An invitation was extended to the chiefs to address the meeting. Ellis declined, saying it would not be proper for the Nez Perces to speak before the Cayuses had adopted the laws thus signifying his desire that they should do so and the Cayuses replied that they would see the laws before adopting them. Hines says : " A speech was then delivered to the young men to impress them favorably with regard to the laws. They were told they would soon take the places of the old men, and they should be willing to act for the good of the people; that they should not go here and there and spread false reports about war; for that this had been the cause of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed among them during the winter." Gray, in his History of Oregon, remarks that this state ment was untrue; and so it was, not because it did riot assign a sectarian cause for the disturbances, as he would have done, but because it ignored the cause behind all, and laid the blame upon one of its natural consequences. When the laws had been read in the English and Nez Perce languages, Yellow Serpent (Peu-peu-mox-mox) arose. An Indian speech seldom is logical, seldom has any beginning, middle or ending, but often touches of unconscious eloquence or sharply pointed truths. The oratory on this occasion was a fair example of aboriginal rhetoric. Thus the Walla W^alla chief: "I have a mes sage to you. Where are these laws from? I would I might say they were from God. But I think they are from the earth, because from what I know of white men they do not honor these laws." It was then explained to him that the laws were recog nized by God and imposed on men in all civilized coun- THE GAY USE WAR. 67 tries. With this Yellow Serpent professed to be satisfied, saying that it was in accordance with such instructions as he bad received from Others, adding that he was glad it was so. because many of his people had been angry with him when he whipped them for crime, and had told him Clod would send him to hell for it, and he was glad to know it was pleasing to God." Tiloukaikt, on whose land Whitman lived, next spoke, saying, impatiently, "What do you read 4 the laws for be fore we take them? We do not take the laws because Tauitowe says so. He is a Catholic, and as a people we do not follow his worship." To this Dr. White replied that his religious views had nothing to do with the laws; that white people had differ ent modes of worship while obeying the same laws an entirely new idea to the Indians, who had only been given religion as law. Here a chief called The Prince arose. He had once been a man of influence among the Cayuses, but having been concerned in an effort to make Mr. Pambrun, in charge of Fort Walla Walla, pay higher prices for furs and horses, by seizing that gentleman, throwing him down, and stamping on his breast, had been deposed by the Hud son s Bay Company, and his power had dwindled to noth ing. "I understand," said The Prince, "You gave us liberty to examine every law all the words and lines and as questions are asked about it, we should get a better understanding of it. The people of this country have but one mind about it. I have something to say, but perhaps the people wall dispute me. As a body we have not had an opportunity to consult; therefore you come to us as in the wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no point, and we cannot speak because we have no point 4 The word "read" here should undoubtedly be "receive." The sentence is without sense otherwise. Tiloukaikt was a haughty Cayuse, and would not brook the Walla Wallas taking precedence. He was also a thorough Presbyterian, on whom Dr. Whitman had spent much time and labor, and as his speech betrayed, resented any interference by Tauitowe, who was a Catholic. In this he copied his teachers closely. 68 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. before us. The business before us is whole, like a body; we have not dissected it. And perhaps you will say it is out of place for me to speak, because I am not a great chief. Once I had influence, but now I have but little." When he would have sat down he was told to go on, and said further: " When the whites first came among us we had no cattle; they have given us none. What we have now got we obtained by an exchange of property. A long time ago Lewis and Clarke came to this country, and I want to know what they said about us did they say they found friends or enemies here?" Being answered that they had been well spoken of, The Prince continued : " That is a reason why the whites should unite with us, and all become one people. Those who have been here before you have left us no memorial of their kindness by giving us presents. We speak by way of favor; if you have any benefits to bestow, we will then speak more freely. One thing that we can speak about is cattle, and the reason why we cannot speak out now is because we have not the thing before us. My people are poor and blind, and we must have something tangible. Other chiefs have bewildered me since I came; yet I am from an honorable stock. Promises which have been made to me and my fathers have not been fulfilled, and I am made miserable; but it will not answer for me to speak out, for my people do not consider me as their chief. One thing more; you have reminded me of what was prom ised me some time ago, and I am inclined to follow on and see, though I have been giving my beaver to the whites and have received many promises, and have always been disappointed ; I want to know what you are going to do." To this demand there being no answer, Illutin (Big Belly) arose and said, the old men were wearied with the wickedness of the young men, and that if he were alone he should say "Yes" at once to the laws; and that the reason the young men were not willing was because they had stolen property in their possession, and the laws con- THE CAYV8E WAR. 69 demued them. He advised them, however, to accept the laws, for their own good. Here The Prince interrupted, desiring that the good the laws were to do them might be put in a tangible form. It was a long time, he said, since the whites had come into their country promising to do them good; but all had passed by without leaving any benefits behind. He re ferred to the competition between the Hudson s Bay Company and the American traders in 1832-1834, and said the company had then told them not to go after the Americans that they would not give them presents that they talked well, but did not perform, while the company both promised and performed. To this Dr. White replied that he was not come either as a missionary or a trader; and the council ended for that day without arriving at any definite conclusion. During the evening White was approached by Ellis and Lawyer, who informed him they expected pay for being chiefs, and desired to know how much salary would be given them, Ellis saying he thought he had already earned enough to make him rich. He received, however, no answer to his demand at that interview. On the next day, before resuming the business of the\ council, it became necessary to put the laws in practice, J the Kanaka who had accompanied the expedition as(f servant having been shot, though not fatally, in a quarrel f with a Nez Perce. The offender fled, but was pursued, arrested, and punished by forty lashes on his bare back. \ This matter attended to, the council proceeded, and after \ a number of speeches in effect like those of the previous day, a majority being in favor of the laws, the code was^/ adopted by the Cay uses; and after some electioneering. Tauitowe was chosen high chief. It is said, in Gray s History of Oregon, that Tauitowe was concerned with The Prince in the attack on Mr. Parnbrun, and that since that time he had been discountenanced by the Hudson s Bay Company, and dissensions sown among 70 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. his people. This may have been the reason that before accepting the office of high chief he addressed the Cay uses, and inquired if they would lay aside their differences, and give him their cordial support, which they promised. But, on the following day, the people being reassembled, he resigned his office, giving as a reason the difference between his religion and that of most of his nation an evidence of his good sense, seeing how little it tpok to stir up strife among them. 5 His brother, Five Crows, was proposed in his stead, when the Cayusss exclaimed, "our hearts go out towards him with a rush," and his election was nearly unanimous, a proof of popularity which affected him to tears. A feast, at which all sat down, red men and white men, Mrs. WhitH&an and the Indian women, closed the proceed ings, and /law as well as religion had become engrafted upon barbarism. The Indians went their way and the white men theirs. Mrs. Whitman returned with the agent s party to the lower country, being offered a place in one of the Hudson s Bay Company s boats. At The Dalles, Dr. White spent two months instructing the several tribes which resorted to this ancient trading center of the Columbia river Indians. "I begged money," he says, " and procured articles for clothing to the amount of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold out to the industrious women for mats, baskets, and their various articles of manufacture, in order to get them clothed comfortably to appear at church; and enlisted the cheerful cooperation of the mission ladies in instructing them how to sew and make up their dresses." He also :> White had to settle an account with the Cayuses, which reminds one of Bonne- ville s narration of his experience with them. When Jason Lee first passed through the Cayuse country in 1834, he was presented with some horses, which he received as a token of friendship, not knowing that pay for presents was expected. As he had been in the country for nine years without making any return, during which time they had often reproached Dr. Whitman for the omission by his white brother to pay his debts, it was thought best to settle with the Cayuses at this time, which was done by agreeing to give tiiem a cow for each horse Lee had received. At the price cows were then bringing in the colony, this was magnificent pay. THE CAYU8E WAR. 71 visited the sick, of whom there are always a large number in an Indian camp, and by these means secured the observ ance of the laws among them. 6 "Concerning White s pay for these services, it transpires, through his Ten Years In Oreijon, that he had considerable trouble. He wrote to he secretary of war Hon. J. M. Porter in November that he had kept within the limit of three hundred dollars for interpreters the last year, and had built himself an office at the expense of two hundred and twenty-five dollars. His traveling expenses, the cost of feeding the Indians, and his bills at Vancouver, he asks shall be paid, otherwise "pray call me home at once." He further notifies the secretary that he " cannot sell drafts payable in Washington," and asks for an order to draft on London. White s treatment under the administration which succeeded that under which he was appointed, was cer tainly very unfair; and it was only after many years that his claim was recognized and compensation made. In the meantime, until he left Oregon in 1845, his seven hundred and fifty dollars salary was pieced out by loans from the company s officers at Vancouver, and made to carry on the trying and dangerous intercourse of the Indians and white people in Oregon for three years. CHAPTER IV. Two IMPORTANT EVENTS WHITE S CAUTION TO THE IMMIGRANTS PILOTS OF 1843 INDIANS TROUBLESOME TRADING FOR CATTLE THE DALLES MISSION ABANDONED MISBEHAVIOR OF CHIEF COCKSTOCK THE AFFAIRS AT OREGON CITY COCK- STOCK AND Two AMERICANS KILLED HUNGER AND THIEVING IN T^IE WALLAMET VALLEY THE OREGON RANGERS AND THEIR EXPLOITS THE INDIAN CATTLE COMPANY KILLING OF ELIJAH HEDDING ALARM IN OREGON WHITE S DEPART URE FOR WASHINGTON PEU-PEU-MOX-MOX IN CALIFORNIA IN 184(5 NEW INDIAN AGENT IMMIGRATION OF 1845 ROAD MAKING POLITICS AND THE SOUTHERN ROUTE IMMIGRATION OF 1846 TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS BY THE COLONISTS IMMIGRATION OF 1847 NEGLECT OF OREGON BY THE GOVERNMENT THREATS OF INDEPENDENCE APPREHENSIONS THE BLOW FALLS. Two events of great importance to Oregon took place in 1843, the first, the organization of a provisional govern ment in May; the second, the arrival in the autumn of nearly nine hundred immigrants. Aware of the danger to be apprehended from the In dians on seeing a large body of white men with their families and stock coming into their country, Dr. White dispatched a letter to meet the immigration at Fort Hall, urging upon them to travel compactly, in companies of not less than fifty ; to treat the Indians kindly but with reserve, and to keep a vigilant watch upon their property. He warned them that if they came strolling along in small parties they would scarcely escape having difficulty with the Indians. And that was just what happened. The Indians nearest the mission of Waiilatpu, owing to their farailiarty with white people, and the temptation to take reprisal for fancied wrongs, were the most impertinent and thieving. They were, however, quick to see the benefits to themselves of the passage through their country of so many people with what appeared to them wonderful riches in cattle, wagons, household goods, and clothing, affording them opportuni ties of trade or theft as best suited their disposition or convenience. A great deal of thieving took place, and as * (72) THE GAYUSE WAR- 73 the immigrants were forced to pay some article of clothing for having a stolen animal returned a transaction re peated every twenty-four hours the country along the Columbia river presented a fantastic show for months afterwards, of Indians dressed in the most incongruous and absurd combinations of savage and civilized costumes a spectacle witnessed more and more, with the passage of subsequent immigrant parties, for years. As none of the new comers remained in the Cay use country, the jealous fears of the mission Indians appeared to be for the time allayed. They had been able in a few instances to exchange a fat bullock for a lean heifer, with a view to stock-raising, which gratified their ambition to become property holders, and furnished a reasonable motive in addition to the other, for the maintenance of peace in the region inhabited by the Indians under the charge of the Presbyterians. At The Dalles the Methodists withdrew their missiona ries in the spring of 1844, leaving only H. B. Brewer in charge of the houses and other property at that place. Left to their own devices, and the temptations offered, these incorrigible rogues were not likely to improve in their manners, and did not. On the contrary, one of their chiefs, Cockstock by name, in November of this year came to the house of Dr. White in the Wallamet valley, intend ing to take his life; but finding him absent, wreaked his vengeance on the agent s house, breaking every window in it; the occasion for this display of wrath being the punishment of one of his relative for seizing Mr. Perkins in his own house, and attempting to tie, with the inten tion of flogging him, for some act displeasing to them. Shortly after this visit of The Dalles chief, who, however, was not identified, a party of Klamaths and Molallas, painted and armed, rode down the valley seemingly bent on mischief, their proper countries lying from fifty to three hundred miles away. Dr. White, who was among the first to see them, determined to depend upon finesse rather 74 TNDTAN WARS OF OREGON. than force to frustrate any designs they might have of a hostile nature ; and seeing them go to the lodge of a Cala- pooya chief, named Caleb by the Americans, immediately sent an invitation to this chief to call on him in the morn ing and bring his friends, as he desired to have a talk with them. Accordingly, all came next day, and were received in the most friendly manner, being invited by White to walk over his plantation and see his crops and herds. Incidentally he asked Caleb if he was prepared to give his friends a feast, and the chief acknowledging his poverty, White at once gave him permission to shoot down a fat ox, to which he added pease and flour, with salt, and soon in the delights of feasting the stern features of the visitors relaxed. Their hostile sentiment faded out, and of their own option they made overtures of friendship the follow ing morning. To this proposition White answered that he would call on them next day with Mr. Jesse Applegate, an immigrant of the previous year, who had already become a leader in colonial affairs, and in the meantime they should feast and enjoy themselves. All this courtesy put them in a fine humor, so that he had no difficulty in obtaining their consent to meet him in the spring with their people, and use their influence in persuading their tribes to enter into a compact with the white population. The interview ended cheerfully, the Indians riding away laughing and singing. But the end was not yet. During the interview at Caleb s lodge, Cockstock, the chief before mentioned, who was still personally unknown to White, entered the lodge, behaving ungraciously to all present, but joining the party when it set out for home. During the journey he managed to revive an old feud between the Klamaths and Molallas, and at the crossing of a river one faction set upon the other, killing every one opposed to them. For this wrong the agent could offer no redress. In the latter part of February, 1844, this same Cock- stock, who had been behaving in an insolent and disor- THE CAYUSE WAR. 75 derly manner, together with a few followers, made renewed threats against the life of White, who was unable to arrest him, and at last offered a reward of one hundred dollars for the delivery into his hands of the culprit, to be tried by the Cayuses or Nez Perces according to the laws recog nized by them. A few days afterwards Cockstock with his half dozen adherents entered Oregon City at midday, all horribly painted, riding from house to house, showing their arms, and terrifying the inmates. As his following was so small the men on whom devolved the protection of the families regarded the demonstration as drunken bluster, and with what patience they could, bore the infliction for several hours, when Cockstock, finding he could not provoke a quarrel with the white inhabitants in that manner, retired to an Indian village on the west side of the river with the purpose of inciting its occupants to attack and burn the settlement. Failing in this, he obtained an interpreter and returned to the east side, declaring that he would call the Americans to account for pursuing him with an intent to arrest and punish him. By this time it became noised about that this was the Indian wanted by Dr. White; and the white men losing patience, and some desiring the reward offered, made a simultaneous rush towards the boat landing to intercept Cockstock "the wealthiest men in town," says Dr. White in his report, " promising to stand by them to the amount of one thousand dollars each." In the confusion of the meeting at the landing, arms were discharged on both sides at the same moment, and George W. Le Breton, a young man who had served as clerk of the first legislative committee of Oregon, and recorder of the public meeting held Jul} T 5, 1843, estab lishing a provisional government, was wounded by Cock- stock in an effort to seize him. Seeing that Le Breton was unarmed, a mulatto, who had an account of his own to sot.lle with the chief, ran to his assistance, striking the 76 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Indian on the head with the barrel of his rifle, soon dispatching him. The remaining Indians, after shooting their guns and arrows at random among the people, took refuge on the bluff above the town, where they continued to fire down upon the citizens, wounding two men who were quietly at work a Mr. Rogers and a Mr. Wilson. Arms being now generally resorted to, the Indians were soon dislodged with a loss of one wounded and a horse killed. Of the three Americans wounded, Le Breton and Rogers died from the effect of poison introduced into the system by arrow points. Such was the first result of Dr. White s effort to arrest The Dalles chief. In a short time he was visited by seventy painted and armed Indians from that place, who had come to extort payment for the loss of their common relative. The explanation of the affair which White gave them, showed, that whereas they had lost one man, the Americans had lost two, and that the balance of indem nity was on their side; but as a matter of kindness and compassion he would give the widow of the chief two blankets, a dress, and a handkerchief; and in this equi table manner, the matter was disposed of, as also a prece dent established. With this exception, no white blood was shed through Indian hostilities in the Wallamet valley, although the agent was frequently employed in settling with them for /the killing of an ox belonging to a white man. When White, with effected sternness, reproved the chief of some starving band for such a theft, he was met with the com plaint of game made scarce by white hunters, and the necessity to live. He was compelled to enforce white men s laws against a helpless people to whose condition they were never meant to apply, because to do otherwise would leave the Indians at the mercy of individual jus tice. For one old ox killed and eaten, the band living on Tualatin plains was compelled to pay eight JLOTSCS and one THE CAYUSE WAR. 77 rifle. In another case where a cow had been slaughtered by "a hungry and mischievous lodge," they were pur sued, and resisting arrest, one Indian was killed and an other wounded. The pursuers lost one horse killed and one wounded. Yet no one was much disturbed by such occurrences; and indeed, the early Oregon settlers were^ usually careful not to give the natives cause of offense. It was about this time, however, that the spirits militant among the later colonists determined to frighten the Hudson s Bay Company into a humble attitude towards the Americans by the organization of a company, armed and trained for the protection of the colony against aggres sion by the English, and invasion by the native population. This company, the first military organization in Oregon, or the whole northwest, was authorized by the provisional government, and was known as the " Oregon Rangers." It was officered by Thomas D. Kaiser, captain ; J. L. Mor rison, first lieutenant; Fendal C. Cason, ensign; and held its first meeting for drill at the Oregon institute March 11, 1844. The course of the executive committee in calling out this company to " avenge the national insult, and seek redress for this astounding loss" namely, the before mentioned slaughter of an ox was ridiculed by White in his report to the secretary of war. History has not re corded any deeds of prowess performed by the rangers, whose organization was aimed as much at the Hudson s Bay Company as at the Indians. 1 For one year after Dr. Whitman s return to his mission, / quiet had reigned in the upper country. The Indians/ there, as has been said, were filled with an ambition to / acquire wealth by stock-raising, and not being able to pur- f chase many animals from the immigration, had formed a ] 1 As a relic of Oregon s first attempt at government, when it had a triple execu tive, the following document is interesting : The people of the temtory of Oregon To nil to whom these presents s/iall come : Know ye, that pursuant to the constitution and laws of our said territory, we have appointed and constituted, and by these presents do appoint and constitute J. L- Morrison first lieutenant of the first volunteer company of rangers of said territory, 78 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. company of about forty Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and a few Spokanes, to go to California and exchange peltries and horses for Spanish cattle. This was a courageous under taking, as their route lay through the country of the warlike Klamaths, Rogue Rivers, and Shastas. But the expedition, led by Peu-peu-mox-mox, was well mounted and armed, the chiefs attired in English costume, and their followers in dressed skins, presenting a fine and formi dable appearance to the wilder denizens of the southern interior ; and they arrived safely at their destination with only some slight skirmishing by the way. The reception met with by the expedition was cordial, the Spaniards being quite willing to dispose of their numer ous herds at the good prices exacted of their customers. As for the native Oregonians, they found California much to their liking, and roamed about at pleasure until mis fortune overtook them in the following manner: Being on an excursion to procure elk and deer skins, they fell in with a company of native California bandits whom they fought, and from whom they captured twenty-two horses which had been stolen from their Spanish or American owners. On returning with their booty to the settlements, some of the horses were claimed by the original owners, under the Spanish law that required animals sold to bear a trans fer mark. As these bore only the brand of their former owners, the Spaniards claimed them. The Oregonians, on the contrary, contended that while if any property were with rank from April 3, 1844, to hold the said office in the manner specified in and by our said constitution and laws- In testimony whereof we have caused our seal for military commissions to be hereunto affixed. Witness, D. HILL, ESQ., J. GALE, ESQ., A. BEERS, ESQ., Executive committee of said territory, and commanders-in-chief of all the militia and volunteer companies of said territory. [ L. s.] Dated at the Willamette Falls the third day of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four. Attest : O. JOHNSON, Sect. THE CAYUSE WAR. 79 taken by a member of any allied tribe they were bound to give it up, they considered any property captured from a common enemy as belonging to the captors; and hence that the horses taken by them from robbers, at the hazard of their lives, belonged thenceforth to them. To this reasoning the Spaniards were deaf, but offered to compromise by allowing ten cows for the horses, and finally fifteen, to all of which overtures Peu-peu-mox-mox answered not, except by a sullen silence, and the negotia tions were broken off. Before any settlement was arrived at, an American recognizing a mule belonging to him among the captured animals, claimed it, with the declara tion that he would have it. Among the Oregonians was a young chief named Elijah lledding, a son of the Walla Walla chief, who had been 1 aught at the mission school in the Wallamet, and was a convert to Christianity. When he heard the American declare his intention to take his mule, he quickly stepped into his lodge, loaded his rifle, and coming out, said sig nificantly: "Now go and take your mule." The American inquired, in alarm, if he was going to be shot. "No," said Elijah, "I am going to shoot yonder- eagle," pointing to a neighboring pine tree; and the Amer ican being unarmed, precipitately left the place. On the iollowing Sunday a part of the cattle company went to Suiter s fort, where religious services were to be held, and among them Tauitowe and Elijah. During the afternoon the two chiefs were enticed into an apartment, where they were confronted by several Americans, who had come to California via Oregon, and had suffered annoyances from the Indians along the Columbia river, who now applied such approbrious epithets as "thieves" and "dogs" to the Cayuses and Walla Wallas indiscriminately, and a quarrel ensued, in the midst of which the American who had been threatened by Elijah, drawing a pistol, said: "The other day you were going to kill me now I am going to kill you." 80 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. On hearing this Elijah, as it was told to White by the Indians, begged to be allowed to " pray a little first," and while kneeling, was shot dead. Other authorities have said that Elijah was a turbulent fellow, and deserving of the fate he met. But the fact remains that it was the obstinacy of Peu-peu-mox-mox in refusing to be governed by the laws of a strange country in which he found him self, that brought about the misfortune which overtook the Indian cattle company. They were driven out of California by Spanish authorities, who pursued them with cannon, arriving home in the spring of 1845, having left the cattle, for which they had paid, in California, and having endured many hardships by the way. The effect of the disastrous failure of the cattle company and the death of Elijah was to deepen in the minds of the mission Indians their mistrust of the white race, and par ticularly of Americans; for, however much they may have been at fault, they were in no mood to make allowances for the natural consequences of that fault, but were instead in that dangerous temper which caused Dr. Whitman to send a hasty arid excited communication to the sub-Indian agent, expressing his fears that Elijah s death would be avenged upon his mission. And following immediately upon this letter, White received a visit from Ellis, who had been delegated to visit both himself and Dr. Mc- Loughlin, to get from them an opinion as to what should be done in their case. "I apprehended," says White, "there might be much difficulty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much stress upon the restless, disaffected scamps late from Will amette to California, loading them with the vile epithets of dogs, t thieves/ etc., from which they believed, or affected to, that the slanderous reports of our citizens caused all their loss and disasters, and therefore held us responsible." According to Ellis, the Walla Wallas, Cayuses, Nez Perces, Spokanes, Pend d Oreilles, and Snakes were on THE (JAYUSE WAR. 81 terms of amity and alliance; and a portion of them were for raising two thousand warriors and marching at once to California to take reprisal by capture and plunder, en riching themselves by the spoils of the enemy. Another part were more cautious, wishing first to take advice, and to learn whether the white people in Oregon would remain neutral. A third party were for holding the Oregon colony responsible, because Elijah had been killed by an American. There was business, indeed, for an Indian agent with no government at his back, and no money to carry on either war or diplomacy. But Dr. White was equal to it. He arranged a cordial reception for the chief among the col onists; planned to have Dr. McLoughlin divert his mind by referring to the tragic death of his own son by treachery, which enabled him to sympathize with the father and rela tives of Elijah ; and, on his own part, took him to visit the schools and his own library, and in every way treated the chief as if he were the first gentleman in the land. Still further to establish social equality, he put on his farmer s garb and began working on his plantation, in which labor Ellis soon joined him, and the two discussed the benefits already enjoyed by the ^native population as the result of intelligent labor. Nothing, however, is so convincing to an Indian as a present, and here, it would seem, Dr. White must have failed, but not so. In the autumn of 1844, thinking to prevent trouble with the immigration by enabling the chiefs in the upper country to obtain cattle without violating the laws, lie had given them some ten-dollar treasury drafts to be exchanged with the immigrants for young stock, which drafts the immigrants refused to accept, not knowing where they should get them cashed. To heal the wound caused by this disappointment, White now sent word by Ellis to these chiefs to come down in the autumn with Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding, to hold a council over the California affair, and to bring with them their ten-dollar drafts to 82 INDIAN WARS Ob 1 OREGON. exchange with him for a cow and a calf each, out of his own herds. He also promised them that if they would postpone their visit to California until the spring of 1847, and each chief assist him to the amount of two beaver skin?, he would establish a manual labor and literary school for their children, besides using every means in his power to have the trouble with the Californians adjusted, and would give them from his private funds five hundred dollars with which to purchase young cows in California. It must, indeed, have been a serious breach to heal, when the Indian agent felt forced to pledge his own means to such an amount. That he succeeded in averting for the time an impending disaster should be placed to his credit, even though he was prevented redeeming all his pledges through the loss of his office by a change in the form of the provisional government of Oregon, and his ambition to figure as the delegate of this government to the United States. 2 He did, however, write to Sutter, and the agent of the United States government in California, Thomas 0. Larkin ; a good deal of correspondence on the subject being still extant, from which it appears that Sutter had given the Walla Wallas as they were all called in California permission to hunt for wild horses to be exchanged for cattle. In the quarrel which arose between Elijah and Grove Cook, an American, over the ownership of a mule, the young chief was shot in Sutter s office during his tem porary absence. The white witnesses all agreed that -It is a somewhat curious circumstance that Dr. Elijah White, who certainly achieved, with rare exceptions, the good attempted for the Oregon colony in his official capacity, left behind him in this country, instead of a good reputation, a very unfriendly feeling. That most of it was due to jealousy must be admitted, there beiug no other solution. In the mission colony the friends of Jason Lee were against him ; and among these, as well as the immigrant settlers and members of the legis lature, he was suspected of having designs on the delegateship, whereas both factions had other preferences. But that he was justified in feeling himself a proper person to become a delegate, or to accept an appointment, was shown by the action of the provisional government in asking him to become the bearer of a memorial to con gress. The opportunity offered to attend to his own personal affairs was of course acceptable ; but owing to certain influences the legislature later resolved : "That it was not the intention of this house in passing resolutions in favor of Dr. E. White to recommend him to the government of the United States as a suitable person to fill any office in this territory": See Oregon Archives, *(), too, 116. Before leaving for THE CAYUSE WAR. 83 Elijah was the aggressor; but do not white witnesses in similar circumstances always agree to the guilt of the Indian? It may as well be mentioned here that in the autumn of 1846, Peu-peu-mox-mox went again to California with a company of forty men, to demand justice for the killing of his son, their arrival on the frontier causing great con cern and excitement. Commodore Stockton coming up from Mon-terey to San Francisco, and a military company being sent to protect exposed points. Peu-peu-mox-mox, whatever his intentions may have been in the outset, seeing that the country was now in the possession of Americans, and that both Americans and Spaniards were armed, declared that he only came to trade, and afterwards offered his services to Major Fremont to fight the Californians. The adventurers acquitted them selves well, and returned to Oregon with increased respect for the Americans as warriors, all their previous experience of them having been as peace men "women," they called the Oregon immigrants whom they insulted and robbed, because they offered no resistance to their annoyances on the road. Indeed, they had been warned that they must not judge the fighting qualities of the people of the United States by the prudent forbearance of men encumbered by families and herds; and no doubt this lesson was enforced by what they saw in California. The provisional legislature created the office of superin- the states in August, 1845, Dr. White spent several weeks in searching for a pass through the Cascade mountains, more favorable than the route by Mount Hood, which had been partially opened the previous year. In this unsuccessful expedi tion, fitted out at his own expense, he was accompanied by Batteus Du Guerre, Joseph Charles Saxton, Orus Brown, Moses Harris, John Edmunds, and two others ; and they examined the country from the Santiam to the head of the Wallamet valley without finding what they sought ; named Spencer s butte, after the then late secretary of war, John C. Spencer ; and explored the Siuslaw river to its mouth. White was no coward. He returned to the states with only Harris, Du Guerre, Saxton, Brown, Chapman, and two or three others, although traveling this route was becoming more dangerous every year. Harris deserted at Des Chutes river, remaining in Oregon. About the last of October the party was captured by the Pawnees ana robbed, White being beaten into unconsciousness, but rescued through the favor of a chief. He finally reached Washington, delivering his messages, settling his accounts, and retir ing to his home near Ithaca, removing some years afterwards to California. 84 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. endent of Indian affairs in August, 1845, and bestowed it on the governor, George Abernethy. The condition of Oregon about this time was, in the minds of its white nhabitants, full of peril, not only from possible Indian wars, but on account of the resolute attitude taken by American statesmen towards Great Britain on the question )f international boundary. Notwithstanding the fact that he officers of the Hudson s Bay Company had joined with the Americans in a political compact, and taken an oath to support the provisional government so far as it did not interfere with their allegiance to their respective govern ments, there was the prospect, as it appeared to the colo nists, of a war between the two nations, which should force a conflict between the Hudson s Bay Company and the colonists. In such an emergency it was remembered, with foreboding, that the Indian population was sure to take advantage of the opportunity thus offered of avenging all their real and imagined wrongs upon the Americans. The immigration of 1845 numbered about three thou sand persons, and almost doubled the white population of Oregon; that of 1844 having been about seven hundred and fifty. But if their numbers were small their patriotism was large, and they made no secret of the fact that some of them had come all the way from Missouri to burn Fort Vancouver. So many threats of a similar nature had found utterance ever since the first large party of 1843, that the officers of the British company had thought it only prudent to strengthen their defenses, and keep a sloop of war lying in the Columbia. What the company simply did for defense, the settlers construed into an offense, and both parties were on the alert for the first overt act. It has already been mentioned that the passage down the Columbia was one of excessive hardship and danger, each immigration having endured incredible suffering, and also loss, in coming from The Dalles to the Wallamet valley; families and wagons being shipped on rafts to the cascades, where a portage had to be made of several miles, THE CAY USE WAR. 85 and whence another voyage had to be undertaken in such poor craft as could be constructed or hired, taking weeks to complete this portion of the long journey from the states, in the late and rainy months of the year ; the oxen and herds being driven down to Vancouver on the north side of the river, or being left in the upper country to be herded by the Indians. The rear of the immigration of 1844 remained at Whitman s mission over winter, and several families at The Dalles. The larger body of 1845 divided, some coming down the river, and others crossing the Cascade mountains by two routes, but each enduring the extreme of misery. John Minto, then a young man, says of 1844: "I found men in the prime of life lying among the rocks (at the Cascades), seeming ready to die. I found there mothers with their families, whose hus bands were snowbound in the Cascade mountains, with out provisions, and obliged to kill and eat their game dogs. * * There was scarcely a dry day, and the snow line was nearly down to the river." These scenes were repeated in 1845 with a greater number of sufferers, one wing of the long column taking a cut-off by follow ing which they became lost, and had all but perished in a desert country. "Despair settled upon the people; old men and children wept together, and the strongest could not speak hopefully." "Only the women," says one nar rator, " continued to show firmness and courage." The perils and pains of the Plymouth Rock pilgrims were not greater than those of the pioneers of Oregon, and there are few incidents in history more profoundly sad than the narratives of hardships undergone in the settle ment of this country. The names of the men who pioneered the wagon rpad around the base of Mount Hood are worthy of all remembrance. They were Joel Palmer, Henry M. Knighton, W. H. Rector, and Samuel K. Barlow in partic ular; but there were many others, even women, who crossed the mountains late in the year of 1845 on pack horses, barely escaping starvation through the exertions 86 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. of Barlow and Rector in gelling through to Oregon City, and forwarding to them a pack-train with provisions. The wagons, which it was impossible to move beyond Rock creek, were abandoned, the goods cached, except such necessaries as could be packed on half starved oxen, the men walking in the snow, and all often soaked with rain. Children with feet almost bare endured this terrible journey, the like of which can never again occur on this continent. 3 Some of the more thoughtful men of the colony, taking into consideration the peculiar inaccessibility of western Oregon from the east, and the possibility of war with England, asked themselves how United States troops were to come to their assistance in such a case. The natural obstacles of the Columbia- river pass were so great as to be almost positively exclusive in the absence of the usual means of transportation, and the stationing of but a small force, or a single battery, at the Cascades, would effectually exclude an army. The colonists were still expecting the passage of Linn s bill, and with it the long-promised military protection; but there was the possibility that at the very moment of greatest need they might be left at the mercy of an invad ing foe, and its savage allies, while the troops sent to their relief were fenced out and left to starve east of the moun tains, or to die exhausted with their long march and the effort to force the passage. of the cascades. Among the heads and hearts troubled by these fears was Jesse Applegate. He was very friendly with the officers of the Hudson s Bay Company, who had so kindly rescued him and his countrymen from starvation in 1843; and so highly was he esteemed by them that they had yielded 3 White has been credited with being the cause of the disasters which overtook the portion of the immigration which was lost. He mentions meeting the several companies on the road as he went east, but says nothing of giving them advice con cerning their route. It is not incredible that he spoke to them of his belief that a pass through the mountains existed at the head of the Wallamet valley, from an , expedition in search of which lie had just returned. At all events, their guide, Stephen H. L. Meek, undertook to pilot them to it, and failed. As many as twenty persons died from this mistake. THE CAYUSE WAIL 87 to his arguments in favor of joining in the articles of compact under which the colony was governed; but he was aware that agents of the British government were anxiously inquiring whether troops could be brought from Canada to Fort Vancouver by the Hudson s bay trail, and he knew that although the company, as such, deprecated war, the individuals composing it were as loyal to their government as he to his own. Under this stress of circumstances, the colonists pro- posed to raise money to pay the expense of a survey of the country towards the south, and to open a road should the survey be successful, which should lead out of the Wall- amet valley towards Fort Hall. A company was accord ingly formed in May, 1846, under the leadership of Levi Scott, which proceeded as far as the southern limit of the Umpqua valley, but was compelled, by the desertion of some of its members as they approached the Rogue river country, to return home. Jesse Applegate, who from the first had urged the ueces- sity of this exploration, now determined to lead a company in persons, which expedition, as organized, consisted of fifteen men, namely, Jesse Applegate, Levi Scott, Lindsay, Applegate, David Goff, Benjamin Burch, John Scott, Moses Harris, William Parker, Henry Bogus, John Owens, John Jones, Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Bennett Osborne, and William Sportsman, who left rendezvous in Polk county June twenty-second. By using great vigilance the party passed safely through the Rogue river valley, though they observed signs of a skirmish with the Indians by a much larger party which had started for California two weeks earlier, and had their* horses stolen, being detained in camp until just before the* explorers came up. The Indians, seeing the second com pany, allowed the first to escape; but finding the road- hunters exceedingly wary, made no attempt to molest them, and contented themselves with pursuing the Cali- fornia company to the Siskiyou mountains. 88 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. An itinerary of the journey of the explorers of the southern immigrant road to Oregon would hardly be in place here. It is sufficient to know that they discovered and opened a route to Fort Hall, which they induced a part of the immigration to follow; and that misfortunes overtook the travelers on this, as well as the northern route, owing partly to neglect of discipline, and partly X also to early storms encountered in the canon of the Ump- qua. Such things must be where large companies invade the wilderness without sufficient forethought. The worst of all was the animosity religiously cherished by those who suffered in person and property against those who meant to do them and the colony a favor. Those who got into Oregon any way they could had only themselves to blame for their troubles; but those who were shown a way which was not after all safe from accident, were tempted to cast the blame of their misfortunes upon their guides. As to depredations by the natives, they were unavoidable in whatsoever direction lay the route of travel. The In dians of the Humboldt valley, and the Modoc and Klamath " countries, were troublesome, lying in ambush and shooting their poisoned arrows at men and animals. This led to retaliation, and several Indians and two white jnen were killed in skirmishes. It was raising up enemies for the future, whose hatred would have to be washed out in blood. Fortunate was it that at that time these Indians were not aware of their own strength. Wild men they were who had not yet learned from traders, or missiona ries, or Indian agents, to restrain their savage impulses; nor had they learned from contact and example the art of war, which at a later period they practiced with signal success. ^ The immigration of 1846 was not large, not more than Q one thousand persons. It found the Oregon colony pros- perous, and more quiet than the previous year on the Indian question. The presence of an English and an American war fleet in the Pacific was not unknown to the THE GAYUSE WAR. 89 natives, and had the effect to intimidate the dissatisfied and ignorant, at the same time it caused the more intelli gent to ask themselves what part they were to be allowed to play in the distribution of the continent among nations. The Indians and colonists alike stood still to see what was to be done with them. News of the settlement of the northern boundary arrived by way of the Sandwich Islands, before the meeting of the legislature, but with it no intimation that Linn s bill had been passed organizing the territory of Oregon ; but it was taken for granted that such news must very soon follow, and with it the protection of United States arms and laws. In the meantime, as a means of peace, the majority of the people, with the governor, actively promoted temper ance. Temperance societies were organized in the colony at its very commencement. With the first provisional form of government, temperance laws were enacted. Dr. White, as Indian agent, enforced the United States laws against selling liquor to Indians; and the legislature of 1845 passed a prohibitory law against the introduction or manufacture of ardent spirits. Notwithstanding all this care a certain amount of what was called "blue ruin," was manufactured out of molasses, and sold to the Indians about Oregon City, who noisily chanted the praises of "blue lu " in the ears of the inhabit-* ants when they would have preferred to have been asleep. In his message to the legislature of 1840, Governor Aber- * nethy said: "During the last year, persons taking advan tage of the defect in our law, have manufactured and sold ardent spirits. We have seen the effects (although the manufacture was on a small scale) in the midnight carous als among the Indians during their fishing season, and while they had property to dispose of; and, let me ask, what would be the consequences if the use of it should be general in the territory? History may hereafter write the page in letters of blood." History, however, has no such charge against the Oregon colonists, as that the} r caused 90 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. bloodshed by the introduction of intoxicating drinks among the natives ; or that they wantonly, at any time, put the lives of the people in peril, the affair of Cockstock, at Oregon City, being the most bloody of any incident in the colonial history of western Oregon. And perhaps a good deal of this immunity from war was owing to the caution of the governor, who never failed to keep the subject before the people. Once again a year rolled around without bringing to Oregon the long expected news that congress had passed an act organizing a territory west of the Rocky mountains. An immigration of nearly four thousand souls had poured into the Wallamet valley, swelling the population to about eight thousand, making the situation still more critical. There had not been lacking since the first efforts at local government a certain element in the colonial life which favored setting up an independent state; and the failure of congress to stretch out its hand and take what was so generously offered it, created a discontent which grew with every fresh disappointment. We find Dr. White, in 1843, writing to the secretary of war, that "should it (the Oregon bill) at last fail of passing the lower house, suffer me to predict, in view of what so many have had to undergo, in person and property, to get to this distant country, it will create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open rebellion." Dr. McLoughlin also wrote, in 1844, to a member of the Hudson s Bay Company in Canada, " They declare that if in ten years the boundary is not settled, they will erect themselves into an independent state." The annual fresh importation of patriotic Americans served to discourage the independent movement; but the legislature of 1845 would not adopt the name "Oregon territory," because congress had not erected any such organization. The boundary was at last settled, and still Oregon got nothing but promises, and those at long intervals of painful waiting. THE CAY USE WAR. 91 In his message to the legislature December 7, 1847, Governor Abernethy said: "Our relations with the In dians become every year more embarrassing. They see the white man occupy their land, rapidly filling up the country, and they put in a claim for pay. They have been told that a chief would come out from the United States and treat with them for their lands; they have been told this so often that they begin to doubt it; at all events/ they say, he will not come till we are all dead, and then what good will blankets do us? We want some thing now. This leads to trouble between the settler and the Indians about him. Some plan should be devised by which a fund can be raised and presents made to the Indians of sufficient value to keep them quiet until an agent arrives from the United States. A number of rob beries have been committed by the Indians in the upper country, upon the emigrants, as they were passing through their territory. This should not be allowed to pass. An appropriation should be made by you sufficient to enable the superintendent of Indian affairs to take a small party in the spring and demand restitution of the property, or its equivalent in horses." Alas, the blow so long apprehended had fallen, and the isolated Oregon colony, cut off by thousands of miles from the parent government, without troops, without money, without organization of forces or arms, was suddenly brought face to face with the horrors of an Indian war. CHAPTER V. CAUSES OF THE CAYUSE HOSTILITIES DR. WHITMAN WARNED IMMIGRATION OF 1847 AMERICANS AT WAIILATPU ARRIVAL OP CATHOLIC PRIESTS WHITMAN S FEARS SICKNESS AMONG THE INDIANS WHITMAN AND SPALDING AT UMATILLA THE MASSACRE AT WAIILATPU DEATH OF DR. AND MRS. WHITMAN AND SEVEN OTHERS ESCAPES, AND CAPTIVES REV. J. B. A. BROUILLET ESCAPE OF MR. SPALDING CANFIELD REACHES LAPWAI COURAGE OF MRS. SPALDING CONDUCT OF THE NEZ. PERCES SPALDING S LETTER TO BROUILLET A COUNCIL HELD AT THE CATHOLIC MISSION INDIAN MANIFESTO OGDEN S ARRIVAL AT FORT WALLA WALLA ANOTHER COUNCIL RANSOM PAID FOR THE CAPTIVES ANXIETY OF OGDEN DEPARTURE FOR VANCOUVER HORRORS OF THE CAPTIVITY SUSPICIONS AND MISTAKES OF CAPTIVES SUBSEQUENT CONTROVERSIES OGDEN DELIVERS THE RELEASED AMERICANS TO GOVERNOR ABERNETHY ENDLESS DISCUSSION OF CAUSES THE REAL CAUSE. To UNDERSTAND how the Cayuse war so suddenly broke out, it is necessary to go back to 1842, when Dr. Whitman went east, as the Indians understood, to bring enough of his people to punish them for their acts of violence towards him. They saw him return with a large number, but with no fighting men; and none of those who came re mained in their country. This was a failure they were quick to take advantage of, and while it had in it no cause for war, they felt more free to practice their annoy ances and thefts on Americans, while th^y exhibited their contempt for their former teachers by abandoning the schools. From 1843 to 1847 there was very little progress made in the education of the Cayuses and Nez^gerces, and, in fact, Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding had almost ceased to teach, except by example, but attended to the affairs of their stations, and waited, as did all Oregon, for the act of congress which was to give this country the protection of the government of the United States. In 1844 Dr. Whitman was able to secure help from the passing immigration, a number of families wintering at his station. He also adopted a family of orphan children, seven in number, whose parents had died on the journey, three boys and four girls. (92) THE CAYUSE WAR. 93 in the spring the immigrants went on to the Walla met valley, and in the autumn of 1845 and 1846 there were other families who wintered at Waiilatpu. During all this time the Cayuses had been growing more insolent and threatening, and the gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay Company, who knew the Indian character thoroughly, frequently entreated the doctor to go away. But the hope of the safety to be extended from his gov ernment, kept him at his post, until the growing impa tience of the Indians, after the unfortunate California ( expedition, finally convinced him of the imminence of the danger, and caused him to arrange for a possible removal to The Dalles by purchasing the property of the Methodist mission at that place, which he put in charge of his nephew, Perrin B. Whitman. At the same time, however, such was the courageous persistency of the man, that he, as late as September, 1847, purchased machinery for a new flouring-mill for Waiilatpu and transported it to his station, telling Joel Palmer, whom he met on the Umatilla, that he was going on, just as he always intended, but if the Indians continued their hostile policy, he should break up the mission, and make his home at The Dalles. To a body of the immigrants on the Umatilla he delivered an address, advising great caution, and expressing his apprehensions of an Indian war as the result of any indiscretions on the part of the new comers. John E. Ross has said, that acting on Whitman s advice, his party encamped early, took their evening meal, and when it was dark moved to a secluded spot away from the rond to avoid being molested, and getting into an affray. James Henry E;own has spoken of the doctor s warnings to the immigrants of that year; and so has Ralph C. Geer, J. W. Grim, and Peter W. Crawford. Crawford kept a journal, and from that record many facts have been gath ered. The evidence is ample that Dr. Whitman knew upon what dangerous ground he was treading. Blood had already been spilled at The Dalles, a Mr. 94 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Shepard from St. Louis being killed, and two others wounded. This affair was begun by the usual thieving of the Indians. The men robbed appealed to Rev. A. F. Waller, who advised them to take some Indian horses and hold them until the property was restored. This brought on an attack, with the result of a skirmish, and about the same number of killed and injured on both sides. Many families were robbed between the Umatilla and The Dalles, their property being carried to a distance from the road and cached. Mrs. Geer came near being killed at the crossing of Des Chutes by an Indian. Four families left near John Da} T river with their wagons, while the men of the party were looking for stolen cattle, had everything taken from them, even to the last vestige of clothing, the women and children being left naked. They had managed to conceal a bolt of white muslin, out of which they had hastily made a covering when Ross company overtook them and gave them some blankets. By building a fire on the sand to warm it, they were made passably comfort able through a frosty September night. These outrages were known to Dr. Whitman, and still he remained. That he was much alarmed, however, seems to be shown by the large number of persons over seventy in all whom he gathered about him at his station for the winter. Thanks to Mr. Crawford s journal, we are able to obtain some account of this temporary colony. From the train to which Crawford belonged he drew Joseph and Hannah Smith, with five children one of them a daughter aged fifteen years. Smith was sent to the sawmill, about twenty miles from the mission; and Elam Young, his wife, and three sons, the eldest aged twenty-four, the second twenty- one, also were sent to the sawmill, where Young was to get out the timbers for the new gristmill at the mission. Isaac Gilliland was employed as a tailor at the mission; Luke Saunders and wife as teachers. The latter had five children, the eldest a girl of fourteen years. Miss Lori rid a Bewley, and her brother Crockett A. Bewley, were also THE CAYUSE WAR. 95 employed, the young woman as assistant teacher. There were besides, engaged for different service, Mr. and Mrs. Kimball, with five children, the elder a girl of seventeen years; William D. Canfield, a blacksmith, his wife Sally Ann, and five children, the elder a girl of sixteen; Peter D. Hall, his wife and five children, the elder a daughter of ten ; Josiah Osborne, a carpenter, and his wife Margaret, with three young children; Mrs. Rebecca Hays, and one young child; Mr. Marsh, and daughter aged eleven; Jacob Hoffman, and Amos Sales in all fifty-four persons. Besides these there were the mission family consisting of the Dr. and Mrs. Whitman ; their seven adopted chil dren; Andrew Rogers, teacher; Eliza, daughter of H. H. Spalding, aged ten years; two half-caste children, girls, daughters of James Bridger and Joseph L. Meek; two sons of Donald Manson of the Hudson s Bay Company, who were attending school; Joseph Stanfield, a Frenchman; a half-breed tramp, named Joe Lewis, whom Dr. Whitman had taken in and given employment; and another man of mixed blood, named Nicholas Finlay, making together seventy-two persons at the mission and mill, thirteen of whom were American men, besides several boys able to bear arms. It is evident that so many people were not needed at the mission, where nothing was being done but preparing to build the mill. The school at this time, excepting the children of the immigrants themselves, consisted only of the few half-caste children already named, and the Sager family, adopted by the Whitmans. About the time Dr. Whitman engaged these people to remain with him until spring, he had a fresh cause of dis quiet in the arrival of a party of Catholic priests in his neighborhood, one of whom was invited by Tauitowe, the Catholic chief, to settle among the Cayuses. At the very time he was bringing up his mill machinery from The Dalles, he encountered the Rev. A. M. A. Blanchet at Fort Walla Walla, and with his usual straightforwardness, 96 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. addressed him thus: "I know very well for what purpose you have come." "All is known," replied Blaiichet; "I come to labor for the conversion of the Indians, and even Americans, if they are willing to listen to me." That was fair and open, and no man knew better than the doctor that the Catholic had as much right to be there as the Protestant; but he did not like it, and so he told the bishop, declaring he would do nothing to assist him, even to sell him provisions, showing by his manner how deeply he was stirred, and sorrowfully hurt by what he considered a dangerous interference at that time. This conversation occurred on the twenty-third of September. At that time, and for several weeks after, Thomas McKay was stopping at the fort, being ill, and Dr. Whitman was in attendance upon him. So insecure did he feel himself that he requested McKay, whose influence with the Indians was almost unlimited, to spend the winter with him at Waiilatpu. To this McKa} 7 replied that he could not do so, on account of his affairs in the Wallamet valley, but if the doctor so desired, he would exchange places with him: and the doctor promised to see the property, but did not, owing to the exigence of affairs at hand. On the fourth of November there was a meeting of the Cay use chiefs at Fort Walla WalJa to determine whether they should receive Catholic teachers, and where, in case they did so, the bishop should build his house. The ques tions asked by the chiefs, Tiloukaikt, Camaspelo, Tam- sucky, and others, were whether the Pope had sent Blanchet to ask land for a mission, to which the bishop replied that it was the Pope who sent him, but not to take land only to save their souls; but that having to live, and being poor, he must ask a piece of land to cultivate for his support. The chiefs wished to know if the priests made presents; if they would cause the lands of the Indians to be ploughed; would aid in building their houses, or feed and clothe their children, to all of which Blanchet answered " No." All this was said openly, by an interpreter at the fort, and THE CAYUSE WAR. 97 the chiefs retired to * confer together. Tiloukaikt finally said that as Tauitowe desired it, the bishop should send one to visit his land, and select a site for a mission. On the eighth of November Brouillet went by order of the bishop to Waiilatpu to look at Tiloukaikt s land, who, with Indian fickleness, had changed his mind, and refused to show any. He told the priest that he had no place he could give him but Whitman s, whom he intended to send away ; to which Brouillet replied that he would not have that place. Immediately afterwards he accepted Taui- towe s house on the Umatilla, which he, with Rev. Mr. Rosseau, set about repairing, and moved into on the twenty- seventh of November. In the meantime, Dr. Whitman had several times met Bishop Blanchet at the fort, and became somewhat softened in his sentiments towards him personally ; and on the day before the priests Brouillet and Rosseau left the fort for the Umatilla, Mr. Spalding, and Mr. Rogers the teacher, dined in their company, all seem ing mutually pleased with making the acquaintance. We have now to consider, exclusive of old jealousies, late altercations, or sectarian influences, the immediate cause of the Oayuse outbreak. The large immigration of 1847, like most large migrations, had bred a pestilence, and when it reached the Cayuse country was suffering the most virulent form of measles, the fever being of a typhoid kind, and the disease often terminating fatally. All new diseases, especially those of the skin, are quickly communicated to the dark complexioned races; and as the Indians continually hung about the trains pilfering, some times trading, or inviting the young American lads to a trial of strength in wrestling matches, it was inevitable that many should contract the disease, which rapidly spread among the Cayuses. For two months, or ever since the doctor s return from The Dalles, he had been kept busy attending to the sick among the Indians, and under his own roof. So great had been the mortality that it threatened the destruction of the Cayuse tribe, thirty of 98 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. whom had died in the immediate vicinity of the mission, while the sick were to be found in almost every lodge. "It was most distressing," wrote Spalding, "to go into a lodge of some ten or twenty fires, and count twenty or twenty-five, some in the midst of measles, others in the last stage of dysentery, in the midst of every kind of filth, of itself sufficient to cause sickness, with no suitable means to alleviate their inconceivable sufferings, with perhaps one well person to look after the wants of two sick ones. They were dying every da} 7 ; one, two, and sometimes five in a day, with the dysentery, which generally followed the measles. Everywhere the sick and dying were pointed to Jesus, and the well were urged to prepare for death." In Dr. Whitman s own house three of his adopted children, John, Edward, and one younger, were sick with measles, besides Mr. Sales, Crockett Bewley, and the two half-caste girls. Mrs Osborne was still delicate from a recent confinement, and her babe was sick. This was enough to occupy the attention of one physician, but being sent for to go to the Umatilla, Dr. Whitman rode over to the camp of Sticcas on the same day that Brouillet arrived there, Mr. Spalding being already at one of the other camps visiting the sick. The next day, which was Sunday, the doctor called on Brouillet, remaining but a few moments, and inviting the priest urgently to return the visit when he should be in his vicinity, an invitation which seems to have had some reference to negotiations which were then in progress for the sale of Waiilatpu to the Catholics. Brouillet, in his Authentic Account, says that Dr. Whit man, during his brief visit appeared "much agitated," and being invited to dine refused, saying he had twenty-five miles to ride to reach home, and he feared he should be late. Spalding remained at Umatilla, and on Monday took supper with the priest, remarking in the course of conversation that Dr. Whitman was disquieted because the Indians were displeased with him on account of the sick- THE CAYUSE WAR. 99 ness among them; and that he had been informed that Tamsucky, a Cayuse, called The Murderer, intended to kill him. Spalding seemed not to be apprehensive, probably because he had so often heard of such threats in^jthe previous ten years that they had ceased to have much meaning. That Dr. Whitman, however, had cause for the agitation noticed by Brouillet, there is evidence not only in his haste to reach home, but in the statement of Spalding, who heard it from the inmates of the mission, that "the doctor and his wife were seen in tears, and much agitated;" from the testimony of Mrs. Saunders that the family were kept sitting up late Sunday night in consultation; and from the fact that there was a certain amount of preparation for, or expectation of danger on the part of those domiciled in the doctor s house, as appears from the events that followed. If the doctor neglected to warn those outside of his house, it was because he had no reason to think they would be included in the fate which threatened him, and judged it better to leave them in peace. On the following day, being Monday, Joseph Stanfield, the Frenchman, brought in a fat ox from the plains to be slaughtered, and it was shot by Francis Sager, one of the doctor s adopted sons. Kimball, Canfield, and Hoffman were dressing the carcass in the space between the doctor s house and the larger adobe Mansion house. Mr. Saun ders had just collected his pupils for the afternoon session of school ; Mr. Marsh was grinding Spalding s grist in the mill; Gilliland was at work on his tailor s bench in the adobe house,*" Mr. Hall was -laying a floor in a room of the doctor s house; Mr. Rogers was in the garden; Mr. Osborne and family were in the Indian room, which adjoined the doctor s sitting-room; John Sager, still an invalid, was sitting in the kitchen; Mr. Canfield and family occupied the blacksmith shop for a dwelling, and Mr. Sales occupied a bed there, while young Bewley and the sick children were in bed in the two houses. A good many Indians 100 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. were iu the yard between the buildings, but as it was always so when a beef was being dressed, no notice was taken of this circumstance. There had been an Indian funeral in the morning, which the doctor attended, since which he had remained about the house. Stepping into the kitchen, perhaps to look after John Sager, his voice was heard in altercation with Tiloukaikt, and immediately after two shots were fired, when Mrs. Whitman, who was in the dining-room adjoin ing, cried out in an anguished tone, "Oh, the Indians! the Indians!" as if what had occurred were understood and not unexpected. 1 Running to the kitchen she beheld her husband prostrate and unconscious, with several gashes from a tomahawk across his face and neck. The sound of the guns and the yelling of the Indians outside of the houses startled the women, who were in the Mansion house, who ran to the doctors house, and offered their assistance to Mrs. Whitman, who was then binding up the doctor s wounds. At that moment Mr. Rogers ran in, wounded, and gave such assistance as he could to the women in removing the doctor to the dining-room. The doors and windows were then fastened. Meantime, outside, the slaughter of the several men, heads of families and others, was going on amid the blood-curdling noises of Indian warfare; and presently, the doctor s house was attacked. On going near a window Mrs. Whitman was shot in the breast, when she and all with her retreated to the chamber above. The Indians then broke in the doors and windows, and ordered the inmates of the chamber, including several sick children, 1 No clear account of the massacre at Waiilatpu was ever obtained. After sifting all the published statements, and the depositions taken at the trial of the Cayuses, it is still impossible to call up anything like a true mental impression of the scene. That this should be so is unavoidable. Taking the sixty, odd men, women, and children at the mission, and thirty Indians (the number given by one of the wit nesses), making nearly a hundred persons, divided into groups at different points, it Avould be impossible that any one spectator could have seen all or much of what transpired. Terror and grif colored the view of that which was seen, and subse quent events created many new impressions. Such as appears indisputable is alone presented here. THE CAY USE WAR. 101 to come down and go to the Mansion house; and, on objections being made, Tamsucky informed them that their lives would be spared should they comply, but that they would perish if they refused; the "young men" being de termined to burn the mission residence. Thus compelled, all descended, except Mr. Kimball, who had a broken arm, and had hidden himself and four sick children, who were to be sent for. Mrs. Whitman fainting at the sight of her dying husband, was laid upon a wooden settee, to be carried to the Mansion house. As the settee appeared, the Indians, who were now drawn up in line outside, fired several shots, fatally wounding Mrs. Whitman, Mr. Rogers, and Francis Sager. The " young- men " then lashed Mrs. Whitman s face with their whips, and rolled her body in the mud made by the late Novem ber rains about the door. Following this scene was another almost equally har rowing, when the school children were compelled to stand huddled together in the kitchen to be shot at by the Cayuse braves. At this point, however, their purpose was suddenly changed by the interference of the- Frenchman, Stanfield, and by the opportunity to inflict further indig nities upon the still breathing victims on the ground. Two friendly Walla Wallas, who had been employed about the mission, led the children away to a secluded apartment, and endeavored to comfort them. 2 Every one not killed was now a prisoner, and subject to any brutal caprice of their goalers, who robbed, but did not burn the the mission-house, and compelled the women they had made widows to wait upon them as servants, and this while the dying still breathed, whose groans were heard 2 In the sectarian controversies which followed the massacre of Waiilatpu, the interposition of Stanfield to save the children and women, was made to appear a proof of complicity with the murderers; but the facts show him at all times doing what he could to alleviate the misfortunes he had no power to avert. He was no more at liberty to leave the mission than the other prisoners ; and being there was able, by not laying himself open to suspicion of the Cayuses, to perform many acts of kindness, on one pretext or another, which should have been set down to his credit instead of proving him a miscreant. 102 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. far into the night. Thus closed the first scene in the tragedy. The killed on the afternoon of the twenty-ninth of November, 1847, were: Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, Mr. Rog ers, John and Francis Sager, Mr. Gilliland, Mr. Marsh, Mr. Saunders, and Mr. Hoffman. The escapes were: Mr. Osborne and family, who, at the first sound of the out break, hid themselves under the floor of the room they occupied, where they remained until night, when they left the house under cover of the darkness, and made their way to Fort Walla Walla, barely escaping starvation ; Mr. Canfield, who hid himself, and fled to Lapwai; and Mr. Hall, who snatched a gun from an Indian, and although wounded, reached the cover of a thicket, whence he set out after dark for the fort, reaching it at daybreak on the thirtieth. There he insisted on going to the Wallamet, and being furnished with clothing and a boat, started on his perilous journey, and was never heard of more making the tenth victim of the tragedy, unless Mr. Kim- ball came before. In the confusion of events at the close of the first day Mr. Kimball and the four sick children left in the attic were forgotten, remaining without food or water until the next day, when the sufferings of the children, as well as his own, induced him to venture in search of water, and he was discovered and shot. On the same day, James Young from the sawmill, with a load of lumber for the mission-house, was also killed. Two young men, Crockett Bewley and Amos Sales, through some unaccountable leni ency of the Indians, they being sick in bed, were spared until the following Tuesday, December eighth, when they were killed with revolting cruelties. The youngest of the Sager children and Helen Mar Meek died of neglect a day or two after the first murders, making the number of deaths from Indian savagery fifteen. The two Munson boys and a Spanish half-breed boy, whom Dr. Whitman* bad. raised, were separated from the THE CAY USE WAR. 108 other children the day after the massacre and sent to Fort Walla Walla, the Indians not including these in their decree of death, which doomed only American men and boys. The massacre began* on Monday, about one o clock, and was continued, as has been narrated, on Tuesday. On Wednesday morning Joseph Stanfield was preparing the dead for burial, when there arrived at the mission J. B. A. Brouillet, the Catholic priest from the Umatilla, who lent his assistance 3 in committing to the earth the mu tilated remains of ten of the dead. The watchfulness of the Indians prevented any but the briefest communica tion between the captives and the priest, who having done what he could returned to Fort Walla Walla, and thence to his mission. The carousal of blood ended, the murderers seized upon the property of their victims, which they carried off, but quarreling among themselves about its division, brought 3 The following is Brouillet s statement concerning his visit : That before leaving Fort Walla Walla, it had been decided that after going to the Umatilla, and visiting the sick there, he should go to Tiloukaikt s camp, to baptize the children, and such adults as desired it. il After having finished baptizing the infants and dying adults of my mission, I left Tuesday, the thirtieth of November, late in the afternoon, for Tioukaikt s camp, where I arrived between seven and eight o clock in the evening. It is impossible to conceive my surprise and consternation when upon my arrival I learned that the Indians the day before had massacred the doctor and his wife, with the greater part of the Americans at the mission. I passed the night without scarcely closing my eyes. Early the next morning I baptized three sick children, two of whom died soon after, and then hastened to the scene of death to offer to the widows and orphans all the assistance in my power. I found five or six women and over thirty children in a condition deplorable beyond description. Some had just lost their husbands, and the others their fathers, whom they had seen massacred before their eyes, and were expecting every moment to share the same fate. The sight of these persons caused me to shed tears, which, however, I was obliged to conceal, for I was the greater part of the day in the presence of the murderers, and closely watched by them, and if I had shown too marked an interest in behalf of the sufferers, it would have endangered their lives and mine ; these therefore entreated me to be on my guard. After the first few words that could be exchanged under those circumstances, I inquired after the victims, and was told that they were yet unburied. Joseph Stanfield, a Frenchman, who was in the service of Dr. Whitman, and had been spared by the Indians, was engaged in washing the corpses, but being alone he was unable to bury them. I resolved to go and assist him, so as to render to those unfortunate victims the last service 111 my power to offer them. What a sight did I then behold ! Ten dead bodies lying here and there, covered with blood and bearing the marks of the most atrocious cruelty, some pierced with balls, others more or less gashed by the hatchet": BrouWet 8 Authentic Account of (tie Murder of Dr. Whitman. 104 INDIAN WAfiS OF OREGON. back and replaced it, except such articles as were con verted to their use upon the spot. 4 namely, provisions and clothing. Thus the remainder of the week wore away without any signs of rescue, or relief from the horrible apprehensions which preyed upon all minds. On Satur day Brouillet s interpreter arrived at the mission, riding a horse that belonged to Mr. Spalding, which caused his friends there to believe he had also been murdered, but no opportunity was given for inquiring, and on the following day the interpreter left. Having by this time exhausted the excitement attending upon the massacre, and meeting with neither punishment nor opposition from any quarter, the chiefs determined upon adding to murder and rapine the violation of the young women and girls in their power. . The first of these outrages was perpetrated upon Miss Bewley by Tamsucky, who dragged her away from the house Saturday night, and continued to force compliance with his wishes while she remained at the mission. The sons of Tiloukaikt fol lowed his example, and took the fifteen-year-old daughter of Joseph Smith to their lodge, with the consent of her father, such was the abject fear to which all those in the power of the Indians were reduced. Susan Kimball also was car ried away to the lodge of Tintinmitsi, her father s mur derer, known to the white people as Frank Escaloom. 5 Other sufferers escaped a painful notoriety ; and one young widow was saved by the mingled wit and wisdom of Stan- field, who pretended she was his wife. 6 4 Catbine Sager testified to seeing Tiloukaikt wearing one of Mrs. Whitman s dresses, and another having on her brother s coat : From Depositions taken at the Trial of the Cayuses. "The names of the other victims of savage brutality have never transpired, nor need any have been known but for the bitter sectarian controversy which forced these matters into notice. Spalding asserted, in some lectures delivered in 1806-67, that women and little girls were subjected to brutal treatment. Elam Young, in a sworn deposition, says: "A few days after we got there two young women were taken as wives by the Indians, which I opposed, and was threatened by Smith, who was very anxious that it should take place, and that oilier little girls should be given up for wives : Gray s History of Oregon, 483. The day after the massacre, Tiloukaikt, finding Stanfield near the house in which the women and children were confined, asked him if he had anything in the THE CAY USE WAR. 105 On Sunday following the massacre, Daniel Young ar rived at the mission from the sawmill to inquire why his brother James had not returned, and learned the news of the massacre of Monday, and his brother s death on Tues day. He was permitted the next day to carry the dread ful intelligence to the families at the mill; but was followed by three Cayuses, who ordered all those there to remove to Waiilatpu, where they arrived on Tuesday, to find that the two young men, Bewley and Sales, had been murdered in their beds that day, and were ordered to attend to their burial. It would seem like a caprice for the Indians to have spared the lives of Smith and the two Youngs, were it not, on second thought, plain that the services of these men were required to enable the Indians to enjoy the fruits of their butchery, or even to bury Iheir own dead, as they had been taught by the missionaries to do. After the murder of Bewley and Sales, the oldest male American captive was Nathan Kimball, aged thirteen; and adult men were needed to perform the labor of grinding at the mill, and otherwise looking after the maintenance of the large number of women and children at the mission, and for this reason the lives of Smith and Young were spared. But although they lived, they had no power to abate the horrors of captivity suffered by the women and children. On Thursday a new trouble was added. Word had been sent to Five Crows that he could have his choice of the young women for a wife, and his choice had fallen on * house. "Yes," said Stanfield, "my things are there." "Take them away," said the chief. "Why should I ?" asked Stanfield ; but the chief insisted. " Not only are my things all there, but my wife and children," said Stanfieid. "You have a wife and children in the house ?" exclaimed Tiloukaikt, surprised. " Will you take them away?" "No," said Stanfield, " I will not; but 1 will go and stay with them. I see you have evil designs ; you would kill the women and children. Well, you may kill me with them! Are you not ashamed?" This ruse saved almost half a hundred lives. Later Stanfield told the people in the house that he was married to Mrs. Hays, and when they were incredulous and questioned him, he replied, " We are married, and that is enough !" This declaration, if believed, was sufficient to prevent any in terference by the Indians, Stanfield being a Frenchman, and so, under the protection of the Hudson s Bay Company. It is difficult to perceive how Stanfield could have done more for the captives than he did do. 106 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Miss Bewley, for whom a horse and an escort was sent on that day. Up to this point it does not appear that the Umatilla Cayuses had taken any part in the outrages of Tiloukaikt s camp; and this gift of Miss Bewley to Five Crows was a bribe to secure his concurrence in future, if not his approval of the past. For although neither Five Crows nor Tauitowe consented to the murders, they, with Indian stolidity, verified Spalding s judgment of the sav age when he said in his report to White, that he " had no evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would look on with indifference and see our dwellings burnt to the ground, and our heads severed from our bodies." Miss Bewley had been ill from the effect of the shocks to which she had been subjected, but was compelled to make the journey on horseback, camping out one night in a snowstorm. All the comfort that her fellow captives were able to give her was the suggestion that she would be safer at the Catholic station than where she was. 7 Such was the history of the first ten days following the massacre at the mission. We have now to account for those who escaped on that day, namely, Hall, Osborne, and Canfield. Hall having snatched a gun from an Indian, defended himself with it and reached the cover of the trees that grew along the Walla Walla river. After dark he fled towards Fort Walla Walla, where he arrived on the following morning with the story of the massacre so far as seen by him, intelligence which appears to have given very great alarm to Mr. Mc- Bean, the agent in charge. Hall was furnished with the Hudson s bay cap and coat, with such articles as would be required on his journey, and proceeded towards the Walla- inet on the north side of the Columbia. He was never .heard of afterwards. Mr. Osborne with his wife and three children secreted themselves under the floor of their apartment, remaining there until night, when they also attempted to get to Walla : Deposition of Elaui Young : Gray s History of Oregon, 483. THE CAY USE WAR. 107 Walla. But Mrs. Osborne being ill, was able to go only two miles, and for this reason, and from fear of the Indians, they were compelled to conceal themselves during Tuesday, suffering from hunger, cold, and every want. On Tuesday night three miles was accomplished, and Wednesday spent in concealment. That night the father took one of the children and started again for the fort, which he reached Thursday forenoon, being kindly received by McBean, who, however, was disinclined at first to entertain him and his family, and could not furnish horses to bring them to the fort, -but insisted on their going to the Umatilla. 8 The arrival, about noon, of the Indian painter, J. M. Stanley, from Fort Colville, 9 was a fortunate occurrence, for he forthwith offered his horses to Osborne, with such articles of clothing as were indispensable, and some pro visions left over from his journey. With this example of what might be expected of himself, McBean took courage and furnished an Indian guide to assist Osborne in finding his family, which was finally brought to the fort on Fri day, in a famishing condition, and given such cold com fort as a blanket on a bare floor, food, and fire could impart, 10 and here the family remained until the day of their deliverance.. 8 Affidavit of Osborne in the Oregon American and Evangelical Unionist, July 19, 1848. The fugitives who sought refuge at the fort made complaints of their reception, and charged McBean s conduct to his religion ; but he was probably afraid of an attack on the fort, as his letter, given elsewhere, intimates. The Americans, in judging of the conduct of the Hudson s Bay Company s officers, never made sufficient allowance for the greater caution of the British subjects generally in all matters, and particu larly the long experience of the company with Indians. A number of times their forts had been attacked, and more than once their agents had been killed. C. B. Roberts, for mauy years confidential clerk at Vancouver, says in his Historical Recol lections, MS.: "As to McBean, I know very little to say in his favor. He was, I think, a half-breed from Red river a bigoted Catholic of narrow views and educa tion." That he changed his course seems sure evidence of a strong governing influence. 9 Stanley had a narrow escape, although unconscious of it at the time. He was stopped and questioned as to his nationality. Was he American ? No. French ? No. English? No. What then ? A Buckeye. As his questioners knew nothing against or about Buckeyes, and as he offered them tobacco, he was allowed to pass. 10 Osbome charged two oblate priests, who were staying at the fort, with cruelty in not offering their bed to his sick wife. Mr. Stanley being called upon to give his evidence, testified as follows : "I occupied a room with two or more of the Catholic 108 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Mr. Canfield, who was in the yard when the attack was made on the men engaged in dressing the heef, ran past the shop where his family lived, snatching up his youngest child, and calling to the others to follow, succeeded in reaching a chamber in the Mansion house, where they re mained undiscovered until night, and the Indians had retired to their lodges. He then found Stanfield, who directed him to a place four miles on the road to Lapwai, and who promised to bring him a horse the next morning, but was unable to do so ; and after lying concealed over Tuesday, set out on foot for the Nez Perces country. On Friday he reached Snake-river crossing, and was ferried over and piloted to Spalding s place by the Nez Perces In dians (who were yet ignorant of what had taken place at Waiilatpu), which he reached on Saturday, conveying to Mrs. Spalding the terrible news of the massacre of her friends, her daughter s captivity, and the probable death of her husband of whom nothing had been heard since Dr. Whitman s return from the Umatilla. With remarkable courage, and with that insight into Indian character which distinguished her, Mrs. Spalding decided on her course of action. The only person at her house, besides her young children, was Miss Johnson, her priests ; and their beds consisted of two blankets with a stick of wood for their pillow.. * * * Mr. McBean procured for him (Osborne) a trusty Walla Walla Indian to return with him for his family, but having no horses at the post, I prof fered the use of my own until he should reach the company s farm, about twenty miles distant, where he was supplied with fresh ones. Had it not been for the guide s perseverance, Mrs. Osborne and children must have perished. Mr. Osborne, despairing of finding the place where he had left them, proposed to the Indian to return. The Indian said he was told, by McBean not to return without finding them, and he continued his search until he discovered their concealment. They arrived at the fort early in the evening of the third of December, and Mr. McBean said he would protect them with his life. They were not allowed to go three days without provisions, but on the contrary were furnished daily with such provisions as were used by Mr. McBean and family. Mr. McBean proffered a blanket to Mr. Osborne on his credit, and I am quite positive the article was not asked for by Mr. Osborne. Signed. J. M. STANLF.Y." Oregon City, March 10, 1848. Osborne s own affidavit confirms Stanley s statement concerning the rescue of his family after he had given them up, and McBean s declaration that he would protect them with his life. The sufferings experienced by the survivors of the Waiilatpu massacre were such, with the prejudices imbibed beforehand, as to render them incapable of giving clear accounts of what had taken place. THE CAYUSE WAR. 109 assistant. Her brother Mr. Hart, and a Mr. Jackson usu ally at the mission, were absent, one on a visit to the Spokane station, and the other on the road from Waiilatpu, which place he left with a pack train of flour only three hours before the massacre. The only other American in the- Nez Perces country was William Craig, a mountain man, who had a place ten miles up the Lapwai creek, the mission being at its mouth. There was nothing therefore to be hoped for from the people of her own race, and she determined to throw herself upon the generosity of the Nez Perces before they had time to hear from the Cayuses. Fortunately, two influential chiefs were at the mission, Jacob and Eagle, whom she at once informed of what had taken place at Waiilatpu, deputizing one to break the news to the camp, and sending the other with a letter to Mr. Craig. 11 It was thought best by the Indians for Mrs. Spalding to remove to Craig s place where they had their winter camp on account of wood, and to this she consented. Although the Nez Perces expected the Cayuses, and kept guard at night, Mrs. Spalding refused to leave the mission before Monday, but waited to see Craig, who came down during Saturday night, and endeavored to get some Indians to carry expresses to Walker and Eells, and to her daughter. This was no easy matter, but Eagle finally consented to undertake the dangerous duty. On Monday the family at the mission was removed to Craig s, where Mr. Jackson arrived on Tuesday. And now came the test of character with the Nez Perces. While those immediately under Mrs. Spalding s influence re mained friendly, Joseph, a principal chief in the absence of Ellis, and a member of the church at Lapwai of eight years standing, with others of his following, a number of whom were also church members, joined with a few 11 Mr. Spaldiiig names, besides Jacob and Eagle, Luke and his two brothers, mem bers of his church, and James, a Catholic, who was particularly friendly to himself and family, with most of their people : Oregon American, August 16, 1848. 110 INDIAN WARS OF OKEGON. from James camp in plundering the mission buildings. 12 Let us now follow Mr. Spalding, whom Dr. Whitman left on the Umatilla, and who had taken supper with the Catholic priests on the fatal twenty-ninth of Novem ber, quite unconscious of the horror that had fallen upon Waiilatpu. On Wednesday, December first, after concluding his visits to the sick in that neighborhood, Mr. Spalding set out on his return to Whitman s station on horseback, driv ing before him some pack horses, as was the custom of the country. When near the crossing of the Walla Walla river, and about three miles from the mission, he met Brouillet returning from Waiilatpu, accompanied by his interpreter, and Edward Tiloukaikt. The interview which took place is best told by Brouillet, as follows: " Fortu nately, a few minutes after crossing the river the interpre ter asked Tiloukaikt s son for a smoke. They proposed the calumet, but when the moment came for lighting it, there was nothing to make a fire. You have a pistol, said the interpreter; fire it and we will light. Accord ingly, without stopping, he fired his pistol, reloaded it and fired again. He then commenced smoking with the interpreter without thinking of reloading his pistol. A few minutes after, while they were thus engaged in smok ing, I saw Mr. Spalding come galloping towards me. In a moment he was at my side, taking me by the hand, and asking for news. Have you been to the doctor s? he in quired. Yes, I replied. What news? Sad news. Is any person dead? Yes, sir. Who is dead? Is it one of the doctor s children? (He had left two of them very sick.) No, I replied. Who then is dead? I hesitated to tell him. Wait a moment, said I; I cannot tell you now. While Mr. Spalding was asking me these different 12 Says Spalding : Here was an opportunity for religion to show itself if there was any. Never before had temptation come to Joseph and his native brethren in the church in this dress. But now it came, and his fall, as I regard it, and that of some others, has given the Christian world a lesson that should be well studied, before it again places the lives and property of missionaries at the mercy of lawless savages, without a military force to keep them in awe " : Oregon American, August 16, 181". 3 K A ERSITY THE GAYUSE WAR. Ill questions, 1 had spoken to my interpreter, telling him to entreat the Indian in my name not to kill Mr. Spalding, which I begged of him as a special favor, and hoped that he would not refuse me. I was waiting for his answer, and did not wish to relate the disaster to Mr. Spalding before getting it, for fear that he might by his manner discover to the Indian what I had told him, for the least motion like flight would have cost him his life, and prob ably exposed mine also. The son of Tiloukaikt, after hesi tating some moments, replied that he could not take it upon himself to save Mr. Spaldiug, but that he would go back and consult with the other Indians; and so he started back immediately to his camp. I then availed myself of his absence to satisfy the anxiety of Mr. Spalding." The news was quickly told, for there was no time to be lost. Brouillet represents Spalding as paralyzed by it. u ls it possible! Is it possible!" 13 he repeated several times. "They will certainly kill me;" and he was unable to come to any conclusion. Urged by Brouillet to rouse himself and decide upon a course, he resolved to fly, and leaving his loose horses in charge of the interpreter, with a little food given him by the priest turned aside into the pathless waste, with his face set in the direction of home. His horse straying, after a painful journey of a week on foot, traveling only at night, he reached Craig s on the day after Mrs. SpaTding s removal to that place. Meantime, on the very day of the removal, a messenger from the Cay uses arrived with a statement of what had been done by them, and the reasons for their acts, with a demand for an expression of opinion by the Nez Perces. A majority preferred remaining neutral until they knew what course was likely to be pursued by the white people in the country. This course was commended and encour aged by Spalding, who, after counseling with the chiefs, 13 Eighteen years afterwards Mr. Spalding said to the writer of this : " I felt the world all blotted out at once, and sat on my horse as rigid as a stone, not knowing or feeling anything ;" and the sweat of a long past anguish stood out on his forehead as he recounted the history of that time. 112 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. wrote a letter to Blanchet and Brouillet to assure them of his safety, and also to settle the question of policy towards the Cay uses. It runs as follows: CLEAR WATER, December 10, 1847. To the bishop of Walla Walla, or either of the Catholic priests : REVEREND AND DEAR FRIEND : This hasty note may inform you that I am yet alive through the astonishing mercy of God. The hand of the merciful God brought me to my family after six days and nights from the time my dear Mend furnished me with provisions, and I escaped from the Indians. My daughter is yet a captive, I fear, but in the hands of our merciful heavenly father. Two Indians have gone for her. 14 My object in writing is princi pally to give information through you to the Cayuses that it is our wish to have peace ; that we do not wish the Americans to come from below to avenge the wrong ; we hope the Cayuses and Ameri cans will be on friendly terms ; that Americans will no more come in their country unless they wish it. As soon as these men return, I hope, if alive, to send them to the governor to prevent Americans from coming up to molest the Cayuses for what is done. I know that you will do all in your power for the relief of the captives, women and children, at Waiilatpu ; you will spare no pains to appease and quiet the Indians. There are five Americans here (men), my wife and three children, one young woman, and two Frenchmen. We cannot leave the country without help. Our help, under God, is in your hands, and in the hands of the Hudson s Bay Company. Can help come from that source? Ask their advice and let me know. I am certain that if the Americans should attempt to come it would be likely to prove the ruin of us all in this upper country, and would involve the country in war ; God grant that they may not attempt it. At this moment I have obtained permission of the Indians to write more, but I have but a moment. Please send this or copy to Governor Abernethy. The Nez Perec s held a meeting yesterday ; they pledged themselves to protect us from the Cayuses if they [we] would prevent the Americans from coming up to avenge the murders. This we have pledged to do, and for this we beg for the sake of our lives at this place and at Mr. Walker s. By all means keep quiet and send no war reports ; send nothing but proposals for peace. They say they have buried the death of the Walla Walla chiefs son, killed in California. They wish us to bury this offense. I hope to write soon to Governor Abernethy, but as yet the Indians are not willing, but are willing I should send those hints through you. I hope you will send by all means and with all ."They did not succeed in bringing her away. THE CAYU8E WAR. 113 speed to keep quiet in the Willamette. Could Mr. Grant 15 come this way, it would be a great favor to us, and do good to the Indians. I just learn that these Indians wish us to remain in the country as hostages of peace. They wish the communication for Americans to be kept open. We are willing to remain so, if peace can be se cured. It does not seem stife for us to attempt to leave the country in any way at present. May the God of heaven protect us and finally bring peace. These two men go to make peace, and when they return, if successful with the Cay uses, they will go to the Willamette. We have learned that one man escaped to Walla Walla, crossed over the river, and went below. He would naturally suppose that all were killed. Besides myself, another white man escaped wounded and reached my place three days before I did. Late Indian reports say that no women, except Mrs. Whitman, or children, were killed, but all are in captivity. These people, if the Cayuses consent, will bring them all to this place. I traveled only nights, and hid myself days, most of the way on foot, as my horse escaped from me ; suffered some days from hunger and cold and sore feet ; had no shoes, as I threw my boots away, not being able to wear them, and also left blankets. God in mercy brought me here. From the white man who escaped and from the Indians, we learn that an Indian from the states, 16 who was in the employ of Dr. Whitman, was at the head of the bloody affair, and helped demolish the windows and take the property. We think the Cayuses have been urged into the dreadful deed. God in mercy forgive them, for they know not what they do. Perhaps these men can bring my horses and things. Please give all particulars you have been able to learn, and what news has gone below. How do the women and children fare? How extensive is the war? In giving this information, and sending this letter below to Governor Aber- nethy, you will oblige your afflicted friend. I would write directly to the governor, but the Indians wish me to rest until they return. Yours in affection and with best wishes. (Signed.) H. H. SPALDING. The Nez Perces who brought this letter, evidently written under stress of circumstances, and guardedly, were Inimilpip and Tipialanahkeikt, sub-chiefs, and members of Mr. Spalding s congregation. After a conference with the bishop and Brouillet, they visited the Cayuses, whom they advised to take measures for avoiding a war with the Americans. They requested Blanchet to write to Governor 15 Mr. James Grant was in charge of the Hudson s bay post at Fort Hall. 10 Joe Lewis, the half-breed already mentioned. 8 114 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Abernethy not to send up an army, but to come himself in the spring and make a treaty of peace with the Cayuses, who would then release the captives, whom they would in the meantime refrain from injuring. On the eighteenth of December Camaspelo of the camp between Umatilla and Waiilatpu, paid a visit to the bishop. He said the young men had u stolen his word," and misrepresented him that he had never consented to the massacre; that he wanted to kill all his horses and leave the country. To this the bishop replied that there was a possibility of peace, and advised that the chiefs should meet and decide upon some course of action immediately, as delay only increased the difficulties of the situation. Accordingly, on the twentieth, the Cay use chiefs met at the Catholic mission in grand council, Tauitowe presiding. Those pres ent were Tiloukaikt, Five Crows, and Camaspelo, with a number of sub-chiefs. The white men present were Blan- chet, Brouillet, Rosseau, and Le Claire, all Catholic priests. Blanchet opened the discussion by placing before the Cayuses the propositions of the Nez Perces, namely, that the Americans should not come to make war; that they should send up two or three great men to make a treaty of peace; that on the arrival of the commissioners the cap tives should be released; that no offense should be offered to Americans before learning what answer would be re turned to these propositions. Camaspelo spoke first in approval. Tiloukaikt then re viewed the history of the nation from before the first com ing of the white people: and acknowledged that previous to the advent of the Hudson s Bay Company they had always been at war; that where Fort Walla Walla now stood nothing but blood was continually seen. But they had been taught by white people there was a God who forbade war and murder. He eulogized Mr. Pambrun, who had so taught them ; referred to the killing of the Nez Perce chief who accompanied Mr. Gray east in 1837; THE CAYUSE WAR. 115 and of the killing of Elijah in California three years pre vious, saying the Cayuses had forgotten all that, and lie hoped the Americans would forget what had occurred at Waiilatpu. Five Crows suggested some additions to the propositions already offered. Tauitowe said but little, excusing him self by declaring that he was sick and not able to talk, but favored the proposals. Edward Tiloukaikt arose, and dis played a "Catholic Ladder" stained with blood, and re peated what he asserted Dr. Whitman had said a short time before his death: "You see this blood! it is to show you that now because you have the priests among you, the country is going to be covered with blood. You will have nothing now but blood!" He then related the recent events at Waiilatpu in the most detailed and minute man ner, describing the sorrow of the bereaved families in touching language, even of a single member of one family left to weep alone over all the rest who had perished. He repeated the story carried by Joe Lewis to the Indians, that Dr. Whitman was poisoning them. Nothing was avoided or left out, except the names of the murderers; of these he made no mention. After some time spent in deliberation, a manifesto was agreed upon and dictated to the bishop, as follows: The principal chiefs of the Cayuses in council assembled state : That a young Indian who understands English, and who slept in Dr. Whitman s room, heard the doctor, his wife, and Mr. Spalding express their desire of possessing the lands and animals of the In dians ; that he stated also that Mr. Spalding said to the doctor : "Hurry giving medicines to the Indians that they may soon die ;" that the same Indian told the Cayuses, " If you do not kill the doctor soon, you will all be dead before spring;" that they buried six Cayuses on Sunday, November twenty-eighth, and three the next day ; that the schoolmaster, Mr. Rogers, stated to them before he died, that the doctor, his wife, and Mr. Spalding poisoned the Indians ; that for several years past they had to deplore the death of their children; and that according to these reports, they were led to believe that the whites had undertaken to kill them all ; and that these were the motives which led them to kill the Americans. The same chiefs ask at present : 116 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. First. That the Americans may not go to war with the Cay uses. Second. That they may forget the lately committed murders, as the Cayuses will forget the murder of the son of the great chief of the Walla Wallas, committed in California. Third. That two or three great men may come up to conclude peace. Fourth. That as soon as these great men have arrived and con cluded peace, they may take with them all the women and children. Fifth. They give assurance that they will not harm the Ameri cans before the arrival of these two or three great men. Sixth. They ask that Americans may not travel any more through their country, as their young men might do them harm. Place of Tauitowe, Youmatilla, twentieth December, 1847. Signed. TILOUKAIKT, CAMASPELO, TAUITOWE, ACHEKAIA. To this document the bishop added a letter to Governor Abernethy, concluding as follows : " It is sufficient to state that all these speeches went to show, that since they had been instructed by the whites they abhorred war, and that the tragedy of the twenty-ninth had occurred from an anxious desire of self-preservation, and that it was the reports made against the doctor and others which led them to commit this act. They desire to have the past forgotten, and to live in peace as before. Your excellency has to judge of the value of the documents which I have been requested to forward to you. "Nevertheless, without having the least intention to influence one way or the other, I feel myself obliged to tell you that by going to war with the Cayuses, you will likely have all the Indians of this country against you. Would it be for the interest of a young colony to expose herself? That you will have to decide with your council." The council of the Cayuses at the bishop s house was hardly over, when a courier arrived from Fort Walla Walla, notifying the Cayuses that Mr. Peter Skeen Ogden of Fort Vancouver was at that place and desired to see them without delay. A letter to the bishop was also THE CAYU8E WAR. 117 received requesting his presence, but he being unable to attend, Mr. Brouillet went in his place, to give an account of what had passed at the council held at his mission; this being, as he informs us, the first time any of the fathers had ventured away from Tauitowe s camp since his return from Waiilatpu after the burial of the victims. The Indians could not be brought together before tl^ie twenty-third, by which time the bishop also was present. Of how Mr. Ogden came to take the important step he did, the explanation will be given in the chapter which follows. That his doing so was as wise as it was brave, every historian must acknowledge. But to close this act in the drama enacted in the Walla Walla valley, we con tinue the narrative of what followed Ogden s arrival. From the moment of his arrival on the evening of the nineteenth until the morning of the twenty-third, no time was lost, but every particle of information was gathered up which would enable him to deal with the Cayuses, and also the Nez Perces. The Cayuse chiefs present were Tauitowe and Tiloukaikt, with about a dozen young men. Mr. Ogden addressed them fearlessly and truthfully, yet with that tact in keeping the advantage which is necessary in dealing with undeveloped minds. Speaking of the Hudson s bay people, "We have been among you for thirty years," said Ogden, "without the shedding of blood; we are traders, and of a different nation from the Ameri cans; but recollect, we supply you with ammunition, not to kill Americans, who are of the same color, speak the same language, and worship the same God as ourselves, and whose cruel fate causes our hearts to bleed. Why do we make you chiefs, if you cannot control your young inen? Besides this wholesale butchery, you have robbed the Americans passing through your country, and have insulted their women. If you allow your young men to govern you, I say you are not men or chiefs, but hermaph rodites who do not deserve the name. Your hot-headed young men plume themselves on their bravery; but let 118 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. them not deceive themselves. If the Americans begin war they will have cause to repent their rashness; for the war will not end until every man of you is cut off from the face of the earth? I am aware that man} r of your people have died; but so have others. It was not Dr. Whitman who poisoned them; but God who has com manded that they should die. You have the opportunity to make some reparation. I give you only advice, and promise you nothing should war be declared against you. The company have nothing to do with your quarrel. If you wish it, on my return I will see what can be done for you ; but I do not promise to prevent war. Deliver me the prisoners to return to their friends, and I will pay you a ransom ; that is all." The people then in Oregon, it should seem, could never be too grateful to Mr. Ogden for this happily worded speech, which left them free to act as they should deem wise, which compelled the Cayuses to yield to the Hud son s Bay Company or lose their regard, and which left the company in its former position of neutrality. It was this avowal of neutrality nevertheless which was an offense to many Americans. Yet how else could the company be of service? If they were one with the Americans in this quarrel, they could not offer blankets, but the sword. If they avowed hostility, the captives would be the sacrifice. The chiefs, although they must have seen they were caught as in a trap, yielded. Tauitowe made it appear that he did so out of consideration for the compaii}-, who were his brothers because some of the Indian women were wives to some of the company s people. Tiloukaikt also recognized this claim, but he had mere personal motives. "Chief!" said he, "your words are weighty, your hairs are gray. We have known you a long time. You have had an unpleasant journey to this place. I cannot therefore keep the families back. I make them over to you, which I would not do to another younger than vourself." THE GAYUSE WAll. 119 Peu-peu-mox mox declined to say anything, except that he found the Americans changeable, but approved of giv ing up the captives. It has been told upon as good au thority as Dr. W. F. Tolmie of the Hudson s Bay Company, that when a messeuger from Waiilatpu brought the news of the massacre to the chief of the Walla Wallas, he was asked what part he had taken in the bloody business, and having answered that he had killed certain persons, Peu- peu-mox-mox had ordered him hanged to the nearest tree. This anecdote would seem to receive confirmation from a postscript to a letter written by Mr. McBean of Fort Walla Walla, on the day after the massacre, in which he says he has "just learned that the Cayuses are to be here tomor row to kill Serpent Jaune, 17 the Walla Walla chief." An other anecdote told by J. L. Parrish, concerning Peu-peu- mox-mox, relates that when the Cayuses proposed going to war, he warned them not to judge the Americans fight ing qualities by what they had seen of the immigrants, for he had witnessed their fighting in California, where every American was a man; from all of which it appears that this chief at least, was not implicated in the killing of the Americans in the Cayuse country. Whatever he thought about the instability of the white people, he had learned to fear them. His own instability he displayed at a later period. The ransom offered the Cayuses was fifty-three point blankets, fifty shirts, ten guns, ten fathoms of tobacco, ten handkerchiefs, and one hundred balls and powder. The Nez Perce chiefs who had not yet returned home from the council on the Umatilla, promised to release Mr. Spalding and the Americans with him for twelve blankets, twelve shirts, twelve handkerchiefs, five fathoms of tobacco, two guns, two hundred balls and powder, and some knives. 18 Ogden wrote to Mr. Spalding, by the returning chiefs, 17 Serpent Jaune, or Yellow Serpent, was the French name for Peu-peu-mox-mox. 18 This is the amount, stated by Brouillet, who was present. The Oregon Spectator of January twentieth makes it double that amount of ammunition, with twelve niuts and thirty-seven pounds of tobacco. 120 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. that no time should be lost in getting to Walla Walla, and to come without giving any promises to the Indians, not aware that Spalding had already given his word to pre vent the Americans from coming to avenge the murders. Spalding replied to Ogden that he should hasten to join him, and all the more, that the chiefs had assured him that the Cayuses would kill all should they hear that the Americans were coming with hostile design. A letter was also sent express to the missionaries at Chemakane in which Mr. Ogden declared his great fear lest something should miscarry, an anxiety which had prevented him from sleeping for two nights, and outlining the policy he should pursue, which would be one to do nothing which might in any way embarrass the government of the United States in dealing with the murderers. The anxiety expressed in this letter was occasioned by a rumor which reached the Indians immediately after the arrival of the Waiilatpu captives at Fort Walla Walla December twenty-ninth that a company of riflemen had arrived at The Dalles on their way to the Cayuse country. Should this rumor be believed it would be almost certain to cause Mr. Spalding s party to be cut off, and might make the escape of those already with him impossible. No con firmation, however, was received before Mr. Spalding ar rived, who reached the fort January first, escorted by a large party of Nez Perces, greatly to the relief of all con cerned. At noon on the second, the boats, with their fifty -seven ransomed men, women, and children, with other passengers arid provisions for the journey, 19 put off from the beach at Walla Walla fort, eager and thankful to see the last of it. Nor were they any too soon, for a few hours thereafter fifty armed Cayuses rode up to the fort to demand Mr. Spalding to be given up to be killed, as they had reliable news of American soldiers en route to their country. " Seven oxen and sixteen bags of coarse Hour were purchased from Tilonkaikt to feed the people : Oregon Spectator, January 20, 1848. THE CAYUSE WAIL 121 No account, at all intelligible has ever been written of the month of captivity at Waiilatpu. All that has been given to the world has been of a character to sadden the heart for the violence of the passions exhibited, both then and thereafter, in the effort of the sufferers by these calam ities to make some one responsible for them. In weighing the value of such evidence as wo have, it should be re membered that the Indians steadfastly gave one principal reason for their crime, although afterwards in excusing themselves, they dragged in the loss of two young chiefs, one a Nez Perces, and one a Walla Walla. The principal motive was a sufficient one, as the student of Indian char acter and customs must admit. But the immigrants stopping at Waiilatpu could not have known how to weigh such evidence. They had, per haps, been led to believe from Dr. Whitman s remarks in their hearing, that he feared the influence of Catholic mis sionaries, but had not learned all his reasons for disquietude. That the doctor s personal antagonism to the Catholics has been somewhat exaggerated, seems to be shown by several facts, but he did fear the effect of anything which could cause contention among the Indians, involving their teachers. It has been doubted that he gave Edward Tilou- kaikt the " Catholic Ladder " stained with blood ; but that is not improbable. He has simply been misunderstood or mis represented. He probably meant, not to foreshadow his own death, or the extermination of Americans, but to impress upon Edward the thought that to introduce religious con troversy among his people would be to afford cause for war. It had been so in nations called enlightened how much more to be apprehended among savages. But Tiloukaikt, a savage, was shrewd enough to make use of that very in dication of distrust to set up sectarian differences between white people. Naturally, the priests, who had honestly tried to do some good and alleviate so much evil, resented the slurs cast upon them by those whom they had served, and honce, much bitter controversy. 122 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. It is recorded in the sworn statements of some of the captives, after their arrival in the Wallamet valley, that they had said from the first, " The Catholics are at the bottom of it." Yet why should they think that the Catholics were responsible? They had been but a short time in the coun try, and did not have an intelligent view of the situation of affairs if the} 7 had understood them, they would not have remained. The priests had been in the country even a less time, and few, if any, of the immigrants had seen them. Miss Bewley, who was an inmate of the doctor s family, when questioned, under oath, whether she ever heard Dr. Whitman express any fears concerning the Catholics, replied: "Only once; the doctor said at table, Now I shall have trouble; these priests are coming. Mrs. Whitman asked : Have the Indians let them have land? He said: I think they have. Mrs. Whitman said: It s a wonder they do not come and kill ns. This land was out of sight of the doctor s as you come this way (west of the station). When the Frenchman was talking at Uma- tilla of going to build a house there, he said it was a prettier station than the doctor s." What was there in this testimony to establish a criminal intent on the part of the priests? Mrs. Whitman, when she said -"it is a wonder they do riot come and kill us," was not speaking of the priests, but of the Indians, and knew far better than Miss Bewley whereof she spoke. And this was all that the witnesses among the captives had to say of their actual knowledge of the state of Dr. Whitman s mind; the rest was surmise, and the gossip of idle people full of fears. Poor wretches! they were witnesses to murder the most foul ; to the theft and destruction of their property, and to personal indignities the most indecent and cruel. 20 They 20 Great stress has been laid by some writers upon the fact that the Catholic priests did not interfere to save Miss Bewley from the arms of Five Crows ; but from her own evidence this chief sought to rescue her from indiscriminate abuse by taking her to himself. Tn a deposition taken at Oregon City, February 7, 1S49, the question was asked; " Did you have evidence that it was necessary for Hezekiah THE GAYUSE WAR. 123 had lived in hell for a period long enough to change their conceptions of the world and humanity, and they were still too tremulous from injuries to be able to have a steady judgment. According to their own representations, they were as suspicious of each other as of their recognized foes, and conspired to prove conspiracies among each other. Like other lunatics their worst suspicions were turned against their best friends; their sick brains were incapable of comprehending the truth. And, as often happens in complaints of this nature, the same phenomena communicated itself, temporarily at least, to the whole community. Mr. Ogden found at The Dalles, as the Indians had heard, a company of riflemen, whom Mr. Spalding, not withstanding his word given to the Nez Perces, urged to hasten up and surprise the Cayuses, naming only a few who might be spared ; and this wholesale slaughter was to be perpetrated to " save the animals of the mission !" Might it not be said these people had become deranged? On the eighth of December Mr. Ogden arrived at Van couver, and on the tenth delivered the rescued Americans into the hands of Governor Abernethy at Oregon City, with Mr. Spalding s letter and the bishop s letter, together with the manifesto of the Cayuse chiefs. It does not re quire much imagination to conceive the excitement occa sioned by the arrival of these unhappy people, nor the influence it had on the conduct of the Cayuse war. Half- crazed widows; young women who had suffered such (Five Crows) to hold you as a wife to save you from a general abuse by the Indians?" Answer: " I was overwhelmed with such evidence at Waiilatpu, but saw none of it on the Umatilla." In the same deposition Miss Bewley says : "It was made known to us (the captives) after a council, that Edward was to go to the big chief at the Umatilla and see what was to be done with us, and specially with the young women; and after his return he immediately commenced the massacre of the sick young men, and the next morning announced to us that arrangements had been made for Hezekiah to come and take his choice among the young women. * * * Hezekiah did not come for me himself, but sent a man and a boy for the young woman that was & member of Mrs. Whitman s family " ( Miss Bewley): Gray s History of Oregon, 500, 501. If the men with families at the mission could not interfere, how could the priests who had no other right than common humanity gave them? That right, Brouillet 124 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. indignities and brutalities that they wondered to find themselves alive, among. Christian people; children who had lost the happy innocence of childhood, whom suffer ing had made old before their time; men who had become craven through fear an avalanche of such misery poured into the lap of a small community, still struggling with the hardships of pioneer settlement, upheaved it from its very foundations. Governor Abernethy, eleven days after the delivery to him of his rescued fellow countrymen, penned the follow ing letter to Mr. Ogden : OREGON CITY, January 19, 1848. SIR : I feel it a duty as well as a pleasure to tender you my sin cere thanks, and the thanks of this community, for your exertions in behalf of the widows and orphans that were left in the hands of the Cayuse Indians. Their state was a deplorable one, subject to the caprice of savages, exposed to their insults, compelled to labor for them, and remaining constantly in dread lest they should be butchered as their husbands and fathers had been. From this state I am fully satisfied we could not have rescued them ; a small party of Americans would have been looked upon by them with contempt; a larger party would have been a signal for a general massacre. Your immediate departure from Vancouver on the receipt of the intelligence from Waiilatpu, enabling you to arrive at Walla Walla before the news of the American party having started from this place reached them, together with your influence over the Indians, accomplished the desirable object of relieving the distressed. Your exertions in behalf of the prisoners will, no doubt, cause a feeling of pleasure to you throughout life, but this does not relieve them nor us from the obligations we are under to you. You have also laid the American government under obligations to you, for their citi zens were the subjects of this massacre, and their widows and or- says they exercised by advising the Cayuses who attended the council at the bishop s house to immediately give up the girls whom they had taken. "And then," he says, " all entreated Five Crows to give up the one he had taken, but to no purpose." Up to this time Miss Bewley had been permitted to remain at the bishop s house during the day time, but after Five Crows refusal to give her up, Brouillet advised her to insist upon being allowed to remain altogether at the bishop s house until definite news came from below ; but if Five Crows would not consent she should stay with him at his lodge. She came back, however, and was received and comforted as best they could under circumstances so peculiar, and continued to share their bachelor house with them until relief caine. The years that have elapsed have softened preju- dices, and it is time to write impartially of a most interesting period of the state s history. THE CAYUSE WAR. 125 pbans are the relieved ones. With a sincere prayer that the widow s God and the father of the fatherless may reward you for your kind ness, I have the honor to remain, Your obedient servant. GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon Territory. To Peter Skeen Ogden, Chief Factor Hudson s Bay Company. To this letter Mr. Ogden sent this significant reply: FORT VANCOUVER, January 26, 1848. Mr. George Aberncthy, Exq., Governor of Oregon: SIR : I have to acknowledge the receipt of your highly Hatter- ing letter of the nineteenth instant, and the high value you lay upon my services in rescuing so many fellow creatures from cap tivity, but the meed of praise is not due to me alone. I was the mere acting agent of the Hudson s Bay Company, for without its powerful aid and influence, nothing could have been effected, and to them the praise is due, and permit me to add, should unfor tunately, which God avert, our services be again required under similar circumstances, I trust you will not find us wanting in going to their relief. Believe me, yours truly, PETER SKEEN OGDEN. The rescued women and children were taken care ol by the citizens, and settlers upon farms, many of the women and girls being soon provided with homes by marriage. Such of their propert} as had not been destroyed wa.s finally recovered, while all became absorbed into the young commonwealth. The discussion of the causes which had brought about the tragedy of Waiiiatpu went on unceasingly, to no other purpose apparently than to gratify a craving for excite ment. No one felt willing to lay any blame upon the victims. The immigrants were unwilling to admit that the catastrophe was caused by their introduction of a fatal disease among the Indians. The cause must be sought otherwheres. Where else could it- be looked for except in the natural depravity of barbarians, incited, of course, by some influence not American the French priests, or the English fur company, or both together? Forgetful of the 126 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. services received, the latter view was the one generally adopted by the Protestant missionary class, and which has prevailed, almost uncontradicted, to the present time. There was one great cause for the massacre of Waiilatpu underlying all others, which was the neglect of congress to keep faith with the people who settled Oregon. For many years the promise had been held out, that if these people would go to Oregon the United States government would protect and reward them. It had done neither. They were living on Indian lands that had never been treated for, and to which they had no title. They had not one government gun or soldier to protect two thousand miles of road. They had no government, except a com pact among themselves. Neither Dr. Whitman s threat nor Dr. White s promises had been fulfilled to the Indians, and they had no cause to believe they ever would be. Even without the provocation of having lost a third of their tribe by white men s disease, if not by poison crimi nally administered, as they believed, the conditions all pointed to an Indian war, for which the United States, and not the people of Oregon, should have been held responsible. CHAPTER VI. THE LEGISLATURE OF 1847-8 RECKIPT OF THE NEWS OF THE MASSACRE AT WAIILATPU LETTER OF MCBEAN LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR ABERNETHY CONDITION OF THE TREASURY OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT EFFORTS TO PROCURP: THE MEANS TO PUT TROOPS IN THE FIELD THE HUD SON S BAY COMPANY DECLINE TO FURNISH MONEY COMMISSIONERS BORROW A SMALL AMOUNT ON THE FAITH OF THE OREGON GOVERNMENT THE LEGISLATURE AUTHORIZES THE RAISING AND EQUIPPING OF A REGIMENT OF RIFLEMEN Or- FICERS APPOINTED A MESSENGER DISPATCHED TO WASHINGTON, AND ANOTHER TO CALIFORNIA FAILURE OF THE LATTER. LEAVING aside the causes which led up to the Waii- latpu tragedy, it is time now to consider its consequences to the Oregon colony. On the seventh day of December, 1847, the provisional legislature met at Oregon City. It consisted of the fol lowing members: From Clackamas county Medorum Crawford, J. M. Wair, and S. S. White. From Champoeg county W. H. Rector, W. H. Rees, A. Chamberlain, A. Cox, and Robert Newell. From Polk county J. W. Nesmith, and M. A. Ford. From Yamhill county A. J. Hembree, and L. Rogers. From Tuality county R. Wilcox, D. Hill, and J. L. Meek. From Clatsop county J. Robinson. From Lewis county S. Plomondeau. No representative of Vancouver county was present. Robert Newell was speaker of the house. On the eighth, Governor Abernethy sent in his message, which contained the refrain already quoted in a previous chapter saying " our relations with the Indians become every year more embarassing," and that the robberies committed by them should not be allowed to pass. On the afternoon of the same day another communica tion was received from the governor, accompanied by a (127) 128 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. number of letters from Vancouver, sent by Mr: Douglas, announcing the news which he had just received of the murder of Dr. Whitman and family. The information Mr. Douglas imparted was that contained in a letter written by Mr. McBean, of Fort Walla Walla, a few hours after the arrival at the fort of Mr. Hall, the first refugee who reached there. The following is a transcript of the copy of McBean s letter furnished to the governor, preserved in the archives of the state : FOKT NEZ PERCES, 30th November, 1847. To the Board of Management : GENTLEMEN : It is my painful task to make you acquainted with a horrid massacre which took place yesterday at Waiilatpu, about which I was first apprised early this morning by an Amer ican who had escaped, of the name of Hall, and who reached this, half naked and covered with blood. As he started at the outset the information I obtained was not satisfactory. He, however, assured me that the doctor and another man were killed, but could not tell me the persons who did it, and how it originated. I immediately determined on sending my interpreter and one man to Dr. Whitman s to find out the truth, and if possible, to rescue Mr. Hanson s two sons and any of the survivors. It so hap pened, that before the interpreter had proceeded half way the two boys were met on their way hither, escorted by Nicholas Finlay, it having been previously settled among the Indians that these boys should not be killed, as also the American women and children. Teloquait is the chief who recommended this measure. I presume you are well acquainted that fever and dysentery has been raging here, and in this vicinity, in consequence of which a great number of Indians have been swept away, but more especially at the doctor s place, where he attended upon the Indians. About thirty souls of the Cayuse tribe died, one after another, who eventu ally believed the doctor poisoned them, and in \vhich opinion they were unfortunately confirmed by one of the doctor s party. As far as I have been able to learn, this has been the sole cause of the dreadful butchery. In order to satisfy any doubt on that point, it is reported that they requested the doctor to administer medicine to three of their friends, two of whom were really sick, but the third only feigning illness, and that the three were corpses the next morning. After they were buried, and while the doctor s men \vere employed slaughtering an ox, the Indians came one by one to his house, with THE CAYUSE WAR. 129 their arms concealed under their blankets, and being all assembled, commenced firing on those slaughtering the animal, and in a mo ment the doctor s house was surrounded. The doctor and a young lad, brought up by himself, were shot in the house. His lady, Mr. Rogers, and the children had taken refuge in the garret, but were dragged down and dispatched (ex cepting the children ) outside, where their bodies were left exposed. It is reported that it was not their intention to kill Mr. Rogers, in consequence of an avowal to the following effect, which he is said to have made, and which nothing but a desire to save his life could have prompted him to do. He said: "I was one evening lying down, and I overheard the doctor telling Rev. Mr. Spalding that it was best you should be all poisoned at once ; but that the latter told him it was best to continue slowly and cautiously, and that between this and spring, not a soul would remain, when they would take possession of your lands, cattle, and horses." These are only Indian reports, and no person can believe the doctor capable of such an action without being as ignorant and brutal as the Indians themselves. One of the murderers, not being made acquainted with the above understanding, shot Mr. Rogers. It is well ascertained that eleven lives were lost, and three wounded. It is also rumored they are to make an attack upon the fort. Let them come ! if they will not listen to reason. Though I have only five men at the establishment, I am prepared to give them a warm reception. The gates are closed day and night, and the bastions in readiness. In company with Mr. Manson s two sons, was sent a young half- breed lad, brought up by Dr. Whitman; they are all here, and have got over their fright. The ringleaders in this horrible butchery are Teloquait, his son, Big Belly, Tamsucky, Esticus, Taumaulish, etc. I understand from the interpreter that they were making one common grave for the deceased. The houses \vere stripped of everything in the shape of property, but when they came to divide the spoil they fell out among them selves, and all agreed to put back the property. I am happy to state the Walla Wallas had no hand in the whole business; they were all the doctor s own people (the Cayuses). One American shot another, and took the Indians part to save his own life. 1 Allow me to draw a veil over this dreadful affair, which is too painful to dwell upon, and which I have explained conformably to information received, and with sympathizing feelings. 1 The person here referred to was Joe Lewis, a half-caste American. It is just possible that the Indians compelled him, as it was said they did Mr. Rogers, to make a false statement, or to side with them; but the testimony of the captives made him responsible for the massacre. Mr. McBean was reporting to his superiors what he had learned from the only authority at hand. 9 130 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. I remain, with much respect, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant, (Signed). WILLIAM McBEAN. N. B. I have just heard that the Cayuses are to be here tomor row to kill Serpent Jaime, the Walla Walla chief. W. McB. Names of those who were killed : Dr. Whitman, Mrs. Whitman, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Hoffman, Mr. Sanders (schoolmaster), Mr. Osborne (carpenter), Mr. Marsh, Mr. John Sager, Mr. Francis Sager (brothers, youths), Mr. Canfield (blacksmith), Mr. (a tailor); besides three that were wounded, more or less, Messrs. Hall, Kim- ball, and another man whose name I cannot learn. W. McB. This information, only slightly inaccurate, was that which was obtained the day after the massacre, first from Mr. Hall, then from Finlay and the Manson boys, and lastly from McBean s interpreter: 5 As soon as practicable after the return of his interpreter, Mr. McBean dispatched an express to Vancouver, with instructions to lose no time, and to spread no alarm, his object being to get the news, not only of the massacre, but of his own exposed situation should the Cayuses carry out their rumored threat against his post, to the board of managers before the tribes along the river should learn what had taken place, or form any combination with the Cayuses. 1 -This letter of McBean s, as here given, is faithfully copied from a copy made at Fort Vancouver, appearing to be in the hand of C. B. Roberts. It differs only slightly from several printed copies. It is preserved in the Oregon Archives MS., and num bered 1032. 3 In a communication to the Walla Walla Statesman of March 16, 1866, Mr. McBean says : " When my messenger arrived, Indian women, armed with knives and other implements of war, were already assembled near the house where the captives were, awaiting the order of the chief Tiloukaikt, who was present. On being informed of my request ( not to commit any more murdeis, and on being told they had already gone too far ), he hung down his head, and paused, then with a wave of his hand peremptorily ordered the women away, who abusing him, called him a coward." This, if true, would appear to be the second time Tiloukaikt s hand had been stayed. 4 This caution, necessary a& it evidently was considered by the prudent officers of a company having a long acquaintance with Indians, was the subject of bitter ani madversion by those who saw in it grounds of suspicion. The circumstances appear from the evidence to have been these : Mr. McBean s messenger, on arriving at The Dalles, desired Mr. Alanson Hinman, residing there, to assist him in procuring a canoe to proceed to Vancouver. "I was very inquisitive," says Hinman, in a letter to Governor Abernethy, "to know if there was any difficulty above. He said four THE CAYUSE WAR. 131 A letter from Mr. Douglas to Governor Abernethy ran as follows: FORT VANCOUVER, December 7, 1847. George Abernethy, Esq.: SIR : Having received intelligence last night by special express from Walla Walla of the destruction of the missionary settlement at Waiilatpu by the Cay use Indians of that place, we hasten to communicate the particulars of that dreadful event, one of the most atrocious which darkens the annals of Indian crime. Our lamented friend, Dr. Whitman, his amiable and accom plished lady, with nine other persons, have fallen victims to the fury of these remorseless savages, who appear to have been insti gated to this appalling crime by a horrible suspicion which had taken possession of their superstitious minds, in consequence of the num ber of deaths from dysentry and measles, that Dr. Whitman was silently working the destruction of their tribe by administering poisonous drugs, under the semblance of salutary medicines. With a goodness of heart and benevolence truly his own, Dr. Whitman has been laboring incessantly since the appearance of the measles and dysentry among his Indian converts to relieve their sufferings ; and such has been the reward of his generous labors. A copy of McBean s letter, herewith transmitted, will give you all the particulars known to us of this indescribably painful event. Mr. Ogden, with a strong party, will leave this place as soon as possible for Walla Walla, to endeavor to prevent further evil ; and we beg to suggest to you the propriety of taking instant measures for the protection of Rev. Mr. Spalding, who, for the sake of his family, ought to abandon the Clearwater mission without delay, and retire to a place of safety, as he cannot remain at that isolated station without imminent risk in the present excited and irritable state of the Indian population. I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, JAMES DOUGLAS. Frenchmen had died recently, and he wished to get others to occupy their places." Mr. Hinman, needing medicines for the sick Indians in his vicinity, offered to accompany him, leaving his wife and child, Mr. McKiuney and wife, Dr. Saffaraus, and Perrin Whitman at The Dalles. It was not until the messenger was below the cascades that he revealed to Hinman his errand, and the particulars of the tragedy at Waiilatpu. Mr. Hinman, naturally, was filled with anxiety for his family and friends, and very indignant because the Frenchman had not disobeyed orders or that he had received such orders. Yet, as it proved, this wasjthe very wisest course to have pursued ; for had the Columbia river Indians gotten hold of the matter at that time, before Mr. Ogden had time to see the Cayuses, he might not so easily have prevailed on them to release the captives. Hinman s letter, written at Vancouver, urges the governor to send a military company to The Dalles for his protection ; and also men to rescue the women and children. Knowing this, and not knowing what course the governor would take, compelled Mr. Ogden to say to the Indians that he could not promise what the Americans would do. 132 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. The governor sent into the legislative assembly the above letters, with the following message: To the Honorable Legislative Assembly, Oregon : GENTLEMEN : It is my painful duty to lay the inclosed commu nications before your honorable body. They will give you the par ticulars of the horrible massacre committed by the Cayuse Indians on the residents at Waiilatpu. This is one of the most distressing circumstances that has occurred in our territory, and one that calls for immediate and prompt action. I am aware that to meet this case funds will be required, and suggest the propriety of applying to the Hudson s Bay Company, and the merchants of this place, for a loan to carry out whatever plan you may fix upon. I have no doubt but the expense attending this affair will be promptly met by the United States government. The wives and children of the murdered persons, the Rev. Mr. Spalding and family, and all others who may be in the upper coun try, should at once be proffered assistance, and an escort to convey them to places of safety. I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your obedient servant, GEORGE ABERNETHY. While the hearts of the legislators were bursting with pain and indignation for the crime they were called upon to mourn, and perhaps to avenge, there was something almost farcical in the situation. Funds! Funds to prose cute a possible war! There was in the treasury of Oregon the sum of forty-three dollars and seventy-two cents, with an outstanding indebtedness of four thousand and seventy- nine dollars and seventy-four cents. Money! Money in deed! Where was money to come from in Oregon? The governor s first thought had been the Hudson s Bay Com pany. It was always the company the colonists thought of first when they were in trouble. But there might be some difficulty about a loan from that source. Had not the board of London managers warned the Oregon officers to avoid American securities, and "stick to their beaver skins?" And had not Dr. McLoughlin resigned from his position as head of the company in Oregon because the London board reproved him for assisting immigrants, and thereby encouraging the American occupation of the coun- THE GAYUSE WAR. 133 try? And now there was an Indian war impending, with onty these gentlemen who had been ordered to "stick to their beaver skins" to turn to. There were the merchants of Oregon City, to be sure a few hundred might be raised among them. And there was the Methodist mission the governor had not mentioned that but; well, they could try it! The first resolution offered after the reading of the doc uments submitted by the governor, was the following, by J. W. Nesrnith: "That the governor is hereby required to raise arms and equip a company of riflemen, not to exceed fifty men, with their captain and subaltern officers, and dispatch them forthwith to occupy the mission station at The Dalles on the Columbia river, and hold possession of the same until reinforcements can arrive at that point, or other means be taken as the government may think advisable," which resolution was adopted. A committee consisting of Nesmith, Rees, and Crawford was appointed to wait upon the governor, which reported the executive s answer, that he would "use his utmost endeavors;" and the house immediately adjourned to attend a public meeting. It was a day of wrath as well as of sorrow and appre hension. It hardly needed the stirring appeals of J. W. Nesmith, II. A. G. Lee, and Samuel K. Barlow, to encour age volunteering. A company of riflemen was enlisted at once, which was sworn in, and officered the following day. 5 "The names of this first company raised for the defense of Oregon from Indian warfare were : Samuel K. Barlow, Daniel P. Barnes, William Beekmaii, G. W. Bos- worth, William Berry, Benjamin Bratton, John Bolton, William M. Carpenter, Henry W. Coe, Stephen dimming, John C. Danford, C. H. Deifeudorf, Davia Everest, John Fleming, John Finuer, John G. Gibson, Jacob Johnson, Samuel A. Jackson, James Kester, John Lassater, H. A. G. Lee, John Lyttle, Henry Levalley, Joel McKee, J. H. McMillan, George Moore, Joseph Magone. Edward Marsh, J. W. Morgan, Nathan Olney, Joseph B. Procter, Thomas Purvis, Edward Robinson, John E. Ross, J. S. Rinearson, John Richardson, B. B. Rogers, C. W. Savage, S. W. Shannon, A. J. Thomas, O. F. Tapper, R. S. Tupper, Isaac Walgamoutts, Joel Witchey, George Wesley, George W. Weston. The officers elected by the company were: H. A. G. Lee, captain ; Joseph Magone, first lieutenant : John E. Ross, second lieutenant ; J. S. Rinearson, orderly sergeant; J. H. McMillan, first duty sergeant; C. W. Savage, second duty sergeant ; Stephen Gumming, third duty sergeant ; William Berry, fourth duty sergeant. 134 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. By noon of the ninth the company was equipped as well as, with the means at hand, it could be. Meanwhile, the ladies of Oregon City had not been idle, but, assembling at the "City hotel," presented the company with a flag, which was delivered into their hands by Mr. Nesmith, with words of eloquent meaning. The same afternoon the company departed for Vancouver, in boats, amid great excitement. The legislature also passed a bill on the ninth, author izing the governor to raise * a regiment of volunteers;" which on the tenth was returned with objections by the governor, amended and finally passed the same morning, in these words: Section 1. That the governor of Oregon territory be and is hereby authorized and required forthwith to issue his proclamation to the people of said territory to raise a regiment of riflemen by volunteer enlistment, not to exceed five hundred men, to be subject to the rules and articles of war of the United States army, and whose term of service shall expire at the end of ten months, unless sooner discharged by the proclamation of the governor. Section 2. That said regiment of volunteers shall rendezvous at Oregon City on the twenty-fifth day of December, A. D. 1847, and proceed thence with all possible dispatch to the Walla Walla valley for the purpose of punishing the Indians, to what tribe or tribes soever they may belong, who may have aided or abetted in the mas sacre of Dr. Marcus Whitman and his wife, and others at Waiilatpu, or to be otherwise employed as the governor may direct. Section 3. That the legislature of Oregon shall appoint one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major to officer said reg iment of volunteers when raised by the governor as provided for in the first section of this bill ; and, further, that the legislature also appoint a commissary-general, whose duty it shall be to keep a regular account of the disbursements of all the fund placed at his disposal, and faithfully perform all other duties pertaining to his office, and who shall perform the duties of quartermaster-general for the army. Section 4. Said regiment shall be organized into companies, to consist each of not more than one hundred or less than fifty men ; and each company shall elect their own officers, to wit: One captain, one first and one second lieutenant, one orderly sergeant, and four duty sergeants. Section 5. That Jesse Applegate, A. L. Lovejoy, and George L. Curry be and are hereby authorized and empowered to negotiate a THE GAYUSE WAR. 135 loan not to exceed one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this act ; and that said commissioners be and are authorized to pledge the faith of the territory for the pay ment of such sum as may be negotiated for by said commissioners, on the most practicable terms, payable within three years from date of said loan, unless sooner discharged by the government of the United States. Section 6. Said loan may be negotiated for gold and silver, or such goods as may be necessary for the use of the army ; provided, however, that the holder of such goods be required to deduct from the loan the value of the goods negotiated for, but remaining in his hands at the cessation of hostilities. No sooner was this bill passed than the loan commis sioners set out for Vancouver, accompanied by the govern or. The gentlemen at that place no doubt anticipated the visit, and had a knotty question to settle. To do, or not to do, what was required of them? To do it, might involve them with the company might indeed ruin the Oregon trade with the Indians, who could only hunt and trap when they were at peace. Should they furnish the means of destroying their own business, and take the risk of being cashiered? Not to do it, was to bring upon them selves the suspicion and hatred of the Americans then in the country, and to tempt them to make war upon the company, in which case the opinion of the world would be against them, for weighing beaver skins in the balance with the safety of a colony of their own race. But was the safety of the colony really involved? Might not Mr. Ogden in some way so adjust matters that war could be avoided, at least until the long expected troops of the United States should be in the field? An informal con versation was held on this subject immediately after the arrival of the commissioners at Vancouver, and on the next day they addressed the following letter to Mr. Douglas : FORT VANCOUVER, O. Ty., December 11, 1847. To James Douglas, Esq., Chief Factor of the Hudson s Bay Co.: SIR: By the enclosed documents you will perceive that the undersigned have been charged by the legislature of our provis- 136 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ional government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means necessary to arm, equip, and support in the field a force sufficient to obtain full satisfaction of the Cay use Indians for the late massacre at Waiilatpu, and protect the white population of our common country from further aggression. In furtherance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to make immediate application to the honorable Hudson s Bay Com pany for the requisite assistance. Tho clothed with power to pledge to the fullest extent the faith and means of the present government of Oregon, they do not consider this pledge the only security to those who, in this distressing emer gency, may extend to the people of this country the means of protec tion and redress. Without claiming any special authority from the government of the United States to contract a debt to be liquidated by that power, yet from all precedents of like character in the history our country, the undersigned feel confident that the United States government will regard the murder of the late Dr. Whitman and his lady as a national wrong, and will fully justify the people of Oregon in taking active measures to obtain redress for that outrage, and for their protection from further aggression. The right of self-defense is tacitly accorded to every body politic in the confederacy to which we claim to belong, and in every case similar to our own, within our knowledge, the general government has promptly assumed the payment of all liabilities growing out of the measures, taken by the constitutional authorities, to protect the lives and property of those residing within the limits of their dis tricts. If the citizens of the states and territories east of the Rocky mountains are justified in promptly acting in such emergencies, who are under the immediate protection of the general government, there appears no room to doubt that the lawful acts of the Oregon government will receive like approval. Should the temporary character of our government be considered by you sufficient ground to doubt its ability to redeem its pledge, and reasons growing out of its peculiar organization be deemed sufficient to prevent the recognition of its acts by the government of the United States, we feel it our duty, as private individuals, to inquire to what extent, and on what terms, advances may be had of the honorable Hudson s Bay Company to meet the wants of the force the authorities of Oregon deem it their duty to send into the field. With sentiments of the highest respect, allow us to subscribe ourselves, your most obedient servants, ( Signed ). JESSE APPLEGATE, A. L. LOVEJOY, GEO. L. CURRY. THE GAYUSE WAR, 137 The tone of this communication, which argued in its own defense, before it was questioned, clearly shows that a negative answer was apprehended. Applegate, who had been made chairman of the commission on account, as much of his friendship for and high standing with the officers of the Hudson s Bay Company as his acknowl edged abilities and patriotism, was sufficiently well ac quainted with the internal conditions of the company not to be greatly disappointed at receiving the reply of the chief factor. FORT VANCOUVER, December 11, 1847. To Jesse Applegate, A. L. Lovejoy, and George L. Curry, Esquires: GENTLEMEN : I have the honor of your communication of this date, and have given an attentive perusal to the documents accom panying it. With a deep feeling of the importance of the object which has procured me the honor of your present visit, and the necessity of the measures contemplated for the punishment of the Cay use Indians, and for the future protection of the country, I can on the present occasion only repeat the assurance verbally given in our conversation of yesterday, that I have no authority to grant loans or make any advances whatsoever on account of the Hudson s Bay Company, my orders on that point being so positive that I can not deviate from them without assuming a degree of responsibility which no circumstances could justify to my own mind. It is, how ever, within the spirit and letter of my instructions from the Hudson s Bay Company, to exert their whole power and influence in main taining the peace of the country, and in protecting the white popu lation from Indian outrage. The force equipped and dispatched at their sole expense, to Walla Walla, under the command of Mr. Ogden, immediately on receiving the intelligence of the disastrous event at Waiilatpu, is an earnest of our attention to the calls of humanity. The object of that expedition is, with the blessing of God, to prevent further aggression, to rescue the women and chil dren who survived the massacre from the hands of the Indians, and to restore them to their afflicted friends. Trusting that these objects may be successfully accomplished, I have the honor, etc., JAMES DOUGLAS, Chief Factor Hudson s Bay Company. For this attitude of the Hudson s Bay Company the commissioners were not unprepared, and had already re solved upon their course of action. Governor Abernethy, 138 . INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Jesse Applegate, and A. L. Lovejoy became personally responsible for such supplies as were necessary to furnish and forward to The Dalles, the company of Oregon rifle men already on the way. The amount of credit thus obtained was within a few cents of one thousand dollars. Thus the commissioners set the example of self-sacrifice and devotion to country. Before leaving Vancouver, Governor Abernethy issued his first general -order to Captain Lee, of the volunteer company on its way to The Dalles, in language as fol lows : FORT VANCOUVER, llth December, 1847. SIR : On receipt of this you will with all dispatch proceed with the company under your command to The Dalles, on the Columbia river, and occupy the mission station there until otherwise ordered. As the Indians in that neighborhood are friendly to the whites, you will see that their property and persons are not molested, at the same time keeping them at a distance, not permitting them to crowd into the camp. If they have any business in the camp, as soon as this business is disposed of, see that they are gently con ducted outside. If you hear of any property in the neighborhood that has been stolen from the immigration, endeavor to get it into your charge, keeping an exact account of all property thus obtained. I remain, sir, yours truly, GEO. ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon Territo^. To Capt. H. A. G. Lee, First Company, Oregon Riflemen. Returning immediately to Oregon City, the commission ers called a meeting, and addressed a circular to the "merchants and citizens" of Oregon, which differed from the letter to Mr. Douglas only in the concluding para graphs, which were couched in these words: Though the Indians of the Columbia have committed a great outrage upon our fellow-citizens passing through their country, and residing among them, and their punishment for these murders may, and ought to be, a prime object with every citizen of Oregon, yet, as that duty more particularly devolves upon tjie government of the United States, and admits of delay, we do not make this the strongest ground upon which to found our earnest appeal to you for THE CAYUSE WAR. 139 pecuniary assistance. It is a fact well known to every person acquainted with Indian character, that, by passing silently over their repeated thefts, robberies, and murders of our fellow-citizens, they have been emboldened to the commission of the appalling massacre at Waiilatpu. They call us "women," destitute of the hearts and courage of men, and if we allow this wholesale murder to pass by, as former aggressions, who can tell how long either life or property will be secure in any part of this country, or at what? moment the Willamette will be the scene of blood and carnage ? The officers of our provisional government have nobly performed their duty. None can doubt the readiness of the patriotic sons of the wesi to offer their personal services in defense of a cause so righteous. So it rests with you, gentlemen, to say whether our rights and our firesides shall be defended or not. Hoping that none will be found to falter in so high and so sacred a duty, we beg leave, gentlemen, to subscribe ourselves your servants and fellow-citizens. Then follow the names. A letter similar to the foregoing appeals was addressed to Rev. William Roberts, superintendent of the Oregon mission (Methodist). On the fourteenth of December tin* commissioners reported as follows to the legislature: To the Honorable Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory : The undersigned commissioners appointed by your honorable body for the purpose of negotiating a loan to carry into effect the provisions of an act to authorize the governor to raise a regiment of volunteers, etc., have the honor to inform you that, fully realizing the heavy responsibilities attached to this situation, and the pecu liarly difficult nature of their duties, they at once determined to act with promptness and energy, and to leave no honorable effort untried that might have a tendency to a successful termination of this undertaking. They accordingly proceeded to Fort Vancouver on the tenth instant, and there addressed a communication to James Douglas, chief factor of the Hudson s Bay Company, a copy of which (marked A) will be found among the accompanying docu ments. The commissioners had anticipated the unfavorable reply of Mr. Douglas, as agent of the Hudson s Bay Company, and its only effect was to heighten their zeal and to occasion them stronger hopes of a more satisfactory reliance upon the citizens generally of our common country. However, two of the commissioners, with the governor, became responsible for the amount of the outfit for the first regiment of Oregon riflemen, being nine hundred and ninety-nine dollars. Not at all disheartened by the unsuccessful 140 TNDTAN WAILS OF OREGON. issue of their mission, the commissioners returned to this city on the thirteenth instant, and at once entered into negotiations, the revelation of which herewith follows. It will be seen, by document marked C, the commissioners, through a public meeting held at Oregon City on the night of the thirteenth instant, addressed the merchants and citizens of Oregon, at which meeting, from citizens general^, a loan of about one thousand dollars was effected. Document marked D will show the correspondence on the part of the commissioners with Rev. Mr. Roberts, superintendent of the Oregon mission. The negotiations are not yet concluded entirely, yet the commissioners feel safe in reporting a loan from this source of one thousand dollars. The commissioners are happy to state that they have succeeded in negotiating a loan of one thousand six hundred dollars from the merchants of Oregon City, with, perhaps, a likelihood of further advance. The commissioners feel well assured, from the interest manifested by our fellow-citizens in the matter, and prompt action they have proposed to take in several counties in the territory to assist the commissioners in the successful discharge of their duties, that the government will ultimately succeed in negotiating an amount adequate to the present emergency of affairs. The commis sioners would beg your honorable body, with as little delay as possible, to appoint appraisers, whose duty it shall be to set a cash value upon produce and other property, which may be converted into means to assist the government in its present operations. Therefore, gentlemen, as we believe we can no longer be useful to our fellow-citizens as a board, we hope to be permitted to resign our trust into the hands of the proper accounting officers of this govern ment. JESSE APPLEGATE. A. Li. LOVEJOY. GEO. L. CURRY. The resignation of the first board of loan commissioners was accepted, and a resolution of thanks adopted by the leg islature. A second board was appointed on the twentieth, consisting of A. L. Lovejoy, Hugh Burns, and W. H. Will- son, who remained in office until the close of the war. Equipping a regiment for ten months in the field, with a credit of less than five thousand dollars, but a small part of which was in cash, was what the Oregon colonists were now committed to. The loans, excepting the minimum of money, were drawn on wheat ( the currency of the country ), provisions of all kinds, arms, ammunition, leather, cloth- THE CAYUSE WAR. 141 ing, and whatever thing could be converted to use in the commissary and quartermaster s department. A system of small loans, obtained by solicitors who gave government bonds for what they received at prices fixed by govern ment appraisers, was the means next resorted to by the legislature for providing the sinews of war. It was an ex pensive method, but unavoidable, nor did the people shrink from contributing in this manner of their substance to support the army of defense which was to save the re. mainder of their property and their lives from destruction. Appraisers were appointed in every county and settlement who valued every article obtained, from a horse to a pound of lead, a bridle or a trail-rope, of which some examples will be given hereafter. On the tenth of December, before visiting Vancouver, Mr. Applegate addressed a communication to the legisla ture, urging the necessity of immediately dispatching a messenger to Washington to acquaint the government of the United States with the condition of the Oregon colony, and to ask assistance. His argument was that such a measure would inspire the capitalists of Oregon to make advances, and encourage enlistment. This letter of Mr. Applegate s has reference to the dis turbed political condition of the colony, owing to a strife between the missionary element, which had hitherto con trolled affairs, and the then more numerous settler popu lation, each being desirious of securing certain objects, and certain offices, whenever the federal government should see fit to establish a territory on the Pacific coast. Governor Abernethy, the head of the mission party, had in October, privately dispatched J. Quinn Thornton to Washington to look after the interests of his party, which action, when it became known, had inspired the mass of the people, not adherents of the missionary faction with a rancor not before felt, and which influenced the tone of the legislature. Aware of all this, Mr. Applegate, in rec- 142 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. oramending the sending of a messenger to congress, ad monished the legislature to restrict the bearer of dispatches to the federal government from carrying any communica tion whatever other than those intrusted to his charge by that body, or official documents from the executive. "That such restriction is necessary," he wrote, "must be evident to your honors, when you take into consideration that in order to unite the whole population of Oregon with you in the vigorous prosecution of this just war, and to encourage capitalists to advance means to meet its immediate expenses, the measures furthering this object should be kept entirely separate and distinct from all civil measures and partisan feelings." The same day Mr. Nesmith offered, and the legislature adopted, the following resolution : " Resolved, That in view of our critical situation with the powerful tribes of In dians inhabiting the banks of the Columbia, and with whom we are actually in a state of hostilities, it is the duty of this legislature to dispatch a special messenger, as soon as practicable, to Washington City, for the purpose of securing the immediate influence and protection of the United States government in our internal affairs," a copy of which was furnished to the loan commissioners, with what effect we have seen. A day or two later, Mr. Nesmith introduced a bill pro viding for sending a special messenger to the United States, which the legislature passed on the fifteenth, and one of their own number Joseph L. Meek, a fearless and talented, if illiterate, mountain man, w r as selected to be the bearer of dispatches to the president of the United States and a memorial to congress. The memorial, prepared by a committee appointed by the legislature, contained these pathetic passages: "Hav ing called upon the government of the United States so often in vain, we have almost despaired of receiving its protection. * * We have the right to expect your aid and you are in duty bound to extend it. For though we THE CAYUSE WAR. 143 are separated from our native land by a range of moun tains whose lofty altitudes are mantled in eternal snows; although three thousand miles, nearly two-thirds of which is a howling wild, lie between us and the federal capital, yet our hearts are unalienated from the land of our birth. Our love for the free and noble institutions under which it was our fortune to be born and nurtured, remains un abated. In short, we are Americans still, residing in a country over which the government of the United States has the sole and acknowledged right of sovereignty; and under such circumstances we have the right to claim the benefit of its laws and protection." The bill providing for a messenger authorized him to proceed with all dispatch, by way of California, to Wash ington City, and lay before the executive of the United States such official communications as he should be charged with. It required him to take an oath faithfully to perform his duties to the best of his ability, but left him to be compensated by the government of the United States; authorizing him to borrow, if he could, on the faith of the Oregon government, five hundred dollars for his expenses, and requiring him to give bonds in a thousand dollars for the faithful execution of his trust. The borrowing of five hundred dollars for this purpose, in addition to the amounts secured by the loan commis sioners, was a task nearly as great as that of conveying the official documents to their destination, as may be learned from references to Meek s efforts in letters found in the Oregon archives. It was a task requiring time and industry, and often failed to bear the hoped-for fruit. Meek s credentials from the governor were contained in this brief letter of introduction: OREGON CITY, December 28, 1847. To His Excellency, James 1C. Polk, President of the United States: SIR: The bearer, Joseph L. Meek, Esq., has been appointed by the legislature of Oregon territory, special messenger to carry dis- 144 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. patches to Washington City. This journey will be an arduous one, and I would recommend him to the favorable notice of your excel lency. I have the honor to be, etc., GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon. Meek, like most of the men at this time in Oregon, was in the prime of life, and had a young family to provide for. He could not start at once on a journey of several thousand miles, leaving nothing for them arid taking nothing himself. Neither did he agree with the governor as to the route best to be pursued, Abernethy wishing him to go to California, with dispatches for Governor Mason, and thence east; but the experienced mountain man was a better judge of the business before him than the executive, and chose to accompany the volunteers to the seat of war, and to take the immigrant route, which he had been one of the first to travel, as an immigrant, and which led through a country with which he was familiar. This decision, owing to various impediments in the way of the army, retarded his movements, until the patience of the executive was exhausted, as we shall see hereafter. On the twenty-fifth of December, after a secret session of the legislature to confer with the governor, there was issued the following proclamation : In consequence of the low state of the finances of this country, and the general impression being that the Indians of the upper country were not united, a small force was thought sufficient to proceed to Walla Walla to punish the Cayuse Indians, and a proc lamation was issued by me asking for one hundred men, since which information has been received here which leads to the belief that the Indians have united, and the force ordered out in that case being insufficient, I therefore call on the citizens of the territory to furnish five hundred men, and appoint the following persons brevet captains to enroll such citizens as may wish to enlist, viz., Wesley Shannon, John Ford, and Thomas McKay, Champoeg county; John Owens, Wm. Williams, and John Stewart, Polk county; Philip Thompson, George Nelson, and Felix Scott, Yamhill county; Isaac W. Smith, and Benjamin Q,. Tucker, Tualatin county; James Officer, Clack- THE CAYUSE WAR. 145 amas county. The enlistments to.be for six months, unless sooner discharged by proclamation. Each man will furnish his own horse, arms, clothing, and blankets. The companies will bring all the ammunition, percussion caps, and camp equipage they can, for which they will receive a receipt from the commissary -general. Colonel Cornelius Gilliam will remain at Oregon City until the first companies arrive at Port land, when he will take command, and proceed forthwith to Walla Walla. Lieutenant-Colonel James Waters will remain until the rear companies arrive at or near Portland, when he will take com mand and proceed to Walla Walla. Companies will rendezvous at Portland, or opposite Portland on or before the eighth day of January, 1848. Whenever a sufficient number of volunteers arrive on the ground at Portland they will organize and proceed to elect their officers, viz., one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one orderly sergeant, and four duty sergeants. Companies will consist of eighty-five men, rank and file. If any company should be formed in the counties smaller or larger, they will be regulated after they arrive on the ground. As the commissary-general will not be able to furnish a sufficient quantity of provisions for the army, the citizens of the territory are called on to deliver to his agents all the provisions they can, that the operations of the troops may not be impeded for want of pro visions. Agents will be appointed by him at Salem, Yamhill Ferry, Champoeg, Butte, and Portland. Tn witness whereof, I have signed my name and affixed the seal of the territory at Oregon City, this twenty-fifth day of December, 1847. GEORGE ABERNETHY. Two days later A. L. Lovejoy was elected by the legis lature to the office of adjutant-general, and Commissary- General Palmer was made also superintendent of Indian affairs. While Meek was making haste slowly, in the matter of carrying dispatches to Washington, Governor Abernethy prepared .to execute, or cause to be executed, his purpose of sending an express to California. The legislature had passed resolutions requiring first, the drafting of a letter to the American consul at the Sandwich Islands, "representing our affairs, and imploring any assistance which he may be able to render" the com- 10 146 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. mittee consisting of Nesmith, Rice, and Rector; second, the commander-in-chief of the naval and land forces in California was " requested to furnish us all the assistance in his power, not inconsistent with his instructions, or his duty to his country;" and, third, that a copy of the pre ceding resolution should be sent to the commander-in- chief in California. On the twenty-seventh of January, the governor for warded to Jesse Applegate these documents, with a letter instructing him if he could not go on this mission, to em ploy some other person. The following is the governor s letter: OREGON CITY, January 25, 1848. DEAR SIR : As Mr. J. L. Meek is still at The Dalles, and does not intend going to California, Rev. H. H. Spalding proposed ad vancing a sum not exceeding five hundred dollars, to be paid at Vancouver any time after March twentieth next, for the purpose of sending a messenger with dispatches to California. I immediately proposed you as the man, and as the Vancouver funds will just answer your purpose, and can at the same time render essential ser vice to this country by informing the proper authorities of California of our situation, I see nothing in the way to prevent your immediate departure. If you conclude to go, let me know how much you will require to fit out the mission. If a government vessel comes up soon you can return on her. I received a letter from Major Lee last Sunday, in which he in forms me briefly, he has had a skirmish with the Indians who were running off the cattle. Some of our men went to bring them back, not seeing but two or three Indians ; but twenty-five of them were hidden among the hills and rocks. Fortunately, more men were sent out, when a fire was opened upon them, and a running fight took place. One of our party was wounded in the leg. It was thought some of the Indians were killed, as two horses saddled were left on the field. Soon after this, our own men being out on an ex pedition, brought in about sixty horses, so this puts the party on horseback. Thus you see the war is opening, and the Indians are uniting against the Americans. You cannot set forth in too strong a light the absolute necessity of a man-of-war being sent forthwith. We see that the Indians look on the Hudson s Bay Company as friends ; on the Americans as enemies; Catholics remain unharmed among them; Protestants are murdered. Why that is so I cannot say; but that it is so, we all know. Mr. Spalding says that the Indians say that THE CAYUSE WAR. 147 no American or Protestant shall live among them. They know they murdered both Americans and Protestants. I should like to see you before you start, but this would be wasting time. This package contains letters and papers for Commodore Shubrick and Governor Mason. I have not time to write any more, but hope to learn in a few days that you have left, and I hope you will succeed in inducing a man-of-war to visit us. Should you need a small sum in advance, you can draw on me, and 1 will draw on Mr. Spalding for the amount. Remember you will be going south and getting into a warmer climate. I remain yours truly, GEO. ABEBNETHY, Governor of Oregon. To Jesse Applegate. No man in the colony was more capable in every way of undertaking such a mission than Mr. Applegate. United to physical strength were the scientific attainments of a practical surveyor, the culture of a man of letters, and the bearing to make him respected by men of affairs. Although belonging to the settlers party in politics, his patriotism overtopped all partisan feeling, and he bent every energy to accomplish the common good. Abernethy could not have selected more wisely a bearer of dispatches of such importance. Having accepted the trust, he set about his preparations 6 without loss of time. We find him writing to General Palmer, February second, " The party from the institute (Salem) with our blankets have not arrived, but we start in the morning, blankets or not." How much he had the country s interest at heart is revealed in the clos ing paragraph of the same letter: "I intended before my departure to have written at length to you on the subject of the treaty with the Indians, but time presses, and the hurry of departure, and the anxiety I feel in regard of my private business and the safety of my wife and family, unfits my mind for calm investigation. Of one thing rest assured, that I have the strongest faith in your devotion to the cause of our country, your sound sense, and cool judg ment; and whether you are successful or not, I, for one at 6 James M. Fulkerson was the assistant commissary in Polk county, who made the purchases for the California expedition. He received his appointment through Ap plegate. 148 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. least, will consider you deserving of success." Also, "I have written to Newell on the subject of the Indian war. Perhaps you will see the letter." The expedition consisted of sixteen men, namely, Levi Scott, captain of the escort, Jesse Applegate, bearer of dis patches, James M. Fields, John Minto, Walter Monteith, Thomas Monteith, James Lemon, William Gilliam, George F. Kibbler, A. E. Robinson, J. M. Scott, William J. J. Scott, Solomon Tetherow, Joseph Waldo, James Campbell, and E. C. Dice. 7 The attempt to carry an express to California in mid winter, was a hazardous one even for a party composed of mountain men, trained to overcome the vicissitudes of travel at all seasons. Scott and Tetherow were men of a large experience, but the others were chiefly young men, new to the frontier, and although brave to meet dangers to which they were accustomed, unfit to encounter the terrors of the wilderness in its most repellant mood. There were at this date no settlements south of Lane county. The whole country was soaked with rains, except at an elevation great enough to turn the rain to snow. The route to California lay through that region roamed over by the Molallas, Klamaths, Rogue River, and Shasta Indians, making it necessary to stand guard at night to prevent their horses being stolen. But the party refused to regard themselves as "martyrs to their country s cause," and took enjoyment from spying out the land which was to flow with milk and honey for their descendants if not for themselves. "Around the evening camp-fire," says John Minto, "we listened to the sage utterances of our chief, whose dis courses on political and natural science were a valued en tertainment, varying this with the songs of Tom Moore, sung by Fields and myself, and echoed in the hearts of "Applegate and Minto give only sixteen names, while the muster roll gives eighteen. Minto says that he went as a substitute for Evans ; and others may have failed after enlisting. John W. Owens, mentioned by Applegate, went with the army to Waiilatpu, and there joined Meek s expedition. THE CAYUSE WAR. 149 all for who has written songs like the Irish bard?" Two weeks were spent in reaching the foot of the Siski- you range of mountains; and here defeat if not worse was presented to them. It was evident that the horses could not be taken over the extraordinary depth of snow between Rogue river valley and Klamath lake. The situation now became one of extreme gravitv. From a letter addressed by Mr. Applegate to the writer of these pages, the follow ing extracts are made, as an interesting contribution to the history of this period: To give up the expedition and return without further effort was not to be thought of. Abandon the horses and outfit, and continue the journey on foot we could not, for many of the party were un equal to so laborious an undertaking ; arid to attempt to take them with us would so delay the party as to cause us all to starve together, thereby defeating the purpose of the expedition. It was urged that half our number, or even ten would be too small a party to stand guard on the march, unless Scott and his son John were with them. I believe it possible, with Tetherow, the two Scotts, and the two Mouteiths, to run the gauntlet of the Indians, over come the natural obstacles, and some one of the six reach Sutter s Fort ; and if thereby we saved Oregon from the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savage, the survivors, if any, would deserve well of their country, and those who fell would die in the perform ance of a high, holy, and patriotic duty. But I could not have these chosen companions. When a division of the company was effected, the two Scotts, Waldo, Campbell, Dice, Kibbler, and ( I think ) Owens, were to return with the horses. Tetherow, .the two Monteiths, Lemon, Minto, Robinson, Fields, and myself were to continue on foot. The only thing known by any of the party about snowshoes was that I had once seen a pair used by the northern Indians for going on loose snow. We aimed to imitate these shoes, but could get nothing in the vicinity of our camp better than willow for the bows; nor for weaving the meshes than strings cut from old rawhide, which on trial were found altogether too weak to sustain our weight upon the snow. Each man had a pack of ten days provisions of flour and bacon, some salt, ammunition, a blanket, a pair of extra socks, a heavy rifle and a pistol, all of the weight of fifty pounds the packs being carried on our backs. * * * At length all were ready, and I led the way as guide. Our route lay up Jennie creek, about a mile north of the present road to the lake country. Through all that long day, as often as I looked behind me to see what progress my companions were making, I never once 150 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. saw them all at the same time ; some were slowly aud painfully making their way, others with only a head or leg above the snow, and others entirely hidden under it. Ludicrous as the accidents sometimes were, the situation was far too serious for laughter or even conversation; it was a funeral procession where each mourner expected himself to be a corpse. The February sun shone bright through the day and softened the snow on top ; but as night approached it became intensely cold. A clump of dead aspens furnished us firewood, and a huge Lambert pine broke away a little of the keenness of the wind from our camp ; but it was too cold to sleep in our single blankets ; and around that stick fire were discussed subjects the gravest that it ever falls to the lot of man to consider. The last to arrive in camp was James Fields. He w r as a large, rather fleshy man, weighing over two hundred pounds. He carried an extra heavy pack and rifle, so that his snowshoes had to sustain a weight of about three hundred pounds. As soon as the duties of the camp were completed, Mr. Fields addressed the expedition to the following effect: "It is my painful duty, gentlemen, to an nounce that I can accompany you no further on this expedition. It has been only by the assistance I have received from others, and the fortunate crusting of the trail this evening that I am able to camp with you tonight, not two miles from the place of starting. It is impossible for me to accomplish the remaining twenty miles of snow that we know lies before us on this mountain. I regret that I volunteered upon this walking expedition, not so much because of the loss of my own life, as that by overrating my ability to perform it I occupy the place of some better man, where men are already too few. Before I joined this expedition in the Walla- met valley I fully understood the gravity of the undertaking. Against the performance of so great an object I weighed my own life as nothing ; in fact, if one only of the party should reach the end of the journey, and the rest fell by the way, the object of the expedition would be cheaply obtained. My loss will, I know, in crease your dangers and hardships ; but I yield to inexorable cir cumstances. I will get off the snow in the morning while the trail is hard, and take my chances alone with famine and the savages. I am not so pusillanimous as to die in this camp, or throw my life away without an effort." This speech was received in profound silence. No man ventured to express what was in his heart, lest he should be alone. When the silence was broken, Tetherow alone remained firm to the expe dition. With him alone, brave, strong, and powerful as I knew him to be, I felt success was impossible. We should be not only throwing away our lives uselessly in the attempt, but the lives of the young men with us, who were as helpless to go back without us as we to go forward without them. A vote was then taken on two THE CAYUSE WAR. 151 propositions first, to leave Mr. Fields to his fate and proceed, Fields voting "aye" and the others "no;" second, to divide the party equally and go on, Fields voting " no " with the rest, because he believed a division of the party would cause the destruction of both parts. * I shall always honor Fields as the most de voted and illustrious patriot I have ever met. The party turned back the following morning, and by forced marches overtook the mounted division in a couple of days, returning with them to their homes, and all hope of land communication with California was abandoned. The only vessel leaving the Columbia river during the winter was the English bark Janet, bound to the Sand wich Islands, nor was there any American vessel in the river before March. The colonists were left, really as rhe torically, to fight their own battles. How they performed this duty will be seen in the following chapters. CHAPTER VII. ELECTION OF ARMY OFFICERS BY THE LEGISLATURE APPOINTMENT BY THE GOVERNOR OF A PEACE COMMISSION ITS OBJECT THE SALE OF FIREARMS TO THE INDIANS PROHIBITED ATTITUDE OF THE SETTLERS TOAVARDS THE INDIANS FEELING TO WARDS THE HUDSON S BAY COMPANY COMPLAINT AGAINST OUDEN ATTITUDE OF THE DALLES INDIANS FORT GILLIAM FIRST SKIRMISH WITH THE ENEMY CON DITION OF PUBLIC SENTIMENT COLONEL GILLIAM S HOSTILITY TO THE FUR COMPANY LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS REPLY OF GOVERNOR ABERNETHY DEPARTURE FOR THE SEAT OF WAR GENERAL ORDERS THE COMMISSARY-GENERAL AND PEACE COMMISSIONER AT FORT GILLIAM ARRIVAL AT THE DALLES GILLIAM DISPLEASED ORDERS THE ARMY FORWARD THE CAYUSES ATTACK, AND OPPOSE THE CROSSING OF THE UMATILLA ARRIVAL AT WAIILATPU AVOIDANCE OF THE INDIANS BY THE COMMANDER DEPARTUPvE OF MEEK S PARTY FOR WASHINGTON A COUNCIL HELD WITH THE INDIANS BATTLE OF THE TOUCHET DEATH OF GILLIAM PROMOTION OF LEE TO THE COMMAND or THE ARMY. IT is time now to turn to the military operations of the Oregon government. Among the doings of the legislature which referred to its attitude towards the Cayuses, after authorizing the governor to raise a regiment of volunteers, was the election hy that body of regimental officers, which resulted in making Cornelius Gilliam, colonel-command ant; James Waters, lieutenant-colonel; H. A G. Lee, major, and Joel Palmer, commissary-general. On the same day, December fourteenth, and before the letter of Bishop Blan- chet had been written, recommending to the governor this identical course (which bad first been suggested by the Nez Perces), a resolution was passed "that a delegation of three persons be appointed by this house to proceed imme diately to Walla Walla, and hold a council with the chiefs and principal men of the various tribes on the Columbia, to prevent, if possible, the coalition with the Cay use tribe in the present difficulties." The appointment of these com missioners was, however, left to the governor, who named Joel Palmer, Robert Newell, and Major H. A. G. Lee, than whom no more competent men for this duty could have been selected among the Americans, and much was hoped from their sagacious handling of the Indian intelligence. (152) THE GAYUSE WAR. 153 It will be remembered that the prisoners in the hands of the Cayuses were not liberated until the last of Decem ber, and did not arrive until the tenth of January. Pre vious to this date all that was known of events in the upper country was what had been communicated in Mr. McBean s letter of November thirtieth, and although the determination to punish the murderers was firmly fixed in the public mind, it was not thought wise to make any warlike movement to excite the Columbia river Indians, but only to send one company to The Dalles to preserve the property of the mission at that place, and prevent the loss of immigrant property left there in charge of certain friendly Indians to await the opening of spring, when it could be removed to the Wallaraet valley. The appoint ing of peace commissioners was a measure resorted to with the purpose to disabuse the Indian mind of any prejudice against the Americans which the Cayuses were supposed to be laboring to create; and also, to prevent any coalition between the Indians east of the mountains and those still resident in the Wallamet, for there was much alarm felt among the settlers in remote sections, who watched every movement of their dusky neighbors with suspicion, and often with terror. Many of the children of pioneers still revert with horror to nights when they feared to go to sleep, and when the father of the household kept watch beside his arms, not knowing but their safety depended on his sleeplessness. The Indians took advantage of this state of things to exhibit unusual insolence, and even to make threats and circulate terrifying rumors. The object of a peace commission was to defeat any attempts to continue these mischievous influences and prevent their becoming actual hostilities. The legislature also passed an act prohibiting the sale of firearms and ammunition to the Indians. (This act was modified by the legislature of 1849 as unjust to a peo ple which lived by the chase, and whose sustenance was being cut off by the spoilations of the superior race.) 154 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. There is nothing more convincingly apparent in the conduct of the early settlers of Oregon than that they were not wilfully cruel to the natives If there were race wars, it was not because one race sought to exterminate the other from unreasoning hatred, but from that incom patibility of interests which always exists between savage and civilized men. The iron wheel of progress never stops because the weaker is being crushed by it; it only presses on, while the strong grows stronger by mere force of circumstances, and without obvious intention. Thus while Americans of European descent struggled with and overcame nearly insurmountable difficulties on the north west coast, the more numerous but inferior children of the soil perished because of them, but not by their design. The Indians themselves perceived, in a blind sort of way, the hand of destiny, and often prophesied that they should all be dead before they enjoyed even the doubtful benefits of adoption by the United States government "and then what good will blankets do us?" they asked. The more intelligent of the Americans realized that a general Indian war meant to them infinite horrors, and to the Indians ultimate extermination, and that the best interests of both would be subserved by peace. The Hud son s bay officers had every motive to desire peace that the Americans had, and the additional one, that war would destroy the company s business. They believed that the terrible event which brought on the crisis might have and should have been avoided by the missionaries; and that the sacrifice of a few individual interests should not have weighed against the welfare or safety of the whole American population in the country. The expres sion, though carefully guarded, of this sentiment, caused in many minds a feeling of bitter resentment against the company, and coupled with the company s refusal to furnish means to carry on the war, led many of the un thinking and the prejudiced to believe that the extermi nation of the Americans would have been agreeable to THE CAYUSE WAR. 155 the English corporation, from whom so many acts of neighborly kindness had been received. The company of forty-five men, under Captain H. A. G. Lee, had pushed forward to The Dalles immediately after receiving its outfit at Vancouver, in order to protect the property of the mission at that place, and to keep open a line of communication with the Walla Walla valley. In Lee s first letter to the governor, he made complaint that Mr. Ogden, in passing down with the captives, paid for the usual services of the Indians at that place with the customary few charges of powder and ball; but not to have done so would have been to give serious offense, and to have furnished an excuse for joining the Cay uses against all the white population in the country. 1 Lee wrote that the Indians about The Dalles appeared friendly, and to have committed no hostile acts except thefts of goods belonging to the immigrants, which, on the advent of an armed force, they hastened to restore, with professions of good will. Siletza, a Des Chutes chief, was, however, regarded as a suspect, although he does not appear to have deserved it; and Thomas, a Dalles Indian, entrusted with the guardian- 1 In his private correspondence with Lee, Governor Abernethy said : " I regret Mr. Ogden s course, paying powder and ball to the Indians": Oregon Archives, MS., 85H. That there was a disposition to criticise Ogden, on Lee s part appears from an other letter of the governor, in which he remarks : " Mr. Canfield, I believe it was, says yon are mistaken as to Mr. Ogden s remark, as he was present. He says Mr. Ogden meant our party of fifty men would be insufficient. He made no remarks down here calculated to stop the enterprise, in my presence": Oregon Archives, MS., SCO. In a letter to Dr. W. F. Tolmie, in charge of Fort Nisqually, Douglas in structed him as follows January eighteenth: "The legislature has passed a law prohibiting the sale of powder, lead, and caps to all Indians. I consider it a danger ous measure, which will excite the Indians more and more against the Americans ; they will starve without ammunition, and distress may drive them to dangerous courses. They will prey upon the settlements and slaughter cattle when they can no longer hunt the deer. Represent this to the Newmarket men. ( American set tlers at Tumwater on the south end of Puget Sound.) It is oppression, not kindness, that will drive the Indians to acts of hostility. Use all your influence to protect the Newmarket people, and tell them to be kind and civil to the Indians. Use your dis cretion about the powder and lead prohibition ; you need not enforce the law if it endangers the safety of the country. The Americans about this place are all ex claiming against it, and are serving out powder to the Indians themselves, to protect their stock. You ought, in my opinion, to get the fort enclosed immediately, and bastions put up at two of the corners. If your own people are not sufficient, hire hands to assist you ; the sooner that precaution is taken, the better." 156 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ship of the immigrant wagons and property left at Barlow s gate of the mountains, was also considered treacherous by Dr. Henry Saffarans, Indian agent at The Dalles by ap pointment of Governor Abernethy, but without apparent justification at this time, as he was retained in service by the volunteers, and proved a useful auxiliary. 2 But so shaken was the confidence of the white residents at The Dalles, in all Indians, that it could not be restored. Mr. Hinman, who it will be remembered accompanied McBean s messenger to Fort Vancouver, returned with Ogden to The Dalles for his family, whom he was advised to remove, until peace was restored, to the Wallamet. On their way down the river, Saffarans, being behind him, was alarmed by seeing a fleet of canoes approaching, and Hinman also mistaking Lee s company for Indians, fled into the woods. SafFarans, however, subsequently returned to The Dalles, and resumed his duties as agent, finding the Indians about his agency, either through fear or friend ship, more tractable than he expected. Before the army, which was congregating at Portland, could move up the river, it was necessary to establish a base of supplies at the cascades, and a few men were sent to that point by the commissary-general about the last of December to erect a storehouse, and possibly a block house. 4 The only structures he succeeded in erecting were some cabins at the upper landing, and these with the greatest difficulty. But the place was dignified by the name of Fort Gilliam, although the volunteers more often spoke of it as "The Cabins." The history of this little post in the heart of the great - His services were certified to by Captain Maxon, in order that he might collect pay. The certificate is dated April 26, 1852. 3 Gilliam wrote his wife he had a tedious time in Portland. He " had to be colo nel, major, adjutant, captain, sergeant, and everything else." 4 Says Abernethy in a letter to Lee, January first : " I think, if there is any pros pect of a general war with Indians, of building a blockhouse at the cascades, keep ing a small force there, and, if possible, mount one or two guns " : Oregon Archives, MS. 851. THE CAYUSE WAR. 157 Oregon Sierras became a most interesting one. It was here that the hardest struggle of the war was carried on not in fighting Indians, but in keeping the men in the field who had undertaken to do the fighting. In point of fact, the commissary department was charged with the principal burden of the war, and the title of "general" which Palmer acquired through being at the head of this department, might well have been bestowed upon him for his services in sustaining the organization of the army under conditions such as existed in Oregon in 1847-48. Without arms, without roads, without transportation, other than small boats and pack horses, without comfortable winter clothing and with scanty food, the war was to be carried on at a distance of nearly three hundred miles from the settlements. And if the volunteer soldiers were called upon to endure these hardships, which General Palmer was doing his best to overcome, the commissioned officers were no less embarrassed by the want of the most ordinary appliances of their rank or position even to the want of a proper field glass! Says Governor Aber- nethy in a letter to Lee, written January fifth, before Col onel Gilliam had started from the rendezvous: "Mr. McMillan has the spyglass and papers. He can tell you we are getting lots of pork, and some wheat. * * * Perhaps we can get some small cannon ; I hope so." Also, under the same date: "There is considerable ammuni tion in one of Mr. Whitcomb s wagons; but it would not do to overhaul any wagons out at the gate where they are, as the Indians might overhaul after you. This step is dis cretionary with you." 5 Lee, meanwhile, was finding out the temper of the Indians above The Dalles. On the eighth of January a 5 Oregon Archives, 859. Letters from various persons concerning affairs at Fort Gil liam, give graphic accounts of their condition. There is among the papers in the Oregon archives a receipt given by Lieutenant-Colonel James Waters, January 22, 1848, for " four pairs pants, two coats, seven pairs shoes, six cotton shirts, two flan nel shirts, one wool hat, three pairs socks, two comforters, four camp kettles, twenty- four tin cups, ten pounds tobacco, fifteen pounds flour. On the same paper is a memorandum : " Distributed for the use of the army at Fort Gilliam, January thir tieth, one pound of powder ; receipted for at Portland." 158 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. party of them was discovered gathering up the stock left by the immigrants at the mission with the apparent intention of driving it away. A detachment of seventeen men was ordered out, and Lee went in pursuit of the rob bers, when a running fight ensued which lasted two hours, in which Sergeant William Berry was wounded. Three Indians were killed, and one wounded. The marauders, twenty- three in number, were well mounted, while some of the volunteers were on foot. The advantage thus given the Indians enabled them to drive off the herd of three hundred cattle a serious loss in a country desti tute of provisions. During the skirmish the Indians repeatedly called out, "We are good Cay uses; come on, you Americans, and fight us ! " On the following morning a detachment going out to help in the Des Chutes chief, Siletza, who had been robbed for refusing to join the thieves, about one-third of whom were Cay uses, captured sixty Indian horses, regarded as a poor offset to three hundred beef cattle. As this act of hostility occurred immediately after Mr. Ogden with the captives passed The Dalles, it was no doubt undertaken by the Cay uses in retaliation for the apparent violation of the agreement made at the council in the Cayuse country, that commissioners should be sent up to treat for peace, and that during the interim no war measures should be adopted by either side. The presence of armed men at The Dalles, and the rumors of more expected, dissolved the compact, of which freedom the Cayuses hastened to take advantage. About this time Colonel Gilliam was enabled to make a start for The Dalles, with a single company, several others being on the way to the rendezvous in Portland. As Abernethy had written to Lee, it was a task to get several hundred men together, prepared to be absent from homes where they were needed, for a period of six months. The colonel of the first regiment of Oregon riflemen THE CAYUSE WAE. 159 was a man in the prime of life, of impulsive temper, brave, headstrong, but conscientious. An immigrant of 1844, he was deeply imbued with the "fifty-four-forty or fight" political ideas of the Polk presidential campaign, and still cherished radical sentiments in regard to the rights of the English occupants of the country. 6 He was, in short, of that order of men who fought and prayed with an equal degree of earnestness, the Oliver Crom wells of the frontier states, and was quite capable of believing the English fur company guilty of cherishing heinous designs towards the American colony. Just when public feeling was most sensitive, there had come to Oregon City the captives, with their wild conjec tures as to the cause of their fearful wrongs. Naturally, having a high respect and regard for Dr. Whitman and his calling as a missionary teacher, and feeling the deepest sorrow for his fate and that of Mrs. Whitman, they re called as "confirmation strong as proof of holy writ," every chance expression of sectarian aversion to, or sus picion of the Catholics which had been let fall in their hearing, and with Mr. Spalding s assistance, who had quickly forgotten his obligations to Rev. Brouillet, and the suggestions of other even more intolerant sectarians in the Wallamet, had convinced, themselves that religious bigotry had led the Catholics to instigate the crime of the massacre. One of the strongest proofs in their view, was that none of the Catholics about the mission, or in the Cayuse coun try, were included in the slaughter; entirely ignoring the 6 Cornelius Gilliam was forty-nine years of age, and by birth a North Carolinian, though he had removed to Missouri while still a child. In 1830 he was commissioned sheriff of Clay county in that state. He served in the Black Hawk Indian war, begun in 1832, and in the Seminole war in Florida in 1835. In the campaign of 18S7-8, under General Taylor, he served as captain of a company, and was captain in the state militia used to expel the Mormons from Missouri, being raised to a colonelcy for meritorious conduct. Soon after he was elected to the legislature from 1 Andrew county. In 1844 he led a large company of immigrants to Oregon. Having been ordained to the work of the ministry in the Freewill Baptist denomination, on set tling in Polk county, he organized a church in the Gage settlement on the North Luckiamute, and officiated as its minister. 160 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. fact that the war was against Americans only, and that, the Catholics were not only foreigners, but French-Cana dians, with whom the Indians had no quarrel whatever; and also overlooking the fact that all the help which had come to them in their distress, had been rendered by these same Catholic foreigners, whose only offense was that they knew the Indians well enough not to offend them by too open sympathy with their prisoners. To have provoked their resentment in this crisis, would have only had the effect to bring on a second massacre, in which none would have been spared. Again, the Hudson s Bay Company was denounced as Catholic, its employes being French-Canadians, and its former head, Dr. McLoughlin (who about this time had retired from the service to settle among the Americans at Oregon City), having been converted to Catholicism soon after the coming of Blanchet to Oregon. It counted as nothing against these prejudices that Mr. Douglas, Mc- Loughlin s successor, Mr. Ogden, Mr. McKinlay, Mr. Erma- tinger, and many other officers and clerks of the company were Protestants all were under condemnation. It is necessary to recall this condition of the public mind in Oregon at this time in order to make clear all that fol lowed. It should at the same time be remembered that the period at which the events here recorded occurred, was one of great religious feeling; that the average Christian of that day was pledged in his own conscience to be a bigot; and that the sensibilities of the Protestant world had been shocked only a few years before by the burning of bibles in New York City by Catholics. Under these circumstances and influences a large degree of intolerance was to be expected. It would be well to remember at the same time that one of the valued qualities of a strong man is to be a good hater. In this respect Colonel Gilliam and a number of the religious men in the country were un usually strong. The politics of the Methodist mission, of which Gov- THE GAYUSE WAR. 161 ernor Abernethy was financial agent, were decidedly anti- Hudsou s bay, as its religion was anti-Catholic. It hap pened then that when all the documents relating to the council with the Nez Perces, and Mr. Spalding s letter to the bishop of Walla Walla, in which he said, "My object in writing is principally to give information through you to the Cayuses that it is our wish to have peace; that we do not wish the Americans to come from below to avenge the wrong; we hope the Cayuses and Americans will be on friendly terms; that Americans will no more come in their country unless they wish it. As soon as these men return, I hope, if alive, to send them to the governor to prevent Americans from coming up to molest the Cayuses for what is done. * * * Our help, under God, is in your hands and in the hands of the Hudson s Bay Com pany " were given into the governor s hands by Mr. Og- den, he desired to suppress those portions of it which revealed the duplicity of the author, pardonable perhaps under the circumstances, but Mr. Ogden would not con sent, saying that if any part were to be published the whole must be, in justice to all concerned. This position of the Hudson s Bay Company for Og den was second in command at Vancouver though emi nently just, was offensive to the ultra anti-British and anti-Catholic party, and most of all to Colonel Gilliam, who before setting out for The Dalles, was said to have declared his intention of pulling down Fort Vancouver about the ears of its inmates. There is a humorous side to this effervescence of national dislike, namely, that many believed he could carry out this threat; and that the company believed that he would, or at least that he might attempt it; wherefore, under pre tense of being afraid of the Indians, it proceeded to strengthen its walls, and mount its unused ordnance. The following correspondence remains in evidence of how near the provisional government of Oregon was brought to a war with Great Britain: 11 162 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. FORT VANCOUVER, December 31, 1847. To Governor George Abernethy, Esq.: SIR : A rumor having been in circulation for some days past, that it is General Gilliam s intention to levy contributions on the Hudson s Bay Company s property, for the purpose of completing the equipment of the troops ordered out in your late proclamation for the intended operations against the Indians, I feel it my duty to communicate with you frankly on the subject, as it is most import ant in the present critical state of our Indian relations that there should be an entire absence of distrust, and that the most perfect unanimity should exist among the whites of every class. From my personal knowledge of General Gilliam, and his highly respectable character, I should be the last person to believe him capable of com mitting an outrage which may prove so disastrous in the immediate and remoter consequences to the peace and best interests of this country ; at the same time, as the representative of a powerful British association, it becomes my duty to take instant measures for the protection of their property, until I receive through you a distinct disavowal of any such intention as herein stated. Difficul ties of that nature were certainly not contemplated by us when we dispatched a large part of our effective force into the interior for the purpose of receiving the unfortunate women and children, the sur vivors of the massacre at Waiilatpu, who remained in the hands of the Indians. It was never supposed that our establishment would be exposed to insult or injury from American citizens, while we were braving the fury of the Indians for their protection. Such a proceeding would, in fact, be so inconsistent with every principle of honor and sound policy, that I cannot believe any attempt of the kind will be made ; but I trust this explanation will satisfactorily account for any unusual precaution observed in the present arrangement of this establishment. Trusting that this note will be observed at your earliest conven ience, I have the honor to be your most obedient servant, JAMES DOUGLAS, Chief Factor Hudson s Bay Company. To which letter Governor Abernethy replied : OREGON CITY, January 3, 1848. SIR : I received your favor of the thirty-first ultimo yesterday evening, and in answering it would thank you for your frankness in communicating with me on the subject. Having had conversa tion with Colonel Gilliam on this subject, he has no intention of levying contributions on the Hudson s Bay Company s property for any purpose whatever. He will probably cross the Columbia river at the mouth of the Sandy. I trust that nothing will occur THE CAYUSE WAR. 163 that will in any way cause distrust among the whites during this crisis. * * * I trust the disavowal in this letter will prove satis factory to you. GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon Territory. But the commander of the Oregon army did not cross at the Sandy. Starting with two hundred and twenty men he arrived at Vancouver the same day in company with Commissary-General Palmer, where together they pur chased, on their own credit, eight hundred dollars worth of goods necessary to complete the outfit of the companies. The men were mounted but had no pack horses, and the provisions were conveyed in boats, which, owing to their slow movements, delayed the progress of the troops. On arriving at the cascades a portage of several miles was nec essary to reach Fort Gilliam,and the ferry there established. The wind blowing through the gorge of the mountains made crossing to the Oregon side very difficult. A road from the lower to the upper end of the portage being a necessity in order to transport the cannon and other heavy material, .a company was left behind to open it. Colonel Gilliam was met at "The Cabins" by a dispatch from The Dalles with the news of Lee s first skirmish with the Indians, and hastened forward as rapidly as was pos sible, without waiting for the cannon, the commissary-gen eral, or the other peace commissioners. The orders issued to Colonel Gilliam, January 29, 1848, were contained in the following letter: SIR : I received dispatches from Major Lee, under date twentieth instant, in which he informs me that he had had a skirmish with a small party of Indians. On receipt of this you will select some of your best men and horses and scour the Des Chutes river country, if you have an idea that Indians hostile to the whites are in that neighborhood. It will require great caution on your part, as com- mander-in-chief in the field, to distinguish between friends and foes; but when you are certain they are enemies, let them know the Americans are not women. The nine-pounder has been forwarded to the cascades. If the Indians fort themselves it will be of great 164 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. service to you. You will make The Dalles headquarters until further orders. Companies are still being formed throughout the country, and will be forwarded on to join you at The Dalles as they come in. Perhaps the hostile Indians may come down to meet you. Give them liberty to get close as you think they will venture before you commence operations. If you think there is any danger of a party of Indians attacking Fort Gilliam at the cascades, send as many men to protect it as you think will be necessary. I remain, sir, you obedient servant, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon Territory and Commander-in-Chief. Col. C. Gilliam, First Regiment Oregon Riflemen, The Dalles. A little later the following letter and order were sent: DEAR SIR : As Lieutenant Ross leaves this morning, I send the enclosed order. I do not know your situation with regard to the Indians, and must leave the field at your discretion, to act as you think most advisable. My reasons for retaining you at The Dalles is that the companies now forming and expected next week may join you; that the commissioners may also join you, and that you may send word on to the Indians that no friendly tribes will be attacked; that all you want is the murderers, and a restitution of stolen property. If they will bring the murderers down to The Dalles, and agree to make restitution for the property stolen and destroyed, let them know that our operations will cease, provided they, the chiefs, enter into a treaty to protect American citizens passing through their country. This, in substance, you might say to the chiefs every opportunity. I hope you may succeed in bring ing this serious affair to a speedy, and to yourself, a praiseworthy end. I have full confidence that you will do all you can to protect friendly Indians. Keep a sharp lookout for Siletza without letting him know it. I remain yours, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon Territory. Col. C. Gilliam, First Regiment Oregon Riflemen. OREGON CITY, 3d February, 1848. SIR : I have appointed Major Lee and Robert Newell commis sioners to act with General Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs, for the purpose of settling the present difficulty with the Indians in the upper country. I have ordered them to hold a council with the field officers of the army to decide on the steps necessary to be taken, as there should be entire unity between the officers and the THE GAYUSE WAR. 165 commissioners. If you think it best to proceed at once with the main body of the army to Waiilatpu, do so ; selecting immediately on your arrival the best point, in your judgment, for erecting a fort. Grass, water, and wood will be the principal objects. The Indians have no cannon, and could not annoy a fort from a dis tance. Should the tribes combine and refuse to comply with the requisitions of the commissioners, I leave the field in your hands, respecting, however, the lives and property of all friendly Indians. I shall wait with much anxiety to hear from you, until when, I remain, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Col. C. Gilliam, Governor of Oregon Territory. First Regiment Oregon Riflemen. About the last of January, Colonel Gilliam led one hundred and thirty men, all that could be mounted and equipped, as far east as Des Chutes river, with the object of punishing those Indians who had driven off the immigrant cattle. Their village was believed to be on the high plain, about twenty miles above the Des Chutes crossing, on the east side, and Lee, who had received his commission as major, and taken the oath administered by Gilliam, was sent forward to discover it. The Indians had already discovered ihim, and were moving their families and property towards the mountains when overtaken. He threw his little force against them, one Indian being killed, and two (women) captured, with a number of horses. On returning to camp with the news, he was attacked while passing through a ravine by a mounted and well-armed force, which, firing upon him, compelled his men to dismount and seek shelter among rocks and bushes, where the detachment remained until dark, an noyed by avalanches of stones rolled down upon them, but sustaining no loss. On the day following the whole force went in pursuit of the enemy, which was found and attacked, losing several men killed, a large number of horses, a few cattle, and one thousand and four hundred dollars worth of stolen property which was found cached in the hills. Their village was destroyed, but the old people in it were spared. 166 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. The troops had one man wounded in the hip. Skirmish ing with the troops under Major Lee continued for several days, with a loss to the army of three men killed and one mortally wounded. 7 The Indians engaged were Des Chutes, John Days, and Cay uses. Edward, son of Tilou- kaikt, was among the latter, and received a wound. It is recorded by Palmer that the yelling of the troops so far exceeded that of the Indians, the latter were demoralized, and fled from the field. Yells were certainly cheaper than ammunition, if not so patent to diminish the enemy s force. Apropos of fighting material at this time, we find Wes ley Shannon, ordnance officer, writing on the twenty-sixth of January: "The regiment made a heavy draw toda.y before starting, in the ammunition line. I have issued about one thousand rounds today, which has taken nearly all the rifle powder and lead; percussion caps also very scarce. Out of fifteen thousand that I have receipted for, there are but five thousand left. The army will return in a few days, when, I have no doubt, there will be a demand for more ammunition than there is now in the ordnance office." When peace commissioner and Commissary -General Palmer, with Newell, arrived at Fort Gilliam they found many things to trouble them. The cannon that had ar rived at the lower cascades was still there. The boats above the falls were in bad condition ; there was need of a good portage, or a boat that could be run up the rapids, with a crew that could run it. "I believe," says Palmer, "that a system of smuggling has been carried on by those running the boats. Numbers of Jews come up as passen gers who are boarded by the boat s crew, select their own property and return with it, paying the captain of the boat in cash or otherwise. Frequently flour barrels are opened, The reports say William Stillwell, shot in the hip by arrow; "John, the Spaniard," also shot in the hip; McDonald, accidentally shot by the gnard. At The Dalles two guards, Jackson and Packwood, were decoyed from camp by Indians and killed. THE CAYUSE WAR. 167 a part of the contents taken out, and headed up again. This is all wrong. The crew should be selected, the name taken in the office, and none others should be allowed to come up unless by special contract, and then to supply themselves with provisions, blankets, etc. Very many are going up to attend to their own property, relying upon the provisions sent up to the troops for subsistence. This will not do. Hereafter captains will be required to take an oath faithfully to perform their duties and to render a strict account for their expenses." lS Thus, while the truly patriotic men of the country were straining every nerve to carry on a defensive war against nearly hopeless embar rassments, the meaner element found in every society had no scruple about increasing their burdens. Pursuing the subject, the commissary-general informs his aide that after all he has learned that it will "not be possible to get the Pettygrove boat above the falls," and he should endeavor to make some other arrangement until the two flatboats could be repaired, and calls for a few pounds of eight or ten-penny nails. 9 He also desires Wait to ask McKinlay to have constructed for him two clinker- built boats, the lumber to be sawed at Oregon City, and suitable persons sent with it to put it together; such per sons, he understood, were to be found at Champoeg the Canadian settlement. As to other matters at Fort Gilliam, Palmer found a crew of six men sent down by the colonel to bring up the cannon still lying at the lower cascades, the road being constructed for a portage not being completed, though it was expected that by another day it would be. With re gard to ammunition, he says: "I have bought the powder and lead opposite Vancouver. You must try to raise the money to meet the bill." 8 Letter to A. E. Wait : Oregon Archives, MS. 887. y A letter from J. D. Crawford at Fort Gilliam, February ninth, calls for " a large padlock for this fort," two pounds of eight-penny nails, aud eighty or one hundred feet of rope, " if possible ;" and asks for " a paper when it i printed ": Oregon Ar chives, 892. 168 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. After assisting to bring the cannon around the cascades in a violent storm of rain and wind, Captain Thomas McKay s company 10 arriving just in time to be of service, Palmer and Newell resumed their journey to The Dalles, now called Fort Lee, and often Fort Wascopan, but not before the commissary had the vexation to see the best of the two boats above the falls destroyed by the storm, and the carelessness of those having it in charge. 11 They reached The Dalles February tenth, having seen a few Indians on the way, who appeared "downhearted." 12 The army having returned to Fort Lee, a council was held on the eleventh by the field officers and the peace commissioners, to decide upon a definite plan of action. Nothing was agreed upon until the twelfth, when arrange ments were made to send forward one hundred men under Major Lee, with the other two commissioners, Captain Mc- 10 When the governor s proclamation became known at French prairie, there was a called meeting of Canadians who passed the following resolutions : Whereas it is believed that several of the Indian tribes east of the Cascade moun tains have formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against this colony ; and whereas the exigency of the times calls for prompt and energetic action on the part of the people of this territory, in enlisting and mustering into service the number of volunteers required by the executive; therefore, Resolved, That we deem it highly expedient to raise, arm, and equip one company of riflemen to proceed immediately to join the regiment at Portland. Resolved, That the Canadian citizens of Champoeg county feel it their duty to assist our adopted country in the prosecution of the war against the Cayuse Indians, for the horrible massacre committed by them upon American citizens at Waiilatpu. A call for volunteers being made, thirty names were at once enrolled, and Thomas McKay was chosen captain: Oregon Spectator, January 20, 1848. When the American flag was presented to McKay s company, he addressed to them this brief sentence : " This is the flag you are expected to defend ; and defend it you must." It was easy to understand that. ii" We have a small flat here," wrote J. D. Crawford, "six or seven feet wide, which we can use until a larger one is made. * * * The boat is to be thirty -five by ten feet. We must have five pounds oakum, two chisels ( one and two-inch ), one jack and one fore plane, and also one small grindstone. These tools we must have, as they are daily needed " : Oregon Archives, MS. 902. Palmer himself had written a few days before to Wait, in behalf of the men employed on one of the boats : " If possible for you to do anything for them, you must do it. Mr. J. C. Little wishes a coat. Josephus Norton wishes a roundabout. You must call upon the citizens to aid you in raising an amount to supply the men who are boating up the supplies ": Oregon Archives, MS. 902. 12 This is Newell s expression, taken from a memorandum of the incidents of his journey. He further says that only three men were left to guard Fort Gilliam ; and three to run the boats between that place and Fort Lee. " The men have volunteered to fight Indians, not to run boats," said their officers. THE GAYUSE WAR. 169 Kay, Captain Philip F. Thompson, and J. L. Meek and party all of whom were familiar with the ideas and cus toms of, and personally known to the Indians. It was evident notwithstanding this agreement that Col onel Gilliam, and others of the fighting temper, would have preferred offering the sword rather than the olive branch. The regiment now consisted of seven companies, containing from forty-one to one hundred and twenty-four men, and aggregating five hundred and thirty-seven. The arrival of the French under McKay, and another company under L. N. English, with the cannon, added to the mili tary ardor of the troops, who expended a portion of their scanty ammunition in firing salutes of welcome to the new arrivals, which were promptly returned by the latter, and the regimental flag hoisted. On the day following, Colonel Gilliam informed the com missioners that he had ordered the army to be ready to march with them on the fourteenth. This order was ex ceedingly repugnant to the commissioners, who did not doubt that the Indians with whom they wished to commu nicate the Nez Perces would be frightened away by the appearance of a large force, and a council with them made impossible. According to the memorandum kept by Newell, the morale of the army was bad, as naturally it would be in the case of volunteer troops brought together in a wild country, without disciplining under proper officers 13 hav ing some experience. Many of the volunteers were irre sponsible young men of the recent immigration, who had the most unfavorable opinion concerning the natives, obtained from encounters with them along the road. They were ready to punish in an Indian what they had no hesitation about doing themselves. These lapses in 13 Says Newell : i: An Indian was shot by one of our people, H. English, while hunting horses this day; a most shameful thing. * * * The cattle of the immi grants are taken and made use of for the government branded "O. T." * * * Several men leaving for the settlements. Captain Ross resigned. Many displeased with our people in consequence of bad discipline." 170 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. discipline, together with the usual jealousies of new organi zations, and the hardships unavoidable under the circum stances, were already creating discontent and demoraliza tion; hence, the policy of the commander to put the army in motion was perhaps a wise one. This, at all events, was what he decided to do, leaving only twenty men at The Dalles, under Corporal William Williams, for the de fense of that post, having first removed Siletza s band of Des Chutes Indians below The Dalles to protect them from annoyance by the Cay uses, as also to remove them from temptation. Having no boats to transport supplies up the Columbia, The Dalles was made the base of operations, and immi grant wagons and ox teams left there for the winter were pressed into the service of the army. On the hind wheels of one wagon was mounted the cannon, a long, nine- pounder left in the country from some ship, and on the sixteenth the army crossed Des Chutes river. The follow ing day it crossed John Day river, encamping on the east side, its progress being slow. Previous to this, the peace commissioners had sent a flag, with a present of tobacco, to the disaffected Columbia river Indians, and had received information that all the tribes above The Dalles were united for war against the Americans. While en route Major Lee, having made a reconnoissance, reported the camp of a small party discovered, which had cached its property and retired to the hills. On the nine teenth he was ordered to pursue them and set out on their trail. From camp on John Day river the commissioners had sent to Fort Walla Walla by a friendly Indian a packet containing a letter to the officer in charge, with flags and tobacco for the Indians, and a letter from Mr. Spalding directed to the head men of the Nez Perces, which ran as follows: THE CAYUSE WAR. 171 WALLAMET, February 3, 1848. Nez Perce Chiefs: My friends, Ellis, Kansoot, James, Yusinmalakin, Jacob, Poca- tash, Yarnomocknin, Yumtamilkin, Timothy, Solomon, Ishtoop- toopuin, Tselsootalelmekum, Joseph, Kohsh, Apashavakaikt, Rich ard, Heminelpelp, Jason, Anatashin, Totamaluin, Hohoselpelp, Metawaptosh, Noah : Quick, meet them ; with these flags meet them ; with good hearts meet them. From us, from the Americans, five go to meet you Mr. Palmer, Dr. Newell, Mr. McKay, Mr. Lee, Mr. Gilliam. These meet you ; with good hearts they meet you. They bear a message (proposals, law, or a talk); from the great chief they bear it. Therefore they call you to meet them. Keep quiet, ye young men ! do not go over to the Cay uses. Wait till the commissioners speak clearly with you. The good are not to be punished. Only the bad are to be punished. The Nez Perces and the Americans are one; therefore do you not depart from us. Very many Americans are going to seek the bad Cayuses, and the bad only. There will soon be large ships from California, therefore they otter to you a message ( proposals of peace). They send you tobacco, therefore meet them without delay. My youngest child is sick, therefore I cannot meet you. When my child is well, I will see you, by the blessing of God. Ever make to yourselves good hearts. By the blessing of God we may see each other. H. H. SPALDING. The messenger fell in with the hostile Indians and was taken prisoner, the flags and tobacco being appropriated to the enemy s use; but the packet being addressed to Mr. McBean, the written part of it was forwarded to him, and arrived while Timothy and Richard, two of the chiefs ad dressed by Spalding, were at the fort, who hastened to carry it to their people, with other news of the intentions of the Americans learned from the letter sent to McBean. To this fortunate circumstance was to be attributed the sub sequent neutrality of the Nez Perces. On coining to camp on the night of the twentieth of February, Major Lee reported having on that day followed the trail of a party of Indians going towards the Blue mountains, but without overtaking them. The following day, after a hard march of twenty miles, the army en camped at Willow creek, the wagons getting in late, the 172 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. men half starved, wholly out of humor, and the camp in a state of confusion, if not absolute revolt. The regiment was now almost two hundred miles from home, ill-fed, ill-clad, with the enemy retiring before them, and peace commissioners going after them to turn the war into a farce ! If the long march was only to escort peace commissioners, they were inclined to turn back ; and, in fact, Captain Maxon s company took a vote on the pro priety of returning should not all the flour remaining be issued at once. 14 On the following day, Colonel Gilliam thought it wise to remain in camp and cultivate a better spirit in the troops. He paraded the regiment, after which he mounted a wagon and addressed them in the language of a soldier loving his country, and feeling that no honorable or brave man could desert his duty; declaring, too, that the movers in the mutiny would be remembered by the people. This address, though provoking the criticism of some, had the effect to secure somewhat better discipline for the time, although the men still wasted their small store of ammu nition in a useless discharge of their guns. On the morning of the twenty-third a party of thirteen Des Chutes Indians came into camp, bearing the flag sent to them from The Dalles, and saying they had come in obedience to that summons. The army moved on, but the commissioners remained for a "talk." The chief, Beardy, alleged that his reason for not coming on the receipt of the message was that the soldiers had fired upon his people, compelling them to run away. He declared his willingness to go to war against the Cayuses, and his desire always to retain the friendship of the Americans; 14 " Most shocking was this to witness," says Newell in his Memoranda. "Some few had bought a little tea and sugar in the settlements to use on the road, and many were displeased that they did not share these luxuries with the rest, and objected to their being carried in the public wagons ; but the officers set their faces against all such unreasonable objections." Previous to this, on the seventeenth, this mutinous spirit had shown itself in camp, the men breaking open bread, flour, and pork bar rels, until the colonel was forced to ask the commissary-general to take charge of the provisions. Perhaps the men also resented this ; at all events they gave their officers much trouble during the first few days on the march. THE GAYUSE WAR. 173 showing his confidence in them by accompanying the commissioners to the camp of the army, where a council was held, and the Indians instructed to return to The Dalles, there to remain until joined by the commissioners and the chiefs of other bands, Colonel Gilliam giving Beardy a letter to the officer in command at that post. Beardy, also sometimes called Sue, presented Thomas McKay a fine horse from Welaptulekt, head chief of the Des Chutes tribe, who sent word that he would bring in all the stolen immigrant property, if by so doing he could secure the friendship of the Americans. 15 Newell, in his memoranda of the journey, states that Gillian was reluc tant to condone the previous conduct of these Indians, and would have preferred to fight them. Before starting for the Umatilla on the twenty-fourth, two Yakima Indians came to camp, carrying a message from the Catholic missionaries, who had settled among that people in the preceding December, informing the commissioners that the Yakimas had taken their advice, and determined not to go to war in aid of the Cay uses, as they had no cause of war against Americans, who did not travel through their country, and as they had been informed the hostilities did not include them. They brought to Colonel Gilliam a letter from one of the priests, which, being translated, agreed with the statement of the messengers: CAMP OF CIAIES, February 16, 1848. M. Commander: The Yakima chiefs, Ciaies and Skloo, have just presented me a letter signed by Messrs. Joel Palmer, Robert Newell, and H. A. G. Lee which I have read, and a young Indian, son of one of the chiefs translated it to them in Yakima language. The chiefs above men tioned charged me to say to you in their name, in those of Car- naiareum and of Chananaie, that they accept, with acknowledg ments, the tobacco and the banner which you sent them. They have resolved to follow your counsel, and not unite themselves with the Cayuses, but to remain at rest upon their lands. On my arrival at the camp of Ciaies, that chief assured me that he would not join I 5 Oregon Spectator, April 6, 1848. 174 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the Cay uses. T could but see, with the greatest of pleasure, disposi tions which will prevent the spilling of blood, and which will facili tate the means of instructing those Indians. Your humble servant, G. BLANCHET. Word had been sent to the mission on the Umatilla, but no answer being returned in four days, 16 the commander determined upon pushing on his army to Waiilatpu, with out regard to the peace commission, and a courier was sent back to inform the governor of this decision. The march was begun about the middle of the forenoon, the commissioners being in the advance, carrying a white flag. They soon discovered two Indian spies whom they en deavored to approach, but who avoided them. About noon a large number were seen on the hills making signals de noting war, arid when the commissioners advanced they were ordered off. They then retreated, while the Indians collected, coming from all directions, and placing them selves along the path of the army. The first act of hos tility was the shooting of a dog belonging to the volunteers/ and then the battle proceeded as only Indian battles do. The picture already given of the brave display made by Indians in their military parades and mock battles for the entertainment of guests, was not fully reproduced in actual combat. The bronzed and bedecked warriors, with their, painted and tasseled steeds, the splendid riding in charges, the furious din of drum and rattle, mingled with yells, and the stentorian voice of command making itself heard above all the uproar, creating a scene only matched on the plains of Troy in the days of Agamemnon this 16 Brouillet explains this in his " Authentic Account of the Murder of Dr. Whitman," p. 64. The mission had been abandoned on the nineteenth, when the Cayuses had announced to Brouillet and Leclaire their determination to go to war. Brouillet further says that Ogden promised the Cayuses to endeavor to prevent a war, and to send an express to Walla Walla to apprise them of the result ; but that no such ex press arriving before the troops were there, they suspected Ogden of betraying them. Brouillet thought that had his letter arrived in time the Cayuses might have accepted the terms of the government, namely, the relinquishment of the murderers. But it will be remembered that troops were already at The Dalles when Ogden passed down with the captives. THE CAYUSE WAR. 175 proud style of fighting is not maintained in actual Indian tactics, but the painted brave soon seeks cover, and shoots from behind rock? or other defenses a mode of warfare in which a good deal of powder is wasted. The numbers on the field were about equal on both sides, although not more than three-fourths of the Indians were engaged, the remainder being spectators or Indian women, waiting for victory and their horrible part in the sanguinary business the mutilation of the dead and wounded. The Cay uses had chosen their ground, but tho volunteers advanced steadily, and the battle raged all along the lines, which were thrown out to enclose the wagons and cattle. On the northeast, where the Indians seemed to push the strongest, an advance was ordered in double quick. The Indians seemed surprised, and the yell of the volunteers dismayed them. After one volley poured in the face of the advancing column they retired to an eminence further away. This was several times repeated when they made a disorderly retreat leaving their dead and wounded. The troops went into camp about dark, without water or wood. The loss of the volunteers was five wounded, Lieutenant- Colonel Waters, Green McDonald of Linn county, and three others. The loss on the side of the Oayuses was eight killed, and five wounded. At the commencement of the fighting Gray Eagle and Five Crows rode up near the wagons, as if boastful of their prowess, Gray Eagle exclaim ing, " There s Tom McKay; I will kill him;" but before he could execute his threat, Captain McKay had shot him dead. At the same time Lieutenant Charles McKay shot Five Crows, shattering his arm. This outcome of the day s fighting was a disappoint ment to the Cayuses, who had hitherto held no high opinion of American prowess, having seen them avoid fighting when weary with travel and encumbered with families and herds. They had boasted among themselves that they would beat the Americans to death with clubs, 176 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. and going down to the Wallamet, possess themselves of their women and property. 17 Soon after camp was made a visit was received from Nicholas Finlay, who was present at the Waiilatpu tragedy, and who, according to Newell, "told lies and showed mu^h treachery." He brought with him two pretended brothers who were believed to be spies. The troops passed an uncomfortable night, and were early in motion on the twenty-fifth, traveling all day sur rounded by Indians, and without water. It became evi dent that there was a division among the Cayuses, and that those who had held aloof the day previous were desirous of peace. In fact, they sent messengers to signify their desire, even some of the murderers asking for a coun cil; but the commissioners, as well as the troops, refused to talk until they came to water, which they did not find until they reached the Umatilla at sunset, by which time the troops were in a bad humor from the tortures of hun ger and thirst. The Indians were encamped four miles above the army on the east side of the river, which they had boastfully said the Americans should never cross, but which was crossed on the twenty-sixth, when camp was made a mile nearer the Cayuses. During these movements the Indians swarmed along the hills, many showing their hostile sen timents in many ways, while others refrained from warlike demonstrations, but all exhibiting alarm at the presence of troops in their country. After the army had encamped, the chief, Sticcas, and many other Cayuses made overtures of peace, and were told by the commissioners to meet them at Waiilatpu. From these visitors it was learned that Five Crows adjured his people, should he die of his wound, to fight the Americans without end, as he would if he lived. One reason of the hesitancy of the commissioners to en tertain any propositions coming from the Cayuses at this time was the failure to establish communication with Fort " Letter of Charles McKay in Oregon Spectator, March 23, 1848. THE GAYUSE WAR. 177 Walla Walla. It has already been mentioned that the bearer of the letters to McBean and the Nez Perces was intercepted, the packet falling into the hands of Tauitowe, who, after abstracting the flag and tobacco, sent the letters to McBean. The answer of McBean, however, he retained and destroyed, and it was this unexplained silence which made them hesitate. The letter to McBean was an explanation of the pres ence of an army in the country, not for the purpose of distracting it with warfare, but to bring to justice the Cayuse murderers, and to prevent the other tribes from combining with them. He was not asked to take part in any way to disturb the friendly relations of the Hudson s Bay Company to the Indians, but, if possible, to aid in bringing about peace. Further than this the letter ex pressed anxiety lest the Catholic mission and the fort should be in danger, and offered a detachment to protect them if necessary. The same packet contained a letter from Colonel Gilliam to Brouillet, asking him to furnish a statement of the part he had taken in the affairs of the Waiilatpu mission before and after the massacre. Brouil- let s reply went the same way with McBean s, but it is reproduced in his Authentic Account, an abstract of which has been given in a previous chapter. On reaching Walla Walla these things were explained. Had the commissioners received the letters intercepted by Tauitowe they would have been in a position to treat with the Cayuses, a majority of whom would gladly have ac cepted peace on the governor s terms the surrender of the murderers. But with the guilty ones striving to pre vent a peace on these terms, and the commissioners coming with an army and hesitating to hold a council, the multi tude were alarmed and uncertain to a degree which im pelled them to self-defense, if not to aggressive warfare. On the morning of the twenty-seventh not an Indian was to be seen, and nothing had been stolen during the night proof enough that none were near and it was 12 178 INDIAN WARS OF ORKGON. understood that they had gone to prepare for war: The army then proceeded on its march toward Waiilatpu. Newell remarks, in his Memoranda, that "for the last few days the men have behaved well," and also that "some hope is entertained that our mission will be success ful, though we lack experience ; " and further, " we have heard of Messrs. Walker and Eells; they are still at home, though in suspense and fear." On the twenty-eighth the troops encamped on the Walla Walla river, and the commissioners had an interview with McBean and the Catholic clergymen 18 at the fort, learning that much alarm had been felt on account of the combi nation between the Cayuses and the Columbia river Indians; but the Walla Walla chief, Peu-peu-mox-mox, being in favor of peace, was regarded as a hopeful sign. Colonel Gilliam seized the opportunity of obtaining from Brouillet an account of the events of November twenty- ninth, as they had become known to him. On the follow ing morning the troops moved six miles up the Walla Walla river and encamped, when Major Lee, with twenty- five men, returned to the fort to press two kegs of powder, which were secured. Another march of five miles on the first of March brought the army to the camp of Peu-peu- mox-mox, who professed friendship, and sold several beef cattle to the commissary of subsistence. Here the smoke and dust of the Cayuse camp in mot ; on towards Waiilatpu was observed, and a Nez Perce visited the commissioners to t-ake observations. On the second camp was made near the site of Dr. Whitman s mission. And so at last the whole of the horrible story was made known, for it should 18 B. Jennings, acting quartermaster at Fort Lee, about this date, wrote a letter to A. E. Wait, informing him that Siletza, the Des Chutes chief asserted that "the priest at Walla Walla," which was Brouillet, had, under duress, been compelled to make shields for the Cayuses, who flattered themselves with a certainty of success, intend ing to march through tho Yakima country and punish them for their neutrality by killing them all off, after which they proposed to march down the north side of the Columbia, and falling upon the American settlements, exterminate the white peo ple. "We are troubled very much," continues Jennings, "with friendly Indians. Our force being so weak at this place we are compelled to be more liberal in presents of meat and flour than we would if our situation was otherwise. Among the many THE CAYU8E WAR. 179 be remembered no one had visited the mission since the rescue of the captives, whose stories contained only their personal experiences, colored by personal prejudices. Colonel Gilliam with two companies first visited the mission grounds, and on the third moved his camp to the ruins. The bodies of the dead had been unearthed by wolves, and lay about, half devoured. Some of Mrs. Whit man s hair was cut off and preserved by the messengers to Washington, Meek, Newell, and others, and the remains remterred. l!) Says Newell, " papers, books, letters, iron, and many other things lay about the premises. Wagon wheels and other property had been placed in the house before it was burned. I got some letters, and many laid about in the water." That these letters, which would have thrown much light on grave questions, were not religiously pre served, is proof of a want of proper forethought and dis cipline. They were carelessly read, discussed, and de stroyed, the only scrap of information that floated from them to the public ear being the statement that proof was found in them that Dr. Whitman was fully warned and aware of his danger. Colonel Gilliam called a council of his army officers on the third, and the other peace commissioners speedily dis covered that the military spirit in their associate was un able to brook the evidences of savage malevolence which the scene of Waiilatpu presented. " The commissioners/ sa}*s Newell, "have no chance to arrange with the In dians; we are short of provisions and time; our colonel is quite hasty." That day a fortification was commenced, constructed out of the adobes of the ruined houses; and lodges in our vicinity there are between fifty and seventy warriors, and I am not cer tain of their entire friendship; in fact, they cannot be relied upon. They are daily asking for passes to go to Fort Vancouver, but of late we have refused them any, believing their intentions are not good ": Oregon Archives, 1013. 19 It seems from Newell s journal, that Dr. and Mrs. Whitman were at first interred together, " with a paling around them, nicely done ; " and a board fence around the mound which held the other dead. These enclosures were probably constructed by the men who were spared, during their month of captivity. The mutilated remains found by the volunteers were hastily placed in the ground all together. 180 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. notwithstanding that a few Nez Perces and Peu-peu-mox- mox made friendly overtures, the colonel was not softened and declared in council that he had come to fight, and fight he would. On the night of the fourth of March, more than three months after the massacre, the messenger to Washington made a final start for the states, escorted by a company of one hundred men as far as the Blue mountains, where the little party of nine bade their friends adieu, and set out upon their mission, depending only upon their own sa gacity, and the cap and capote of the Hudson s Bay Com pany for safety from the dangers of the journey. The names of Meek s companions were: G. W. Ebberts, John Owens, Nathaniel Bowman, James Steel, Samuel Miller, Jacob Leabo, Dennis Buris, and David Young. Ebberts, like Meek, was a "mountain man," or trapper for the fur companies for many years. The others were chiefly re turning immigrants. 2 " The fifth being Sunday, the order to work on the fortifi cation was very unwillingly complied with, and signs of a mutinous spirit were scarcely repressed. During the day William Craig, who had joined the army, and Joseph Ger- vais, from French Prairie in the Wallamet, went to meet a large body of the Nez Perces whom, rumor said, were coming to join the Cayuses, and to bring them to see the 20 The party experienced the unavoidable hardships of mountain travel at this time of the year, the snow being soft, but reached Fort Boise safely, walking most of the way and leading their horses and pack animals. Two of the immigrants remained at Boise, discouraged by the trials of their first three hundred miles. The remainder of the party proceeded to Fort Hall, traveling day and night for fear of the Bannocks, some of whom had been met on the road, acting suspiciously. At Fort Hall they received warm food and a few hours rest, continuing their journey with no unnecessary delay, but having to abandon their horses after two days of strug gling through drifts of fresh snow, and take to snowshoes made of willow twigs woven in shape. With only a blanket and a rifle apiece, and depending upon the latter to procure subsistance, they pushed on to Bear river, where they came upon the camp of Peg-leg Smith, a former associate of Meek and Ebberts, who had not abandoned mountain life, and who received them with a liberal hospitality, which raised their strength and their spirits together. Two of the men remained at this camp. Refreshed and provided with food, the party again set out, on snowshoes, and reached Fort Bridger, four hundred and seventy miles beyond Boise, after several days of hard travel James Bridger was another old acquaintance of Meek s, and THE CAYU8E WAR. 181 commissioners. According to Newell, Colonel Gilliam was "much displeased," and threatened to march to battle on the morrow. "This army," he remarks, "is composed of different kinds of men. Some have come to behave le gally; others to plunder; and others for popularity. To do what we ought is easy, if we could act together. Cap tain McKay and company deserve credit. In fact, nearly all the officers seem to wish to do for the best." This criticism, confided only to a private diary, was un doubtedly honest, and might well have applied to any army in such circumstances. Yet he nowhere implies that the men of Gilliam s command, as a whole, were un patriotic or disloyal to their duty. He does, however, often imply that petulance and indiscretion on the part of their commander produced discord and disorder. Still it is well to remember that Newell belonged to the peace commission expressly in his character of a friend to the Indians, and as understanding their ideas, which Gilliam and the ma jority of the volunteers were unable to do. It was natually out of the question for Newell and Gilliam to agree. However, the colonel did not march to battle on the sixth as threatened. Instead, about noon, Craig and Gervais re turned with information that two hundred and fifty friendly Nez Perces and Cayuses were near, who, in the afternoon were brought to camp, the army saluting and cheering in rendered needed assistance, providing the party with four good mules, by which means four were mounted at a time, so that by taking each his turn in walking they got on very well to the Platte, where the travel was improved, but subsistance scarce. At Fort Laramie fresh mounts were obtained from the French trader in charge, Papillion, who warned them to look out for the Sioux at Ash Hollow, a favorite ambush. While attempting to pass this village in a snowstorm, which he relied upon to conceal the party, Meek heard himself hailed by his familiar title of "Major," and to his great satisfaction found himself accepting the proffered hospitalities of Le Beau, a Frenchman well know to him in his trapper s life. Le Beau offered to escort the party beyond the village, which kindness was gladly accepted, and one night journey, after parting with their friend, brought them out of the dangerous neighborhood. Meek arrived on the fourth of May at the Missouri river, where im migrants to Oregon and California were then crossing, and where he parted from the other members of his party. The remainder of his journey to Washington was soon accomplished, and on the twenty-ninth of May President Polk laid before both houses of congress a special message on Oregon affairs. Many amusing incidents of Meek s mission are related in Mrs. Victor s River of The West. 182 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the most hospitable manner, and on the seventh a general council was held. The speeches of the chiefs are interesting at this date as specimens of savage oratory, as well as showing their atti tude towards the Americans. In the absence of Ellis, who was gone on a buffalo hunt, Joseph acted as head man. Governor Abernethy s letter being presented to them, and the seal broken, it was handed to an interpreter to be read. Joseph said : Now I show my heart. When I left home I took the book (the gospels in the Nez Perc6 language) in my hand, and brought it with me. It is my light. I heard the Americans were coming on to kill me; still I held my book before me and came on. I have heard the words of your chief. I speak for all the Cayuses present, and for my people. I do not want my children engaged in this war, although my brother is wounded. 21 You speak of the murderers. I shall not meddle with them. I bow my head. This much T speak. Jacob, 22 who was wont to play upon the superstitions of his people to gain influence among them, next spoke. He said: "It is the law of this country that the murderer shall die. That law I keep in my heart, because I believe it is the law of God the first law." He also said he had heard the Americans were coming to kill all his people, but was not turned back by the report. He was thankful for the assurances contained in the governor s letter, that only the guilty should suffer. James, a Catholic Nez Perce, expressed pleasure at the escape of Mr. Spalding, and said that he was sure all the chiefs present desired peace. lied Wolf related that on hearing of the massacre he had gone to Waiilatpu to learn the truth, and had been told by Tauitowe that the young men had committed the murders, but that not all the chiefs were in the conspiracy. 21 His half-brother, Five Crows, Joseph s mother being a Cayuse. 92 It is related by the missionaries that Jacob, having obtained a large picture of the devil, used to threaten his people with the appearance of Satan, and carry out his threat by concealing himself and suddenly thrusting forth the frightful picture. THE CAYUSE WAR. 183 He had returned and told Spalding all he knew about it, and Spalding had said he would go to the Wallamet, tell the governor the Nez Perces had saved his life, and that theirs must tie saved. Timothy preferred not to talk. He said: "You hear these chiefs; they speak for all. I am as one in the air; I do not meddle with these things; the chiefs speak; we are all of one mind." Richard, who accompanied Dr. Whitman to the states in 1835, was glad the governor had spoken so kindly. His people did not wish to go to war. They had been taught by their old chief, Cut-nose, to take no bad advice, but to adhere to the good. As for Ellis, he was in the buffalo country, but he was confident he would be for peace. Kentuck, the Nez Perce who had conducted Dr. Parker through the Salmon river country in 1835, next spoke, saying that he had been much with the Americans and the French, and nothing could be said injurious of him. He had fought with the Americans against the Blackfoot people. He had been with Fremont in California the year previous, not for pay, but from regard for the Americans. It had been falsely said that he was with the Cayuses in these murders. His people had never shed the blood of Americans, and he was glad that only the really guilty were to be punished. Camaspelo, the only Cayuse chief present, confessed that his nation had two hearts. Tamsucky had consulted him on the subject of the massacre, but he had refused to have anything to do with it, giving as a reason that his child was sick and he had no heart for murder; but Tamsucky had returned to the other chiefs and told them he con sented. Such was the talk of these chiefs. Camaspelo might have further said that at the very time he was being con sulted about Dr. Whitman s murder, the doctor had ridden many miles to visit his sick child, and had not been told of the danger that at that moment overhung him, by the 184 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. child s father. But the commissioners were not intent on a criticism of the evidence; they were only glad to find that a part of the Cay uses would refuse to take up arms in defense of the conspirators. General Palmer then followed with an address. He gave praise to the Nez Perces for their good behavior, and furnished them a motive for continuing quiet by telling them the Cayuses by their conduct had forfeited their lands. He declared the Americans did not want their lands; they only wanted a road through them kept open, and for that purpose a fort would be built, and troops sta tioned at Waiilatpu. It would be futile for the Cayuses to oppose this ; it would be wiser for them to assist in bringing the criminals to justice, so that the innocent might be at peace. The Nez Perces were advised to return to their homes and their planting, and William Craig, with whom they were well acquainted, was appointed agent to reside among them, with the authority of magistrate to settle all differences. A teacher and a blacksmith were promised them when peace should be restored, and no white men were to be allowed to settle on their lands ex cept by their consent. On their part they were required to refrain from molesting the missionaries at Chemekane, or interfering with travelers passing through their coun try or coming to trade with them, to all of which they assented. The other commissioners made friendly and advisory addresses, after which the American flag, with tobacco, was presented, and the business of the council was fol lowed in the evening by a war dance for the entertain ment of the convention of white and red men. Gilliam, as one of the commissioners, could not avoid acting his part; but as commander of the army he was ill at ease. He saw the Cayuses passing by unharmed, going to the Nez Perce country in the hope of inducing their relatives and former allies to join with them against TffE CAYUSE WAR. 185 the Americans, while just enough of them lingered behind to pick up the news about camp and act as go-betweens. Still the influence of the superintendent was such that on the eighth the Nez Perce chiefs were encouraged to go to the Cayuse camp, then twenty-five miles distant, to en deavor to persuade the nation to give up the murderers, the army to follow on the next day, two of the commis sioners accompanying it. It had advanced but three miles from Waiilatpu when it was met by chief Sticcas, who had in charge several hundred dollars worth of cattle, prop erty, and money belonging to the mission and murdered immigrants, which the Cayuses had given up in the hope of thus creating a favorable sentiment in their behalf. A proposition was made by Sticcas for a council, Gilliam objecting on the ground that it was an artifice to gain time; but it was finally agreed to, and the troops en camped for the purpose. In the talk with Sticcas it was made known that the Cayuses refused to surrender Taui- towe or Tamsucky. The first, indeed, had never been ac cused, but Tamsucky was undoubtedly guilty, and by thus classing them together the murderers sought to retain more influence on their side. In this council Colonel Gilliam offered to accept Joe Lewis in place of five of the murder ers, but no agreement was arrived at, neither the other commissioners nor the Cayuses being pleased to consent. 15 Still a certain amount of success had attended their efforts. The Nez Perces were made friendly neutrals and the Cay uses were divided, so that ultimately they might have come to the terms proposed. On the eleventh the army made a fresh start, unen cumbered by a peace commission, Palmer, Lee, and Newell, with McKay, who was ill, and others, leaving for the Wallamet, those remaining in the Cayuse country numbering only two hundred and sixty-eight men and officers. The departing half dozen remained one night at -"" Seeing such a move," says, Newell, "I concluded to be ofl ." 186 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Fort Walla Walla, where those wounded on the march to Waiilatpu had been left to recover. Here again Peu-peu- mox-mox was seen, professing friendship and giving the commission much information concerning the events of the previous November. Here also they found some sick of measles, that disease not yet having abated. The party were offered an escort by Me Bean, which was accepted as far as The Dalles, the route taken being on the north side of the Columbia. "Our difficulties with the Indians," says Newell, " places this fort in a very bad position with the Indians, as they desire to remain neutral, which is not so easy to do." Palmer arrived at The Dalles March seventeenth, and on the following day held a talk with the Indians who with Beardy had been sent there to assist his return, and who agreed to remain friendly, to bring in the property stolen, and steal no more. On the twenty-fourth the com missioners arrived at Oregon City. General Palmer re sumed the duties of the commissary s office, and Major Lee made his report to the governor. Freed from the peace commission Colonel Gilliam, as has been said, took up the march for the camp of the Cayuses on the eleventh of March. On the first day three Indians presented themselves bearing the flag of peace, and having with them some of the horses stolen on the march from The Dalles. They reported that Sticcas had taken Joe Lewis, according to the proposition of the com mander of the army, but that his prisoner had been rescued, and the property retaken which Sticcas was bringing to deliver up. On this information Gilliam quickened his march, believing that Sticcas was endeavor ing to deceive him; and while encamped near the head of the Touchet on the Nez Perce trail, received a message from Tauitowe professing friendship, and his intention to forsake the company of the hostile Cayuses. He added that his camp was on the Tucannon above Gilliam s; that THE CAYUSE WAR. 187 Tamsucky had gone to Red Wolf s place on Snake river, and that Tiloukaikt had gone down the Tucannon with his following, intending to cross Snake river into the Palouse country. The purpose of this division of the Cayuse force should have been apparent to the commander, and perhaps was so; but he must then have made up his mind to place himself where he was liable, to assault from three direc tions. He, however, made a night march, arriving near the Cayuse camp not far from the mouth of the Tucannon before dawn, waiting for daylight to make his presence known, when he advanced to within a quarter of a mile of the lodges. Here he was met by one aged Indian, who with his unarmed hands on his head and his heart, assured the commander that he was in error that this was not the camp of Tiloukaikt, but of Peu-peu-mox-mox, who was his friend, and would not fight the Americans. Tiloukaikt was gone he said, but there was his stock feeding on the hills about, and the Americans might take that if they chose. On entering the camp only a few warriors were found, who, though armed and painted, appeared friendly. The Tucannon river runs through a canon with high and steep walls, and Tiloukaikt s cattle were on the further side. No sooner had the volunteers, with much fatiguing toil for both men and horses, reached the high plain than the cattle were discovered swimming the Snake river and escaping into the Palouse country. The trick was evident, and the Americans acknowledged themselves outwitted. Nothing now appeared feasible, but to collect what few beef cattle remained, with several hundred head of horses, and return to the camp on the Touchet. When about a mile on their retreat they were attacked in the rear by a force of four hundred Indians, chiefly Palouses, allies of the Cayuses, who had cunningly left them to do the fighting, while the guilty among them selves ran away. The remainder of the day was passed 188 JNDTAN WARS OF OREGON. in a painfully slow fighting march, the troops being com pelled to pass the night several miles from camp, without food or fire, to which discomfort was added the fatigue of the previous sleepless night, and the impossibility of catch ing a half hours rest, with almost an incessant firing into camp. Unable to stand the strain, the order was given to turn out the captured stock, in the hope that the Indians would desist from their annoyances on recovering it. But the sacrifice was useless, the Indians attacking as soon as the troops were upon the road, which was as soon as there was light enough to show them the country to be traveled over, when they took to the hills on the west side of the river to avoid ambuscades. "As soon," says one report, "as we reached the top of the hills we gave a regular Indian yell to let them know we were ready for the fray. It came right soon. Captain Halt s company from Washington county, and Captain Phil. Thompson s company from Yamhill county, were in the hottest of the engagement, and called for assistance, which was rendered. We then moved towards the Touchet, and as we had beaten them in the first attack we began to fear they would not follow us further. The interpreter was sent to the top of a hill to challenge them, which excited them somewhat. As we neared the Touchet, Shaw was ordered to take twenty picked men with good horses and cut off the Indians on the left," they having been hanging all the morning on the column in bunches, like swarms of hornets. Shaw s detachment ran their horses for three-fourths of a mile to a point which shut the Indians off from the river; but they pursued a shorter route, intending to come down the stream before the volunteers reached the timber, and make a stand there. They were disappointed, the volunteers gaining the point of advantage. The bravery and determination of a few young men saved the Oregon army on this occasion. The names of those so distin guished, according to the report of the senior captain, were Captains Hall, Owens, and Thompson, Sergeants Burch THE CAYUSE WAIL 189 and Cooke, Quartermaster Goohue,. Judge-Advocate Rinear- son, and Paymaster Magone. Captain English had been left in charge of Fort Waters, and Captain McKay was ill at Fort Walla Walla. Captain Maxon was, by an accident,, placed in a position where he was compelled to conduct the official correspondence, and therefore to leave his own name out of this commendatory mention where it properly belonged. 24 The troops on the right had also a warm engagement ii* passing a fortification erected and manned by some of the best warriors among the Indians. In passing this point several volunteers were wounded, one of whom, William Taylor, died soon after the battle. The Indians lost four killed and fourteen wounded. 25 Their women cried and! implored them to cease fighting, which they did, nor eouldl any taunts excite them to renew the conflict. The victory was with the volunteers, the Indians fioft crossing the Touchet. Their yells and battle cries were? changed to wailing; the sharp war rattle, and crack and ping of musketry, were followed by the nerve thrilling death song. Thirty hours of fighting without rest or food 26 had left the troops in a condition to be glad of a respite. They arrived at Fort Waters on the sixteenth, with a better knowledge of what was before them during the spring and summer, should they not be able to take the murderers, than they could otherwise have obtained. The Yakimas might remain neutral, the Walla Wallas friendly, and the Nez Perces keep their promises, still there were renegades from all these and other tribes, and all the Palouses, who like the Hessians of history were ever ready to fight on any side for hire. There were more northern tribes who 24 Oregon Spectator, April 6, 1848. Oregon Archives, MS. 806. -" The Catholic Magazine, volume VII., p. 491, gives the number of Indians killed as fifty. It is an error. 2 "In a Narrative by Peter W. Crawford of Cowecman, Washington, is the state ment that all the army ate in the thirty hours was one small colt. There is no men tion of it in the reports, but it is probable enough. 190 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. had not yet declared themselves, and among whom were the missionaries Walker and Eells, but who probably would not dare to remain there after the news of the battle should reach the Indians in their vicinity. Colonel Gilliam was fully convinced of the gravity of the situation, and held a council of his officers on the eight eenth, at which there was not perfect unanimity of opinion, a part believing it necessary to raise another regiment, and (mother part that only men enough to hold the forts in the Indian country were required. In any case provisions were indispensable, and it was decided to proceed with half the force to The Dalles to escort a supply train to Fort Waters, Gilliam himself to accompany it to confer with Governor Abernethy on the existing condition of affairs, the peace commission having been an acknowledged failure. Agreeably to this plan, the companies of Maxon and McKay, with their officers and others, left Waiilatpu on the twentieth of March with a wagon train. At the springs beyond the Umatilla, where they encamped for the night, as the colonel was drawing a rope from a wagon with which to tether his horse, it caught upon the trigger of a gun lying on the bottom of the wagon, discharging it, the contents entering his body and causing instant dearth. The expedition hastened forward to The Dalles, and from there Major Lee and Captain McKay, who was retiring from the service on account of his health, conducted the remains to the Wallamet valley, and at the same time conveyed a report by Captain Maxon of the recent battle, and the condition of the army for the information of Adjutant- General Lovejoy and Governor Abernethy. The death of Colonel Gilliam, while it was regretted throughout Oregon, tended to remove some causes of dis satisfaction in the army which was divided in its alle giance to its commander. By some he was accused of too great impetuosity, too little regard for military discipline, THE GATU8E WAR, 191 and of injurious favoritism, even of ignoring the rights of immigrants to their property, in disregard of the instruc tions of the commander -in -chief, Governor Abernethy. These complaints were made by officers, while the privates were not inclined to quarrel with qualities which were likely to be popular in the ranks, nor, perhaps, did they always sympathize with the jealousies of their superiors. Abernethy himself did not escape the criticism of officers in the field, though for reasons quite opposite to those for which Colonel Gilliam was censured. As an example of the kind of insubordination referred to, the following letter is quoted: WAIILATPU, May 3, 1848. Adjutant-General Lovejoy : DEAR SIR : When I received the appointment of paymaster I was wholly ignorant of the duties that devolved upon me by virtue of my appointment, further than that set forth by the commanding officer, whose language to me was as follows : "Paymaster Magone, whatever may be taken by the army as government property, you are directed to keep a correct account of, and whenever I order a sale, either by auction or otherwise, you will appear present and take note of what may be sold, and to whom, &c., &c., that it may appear against the purchaser on the day of settlement with the gov ernment." In our first campaign up Des Chutes river we obtained some property, a goodly portion of which I then viewed as immi grants , having seen several of the same articles on the thirty-first day of last December in their wagons at Welaptulekt s, to which place I had been sent by Captain Lee in search of arms and ammu nition, &c., &c. I merely mentioned these facts to the colonel previous to a sale of the property, for which I received a warm reprimand from that officer. The property was then sold to the highest bidder, and we proceeded on our way to The Dalles. One gentleman discovered, after packing a large pot for miles, that it had a leg broken off, was cracked, &c., either by accident or otherwise as the case might be, and requested me to erase his name from my list. I refused. The colonel then appeared in person and requested me to do it; and so it was, on all occasions. He reserved to himself the right of saying when a man s name should or should not be erased. Several of the horses sold at The Dalles were given up to friendly Indians who claimed them, and also at this place. After Colonel Gilliam left there was a new leaf turned over in the horse account. They were all appraised, and those who stood most in 192 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. need got first choice. I have kept a correct account of everything that has come into my hands in any way, but at the same time it is impossible for me to send you a correct report, for if all the horses claimed by friendly (bless the mark!) Indians are given up, there will be few, if any, left. I have at present two thousand three hun dred dollars on my books, besides between seventy-five and one hundred names of persons who received horses as gifts from Colonel Gilliam, and with which I had nothing whatever to do, as they Iwere given at different times and places without reference to day, date, or anything of the kind. On the twentieth of March I was chosen to fill the place of Major Lee until the return of that officer, and Mr. Knox was appointed in my place by Colonel Gilliam. I remain, dear sir, with respect, your obedient humble servant, J. MAGONK. Lieutenant-Colonel Waters wrote April fourth : Adjutant Wilcox, and the sergeant-major, having left with Col onel Gilliam, I found it necessary to appoint suitable persons to fill the vacancy of the same for the time being. I also pursued the same course in relation to the judge-advocate. * * There is a deficiency in the number of horses. The cause of this is, that some have been killed in action, as was my own ; some have been taken by the Indians; and others have failed, and we have left them. The exact number we cannot ascertain, as there was a deficiency previous to Colonel Gilliam s departure. I would mention some thing further relative to our situation, but as you will have all the particulars in my letter to the governor, and from others, I will drop the subject for the present : Oregon Archives, MS. 854. On the fourth of May, S. B. Knox, who had been ap pointed paymaster when Magone left for The Dalles, wrote to the adjutant-general: The sale of horses at this place to different individuals, after being appraised, and taken at the appraisement, has amounted to one thousand and twenty-four dollars ; but several of those horses have since been claimed and given up to the friendly Indians by order of Colonel Waters, and others claimed that are not given up, and will not be given up unless ordered so by Colonel Lee upon his taking command. * * It is my opinion that there will be but few more horses given up to the so-called friendly Indians : Ore gon Archives, MS. 1004. As to Gilliam the man, the community of his fellows understanding him, and generously refusing to impute THE CAYUSE WAR. 193 blame to the patriot who died in the discharge of his duty, the legislature of 1849 passed a resolution declaring that it entertained "the utmost confidence in the integrity of the said Colonel Gilliam, and that the stores receipted for by him to the commissary department, and the pro ceeds of the said sale of horses, were by him faithfully and properly applied to the public service." It was also further resolved : " That the heirs of the estate of Cornelius Gilliam, deceased, be and they are hereby discharged from all responsibility to the Oregon government for the military stores distributed to the army, and horses sold by his order for the benefit of the Oregon government . And tfyat the commissary-general is hereby authorized to transfer the said military stores and horses to the credit of their proper accounts." 2 The death of Gilliam left Lieutenant-Colonel Waters in command, and here again there arose discontent because Governor Abernethy appointed Major Lee to the command, leaving Waters in the second place. His action was both applauded and blamed. As a rule, the favorites of the governor were not those of the western people, who now formed the bulk of the population ; but the letters from the army on the promotion of Lee were generally con gratulatory. 29 *> Oregon Archives, MS. 2014. 2r *H. A. G. Lee was a Virginian, a descendant of Richard Lee, founder of the Old Dominion family of that name. He was about thirty-one years of age, well educated and conscientious, having been trained for the profession of theology. But not being very strong in his belief in the inspiration of the bible he occupied himself with travel, and in 1843 came to Oregon, spending his first winter at Waiilatpu. After the Cayuse war he went to the California gold mines, and was successful. He brought a stock of goods to Oregon City, and entered into a partnership with S. W. Moss, a daughter of whom he married in 1850. He died a few years later while on a voyage to New York. 13 CHAPTER VIII. ABERNETHY S LETTER TO Gi LLI AM CONDITION OF THE ARMY APPEAL OF MAXON EFFORTS OF THE WOMEN OF OREGON CITY" COMPACT OF FIFTEEN YOUNG LADIES GOVERNOR S PROCLAMATION LEE S APPEAL MORE COMPANIES RAISED DIFFICULTY OF SENDING MEN TO THE FRONT WITHOUT MONEY APPLEGATE S LETTER TO PALMER LETTER TO LEE AFFAIRS AT THE DALLES EN ROUTE TO FORT WATERS CONDITION OF THE COMMISSARY STORES INDIANS MORE FRIENDLY LEE FINDS THE REGIMENT IMPROVED, AND RESIGNS His COMMISSION ACCEPTS ANOTHER INSTRUCTIONS OF THE GOVERNOR TO THE SUPERINTENDENT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS OVERTURES OF THE YAKIMAS AND OTHER TRIBES LEE S CHARGE TO THEM FRUITLESS PURSUIT OF THE CAYUSES AGREEMENT WITH THE NEZ PEKOES OFFER OF A REAVARD FOR THE CAPTURE OF THE CAYUSES RESULTS OF THE CAMPAIGN CAYUSE LANDS CONFISCATED WITHDRAWAL OF THE ARMY FPRTS WATERS AND LEE HELD UNTIL SEPTEMBER ARMY DISCHARGED LEE S RESIGNA TION AND EXPLANATION SUSPECTED PRIESTS FOURTH OF JULY AT FORT WATERS RAIDS IN THE WALLAMET VALLEY. To UNDERSTAND why Colonel Gilliam determined to re turn to the seat of government, the following letter should be taken into consideration : OREGON CITY, March 17, 1848. I received your communication of the twenty-ninth ultimo on the evening of the fifteenth instant. I regret that so many of our volunteers were wounded, and sincerely hope they may all recover. The Indians have learned by this time that the Americans are not women, and I think their feelings will change with their opinion. The probability is that the warm reception they intended giving you, having been returned with such heavy interest, will be the means of concluding a peace with the tribes. Fear will deter them from uniting against the whites. I am put in possession of data from Walla Walla up to seventh March, by which letter I under stand "that all that could be done will be accomplished without further bloodshed." This is an extract from General Palmer s letter to Mr. McBean. The Walla Walla chief remains friendly. This is good under these circumstances, which no doubt transpired after your letter was written. I have made no requisition for more men. The fact is, it is impossible to get men without money, and money you know we have not. I expect to hear further from you in a few days. Your next letter will, I think, determine me what course to take. If more men are needed, the legislature must come together, and a direct tax be levied on property. I hope, however, this may be avoided. If the tribes (194) THE GAYUSE WAR. 195 do not unite, your force can hold Waiilatpu until we get assistance from California. I think the Henry, Captain Kilborne, will be there in ten days from this, and I hope w r e shall immediately get aid. Please present my thanks to the officers and men under your com mand. I will add there is now one hundred barrels of flour at the Cascades and Dalles. Captain Garrison was instructed to remain with his company at The Dalles. I remain, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE ABEBNETHY, Col. C. Gilliam, Governor of Oregon Territory. First Regiment Oregon Riflemen, Waiilatpu. Events had transpired since the governor s declaration that no more men could be enlisted without calling an extra session of the legislature, which made it imperative, if the war was carried on, that more companies should be raised, and that without loss of time. Meanwhile the army was in a sorry condition. Captain Maxon, immediately on arriving at The Dalles, where he found a reenforcement of one company only, under Joseph M. Garrison, sent his report below to the adjutant- general. He reminded that officer that there remained at Fort Waters, which was an enclosure of but a few feet in height, only one hundred and fifty men, almost without clothing or ammunition, and wholly without bread. He appealed to fathers to send bread to their sons, who were keeping danger away from their hearthstones; to mothers to pro vide clothing to protect their children from the winter blasts; to young women to frown upon every young man who refused to volunteer to defend their honor and their common country, and to every one to hasten the supplies for which he was waiting at Fort Lee. This picture of destitution, which was true in every particular when Gilliam set out for The Dalles, was, at the time Maxon s report was written, considerably ameliorated, as appears from a letter by Jesse Cad waller, a private in Thompson s company, on the fourth of April, and before the news of the colonel s death had reached Fort Waters; for this correspondent says that thirty bushels of wheat, besides peas and potatoes, had been found, and the mill 196 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. had been repaired for grinding. Beef also was plenty, which the men busied themselves in slaughtering and drying, in preparation for a campaign. However, Captain Maxon s appeal was well timed. It had the effect to revive volunteering, and to awaken a more personal sympathy with the army. The matrons of Oregon City set on foot an organized effort to provide clothing for the soldiers; 1 while the young women entered into a compact to withhold their favor from any young man who would not fight in defense of them and their country. The fear of losing their land claims, should they long absent themselves, had kept many men without families at home; but in the published compact the young women agreed to protect the claims abandoned, that their owners might go to the war. This agreement was signed by "fifteen young ladies of Oregon City;" nor was the ^protocol without effect. The governor also issued the following proclamation : Recent accounts from the seat of war show that the Indians are in pretty strong force, and determined to fight. Many of the tribes have expressed a desire to remain peaceful, but there can be no question that the slightest defeat on our part will encourage portions of them to unite against us, and if they should unfortunately suc ceed in cutting off or crippling our army, it would be a signal for a general union among them; fear is the only thing that will restrain them. It is necessary at the present moment to keep a strong force in the field to keep those friendly that have manifested a desire for peace, and to keep the hostile Indians busy in their own country, for the war must now either be carried on there, or in our valley. The question is not now a matter of dollars and cents only ; but whether exertions will be made on the part of citizens of the territory to reenforce and sustain the army in the upper country, and keep down the Indians (which our men are able and willing to do if supported ), or disband the army and fight them in the valley. One of the two must be done. If the army is disbanded, before two months roll round we will hear of depredations on our frontiers, families will be cut off. and the murderers on their fleet horses out of our reach in some mountain pass before we hear of the massacre. JThe president of this society was Mrs. N. M. Thornton, and the secretary Mrs. E. F. Thurston. Mrs. Hood, Mrs. Robb, Mrs. Crawford, Mrs. Herford, and Mrs. Leslie were active members. THE CAYUSE WAIL 197 Many young men are willing to enlist and proceed to the seat of war, but are unable to furnish an outfit ; let their neighbors assist them, fit them out well, and send them on. As a people we must assist and carry on the war. I hope sincerely that the government of the United States will speedily extend its protecting care over us, but in the meantime we must protect ourselves, and now is the time. I therefore call on all citizens of this territory to furnish three hundred men in addition to the number now in the field. Three new companies will be organized and attached to the regiment com manded by Colonel H. A. G. Lee ; each company to consist of eighty-five men, rank and file; the remainder will be distributed among the companies already organized ; the enlistments to be for six months, unless sooner discharged by proclamation or relieved by the troops of the United States. Each man will furnish his own horse, arms, clothing and blankets. The companies will bring all the ammunition, percussion caps, and camp equipage they can, for which they will receive a receipt from the commissary-general. All citizens willing to enlist will form themselves into detach ments in their several counties and be ready to march to Portland, so as to arrive there on the eighteenth day of April, on which day Colonel Lee will be there to organize the new companies ; after which the line of march will be taken up for Waiilatpu. If a suf ficient number of men to form a foot company appear on the ground, they will be received as one of the above companies. In witness whereof, I have signed my name and affixed the seal of the territory. Done at Oregon City, this first day of April, 1848. A paper in Lee s handwriting, but without signature, seems to have been written to stimulate enlistment, as fol lows: He asks permission, as one who has as little to defend in Oregon as any one, to make " an appeal to your good sense arid patriotism, in behalf of your own interests, your families, your prosperity, your own personal safety. I should do violence to my own sense of duty, as well as injustice to my country, were I to suppress the conviction which circumstances and facts have forced upon me of our common danger, and of the absolute necessity of an immediate, united, and vigorous action on your part to secure the safety of the settlements by holding the enemy in check abroad, which can only be done by reenforcing and sustaining the troops now in the field. No country ever furnished a volunteer corps of braver, better soldiers than Oregon has done ; but these men feel themselves entitled to, at least, the means of defending the lives and property of you who remain in quiet and ease at home, as long as you have the power to furnish those means. * * * It is confidently believed that could 198 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. you see the present condition of the soldiers now in the field, a part of them three hundred miles from their homes and families, in the heart of an enemy s country, without a mouthful of bread, many of them almost naked, and the whole of them without the powder and lead to defend their own lives against the attack of hostile forces within fifty miles of them, you would rise up to a man and render such assistance as is in your power to furnish them the absolute necessaries of life, more than which they do not ask without which they must return to the settlements. Let this truth tell upon the good sense of every man we must conquer the enemy in their own country or fight them in our midst. Although many of the tribes profess friendship and refrain from hostilities while the seat of war is kept in their midst, where they have much to lose, that friendship will only last while it serves their own interest, the very principle which will prompt them to join the enemy the moment there is the least hope of victory on their side for then it would be as necessary for them to be friends to the enemy as it now is to be friends to us. Whenever, therefore, the seat of war is moved to the settlements where we have all to lose and they to gain, we will have ten times their present numbers to contend with." The combined effort of the regimental officers, the gov ernor, and the ladies, had the effect to arouse the people to fresh activity. Meetings were held in several counties, and about two hundred and fifty men enlisted. Polk and Clackamas raised one company, J. W. Nesmith, captain; Linn, one company, William P. Pugh, captain; Yamhill and Tualatin, one company, William J. Martin, captain. Clatsop county sent a few volunteers. The means to equip was raised by subscription. 2 Popular as was the war, it was a difficult matter putting another battalion in the field. The commissariat had at no time been maintained without great exertion on the part of its officers, and often great sacrifices on the part of the people. The commissary-general s sworn and bonded - The muster rolls do not always show where credit is due. H. J. Peterson of Linn raised a company, which proceeded to Portland, in April^ where it was probably ab sorbed by the reorganization of the battalion. Granville H. Baber raised a company also, in Linn. As first organized, he was captain ; Jeremiah Driggs, first lieutenant ; J. M. McConnell and Isaac Thompson, sergeants. The men from Clatsop were 8. B. Hall, D. H. Kinder, John Richey, R. W. Morrison, and N. H. Everman : Oregon Spectator, May 4, 1848. THE GAY USE WAR. 199 agents in. every county had from the beginning strained every nerve to collect arms, ammunition, and clothing, for which they paid in government bonds or loan commisson- ers scrip. As there was very little actual cash in circula tion, 3 and as the common currency of Oregon had been wheat, it had come to pass that "wheat notes" had been received in place of cash as contributions to the war funds. The wheat thus collected could be sold for cash or its equivalent at Vancouver, and thus, after passing through the circumlocution office, this awkward currency, which had to be gathered up, stored in warehouses, hauled to boat landings, set adrift upon the Wallamet, hauled around the falls at Oregon City, and there reloaded for Vancouver, was there at length exchanged for real money or goods. The collection of provisions for the consumption of the army was another matter, and not less burdensome. The agents could refuse no lot of provisions because it was small or miscellaneous, nor reject any articles of use to soldiers because they were not of the best. 4 Lead was purchased in any quantities from one to several pounds, and was hard to find, 5 all that was in the country being that which was brought across the plains by the immi grations for use upon the road. Powder and percussion caps were obtained in the same way, or purchased with ! When the commissioners were making collections in Yamhill county, Dr. James McBride was the only contributor of money, to the amount of two and a half dollars. 4 James Force, commissary agent at Salem, in a letter to Palmer in January, says he has succeeded in purchasing but six saddles. "The tree and rigging without stirrups is eight dollars ; with stirrups and leathers, nine dollars ; trail-ropes, three dollars." He bought four hundred and eighty-nine pounds of pork at eight cents ; two hundred pounds at ten cents per pound ; five hundred and seventy-two pounds or bacon at twelve and a half cents ; ninety-nine pounds cheese at twenty cents ; seventy-four bushels of wheat at one dollar per bushel ; five bushels of wheat at one dollar per bushel ; one pack-saddle, four dollars ; two parflaches, five dollars ; six pairs saddle-bags, six dollars. He paid four dollars per day for teams to haul four hundred and fifty pounds each to Butteville, where the goods were transferred to boats : Oregon Archives, MS. 883. In another letter he complains that the only cooper at Salem refused to sell barrels for any funds but cash, and he had no means of getting even the sixty bushels of wheat purchased for flouring, to the mill, as the farmers had no sacks. "I think," he says, "I can raise at this point one hundred pounds of flour, and some pork." Oregon Archives, MS. 884. 5 Oregon Archives, MS. 864. 200 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. wheat notes at Vancouver. As commissioners funds grew scarce, on the first call, some of the agents asked leave to "press" the wheat of certain farmers whose granaries were better filled than their neighbors; and on the second call, leave was asked to press seven thousand bushels, equiva lent to seven thousand dollars, from the granary of the Hudson s Bay Company at Champoeg, because " the means are absolutely not in the hands of the American citizens, and without sufficient power or persuasion to raise them from that source, they cannot be obtained. 7 On the commissary-general fell the responsibility of deciding these matters, and it was a burden hard to be borne amidst a multitude of advisors and critics. Palmer was a man of extraordinary resolve, yet he was not always certain of the wisdom of pursuing the only methods left him to feed and furnish the army, and just at this critical time he was led to abandon the wheat loan as a means of raising funds. A letter written to him by Jesse Applegate at this crisis in affairs throws a flood of light upon the subject, and for this reason it is incorporated in the text: POLK COUNTY, Oregon, 27th April, 1848. DEAR SIR: I have just had an interview with Mr. Fulkerson, who informs me that you have become distrustful of the policy of the wheat loan, and have instructed him to cease operations in that matter whenever he had raised an amount sufficient to secure to me payment for the beef cattle he purchased of me for the use of the army. As I do not wish that you should assume a responsibility on my account that you deem unsafe, I have taken this opportunity to inform you that unless the plan of taking up wheat notes is made a general practice, I do not wish any notes taken up for my exclusive benefit. I am myself in favor of raising a revenue by direct taxation, as I 6 A. J. Hembree of Yamhill county, in February, mentions having pressed one hundred and eighty-seven and one-half bushels of wheat belonging to Jesse Apple- gate ; also eleven bushels from Samuel Campbell, fifteen bushels from Andrew Smith, fifteen from Pleasant Armstrong, seventeen from Ed. Stone, six and one-half from A. Biers, and one hundred and thirty -five bushels from Ben Williams : Oregon Archives, MS. 981. " C. W. Cooke, April 10, 1848. He adds, " Hembree has raised some powder, lead, and caps, a little cash, and about forty bushels of wheat ": Oregon Archives, MS. 946. THE CAY USE WAR. 201 consider that method as the only fair and equitable plan of dis tributing the burden of this unlucky war among the people who are equally interested in its maintenance. But as the wheat plan has been partially tried, and has been favorably received by the people, and as it is the immediate offspring of the commander in the field, and has the approval of the executive and the loan commissioners, I do not think it should be lightly abandoned. Because those who have given notes already have done so under the supposition that all would be called to do the same ; that it was actually a tax, with out the odious feature of compulsion, and they are the more willing to contribute in this shape to the wants of the government, as it is anticipated by the people generally that ultimately a tax will be levied upon them against which their voluntary contributions will be an offset. If the plan is now abandoned those who have given notes will have just cause to complain that they have been induced to do so under a misunderstanding, and will not be likely to incom mode themselves much in the discharge of such obligations. As it regards the increased responsibility to yourself by adhering to this plan of raising means, I cannot for my life see that you can any more suffer in pocket or character than from any other which you have been forced to adopt in the successful discharge of your duties. You know that a rigid construction of your duties as com missary-general limits you to the bare investment of the means placed in your hands; but our pecuniary embarrassments have been such that you have been forced to supply the army without means, and while your opponents cry out that by seizing provisions, bor rowing money, and buying property as commissary-general, your acts were extra official; yet by taking this responsibility alone, you have so far been able to furnish the army and keep them in the field; and by your great exertions and perseverance in these unlaw ful acts you have gained that good will of the people they so much envy. The office-seekers, of course, wish your downfall and will com pass it if they can; not because they have discovered faults in you, but on the contrary, they fear the people may duly appreciate the ability you have displayed, and the great personal sacrifices you have made in their service; and if they can, by alarming your fears, drive you to abandon a policy which so far has been successful, and obtain for you the character of vascillation and uncertainty, they will succeed in their object, which is to deprive you of the confi dence of the people, and which once lost is scarcely ever regained. If you have the right to make purchases and receive property, your right to receive money or property of any kind that can be made available to the use of the army is certainly unquestionable; so I think the only question with you to decide is as to the policy of the measure. If you think it will be for the good of the commu nity to adopt it, carry it out to the fullest extent; if you decide 202 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. against its utility abandon it at once, and undo, if you can, what has been done in the matter. For my part, I would not touch a note obtained from my neighbor for my exclusive benefit, and at the expense of the disgrace of a friend. Sincerely your well-wisher, JESSE APPLEGATE. 8 It is hardly necessary to enter more into detail concern ing the difficulties that heset men holding office under a provisional government without a treasury, or the material out of which government funds might grow ; and we might go far to find a nobler expression of true patriotism or sus taining manly friendship than Applegate s letter. Yet there were commissary agents and men in the army who were as staunch patriots, if not as able statesmen, as the author of this document. Lee was not ignorant that those whom Applegate calls office-seekers were opposed to his appointment, as his cor respondence with the governor shows, and he was reluctant to accept it, but was overruled by his friends. When he had accepted he was in danger of being prevented from doing anything by the ill success of the commissary s agents. Again the watchful Applegate put his shoulder to the wheel. He says, in a letter to Lee, April sixteenth : I take this opportunity to speak three words to you. I find some of the friends of the former commander will do everything they can to injure you. Never mind them. If you can bring the Indians to an engagement, and make a short campaign, you will not only serve your country in the best possible manner, but place yourself beyond the reach of envy. To enable you to do this I would make almost any sacrifice. I found Fulkerson had got but one beef to feed you up, and you know Palmer had no other resource for it. I have sent fifteen beeves, and will give the last hoof I have rather than your movements should be crippled for want of means. I found no money at home, nor could get any at O Neil s. I have sent four beeves by Tetherow to be sold, and the proceeds, except ten dol lars and twenty-five cents, to be given to you on my private ac count. * * * It is needless to say I wish you success. 9 Lee s trouble did not end when he finally repaired to 8 Oregon Archives. MS. 866. 9 Oregon Archives, MS. 863. THE CAY USE WAIL 203 The Dalles in his new dignity of colonel. Officers were resigning and men deserting; the former, because their private interests were suffering, or because they had some personal grievance; and the latter a small number to enrich themselves by the timely appropriation of Indian horses, which they stealthily drove into the Wallamet valley over the Mount Hood road as soon as the spring was far enough advanced. The company under Captain Joseph M. Garrison, which was enlisted in March to reenforce Colonel Gilliam, had proceeded as far as The Dalles before that officer s death became known, and had been instructed to remain at that post for its better protection ; but owing to domestic affairs Captain Garrison was compelled to return home, leaving his company under the command of the first lieutenant, A. E. Garrison, who was in doubt about the captain s re turn. Captain William Martin resigned his command about the last of April, his lieutenants with him, and about a dozen of his men. An election for new officers resulted in the choice of G. W. Burnett for captain. These changes so soon after his appointment to the col onelcy annoyed Lee, as perhaps they were in some in stances intended to do. He reorganized as rapidly as possible, preparing to take the field, leaving Fort Lee un der the command of Brevet Captain R. W. Morrison, who was ordered to observe the most strict military rules, no Indian being permitted to enter the fort after sunset, ex cept upon special business, and under guard. When chiefs came or sent on friendly missions, they were to be well treated, but not given any information which could be turned to the prejudice of the army. He was to remem ber that Indians were deceitful and treacherous exceedingly; to make them no promise he could not meet in good faith, nor utter any threat he was unable to execute. He was to look after the morals as well as the military improvement of his men, and " never allow the soldiers to equalize them selves with the Indians." 10 10 Oregon Archives, MS. 2009. 204 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. On the second of May, Lee wrote to Adjutant- General Lovejoy : " We leave tomorrow for Fort Waters, with a pack horse to each mess, and five provision and one ord nance wagon. Des Chutes and John Day rivers are both to be ferried in small canoes, which will greatly retard our progress." 11 On the fifth, and before Lee s arrival at Fort Waters, Captain Maxon wrote to Lovejoy that he had come from The Dalles in eight days without any serious loss one wagon broken down, one horse lost by breaking his leg, and one by running away, but three good horses belong ing to the regiment were found on the road. "The signs for a fight were very encouraging after passing Willow creek, but the devils feared to attack us, so we lost the glory. * * We are here doing nothing. I have been very anxious to go after the Indians for several days, but am overruled. Some think we are not able to cope with them. I believe, with plenty of ammunition we can whip a thousand easy, and am willing to try it any time, rather than the murderers should get away. The mur derers are on Snake river, about seventy-five miles away- We have already lost every horse almost, and I fear the consequences now. A majority seem determined to await Colonel Lee s arrival. I am for walking into them at once." 1 In a postscript was added that the friendly Cayuses were " mad " about something ; and Peu-peu-mox-mox " very sulky yet. It would be better for us if they were all our open enemies." Lieutenant-Colonel Waters, about the same date, wrote to the adjutant-general that on a late inspection of the commissary department he had discovered fraud of the basest kind had been practiced upon the government and tlie army by citizens of the Wallamet valley. Several barrels of flour, so laboriously brought there by Max on s company, proved to be mixed with coarse shorts in the n Oregon Archives, MS. 936. 12 Oregon Archives, MS. 853. THE CAYUSE WAR. 205 proportion of seven pounds of shorts to five of flour, "and reel as a fox tail at that." Other barrels had good flour for six inches at either end, and fine shorts all the way, between. The volunteers preferred, he said, if it werc\ necessary for them to accept more shorts than flour, to have them put up in separate parcels. 13 And the wheat J for this flour had been subscribed to the army funds by I the people, and ground in the governor s mills! \ Waters also wrote to Colonel Lee, May fifth, that the Indians had recently "changed their sentiments" toward the Americans. Tauitowe, Otter-skin Shirt, Sticcas, Ca- maspelo, with their people, had returned to the Umatilla, and professed friendship, but he distrusted them. The plains in that direction were covered with their stock, and among them he believed the stock of the murderers was herded. Welaptulekt, whom he suspected of treachery, had been a prisoner at the fort for ten days, and would be detained there until the colonel s arrival. About one hundred Nez Perees, and several chiefs, were at Waiilatpu awaiting his arrival. They desired to have a talk with the proper authorities, and have a head chief appointed in place of Ellis, who, with sixty of his people, had died of the measles while on a buffalo hunt. The Cayuses were angry with the Nez Perees, and only the night previous had threatened one of them with death at the fort gate for fighting with the Bostons. 14 This was the state of affairs when Colonel Lee reached Waiilatpu about the ninth of May. Here, as might have been foreseen, the men differed in their choice of a leader, and Lee, who had accepted his promotion over Waters conditionally, hastened to return his commission, 15 and that of his adjutant, C. W. Cooke. "I find," said he, "the regiment greatly improved under command of Lieutenant- " Oregon Archives, MS. 910. * Oregon Archives, MS. 1021. 15 You are aware of the manner in which I accepted the appointment, and will not be surprised to see the commission returned : Oregon Archives, MS. 998, 206 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Colonel Waters. I have great confidence in him, and doubt not the troops will find him competent to the task before him. To prevent any discord or rupture in the regiment, at the request of the officers and men, I have consented to act as lieutenant- colonel during the approach ing campaign." Waters had already been sworn in, as appears from his letter of the fifteenth of May to the adjutant-general, in which he says, that "on Colonel Lee s arrival at this post he delivered up his command to me. * * Colonel Lee, at the request of almost every man in the regiment, has consented to act as lieutenant-colonel. The prospects are now fair before us, and I trust we will soon be on our way to the valley. I intend to start in pursuit of our enemies in a few days, and doubt not that we will be able to accomplish our end." Very soon after his return from Waiilatpu in March, Palmer had resigned the superintendency of Indian affairs, as being, jointly with his other duties, too burdensome; and Governor Abernethy when he made Lee colonel, per suaded him to act also os Indian superintendent, a duty for which he was well prepared by acquaintance with its requirements, having assisted both Dr. White and the governor in controlling the interior tribes. The governor s instructions to Lee in this capacity ran as follows: EXECUTIVE OFFICE, OREGON CITY, 10th April, 1848. SIB : I would refer you to my instructions to the commissioners and superintendent of Indian affairs under date of third February last. The adjutant-general will furnish you with copies of instruc tions sent to Colonel Gilliam. In addition, I would remark should the murderers be scattered, and you think it unadvisable to follow them, in making a treaty with the tribes keep in view the safety of the immigrants and the people of this valley. The only way in which this can be done wilt be by binding the chiefs to protect them, giving them to understand that if Americans are molested in person or property, that we shall hold them responsible. Impress on their minds the fact that the murderers are few, and their 16 people many. You will get all the information you can respecting the 10 Our people appears to be meant. THE CAYUSE WAR. 207 murderers, where located, and their probable intentions. I think Joe Lewis and others have gone to the Mormons. A few men, well selected, might follow them, and by sending on one or two men into the city accompanied by some of the Fort Hall people, they might be arrested. I leave this, however, to your own judgment. Hoping that you may be successful in bringing thte war to a close, I remain, your obedient servant, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon Territory. Colonel H. A. G. Lee, First Regiment Oregon Riflemen. Lee learned from Maxon at The Dalles that the Yakima chiefs had paid the major a visit to express their friendly feelings. They said, "We do not want to fight the Ameri cans, nor the French; neither do the Spokanes, a neigh boring tribe to us. Last fall the Cayuses told us they were^ about to kill the whites at Dr. Whitman s. We told them\ that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when they killed them they came to us and wished us to fight the whites, which we refused. We love the whites ; but they say, if you do not help us to fight the whites when we have I killed them we will come and kill you. This made us cry,/ but we told them we would not fight, but if they desired to kill us they might. We should feel happy to know that we die innocently." To these friendly professions Maxon replied with the assurance of the American pur pose to make war only on the murderers and those who harbored them. "We that fight," said he, "do not care how many bad people we have to fight. The Americans and Hudson s bay people are the same as one, and you will get no more ammunition until the war is at a close." The news of a change in the superintendency having reached Fort Waters and the Indians in advance of the reinforcement, was the occasion of the presence at Waii- latpu of a large body of Nez Perces. So impatient were they that an express was sent to meet Lee at John Day river with a request for a council, in response to which he hastened forward, arriving at the fort in advance of the 208 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. new companies. Richard was appointed high chief on account of his superior attainments and good character; and Meaway, a very peaceable man, as war chief. These appointments were not objected to at the time, only quietly acquiesced in; but later Richard was assassinated, as it was thought, by a political enemy, and another high chief elected. The affairs of the Nez Perces being settled, a council was held with the Walla Wallas and the Cayuses who had returned to the Umatilla. They, seeing that compa nies of armed Americans continued to come from the Wallainet, and being informed of the expected arrival of the United States mounted rifle regiment, on its way as it was supposed, from Fort Leavenworth, were humble accordingly. "The friendship of the Indians," wrote Col onel Waters, "increases with our numbers." Even Peu- peu-mox-mox, who had deeply resented the act of the legislature withholding ammunition from the Indians without distinction of tribe or individual, and who had threatened to join the murderers in retaliation, confessed his shame at having done so. "I told him, and all that were present," wrote Lee, "that \ve were bound to hold this country until the murderers were punished, the stolen property returned, and that which had been destroyed paid for; and then asked them what they were going to do; whether they would try to settle the matter and let us go home about our business, and leave them to theirs, or would they hold off as they had done, and leave us here to hold the country with our guns?" It was certainly not an easy question to answer. The conditions were as hard as they were unavoidable, for if they complied with the demands of the Americans they should have to fight among themselves, and if they refused they would be compelled to fight the Americans or leave their country. Even in the matter of property, they found they were likely to be impoverished by an attempt to pay THE CAYUSE WAR. 209 the Cay use v debt. "I showed them," says Lee, "the bill of articles taken at this place, and those taken from immi grants along the road, as also at Barlow s gate, and told them we would forget nothing." Nothing more definite resulted from the council than professions of a desire for peace and friendship. Meanwhile, preparations were making at the fort for a pursuit of the murderers, who were believed to have taken refuge in the Nez Peree country; and on the seventeenth of May over four hundred men set out upon the march to the Clearwater. They encamped that night on the Coppei, and on the following morning Lee was detached with Captain Thompson and one hundred and twenty-one men to proceed to Red Wolf s camp at Snake river crossing to be ready to intercept the flight of the fugitives to the mountains, while the main force would march to the river at the mouth of the Palouse, and crossing there, prevent them from escaping down to the Columbia. Several Palouse chiefs had offered their services in fer rying the army across, but were nowhere to be found when the troops arrived, Major Magone with four men being compelled to cross Snake river on a raft to search for the means of transporting men and baggage to the north side of that then turbulent stream. A day was spent in find ing the Indians, and a day and a half more in effecting a crossing, swimming the horses and ferrying the troops. At noon on the twenty-first they were once more under way, being piloted by an Indian who promised to bring them to the camp of Tiloukaikt. On the following day a messenger arrived from the Chernekane mission, bringing a letter from Mr. Eells, to whom Colonel Waters had written to inquire as to the disposition of the Spokane tribe. According to the infor mation thus gained they were not altogether in harmony, although they did not pretend to excuse the murderers. Forty-three of the tribe accompanied the courier, who pointed out to Waters where Tiloukaikt s cattle were 14 210 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. grazing, and offered to bring them in. With the latter came two Nez Perces, thought to be spies, who informed him that Tiloukaikt had fled to the mountains, but that the greater portion of his stock was being herded by a few Indians near Snake river, and could easily be captured. Major Magone was directed to bring it in, and to capture any Indian who behaved suspiciously. Probably there was never an Indian war in which, under so great provocation, the men behaved with more humanity towards the enemy than in the war of the early settlers of Oregon with the Cay uses. Now and then, how ever, some impetuous or revengeful volunteer, or officer desiring to distinguish himself, construed his orders to suit his sentiment on the occasion, and this seemed to have occurred on Major Magone s errand after Tiloukaikt s stock, for the flight of a frightened savage, running away from his natural enemy, the white man, caused a squad of troopers to pursue him to kill, rather than to capture. According to Major Magone s report, Baptiste Dorion, himself a half-Indian, son of the Madam Dorion of Irving s Astoria, set off at full speed without orders, followed by several others, and the fleeing Indian was killed before the major, owing to his having a poor horse, could call a halt. The fugitive had at last taken refuge in a canoe when he was discovered and shot, as was also another Indian. That the act was considered unjustifiable, is proven by the notice taken of the incident at the time. Magone found none of Tiloukaikt s people, but only a few Columbia river Indians, under Beardy, who directed him to the camp of Richard, high chief of the Nez Perces. Both Beardy and Richard assured him that Tiloukaikt was far out of the country towards Fort Hall. Richard, at the same time, informed the major that an express had gone from Lee at Lapwai to Colonel Waters, carried by two white men only, 17 a piece of news which 17 The bearers of this express through an Indian country where the murderers were still supposed to be lurking were C. W. Cooke and David Guthrie. THE CAYUSE WAR. 211 caused him to hasten his return to the main command, with such of Tiloukaikt s stock as could be gathered up without loss of time, and much to the dissatisfaction of his men, who were out of all patience with Indians who professed friendship, yet who constantly shielded the mur derers, as even the Nez Perces were doing by allowing them to escape through their country. "I would have given more general satisfaction to the men by ordering them to wipe from the face of existence those professed friendly Indians, without distinction or mercy," he said in his report, and hinted that only obedience to orders re strained him as well as them. The dispatch from Lee stated that he had been met at Red \yolfs crossing with the assurance that the guilty Cayuses had fled, leaving behind all their property, some of which was about Lapwai; that he had gone there to collect it on the twenty-first, and had remained several days, during which he had talked with the Nez Perces, ex plaining that the invasion of their country by armed men was solely with the object of arresting the Cayuses : but that since they were not to be found he should take possession of their property. If the Nez Perces were true friends they would aid, instead of concealing anything from him which would forward the ends of justice. To this they assented, and agreed to assist in driving to Waiilatpu 18 the Cayuse stock, which amounted to one hundred and eighteen horses and forty head of neat cattle. Lee desired further orders, and was directed to return at once to the 18 There seems to have been a treaty with the Xez Perces drawn up at the time of Palmer s visit to Waiilatpu in March, which promised peace and friendship towards the Americans ; to refrain from aiding the Cayuses, or from giving them refuge in their territory ; to aid the Americans, as far as they could without bloodshed, in punishing the guilty ; and to respect the persons and property of such white men as the superintendent should send to reside among them. On the part of the commissioners, it was agreed to permit no white men to settle upon the Nez Perc6 lands, except such as just named, but the superintendent was to hear their complaints, and protect them. The right to pass through each other s country was to be maintained, and finally, the Americans and Nez Perces were to be friends and brothers. This treaty is not mentioned in the report of the proceedings at Waiilatpu, though the unsigned draft of it is among the papers of the provisional government. 212 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. main command, which he proceeded to do, crossing Snake river in boats made of the skin lodges of the Cayuses, abandoned in their flight, and arriving at camp about the twenty-fifth. Before leaving Lapwai, Lee s command offered a reward of several hundred dollars for the apprehension of the murderers, or any two of the principal men; or half of the whole for any one of them, and one-quarter of the sum for the capture and delivery of certain less responsible of the murderers; but this offer produced no effect, although the Nez Perces appeared to be in earnest in promising their best efforts to bring the criminals to justice. This docu ment, which is preserved in the Oregon archives, is inter esting as illustrating the poverty and patriotism of the volunteers: CLEAR-WATER CAMP, 23d May, 1848. We, the undersignejl, promise to pay to the Nez Percys or other Indians, or their agent, the articles, sums, and amounts annexed to our names, respectively, for the capture and delivery to the authori ties of Oregon territory, any two of the following named Indians, viz., Teloukikt, Tamsucy, Tamahas, Joe Lewis, or Edward Telou- kikt ; or half the amount for any one of them. We also promise to pay one-fourth of the amount as specified above for the capture and delivery of any one of the following, viz., Llou-Llou, Pips, Frank Escaloom, Quiamashouskin, Estools, Showshow, Pahosh, Cupup-Cupup, or any other engaged in the massacre. The same to be paid whenever the service is rendered, and the fact that it has been rendered established : Burrel Davis, two blankets; Edwin F. Stone, two blankets, four shirts; P. F. Thompson, fifty dollars in goods; Harrison C. Johnson, two blankets; A. K. Fox, one blanket; James Etchel, one blanket; D. B. Matheny, one blanket, one shirt; Jeptha Garrison, two shirts; Wm. A. Culberson, two blankets; Jesse Cadwaleder, two blankets; Josiah Nelson, one blanket, one shirt; Martin F. Brown, two blankets; Isaac Walgamot, one blanket; John Eldridge, one blanket; A. S. Wilton, one blanket; J. W. Downer, one blanket, two shirts; Jacob Grazer, one blanket; Thos. J. Jackson, two blankets, two shirts; Clark Rogers, one blanket; John Scales, one blanket; Hiram Carnahan, two shirts; John Co- penhaver, one blanket, two shirts; Isaiah C. Matheny, one blanket, one shirt; Benjamin Taylor, one shirt; M. B. Riggs, one blanket, two shirts; E. C. Dice, five shirts; S. E. Elkins, one blanket; J. W. THE CAYUSE WAR 213 Burch, two blankets, five shirts; M. A. Ford, four shirts; J. Butler, four shirts; John Orchard, four blankets; C. W. Cooke, twelve shirts; J. J. Tomerson, one blanket, one shirt; John Doran, two blankets; William Rogers, one blanket, one shirt; D. D. Dusking, two blankets, two shirts; F. T. McLentick, five shirks; Wm. Mc- Kee, one blanket; John McCord, one blanket; J. L. Snook, two blankets; J. Scudder, one blanket, one shirt; R. Mendenhall, one blanket, one shirt; John Carlin, one blanket; Wm. Olds, one blanket, one shirt; Philip Peters, one blanket, one shirt; Laurence Hall, fifty dollars in goods; A. M. Poe, five dollars in goods; Jas. R. Bean, five dollars in goods; Jackson Reynolds, five dollars in goods; Jason Peters, five dollars in goods; Franklin Martin, one blanket; Robt. Loughlin, one blanket; Geo. Frazier, four shirts; James M. Owen, one blanket, one shirt; John Menoia, two shirts; Josiah Lowrey, two shirts; J. J. Louk, two shirts; G. W. Pibern, two shirts; R. Christinan, two shirts; Stephen King, one blanket, twq shirts; John McLosky, one blanket, one shirt; Aaron Cone, two shirts; Robert Harman, two shirts; Wm. Hailey, one blanket, two shirts; Jas. O. Henderson, one blanket; Fred. Ketchum, two shirts; Joel Welch, four shirts; J. G. Fuller, two shirts; J. C. Robinson, two blankets; F. R. Hill, one blanket; Fred. Paul, wheat, five bushels; Peter A. Wice, one shirt; Charles Bolds, one blanket; Jas. E. Alsop, one blanket, one shirt; Daniel P. Barnes, one blanket, one shirt; Henry Coleman, one blanket; Wm. W. Porter, one blanket, one shirt; A. M. Peak, one blanket; W. Holman, one blanket, one shirt; I. N. Gilbert, two dollars; Fales Howard, one shirt; O. S. Thomas, one shirt; John Monroe, two shirts. Total, one hundred and twenty- five dollars in goods and wheat; blankets, sixty-seven; shirts, one hundred and four. The first rough draft of this agreement reads, "We, the under signed, pledge ourselves in faith and honor to pay to the Nez Perces or any other Indians who will deliver, at Oregon City, Tiloukaikt and Tamsuckie, blankets, shirts, to be placed in the hands of the superintendent of Indian affairs, for the prompt payment of the sums affixed to our names we consider this a written obligation." On the back of the same paper, in pencil, is the result of a vote to sell the property taken from the Cay uses : Yeas Hall, Owens, Maxon, Martin, Pugh, Shaw, Nesmith, Burnett, Waters. Nays Thompson, and Lee. The vote on being reconsidered stood, not to sell: Nesmith, Hall, Thompson, Burnett, Martin, Pugh. To sell: Maxon. It is easy to see Lee s influence in the matter. It almost always prevailed: See Oregon Archives, MS., 522. In J. Henri Brown s Political History of Oregon a valuable contribution to the historical literature of the state, he is led, no doubt, by the failing memory of the men of 47, into the error of plufing this subscription of the twenty-third of May, at Oregon 214 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. City, whereas it was gotten up in the regiment when it was on the Clearwater, as an inducement to the Nez Percys to pursue the Cayuses, which they failed to do. It was by this time evident that the campaign would have to be brought to a close, even without the capture of the murderers. Summer was close at hand when the harvest in the Wallamet valley must be gathered. In the summer, too, the Cayuses would be able to subsist them selves in the mountains, scattering to every point of the compass, where a thousand troops could not overtake them. Yet the campaign had not been without results. As long as only a few men remained cooped up at Fort Waters, Tiloukaikt made bold to move about with his herds within a few hours ride, but the coming of the last four hundred assured him that the Americans were going to carry out their intentions and drove him, a fugitive, and poor, far away from home. The effect upon the other tribes was also salutary. The Nez Perces were confirmed in their friendl} 7 disposition. The Palouses, although treacherous as ever, found it to their interest to make overtures of good will; and the chief of the Walla Wallas so far forgot his grievances as to take (upon himself to hang one of the murderers whom he found on the Yakima, at a fishing station ; and to send word to McBean that he was in pursuit of Thomas, who murdered the miller at Dr. Whitman s. Although these concessions were signs of fear rather than of love, they were accepted by the commander-in-chief. and in the field, with satisfaction. Having become convinced that to remain longer in the country would result in no further good, and was, in fact, becoming daily less practicable through the poverty of the commissary department, Colonel Waters, after consulting with his officers, decided to return to Waiilatpu. Captains Thompson and Nesmith were directed to proceed to Lapwai for the purpose of removing the family and property of the Indian agent, Craig, who felt unsafe while the mur- THE CAYUSE WAR. 215 derers were at large. These arrived at camp on the twenty-ninth of May, and at Fort Waters on the third of June. The missionaries, Walker and Eells, still remained at Fort Colville whither they had gone when fighting began in the Cayuse country, and it was the general verdict of the army that they ought to be conducted out of it before the troops disbanded; but it was not thought quite safe to further weaken the garrison by sending two companies to Colville. Major Magone offered to go with fifty men should that number come forward for this service, or with any number down to ten men. On the call for volunteers, over one hundred offered, but only fifty-five were accepted. With this force the Messrs. Walker and Eells, with their wives and children, and a Miss Bewley, sister of the cap tive of that name, were taken safely to The Dalles, to which post the army was already on the march, 19 having left Waiilatpu on the eighth of June. On reaching that place Colonel Waters found a letter from the governor, dated the fifteenth of June, in which he was directed to hold a council with the superintendent of Indian affairs, and come to a decision in regard to remaining in the upper country, and recommending that one company of eighty-five men, rank and file, should be left to garrison Forts Waters and Lee until the arrival of the expected United States regiment of mounted riflemen seventy at Waiilatpu, and fifteen at The Dalles. But this matter had already been arranged, and, as usual, by the sagacity of the lieutenent-colonel. On the return to Fort Waters a council of the officers had been held, to decide upon the question of holding the fort through the summer, or until the United States troops had arrived, or in That Major Magone was pleased to perform this gallant duty is evident from his report. He relates that several of the Spokanes shed tears on parting from their teachers. Joseph Magone was born in Ogdensburg, New York, February ilO, 1821 ; was a miller by occupation. He came to Oregon as captain of a company in 1847. After the Cayuse war, he went to the California mines and was fortunate ; was married in 1850, his wife dying in 1859. He has written au account of his life for publication. 216 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the annual immigration had passed. Upon putting it to vote there were six negatives to five affirmatives. Lee then requested that a call should be made for volunteers, which was ordered, but later countermanded. " Knowing," says Lee, "that such a step (as abandoning the fort) would be yielding up the little advantage we had gained over the enemy, and believing it would be not only a violation of general orders, but a matter of disappointment to the people in the valley, I resolved to make one more effort, independent of the voice of the council. To make this effort successful, I found it necessary to pledge myself to some responsible men, that I would give them a written authority to colonize the country immediately, securing them as far as in my power against future treaty stipula tions prejudicial to their interests. This pledge was ac cordingly made in good faith to Captain Philip F. Thomp son of Yam hill, Mr. James Taylor of Clatsop, and their associates. A call was then made for fifty volunteers to remain until September fifteenth next, with a promise from Captain Thompson, that he would return by that time with families to settle the country." This offer proved successful, and more than the required number of volunteers remained under Captain Martin. Lee took care in reporting his acts to the governor, to en close an article for the Spectator, intended to help the colonization of the country, stating that there were then in the Cayuse country grist and sawmills, blacksmith anvils, bellows, and tools, iron, plows, harrows, hoes, a crop of wheat, pease, potatoes, and corn, with almost every convenience for forming a settlement; that the country was peculiarly adapted to wool-growing and cattle-raising, holding out greater inducements to farmers than the Wallamet valley, and that the beauty of the country and the climate was unexcelled. This estimate of the Walla Walla valley, then hardly credited by the settlers of western Oregon, has since been more than verified. But Lee desired the governor s approval, and assurance THE CAYUSE WAR. 217 of the legality of the grant. To his inquiries Governor Abernethy replied that the organic law of Oregon did not limit settlement to any part of the territory, and although it might be impolitic to occupy the lands of friendly Indians, there could be no impropriety in occupying those of the murderers, provided the party taking possession were strong enough to hold it and maintain peace. He desired, in case this plan should be carried out, that the lands and improvements of the Presbyterian missions should be reserved. The governor, therefore, approved the scheme, 20 which, indeed, from a particular point of view was a military necessity. But it certainly conflicted with the statement several times iterated to the Cay uses and Nez Perces that it was individuals whom the govern ment sought to punish, and not the nation. It was true the conduct of the nation in sheltering its guilty members gave a color of right to the act; but such nice distinctions were not familiar to the savage mind. The very thing was about to happen which the Cayuses had killed Whit man to prevent, namely, the settlement of their lands by white people. The governor s sanction being obtained, a proclamation appeared in the Spectator of July thirteenth, under the title of " Forfeiture of the Cayuse Lands," with a eulogy intended to promote their settlement. When Lee was at The Dalles he gave notice to the Catholic missionaries engaged at that time in erecting buildings for a mission, that none should be established by any denomination until the presence of the United States troops in the country should make it safe and proper. They desisted, but Rev. Rosseau remained, and cultivated a farm, without teaching openly. The oblate father returned to the Yakima country, keeping very quiet; and the bishop of Walla Walla wandered about the country with the unsettled Cayuses. In this manner they held their ground. Fort Lee was left in charge of Lieutenant Alexander T. 20 Oregon Archives, MS. 930, 939. 218 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Rodgers, one non-commissioned officer, and thirteen men. 21 The remainder of the regiment with Colonel Waters was not detained to await Magone s arrival, but hurried across the mountains or down the river to their homes, many without waiting to be discharged at the appointed rendez vous on the Clackamas river. Colonel Waters, being in bad health, was unable to accompany the regiment across the mountains, and took the river route to Oregon City, which owing to adverse winds proved a tedious one, so that he was unable to meet the companies on the Clackamas. Lee had withdrawn from any connection with the army when the campaign closed at Fort Waters; and although he crossed the moun tains with the regiment, Captain Hall was in command. On arriving at the rendezvous Hall was compelled to grant furloughs subject to the order of the governor. "This step, * wrote Waters, "was perhaps objectionable, but I am disposed to believe the best that could have been taken under the circumstances." Palmer informed the governor, who was absent from Oregon City, that the men were "perfectly reckless" and "regardless of conse quences," on getting so near home. Always ready to perform their duty in the field, they cared little for the conventionalities of army life, and longing for a sight of beloved faces, risked their meager and doubtful pay to gratify this home hunger. On reaching Oregon City, Lee, who must always be regarded as one of the most conspicuous figures in the history of the war, declined his commission, and with it of course the pay, in the following letter: OREGON CITY, June 24, 1848. To Governor Abernethy : DEAR SIR : Having fulfilled my promise to Colonel Waters, and the officers and men of the regiment, in accompanying them through 21 The report of Lieutenant Rodgers, August fourteenth, gives the strengch and condition of the force at Fort Lee as one lieutenant, one orderly sergeant, thirteen privates, seven horses, ten saddles, six bridles, eight rifles, four muskets, three shot guns, fifteen shot pouches, and powder horns. No fifes, drums, or colors. THE GAYUSE WAR. 219 the late campaign, J consider myself released from any further mili tary connection with the regiment^ that connection having expired by limitation on our return to Fort Waters. Consequently, 1 there withdraw from the regiment. On the road from that place to Fort Wascopam, I met a commis sion filled out for myself as lieutenant-colonel. This doubtless grew out of a misunderstanding of the consent I gave to act as such for the time. When I resigned my commission as colonel, I believe I was only yielding to another what I knew he considered his rights, and my consent to fill an office under him was purely from a wish to preserve peace, friendship, and good feeling in the regiment until a last effort should be made to punish the enemy, and not to gratify any ambition to fill an office. In resigning the former office, there was no sacrifice, but on the contrary a high degree of pleasure. In submitting to the latter, though temporarily, I confess there was a sacrifice required. It was made, as long as necessary to the success of the campaign. With the necessity my obligations expired. With high sense of obligation and duty to the community, and a sense of gratefulness to your excellency, I beg leave to decline the proffered honor. You are aware that no election in the regiment to fill that office could be legal, while there was no vacancy, even if the appointing power had been vested in the regiment. So that all I did in that capacity was by mutual consent, and not legal au thority. I remain, yours truly, H. A. G. LEE. The public mind was beginning to settle down to its ordinary composure, when a fresh excitement was spread through the settlements by the information furnished by Lieutenant Rodgers at The Dalles, that the Catholics at that place were inflaming the Indians, and that a large quantity of ammunition and arms were being taken into the Indian country by the Jesuit fathers. The amounts were so much larger than the Oregon army had at any time been able to command at one invoice that the alarm occasioned by it seems justifiable. 22 At all events the packages were seized by Lieutenant Rodgers, and sent to Oregon City to be taken charge of by the governor, while the superintendent of Indian affairs wrote to Rev. M. - There were thirty-six guns, one thousand and five hundred pounds of balls, three hundred pounds of buckshot, and one thousand and eighty pounds of powder. The whole Oregon army had been able to obtain no more than five hundred pounds of powder : Oregon American, August 16, 1848 ; Oregon Spectator, September G, 1848. 220 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Acolti for an explanation of the matter. Acolti replied^ that he did not object to the seizure if the governor thought it prudent, unless it was the intention to confis cate it; but he reminded the superintendent that there was no law prohibiting the transportation of arms through the Indian country, but only the distribution of them to ) the Indians. His explanation of the incident was, that j the packages seized contained the annual supply of the \ four Jesuit missions of the Flatheads, Pend d Oreilles, \ Coeur d Alenes, and Okanagons. These people lived by \ the chase, and required ammunition. Indeed, the sub- I sistence of the priests themselves depended upon a proper [supply. Besides, a certain amount was required by the /white men and half-breeds about the missions; and a part / of that seized was destined to the British possessions, / where the Jesuits had an extensive mission. Dividing 1 the whole amount among all these stations, and thou sands of Indians, Acolti held that the amount was not large enough to cause any alarm. "With respect to the advice you give me," wrote the priest to Lee, " that there is more excitement and bitter feeling against the Catholics as a body than ever has existed in Oregon before, I believe the fact. Yet, sir, I presume that you who hold authority, and who . have had an opportunity of knowing how things have been, and who are not .biased by prejudice I presume that you and all sen sible citizens know that it is not through any fault of the Catholics if this fact exists, that the Catholics have done nothing to cause excitement or bitter feeling against them, and that the fact is based only upon unfounded suspicions, growing out of unjust prejudices and a groveling jealousy. I thank you for your frankness, and I will not fail to profit by your advice whenever circumstances shall allow me; and I can assure you that I, as well as all the priests, will beware of doing nothing 23 that may be incentives to violence and disorder, or to evade or circumvent the laws of the land. I hope you will give me credit for the freedom of my expressions, and that, content with the purity of the intentions of the Catholic priests, you will no longer be surprised at my singular proceedings, but labor 23 This lapse from Grammat, as well a/s the use of the word "credit " below where " pardon " was meant, is to be charged to the translator. Acolti was an Italian. He came to Oregon by sea in 1844. He was transferred to California in 1855, and died at San Francisco in 1878, distinguished for learning and piety. THE CAYUtiE WAR. 221 cwith all benevolent citizens to anticipate the unfortunate effects of the excitement which is so unjustly raised against the Catholics, is the confidence with which I have the honor to remain, sir, Your obedient servant, M. ACOLTI." Governor Abernethy endeavored to quiet the excitement, and in a letter to R. W. Ford, who had published an article in the Oregon American and Evangelical Unionist, edited by J. S. Griffin of Tualatin plains, said: I am well acquainted with the Indian character, and know their disposition to carry false reports from one to another, sometimes merely to see what effect a report unfavorable to the person they are speaking to will have. I am, therefore, satisfied that the In dians, in making the statement they did to Mr. Rodgers, did it to mislead him. For I cannot believe that the priests would be so remiss as to say anything of the kind to the Indians while there is so much excitement in the community. This was, it is true, a rather weak defense, but was better than the inflammatory articles that certain anti-Romanists were eager to place before the public, the influence of which remains to this day in Oregon, many respectable persons of the pioneers, and their children, firmly believ ing that the ammunition which was intercepted, and sent to Oregon City when Fort Lee was abandoned, to lie for months in the governor s storehouse, was intended by the Catholics to exterminate the Protestants in Oregon. No proof of any such intention was ever apparent. In December, a petition was presented to the legislature to expel Catholics from the country, which was rejected. They were not permitted to return to the Umatilla, but retained possession of all their other missions. In Febru ary, 1849, the legislative assembly having inquired of the governor what disposition had been made of the arms and ammunition of the priests, he replied that he had felt himself justified in retaining possession of them until then ; but application had been made to him to return the property to Vancouver to be placed to the credit of the Catholic missions on the company s books, accompanied 222 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. by an assurance that no powder should be sent to the upper country without the sanction of the Oregon govern ment, and that he had done so. The proclamation which discharged the first regiment of Oregon riflemen was dated July 5, 1848, the only por tion excepted being the men left at Forts Waters and Lee. On the twelfth, the commissary-general wrote to the governor that the men thus detailed were in need of clothing and provisions; that having no funds on hand in his department to supply them, he had called on the loan commissioners for an amount barely sufficient to subsist these men until October first, when their term would expire; but that the commissioners had replied that they had no funds, and believed it impossible to raise any; and as the decision of the board had been that they were not authorized to execute bonds for debts he might contract, it was no longer in his power to supply the troops. 24 Meanwhile, by hook or by crook, the volunteers in the Indian country got on very well. The mill had been re paired, and some large caches of grain discovered. They celebrated the fourth of July in due form with a feast and patriotic toasts drunk in water, among which was: "The American flag, the only thing American that will bear stripes," said to have been proposed by a "young Miss Wickliffe," 25 of Oregon City. 24 Palmer asked the commissioners for one thousand dollars for subsistence and six hundred and eighty-eight dollars for clothing : Oregon Archives, MS. 1010. 25 The following letter is interesting as a picture of the times in the interior at this date. It is written July fifth to Lee by C. W. Cooke: "As the Messrs. Priests will start down tomorrow, altho I have nothing important to comrmmicate, I cannot forego an opportunity of informing you of some things that have transpired in this delightful portion of God s heritage, vulgarly known as middle Oregon. We saw not an Indian, and heard no news from the time of your departure up to the tAventy- eighth proximo, when Moolpool and Tintinmitzie came from the Grand Round and informed us that the Kayuses were all there, and the murderers high up on Burnt riyer. The most of the Kayuses will be back here in a few weeks. Richard and Red Wolf took supper with us three nights gone, and told us that the Snakes have killed five Nez Percys, and that they are making preparations to go immediately against the Snakes. It is Indian news, and you know the reliability of the information. Being myself very skeptical, and knowing Mr. McBean s superior facilities for detecting THE GAYUSE WAR. 223 The volunteers performed the duty of holding the Cayuse country, and patroling the immigrant road to the satisfaction of the Oregon government and the immigra tion. Since the opening of the road, never had the Indians behaved so well. The murderers, reduced to poverty, and without ammunition, kept out of the way of hoth volun teers and immigrants. Thus the Cayuse war came to an end, it might be said, for want of powder. The murderers had not been hung, but they had been severely punished, and the Cayuse nation, as such, had lost its prestige forever. As might have been expected, some of the more restless tribes in western Oregon were affected by the war rumors, and early showed signs of insurrection. These were the Molallas and Klamaths, who ranged about the head of the Wallamet valley, and over into the Klamath basin. Be lieving that the warriors among the white men had all gone to give battle to the Cayuses, these Indians made several incursions into the settlements, committing acts Indian falsehood and obtaining truth, I came here ( to Walla Walla fort) today to see him, and I find that he places the utmost confidence in the report. He is also of opinion that there is a prospect of serious difficulty between Young Chief and Yellow Serpent, owing to some recent misunderstanding. I give it to you as I hear it. I am not responsible for its authenticity. No news from the United States. I m becoming impatient. I am looking for the troops every day. We did not forget that yesterday was the fourth of July. Indeed, we paid to it all the deference and honor of which in our circumstances we were capable, with guns, songs, hymns, and national an thems. Everything passed off quietly, and in genteel military order. I have sent Mr. Wait (editor Spectator) some scraps. See him for particulars. I am anxious to know what will be done by the United States government in relation to this country. I have no interest in the place at Fort Waters, and so many have taken claims already up here, that I deemed it not improper to at least secure that place for Perrin ( Whit man), provided it be lawful to take claims here now, and yourself nor the governor do not want it for a military post, or agency, and the missionaries do not claim it for the board on account of previous occupancy. Then, if you think it expedient to enter it for Perrin before it is taken by others, you will call for a beginning stake three- fourths of a mile southwest of the old buildings ; thence north one mile to a stake : thence east one mile to a stake ; thence south one mile to a stake ; thence west one mile to the beginning, including the improvements of the late Dr. Whitman. The corn is silking, and our wheat is ripe for harvest. The boys are cutting today. I think we will have between two hundred and three hundred bushels. I find some half dozen commissions among the waste papers in the loft and send them to you for disposition. My respects to the governor and family, and General Palmer and family, <fcc. Three of McBean s horses, branded " H. B.," have been taken to the valley. Tell the quartermasters to please see to it. Dr. Lydan, the poet, and all the boys, send you their compliments :" Oregon Archives, MS. 1009, 1026. In such friendly and unmilitary fashion did the whilom adjutant address his late superior. 224 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. against peace and order, apparently to test the ability of the settlers to protect themselves. The most impudent of these raids were the rape of a young girl in Lane county, some cattle thefts in Benton county, and an attack on the house of Richard Miller in Champoeg(now Marion) county. It happened that one Knox, whose home was in Linn county, was carrying the first United States mail ever delivered in this part of Oregon, and saw a man running from Indians, to gain the shelter of Miller s house. He put spurs to his horse, and notified the settlers along his route as quickly as he could. These mounted and spread the alarm, until by morning a company of men and boys numbering one hundred and fifty were rendezvoused at Miller s place, from which the Indians had in the meantime retired with threats of mis chief. An organization of this force was at once effected, Daniel Waldo being elected colonel, and R. C. Geer, Allen Davy, Richard Miller, and Samuel Parker, captains. The Indian encampment was on the Abiqua creek where it comes down from the Cascades to the valley, and towards this the volunteers marched, the mounted men proceeding up the north side, and the foot soldiers up the south side. 26 When the Indians discovered the horsemen, they began crossing to the south side and fell into an ambuscade of the footmen awaiting them. After a few shots had been exchanged, the Indians retreated up the creek, having two killed. As the day was nearly spent, those who had fam ilies to protect returned home, and the single men and boys encamped at a farmhouse to be ready for an early start next morning. Those who could do so rejoined them at daybreak, and they overtook the Indians, retreating on 26 R. C. Geer wrote an account of this affair in the Salem, Oregon,, Statesman, which was copied into the San Jos6 Pioneer of September 1, 1877, from which the above is taken. He mentions the following names: William Parker, James Harpole, Wilburu King, James Brown, S. D. Maxon, L. A. Bird, Israel Shaw, Robert Shaw, King Hib- bard. William Brisbane, . Winchester, Port. Gilliam, William Howell, Thomas Howell, George Howell, William Hendricks, Len. Goff, Leander Davis, G. W. Hunt, James Williams, J. Warnock, J. W. Schrum, Thomas Schrum, Elias Cox, Cyrus Smith T. B. Allen, Henry Schrum, and Jacob Caplinger. THE CAYUSE WAR. 225 the Klamath trail with their best marksmen apparently in the rear. One of the volunteers was hit in the breast by an arrow which failed to penetrate, but the balls of the frontier riflemen went home. The Indians were driven to bay at a pass of the stream where the cliffs came down precipitately on the south side, and the current would not permit them to cross. Here, fighting the best they could, seven warriors were slain, and two women wounded one of the warriors, however, being a woman armed. When the battle was over it was discovered that the actual marauders had eluded them, and those who had suffered were their families and camp guards. Ashamed of their easy victory, the volunteers built a large fire in a comfortable camping place, and left the wounded women to be found and cared for by their relatives. So sensitive were the participants in the "battle of the Abiqua," that it was seldom referred to, and never mentioned as among tha defensive measures of the colonists in 1848. Yet the punishment inflicted, and the knowledge imparted on and to the savages on the southeastern border, proved salutary, and put an end to raids from that quarter. On the west side of the valley the inhabitants had some trouble with the Calapooias and Tillamooks, who mur dered an old man, and stole cattle from the settlers. A collision occurred in March, in which two Indians were killed, and ten other marauding savages taken and "* whipped. This punishment had the effect to intimidate them, and secure order in that quarter. On the tenth of April, Superintendent Lee appointed Felix Scott sub-agent of Indian affairs, and notified him that it was advisable to raise a company for the defense of the southern frontier, and asking him to undertake the duty. This he did, enrolling a company of less than half the regulation number. 27 He was commissioned captain of the independent rifle rangers May 11, 1848, and pro- 27 No roll of Scott s company exists. It was probably never more than twenty-five strong. 226 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ceeded up the valley, finding the settlers much disturbed by the conduct of the Indians, and rumors of attacks upon travelers. 28 Scott found but few of the predatory natives in the Wallamet, they having retired through the moun tain passes to places of safety. On the seventh of July he was ordered to proceed to southeastern Oregon to escort the immigrants by the southern route, a duty which he performed with only nineteen men, and without serious interference by the natives. 29 C "* John Saxtou, who wrote a little book about Oregon, was coming from California with a band of one hundred horses in April. His party consisted of six men, and the Klamath and Rogue river Indians hanging upon their trail caused the loss of sixty-five of their animals : Oregon Spectator, May 4, 1848. 20 Scott was a Virginian by birth, and had been lieutenant-governor of Missouri. In 1845 he crossed the plains to California, coming to Oregon in the spring of 1846, and settling in Yamhill county. In 184$ he went to the gold fields of California, and the following year removed to Lane county in this state, where he was largely inter ested in stock-raising and lumbering. In 1858 he went by sea to New York, thence to Kentucky, and was on his way home with a herd of blooded horses, when he was killed by the Pit river Indians near Goose lake, and his horses taken. CHAPTER IX. CORRESPONDENCE OF ABERNETHY WITH UNITED STATES OFFICERS AND OTHERS CON CERNING THE CONDITION OF OREGON LETTERS TO SHUBRICK LETTER OF GOV ERNOR MASON TO ABERNETHY ABERNETHY TO MASON OGDEN TO ABERNETHY, ONE AND Two ABERNETHY TO OGDEN ABERNETHY TO HARDIE REPLY OF HARDIE ABERNETHY TO PRESIDENT POLK APPOINTMENT OF PICKETT INDIAN AGENT UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER AT HAWAII RECEIVES A LETTER MUNI TIONS OF WAR ARRIVE AFTER PEACE is RESTORED GOLD DISCOVERED MES SENGER MEEK REACHES WASHINGTON, AND THE TERRITORIAL ACT is PASSED LANE APPOINTED GOVERNOR AND MEEK MARSHAL INDIAN TROUBLE ON THE SOUND ARRIVAL OF THE MASSACHUSETTS WITH Two ARTILLERY COMPANIES SUB-INDIAN AGENT SERVICES OF DR. TOLMIE THE MOUNTED RIFLE REGIMENT DESERTION OF THE MEN SURRENDER, TRIAL, AND EXECUTION OF THE MUR DERERS FAITHFUL DISCHARGE OF DUTY BY THE REGIMENTAL AND ACCOUNTING OFFICERS OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT REPORTS OF THE LOAN COMMIS SIONERS, ADJUTANT-GENERAL, AND COMMISSARY AND QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL SETTLEMENT OF THE CYAUSE WAR DEBT. THE events narrated in the foregoing chapters, of so \ much importance to the Oregon colony, had transpired \ without the knowledge of the outside world. The letter of 1 Mr. Douglas to S. N. Castle of Honolulu, was not received / until February, and was productive of no results. The dispatches for California, which failed as has been nar rated, to get over the mountains, were put on board the brig Henry, which left the Columbia river about the middle of March, arriving at San Francisco April twelfth, leaving immediately for Mazatlan with government stores for the United States troops in Mexico. Such was the isolation of Oregon at this time that it was not known to its legislature or governor that the United States had taken possession of California, and the communication first sent was addressed to the commodore of the Pacific squadron, as follows: OREGON CITY, December 28, 1847. To W. Bradford j&hubrick, Commander Pacific Squadron : SIR : The present state of affairs in Oregon induces me to address you on the subject. I inclose herewith two papers which will inform (227) 228 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. you of our situation, and the necessity there is of sending aid, if in your power, as soon as possible. A sloop-of-war anchored in the Columbia river at Vancouver, or near the mouth of the Willamette river, would exert a powerful influence in our behalf. The Indians would be led to believe that our chief, of whom they have often heard, was ready to examine into and punish any wrongs they might inflict on American citizens. A supply of ammunition could be furnished to repel any attacks they might make on us, and would also let the citizens of the United States dwelling in this distant land know they w r ere not neglected. A vessel drawing sixteen feet of water can enter our harbor in safety ; one drawing fifteen feet can, I believe, get up the Columbia at any season of the year with proper caution. I am aware that the present season is not the most favorable for entering our river and ascending it, still mer chantmen enter and depart at all seasons of the year. Believing that you will do all you can to render us assistance, I have the honor to remain, yours truly, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon. By the Henry, the governor wrote again the following: . OREGON CITY, March 11, 1848. Commander W. Bradford Shubrick : SIR : I have written you under date of December twenty-eighth and January twenty-fifth last, both of which failed to reach yon. I herewith send letters and the Spectator, from which you can see our present situation. Captain Kilburn, of the brig Henry, can inform you on any subject you may wish to inquire of him. I would again call your attention to the necessity of sending us one or more vessels of war as soon as possible. Indians are restrained by fear; they have a dread of cannon and man-of-war ships. I have told them, a ship of war would be here in the spring. I am waiting with anxiety to hear from the commissioners sent up to treat with the Indians. Should we succeed in settling this affair, which is uncertain, the presence of one of our ships at this juncture would let them know that the Americans have it in their power to punish them, and would probably deter them from further aggressions. I have conversed with the pilot at the mouth of the Columbia. He says that he can bring in a vessel drawing twenty-two feet of water. Under his care any sloop-of-war under your command can enter our river. Captain Kilburn says, if needed, he will come up in any vessel sent by you. Yours truly, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon. THE GAYUSE WAR. 229 Notwithstanding all this writing and effort, the United States transport Anita, commanded by acting Captain Selirn C. Wood worth, arrived in the Columbia March six teenth, without being at all aware of the condition of affairs in Oregon. Instead of bringing the needed assist ance, the Anita s errand was to raise men for the war with Mexico, as the following correspondence will show: HEADQUARTERS TENTH MILITARY DEPARTMENT. \ MONTEREY, California, January 28, 1848. J To Ills Excellency, George Abernethy, Governor of Oregon : SIR : From intelligence received here yesterday from Commo dore Shubrick, commanding the United States naval forces off Mazatlan, a copy of his communication is enclosed herewith, I deem it of the utmost importance to raise a corps of one thousand men to send to Lower California and Mazatlan as early as practica ble. I shall therefore dispatch an officer, Major Hardie of the army, to confer with your excellency, and if possible to raise in Oregon an infantry battalion of four companies, to be mustered into the ser vice of the United States to serve during the war, unless sooner dis charged ; or, if it be impracticable to engage them for that period, then to engage them for twelve months from the time of being mustered into service, unless sooner discharged. The battalion will consist of field and staff one major, one adjutant, a lieutenant of one of the companies, but not in addition. Non-commissioned staff one sergeant-major, one quarteVmaster-sergeant. Four com panies (staff), of which to consist of captain, one first lieuten ant, two second lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and one hundred privates. Should the number of pri vates, on being mustered, not fall below sixty-four effective men in a company, it will be received. In the United States the volunteer officers are appointed and commissioned in accordance with the laws of the state from which they are taken. The officers from Oregon will therefore, of course, be appointed pursuant to the laws of Oregon, if there are any on that subject ; if not, in such mannei as your excellency may direct, in which case I would respectfully suggest that the company officers be elected by their respective companies, and that the major be appointed by yourself; and I would further respectfully suggest the extreme importance to the public service, that the officers be judiciously selected. The place of rendezvous for the several companies, as fast as they shall bo organized, is necessarily left to yourself and Major Hardie. I do not know how this call for volunteers will be met in Oregon, but I flatter myself with the assurance that it will receive the 230 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. cordial support of your excellency, and I am certain will show that the citizens of Oregon have lost no patriotism, by crossing the mountains, and that they will be equally prompt in coming to their country s standard as their brethren in the United States. Yours respectfully, R. B. MASON, Colonel First Dragoons, Governor of California. To this Governor Abernethy replied : EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, OREGON CITY, April 3, 1848. To His Excellency, R. B. Mason, Governor of California : SIR : I received your letter of the twenty-eighth of January last, together with a copy of Commodore Shubrick s letter of sixth of December last, and in reply would beg leave to state that in the existing state of affairs in this territory, I do not think it would be prudent on my part to send any men out of the territory. Before this reaches you, my letters of December twenty-eighth, January twenty-sixth, and March eleventh, together with copies of the Specta tor, will have reached you, from which you will have learned our situ ation, and the need there is of our being assisted by the government of the United States. I have in these letters begged that a sloop-of- war might be sent to our aid. I should have called for men, as we need a few disciplined troops to take the lead, but concluded you could not spare them. We need very much a few field pieces, balls, and powder; a quantity of rifle powder and lead; and, in fact, everything that is really needed to carry on a war. May I be per mitted to ask your aid in furnishing us with these necessarj^ articles ? T send you with this a Spectator of March twenty-fifth, also an extra issued this day, and a copy of my proclamation calling for three hundred men in addition to those already in the field; and it is not at all improbable that I may have to call a large number of men into the field to protect the Willamette valley. I am glad that we have been visited by Major Hardie, as he can on his return in form you more fully of our situation than I can by letter. I regret that circumstances are such that this gentleman returns without the aid you expected to receive from Oregon, and sincerely trust that you will not lay it to our want of patriotism, for 1 assure you that nothing would have afforded me more pleasure than to have met the call of your excellency, and I have not a doubt but that it would have been cheerfully responded to by our citizens. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon. THE CAYUSE WAR. 231 In evidence of the interest taken by the Hudson s Bay Company in the affairs of the Oregon government, the following letter of Ogden is interesting. It refers, prob ably, to a letter to President Polk : VANCOUVER, March 21, 1848. Mr. George Abernethy : MY DEAR SIR : I duly received your note, with the letter en closed, which has been duly forwarded to the states, and trust it will reach its destination in safety. Our express, three boats, thirty men, three gentlemen, and our bishop, all well armed, left yesterday afternoon, and the precaution has been taken to have thirty horses in case they cannot proceed with the boats, as the express must go on to its destination. Pray, what is the object of Woodworth s visit? For volunteers, in numbers, it cannot be! his ship being too small nor can the country afford, in its present unsettled state of affairs in the interior, and I fear, likely to be, in the upper part of the Willamette, if reports are to be relied upon, to spare any. I fear it will require all to protect our adopted country. Appearances have a gloomy aspect ; may we hope it will soon pass away, and that brighter days are in store for us. I have written to my friends on the east side, and forwarded those you sent. On the arrival of our boats at Walla Walla, a party will return to this place, and if Newell does not arrive from the interior, we shall then have no news from the army. Mr. McBean has a good opinion of the com missioners, and writes me they acted with judgment, but fears the general will commit some rash act. What does Campbell report in regard to the intentions of the American government in regard to Oregon? Do they intend to let it stand over until the Mexican affairs are finally settled? I hope not. It is now more than full time decisive measures should be adopted for the safety of one and all. You have certainly done your part well, and if the government would but liberally supply the sinews of war money the country can well be defended with her own resources. You ought to have forwarded a duplicate of all your dispatches by our express in July, and they would be in Washington ; if Meek does escape, they will not be there long before that. 1 Yours truly, PETER SKEEN OGDEN. On learning of the death of Colonel Gilliam, Ogden pre pared an obituary notice for the Spectator, which he sent !This rather blind sentence was meant to say that Meek s dispatches would not, even if he escaped the perils of his journey, get to Washington long hefore the letters by the Hudson s Bay Company s express. He was, however, in the United States two months before. 232 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. to the governor, intending doubtless to influence the people for what he believed to be for their good, as he was well informed of the dissensions in the army : VANCOUVER, April 1, 1848. Mr. George Abernethy : DEAR SIR : If, after perusal, you deem the enclosed worthy of insertion in the Oregon Spectator, it is at your service ; if not, send it back. I am not aware of the feelings of the good people of Ore. gon in regard to the late Colonel Gilliam. He was a stranger to me, and the outline of his character, which I have obtained from others, may, perhaps, tend to have good effect. I duly received your favor and thank you for your news, but on some tidings I leave you to form your own opinion as to their being good or bad. Many circumstances, and prudent ones, obliged the army to retreat, thus stop the war. But, in our estimation, bearing the cares, this cannot be called a retreat, or even a defeat. But un fortunately, the Indians will take a different view of it, and give it a different construction from ( temporary ) weakness of the army during the absence of so many men to The Dalles. Should an attack be made on the army I dread the result, but not if the officers and men were united ; they would then make a formidable resist ance. Captain McKay will give you every particular. His stay here was too short to obtain correct information, and full allowance must be made for his news ; but you know him well. He speaks in high terms of the bravery of the volunteers in action, but not so much so in regard to their discipline. I was glad to hear that he intends to return, and the sooner the better. In case he should change his mind, knowing his character so well, it would not at all surprise me. This day we have a report here in circulation of a war nearer our firesides. Surely one is more than sufficient in the present de fenseless state of the country, and more than sufficient for the resources of this unfortunate and neglected country. In making these remarks, I consider myself perfectly justified, for it appears to me, and must also to many others, that the United States govern ment has been more remiss in not sending, if not forces, the means of defending it money. They may have cause to regret it when too late, for I fear blood will be made to flow freely, and ere I leave this subject, let me add that present appearances have a gloomy aspect; and may brighter days now shine on us, is my fervent prayer. Major Hardie has not yet honored us with a visit. I should regret not seeing him, as from my long experience in this country I might be able to impress on his mind the absolute necessity of rendering us speedy assistance. Palmer s resignation did not surprise me. Yours truly, PETER SKEEN OGKDEN. THE GAYUSE WAE. 233 That Ogden s assertion that the United States might have to regret its supineness in regard to Oregon might be construed to mean more than defeat at the hands of the Indians, the governor s answer to this letter of Ogden s makes apparent. That those who had to bear the heavy responsibilities of the war should have thought of how they were to bear them, in case the federal government remained indifferent, was but natural. The means sug gested are hinted at in the reply to the above : OREGON CITY, April 4, 1848. To Peter Skeen Ogden : DEAR SIR : I received your favor of the first instant. I handed the obituary notice to the editor, and feel very much obliged to you for it, and hope you will occasionally favor us with your pen. I regret very much the circumstances that caused the retreat of the army to Waiilatpu, and were bringing Colonel Gilliam to this place. I have heard for some time that there was a want of unison in the army, and really hope that hereafter this feeling will be done away with. I have appointed H. A. G. Lee colonel, in place of Colonel Gilliam, deceased. I had appointed him superintendent of Indian affairs before I heard of Gilliam s death. I am in hopes he will succeed in establishing peace and obtaining the murderers. It is uncertain about McKay s returning ; he says he has no wheat in the ground. I have heard a good deal about the Klamaths, but nothing official. All reports I receive are letters from one of the volunteer captains, that incline me to think the reports (rumors) are much exaggerated. I hope they are, for the credit of the set tlers ; as you say, one war is enough." I hope Major Hardie will visit you before he returns. You will see by the proclamation what my feelings are on the war question. We are into it, and must keep up a good front if possible. I think we will at least be favored by a visit from an American sloop-of-war ; if we are not, I think our government is determined to do nothing for us. Wonder what they would do if we should apply to Great Britain for a loan of one hun dred thousand pounds to carry on our operations ? I presume we would have a government formed in double-quick time. Report says more vessels are on their way. I have had application as fol lows : to go to Washington, to Governor Mason, and to Salt Lake for assistance. I am afraid the Mormons might be as bad as the Indians, and have refused all. 2 Very respectfully, GEORGE ABERNETHY. - The person offering to go to Salt Lake for assistance was Lansford W. Hastings, who published The Emigrants Guide to Oregon and California in 1845. He wrote to F. W. Pettygrove of Oregon City to see the governor about it. 234 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. At the very time that a United States transport was lying in the Columbia river, the authorities of Oregon were making application to the British tradtrs for sup plies for American volunteers in the service of their coun try. The answers received occasioned Governor Abernethy to write the following letter to Major Hardie: OREGON CITY, April 11, 1848. Major J. A. Hardie, United States Army : DEAR SIR : General Palmer intends leaving this morning for the Anita to purchase a few blankets. We have but little money. We need clothing and blankets very much. The men in the field are very destitute. I am certain you will let him have them as low as you can. If you could, by any possible way, give a small portion of the United States property under your care to this territory in the present distressed case, it would be gratefully received. Mr. McKinlay said to a gentleman yesterday: "You ask for clothing from us; here is one of your own vessels with just the things you want; why don t they help you ?" You mentioned in conversation that perhaps you might be sent up to muster our troops into the United States service in Oregon. If this can be done, use your in fluence with Governor Mason to effect it. If we should be able to withdraw the most of them, we must still garrison the posts, and protect the immigration as far as possible. I am yours, etc., GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon. To this very reasonable appeal, as appeared from a civilian s point of view, Major Hardie replied: BARQUE ANITA, April 12, 1848. To Governor Abernethy: DEAR SIR : I have received by General Palmer your favor of the eleventh instant, and take advantage of General Palmer s return to Oregon City to send you a line in answer. I have no clothing of any kind on board the vessel, and what camp equipage I have on board belongs to the United States quartermaster s department and cannot be sold. I could not find myself authorized to issue camp and garrison equipage to the territory, though I should be glad to afford any assistance to the war in my power. Had I powder and lead, or other ordnance stores, and the danger to the territory was imminent without such stores for immediate use, I should not hesi tate to take the responsibility of issuing them upon your requisition. I brought with me for the use of the men enlisted, two hundred THE C Ay USE WAR. 235 and forty-five pairs of blankets to be delivered to them at govern ment prices. They were put on board the barque at the sole risk and responsibility of Mr. Edward Cunningham, a supercargo and merchant on the coast of California, but at my request, it being my impression that blankets were very high in Oregon, and that if a volunteer (receiving an advance of twenty-one dollars to equip himself) could purchase blankets at government prices instead of the high rates of the country, it would be of great assistance to him, and he would come into the service better equipped than under other circumstances. Getting no volunteers, I have sold for Mr. Cunningham (to people who would come on board to purchase) a few pairs at the same price as for volunteers. I imagine this is the cause of the impression which appears to exist abroad, that govern ment is selling or disposing of its stores, clothing, etc. Did these blankets belong to government, I should be risking my commission did I sell a blanket, except it be under instruction to that effect. General Palmer can explain the circumstances to you fully. I have sold to him a few pairs of blankets at lower prices than the invoice which Mr. Cunningham gave me warrants, and would gladly do more to forward the interests of the territory were I at liberty. I shall proceed immediately to Monterey to rep resent to Colonel Mason the state of affairs in Oregon, and feel con fident that he will be disposed to send ammunition and arms for the prosecution of the war. I need not say that I will ask him to send any assistance, either in supplies, etc., or in officers or men, that can be spared in California, or that he may feel authorized to send; or that he may give what immediate relief the United States govern ment can furnish on this side of the continent. Men cannot, I suppose, be expected by you in the recent state of the war in Mexico and California. Supplies can, I think, be spared. I am with great respect, JAMES A. HARDIE. That which strikes the student of Oregon history is the pathetic patience with which the people, and the provis ional government, bore the long- continued neglect of the federal government. From the first influx of immigration proper, in 1842 and 1843, congress had been entreated to make some provision for the protection of travelers to Ore gon from Indian attacks, as it had previously been urged to insist upon the rights of Americans as against the British, represented by the Hudson s Bay Company. But congress had equally neglected both. The people, guided by a few wise minds, had hit upon the plan of inducing 236 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the British residents to join with them in forming a joint organization, which both parties knew to be temporary, and only to be maintained by mutual concessions. After much petitioning, congress had at last ordered to be raised and equipped a regiment of mounted riflemen, to establish posts, and patrol the road to Oregon. But instead of being sent at once to this country it was ordered to duty in Mexico, from there sent back to Fort Leavenworth at the close of the war with Mexico, and its decimated ranks filled up with raw recruits. Of these movements isolated Oregon was in ignorance, and unable to account for the non-appearance of the regiment known to have been raised for her exclusive benefit, still strained her eyes toward the east, always looking for some sign, and listening for some news of the promised aid. For this Dr. Whitman was wait ing when he delayed too long to leave the Cayuse country. For this the volunteers at Fort Waters waited until Octo ber, performing the duty the federal government had been pledged to perform ; and for this Oregon was still waiting when Governor Abernethy was called upon to assist the United States. After answering Governor Mason s letter, on the same day the governor addressed the following communication to President Polk : OREGON CITY, April 3, 1848. James K. Polk, President of the United States : DEAR SIR : I am aware that much of your time is occupied, and shall be brief in my remarks, hoping the importance of the case will excuse this liberty. A copy of the memorial passed by the leg islature at its last session, together with papers containing the ac count of the massacre of Dr. Whitman and others at Waiilatpu by the Cayuse Indians, were forwarded to congress by Mr. J. L. Meek. I also forwarded an application via California. As Mr. Meek left Walla Walla on the fourth ultimo, he will, no doubt, reach you in May. I send with this a file of the Spectator, and an extra issued today, together with my proclamation, by which you will perceive that we are carrying on a war with the Indians of the interior. Sometime since, commissioners were sent up to treat with the dif ferent tribes and endeavor to detach them from the Cayuses. They effected a great deal; the Walla Wallas, Nez Percys, and other THE CAYUSE WAR. 237 tribes accepted presents and declared they would remain friendly with the whites ; still there are a great many that will unite with the murderers; all the restless and turbulent spirits among the dif ferent tribes, those that were guilty of robbing the immigrants last fall, and many who look with a jealous eye on the inroads of the white man. So that it is to be feared that a large party will take to the field against us. Our settlers are scattered through the different valleys, many of them isolated and lying in such a position that they could be swept off in a night, and the Indians be in the moun tains out of reach next morning. Our policy is to keep the Indian s busy in protecting their families and stock in their own country, and by this means keep them out of the valley ; and we hope we shall succeed, but we have no money, no munitions of war. Our patriotic volunteers are destitute of clothing, tents, and pro visions, even while in the field; still they are in good spirits, and determined to fight to the last. Our powder is gathered up in half pounds and parcels, as the settlers have brought more or less of it. This will soon give out. I have written to Governor Mason of Cali fornia for a supply of powder and lead, which I hope will come by first opportunity. I have also written to Commodore Shubrick to send us a sloop-of-war to lie in our river to show the Indians that we have force that can be brought into this country if necessary. Fear, and fear only, rules and controls Indians. Knowing this, they have been informed that we expect a man-of-war this summer, and as soon as our great chief hears that his people have been murdered he will send some of his chiefs to punish the murderers. Should this pass off, and we receive no visit from our man-of-war, and no troops are sent into the territory, our situation will not be an enviable one. The Indians will say, "All this has been said to frighten us. See, their ships have not come ; their soldiers have not come; do not let us be afraid any longer." Probably a large immigration will be on their way to this territory this summer. I hope that troops will accompany them, for the Indians are well aware of their route, and the time of their coining, and if not pro tected, they will very likely go on to meet them, and rob, plunder, and murder all parties not strong enough to resist them. Th?v robbed them last year ; they will, I fear, proceed further this year. I hope, sincerely, that whether congress passes a bill to extend the jurisdiction of the United States over us or not, that at least one regiment v/ill be sent into Oregon to protect us from the Indians, and to protect immigration on their way hither. Colonel Gilliam, as you will perceive by the extra accompanying this, was acciden tally shot on his way from Waiilatpu to The Dalles. The colonel was a brave man, and his loss is much regretted. He was appointed by your excellency to the office of "agent of the postoffice depart ment," Nothing was ever effected in that department, as an adver- 238 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. tisement was put in the paper offering to let contracts, but as the contractor was only to get his pay out of the proceeds of the office, and even that could not be guaranteed to him for four years, no one would enter into a contract to carry the mail, consequently no mail has been started in tjiis territory under the authority of the United States. Feeling confident that you will aid us in our present difficulties, I have placed before you briefly our situation, merely stating in con clusion, we have told the Indians, in order to prevent them uniting against us, that troops and vessels of war would soon be here. I have the honor to remain, your obedient servant, GEORGE ABERNETHY, Governor of Oregon. One thing which the president had done was to appoint Charles E. Pickett Indian agent for Oregon in the spring of 1847. This appointment was very displeasing to Ore- gonians, who scoffed at the idea that "the government could have made its appearance in such a shape!" Pickett was not even in Oregon when his commission arrived, but was at the Sandwich Islands, whence he went to California. He did not seem, either, to be in any haste to assume his duties, when he heard of his appointment, but had been guilty of advising travelers to California: "After you get to the Siskiyou mountains, use your pleas ure in spilling blood, but if I were traveling with you, from this on to the first sight of the Sacramento valley, my only communication with these treacherous, cowardly, untamable rascals would be through my rifle. The char acter of their country precludes the idea of making peace with them, or ever maintaining treaties if made; so that philanthropy must be set aside in cases of necessity while self-preservation here dictates these savages being killed off as soon as possible." 3 However true this estimate of the character of the Shasta Indians may have been, it was ill advice, since every death inflicted on these "rascals," even in self-defense, was sure to be avenged, and upon any person of the white * Oregon Spectator, April 29, 1847. THE CAYUSE WAR 239 race, however innocent, 1 who might come in their way, and not once only, but over and over. This fact was well understood by the pioneers, who were careful not to spill Indian blood without cause. To Pickett, Governor Abernethy addressed a letter asking him to endeavor to procure assistance from the commander who had relieved Commodore Shubrick Thomas Ap. C. Jones. Jones replied that had he any vessel to spare he would gladly send it to the Columbia river, but that he only had three in his command with which to hold the Mexican ports, and for all other pur poses on the coast, the others being sent home; but if those expected out arrived, he would send one to Oregon. The United States commissioner at the Sandwich Islands, A. Ten Eyck, Esq., on June fifth, also addressed aletter to Commodore Jones upon the subject. Ten Eyck s letter revealed the fact that a communication had been sent to him by some of the anti-British and anti-Hudson s bay people of Oregon representing that ill feeling existed between the Americans and the fur company, which had furnished arms and ammunition to the Indians, and other wise aided them in their hostilities against the settlers; that an angry correspondence had taken place between Governor Abernethy and Mr. Douglas; that the volun teers had threatened Vancouver, and that Mr. Douglas had written the company s agent at the islands to send an English man-of-war to the Columbia. "Our people," added Ten Eyck, "are very poor, and are much in need of arms and ammunition, and are much alarmed. Having good reason to credit these rumors, I do not hesitate to request that you lose no time in dispatching such force as you can spare from the squadron, and as the exigencies of the case may seem to require to the Columbia river." A copy of this letter having been sent to Governor 4 Pickett was an immigrant of 1843; county judge of Clackamas county in 1845, and appointed Indian agent in 1847. He did not serve, but became somewhat con spicuous in California by his writings. 240 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Abernethy by the ship Eveline, the governor replied a month later, that the troubles in the country were in a measure settled, and the army disbanded, except the few men at the forts, which they would hold until the United States troops arrived to relieve them, which arrivals he hoped would be next month. He corrected the rumors of hostile acts or feelings between the settlers and the Hud son s Bay Company, and denied that any angry corre spondence had taken place between himself and Mr. Douglas. The outcome of all this correspondence, anxiety, and waiting was the receipt, after the danger had passed, of the aid so long solicited in arms and ammunition. Major Hardie, on his return to California, forwarded one hun dred rifles, twenty-five thousand rifle cartridges, and two hundred pounds of rifle powder, with two six-pound iron guns and carriages, and ammunition for the same. Lieu tenant E. O. C. Ord, of the third artillery, forwarded one six-pound brass gun, with two hundred and ten strapped shot, seventy canister-shot, twenty-eight spherical shot, and other artillery service, five hundred muskets, with their fixtures, and fifty thousand ball, with a large amount of ammunition. 5 Fortunately for the peace of the colony, these military stores did not arrive while the American blood was at fever heat with wrongs real and fancied; but in time to give a feeling of security to that portion of the inhabitants who remained when the majority of the able- bodied men had rushed off to the gold fields of California the same year. The discovery of gold to a people so poor in money and goods as were the colonists of Oregon, was an inestimable boon, solving many a difficult problem, and diverting their thoughts from the late troubles, and the neglect of the federal government, which was again aggravatingly The invoices were dated June twenty-seventh and July tenth, respectively. They arrived by the Henry August ninth : Oregon Spectator, September 7, 1848. THE CAYUSE WAR. 241 displayed by the non-appearance in the autumn of the long-looked for regiment of mounted riflemen. A hope of this promised relief from the dangers which threatened him, had undoubtedly, they believed, led Dr. Whitman into the attitude of seeming to defy the Cayuses, even be fore the sickness broke out which had exasperated them still further, and so became instead of a protection a motive for his death. Until it was well into the winter, every express from Fort Hall brought the message, "No news yet of any troops on the road." Spring came, and still no news. Summer wore away in keeping the war in the Indian country. The immigration arrived with the discouraging intelligence that the Oregon regiment had been ordered to Mexico, and nothing was known of its future destination. The murderers were still at large, but like Cain of old, had been driven into strange lands, and the places that had known them knew them no more. Then the colonists drew a long breath, and hearing of the gold fields of the Sacramento valley, every ragged soldier who could take a share in an ox team and wagon load of provisions, set off to conquer fortune. Many died, worn out by the privations of soldiering and mining life, but the majority returned with more or less of the precious dust, stored up in tin cans, pickle bottles, or whatever ves sel they could find that would hold fast the elusive atoms. Those that remained harvested the fields, and sold the crops for a good price in cash. The legislature of 1848- 1849 passed a coinage act, under which about fifty thou sand dollars were minted, which helped to relieve the embarrassment in making exchanges until such time as the United States began the coinage of gold in San Francisco. In the meantime, the messenger dispatched to Washing ton with memorials, and an account of the Waiilatpu tragedy, had been able to stir congress to definite action in the matter of establishing a territorial government over Oregon, which was to all intents and purposes already a 16 242 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. state, independent, but poor and loyal. What might have happened, under so much provocation, had gold been dis covered two or three years earlier, the speculative mind may conceive. But in all its memorials Oregon had ever professed its attachment to the federal government, on which it still humbly waited. On the fourteenth of August the act was passed which brought Oregon under the operation of United States laws. General Joseph Lane was appointed governor, and with Meek, who was given the appointment of marshal of the territory, urged to hasten to his field of dut}^ where he arrived March 2, 1849, and issued his proclamation on the following day, giving Oregon one day under President Polk, who had been elected on the " fifty-four-forty-or- fight " sentiment of the democracy in 1844, and therefore desired this honor. Lane, by virtue of his office, was also superintendent of Indian affairs, and applied himself at once to the settle ment of minor difficulties occurring near the settlements on the south side of the Columbia, and to the restoration of peace between the Klickitats and Walla Wallas who were at enmity on the north side. Early in May a more serious danger arose from a design formed by Patkanim, chief of the Snoqualimichs, to capture Fort Nisqually of the Hudson s Bay Company, and to drive away or kill off the American settlers at the head of the sound. The plan was cunningty laid, after the Indian manner, to capture the fort first, and . secure the ammunition therein, after which the rest would have been easy. In order to obtain an entrance, and disarm suspicion, the Snoqualimichs pretended some occasion for hostilities against the Nis- quallies, a harmless band employed by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company as herdsmen, and appeared near the fort in their war paint. Patkanim insinuated himself inside the stockade, ostensibly to have a gun mended; really, it was believed, to give a signal. At the same time a party of Americans approached the gate of the fort, and TEE GAYUSE WAR. 243 seeing the Indians in war costume were endeavoring hurriedly to get in, when a volley from the guns of the Snoqualimichs followed the discharge of a gun within the fort, and Leander C. Wallace, a young American, fell dead, another was wounded mortally, and a third wounded who survived. The gates were closed at the same instant, excluding both Indians and Americans, and firing from the bastions soon silenced the former. However, when Dr. Tolmie, who was in charge, went out to bring in the body of Wallace, he was aimed at by a Snoqualimich. The assassin was checked by a Snohomish Indian present, who reproved him, saying, "Harm enough done for one day." Repulsed, and comprehending that they had failed in their design, the Indians retired, but later sent word to the American settlers that they would be permitted to leave the country by abandoning their property. To this the settlers replied that they had come to stay, and forth with began to erect block-houses for defense at Turn water and Skookum Chuck. This affair caused Governor Lane to make a journey to the sound country, accompanied by the only United States force then in the territory Lieutenant Hawkins and five men remaining from the governor s escort across the plains, the others having deserted in California. The governor carried with him arms and ammunition for the settlers. At Tumwater he was overtaken by an express from Van couver, informing him of the arrival in the river of the United States propeller Massachusetts, having on board two companies of artillery, under Brevet-Major Hathaway, who sent him word that if expedient, a part of his force could be moved at once to the sound. On receiving this dispatch, Lane returned to the Columbia without visiting Nisqually, sending, however, a letter to Dr. Tolrnie, request ing him to inform the Indians that now he was prepared to punish any outrages, and they could govern themselves accordingly; also requesting that no ammunition should 244 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. be furnished the Indians by the Hudson s Bay Company. Arrived at Vancouver, he found the Massachusetts about to proceed to Portland, to be loaded with lumber for the use of the government in building quarters for the troops stationed at Benicia, California, and Major Hatha way encamped in the rear of the Hudson s Bay Company s fort, with one company of artillery, while the other com pany, under Captain B. II. Hill, had been left at Astoria, in quarters built by the crew of the wrecked Shark in 1846. The whole force consisted of one hundred and sixty-one, rank and file, being companies L and M, first regiment of United States artillery. It was arranged that Captain Hill should proceed to the sound and estab lish a post near Nisqually before demanding the surrender of the murderers of the Americans. Meantime, the government had commissioned three sub- Indian agents, namety, George C. Preston, J. Q. Thornton, and Robert Newell; but Preston not arriving, Oregon was divided into two districts, and Thornton assigned to the north of the Columbia, while Newell had charge of the Indians south of the river. Late in July Thornton visited the sound, where he spent several weeks in obtaining information which could have been obtained in a day from Dr. Tolmie, and offered a reward of eighty blankets, worth about five hundred dollars, to the Snoqualmie tribe for the surrender of the murderers of the Americans, besides having the captain of the English vessel, which trans ported Hill s company to Nisqually, arrested for giving the customary grog to the Indians and half-breeds who were hired to discharge the vessel. These proceedings offended the governor,, whose author ity as superintendent of Indian affairs was ignored, and Thornton soon resigned, leaving Indian matters on the sound in the hands of Captain Hill, who, by the month 6 The officers, besides Major Hathaway and Captain Hill, were First Lieutenants J. B. Gibson and T. Talbot, Second Lieutenants G. Tallmadge and J. Dement, Second Lieutenant J. J. Woods, quartermaster and commissary, and Second Lieutenant J. B. Fry, adjutant. THE GAYUSE WAR 245 of August, was established at Fort Steilacoom. In Sep tember the guilty Indians were surrendered, and in October two of the chief participants in the crime, Kassas and Quallawort, a brother of Patkanim, were tried and exe cuted. This trial cost the United States about three thou sand dollars. During the following winter one of the artillerymen of Fort Steilacoom was murdered, but the crime could not be fixed upon any individual, and went unpunished. It is but justice here to record the fact that the sup pression of hostilities in this region at this period of its history, was due largely to the influence of the Hudson s Bay Company, and personally to Dr. Tolmie, whose knowl edge and good judgment were powerful to avert hostilities. 7 As to the arrest of the Cay use murderers, that could not be undertaken by the new government before the arrival of the rifle regiment. That body, after being recruited at Fort Leaven worth, set out for Oregon May 10, 1849, with about six hundred men, thirty-one commissioned officers, several women and children, one hundred and sixty wagons, teamsters, guides, and train agents, nearly two thousand mules and horses, and subsistence for the whole, the officer in command being Brevet-Colonel W. W. Loring. Posts were established at Laramie and Fort Hall, where two companies each were left. Cholera, which had broken out among the immigration, to California, carried off a considerable number of the ill-conditioned recruits, and desertion to the gold mines as many more. A herd of beef cattle and other supplies intended to meet the regiment at Fort Hall 8 having taken the southern route, and being late in starting, failed to meet Loring s command, which 7 Notwithstanding this truth, there are several letters in the Oregon Archives, MS. numbered from nine hundred and fifty-one to nine hundred and fifty-seven, which show an attempt to convict Tolmie of influencing the Indians against the American settlers. 8 The supply train sent from Oregon consisted of fifteen freight wagons and a herd of fat cattle. The expedition was commanded by Lieutenant Hawkins of Lane s escort, and piloted by the late commissary-general, Joel Palmer, who, when within a few days of Fort Hall, turned back and took charge of a train to California. 246 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. was thus reduced to short rations and insufficient clothing. On arriving at The Dalles the men presented the appear ance, familiar to Oregon immigrants, of naked feet and limbs hardly concealed by the tattered remains of cloth ing, their horses too worn out to carry them, and their own strength almost exhausted. They found the means of transportation down the Columbia to consist of three rnackinaw boats, one yawl, four canoes, and one whale- boat. A raft constructed to carry several tons of goods, chiefly private, and placed in charge of eight men, was wrecked in the rapids at the cascades, and six of the men drowned. That part of the command which took the wagon road over the mountains at the base of Mount Hood, lost two-thirds of their horses. The whole loss of government property on the march from Leavenworth was forty-five freight wagons, one ambulance, and over three hundred horses and mules. The number of men who died and deserted was seventy. On arriving at their destination, the mounted riflemen found no quarters provided for them, and were housed for the winter in rented tenements in Oregon City at a great expense. In May, 1849, Captain Rufus Ingalls had been directed by the chief of the quartermaster s department of the Pacific division to go to Oregon and establish posts. He arrived on the Anita at Vancouver soon after Hatha way landed his command at that place, but the Walpole which followed with two years supplies being chartered for Astoria, landed the stores at the mouth of the river, whence they had to be conveyed at great labor and ex pense to Vancouver by means of the small craft in use on the Columbia, consuming much time in the transferance. Nor was this the only obstacle to dispatch. There were wanting both the material for building barracks and the mechanics and laborers to perform the work; and that which was accomplished was done by artillerymen at a dollar a day extra pay for cutting and hauling timber out of the woods, and rafting lumber from the Hudson s Bay THE OAYUSE WAR. 247 Company s mill, six miles above Vancouver. Even with the help of the company in procuring Indian labor, and furnishing such transportation as was in their power, slow progress was made. At length the command of Major Hathaway was housed in such quarters as were provided by adapting several buildings belonging to the company, and erecting others of logs. 9 In September, 1849, General Persifer F. Smith, com mander of the Pacific division, arrived in Oregon with the chief quartermaster, H. D. Vinton, with the object of making locations for military posts. They approved the selections already made, but abandoned the design of a post on the road to California through the apprehension that the soldiery, if placed on the route to the gold mines, would desert. To prevent desertion, he directed Major Hathaway to remove his command to Astoria early the following spring, Colonel Loring to take possession of the barracks at Vancouver with the rifle regiment, a part of which was to be sent to The Dalles, and to be emplo3^ed at both places in cutting timber for the necessary buildings. Before these arrangements could be carried out, one hun dred and twenty of the riflemen deserted, and took the road to California, behaving so discreetly as to excite no suspicion of their real character among the settlers, pre tending to be a government expedition, and getting their supplies on credit of the farmers. Governor Lane and Colonel Loring pursued, and overtook one division of seventy men in the Umpqua valley, with whom Lane returned to Oregon City about the middle of April. Loring followed the trail of the others into the snows of the Siskiyou mountains, securing only seven more, and having experienced much hardship, as also . had the deserters, a number of whom were believed to have per ished, as they were never heard from. 9 The only title to lands in Oregon at this period was that conferred by the organic act of the territory upon mission sites, and the supposed possessory rights of the Hudson s Bay Company. It was thought safer to establish a garrison on land which could be purchased of the company than to take it elsewhere. Steilacoom also was planted on land leased from the Puget Sound agricultural company. 248 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. The artillerymen were finally removed to Astoria, and the riflemen to Vancouver, where they were put to work constructing buildings on the ground declared a military reservation in the following October. In May, Major S. S. Tucker was ordered to The Dalles with two companies of riflemen to establish a supply post. He declared a reser vation ten miles square, and proceeded to erect suitable buildings about one mile back from the river. As the reservation at Vancouver covered a tract four miles square, and at Astoria included lands settled upon and improved, there was much dissatisfaction. But when Major Loring attempted to reserve for an arsenal the land of Meek and Luelling at Milwaukie, planted with the first fruit trees in the territory, the resentment of the pioneers reached a climax, and congress was informed that the Oregonians would hereafter fight their Indian wars alone, and the mounted rifle regiment could be withdrawn at any mo ment ! That these impositions were afterwards corrected did not lessen the indignation engendered at the time. In the meantime, no attempt was made by the military authorities to arrest the Cayuse murderers, although Lane had, ever since his arrival, been carrying on negotiations with the Indians in the interior to secure their capture without compulsion. Immediately after his return from the Umpqua with the deserting riflemen, he received word that five of the Cayuses had surrendered themselves to be tried, and escorted by Lieutenant J. McL. Addison with ten men, went to receive them at The Dalles. He found there Tiloukaikt, Tamahas, Klokamas, Isaiachaiakis, and Kiamasumpkin, with their friends and relatives. 10 By what arguments they had been persuaded to give thern- f selves up has never been revealed. Blanchet says that they only consented to come down to hold a talk with the officers of the government; but that does not seem prob- 10 The witnesses at the trial did not always identify the murderers. They swore to seeing Tiloukaikt, his son Edward, Ishholhol, Frank Escaloom, Klokamas, Tam- sucky, Joe Lewis, I Tamahas, and Isiaasheluckus kill certain of the victims. Kiama sumpkin was not named by them, though he confessed his guilt by giving himself up. THE CAYUSE WAE. 249 able under the circumstances. It is certain they offered ample pay in horses to be successfully defended, from which it would appear they expected to stand trial. The heart and mind of the savage is a wild stock on which it is idle to attempt to graft an advanced civiliza tion and have it bear perfect fruit. Tiloukaikt, the chief of these criminals, when curiously questioned by his captors concerning his motive in giving himself up, asked: "Did not your missionaries teach us that Christ died to save his people? Thus die we, if we must, to save our people." Yet he had no remorse at having slain his teachers, and when offered food from the soldiers mess, scorned to taste it, asking, " What hearts have you to offer me of your food, whose hands are red with your brother s blood?" It is probable that the Cayuses recognized the fact that theirs was a case requiring a desperate remedy. The long threatened soldiery of the United States had made their appearance, and while they, the Indians, could not buy ammunition, their enemies now had it in abundance. For two years they had roamed about, and peace was farther off than ever, with power accumulating against them. Where hundreds of white men had come from the east before, thousands were coming now to the Pacific coast, and there would be no end of this migration with which they had been threatened. Perhaps white men who un derstood the laws of their people could free them; if not, it was only death, at the worst; and they were not afraid to die. The prisoners were brought to Oregon City, and confined on an island in the midst of the falls, connected with the mainland by a bridge, which was guarded by a detachment of riflemen under Lieutenant W. B. Lane. The trial was set for the twenty-second of May, the prosecution being con ducted by United States district attorney Amory Holbrook, and the defense undertaken by the territorial secretary, Knitzing Pritchett, assisted by R. B. Reynolds, paymaster, 250 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. and Thomas Claiborne, Jr., captain of the rifle regiment. As there was no doubt of the guilt of the accused, which was sufficiently established on evidence, the defense took the ground that at the date of the massacre the laws of the United States had not been extended over Oregon; the court ruling out this plea by citations of the act of congress of 1834, regulating intercourse with Indians, and the boundary treaty of 1846, which confirmed to the United States all of the Oregon territory south of the forty- ninth parallel. The judge, 0. C. Pratt, might have added that the organic law of the territory confirmed the laws of the provisional government of Oregon not in conflict with the laws of the United States. Claiborne endeavored to show that in 1834 Oregon was in joint occupancy with Great Britain, and that jurisdic tion was barred, and quoted the act of eminent domain to make it appear that Great Britain could still object to these proceedings should she choose. The questions being argued, Judge Pratt decided that exclusive jurisdiction over Oregon being vested in congress by the treaty of 1846, the act of 1834 ipso facto came into force in the territory, whose jurisdiction was undoubted. Olaiborne then peti tioned for a change of venue, which was refused. The jurymen called were thirty-eight, out of which number all the older settlers, or those liable to be embit tered against the Indians, were carefully excluded. 11 It could not therefore be said that a fair trial was not accorded the Cayuses, or that their attorneys overlooked any loop hole of escape. They, indeed, argued that the death of Dr. Whitman was brought about by a combination of cir cumstances; that there was no absolute proof that the prisoners were the actual murderers, the evidence of the witnesses being confused and more or less conflicting; and that in any case the death of wives and children among n The jury accepted were J. D. Hunsaker, A. Jackson, Hiram Straight, Wm. Par- rott, Wm. Cason, A. Post, Samuel Welch, Joseph Alfrey, John Dinman, Anson Cohen, John Ellenburg, and A. B. Holcoinb. THE CAYUSE WAR. 251 the Cayuses was provocation to justify revenge in the sav age mind all of which, however true, was futile to unsettle the conviction in civilized minds that the death penalty alone could secure indemnity from similar atroci ties in the future. The verdict of the jury was, "guilty as charged," and the sentence of the judge was that they be hung on the third of June. A new trial was asked for and denied. Governor Lane being absent in the southern mines at the time, Pritchett declared his intention, as acting governor, of reprieving the condemned Indians until an appeal could be taken to the supreme court of the United States. These declarations caused much ex citement, and the marshal of the territory was at a loss how to proceed; but Pratt instructed him that as there was no certain evidence that Lane was absent from the territory, Pritchett s acts would be unauthorized. This opinion coming to the ears of the secretary, he withdrew his opposition, and the execution took place as ordered. All through the trial perfect order and decorum pre vailed. There was some fear that a rescue might be attempted on the day of execution, and many persons present came armed, but here again perfect order was maintained. Father Veyret (Catholic) attended the doomed men to the scaffold, and, according to Blanchet, exclaimed, "Onward, onward to heaven, children; into thy hands, Lord Jesus, I commend my spirit." Let us hope the unhappy creatures were comforted. Thus was completed the final act of the most tragic chapter in Orgon s history for many years. Taking into consideration the condition of the country at the time of the Cayuse war, and the rush of event fol lowing it, the papers and accounts relating to it were pre served with remarkable care, and the business transacted in the main with fidelity. The last provisional legislature of 1848-1849 was informed by Governor Abernethy in his message that "the expenses incurred for the services of 252 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. privates and non-cocomissioned officers in accordance with an act passed twenty-eight of December, 1847, allowing one dollar and fifty cents per day, amounts to one hun dred and nine thousand three hundred and eleven dol lars and fifty cents; in addition to this will be the pay of the officers and persons employed in the several depart ments connected with the army. This will devolve upon you to arrange during your present session; until it is done the total expenses of the war cannot be ascertained." Many of the volunteers being in immediate need of pay ment, he recommended that a law should be enacted authorizing the issuance of scrip made redeemable as early as possible, and bearing interest until paid, as it ultimately would be, by the United States. As is usual in such cases, many persons were compelled or persuaded to part with their scrip for less than its face value to others who could afford to wait, and thus were deprived of the compensation intended for their severe fatigues and hard ships. A resolution was adopted by the legislature early in Feb ruary, 1849, calling for reports "from the adjutant-general of the names, number, and grade, with the number in each grade of all military officers in the territory since the twenty-second day of December, 1847, with the date of their commissions, together with a complete roll of all officers and men engaged at any time since the tenth of December, 1847, by the war department, their rank, grade, and time of service, how long each actually served, and whether any, arid who, quit the service without being duly discharged by the proper officer; what proclamations and military orders have been issued since the twenty- eighth of December, 1847, by the governor or commander- in-chief of the militia, and whether the same have been recorded, and if not, why not; what orders he had issued as received from the governor or commander-in-chief, and whether they have been recorded, and if not, why not; whether he issued forms to all officers required to make THE CAYUSE WAR. 253 returns, and what returns he has received from military officers, and the names of each officer making the same, and whether said returns have been duly recorded, and if not, why not; whether any person authorized by law to receive military stores or funds for obtaining the same, and who has reported to him the kind of funds or stores so received, and to whom the same were delivered, and if so, whether the said reports have been recorded, and if not, why not; also if any such report has been made to deposit with the clerk of this house for the use of the members during the present session; whether the commis sary-general has reported to him the manner in which he has expended or disposed of military funds or stores, and if so, whether said report has been recorded, and if not, why not; and also to deposit said report with the clerk for the use of the house; whether he has reported quar terly to the governor the state of the militia and military stores, and if not, why not; together with all other official acts of his pertaining to the office of adjutant-general which he may deem of use to the legislature in adjusting the several matters growing out of the late war." 12 By a similarly detailed resolution the commissioners appointed to negotiate loans were required to report to the legislature, and did so as follows: To the Honorable, the Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory : GENTLEMEN : I present you with a schedule of our transactions as loan commissioners for the territory. In accordance with our duties as loan commissioners, we have paid over with the exception of forty-two dollars and seven cents, all moneys and available means to the commissary-general, for which we have obtained his vouchers, with an account of which you are no\v presented. It will be found on examination that we have issued more bonds than we have vouchers for, to meet \vhich discrepancy we have a draft of five hundred dollars on Hamilton Campbell. Aggregate amount of bonds issued, fourteen thousand seven hun dred and sixty-one dollars and seventy-five cents; aggregate amount of vouchers for commissary-general, fourteen thousand three hun dred and thirty-four dollars and ninety-five cents, leaving a balance of four hundred and sixteen dollars and eighty cents. 12 Resolution of S. R. Thurston : Oregon Archives, Til. 254 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. To meet the above we have balanced in George Abernethy s books to our credit, four thousand two hundred and seven dollars; Rev. William Roberts draft 011 H. Campbell, five hundred dollars ; leaving a balance in our favor of one hundred and twenty-five dollars and twenty-seven cents. The five hundred dollar draft above alluded to is a draft drawn by Rev. William Roberts on H. Campbell, to the order of the Oregon loan commissioners. W. H. Willson, one of the board, took charge of the draft and was to present to Mr. Campbell for payment. The order or draft was presented to Mr. Campbell, but for what cause I am not able to inform your honorable body, for neither property nor money came into our hands as payment of said draft, but I think it was delivered over to the commissary-general s agents by Mr. Campbell. There were some drafts drawn on us by the commissary -general as bonds for the payment of debts which the commissary-general had contracted. These drafts we did not accept for this reason, we did not think the commissary-general, or any other officer of this government had any right to purchase property, or negotiate a loan of any kind, without our knowledge or consent, and call on us to pledge the faith of this territory for its payment, as the commis sioners alone were only authorized to negotiate a loan and pledge the faith of this territory for its payment. The act creating the present board authorizes them whenever it becomes necessary to affix the cash value of property to have it appraised by men under oath, consequently we could not execute a bond for the payment of property purchased by the commissary-general or any other officer as they wished. If the bonds were placed in our hands subject to the draft or drafts of the commissary-general, then of course we should issue to the extent of our limits. On the twenty-eighth of March last, or near that time, the commissary-general told me that when he was at The Dalles, it became necessary for him to take wagons and oxen, the property of Phelaster and Philemon Lee, to the amount of two hundred and fifty dollars. I consented to give bonds and did so, but in a few days I was called upon by different persons for bonds for a very large amount; I refused to execute bonds to them until I could see the other two commissioners, and when we met together it was thought best not to give any more bonds for any property, as we knew nothing about it; so for these reasons we refused to give bonds for any more property taken at The Dalles by the commissary-general. There is another matter I wish to explain it is this : When I commenced to collect funds I was not able to obtain any money ex cept orders on stores in Oregon City ; in consequence of this it was impossible for the commissary-general to obtain articles for the use of the army. He told me to get axes and spades, and these articles were very much wanted to make roads for wagons to pass up the THE CAYUSE WAR. 255 Columbia river. Philip Foster had subscribed fifty dollars, to be paid on the stores, and John B. Price twenty-five, to be paid also on the stores. These gentlemen told me if I would give them twenty - five per cent premium they would let me have cash, and I told them I would do so. Mr. Foster gave me thirty-seven dollars and a half, and I gave him a bond for fifty dollars ; Mr. Price gave me eighteen dollars and seventy-five cents, and 1 gave him a bond for twenty -five dollars. This I did for the best, but should your honor able body think otherwise, I am ready to pay this government out of my own funds the amount of premium that I found at that time necessary to allow. I bring this to your particular notice because it was noticed at the time by one of the presses of Oregon City. Whatever your decision on this point may be, I alone am responsi ble, as my two associates know nothing of the matter. The commissary -general, or his agent, A. J. Hembree, Esq., obtained a loan of one hundred and ninety-six dollars and a half, or thereabouts, from Thomas Justin, for which they agreed to get him a bond for two hundred and sixteen dollars and thirty-three cents. I first refused to give the bond for that amount, but the commissary- general being very much in want of cash, and upon consideration, sooner than the money should be returned, I executed the bond to Thomas Justin for two hundred and sixteen dollars and thirty-five cents. All bonds issued by us bear interest at the rate of ten per cent per annum, and all signed by the governor and countersigned by the secretary of this territory. All the books and papers belong ing are hereby transmitted for your examination. Owing to the resignation of General A. L. Lovejoy as one of the commissioners, and the absence of Dr. W. H. Willson, this docu ment will appear with but one signature. (Signed). HUGH BURNS, Commissioner. Oregon City, February 8, 1849. The following report was furnished by the adjutant- general : Io the Honorable House of Representatives : GENTLEMEN : In answer to the resolution calling upon this de partment for documents, papers, &c., &c., for information, I beg leave herewith to transmit the following documents, papers, &c., &c. : The record of the enlistment and discharge of the first regiment of Oregon riflemen ( marked A ) shows the names of all officers, field and staff, together with a complete roll, term of service, and amount of pay belonging to each non-commissioned officer and private. The staff, field, and commissioned officers, the respective amounts due them have not been carried out. There has been some differ ence of opinion relative to the amounts due said officers. It has 256 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. been contended by some that they were entitled to the same pay as officers of the same grade in the United States army. But this department has declined making up their pay at all, until such time as this department shall have further instructions from your honorable body. The record, roll, &c., &c., include all that have been engaged in the war, except an extra official report by H. A. G. Lee of about fifty men, rank and file ( marked B ), being the first company that went to The Dalles, and a report of Felix Scott, captain, who volun teered their services, and found themselves, to protect the southern frontier (marked C), together with all orders to that officer issued from this department; and one other report which came to this C } office this day from Captain Levi Scott, who commanded the Cali fornia expedition, &c. (marked D). There was never any order issued to that officer from this department. Agreeably to the report of Colonel Lee, there were some few men who left the service without leave, which report is herewith trans mitted for your inspection ( marked E). There has been no proclamation issued since the twenty-eighth of December, 1848, and why not recorded because none to record ; but I herewith transmit some proclamations and military orders that issued on and since the twenty-fifth of December, 1847, under the mark of F, all of which have been recorded in my office. Forms have been issued to all officers requiring the same. Returns have been generally received from the respective officers required to make returns, and the same have been duly recorded in my office at Oregon City; the same are embodied under the mark A. There has been no report to this department from any person of the reception of military stores, or funds of any kind, other than those referred to your honorable body by his excellency, Governor Aber- nethy. Nor has the commissary or quartermaster-generals reported to this department the manner in which they have expended the funds, if any they have received, or the military stores other than as above. \ The governor has [ been ] always informed and thoroughly ad vised of the doings and acts of the army at all times, up to the time of disbanding the army, and since that time when any new matter occasioned anything new. And, in conclusion, allow the undersigned to observe that the officers were generally disposed to do their duty, but owing. to the want of books and information relative to their respective duties, there were many informalities, which, of course, has rendered it very difficult for this department to arrive to an exactity in relation to the number of men, rank and file. There was continually trans fers going on from one company to another, though contrary to in structions. Likewise there was, among the commissioned officers, resignations going on and new elections taking place to fill the re- THE CA YU8E WAR. 257 spective vacancies occasioned thereby, which by personal inter views with some of the officers would seem never reached this office; and most likely there were some commissioned officers who acted in their respective capacities, who have not been reported, and the same may be the case with some of the privates. In the case of H. A. G. Lee s extra official report under the mark of B, the said men have not been reported to this office at all, and this is the reason they are not enrolled among the other companies under the letter A. These men responded to their country s call, and were on the line of march without an hour s warning to avenge their country s wrongs and shall they have no pay? And likewise, in the case of Captain Levi Scott, who commanded the California expedition, whose report came into my office this day. That officer, and those connected with him, underwent many hard ships and fatigues in the service of their country. It was deemed by the governor, and the community generally, that an express to California would, in a measure, relieve this government from its then critical situation, which was ardently desired by all. Captain Levi Scott was commissioned the seventh of March, 1848, with grade as captain ; and from the fifth of February, 1848, likewise, Captain Felix Scott, L. N. English, first lieutenant, and J. H. Lewis, second lieutenant. These officers were commissioned the tenth of May, 1848, with the grade respectively, and rank from the first of May, 1848. How long, and what time, these said officers and privates were in service, has never been reported to this depart ment. J. M. Garrison was commissioned as captain the seventh of March, 1848, and took command of a small reinforcement and pro ceeded to The Dalles, where said Garrison was directed to remain, subject to the orders of the commandant in the field. How long the said Garrison served in that capacity is unknown to this depart ment. I herewith transmit further for your consideration and informa tion all military orders issued by the governor that did not pass through this department, under the letter H. Every information and explanation that is in the power of this department will be cheerfully given, while I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, Your very humble and obedient servant, A. L. LOVEJOY, Adj utant-General. Accompanying this report was the following: ADJUTANT-GENERAL S OFFICE, OREGON CITY, December 1, 1848. To His Excellency, George Abernethy, Governor of Oregon : SIR : Herewith I beg to transmit a report of the amount due the several companies composing the first regiment of Oregon riflemen 17 258 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. for their services in the war between the territory of Oregon and the Cayuse Indians, showing an aggregate of ($109,311 50) one hundred and nine thousand three hundred and eleven dollars and fifty cents. This amount does not include the services of any of the commis sioned officers, as there has been no provision made for their pay. Company K was formed out of the companies of Captains English and Garrison on the seventeenth of April, 1848, on which day the officers were elected. Company I was formed by Colonel James Waters at Fort Waters 011 the seventh day of June, 1848, and re mained in service until the twenty-ninth of September, 1848. I beg leave also to hand you herewith two reports from the com missary and quartermaster-generals department, viz., A, showing the amount of liabilities created by those departments; and B, show ing the amount of disbursements by those departments. I have the honor to remain, very respectfully, your obedient ser vant, ALBERT E. WILSON, Assistant Adjutant-General. To A. E. Wilson, Acting Adjutant-General: A. Report of the commissary and quartermaster-generals, show ing the amount of liabilities created by the commissary, quarter master, and ordnance departments in the war between the territory of Oregon and the Cayuse Indians, classed as under : Aggregate of stationery, one hundred and forty-four dollars and eighty-eight and one-half cents; aggregate of camp equipage, seven hundred and ninety-nine dollars and fifty -eight cents; aggregate of horses, etc., one thousand nine hundred and twenty -seven dollars; aggregate of saddlery, seven hundred and thirty-two dollars and sixty-three cents; aggregate of arms and repairs, one thousand three hundred and nineteen dollars and sixty cents; aggregate of ammunition, eight hundred and twenty-seven dollars and twenty-one and one- half cents; transportation, creating Fort Gilliam included, five thousand two hundred and twenty dollars and forty-one and one- half cents; aggregate of subsistence, fourteen thousand four hun dred and twelve dollars and seventy-three and one-half cents; aggregate of ferryage, six hundred and eighty-three dollars and ninety-two cents; aggregate of medical department, three hundred and ninety-six dollars and seven cents; aggregate of commissary s assistants, agents, expenses, office rent, forage for volunteers horses, &c., one thousand one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and seven and one-half cents; aggregate of premium on cash payments, sev enty-four dollars and twenty-seven cents; aggregate of Indian agency, two hundred and fifty-four dollars and eighteen and one- half cents; aggregate of California expedition, five hundred and fifty-one dollars and seventy cents; aggregate of interest account, twenty -three dollars and sixty-nine cents; aggregate of smithing THE GAYUSE WAR. 259 and saddle making, seven hundred and thirty-two dollars and sixty-three cents. Total liabilities adjusted, thirty-three thousand three hundred dollars and four and one-half cents. Unadjusted liabilities, when settled, to be added to their respective accounts : Merchandise (from caches), George Abernethy s account, Hudson s Bay Company s account ( a small balance ). Blacksmiths Jason Wheeler, Joseph W. Downer, W. T. Nanvoorst, David Weston, and J. M. Johns, days at dollars. Saddlers S. S. Duffield, J. R. Payne, and Wm. Martin, days at - - dollars. Commissary department A. E. Wait, J. D^Crawford, H. A. Smith, S. H. Goodhue, J. Keller, . Johnson, W. H. Rees, and J. Force, days at - - dollars. Quartermaster s department B. Jennings, C. W. Cooke, John Fleming, James Taylor, and A. A. Robinson, days at dollars. Ordnance A. C. R. Shaw, D. H. Lownsdale, and S. J. Gardner, days at dollars. Wagon- master Henry Wordeh, days at dollars. Total, dollars. LOT WHITCOMB, Acting Commissary-General. B. Report of the commissary and quartermaster-generals, show ing the amount of disbursements in the commissary, quartermaster, and ordnance departments in the war between the territory of Ore gon and the Cayuse Indians, as per vouchers on file in this office : Amount paid for stationery, one dollar and twelve and one-half cents; ammunition, fifteen dollars and nine-five cents; camp equipage, dollars; arms and repairs, dollars; transportation, four hundred and thirty-seven dollars and seventy-seven cents; horse account, fifteen thousand four hundred and forty-four dollars ; merchan dise, four thousand two hundred and fifty -six dollars and eight cents; saddlery, - - dollars; subsistence, two thousand nine hun dred and forty-seven dollars and ninety-one and one -half cents; med ical department, - - dollars; California expedition, five hundred and fifty-one dollars and seventy cents. Total amount of cash received from loan commissioners, one thousand five hundred and twenty-five dollars and eighty-nine cents; deduct discount on sovereigns, five dollars and fifty -six cents. Total, one thousand five hundred and twenty dollars and thirty- three cents. Amount received from other sources for which com missary s duebills are issued, one thousand three hundred and sixty- four dollars and sixty-nine cents; total amount of cash received, two thousand eight hundred and eighty-five dollars and two cents; total amount of cash paid out per vouchers, 14 one thousand eight hundred and eleven dollars and fifteen and one-half cents; charged J. Palmer s private account, seventy-three dollars and eighty-six and one-half 14 This amount, copied from the Oregon archives, is apparently an error. It should be two thousand eight hundred and eleven dollars and fifteen and one-half cents. 260 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. cents. This department has drawn orders on the loan commission ers from number one to number two hundred and seven inclusive; cash included, sixteen thousand one hundred and twenty-seven dol lars and thirty-three and one-half cents; commissary due bills ( out standing) about five thousand three hundred and one dollars. The amount of subsistence when the returns are fully made will not be far from eleven thousand four hundred sixty-four dollars. There is remaining in the hands of the commissary-general the following : At Fort Wascopam 15 about sixty head of Spanish cattle; at Forts Wascopam and Waters about twenty -five horses; in the valley about forty head of cattle, eight or ten horses, six kegs powder, four large kegs powder, one box caps, four rifles, twenty-six muskets, one shotgun, lead, balls, shot, one tent, five sickles, ten hoes, four hand saws, one broadaxe, one adz, one fine saw, one crosscut saw, one spade, sixteen camp kettles, two frying pans, eight spoons, nine tin pans, ten plates, and three coffee pots. The several accounts of camp equipage, arms, and repairs, and saddling, owing to reports from proper officers not being full on those accounts, and the transactions of the disbursing officers are yet unsettled, renders it impossible to state the precise amount of articles lost and worn out in the service, consequently prevents at present being stated the amount paid by each. There are vouchers in this office covering the total amount of cash when added to the amount in hand. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, JOEL PALMER, Per LOT WHITCOMB, A. C. G. On the sixteenth of February, 1849, Governor Aber- nethy approved an act passed by the provisional legisla ture, entitled "An act to provide for the final settlement of the claims against the Oregon government for and on account of the Cayuse war." The act appointed a board of commissioners, consisting of Thomas Magruder, Samuel Burch, and Wesley Shannon, whose duty it was to exam ine and adjust these claims; said commissioners to receive five dollars a day u for every day necessarily so employed," and to meet on the first Monday in every month, remaining in session " as long as there was any business before them ;" the last meeting to be held on the first Monday in the fol lowing November. 16 w Fort Lee at The Dalles, is Oregon Archives, MS. 1050. THE CAYUSE WAR. 261 Before November the new government had come in and the territorial legislature in August, 1849, passed another act "to provide for settling Cayuse war claim," and for an election by both houses of "a commissioner" 17 to investi gate all claims growing out of or pertaining to the Cayuse war; said commissioner to be allowed five dollars a day for each day he should be actually engaged in the dis charge of his duties, to be paid out of the territorial treas ury, and to hold office for one year. A. E. Wait was the commissioner elected. It was not expected that the busi ness of adj using these claims should be accomplished in one year, nor was it. A committee of the congress of the United States., moved by the eloquence of Samuel R. Thurston, the first territo rial delegate, agreed to appropriate one hundred thousand dollars wherewith to pay the expenses of the Cayuse war, Thurston telling his constituents that it was "that or noth ing," and indeed, considering the parsimony which had hitherto characterized the action of congress towards the Oregon people, this was a munificent sum ; but the inves tigations of Commissioner Wait convinced the legislature which met in December, 1850, that an additional fifty thousand would be required to extinguish the debt, as the following extract from a memorial from this legisla ture to congress gives evidence : It appears that he (the commissioner) has investigated, allowed, and certified claims against the late provisional government of Ore gon, after deducting all payments and offsets, the sum of seventy- six thousand eight hundred and thirty dollars and twenty-four cents. By the same it appears that his predecessor so audited the sum of ten thousand four hundred dollars and twenty-nine cents, making the total amount audited and certified by the present com missioner and his predecessor, eighty-seven thousand two hundred and thirty dollars and fifty-three cents. In his report the commis sioner estimates the probable expense of the war at one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. The debts due the several in dividuals, as ascertained and set forth in the commissioner s report, are for services rendered or material furnished by the citizens of this 17 Oregon Archives, MS. 1052. 262 INDIAN- WAES OF OREGON. territory, many of whom, by so doing, were left in a suffering con dition. Men left families depending on their daily labor for sub sistence, farmers turned their horses loose from the plough in the furrow and furnished them to the army for transportation. They have waited nearly three years, and received as yet no remunera tion. Your memorialists respectfully but firmly conceive that the expenses of the war should be borne by the nation at large ; that it was a war fought in self-defense for the United States by the people of this territory. The time has come when the men who spent their time, money, and property in the prosecution of that war should be remunerated. The territory is too weak to do it and meet the demands made upon her resources by her growing interests. To conclude, your memorialists respectfully but firmly pray your hon orable body, at your present session, to appropriate the sum esti mated by the commissioners on Cayuse war claims, according to the annexed report, to be expended, ( under the direction of the leg islature of this territory, or by such officer as congress may direct ) , in the payment of the expenses incurred by the late provisional government of Oregon in the Cayuse war. 18 / The first bill actually passed for the payment of the Cayuse war debt was for seventy-three thousand dollars, and in 1853-4 Hon. Joseph Lane concluded the business by securing an appropriation of seventy-five thousand dollars to pay the remaining expenses. Lane also secured the passage of a bill giving bounties to volunteers in any wars in which they had been regularly enrolled since 1790, which was intended to cover the Oregon Indian wars. Some private claims have been paid from time to time. There remained until the present decade only a bill for the relief of Captain Lawrence Hall s company, which was in the hands of Senator Mitchell, Captain William E. Birk- himer, United States army, having been designated to examine the accounts, who found in favor of their payment. The Cayuse war marked, and closed the existence of the provisional government of Oregon. As an example of the facility with which Americans organize and establish gov ernments or armies, it is one of the most interesting on record, and as an illustration in the main of the good points in American character it is noticeable. "When I " Oregon Archives, MS. 1044. ! ; ERSI1* THE CATUSE WAR. 268- - was about to start for Fort Colville with my company to escort the missionary families," says Major Magone, "I addressed my men, telling them that they were about to perform the duty of gentlemen toward refined Christian women, and I trusted that those ladies would be shocked by no word of profanity, or act of rudeness while under the company s care; and I never had occasion to reprove a man of them." Brave in the presence of the enemy, they could be gentle where gentleness was becoming. ROGUE RIVER WARS. ROGUE RIVER WARS. CHAPTER I. RASCALITIES OF THE ROGUE-RIVER INDIANS LANE S FIRST EFFORT TO TREAT WITH THEM NAMING A CHIEF APPOINTMENT OF AN INDIAN COMMISSION TO MAKE TREATIES EXTRAVAGANT EXPENDITURE DART MADE SUPERINTENDENT OUT RAGES BY THE SNAKE INDIANS CAUSES TROUBLE WITH THE ROGUE-RIVERS MURDER OF DILLEY TRAVELERS ATTACKED KEARNEY S SKIRMISH, AND DEATH OF CAPTAIN STUART VOLUNTEERING LANE APPEARS AGAIN KEAR NEY S FINAL BATTLE INDIAN PRISONERS DELIVERED TO GOVERNOR GAINES THE PORT ORFORD SETTLEMENT ATTACKED MASSACRE ON THE COQUILLE ESCAPE OF T VAULT AND OTHERS TROOPS AND INDIAN AGENTS GAINES AND SKINNER COLONEL CASEY S OPERATIONS ARRIVAL OF FRESH TROOPS CAMP CASTAWAY RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN ROGUE-RIVER V ALLEY ELISHA STEELE AND AGENT SKINNER FIGHT AT BIG BAR TREATY MADE WITH CHIEF SAM NEGLECT OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT MURDERS BY THE MODOCS MCDER- MIT S AND BEN WRIGHT S CAMPAIGN EXPEDITION OF JOHN E. Ross PUNISH MENT OF THE MODOCS. IT HAS been mentioned in the histor}^ of the Cayuse war that Lane, governor and superintendent of Indian affairs, was absent in southern Oregon during the trial of the In dian prisoners at Oregon City. The occasion of this ab sence was the conduct of the Rogue-river Indians towards white men traveling to and from the gold fields of north ern California. They had attacked a party in camp at Rock Point, and robbed them of their season s gains, as well as of all their other property, the men only escaping by fleeing to the woods. Other complaints, and the well-known rascalities of these Indians, led the superintendent to visit them, to change, if possible, this condition of travel on the California road. His party consisted of fifteen white men, and as many Klickitat Indians under their chief, Quatley. They over took and escorted some cattle drivers as far as the south bank of Rogue river, where Lane encamped, sending word (267) 268 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. to the Indians that he had come to make a treaty of peace and friendship, and desiring them to meet him unarmed. This proposition was accepted, and after a little delay two of the principal chiefs, with seventy-five warriors, arrived at camp. The reception being over, the visitors were arranged in a circle, with Lane and the chiefs in the center. But be fore the council had begun, another party as large as the first appeared, advancing upon the camp armed with bows and arrows. They were invited to lay down their arms and be seated ; and at the same time Lane, who had now to depend upon his keenness of sight and mind for the safety of his party, ordered Quatley, with two or three Klickitats inside the circle, to stand beside the head chief of the Rogue-rivers. Keeping a sharp lookout, and communicating with Quat ley only by flashes of the eye, Lane coolly proceeded to open the council, explaining that the object of his conference with them was to put a stop to their habitual robberies and murders of white men, to make travel through their coun try safe, and to make a treaty of friendship. If this could be affected, both white people and red would live in peace, and the lands settled upon by his race would be paid for by the government, whose agent would be sent to reside amongst them, and look after their interests. The answer to Lane s speech, which was interpreted by Quatley, was a brief address in stentorian tones by the head chief to his people, who sprang to their feet, raising the war cry, and displaying the few guns they had among them, besides their bows and arrows. Lane had his coun ter movement ready, Quatley being told to seize the chief and hold him with a knife at his throat. He then, with his revolver in hand, quickly advanced to the line of armed Indians, knocking up their guns, and ordering them to lay down their arms. The chief finding himself a prisoner within the embrace of three stout Klickitats, and a gory death awaiting him, seconded Lane s command to THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 269 ground their arms. After a few minutes deliberation Lane ordered them to retire and return again in two days to a peace council, during which time he should hold their chief as a hostage; and sullenly they departed with a new view of the character of the white race, whom they were accustomed to see in the light of fleeing victims of their cupidity and barbarity. Lane s natural gallantry, love of adventure, and his fine courage made him particularly well adapted to deal with Indians. The morning following the captivity of the Rogue-river chief, his wife appeared on the bank of the river opposite the camp, and entreated to be allowed to join her lord. This was permitted, and Lane used the opportunity to impress upon the savage mind some of the higher sentiments of chivalry. In this he was so successful that before the two days were spent the proud chief re quested a further conversation. Having learned from the interpreter the name of his hero, he addressed him, "Mika name Jo Lane?" "Nawitka," said the one-time general. " Give your name to me," said the chief, " for I have seen no man like you." To this proposal Lane replied that he would give him half his name Jo by which monosyl labic appellation the Rogue-river chief was known from that day forward. The softening process having gone on for days, Lane presented to the mind of chief Jo the advantages of a treaty with the United States with such success that his propositions were accepted, even to the restoration of prop erty taken from the Oregonians passing through their country, minus the gold dust, which had been ignorantly poured into the river, and so become lost irrecoverably. By Jo s advice his people all consented to the terms of the treaty as drawn up by Lane, which they kept with tolerable honesty for that year. In order to prevent, as far as he could, a violation of the Indians rights under the treaty, papers were given to each member of the tribe present containing a written warn- 270 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ing, signed by his name, so that " Jo Lane" became a tal- esmanic word throughout the Rogue river and Shasta valleys. s Lane having learned that he was to be superseded by a whig governor, did not return to Oregon City, but pro ceeded south to the Shasta mines to dig gold, Chief Jo presenting him, on parting, with a mark of his esteem, in the shape of a Modoc boy for a slave. In 1850 congress passed an act extinguishing Indian titles west of the Cascade mountains, and the president immediately appointed as superintendent of Indian affairs, Anson Dart, who arrived in Oregon in October, together with P. C. Dart, his secretary. The sub-agents appointed were A. G. Henry, who failed to arrive at all; Elias Wam- pole, who did arrive; and H. H. Spalding, already on the ground. Twenty thousand dollars was appropriated and advanced to the superintendent with which he was to erect dwellings for himself and agents, and make presents to the Indians. A commission was also created, consisting of the newly appointed governor, John P. Gaines, Alonzo A. Skinner, and Beverly S. Allen, to make treaties with the Indians west of the Cascades. According to their instructions, the object of the government was to remove the complaint of the settlers that they could not acquire perfect titles to their lands before the Indian title was extinguished. For this cause they were to treat with the small tribes in the Wallamet valley first and separately. They were to decide what amount of money should be paid for the lands, and grant annuities not to exceed five per cent of the whole amount. They were advised not to pay the annuities in money, but to substitute such articles of use, of agricul ture, mechanics, and education as should to them seem best. If any surplus remained, goods might be purchased with that, to be delivered to the Indians. For this object twenty thousand dollars were appropriated, fifteen thou- THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 271 sand of which was placed in the sub-treasury at San Francisco, subject to the order of Governor Gaines, the remainder being invested in goods, shipped around Cape Horn. The pay allowed the commissioners was eight dollars per diem; the pay of their secretary five. They were allowed the services of interpreters and servants, as many as desired, at such rates as they pleased, with their travel ing expenses, and a mileage of ten cents. The commis sioners did not get to work before April, 1851, and in a few weeks six treaties had been made with the fragments of tribes in the Wallamet valley, and the twenty thousand dollars expended, less about three hundred, which re mained, when information was received that congress had abolished Indian commissions, and placed the business of treaty making in the hands of the superintendent alone. Dart was now without money, and almost without help from sub-agents. Spalding, who had been assigned to the Umpquas, visited them but seldom, and his removal was asked for, E. A. Sterling being appointed in his place, but stationed at the mouth of the Columbia. In June the su perintendent paid a visit to the tribes east of the Cascades, finding them quiet, and promising them pay in the future for their lands. He found the Cayuses reduced by their misfortunes to a mere handful, the warriors among them numbering only thirty-six men. Here, on the Urnatilla, he selected a site for an agency ; and proceeded to visit the former mission stations of Waiilatpu and Lapwai to ascer tain the losses of the Presbyterians through the Cay use war. The cost of this expedition for employes was fifty dollars a day, in addition to transportation, which was four hundred dollars to The Dalles only, the superinten dent s salary, and other expenses. Transportation from The Dalles to Umatilla cost fifteen hundred dollars, be sides subsistence. A feast to the Cayuses cost eighty dol lars, and so on. The agency building erected on the Umatilla cost enormously, and was of little use, Wampole, 272 INDIAN WARM OF OREGON. who did not arrive in Oregon until July, being removed in less than three months for trading with the Indians. A number of sub-agents were appointed for different parts of the territory, who either did not accept, or were ineffi cient. The one who really understood Indians, and was of use in going among the wild tribes, was J. L. Parrish of the dismembered Methodist mission. The circumstances in which Dart found himself as su perintendent of Indian affairs for the whole territory of Oregon, both north and south of the Columbia river, and east and west of the Cascade range, were anything but condusive to peace of mind or personal comfort, and it would appear that he accomplished as much as under the same conditions any man could have been expected to do. In his report he gave it as his opinion that with the ex ception of the Snake and Rogue-river tribes, the Indians of Oregon were remarkably well disposed; but that to keep these savages in subjection troops should be stationed at certain points, and particular^ in the Snake-river coun try, through which the immigration must pass annually. What it was that about 1850 developed the war spirit in these Indians, formerly not more ill-behaved than all sav ages, was a subject of conjecture. Doubtless the passage through their country of large bodies of people unarmed, and having with them much property, was a temptation to them to steal, and robbery sometimes provoked punish-, ment. Blood once shed was the seed of a terrible harvest, as all Indian history proves. Many persons believed they could see, in the sudden disaffection of the (Snakes, the hand of the Latter-Day Saints, and certainly the evidence, though circumstantial, was strong against them. Others reasoned that the law forbidding the sale of ammunition to Indians in Oregon, which law the Hudson s Bay Company was compelled to respect, had destroyed that company s influence with the Indians, leaving them free to follow their own savage impulses. It might have been surmised that the Cayuse THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 273 murderers, during their wanderings, had infected the Snakes with a spirit of hostility to Americans. A slight coloring seemed to be given to this theory by the behavior of the Snakes towards the Nez Perces, who had refused to join the Cayuses in a war against the Americans, they having been hostile to the Nez Perces ever since that period. Dart found the Nez Perces in 1851 preparing to go to war against the Snakes, but persuaded them to wait another year for the United States to send troops into the country, when, if the troops had not arrived, he promised them they might fight. In the light of what happened afterwards, it would have been better to have allowed the Nez Perces to have fought and subdued the Snakes. For, in 1851, the immigration suffered the most fiendish outrages at the hands of these savages, who regarded not age, sex, or condition. Thirty- four persons were killed, many wounded, and eighteen thousand dollars worth of property taken by the Snakes while the immigration was passing. The road to California, traveled now continually, was more and more unsafe through all that region roamed over by the Shastas, Rogue-river tribes, and their allies. Notwithstanding the treaty entered into between Lane and the chief of the Rogue-rivers the previous year, great caution was necessary in selecting and guarding camping places and crossing streams. If a party wishing to cross a river constructed a ferryboat and left it tied up for the use of a party in the rear, the latter on arriving found it gone. While making another, guard had to be main tained, in spite of which their horses and pack animals were likely to be stampeded. When a part of their outfit was ferried over, guard must be maintained on both sides of the stream, dividing their force and increasing their peril. These annoyances and occasional conflicts led to irritation on the part of the miners, who, as they grew stronger, were less careful in their conduct towards the 18 274 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Indians, who were only too ready to find provocation in the contempt of white men. Finally, in May, contempt was turned into a desire for vengeance by the treacherous murder of David Dilley, one of a party of three white men, and two professedly friendly Rogue-rivers. While encamped for the night the Indians stealthily arose, seized Dilley s gun, and shot him dead as he slept. The other two white men, who were unarmed, escaped back to a party in the rear, and the news was sent to Shasta, where a company was formed, headed by one Long, who crossed the Siskiyous, killed two Indians, one a sub-chief, and took several prisoners as hostages for the delivery of the murderers. Demanding the surrender of the murderers was well enough, but the demand being accompanied or preceded by revenge, gave the head chief a plausible ground for refusing to give up the guilty parties. Further, he threat ened to destroy Long s company, which remained at the crossing of Rogue river awaiting the turn of events. He was not molested, but at a ferry south of this one, several skirmishes occurred. One party of twenty- six men was attacked June first, and an Indian killed in the encounter. On the day following, at the same place, three several parties were set upon and robbed, one of which lost four men in the skirmish. On the third, Dr. James McBride and thirty-one men returning from the mines, were attacked in camp south of Rogue river. There were but seventeen guns in the party, while the Indians were two hundred strong, and had in addition to their bows and arrows about as many firearms. They were led by a chief known as Chucklehead, the battle commencing at daybreak and lasting four hours and a half, or until Chucklehead w r as killed, when the Indians withdrew. No loss of life or serious wounds were sustained by the white men, but about sixteen hundred dollars worth of property and gold dust was secured by the Indians, who it was believed lost some men who were carried off THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 275 the field. Those of McBride s party who were mentioned by him for their bravery in the fight, were A. Richardson of San Jose, California, James Barlow, Captain Turpin, Jesse Dodson and son, Aaron Payne, Dillard Holman, Jesse Runnels, Presley Lovelady, and Richard Sparks of Oregon. This affair, following on the heels of those of the first and second, showed the gravity of the situation. Oregon was threatened with another Indian war indeed it was already begun. It happened, however, that the govern ment was just on the point of carrying out Thurston s rejection of the mounted rifle regiment, which was depart ing in divisions overland for California, and thence to Jefferson barracks, the first division having taken up the march in April, and the last, under Major Kearney, in June. Kearney was moving slowly southward exploring for a road that should avoid the Umpqua canon, when at the north end of the pass he was met by the information that the Rogue-river Indians were engaged in active hostilities, and were massing their fighting men at the stronghold of Table Rock, twenty miles east of the crossing of Rogue river. He pushed on with a detachment of only twenty- eight men, but a heavy rain had raised the streams on his route and otherwise impeded his progress, so that it was the seventeenth of June before he reached the river at a point five miles below Table Rock. Discovering signs of Indians, he ordered his command to fasten their sabers to their saddles, that they should not by their noise apprise the Indians of their approach, and dividing his force, sent a part of it up the south side under Captain Walker to in tercept any Indians who might escape him, while the re mainder, under Captain James Stuart, advanced on the north side, hoping to surprise the Indians. He found the Indians quite prepared and expecting an attack. His men dismounted in such haste that they left their sabers tied to their saddles, and made a dash upon 276 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the enemy, killing eleven Indians and wounding others. But Captain Stuart, who was engaged in a personal con test with a large Indian, whom he finally laid prostrate, was shot through the kidneys by an arrow aimed by his fallen foe, and died the following day. Captain Peck and one of the troopers were wounded in the skirmish, which was all the loss sustained by Kearney s command. The detachment fell back, crossing the river near the mouth of a stream coming in from the south, where camp was made, and where the brave young Captain Stuart died, lament ing that it had not been his fate to have fallen in battle in Mexico and not in the wilderness by the hand of a sav age. Here he was buried and the earth above him so trodden that his grave could not be discovered. From this incident in Oregon s early history Stuart creek re ceived its name. The Indians had fallen back to their natural fortifica tion at Table Rock, which is a flat-topped promontory overhanging Rogue river, from which observations could be taken of the whole valley, and any approach signaled. Finding that his force was too small to attack this position, Kearney remained in camp several days, waiting for a de tachment in his rear with Lieutenants Williamson and Irvine to come up, and the arrival of volunteer companies being hastily formed in the mines. The news of the outbreak had sped as fast as horsemen could carry it to Oregon City. But Governor Gaines was powerless to send an army into the field, no provision hav ing been made by the territorial legislature for the organi zation of the militia. Pie could only write to the president that troops were needed in Oregon, where Oregon s dele gate had declared they were not needed. Having dis charged this duty, he set out for the seat of war without even a military escort. At Applegate s place in the Ump- qua valley he endeavored to raise a company which might act as escort and join the force in the field, but found that most of the men able to bear arms already gone, and was THE EOGUE EIVER WARS. 277 forced to wait until the last of the month before he could proceed. In the interim, between the seventeenth and the twenty- third, Jesse Applegate, who had been with Kearney ex ploring for a new and better road through the Umpqua country, and ex-Governor Lane, who had just been elected delegate to congress, were in the recruiting service. Ap plegate had been unable to remain where Kearney had left him, and had drifted down on his crusade to the ferry on Rogue river when he met a company of miners return ing from Josephine creek, and going to Yreka. To these he suggested that they might be of service in assisting the regulars and volunteers, already at that time assembling. Thirty men of this company proceeded to Willow springs, where they waited to be called on to join the regulars, or to be used to intercept the Indians, who it was thought would flee before the troops in this direction. Lane s election being secured, he was returning to the gold fields of Shasta to look after his mining interests be fore he should set sail for Washington, and had arrived at the Umpqua canon on the twenty-first, where he first heard, from a party traveling north, of the battle of the seventeenth, and the death of Captain Stuart. With his party of about forty men he pushed on, and by the night of the twenty-second had reached the foot of Rogue-river mountains, where he was met by an express rider who in formed him that Kearney would make a march that night with the intention of striking the Indians at break of day on the twenty-third. Governed by this news he set out early on the morning of the twenty-third to join Kearney, but failed to discover him, though he rode hard all day; and the next day he fell back to Camp Stuart to wait for further intelligence. During the evening G. W. T Vault and Levi Scott, with a party from Kearney s command, came in for supplies, and with them Lane returned, riding until two o clock in the morning, his arrival being joyfully welcomed by regulars and volunteers to the army. 278 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. He then learned that there had been a skirmish on the morning of the twenty-third at Table Rock, and a four hours battle in the afternoon, the Indians having the ad vantage of a wooded eminence where they had erected a breastwork of logs; and the attacking force the advantage of superior arms. The morning s fight had been a sur prise, and lasted but a quarter of an hour, during which, says J. A. Card well, whose party was at Willow springs, " there was a terrible yelling and crying by the Indians, and howling of dogs." 1 The afternoon s battle was a determined fight, in which the InSians suffered severely, and several white men were wounded. The Indians had not yet learned to shoot with accuracy with their few guns, but chief Jo boasted that he could "keep a thousand arrows in the air continually." the ping and sting of which were very annoying, even when not deadly. Further, when Kearney proposed mak ing a treaty, the proud savages challenged him to fresh combat, for which, indeed, he had not much stomach. Chasing naked savages up and down hills and through wooded ambushes had nothing in it alluring to the fighter of real battles. It was, however, Kearney s intention to attack the Indians again on the morning of the twenty -fifth, but when daylight came they had abandoned their fortifica tions and escaped down the river. The pursuit was eagerly taken up, the trail being found to cross the river seven miles below Table Rock. Following it up Sardine creek, the fugitives were overtaken, but when discovered separated; the warriors fleeing to cover in the forest, leav ing their women and children to be captured and cared for by the troops, who, after scouring the country for two days, returned to Camp Stuart with thirty prisoners. 1 This account is taken from a dictation by J. A. Cardwell of Ashland, and from letters by General Lane and Jesse Applegate. The names of Waldo, Boone, Lame- rick, Armstrong, Hunter, Rust, Blanchard, Simonson, Scott, and Colonel Tranor appear in these letters. Tranor was James W. of New Orleans, a brilliant writer, who was killed by Indians on Pit river at a later date. THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 279 During the pursuit Lane had been recognized by the chiefs, whom he had met in council the previous } r ear, who declaimed to him in stentorian tones across the river, complaining that white men on horseback had invaded their country, riding about freely everywhere; that they were afraid to lie down to sleep lest these intruding strangers should be upon them. Lane reminded them that on account of their conduct the intruders themselves enjoyed few opportunities for peaceful rest, and reproached them for breaking their treaty, on which they declared themselves tired of war and longing for peace. But Lane was no longer in his official capacity responsible for trea ties, and Kearney, whose march to Ben cia had so long been interrupted, would consent to no further delay, but in a few days took up the trail, carrying with him his thirty prisoners, there being no place of confinement in southern Oregon where they could be left, nor responsible men willing to escort them to the headquarters of the superintendent of Indian affairs. He had not proceeded far when he met Lane about returning from a hasty visit to Shasta, and who, seeing Kearney s embarrassment, proposed himself to take charge of the prisoners, and deliver them either to Governor Gaines or the superintendent. This offer was gladly accepted, it being agreed that the prisoners should not be delivered up until they had consented to a permanent treaty of peace. The transferance of the captive women and children was accomplished by the aid of Lieutenant Irvine, who was attached to Williamson s topographical expedition in connection with the Pacific railroad surveys of the government, and Captain Walker of Kearney s command. Having assumed the safe conduct of the prisoners, Lane at once proceeded north, and on the seventh of July de livered his charge to the governor, who had at last reached Rogue river, but only to find the troops gone, and not an Indian within reach. By means of the prisoners delivered 280 INDIAN WAES OF OEEGON. to him by Lane, he induced eleven of the head men and one hundred of their followers to consent to a treaty by which the Indians agreed to submit to the jurisdiction and accept the protection of the United States, and to restore the property stolen from white people. These treaty- makers belonged to what might be called the peace party in Rogue-river Indian politics, a party which came into power whenever the war party sustained a defeat at the hands of white people, for several years in the history of Rogue-river valley. In return for their promise of sub mission they received back their captive families, whom no doubt the governor was pleased to be rid of. As an Indian s word was no better than it should be, the governor, when he returned to Oregon City, recommended that an agent should be sent among them, supplemented by a small military force. Thus ended the first military cam paign in Rogue-river valley. While these affairs occupied the attention of the few white people in the interior of southern Oregon, their brethren on the coast were having also their introduction to savage hostilities. About the first of June, the Seagull, Captain William Tichenor, looking for a port south of the Columbia river whence the mails and miners supplies might be trans ported to the valleys of western Oregon, put a party of nine men ashore in the bay now known as Port Orford, and there left them, intending to reenforce them on the next trip of the steamer. They were supplied with provis ions and arms, and were placed on a high point sloping towards the sea, with a four-pound cannon for defense in case of attack. While the steamer remained in port the natives appeared friendly, but when the nine men were left alone in their midst, the temptation to despoil them of whatever they possessed proved greater than could be bbrne. At the end of two days they collected in force, held a war dance, and THE ROGUE EIVEE WARS. 281 advanced upon the temporary fortification. In vain the captain of the little company, J. M. Kirkpatrick, by ex pressive gestures, motioned them away, and even threat ened them. They were unacquainted with firearms, and relied upon numbers, so they kept on crowding up the slope, and becoming every moment more annoying, until finally they began seizing the arms of the men. At this motion Kirkpatrick touched off the cannon, which made a vacancy where before had been a crowd, and created a panic where before had been boasting. A few arrows were let fly, but the besieged, by firing with sure aim, succeeded in bringing to the ground several warriors, after which they fought hand to hand with clubbed guns. This ener getic reception convinced the attacking party that more "medicine" would be required before they could subdue the nine white strangers, and they retired, but only to reappear after a day or two to hold another war dance. Upon reviewing their numbers and their situation, with out the hope of reenforcement for some time, and with an insufficient supply of ammunition for a protracted siege, the unanimous opinion of the Port Orford company was that flight would give them a chance for their lives, while to remain was to yield up all hope, as the savages would finally conquer by mere numbers and persistence. They therefore quietly abandoned the place, and by traveling- nights along the beach, and hiding in the woods by day, reached the settlements near the mouth of the Umpqua river, famished, suffering, and exhausted, where they were kindly cared for. When Captain Tichenor returned to Port Orford with a company of forty settlers, finding the place deserted, and giving evidences of a hard struggle, he was greatly alarmed. His alarm became conviction, when an unfin ished diary, picked up on the ground where the camp of the first party had stood, was found to contain an inter rupted account of a battle with the Indians. The sup posed massacre of th 3 party was published in California 282 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. and Oregon, and much excitement followed. The reen- forcement remained, however, and was farther increased until the Port Orford settlers numbered seventy, well armed, and able 1o repulse Indian assaults. In August the whole colony felt itself strong enough to venture upon an exploring expedition to discover the de sired route to the mines and settlements in the interior, and a party of twenty-three men, led by W. G. T Vault, who had recently been in southern Oregon, set out upon this service on the twenty-fourth of the month, with horses and pack animals. Their course lay south to Rogue river. During the march the natives they met were few and shy, until they came to the river, when they made some hos tile demonstrations, but were intimidated by seeing guns pointed at them into keeping a safe distance. By care in selecting camping grounds, burning off the high grass for some distance about them, and doubling guard, the party avoided a collision with the savages. On the first of September, a majority of the company being wearied and dissatisfied with the outlook, deter mined to abandon the expedition and return to Port Or ford; only ten men, including their leader, being resolved to go forward. After nine days of wandering, misled by the northward trend of the ridges they were compelled to follow, they found themselves on the head waters of a stream apparently debouching to the north of Point Or ford, and therefore probably the Coquille. Worn with travel, with only one hunter in the party, on whose success depended their subsistence, and their horses being unable to penetrate the jungle of the river bottom, it was decided that the only course remaining to them was to trust themselves to the Indian canoes with their native owners. Abandoning their horses they secured the ser vices of some natives and their canoes, to take them to the mouth of the river. Instead of doing what was ex pected of them, the Indians landed the party at the Co quille village whose inhabitants seemed to be awaiting THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 283 them, for no sooner were the canoes run on to the sands than their occupants were surrounded and fighting for the possession of their arms and lives. Hundreds of naked warriors, armed with bows and arrows, war clubs, and long knives made of band iron from a wrecked vessel, 2 assailed them on every side. The assault was so sudden, and attended with such con fusion of sounds, yells, cries, and blows that defense was nearly impossible. T Vault afterwards said that the first thing he was aware of was that he was in the river swim ming. Not far from him was one of his men, Gilbert Brush, an Indian in a canoe standing over him, and beat ing his head with a paddle, the water about him being crimsoned with blood. While he looked he saw a canoe shoot out from shore, in which stood an Indian boy who beat off Brush s tor m enter and assisted the wounded man into his boat; then picking up T Vault, handed him his paddle, and flinging himself into the water, swam back to the village. T Vault and Brush on landing divested themselves of their sodden cloth ing, 3 and plunged into the forest. T Vault was not badly wounded, but Brush was partly scalped and very much bruised. They were on the south side of the river, and their hope was in reaching Port Orford. By traveling all night along the beach they came to Cape Blanco, where the natives received them in a friendly manner, protecting and feeding them and conveying them in their canoes to Port Orford. As to the remainder of the ill-fated party, five were mas sacred and three escaped. L. L. Williams of Vermont, a pioneer of Ashland; T. J. Davenport, then a young man from Massachusetts, and Cyrus Heddeii from Newark, New Jersey, were the survivors. Patrick Murphy of New York, A. S. Dougherty of Texas, John P. Holland of New Hamp- 2 The Hagstaff, wrecked in Rogue river. 3 In T Vault s account he does not tell us why he left off his clothing whether as a bribe to the Indians not to pursue them, or because they were heavy with water, probably the latter. 284 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. shire, Jeremiah Ryland of Maryland, and J. P. Pepper of New York, were the victims. 4 The three who escaped made their way to the Umpqua, where they were kindly cared for, 5 making the third party, which, wounded and famished, had reached this settlement during the summer from the south. 6 The persons interested in Port Orford continued to explore for some time, vainly, for a road to the interior, and to represent the superior advantages of the harbor, 4 Alta Californian, October 14, 1851. 5 Williams narrative of his flight and plight exceeds in interest the famous one of Samuel Coulter. He was attacked as he stepped ashore by two powerful savages, who endeavored to seize his rifle. This being accidentally discharged frightened them away for a moment, giving him an opportunity to attempt to force his way through the swarm of dusky demons who sought to arrest his flight or to possess themselves of his gun. What with this attempt, and having to use it as a club, there was soon nothing left of it but the naked barrel. But he was young, strong, and fleet of foot, and though once felled to the ground, succeeded in fighting himself free from the crowd and escaping towards the forest. As he ran across the open ground, an arrow struck him in the left side below the ribs, penetrating the abdomen and bringing him to a sudden stop. Finding that he could not take a step, he quickly drew out the shaft, which broke off, one joint of its length with the barb being left in his body. In his excitement he was unconscious of any pain, and ran on with, for a while, a dozen Indians in pursuit, the number finally dwindling down to two, who took turns in shooting arrows at him. Being in despair of escaping and irritated by their persistence, he turned pursuer, but when he ran after one, the other shot at him from behind. At this critical moment the suspenders of his pantaloons gave way, letting them fall about his feet, compelling him to stop to kick them off. At the same time his eyes and mouth were filled with blood from a wound on his head; and, as blind and despairing he turned towards the forest, he fell headlong. This was a signal for his pursuers to rush upon him. In the hands of the foremost one was a gun which he attempted to fire, and failed. Says Williams in his narrative : The sickening sensations of the last half hour were at once dispelled when I realized that the gun had refused to fire. I was on my feet in a moment, rifle barrel in hand. Instead of running I stood firm, and the Indian with the rifle also met me with it, drawn by the breech. The critical moment of the whole affair had arrived, and I knew it must be the final struggle. My first two or three blows failed utterly, and I received some severe bruises ; but fortune was on my side, and a lucky blow given with unusual force fell upon my antagonist, killing him almost instantly. I seized the gun, a sharp report followed, and I had the satisfaction of seeing my remaining pursuer stagger and fall dead." Williams then, expecting to die, lay down in the woods, but was discovered by Hedden, who was uninjured, and who, with the assistance of some friendly Umpquas brought him in six days to the Umpqua river, where the brig Almira, Captain Gibbs, was lying, which took the refugees to Gardiner. The wound in Williams abdomen discharged for a year; but it was four years before the arrow-head worked out, and seven years before the broken shaft was expelled. 6 One of the three was of the crew of the pilot boat Hagstaff, which was wrecked by Rogue-river Indians, the captain and his men narrowly escaping by fleeing to the woods where they wandered for three weeks before being rescued by the settlers on the Umpqua. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 285 being aided in their .enterprise by the reports of govern ment officials, who knew very little about the merits of the place which received their endorsement. Such in fluences were brought to bear upon the commander of the Pacific division, that, with Kearney s account of Indian affairs in Rogue-river valley, he was persuaded to with draw Lieutenant Kantz with his company of twenty men stationed at Astoria, where they were of no service, and send them to Port Orford, which was ignorantly supposed to be a proper location for a garrison to hold in check the Indians of the valley. It was even represented to General Hitchcock that the distance from Port Orford to Camp Stuart was only thirty-five miles, whereas it was more nearly eighty in a direct line, the necessary meanderings making it about one hundred. So far, then, as Kantz s command could be of use to the miners, it was none; nor was it large enough to be of use anywhere in an Indian country, except as a sample of what might be sometime furnished in a larger quantity. By the steamer Seagull, which left Portland September twelfth, at which time T Vault s party was wandering in the forest on the head waters of the Coquille, the superin tendent of Indian affairs, with his agents, Parrish and Spalding, took passage for Port Orford with the intention of making a treaty with the coast tribes. They arrived on the fourteenth, the day on which the massacre on the Coquille river took place, and two days afterwards T Vault and Brush made their appearance with the story of their misfortunes and marvelous escape through the compassion of the Cape Blanco natives. The superintendent found himself in an embarrassing position. He had come to treat for peace and friendship, to sue for which under the circumstances was to humiliate the people he represented. Nor was he able to appear in the role of an avenger, with only a squad of twenty men under a young lieutenant at his back. In this dilemma he found Parrish, who had a better knowledge of Indian 286 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. character than himself, a valuable assistant. The Cape Blanco Indians were by him persuaded to undertake finding out what had been the fate of the missing members of T Vault s party. To accomplish this two Indian women were sent on a visit to the Coquilles, who succeeded in learning the particulars of the affair, and who buried the bodies of the five men who were killed at the village. It was believed by them that some had escaped alive. Several days were spent in considering what was best to be done, and, at length, on the twenty-second of Septem ber, Parrish set out for the Coquille, accompanied only by a man of the Tototem tribe on the Columbia river, who had been stolen from the Coquilles when a child. An escort which was offered was rejected. Says Parrish: "I said to Dr. Dart, I want nothing but this Coquille Indian, a pony, ten pounds of bread, some salmon, three brilliant red blankets, thirty yards of calico of the gayest colors, and some tobacco. " 7 Arriving on the evening of the second day near the mouth of the Coquille, he fell in with one of the tribe, and found that his interpreter had not forgotten his native tongue. Remaining on the beach he sent his interpreter with the Indian to the Coquille village, telling him to spend the night there if he chose, but to invite the three principal chiefs to visit his camp at nine o clock the next morning, unarmed, at the same time presenting each of them with a red blanket, a square of calico, and some tobacco. As he had hoped, these gifts were sufficient to induce the chiefs to meet him, and they were received with a hand-shake and a present of more tobacco. But they had no sooner concluded the ceremonials of greeting than twenty or more stalwart fellows appeared, armed with bows and arrows, and the long knives before mentioned, the interpreter conducting them. It looked like treachery, and gave the agent a few quicker heart-beats, but he sub- 7 Parrish s Oregon Anecdotes, MS. 56. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 287 dued any tendency to nervousness, and giving his hand to each, with a little tobacco, invited them to be seated in a circle, in the middle of which he placed himself and his interpreter. Two hours were spent in explaining to them his purpose in coming to them, which was to make them the friends of the white people at Port Orford, who had established themselves there with the intention of remaining. He, as representative of the Port Orford people, had come to talk with them, and would be glad if some of them would return with him, and see his friends for themselves. At first it seemed as if a few would go, but their hearts failing them they finally withdrew their consent. A feast of boiled salmon and bread was next resorted to; after which pieces of calico were given to each warrior, and a red silk sash from Parrish s own person to the head chief, who, in return, presented as a token of friendship a sea-otter skin. But he was unable to induce any of the Coquilles to put themselves in the power of the white people. Thus failed the first attempt to treat with the Coquilles. Before leaving Oregon City for Port Orford, Superintend ent Dart had, on learning that the informal treaty made by Governor Gaines with the Rogue-rivers had been viola ted, a number of murders and robberies having been com mitted, sent word to these Indians to meet him at Port Orford. Now, if there is one thing more than another that an Indian will not do, it is to invade the territory of a neighboring tribe with whom he is not allied, except for purposes of hostility, and that Dart should have known. That he did not know the distance or the difficulty of communication was not singular, when it is remembered that the Port Orford company published it as thirty-five miles. However that may be, the Indians were more irri tated than tranquilized by the superintendent s message to them. The whole number of murders committed by the Rogue-rivers during the summer of 1851 was thirty-eight, 288 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. and the property taken was very considerable in amount. A. A. Skinner, who, after the abolishment of the treaty commission, was retained as Indian agent, held confer ences with different bauds in the Rogue-river country and secured professions of friendship by making presents, but that was all. When General Hitchcock received information in Sep tember of the massacre on the Coquille, he ordered a military force transferred to Port Orford. This force con sisted of companies E and A, first dragoons, dismounted, and company C with their horses. It was officered by Lieutenant -Colonel Casey of the second infantry, and Lieutenants Stanton, Thomas Wright, and George Stone- man. The dismounted men arrived at Port Orford Octo ber twenty-second, and the mounted company on the twenty-seventh. Their errand was to punish the Coquilles. On the thirty-first, they commenced their march to the mouth of the Coquille, finding the greatest difficulty in getting horses, baggage, and even men over the rough and slippery trail along the beach, but arriving at the river on the third of November, guided by Brush, survivor of the massacre. Camp was made, and preparations entered into for a campaign. The troops had not long to wait before discovering the temper of the natives. Lieutenant Wright having care lessly wandered away from camp was met by a single warrior, who struggled with him for possession of his gun, and was- shot for his temerity. On the fifth, the Indians gathered on the north side of the river and challenged the troops to combat. In addition to their bows and arrows, and their rude swords, they carried now the arms taken from T Vault s party, consisting of fourteen shooting arms, many of them repeating, 8 which in the sudden violence of the attack had been captured on the memorable fourteenth of September. 8 Eight rifles, one musket, one double-barreled pistol, one Sharp s thirty-six shoot ing rifle, one Colt s six-shooter, one brace holster pistol, with ammunition. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 289 The two forces fired at each other across the river with out doing any harm ; and as soon as a raft could be con structed, which was not until the seventh, the main body of the troops crossed to the north side, Colonel Casey with Stanton and the mounted men remaining on the south side. In this order they proceeded up the valley of the Coquille in a cold rain, pursuing as best they might the ever elusive enemy, marching for several days alternately through swamps and over wooded hills, scrambling through thickets by day, and lying down in wet blankets by night, finding nothing on their route but deserted vil lages on which to wreck their constantly accumulating wrath, and which they made a point of destroying. After a few days of this useless pursuing, Casey returned to the mouth of the river, and changed the plan of his operations. He sent to Port Orford for three small boats, which were brought overland. Into these he crowded sixty men, so packed together that if they had met the enemy they could not have used their arms. But no enemy appeared while the flotilla proceeded for four days up the river to the junction of the north and south forks, where, on the twentieth, the weather remaining very in clement and the current in the river being strong, the troops were disembarked. On the twenty-first, Stoneman was detailed to proceed up the south branch with one boat and fourteen men, and Wright with a similar force was sent up the north branch. About seven miles up the south fork the Indians were dis covered in force on both banks. After firing a few shots Stoneman returned and reported their position. Wright, who had found no Indians, although he had penetrated much further into the wilderness, also returned to camp; and on the twenty-second the united forces set out for the Indian encampment, the troops marching up the right bank, two boats only with ten men preceding them. Great caution was observed, one company crossing to the left bank half a mile below the village, and all advancing 19 290 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. in silence to the point of attack. To surprise an Indian camp which had been notified of the neighborhood of an enemy was an impossibility. The boats, however, served as a decoy, and the Indians were gathered on the bank of the stream to oppose the landing of the white men, as was expected, when Casey and Wright dashed among them. Stoneman, from the opposite shore, was employed in picking off those who could be reached, and for about twenty minutes the battle raged hotly, fifteen Indians being killed, and many wounded. The reports of the affair make no mention of any white men killed or injured. 9 The Indians fled to the woods, and the troops returned to camp at the mouth of the river, and after a few days to Port Orford, where a garrison was erected of log buildings about half a mile from the town. Early in December Casey s command returned by sea to San Fran cisco, and the government had a bill of twenty-five thou sand dollars to pay, for moving troops, horses, and supplies by the steamers of the Pacific Mail Company, was a costly affair in 1851. In January, 1852, however, the schooner Captain Lin coln, Naghel master, was chartered to carry troops, under Lieutenant Stanton, and military stores to supply the new post called Fort Orford. A heavy fog prevailing, the vessel went ashore on a sandy point two miles north of the en trance to Coos bay, where by good fortune the troops and cargo were safely landed, if it could be supposed that a mere wind-swept sandspit was land. The men contrived to shelter themselves under sails stretched on booms and spars, where they spent four months guarding the stores from the pilfering fingers of the natives who found en trance to " Camp Castaway." An effort was immediately made to explore a trail to Fort Orford, over which a pack train could be sent to their 9 The writer of the letter from which the above account was taken was drowned in Sixes river before his letter was finished : Alia Californian, December 14, 1851. THE EOGUE RIVER WARS. 291 relief, twelve dragoons being assigned to this duty. The detachment carried dispatches for San Francisco, and was instructed to wait at Fort Orford for the answer; but the captain of the mail steamer, which carried the answer, and also Quartermaster Miller, under an agreement to stop at Port Orford, being new to the coast mistook Rogue river entrance for this port, and being alarmed at his error, pro ceeded direct to the Columbia with the quartermaster, who did not reach his destination until the twelfth of April. He then took a train of mules from Port Orford to Camp Castaway over the trail opened in January, and which was found to be a most trying one, consuming four days in the fifty miles of travel. Miller proceeded to the Urnpqua, where he found the schooner Nassau, which he chartered, and brought round to Coos bay, this being the first vessel to enter this harbor. The brig Fawn soon after arrived at the Umpqua with wagons for the quartermaster s department, and the mules were sent to haul them down the beach to Camp Casta way, where they were loaded with the shipwrecked cargo, which was thus transported across some miles of sand dunes to Coos bay and taken on board the Nassau for Port Orford, where they arrived May twentieth. Such were some of the difficulties of Indian warfare in this wild region of perilous coast, rough and steep hills, forests and morasses, interspersed with spots of Eden-like beauty. It is only necessary to add to this picture of the situa tion that no road to the valley was yet opened. But, on finding that dragoons could be of no service in the Co- quille county, Casey detached Stanton from his command to escort Lieutenant Williamson of the topographical en gineers in the winter of 1851-52, while exploring for a practicable route; and in the autumn of the latter year one was surveyed out and opened. In the meantime, Fort Orford was garrisoned by twelve dragoons under Lieuten ant Stanton and twenty artillerymen under Lieutenant Wyman, neither of any use in pursuing Indians in the 292 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. coast mountains, had their numbers been sufficient; and utterly useless to protect miners or settlers in the interior. A more intimate acquaintance had not led to a feeling of confidence between the white and red races in southern Oregon. The conditions of Indian warfare here were somewhat different from those of the Cayuse war. Less intelligent than the Cayuses, they were not less brave. Having nothing of their own, they were the more covetous of the possessions of others. Lacking a knowledge of any law, human or divine, except the law implanted by nature in the beginning of people "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth," they were quick to find offenses and ready to avenge them. Without feeling under moral obligations to keep faith with others, they were ready to resent any appearance of duplicity in the superior race, of whom they were unavoidably jealous. On the other hand, the human nature in white men was apt to come to the surface after a few losses of property, or of friends, or both. Therefore, the peace which had been purchased with presents by agent Skinner in the autumn of 1851 was not lasting. The Shasta and Rogue-river Indians were one nation, divided under several chiefs, whose followers ranged certain districts. For instance, Tolo was the head of the band living in the country about Yreka; Scarface and Bill in Shasta valley ; John in Scott valley, arid Sam and Jo in Rogue-river valley, John s father having once been head chief over all. There were besides these, two chiefs living at the foot of the Siskiyous, on the north side, namely, Tipso, or the "Hairy," from his having a heavily bearded face, and Sullix, the " Bad Tempered." Both of these chiefs were very hostile to white men, and even fought other bands of their own nation. Troubles began on the north side of Rogue river by the robbery of a citizen of the Wallamet valley in the Grave creek hills. Then came an attack on a party of five pros- THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 293 pectors led by James Coy, at the mouth of Josephine creek in the Illinois valley. One man>scaped from camp, and fled to Jacksonville for aid, while the remaining four defended a slight fortification for two days, or until a party of thirty-five miners came to their relief. These pros pectors had discovered the remains of recently murdered men before they were attacked. This was in April. On the eighth of April, Calvin Woodman was murdered by Scarface, on a tributary of the Klamath. The miners and settlers of Shasta and Scott valleys arrested John, the head chief, and demanded the surrender of Scarface, and of Bill as accessory, but John refused and escaped. The miners then organized, and in a fight with the Indians which ensued, the sheriff was wounded and several horses killed. This collision did not tend to mend matters, and the Indians commenced moving their families to the mountains on Salmon river, in preparation for hostilities. At this critical juncture, Mr. Elisha Steele, who was well known to the Indians, and had, like Lane, a remarkable ability to gain their confidence, so much so that they called him "Jo Lane s Brother," happened to arrive from Yreka at Johnson s rancho, in Scott valley, where he found a company of miners from Scott bar, who had been unsuc cessfully pursuing the murderers of Woodman. Concerned for the safety of Johnson s family should the Indians break out into general warfare, Steele collected the Indians in Scott valley, and held a council with Tolo, his son Philip, and John, with three of his brothers, one of whom was known as Jim. These professed to desire peace, and offered to accompany Steele in search of the murderers. A party was made up, namely, Steele, John McLeod, James Bruce, James White, John Galvin, Peter Snellback, and a lad called Harry. These were joined at Shasta canon by J. D. Cook, F. W. Merritt, L. S. Thomp son, and Ben Wright, who acted as interpreter. Proceeding to Yreka to procure the necessary order for the arrest of Scarface and Bill, Steele had some difficulty 294 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. to prevent the citizens from executing vengeance on the the Indians with him; but having obtained the papers required, finally led his party safely away. A two days march brought them to the stronghold of the criminals, who had prepared for just such a visit as this by fleeing to the jurisdiction of Sam on Rogue river, Sam having already declared war. The casus belli of this chief combined two accusations against Dr. Ambrose, a settler; first, that the doctor had taken the land which he habitually occupied with his people for a winter residence; and, second, that the doctor refused to betroth his infant daughter to Sam s infant son. On learning these facts, Tolo, Philip, and Jim withdrew from Steele s party, but substituted two young warriors, who were pledged either to find the murderers or to suffer in their stead. The company then divided, a party under Ben Wright going to the mines on the Klamath river, and Steele to Rogue river. He received confirmation of the war rumor while crossing the Siskiyou from two of Sam s warriors whom the party captured, one of whom was shot in attempting to escape, under the following circumstances : When rumors of murder and Sam s declaration of war reached Jacksonville, a company of seventy-five or eighty men was organized under John K. Lamerick, captain. On hearing of this the agent, Skinner, hastened to remon strate, and obtained a promise from the volunteers that time should be given him to hold a parley with the Indians. A committee of four was appointed to accom pany the agent, who found Sam at his encampment on Big bar, two miles from the house of Dr. Ambrose, and near the site of Camp Stuart. He made no objection to meet Skinner, and declared himself for peace, but proposed to send for Jo and his band, who could not arrive before the morrow. To this proposition Skinner and the com mittee agreed. Before the meeting took place, Steele arrived at Jackson ville to demand of Sam the surrender of Scarface and Bill ; THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 295 and Skinner agreed to make the delivery of the criminals one of the conditions of peace, but confessed that the sit uation was critical. At the time appointed, Skinner and Steele, with their respective parties, and the volunteers under Lamerick, repaired to Big bar, where they found the Indians as agreed. A message was sent to Sam by one of Steele s Shastas, asking him to meet the white men on their side of the river, bringing with him Jo and a body guard of a few warriors, with which request he complied after some parleying; but on seeing the volunteers mounted and drawn up in line, hesitated to meet them. Skinner, to reassure him, ordered the volunteers to dismount and stack arms, which was done. Now ensued a conflict of judgment between Skinner, who was an authorized agent on his own ground, and Steele, who held no commission, and who was there to arrest Indians belonging on the south side of the Siskiyou. The Shasta, whom Steele had sent to Sam s camp, reported that the murderers were there, and Steele demanded their immediate arrest. But Skinner, fearing to bring on a bat tle, opposed it. Sam also refused to negotiate until the two Rogue-rivers captured by Steele on the mountains were released. An altercation then took place between the principals in the council. Skinner, at last addressing the prisoners, informed them that he was their white chief, and that he restored them to liberty. Steele, on the other hand, warned them if they accepted liberty and attempted to escape they would be shot, and stationed his men so as to form a guard, and to prevent a rescue, should a surprise be planned by the Indians. As the council proceeded, a hundred armed Indians crossed the river, moving about freely among the unarmed white men, which caused the volunteers to resume their weapons. The council under these circumstances could only be a failure. Sam had never meant to enter into a treaty which should be binding on him ; Steele was justi fied, in his own view, in holding as hostages the two Rogue- 296 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. rivers until the murderers were surrendered; and Skinner being a peace man, whose duty it was to prevent war, was forced to make concessions which in the end might be damaging to his own cause; and finally Sam declared that the murderers would not be given up. Pretending that he wished to consult with some of his people, the chief obtained leave to withdraw from the council and recross the river. Once on the further shore he shouted back his defiance and refused to return. The volunteer force then divided, half, under Lamerick, going to a ford above, and the other part going below Big bar, prepared to cross and attack Sam s camp should any hos tile demonstrations be made on the council ground, where Steele s party with Skinner and the crowd of Indians re mained. Skinner, fearing an outbreak and anxious to prevent it, followed the chief to the north side of the river, about half the Indians on the council ground also returning. Steele, becoming alarmed for the agent s safety, then placed a guard at the crossing to detain those still on the south side from rejoining their fellows, and sent one of his Shastas to warn him; and although Skinner was aware that the messenger could point out to him the guilty Indians, he would not allow him to do it, fearing the movement would precipitate bloodshed. The agent had only just reached camp when it was re ported that Scarface with two others were seen fleeing in the direction of Klamath, and a commotion arose which alarmed the Indians and caused them to seek the cover of a piece of woodland in the vicinity as if for a skirmish. Alarmed in their turn, Steele s party hastened to a position to intercept them, and an encounter appeared imminent, when Martin Angell, a settler, formerly of the Wallamet valley, where he was well known and respected, proposed to the Indians thus situated, numbering about fifty, to lay down their arms and take shelter in a log house in the vicinity, where they should be kept as hostages until the THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 297 murderers were given up to be tried. They assented, but as soon as they had filed past Steele s party they made a dash to gain the cover of the woods. To allow them this advantage would be to expose themselves to a fire they could not return, and with only an instant s delay the order was given to attack. The tocsin of war had now sounded. The Indians were well armed and ready for a fight, and the white men were determined, if fight they must, to conquer. When Lame- rick s company heard the firing they were still at the fords, some distance away. Leaving a minority of his men to guard the crossing of the river, Lamerick rode up the valley to warn the settlers, going first to the house of Dr. Ambrose, which he feared would be attacked. The battle was of short duration. The Indians made a charge with the design of liberating Steele s prisoners, who ran towards the river. One was shot before he reached the river, and the other as he climbed up the opposite bank. Sam then sent a detachment of his warriors to the south side to cut off Steele ; but they were surprised by one from the volunteers, and several shot as they sprang into the water, the reports varying from four to sixteen, according to the motive of the narrator, as well as his greater or less knowledge of events. Only one white man was wounded, and he slightly. In the fighting Skinner had taken no part, but had retired to his residence^ which he proceeded to fortify. This skirmish occurred July nineteenth. News was received in the evening that during the coun cil a party of Sam s people had gone to a bar down the river and murdered a small company of miners. Lame- rick at once prepared to cross the river and take up a position in the pass between Table Rock and the river, while Steele moved further up to turn the Indians back on Larnerick s force in the morning. The movement was entirely successful, the Indians being surrounded, and the chief compelled to sue for peace, offering to accept the 298 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. terms proposed the day before, namely, to surrender the murderers. Agent Skinner was notified, and a council arranged for the following day. In the conference it was shown that Scarface had not been with Sam, but that the person mis taken for him was Sullix of Tipso s band, who also had a countenance made hideous with scars, and that the real Scarface was hiding in the Salmon-river mountains. He was ultimately arrested and hanged at Yreka. 10 As for Sullix, he had received a severe wound in the fight of the nineteenth, and was now more ugly than before. The treaty which Skinner ultimately was able to make with Sam and his people, required the Rogue-rivers, among other things, to hold no communication with the Shastas. It is doubtful if this part of the treaty was very strictly kept, but to keep it in part tended to the preven tion of mischief. An occasional present of a fat ox also contributed to the general peace of the community, and was easier for the agent than treaty making at the muzzle of a gun. The number of murders committed b} T In dians of the Rogue-river bands in 1852 were only about half those of the previous year, say eighteen that were certainly known, and a few others suspected. In all the councils with the Indians they had been told that the United States government would ratify the treaties made, and pay for their lands in property, instruction, pro tection, and money. What was then the mortification and anxiety of these servants of the people when the superin tendent of Indian affairs, soon after the treaty with the Rogue-rivers, received notice that all the treaties nego tiated in Oregon had been ordered to lie upon the table in the senate, and was instructed to enter into no more, ex cept such as were imperatively required to preserve peace. The government wanted time to define its policy. Dart, in December, sent in his resignation to take effect the fol lowing June. 10 The expenses of Steele s expedition were two thousand two hundred dollars, which amount was borne by the party, and never reimbursed. THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 299 Early in 1852, Lane, as delegate to congress, was doing- all that he could to secure military protection for the im migration to Oregon. Pie was met with the reply that his predecessor, Thurston, had declared the mounted rifle regiment unnecessary; and had combated the idea with statements and arguments founded upon the changed con dition of the country, but especially upon the helplessness of immigrants hundreds of miles from any military post, and burdened with the care of families and property. His eloquence was strengthened by the citation of the outrages of 1851 on the Snake river plains. The immigration of 1852 by this route was very large and well equipped, and perhaps for this reason was suffered to pass with less bloodshed than might have been anticipated, though there was much annoyance from pil- ferings, and horse stealing. But the immigration by the southern route was less favored. This road ran through the lake country, where, in 1843, Fremont s camp was attacked, and where Captain W. H. Warner in 1849 was murdered while surveying for a Pacific railroad. Parties traveling through this region were compelled to exercise extreme care, particularly at a pass now known as Bloody Point, where the road ran between an overhanging cliff and the waters of Tule lake. The immigration of 1851 had been attacked at this place, but from the fact that these Indians had not yet learned to expect an annual transit of white people through their country, they were not prepared for the work of robbery and murder which was accomplished in 1852, when between sixty and one hundred men, women, and children died at their hands, and a large amount of property was stolen or destroyed. It will be remembered that Ben Wright left Steele s party en route to Jacksonville to go to the Klamath, pre sumably to Yreka. On arriving there he met a party of sixty male immigrants, the advance of the larger number on the road, who reported that they had not been molested, but that there were many companies on the road, some of 300 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. them with families, and that the Indians were burning signal fires on the mountains, which boded no good to travelers. On this report, Charles McDermit of Yreka raised a company of between thirty and forty volunteers, to meet and escort immigrant parties over the most dangerous portion of the road through the Modoc country. At Tule lake the volunteers met another company of male immi grants, going to Yreka and with them sent back two men, named Smith and Toland, to act as guides and guards. This party was attacked, and Smith and Toland wounded, but the discharge of a rifle happening to take off the top of an Indian s head, so excited the savages for a few moments that the white men made their escape. The next party to reach the Tule lake portion of the road was led by J. C. Tolman, who has since been a candi date for governor of Oregon. It consisted of about twenty poorly armed men, five of them with families, and ten wagons. They found McDermit s company on the west shore of Goose lake, and were warned of the danger ahead, two of the volunteers accompanying them as guides. On coming to the high hill one mile east of the south end of Tule lake on the nineteenth of August, no Indians being in sight, the guides, having in mind James Bridger s caution, " When there are no Indians in sight, then look out," decided to avoid a probable ambush by taking a northerly course across a sagebrush flat. The women and children were placed in the wagons, and the covers fast ened down to hide them from view, while the few fire arms were made ready for use. In this manner the company had nearly reached the open valley when the yells of Indians in pursuit discov ered to them that spies had betrayed them to those in concealment. By making all the speed possible, open ground was reached just as a shower of arrows whizzed through the air; but on seeing several rifles leveled upon them, the Modocs were intimidated and withdrew to the THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 301 shelter of the rocks, appearing again on a high ridge, ges ticulating and uttering demoniacal cries expressive of their rage and disappointment. Seeing that they were working themselves up to a fight ing pitch, and would probably attack at some other point, it was thought best to return and hold a talk. Acting on this plan, the wagons were corraled, and Tolman with a half a dozen others, making a great show of arms, went back to within speaking distance, and challenged them through one of the guides who could speak the jargon, to come and fight. Like all people who practice treachery they feared it, and not knowing what might be inside the wagon covers declined; but the head chief proposed to meet the interpreter unarmed and talk with him. While the interview was progressing at a safe distance apart of the interlocutors, it was observed by Mr. Tolman that every now and then a Modoc had tied his bow to his toe, secreted his arrows, and pretending to be disarmed, joined the chief. The interpreter, on being warned, ordered the Indians sent back, and the chief seeing no opportunity for obtaining an advantage, agreed to return whence he came, and leave the party to pursue its way unmolested. It had not proceeded far, however, before it discovered a reserve of Indians mounted, who had been placed where they could intercept any persons escaping from the narrow pass along Tule lake. Finding themselves outwitted, they also retired, hoping for better luck next time. Camp was made that night fifteen miles from Tule lake, and a severe cold rainstorm prevented a night attack, which, being reserved till the morning, was averted by a very early start of the train. On the twenty-third of August, at nine o clock in the evening, Tolman s camp was visited by a man on a poor and jaded horse, whose condition excited the utmost pity in all hearts. He had to be lifted from his horse and fed and nursed back to life before he could give any account of himself. It then appeared that he belonged to a party 302 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. of eight men who had been surprised by the Modocs, and all killed except himself. His horse being shot, he sprang upon another, which ran with him, carrying him until it fell exhausted, several miles up the valley of Lost river. From here the man, whose mind was evidently unsettled by the shock he had received, wandered to Klamath lake, but seeing an Indian turned back, and the next day dis covered his horse feeding, which he remounted and rode, without getting down, for three days, and until he came to Tolman s camp. He had eaten nothing, but had tied up a handful of rosebuds in his handkerchief, as he " ex pected to be out all winter, and should need them." This demented creature was taken by the company to Yreka, where his story, in connection with the report of Tolman and the guides, of the dangers of the Modoc country, led to the organization of a second company of volunteers. A meeting was called on the evening of the twenty- fourth of August, at which means to put the men in the field was subscribed by the citizens and miners, and Ben Wright was chosen captain. He was at that time mining on Cotton wood creek, twenty miles distant, but by daylight was in Yreka, surrounded by men eager alike to prevent carnage, or to avenge it by spending more blood. A peculiar enthusiasm was imparted to volunteering by the fact that Tolman s train was the first to arrive with women and children, the homeless miners having their minds harrowed by the suggestion of what might have been the fate of these but for the warning and guidance given by McDermit s company, and what might, even after all, befall others on some part of the route. Three days were consumed in getting together the equip ment of men and horses, with provision wagons, and every thing necessary; and on the sixth day after the meeting in Yreka, Wright reached Tule lake just in time to rescue a train that was surrounded and fighting the Modocs, two men being wounded. The sight of Wright s company advancing sent the savages into places of concealment THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 303 among the tules, and on an island in the lake, and equally alarmed the immigrants, who mistook them for mounted Indians, and prepared for a yet more desperate encounter. But their fears were changed to joy when Wright, discov ering their alarm, rode forward alone. This train was escorted beyond danger, and the company returned to learn what had taken place in the Modoc country. Wright found the mutilated bodies of the eight men before mentioned, with those of three of his acquaintances, members of McDermit s company, who had been sent to guide trains, and conclusive evidences that no party or train had escaped destruction which had entered the fatal pass of Bloody Point since the nineteenth. Filled with ra^e and grief, Wright and his men made haste to attack the Indians in their stronghold. To do this they had to wade in water among the tules that was up to their armpits, and fight the Modocs concealed in am buscades constructed of tules, having portholes. Suph was the vigor of their charge, however, that the ambuscades were quickly depopulated, and thirty or more Modocs killed while escaping to the rocky island in the lake. After this battle, Wright proceeded east to Clear lake, where he met a large party of immigrants and planned a stratagem to draw the Indians out of their strong position on the island. He unloaded several ox wagons, filled them with armed men, a few of whom were clothed in women s apparel, tied down the wagon covers and instructed the men to proceed in the usual careless and loitering way of true immigrants along the dangerous pass. But the In dians either had out spies who reported the trick, or were too severely punished to feel like attacking white men, and remained in their fastnesses. Wright then went to Yreka and had boats built with which to reach the island, spending the time of waiting in patroling the road through the Modoc country. In the meantime, accounts of the massacres had reached Jackson ville, and another company, commanded by John E. Ross 304 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. of that place, proceeded to the Modoc country, where it re mained on the road until the season of travel was past. On the arrival of Ross, Wright returned to Yreka for sup plies, and to bring out his boats. But he was unable to reach the Indians, who retreated to the lava beds, since made famous by the Modoc war, inaccessible then, as now, to white men. That which Wright did find were the proofs that many, very many, persons, including women and children, had been cruelly tortured and butchered. Here again the men of his company, some of whom had families two or three thousand miles away, burst forth into tears of rage at the sight of women s dresses and babies socks among the property plundered from the owners. Where, now, were the men and women who had toiled over these thou sands of miles to meet their fate at this place? Where the prattling babes whose innocent feet fitted the tiny socks? Even their bones were undiscoverable, but the proofs that they had lived and died were heaped up in the wickiups of their cruel slayers. The next attempt of Wright, who seems to have remained behind the other companies, was to make a treaty with the Modocs. However much he may have desired to have seen them exterminated, or even to have helped extermi nate them, the safety of all who passed through their country demanded that peace should be secured. From two captured, one of whom was wrapped in a cradle quilt, he learned that two white women were captives among the Modocs, and for this reason also he felt it necessary to enter into negotiations with them. Wright, like Lane, had for a servant an Indian boy, who was part Modoc, and spoke their language. Using this boy as an ambassador, he finally persuaded four of the head men to visit his camp, with the purpose of dis cussing the terms of a treaty, his proposition being that if they would bring in the two captives, and the stock taken from the immigrants, he would leave their country THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 305 and trouble them no more; or, if they wished, he would trade with them for their furs and feathers. To this the chiefs gave their assent, and while one was sent to fetch the women and the property, the other three were detained as hostages. Wright s company had by this time dwindled to eighteen men. When the chief returned to his camp, instead of bringing with him the captive women and the stolen stock, he brought only a few broken down horses and a shotgun ; but he was accompanied by forty-five war riors. When remonstrated with for this violation of his pledge, he replied that Wright had required three hos tages, and now, his men greatly outnumbering Wright s he should hold him and his company as hostages for the good conduct of the white people. The place where Wright was encamped was near the stone ford of Lost river, on the north side, the Modocs encamping on the same side. The situation was critical, it being plain that a net was spread for him which would surely close about him unless he met the danger with a desperate measure. The order issued for the night was for six men at midnight to silently cross the ford, a natural bridge at this season of the year, and hide themselves in the artemisia which covered the plain. At the firing of a signal gun in the dawning they were to attack simultaneously the Indians who lay between them. The order was scrupulously obeyed, the men rush ing upon the surprised Indians at the crack of Wright s gun, finishing the fight with their pistols. In twenty minutes the battle was over, and forty Indians lay slain. Wright had four men wounded, who were carried on litters made of guns lashed together fifteen miles, and an express sent to Yreka for aid. On the return of the company to that place thin, sun-browned, and nearly naked they were received with bonfires and banquets. The only re gret felt was that the two captive women were left to the fiendish cruelty which no one doubted would end their lives before they could be rescued. As a matter of fact, they never were seen alive, but years after their bleaching 20 306 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. bones were pointed out by the Indians to curious investi gators of Indian history. Wright seems to have had ene mies or rivals who strove to dim his popularity by a story of poisoning the Indians invited to a council. The tale had little to recommend it to belief had it never been de nied by the most prominent citizens of Yreka, who were members of his company. It was seized upon by the reg ular army and reported by General Wool as a fact, the stigma of which is hardly yet removed from his name. Yet the story disproves itself, for he is represented as pur chasing the strychnine for a feast to the Indians at the time he was in Yreka with the purpose of procuring boats to pursue them into their hiding places with arms. It was long after the failure of this attempt that a council was pro posed with a specific purpose as above related, and although beef was given the Indians, as is the custom of treaty mak ers, it was the same as that eaten by the company, if we may trust the word of honorable men who were partakers. 11 Says Tolman, who was well informed concerning these events, " If the Modocs had not been confident of getting the advantage, they would never have left their cave." He further says that Wright s boy had betrayed him, and the Modocs had come prepared to fight, and that had he wavered for a moment his own life and that of all his company would have paid for his indecision. Oregon had been organized into a territory of the United States for over four years, and was still fighting her own battles. But in September of this year there arrived at Vancouver the skeleton of the fourth United States infantry, consisting of two hundred and sixty-eight men, rank and file, under Lieutenant-Colonel Bonneville. The regiment had been decimated by sickness on the Isthmus, and was still unfit for service had not the season been too late to do more than arrange their quarters for the winter. The fol lowing chapter will show the value of their arms. 11 Says E. P. Jenner in the Yreka Journal: I deny emphatically that any were killed in any other way than by powder and lead, which John C. Burgess, John S. Hallick, and William Penning, old members of Wright s company, now in Siskiyou, will testify to. OHAPTEE II. WEAKNESS OF TREATY OBLIGATIONS RENEWAL OK HOSTILITIES IN ROGUE-RIVER VALLEY ABSENCE OF AUTHORIZED AGENTS THE AUGUST OUTBREAK PETITION TO THE COMMANDER OF FORT JONES AID FROM FORT VANCOUVER, AND A VOL UNTEER COMPANY FROM THE WALLAMET ALDEN TAKES COMMAND VOLUNTEERS FROM YREKA JOIN THE REGULARS FORCES ORGANIZED SKIRMISH ON EVANS CREEK, AND DEATH OF LIEUTENANT ELY WITH Six MEN LANE APPEARS ON THE SCENE Is OFFERED THE COMMAND TAKES IT ALDEN AND LANE WOUNDED CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES ARRANGEMENTS FOR A TREATY ITS TERMS THE INDIANS GO UPON A RESERVATION, WITH S. H. CULVER, AGENT TROUBLES IN OTHER LOCALITIES Loss OF LIFE AND PROPERTY IN 1853 MURDERS IN 1854 BY THE SHASTAS THEY GO UNPUNISHED TROUBLES WITH THE COQUILLES THEIR PUNISHMENT BY VOLUNTEERS THE MURDERS OF THE YEAR ATTITUDE OF GEN ERAL WOOL TOWARDS CIVILIANS THE "EXPEDITION TO FIGHT THE IMMIGRANTS " THE WARD MASSACRE HALLER S EXPEDITION TO BOISE CURRY S ACTION PROCLAMATION WITHDRAWN. THERE could hardly have been any reliance placed upon the durability of the treaty made with chief Sam. Skinner was unable to perform what was expected of him as a rep resentative of the government, not being supplied with tlie means; and Sam was but an unwilling party to it from the beginning. So far as the chief was individually con cerned, however, he, for the greater part of a year, observed the conditions imposed upon him by the treaty. But a sub-chief, called Taylor, who had his range in the Grave creek country, murdered a party of seven men, during a severe storm in the hills, and reported them drowned. Other depredations were traced to him, and a rumor became current that the Rogue-rivers held white women captive at Table Rock. This rumor probably grew out of the story, already referred to, that the Modocs held captive two white girls for some time, whom they finally tortured to death. The imagination of the public, excited by the atrocities in the Modoc country, was sensitive to any suggestion of Indian malevolence, and the desire for vengeance was ill suppressed, ready to break out into action at any moment. Finally, about the first of June, a (307) 308 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. party from Jacksonville arrested Taylor, with three others, and hanged them ; after which they proceeded to Table Rock, and not finding the captive women, attacked a village, killing six Indians. There was at this time neither Indian agent nor military officer in Rogue-river valley to prevent the outrages of one race upon the other. Dart had been superseded in the superintendency by Joel Palmer, who had not yet supplied the place of agent Skinner, resigned. The nearest troops were at Fort Orford on the coast and Fort Jones in Scott valley. A new administration had come in, Lane having returned to Oregon with the commission of governor, only to be reflected delegate, leaving the secretary, George L. Curry, acting governor, and Lane at liberty to reside, as he preferred to do when in Oregon, at Roseburg in the Umpqua valley. This was the condition of affairs when, early in August, the settlements in Rogue-river valley were suddenly at tacked. On the fourth, Richard Edwards was killed at his home on Stuart s creek; on the fifth, Thomas J. Wills and Rhodes Noland were killed, and Burrill F. Griffin and one Davis wounded. Hastily formed volunteer companies pa trolled the roads and warned settlers, who gathered their families into a few fortified houses, and setting over them a guard, joined the volunteers. On the seventh of August two Shasta Indians were cap tured, one on Applegate creek and the other on Jackson creek. Both were in war paint, and on investigation were proved guilty of the murder of Wills and Noland, for which they were hung at Jacksonville. Not satisfied with this act of justice, an Indian lad who had nothing what ever to do with the murders, was seized and hung by the infuriated miners. So great was the excitement that it was dangerous for a man to suggest mercy. Acts of this nature were not calculated to lessen hostili ties on the other side, and the torch was applied to the abandoned houses of the settlers. Ten homes in as many THE EOGUE EIVER WAE8. 309 miles were thus laid waste. On the day of the hanging, Isaac Hill and a party of volunteers from Ashland at tacked some roving Indians a few miles from that place, killing six. Ten days later the Indians attacked an im migrant camp at Ashland, and killed Hugh Smith and John Gibbs, wounding M. B. Morris, William Hodgkins, A. G. Lordyce, and Brice Whitmore. On the fourteenth, Dr. William R. Rose and John R. Hardin, members of a volunteer organization, while patrolling the line of travel towards the north, with W. G. T Vault, S. S. Wall, and David Birdseye. were shot at from ambush, Rose killed, and Hardin mortally wounded. Says L. J. C. Duncan: " The outraged populace began to slaughter right and left," after these events. Immediately after the outbreak, and while these events were in progress, a petition was addressed to Captain Alden, in command of Fort Jones, asking for arms and ammuni tion, who at once responded by coming in person with about a dozen men. On the fifteenth, a request was sent to Governor Curry at Salem, to make a requisition on Col onel Bonneville at Vancouver, for a howitzer, rifles, and ammunition, which were immediately forwarded in charge of Lieutenant Kautz and six artillerymen, escorted by forty volunteers under J. W. Nesmith, captain, and officered by L. F. Grover, first lieutenant; W. K. Beale, second lieuten ant; J. D. McCurdy, surgeon; and J. M. Crooks, orderly sergeant. Over two hundred volunteers were enrolled in Rogue- river valley. John F. Miller was elected captain of the first company; B. B. Griffin, first lieutenant; Abel George, second lieutenant; and Clay Westfelt, orderly sergeant. This company numbered one hundred and fifteen men. Two other companies, under Captains John K. Lamerick and T. T. Tierney, were organized about the same time, while from Yreka came eighty fighting men under Cap tains Goodall and Rhodes. These all reported to Captain Alden, who assumed the command. No provision had 310 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. been made for the subsistence of so many men, and Alden appointed George Dart, Edward Shell, L. A. Loomis. and Eichard Dugan a military commission to constitute a gen eral department of supply; and learning that the Indians were in force near Table Rock, planned an attack for the night of the eleventh. But the volunteers learning that the Indians were in the valley killing and burning, rushed away to the defense of their homes without waiting for orders, and for several days were scouring the country, divided into small bands, as before mentioned. Before they came together again, Sam offered battle, which Alden was compelled to decline. But having recovered his force he made a movement on the fifteenth to dislodge the In dians from their supposed hiding place in a canon five miles north of Table Rock, from which, however, they had departed before his arrival, firing the woods behind them to obliterate their trial. It was not until the seventeenth that Lieutenant Eh r of the Yreka company, with a detachment of twenty-five men, discovered the enemy s camp on Evans creek, fifteen miles from Table Rock. Knowing that the main force had returned to Camp Stuart for supplies, Ely fell back to an open piece of ground crossed by creeks, whose banks were lined with thickets of willow, where he halted and sent a courier for reinforcements. But Sam, seeing his opportunity, advanced his warriors through the creek channels under cover of the wallows, and getting within range, killed two men at the first fire. The company retreated to a pine ridge a quarter of a mile distant, but the Indians soon flanked and surrounded them, and the fight lasted three and a half hours, during which four more men were killed and four wounded. At the end of this time Captain Goodall, with the remainder of the Yreka company, came up, and the Indians retreated. The killed in this skirmish were J. Shaw, Frank Perry, F. Keath, A. Douglas, A. C. Colburn, and L. Locktirg. The wounded were Lieutenant Ely, John Albin, James Carroll, and Z. Shultz. THE ROGUE RIVEE WARS. 311 Lane was at Roseburg when the news of the outbreak reached him, and set out at once for Rogue river, accom panied by Pleasant Armstrong of Yamhill county, and James Cluggage, who had been to the Umpqua valley in the vain endeavor to enlist the Klickitats against the Rogue-river Indians, and eleven other men. Immediately on Lane s arrival, Alden tendered him the command, which he accepted on the twenty-first, and on the twenty- second assumed his office in due form. An aggressive movement was decided upon. W. G. T Vault was ap pointed his aide, and C. Lewis, a captain of volunteers, his assistant adjutant-general, but Lewis falling ill, L. F. Mosher took his place. The available forces were divided into two battalions, one consisting of the companies of Captains Goodall and Rhodes under Colonel Alden, with Lane at their head, to proceed up the river to where Ely had met with defeat, there to find the enemy s trail, which was known led in the direction of Evans creek. The other battalion, under John E. Ross, was directed to proceed to the mouth of Evans creek, and thence up that stream to a junction with Alden, to prevent the Indians from being driven back on the settlements. After a day s travel, made exhausting by smoke from the burning forest, Alden s command came upon the trail of the enemy and encamped. On the following day, after another fatiguing march, he again encamped, and had hardly taken up the line of march on the twenty -fourth, when Lane, who was in advance, heard the discharge of a rifle and distinguished voices. Waiting for the companies to come up, he halted them, and outlined his plan of at tack, which was that Alden, with Goodall s company, should quietly proceed on foot along the trail and attack the Indians in front, while a detachment of ten picked men from Rhodes command, under Lieutenant Charles Blair, was to take a ridge to the left to turn the enemy s flank. Lane would himself wait for the rear guard to come up, and lead them into action. 312 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. Alden proceeded as directed and with so little noise that the crack of his rifles was the first intimation the Indians had of the approach of an enemy. Although surprised, they made a vigorous resistance from behind fortifications of logs, being well supplied with arms and ammunition. Their camp being surrounded by dense thickets, it was difficult and dangerous to charge them, and from this cause and the nature of the ground it was impossible for the flanking party to turn their left as designed, but it engaged them on the right. After the first fire the volun teers took cover behind trees and fought in true Indian style, the battle becoming general. When Lane arrived on the ground he found Colonel Alden dangerously wounded, having been shot down early in the fight. Leaving him to the care of his men, 1 Lane made an examination of the ground and finding the In dians securely posted, gave the order to charge, himself leading the movement. When within thirty yards of their line, he was struck by a rifle ball in his right arm near the shoulder. Believing the shot to have come from the flank, he ordered the line extended so as to prevent its being turned by the enemy, and the men to again take cover behind trees, where they fought with cool deter mination for several hours. Finding himself growing weak from loss of blood, Lane had retired to the rear to have his wound dressed. The Indians, meantime, having discovered his* identity, called out to the volunteers that they were tired of war, and de sired to talk with " Jo Lane." On Lane s return to the front he held a conference with his officers on the subject of holding a council with the Indians. It was evident they were well armed, and held a position nearly, if not quite, impregnable. There were two opinions advocated, one that the Indians really desired peace, and another that they were seeking an advantage. The question of allowing the Indians an opportunity to talk was put to 1 Alden died two years afterwards from the effect of this wound. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 313 vote, every man having a voice in the matter. Less than half voted for a talk, the others remaining silent. He then sent Robert B. Metcalf and James Bruce into the Indian lines to get an expression of their wishes, when they reiterated their desire to see "Jo Lane." On entering their camp, Lane found them with many wounded, and some dead, whom they were burning. Chief Jo, with his brothers Sam and Jim, assured Lane that they were sick of war. He outlined to them a plan of treaty which included the obligation on their part to go upon a reservation, and they agreed to it. The date fixed for the treaty council was early in September, and these affairs being arranged, Lane returned to the place of dis mounting in the morning, where the wounded were being cared for, and the dead buried. The white men killed in this battle were Pleasant Armstrong, 2 John Scarborough, and Isaac Bradley. The wounded volunteers were Henry Flasher, Thomas Hayes, and Charles C. Abbott; the latter dying of his wounds September second. The Indian loss was eight killed and twenty wounded. Ross battalion arrived too late to participate in the battle of Evans creek, on account of which disappoint ment they inclined to renew it, but were restrained by Lane, who went into camp within four hundred yards of the enemy, where he remained for two days. Impelled by their personal regard for Lane, who had always been able to appear to them if not as a friend, at least as a magnan imous enemy, the Indian women carried water to the wounded, and the Indian men helped bear them on litters to camp. Such is the savage nature, one moment governed by animal rages, and in the next exhibiting fear, timidity, and even tenderness. On the twenty-ninth, the Indian and volunteer forces moved down into the valley, each keeping strict watch 2 Armstrong s remains, it is said, were disinterred and cut to pieces. He was a brother of the author of Annstrong s Oregon, a descriptive work. 314 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. upon the other. The ground chosen for the council was on the south side of Rogue river, the Indians making their encampment on an elevation directly opposite the cliffs of Table Rock, and Lane in the valley one mile distant, on the spot where Fort Lane was soon afterwards established. Although, according to the armistice, peace should have been restored, there was some further fighting in scattered localities between independent volunteer companies and roving bands of Indians. Four days after the battle of Evans creek, a collision occurred between a detachment of Captain Owens company, under Lieutenant Thomas Fraz- zell, and a foraging party of Rogue-rivers at Long s ferry, about ten miles below the mouth of the creek, in which Frazzell and a private named James Mango were killed. After this Owens induced a party of Indians to enter his- camp on Grave creek, and treacherously shot them; at least so it is related in a public document. Robert L. Williams, captain of a volunteer company, was also re ported to have slain twelve Indians in an unfair fight, in which he lost one man, Thomas Phillips. 3 Doubtless many things were done in the exasperation of public feeling, caused by the interruption of business and loss of property and friends, which, under any other circum stances, would have seemed impossible to the actors. Martin Angell, a highly respected citizen, from his own door shot an Indian out of pure hatred of the race, which seemed to him only incarnate evil. He was, long after, shot from an ambush by one of the hated race; and this was Indian war. But now there was to be peace. The time between the battle of Evans creek and the fourth of September was spent in preparations for the treaty council, which could not be held until the arrival of Superintendent Palmer. In the interim, there arrived Captain A. J. Smith, first United States dragoons, from Fort Orford, with his troops; Lieutenant Kautz of the 3 United States house executive documents, 99, p. 4, thirty-third congress, first THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 315 artillery with the howitzer; and J. W. Neswith with his company of volunteers. The latter bore a commission from acting Governor Curry, giving Lane what he already had, the command of the forces in the field. By that spy system which was in vogue among the natives, keeping them informed of the movements of strangers and enemies, the approach of the howitzer be came known some time before its arrival, and created a lively apprehension. They described it as a hyas (great) rifle, which took a hatful of powder to a load, and could shoot down a tree. Their fear of it was abject, and they begged not to have it fired. Who shall say how much influence it had upon the treaty? On the fourth, a preliminary council was held. When agreeing to the armistice, Lane had exacted a hostage, and had been given a son of chief Jo; for the white men were still few in comparison with the natives, and not many had any confidence in their professed desire for peace. The terms of the preliminan 7 council were nearly iden tical with those agreed to between General Canby and the Modocs twenty years later, and the outcome might have been the same but for Lane s precautions. The meeting place was a mile from the volunteer camp on a butte within the Indian lines on Evans creek. The white per sons present were General Lane, his arm in a sling, the volunteer captains, Colonel Ross, and interpreter Metcalf. These proceeded on foot to the council, meeting at the base of the butte an armed guard, which disarmed them before they reached the place prepared for the conference. Captain Miller, however, secreted a revolver, of which act Lane was made aware. Arrived at the council lodge, the white men were received with a sullen etiquette not easily translated into cordiality. They were assigned their places, and the chiefs Jo, Sam, and Jim of the Rogue-river tribes, with Limpy and George of the Applegate creek families, seated inside a wall of armed warriors. Notwithstanding this threatening appearance, the Rogue-river chiefs made 316 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. temperate speeches in favor of peace. But Limpy ad dressed the council in a torrid burst of savage eloquence on the aggressiveness of white men, and his determination not to permit his native country to become alienated to them. During this inflammatory speech, whose effect upon others could be perceived, General Lane sat smiling thoughtfully, but whispered to Captain Miller, "Keep your eye on that d d scoundrel," which was equivalent to an order to keep his hand on his pistol. But the hostage of chief Jo s son was better security against treachery than the single revolver, and the party came safely out of a dangerous trap in which they were apparently fatally enmeshed. These appearances led Lane to require other hostages before the treaty council appointed for September eighth took place; and led also to the wearing of arms by the volunteers who assembled in the vicinity of the In dian camp, although the high contracting parties were un armed. By the terms of the treaty, the United States acquired the whole of the Rogue-river valley, one hundred square miles on the north side of the river, in the vicinity of Table Rock, being reserved for a temporary home for the Indians. The price agreed upon was sixty thousand dol lars, fifteen thousand being deducted for indemnity for losses of property by the settlers through the war. Of the remaining forty-five thousand, five thousand was to be ex pended in agricultural implements and goods chosen by the superintendent, on or before the first day of September, 1854, and in paying for such improvements as had been made by white settlers on the lands reserved. The re maining forty thousand was to be paid in sixteen annual installments, commencing at the above date, and payable in Indian goods, blankets, stock, and farming utensils. Each of the chiefs was to have a dwelling-house erected, at a cost of not more than five hundred dollars, which houses were to be put up as soon after the ratification of the treaty as practicable. When the nation was removed THE EOGUE RIVER WARS. 317 to another and permanent reservation, buildings for the chiefs were again to be furnished, and fifteen thousand additional was to be paid to the tribe in five annual in stallments, commencing at the expiration of the previous installments. The treaty bound the Indians to make their permanent residence in a place to be set apart in the future; to give up firearms, except a few for hunting; to forfeit their an nuities if they went to war against the settlers; to notify the agent of the raids of other tribes and assist in expelling them; to apply for the redress of their own wrongs to the agent put over them; to protect such agent, and to refrain from molesting white persons passing through the reserva tion. The sacredness of property was to be regarded, and all crimes by red or white men were to be tried and pun ished according to the laws of the United States. To pre vent collisions, white people, except those in the employ of the government, were forbidden to reside on the reser vation, and the Indians were required to deliver them up to the superintendent if they disregarded this prohibition. 5 A treaty was also made with the Cow creek band of Ump- quas, which through its contact with the Grave creek band of Rogue-rivers had become troublesome. This band sold eight hundred square miles, about half of which was good farming land, for twelve thousand dollars and a few pres ents. Two circumstances must be taken into account in pass ing judgment upon treaty makers; the first, that the price offered for Indian territory is not dependent upon its ex tent, but upon its population; and, the second, that to se cure the ratification of a treaty it should not call for too large an appropriation. The whole business of Indian treaties is open to criticism, but this is not the place for it. The people of Rogue-river valley and. the contiguous 3 The names appended to this treaty were Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs; Samuel H. Culver, Indian agent; Asperkahar (Jo), Toquahear ( Sam), Anac- haharah (Jim), John, and Limpy. The witnesses were Joseph Lane, Augustus V. Kautz, J. W. Nesmith, K. B. Metcalf, John (interpreter), J. D. Mason, and T. T. Tier- ney. 318 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. mining territory must have respite from police duty, must be able to sleep by night, and attend to their affairs by day; and Palmer doubtless acted upon his best judgment in securing these blessings to both races. After the conclusion of the treaties, Samuel 11. Culver took up his residence as Indian agent on the reservation, and Captain Smith proceeded to erect Fort Lane, opposite the lower end of Table Rock, where he went into quarters with his troop. Business and travel were resumed, and the inhabitants of the valley enjoyed once more the peace they craved, breathed freely, and slept soundly. The volunteers were disbanded, with the exception of Captain John F. Mil ler s company, which was ordered to the Modoc country to patrol the southern emigrant road, always a dangerous one to travelers. Hastily collecting provisions and ammu nition, Captain Miller proceeded to the lake country, mak ing his headquarters on Lost river, near tihe natural bridge, and marching the main part of his command as far east as Surprise valley and the Humboldt river, keeping upon the road until the immigration had all passed the points of danger. When the volunteers were in the vicinity of Tule lake they observed smoke rising above the tules, and thinking it came from fires on inhabited islands in the lake, con structed boats of wagon beds and went out to explore them, when they found a number of canoes filled with Modoc women and children, and containing fireplaces of stone and mud, at which were cooked the fish on which they subsisted. On the Indian children was found the blood-stained cloth ing taken from murdered immigrant children. These families, hiding from the justly apprehended wrath of white men, were made to pay the penalty of blood with out process of law, or the law s delays. About the middle of October the miners of Illinois val ley were annoyed by the frequent depredations of the THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 319 coast Indians, who had been driven in upon them fyy miners on the beach, who had previously suffered from murder and robbery. It being necessary to punish them, Lieutenant R. C. W. Radford of Fort Lane, was ordered to take a few men and chastise these Indians. But rind ing them too numerous to attack, he sent for reenforce- ments, which, arriving under Lieutenant Caster on the twenty-second, pursuit was begun, and after a chase of three days among the mountains a skirmish took place, in which about a dozen Indians and two troopers were killed, and four troopers wounded. Considerable property taken from the miners was recovered, and a treaty entered into between the miners and this branch of the Rogue-river nation, which was observed until January following, when a party from Sailor diggings in pursuit of unknown rob bers, by mistake attacked the treaty Indians, some of both sides being killed. Peace was restored when the Indian agent appeared and the affair was explained. According to the report of the secretary of war, the Indian disturbances in southern Oregon in 1853 cost the lives of over one hundred white persons, and several hun dred Indians. In making his estimate the secretary must have included the northern portion o/ California, which by reason of the unsettled boundary line was at that time pretty generally spoken of as being in Oregon. The ex pense to the general government was said to be seven thou sand dollars a day, with only from two hundred to five hundred men in the field; and the hostilities in the short period of little over a month to have cost a total of two hundred and fifty-eight thousand dollars. The loss to settlers, computed by a commission consist ing of L. F. Grover, A. C. Gibbs, and G. H. Ambrose^ amounted to a little less than forty -six thousand- dollars, nearly eighteen thousand of which was deducted from the price paid by the government for the Rogue-river lands to cover losses and pay for improvements vacated. There fore it might be said that, after all, the United States 320 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. paid heavily in one way and another for this portion of Oregon. 4 As to the people whose stock had been killed, whose houses and fences destroyed, and as to the widows and fatherless children left by the war, the little indemnity money to be obtained at the end of congressional deliber ation and commissioners awards counted as nothing against their losses. Many of the claimants failed to receive this pitiful payment, and, in 1872, the balance of the appropriation for this purpose was illegally turned back into the treasury, where it remained for ten years longer before, by the labor of several attorneys and an order of Secretary Fairchilds, it was placed back to the credit of the claimants. And then the commissioner of Indian affairs and the secretary and auditor of the treas ury, were unable to find the original report of the com missioners of award, refusing to pass any claim without it, or without an act of congress. However, at length, through the persistency of B. F. Dowell of Jacksonville, the origi nal report was discovered, and the claims all settled thirty years after the war. The feeling of security which followed the treaty and the establishment *of Fort Lane was of short duration. The Indians having had time to consider the terms of the treaty in all its parts, were dissatisfied and insolent. On 4 The names of those who received a pro rata of thirty-four and seventy-seven hundredths per cent out of the fifteen thousand dollars retained from the appropria tion to carry out the treaty of 1853, were : Martin Angell, John Anderson, James Abraham, Shertack Abraham, John Agy, Clinton Barney, John Benjamin, David N. Birdseye, Michael Brennan, Wm. N. Ballard, James Bruce, Cram, Rogers & Co., The- dosia Cameron, Silas Day, Edward Day, James R. Davis, Dunn & Alluding, Sigmond Enlinger, Wm. M. Elliott, David Evans, Daniel F. Fisher, Asa G. Fordyce, Thomas Frazzell, James B. Fryer, Galley & Oliver, John Gheen, Burrill B. Griffin, Sam Grubb, Hall& Burpee, David Hayhart, John R. Hardin, Obadiah D. Harris, Henry Ham, Mary Ann Hodgkins, Elias Huntington, Wm. M. Hughes, D. Irwin, Albert B. Jen- nison, Thomas P. Jewett, Wm. Kohler, Wm. S. King, Nicholas Kohenstein, Nathan B. Lane, James L. London, John Markley, Robert B. Metcalf, John S. Miller, Tra- veena McComb, McGreer, Drury & Runnel Is, James Mooney, Francis Nassarett, Win. Newton, Edith M. Nickel, Hiram Niday, John Patrick, Sylvester Pease, John Penne- ger, Dan Raymond, Eph. Raymond, John E. Ross, Lewis Rotherend, Frederick Rosen- stock, Henry Rowland, T. B. Sanderson, Freeman Smith, Pleasant W. Stone, John Swinden, George H. C. Taylor, James C. Tolman, William Thompson, John Triplett, THE ROGUE RIVEE WARS. 321 the sixth of October a merchant of Jacksonville, James C. Kyle, a partner of Thomas Wills, who was murdered on August fifth, was also killed within two miles of Fort Lane. Soon after followed the news of the trouble with the lower Rogue-rivers already mentioned, resulting from the murder of three white men. Although these Indians were subdued, there was again awakened a feeling of un easiness, which was the precursor of further trouble. The change in the habits of the treaty Indians was fol lowed by sickness among them, which, being complained of, the agent allowed them greater liberty. As might have been foreseen, this liberty was abused, and the discontent on both sides deepened. The trial, conviction, and execu tion of the murderers of Edwards and Kyle in January did not tend to the cultivation of friendly relations. 5 About the eighteenth of January, a party of Rogue- rivers, Shastas, and Modocs, led by chief Bill, stole the horses belonging to a mining camp on Cottonwood creek, driving them into the mountains. A company was has tily organized to go in pursuit and recover the horses. When on the trail they were shot at from ambush, and Hiram Hulan, John Clark, John Oldfield, and Wesley Mayden were killed. A messenger was dispatched to Fort Jones, then com manded by Captain Judah, who set out at once with twenty men, all his available force, to follow the trail of Wm. G. F. Vauk, Weller & Rose, Samuel Williams, Charles Williams, Isaac Woolen, and Jeremiah Yarnell. The settlers who gave up their improvements on the land reserved were David Evans, Matthew G. Kennedy, John G. Cook, William Hutchin- son, Charles Gray, Robert B. Metcalf, Jacob Gall, George H. C. Taylor, John M. Silcott, and James Lesley : Report of Superintendent Palmer, in United States house exe cutive documents, 52, pp. 3-5, thirty -eighth Congress, second session. 6 The murderers, Indian Tom and Indian George, were indicted and had a fair trial. Having no counsel, the court appointed D. B. Brennan and P. P. Prim to de fend them. Agent Culver and Louis Denois acted as interpreters to the court and jury. The officers of the court were : O. B. McFadden, judge ; S. Sims, prosecuting attorney; Matthew G. Kennedy, sheriff; and Lycurgus Jackson, clerk. The jury impaneled were< S. D. Vandyke, Edward McCartie, T. Gregard, A. Davis, Robert Hasgadine, A. D. Lake, James Hamlin, Samuel Hall, Frederick Alberdine, F. Heber, and R. Henderson. The sentence of the court was that the convicted Indians should be hung on the nineteenth of February. The sentence was, however, on account of the troublesome times, carried out a few days after the trial. These were the only Indians ever punished for crime by the-authorities in southern Oregon. 21 322 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the Indians, which led him to a cave near the Klamath river, in which stronghold they had fortified themselves. In conjunction with a volunteer company under Greiger, captain, he reconnoitered the position, and finding it too strong to be taken without artillery, withdrew, and dis patched Lieutenant Crook and D. Sorrell to Fort Lane to bring up a mountain howitzer. Several days were occu pied in this expedition, Captain Smith arriving on the twenty-sixth with Lieutenant Ogle and fifteen dragoons. The regular force now amounted to thirty-eight, rank and file, and the volunteers numbered forty-five. Captain Judah falling ill, remained in camp with eight regulars and a few of Greiger s men, and on the twenty-seventh the attack was made. The cave occupied by the Indians was in the face of an almost perpendicular palisade, three hundred feet above the valley, the approach being in front and easily defended. Captain Greiger, with seventeen men, took his position on top, and the remainder of the volunteers, with Lieutenant Bonnycastle, with his command and the howitzer, were stationed in front. Owing to the angle at which the howitzer was fired it had no other effect than to frighten the Indians, who now cried out for peace, a prayer which Smith, who knew less about Indian fighting than he did a year or two later, was quite ready to grant. But to this the volunteers were unwilling to consent, saying the mur derers must be punished, and Smith after moving the gun to a different position fired a few more ineffectual shells. During the afternoon Greiger was struck by a shot from the cave and killed, to the great sorrow of his company, for he was an estimable man and useful citizen. Night coming on the forces encamped in front of the cave, and Bill sent three Indian women to ask for a talk, Captain Smith granting the request, and going to the cave the following morning with Eddy, a citizen, to hold the intervi-ew. He found, he says, 6 about fifty Shastas, who 6 United States house executive documents, p. 88, thirty-fifth congress, second session. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 323 declared that they loved peace and had lived on terms of friendship with the white people about Yreka and Cotton- wood, but that the miners at the latter place had ill-treated their women, for which reason they had left that neigh borhood. 7 Accepting this apology for theft and murder, Captain Smith advised Bill to remain in his stronghold where he would be safe from the volunteers. On learning Smith s views, and there being no further prospect of bringing the Indians to justice, the volunteers returned home with the body of their captain, taking with them some Indian ponies. Troubles between the miners on the beaches between Port Orford and Coos bay and the Coquille Indians broke out in January, 1854. The following is a copy of the proceedings of a meeting called on the twenty-seventh of the month to consider the situation: At a meeting of the miners and citizens assembled at the Coquille ferry-house for the purpose of investigating Indian difficulties, the following resolutions were adopted. On motion, A. F. Soap was called to the chair, and Win. H. Packwood appointed secretary. All persons having observed any hostile movement of the Indians were called upon to state the facts. John A. Pension stated that he discovered, on the twenty-third instant, an Indian riding a horse up and down the beach. He went over to the Indian village to see whose horse it was. It proved to be a horse that Mr. Whike had ridden up from Port Orfoid. I ( Pen sion) took the horse from the Indian and went to the chief. He attempted to take the trappings off the horse. I would not allow him to do so, wanting them as proof of his conduct. I expostulated with them in regard to their conduct. They laughed at me and ordered me to clatawa. Mr. Whike, being present, corroborated the above statement. John A. Pension stated further : On the twenty-fourth instant there were three men on the other side of the river. I went over to ferry them across. They asked me the reason why the Indians wanted to drive them back ( to the mines ), and not let them cross 7 It is undoubtedly true that some men among the miners treated the Indian women brutally ; but the Indians themselves sold their wives and daughters to them without shame. 324 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the river. An Indian present seemed to be in a great passion, using the words u God damn Americans " very frequently. Mr. Thomas Lowe corroborated the above statement. Mr. Malcolm stated that yesterday (the twenty-sixth instant) the Indian chief John shot into a crowd of men standing in front of the ferry-house at that time. Mr. Thomas Lowe and Mr. Whike corroborated the above state ment. Mr. Whike and Thomas Lowe state that early this morning ( the twenty-seventh ) they discovered the rope by which the ferryboat was tied up to be cut in two, having been done in the night of the twenty-sixth instant. The boat would have been lost had it not been buoyed out. 8 Mr. George H. Abbott stated : I came here yesterday evening (the twenty -sixth ), and finding difficulties existing between the whites and Indians, and having an interpreter with me, I sent for the chief for the purpose of having an explanation. He returned for answer that he would neither explain nor be friendly with the whites on any terms. I sent back the Indian the second time, insisting on an explanation. He (the chief ) sent back word that he would not come, nor give any explanation whatever, and that he would kill every white man that attempted to come to him, or go to his village; that he intended to kill the men at the ferry and destroy their houses; that he was going to rid his country of all white men; that it was no use talking to him, and that if they ( the whites ) would take out his heart and wash it, he would still be the same. Mr. George H. Abbott, interpreter: Interpretation of the above corroborated by John Grolouise ( half-breed). .Resolved, That the Indians in this vicinity are in a state of hos tility toward the whites from their own acknowledgements and declarations. Resolved, That tomorrow morning, the twenty -eighth instant, as early as possible, we will move upon and attack the Indian vil lage. By vote, Geo. H. Abbott is elected captain of this expedition, A. F. Soap, first lieutenant, and Wm. H. Packwood, second lieutenant. (Signed.) A. F. SOAP, Chairman. WM. H. PACKWOOD, Secretary. Continuing the narrative of the proceedings following the meeting above reported, the following is an abstract of Captain Abbott s official report to Governor Davis: The Indian village (the same where T Vault s party was attacked in 1850), was situated on both sides of the river, 8 The above-mentioned persons are the ferrymen at the Coquille river. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 325 about one and a half miles from the mouth, one part on the north, and two on the south side, the huts on the north side being situated on open ground, and easy of approach, while those on the south were in the edge of a thicket connecting with a heavy body of timber. It was supposed that if the Indians made a stand it would be at that part of the village occupied by the chief, namely, the lower division on the south side. Abbott divided his company into three detachments, Lieutenant Soap with one being sent to take position on a mound overlooking the village on the north side; Packwood took a circuitous route through the woods to a position close to the upper village on the south side, while Abbott ap proached the lower portion of it, also by a circuitous route. At a given signal, the firing of a rifle, a simultaneous attack was to be made. Except that Packwood did not get into position before the signal was given, all happened as had been planned, and before daylight the attack was made from three points. The Indians were completely surprised and unable to offer much resistance; some fled into the woods. Sixteen were killed and four wounded. Twenty old men, women, and children were captured, with their stores of provisions, and twelve canoes. Their huts containing their arms and ammunition were burned. " The Indians," wrote Abbott to the governor, " were thus severely chastised without any loss on the part of the whites, which will undoubtedly have a salutary effect on all the Indians inhabiting this coast from the Umpqua to Rogue river." After the massacre, for it could not be called a battle, whatever may be said of the necessity for such measures, Abbott sent three of the captive women to invite the chief to a peace-talk. He returned for answer that a great number of his people had been killed, and he was himself wounded; all he desired was peace, and the friendship of the white people for the remainder of his band. His heart he declared was changed, and Abbott was requested to 326 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. send a chief of the Sixes-river band, who was in his camp, to him, with the assurance that it would be safe to do so, when he would come and talk, which he did the same day. A treaty of peace and friendship was entered into, the volunteers returning to their usual avocations. The same evening the miners and citizens held another meeting, Mr. McNamara in the chair, when it was Resolved, That whereas the Indians have been defeated, come in and sued for peace, and as they have met with considerable loss of life and property at our hands, we deem it suitable to return all their property, and the prisoners we have in our possession. Resolved, That two copies of the proceedings of the meetings of the last two days held by the miners and citizens be drawn up for the purpose of forwarding one copy to the governor of this territory, and one to the Indian agent at Port Orford. The Indian agent at Port Orford was S. M. Smith, who arrived at Coquille ferry on the day following this affair, in company with Lieutenant Kautz, and who, to quote from Abbott s report, "made every exertion to get to the scene of difficulties before hostilities commenced, but was there only in time to establish a more permanent under standing with the Indians, which he did in a manner highly creditable to himself as a public official." Reading between the lines of this praise of the govern ment officers, we might discover a purpose to forestall the efforts of Lieutenant Kautz and the agent, which in the opinion of the miners, founded on experience, would amount to nothing. On the thirtieth of January, in a public meeting at Ran dolph City, a short distance from Coquille ferry, H. R. Scott in the chair, and J. B. O Meally, secretary, the fol lowing proceedings were had : COQUILLE MINES, O. T., ) RANDOLPH CITY, 30th January, 1854. j In pursuance with the wishes of the citizens, a public meeting which was to be held yesterday was adjourned until today, when the meeting was held at Randolph City, in order to take into con sideration, and reconsider the resolutions that were passed and adopted here last Saturday, twenty-eighth instant, as well as the THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 327 resolutions and proceedings passed and adopted at a public meeting held at Coquille river (the seat of war), which were read at this meeting today, and were sanctioned and highly approved, relative to the hostilities evinced by the Indians at Coquille against whites. Upon the meeting being called to order, H. R. Scott was ap pointed chairman, and J. B. O Meally, secretary, when the follow ing resolutions were passed and adopted : Resolved, Whereas the Indians in this vicinity have been vei*y troublesome for some time past, i. e., ever since the discovery of the mines, on account of their many thefts, it being unsafe to leave a house alone while the inhabitants were absent at work, the Indians being in the habit of ransacking such houses, taking all the pro visions and other articles such as they could conveniently secrete, and becoming more hostile in their movements every day ; and that the threatening attitude of the Indians a few days since at Coquille river called for immediate and decisive action ; and, as it was considered necessary for the safety of the lives and property of the citizens, that prompt and energetic measures should be taken, Resolved, That we consider the threatening and menacing aspect of the Indians at the Coquille river on the twenty-seventh and twenty -eighth, amounting to a declaration of war on their part. Resolved, That the prompt and timely action of the citizens and miners assembled at the Coquille river on the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth instants, has struck a decisive blow, which we believe has quelled at the commencement an Indian war, which might have lasted for months, causing much bloodshed and expense to the people in general, and we have also ascertained that a large quantity of secreted firearms and powder was destroyed in the burn ing of the Indian villages. Resolved, That duplicates of the proceedings of this meeting be drawn up for publication, one copy to be sent to the Indian agent at Port Orford, and others to be transmitted to the different newspapers in Oregon and California ; and, it is further Resolved, That a copy of the resolutions passed and adopted at the meeting held last Saturday, twenty-eighth instant, at Randolph City, shall accompany the resolutions passed and adopted here today. Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are justly due and hereby given to our fellow-citizens who have behaved so nobly in suppressing with a small force of volunteers the Indians, on the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth instants, at Coquille river, who had declared war, and from the most authentic information that we have obtained, after mature investigation, we have every reason to believe that the Indians were on the eve of commencing an out break against the whites. (Signed.) H. R. SCOTT, Chairman. J. B. O MEALLY, Secretary. 328 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Thus was checked, for the time being, an outbreak in this direction. Whether or not the presence of troops and a howitzer in the Rogue-river valley had the effect to restrain the rising discontent among the Indians, it is certain that in spite of it there were fewer murders by them in the summer of 1854 than for three } 7 ears previous. Edward Phillips, a miner on Applegate creek, was mur dered in his own house April fifteenth. Daniel Gage was killed on June fifteenth in the Siskiyou mountains. A man named McAmy was killed near DeWitt ferry, on the Klamath river, June twenty-fourth, and Thomas O Neal about the same time. Some time during the same month, or a little later, John Crittenden, John Badger, Alexander Sawyer, and a man named Wood, were murdered by the Modocs or Pit-river Indians on the southern immigrant road, at Gravelly ford, in the Humboldt valley; and in September, a Mr. Stewart of Corvallis, Oregon, was killed on the same road. On the second of November, Alfred French, formerly connected with the Chronicle newspaper at Independence, Missouri, was murdered by Indians near Crescent City. The murderers in every case escaped punishment, and so far as the officers of the regular army stationed in the country were concerned, were defended rather than chas tised, owing to a prejudiced and arbitrary sentiment towards civilians entertained by General Wool, at this time in command of the division of the Pacific. Whoever has read his correspondence with Adjutant-General Thomas must have perceived his strong bias against the people as distinguished from the army, from governor s down to the humblest citizen, and his especial dislike of volunteer organizations. The reports of the officers in command of posts in Oregon, California, and Washington, were colored by this feeling exhibited by the general of division, and their correspondence was too often distorted by their sense of what was expected of them by their chief. The murder of the persons named on the southern im- THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 329 migrant road led to the fear that the Modocs might repeat the wholesale massacres of 1852. In the absence of a sufficient military force at the posts in Oregon, Governor Davis had written to General Wool for troops to perform the service of patrolling the roads both north and south, by which the immigration entered Oregon, but Wool was either unable or unwilling to furnish them. He did, how ever, reenforce Smith s squadron with a detachment of horse lately under Wright s command, which marched to Klamath lake and back, reporting no danger from Indians. The real service was performed for the southern route by a volunteer force under Jesse Walker, with the approba tion of acting Governor Curry. The cost of this expedition, which had no fighting to do, but which was probably a useful object lesson to the Indians, was forty-five thousand dollars. Its enemies named it the " Expedition to fight the immigrants," and denounced Quartermaster-General C. S. Drew and others as thieves on account of it. The regular army officers took up the cry, and declared the expedition unnecessary and a fraud upon the government, which must foot the bills. These accusations led to investigation as to the prices charged by the merchants of Yreka, who furnished the supplies, whose testimony was corroborated by the merchants of Jacksonville, showing the current prices during that year. A mass of evidence was collected at additional cost, 8 and years of delay in the settlement of accounts resulted. Forty-five thousand dollars was a large sum, but an Indian war would have cost more, to say noth ing of the loss of life; and the people of southern Oregon considered peace at any price worth all it cost. But the feeling of white men in Oregon who had lost friends or property, or both, were not soothed by the knowledge that General WooJ, in sending a reinforcement to Fort Lane, had declared it was not to protect the settlers and miners that troops were needed, but to protect the 8 United States house miscellaneous documents, 47, pp. 32-35, thirty-fifth congress, second session. 330 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. Indians against white men, and that for this latter pur pose the force in Oregon should be increased. His request to the secretary of war for more troops in his department accompanying such declarations, was as it should have been refused, and Oregon remained as it had for so many years been, undefended, except as the people to the best of their ability took care of themselves. In his correspondence with the war department, General Wool expressed the opinion that the immigration to Cali fornia and Oregon would soon render unnecessary those posts already established, and declared that if it were left to his discretion he should abolish them, namely, Forts Jones, Reading, and Miller in northern California, and Dalles and Lane in Oregon. In their place he would have a temporary post on Pit river, another on Puget sound, and possibly one in the Snake-river country. Of the inability of immigrants to protect themselves proof was furnished in the month of August near old Fort Boise, when a party of Kentuckians, numbering twenty- one men, women, and children, led by Alexander Ward, was attacked and massacred, only two boys being left alive, who were rescued. The horrors of the Ward massacre called for the imme diate chastisement of the Indians in the Boise country. There was at Fort Dalles, the nearest point where a soldier could be found, only a single company of men, under Major Granville 0. Haller. With about sixty of these, and a few citizens who chose to accompany the expedition, Major Haller took the road to Boise, if only to make a show on the part of the government, for the information of the Indians, of its desire and intention to protect its people and punish their destroyers. On Haller s arrival in the Snake country, the Indians, well advised of his move ments, had retired to the mountains where it was too late to attempt following them, and he could only march back to The Dalles. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 331 It is not necessary in this place to say more of the Boise affair than that Haller accomplished the following sum mer the hanging of the leaders of the massacre, returning to The Dalles in September, 1855, just in time to take part in a war nearer his post. But apropo of the discord between the civil and military authorities, Governor Curry, on learning that Haller s first expedition was not likely to accomplish anything, on the eighteenth of September, 1854, issued a proclamation calling for two companies of volunteers of sixty men each, to march to Boise and punish the Indians. These com panies were to be enlisted for six months, unless sooner discharged, and to furnish their own horses, equipments, arms, and ammunition, and choose their own officers, re porting to Brigadier-General Nesmith on the twenty-fifth. The governor issued commissions to George K. Sheil as assistant adjutant-general; to John McCracken as assistant quartermaster-general; and to Victor Trevitt as commis sary and quartermaster. But Nesmith, on learning that Colonel Bonneville of Fort Vancouver had refused a re quest of the governor for arms and supplies, giving it as his opinion that a winter campaign was neither necessary nor practicable, expressed a like opinion, and the call for for volunteers was withdrawn. Meanwhile, events were marching on. CHAPTER III. SMALL MILITARY FORCE OF THE PACIFIC AFFAIRS OF THE INDIAN SUPERINTENDENCY THE TREATY OF WALLA WALLA CONDUCT OF THE CHIEFS AT THE COUNCIL SPEECH OP CAYUSE HEAD CHIEF THE INFLUENCE OF LAWYER OPPOSITION OF KAMIAKIN TREATY SIGNED RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN SOUTHERN OREGON- MURDERS VOLUNTEER COMPANIES AND REGULARS DISAGREE TROUBLES ON THE COQUILLE MURDER OF TRAVELERS IN ROGUE-RIVER AND UMPQUA VALLEYS THE LUPTON AFFAIR MASSACRES OF OCTOBER NINTH DEATH OF MRS. WAGONER BRAVERY OF MRS. HARRIS ARMING OF THE PEOPLE HOSTILITIES GENERAL THE NINTH REGIMENT BATTLE OF SKULL BAR MORE MURDERS GUARDING ROADS AND SETTLEMENTS BATTLE OF HUNGRY HILL CONDUCT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS BY THE SUPERINTENDENT THE GOVERNOR CALLS FOR VOLUNTEERS NINTH REGI MENT DISBANDED NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN BATTALIONS CONSOLIDATION INTO THE SECOND REGIMENT OF OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS REGULARS ASSIST THE TERRITORIAL FORCES ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE "THE MEADOWS" FIGHT OF ALCORN ON LITTLE BUTTE CREEK FIGHT OF RICE ON ROGUE RIVER BATTLE OF "THE CABINS" FIGHT ON APPLEGATE CREEK BY BRUCE, O NEAL, AND ALCORN THANK LESS SERVICE NORTHERN COMPANIES DISCHARGED RECRUITS CALLED FOR. THE total military force in the department of the Pacific at the expiration of 1854 was twelve hundred, dragoons, infantry, and artillery, of which three hundred and thirty-five were stationed in Oregon and Washington. But others were under orders for the Pacific coast. The army bill had failed to pass in Congress, and only through smuggling a section into the appropriation bill providing for two more regiments of cavalry and two of infantry, was any increase in the army made possible. This was accom plished by the delegation from the Pacific; and it was further provided that arms should be distributed to the militia of the territories, according to the act of 1808, arming the militia of the states. No other or special pro vision was made for the defense of the northwest territories, and this was the military situation at the beginning of 1855. It should be noted before entering upon the recital of the events of this year that the superintendent of Indian affairs, Palmer, was able in the month of October preced ing to assure the tribes with whom he had made treaties (332) THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 333 that they had been ratified by congress, although with some amendments to which they gave their assent with evident reluctance. One of these allowed other tribes to be placed on their reservation an intrusion which the jealous nature of the Indian resents with bitterness; another, consolidated all the Rogue-river tribes in one an equally offensive measure for the same reason. Palmer had intended to remove the Indians of the Wallamet valley east of the Cascades, but found them un willing to go, and the Indians on the east side of the mountains unwilling to receive them on account of their diseased condition. As this was a reasonable ob jection from a civilized point of view, he gathered them upon a reservation called the Grand Rond, in the county of Polk, to the infinite disgust of the settlers in that district. But Palmer was a man who took his own way about things, and as he did his work thoroughly, without pother, those from whom he derived his authority seldom meddled with him. If he was arbitrary, he was generally in the right, and it saved a deal of trouble to give him the management. He had much ado to secure and keep worthy agents, on account of the small amount allowed them in salaries so small indeed as to offer an argument for, as well as an inducement to peculation. He had, however, at the different agencies such men as Philip F. Thompson, E. P. Drew, Nathan Olney (who succeeded Parrish), R. R. Thompson, W. W. Raymond, William J. Martin, and Robert Metcalf. S. H. Culver was superseded on the Rogue- river reservation by George H. Ambrose; and Ben Wright was appointed to the charge of the tribes on the southern coast. No treaties, other than the informal and temporary agreements made by Dr. White under the provisional government, had ever been made with the tribes of east ern Oregon or Washington; nor had the subject been ap proached when 1. 1. Stevens, the newly appointed governor of Washington crossed the country at the head of an ex- 334 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. pedition surveying for a Pacific railroad route, and had conferred with several of the tribes on the north side of the Columbia concerning the sale of their lands. They had seemed well disposed towards the government and willing to sell, and Stevens had so reported. On the strength of this report Stevens and Palmer had been ap pointed commissioners to make treaties with these tribes, and money had been appropriated for the purpose. But in the time which had intervened between Stevens first appearance among them and the spring of 1855 many things had occurred to change the friendly feeling then expressed into one of doubt, if not of fear and hostility. For there are no greater gossips and newsmongers in the world than Indians, whose childish imaginations quickly seize upon any hint of coming events to distort and mag nify it. They had been alarmed by the rumor of Palmer s design of settling the Wallamet tribes east of the moun tains. They weie informed of the troubles in southern Oregon from the coast to Goose lake, and of the expedi tions sent out against the Modocs and against the Snakes. The Cay uses had not forgotten the tragedy of Waiilatpu, and their punishment; the Nez Perces were, as they had been always, cautious and conservative. It was, in truth, not a propitious time for treaty making with the powerful tribes of the trans-Cascades country. But the command having gone forth, Governor Stevens made some preliminary movements during the winter of 1854-5, by sending among the Indians of eastern Wash ington, Mr. James Doty, already known to them as his trusted aid, who explained the nature of the council to which they were invited in May, securing their promises to be present, and also their assent to the proposition to purchase their lands, except such portions as they wished to reserve for their permanent homes. The first council was to be held with the Yakimas, Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Perces, in the Walla Walla valley, on an ancient council ground of the Yakima nation, selected by Kamia- THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 335 kin, chief of this people, and about five miles distant from Waiilatpu. The goods and agricultural implements intended for presents to the chiefs, together with the necessary supplies for a large camp, were transported above The Dalles in keelboats, the first freight carriers on the upper Columbia river, and this their first freight. The goods were disem barked and stored at Fort Walla Walla of the Hudson s Bay Company, then in charge of Mr. James Sinclair. The commissioners were escorted from The Dalles to the council grounds by forty dragoons under Lieutenant Archibald Gracie, which force was raised to forty-seven by the ad dition en route of a squad which had been out for a week in the vain search for some Indian murderers. From Walla Walla, the commissioners repaired at once to the council ground, leaving their escort to follow. The spot selected proved to be a beautiful one, and was made comfortable by the erection of a long arbor for dining, supplied with tables made of logs split down the middle and placed upon rude trestles with the flat side up. Seats were similarly improvised, and the place made to wear a picturesquely inviting aspect. Plenty of time was allowed for these preparations and for the arrival of the military, that is to say, from the twentieth to the twenty-fourth, be fore the Indians, ever dilatory on such occasions, began to assemble. The first to arrive were chiefs Lawyer and Looking Glass of the Nez Perces, who encamped near the commissioners after having displayed with their followers in their war costume, the startling evolutions described in the account given by Dr. White s visit to the Nez Perces in 1843. Two days later the Cayuses arrived, making a similar display; and on the twenty-eighth the Yakimas, the whole assem blage numbering between four and five thousand persons, of both sexes and all ages. When all were assembled, two days more were consumed in the effort to get to busi ness, the majority of the Indians being sullenly opposed 336 INDIAN WAE8 OF OREGON. to the matter in hand, and some, especially the Cayuses, being evidently hostile, regarding the troops with scowling disapproval. On the thirtieth, the council was finally opened and its object explained. But it was soon apparent to the com missioners that dealing with the tribes of the interior, healthy and robust, besides having had the benefit of the teaching and example of honorable traders and sincere Christian missionaries, was a more difficult matter far than making treaties with the decaying tribes of the Wallamet and lower Columbia, or the wild men of the southern Oregon valleys and coast. Watchful, shy, and reticent, little progress was made day after day in the negotiations. Speeches were delivered on both sides, and although glimpses of shrewdness, and bits of eloquence adorned some of them, they advanced the real issue not at all. Concerning the sale of the Cayuse lands, the head chief gave* utterance to the following fanciful thoughts: I wonder if the ground has anything to say? I wonder if the ground is listening to what is said. " ; I hear what the ground says. The ground says, "It is the Great Spirit which placed me here. The Great Spirit tells me to take care of the Indians, to feed them aright. The Great Spirit appointed the roots to feed the Indians on." The water says the same thing, "The Great Spirit directs me feed the Indians well." The grass says the same thing, "Feed the horses and cattle." The ground, water, and grass say, " The Great Spirit has given us our names. We have these names and hold them. Neither the Indians nor the whites have a right to change these names." The ground says, "The Great Spirit has placed me here to produce all that grows on me trees and fruit." The same way the ground says, " It was from me man was made." The Great Spirit in placing men on the earth desired them to take good care of the ground, and do each other no harm. The Great Spirit said, "You Indians who take care of certain portions of the country should not trade it off except you get a fair price." n This speech was as interesting as any, and in its closing sentence embodied the summing up, which in brief was an II Kips Indian Council, pp. 22- 26. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 337 effort to heighten the value of the lands, and claim the highest price, quite like more civilized men. But, claiming that their lands were worth a high price was not done expecting to sell ; it was only to discourage buying. Over and over the commissioners set forth the advantages to the red race of acquiring the knowledge to be imparted by the white race. Their logic and painstak ing explanations fell on closed ears. Owhi, a chief of the Yakimas and brother-in-law of Kamiakin, was wholly op posed to a treaty sale of the Yakima lands, as was Kam iakin also. Peu-peu-mox-mox had abandoned his usual deference to white men s views, and stood up bravely for the right of his race to hold the soil. The Cayuses were all against the treaty. Joseph and Looking Glass, war- chief of the Nez Perces, were opposed to it. Only Lawyer, who had been head chief of the Nez Perces ever since the Cayuse war, and the death of Ellis and Richard, threw his influence on the side of the commissioners, to whom his word had been given previous to the opening of the nego tiations. Two contrary opinions have been held concerning Law yer one, that he was vain and selfish, attaching himself to the power that could keep him in office; and the other, that he was a wise and shrewd politician, doing always what was best for his people. Probably he was a little of both, as Lieutenant Kip says: "I think it is doubtful if Lawyer could have held out but for his pride in his small sum of book lore, which inclined him to cling to his friend ship with the whites. In making a speech he was able to refer to the discovery of the continent by the Spaniards, and the story of Columbus making the egg stand on end. He related how the red men had receded before the white men in a manner that was hardly calculated to pour oil upon the troubled waters; yet, as his father had agreed with Lewis and Clarke to live in peace with the whites, he was in favor of making a treaty." The numerical strength of the Nez Perces was such that 22 338 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. on securing their alliance depended the fate of the treaty, if indeed they escaped becoming involved in war on ac count of it, as at some points in the discussion seemed im minent. Even among the Nez Perces themselves there was discord. Looking Glass, from the time he appeared at the council, had been insolent in his behavior, and the little force of fifty troopers were kept ready for action in case of an outbreak. Joseph, who pretended to a more distinguished line of ancestry than Lawyer, and who thought he should have been high chief in his place, as he probably would have been but for the interference of the white admirers of Lawyer, determinedly refused to sign the treaty. The proposition in the treaty most difficult to gain ac ceptance was a common reservation for all the tribes pres ent in the Nez Perces country. Finding that this feature of the treaty would defeat it if further insisted upon, the commissioners finally proposed separate reservations in all the tribal lands, to which proposition there was a general and apparently a cordial assent. Kamiakin only would agree to nothing. When pressed by Stevens to express his views, he exclaimed, "What have I to say?" and relapsed into sullen silence. Two days afterwards, on the eleventh of June, he signed the treaty along with all the other chiefs, giving as a reason for his change of purpose that he did it for the good of his people. Joseph, some years later, denied having signed this treaty, and pretended to the ownership of the Wallowa valley in Oregon, a claim not justified by the facts, 12 but asserted by his son, Young Joseph, and made the basis of a bloody war in 1877. The Nez Perces received for their lands outside an ample reservation, two hundred thousand dollars in annuities; the Cayuses and Walla W T allas were united and given a reservation in the beautiful Umatilla valley, and received one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. The Yakimas received the same as the Nez Perces, and were allowed the 12 Woods Status of Young Joseph, etc., p. 36. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 339 best lands on the south side of the Yakima river. In each case there was the express provision that all the lands not included in the reservations were open to settlement from thenceforward, excepting those improved by the Indians who were to receive pay for such. Mills, schools, mechanic arts, and all the usual aids to civilization were assured. A year was allowed in which to remove to the reservation, and accustom themselves to their new conditions. In short, the treaty as a treaty was irreproachable, although those concerned in framing it had been at so much trouble to secure its acceptance. The demeanor of the chiefs after signing was cordial, many of them expressing their thankfulness that the nego tiations had ended so happily. The goods intended for presents were distributed; agents were appointed, R. R. Thompson to the Umatilla; W. H. Tappan to the Nez Perce; and A. J. Bolan to the Yakima reservation. On the sixteenth of June, Stevens proceeded northward to treat with the Spokanes, Coeur d Alenes, and other tribes in Washington territory, while Palmer returned to The Dalles, making treaties with the tribes between Powder river and the Cascade range, purchasing all the land in eastern Oregon north of the forty-fourth parallel, and as signing the Indians to a reservation including the Tyghe valley, and some warm springs, from which it took its name of Warm Springs reservation. After accomplishing all this really arduous work, Palmer returned home, well pleased to have succeeded so well and entirely unaware that he, with all his party and the troops, had barely escaped massacre at the council grounds in the Walla Walla valley through the refusal of Lawyer to con sent to the treachery. Such, the Nez Perces afterwards de clared was the truth, and the demeanor of the Cayuses and Yakimas certainly sustained the charge. It has since been alleged in palliation that the treaties were forced upon the Indians; that their objections were not regarded ; that a general council furnished the oppor- 340 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. tunity and the temptation for intrigue; that the commis sioners should have been escorted by a larger body of troops and have been surrounded by every impressive ceremonial, this being the way to make sa.vages as well as civilized men respectful. Quien Sabc? It was well at any rate that Lawyer was able to avert the blow. While the superintendent of Indian affairs was busied with treaty making in the north, trouble was again brew ing in southern Oregon. Following some minor disturb ances, on June first Jerome Dyar and Daniel McKaw were murdered on the road between Jacksonville and Illinois valley. On various pretenses the Indians, especially those living formerly on Applegate creek and Illinois river, roamed about the country off the reservation, and in June a party of them made a descent on a mining camp, killing several men and capturing property of considerable value. A volunteer company calling themselves the "Independ ent Rangers" was organized at Wait s mill in Rogue-river valley, and commanded by H. B. Hayes, who reported to John E. Ross, colonel of the territorial militia, for recogni tion, which went in pursuit of the guilty Indians. This was the first organization of any military company since the treaty with the Rogue-rivers in 1853. The agent on the reservation hearing of the movement, notified Captain Smith of Fort Lane, who took out his dragoons and gathered up all the straying Indians he could find, brought them back to the reservation where they were safe. A portion of them who were not brought in were pursued into the mountains, and one killed, A skirmish took place, in which a white man, one Philpot, was killed, and several horses wounded. Skirmishing continued for a week, without very serious results on either side. In August, a white man having sold a bottle of whisky to some strolling Indians from the reservation, they attacked a party of miners on the Klamath, killing John Pollock, William Hennessey, Peter Heinrich, Thomas THE ROGUE EIVEE WARS. 341 Gray, Edward Parrish, John L. Fickas, F. D. Mattice, T. D. Mattice, and two other men known as Raymond and Pedro. Several Indians were also killed in the fight. A company of volunteers was organized on the south side of the Siskiyous, and commanded by William Martin, proceeded to the reservation, and demanded the surrender of the murderers, which demand Captain Smith refused on technical grounds. He could not deliver persons charged with crime into the hands of a merely voluntary assemblage of men. Later, however, in November, some arrests were made on a requisition from Siskiyou county. Another affair in the month of August produced a strong feeling against the military even more than the Indians. An Indian in the Port Orford district shot at and wounded James Buford near the mouth of Rogue river. Ben Wright, the agent, delivered the Indian to the sheriff of Coos county, who, having no place in which to confine his prisoner, delivered him to a squad of soldiers to be taken to Port Orford and placed in the guardhouse. While the canoe containing the prisoner and his guards was passing up the river to a place of encampment, it was followed by Buford, his partner Hawkins, and O Brien, a trader, determined to give the Indian no chance of escape through the sympathy of the military authorities. Watch ing their opportunity they fired upon the canoe, killing the prisoner and another Indian. The fire was promptly returned by the soldiers, who killed at once two of the white men, and mortally wounded the third. The indignation aroused by this affair against the mili tary was intense. The cooler heads saw that technically the soldiers were in the right; but the majority could not perceive the propriety of putting white men on a par with Indians. Even an Indian, they felt sure, would never have shot down men of his own race in defense of white men. A contempt, too, for military dignity was supplant ing respect. An Indian had shot into a crowd in which 342 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Lieutenant Kautz was standing, the ball passing so near that Kautz believed himself to be struck, and fell to his knees. On examination it was shown that the bullet had not touched the lieutenant, and that he had fallen simply from the nervous shock of a belief in a wound. This in cident was greatly enjoyed by civilians, and helped to allay some of the irritation in the public mind of this part of the country. But, although soberer counsels prevailed over an inclination to fight both soldiers and Indians, there was in the air that threat of something to come which would not allow of rest either to the white or the red man. On the second of September, Greenville M. Keene of Tennessee was killed on the reservation while attempting, with several others, to recover some stolen horses. Two of the party were wounded and forced to retreat. On the twenty-fourth, Calvin Fields of Iowa and John Cunning ham of Sauve Island, Oregon, were killed, and Harrison Oatman and Daniel Britton wounded, while crossing the Siskiyou mountains with loaded teams. Their eighteen oxen were also slain. Captain Smith on receiving the news ordered out a detachment, but was unable to make any arrests. On the twenty-fifth, Samuel Warner was killed near the same place. Notwithstanding these acts of hostility, such as usually precede a general outbreak, Agent Ambrose occupied him self in writing letters for the public press over the signa ture of "A Miner," in which he declared the innocency of the reservation Indians and their good disposition towards the white inhabitants. "God knows," he said, "I would not care how soon they were all dead, and I believe the country would be greatly benefited by it, but I am tired of this senseless railing against Captain Smith and the In dian agent for doing their duty, obeying the laws, and preserving our valley from the horrors of a war with a tribe of Indians who do not desire it, but wish for peace, and by their conduct have shown it." The nom de plume THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 343 of "Miner" did not long deceive any one in southern Oregon; nor the affectation of sentiments often ascribed to miners in the first lines of this paragraph, tend to con ciliate this class. Early in October a party of roving reservation Indians were discovered encamped near the mouth of Butte creek, on Rogue river, and it was suspected that among them were some who had been annoying the settlers. Upon this suspicion a company of about thirty men, commanded by J. A. Lupton, proceeded before daybreak on the eighth of October to attack this camp, which was surprised and terribly chastised, twenty-three being killed and many wounded before it was learned that the majority of the victims were non-combatanls, or old men, women, and children. The survivors took refuge at Fort Lane, where their wounds, and their wailings for their dead, excited much pity in the breasts of Captain Smith and his troopers, who went out to view the field after the slaughter, instead of preventing it. In this affair Lupton, who was major of militia, was killed, and eleven of his company wounded, a proof that the Indians were not all unarmed. This occurred on the morning of the eighth of October. It has been sometimes alleged that the events following 011 the ninth were the immediate outcome of the attack at Butte creek, but such could not have been the case. Savages do not move with such celerity. They could not have armed and organized in a day, and must for some time have been making preparations for war before they could have ventured upon it. Armed Indians were by the treaty made suspects, and to have been armed and supplied with ammunition evidenced a long period of looking forward to an outbreak. The reservation and Fort Lane favored such an intention. The former was a safe hiding place, and the latter a refuge in case of detec tion or pursuit. On the night of the eighth two men were killed and another wounded, who were in charge of a pack train at 344 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Jewett s ferry. Jewett s house was fired upon, but no one killed. A considerable number of Indians had gathered, apparently by concert, near this place, who about day break proceeded down the river to Evans ferry, where they found Isaac Shelton of the Wallamet valley on his way to Yreka, and mortally wounded him. Still further down was the house of J. K. Jones, whom they killed; also mortally wounding his wife, and pillaging and burn ing his house. Below this place was the house of J. Wagoner. On the the way to it the Indians killed four men. Mr. Wagoner was absent from his home, having gone that morning to escort Miss Pellet, a temperance lecturer, from Buffalo, New York, to Sailor diggings. The fate of Mrs. Wagoner and her four-year-old daughter, Mary, was never certainly known, the house and all in it having been burned. She was a young and beautiful woman, well educated and re fined, and the uncertainty concerning her death or the manner of it was a horrible torture to her husband, who survived her. One story told by the Indians themselves, was that she fastened herself in her house, carefully dressed as if for a sacrifice, and seating herself in the center of the sitting-room with her child in her arms, awaited death, which came to her by fire. But others said, and probably with truth, that she was carried off, and her child killed because it cried so much. The mother refused to eat, and died of grief and starvation at "The Meadows." Captain Wallen has said that two scalps captured from the Indians at the battle of Cow creek in 1856 were identified as those of Mrs. Wagoner and her child, the mother s beau tiful hair being unmistakable; and the Indian stories may none be the actual truth. From the smoking ruins of the Wagoner home, the In dians proceeded to the place of George W. Harris, who be ing at a little distance from his house and suspecting from their appearance that they meant to attack him, ran quickly in and seized his gun. As they came on with hostile words THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 345 and actions he shot one, and wounded another from his doorway, where he was himself shot down a few moments later, leaving his wife and little daughter to defend them selves, which they did for twenty-four hours, before help arrived. Dragging her husband s body inside and barring the door, Mrs. Harris instructed her daughter how to make bullets, while she stood guard and prevented the Indians from approaching too near the house by firing through cracks in the walls at every one detected in the attempt to reach it. In this painfully solicitous manner she kept off the enemy until dark, when they withdrew. Alone with her husband s dead body, and her weary and frightened child, she spent the long night. Fearing that the Indians would return with reinforcements in the morning, towards dawn she stole forth, locking the house behind her, and concealed herself and daughter under a pile of brush at no great distance away, where she was found, blackened with powder and stained with blood, many hours later by a detachment of troops under Major Fitzgerald. 13 The other victims of the outbreak of the ninth of Octo ber were: Mr. and Mrs. Haines and two children, Frank A. Reed, William Given, James W. Cartwright, Powell, Bunch, Hamilton, Fox, White, and others, on the road between Evans ferry and Grave creek; two young women, Miss Hudson and Miss Wilson, on the road between Indian creek and Crescent City; and three men on Grave creek? below the road. It was altogether the bloodiest day the valley had ever seen. When the news that the settlements were attacked reached Jacksonville, a company of twenty men quickly armed and took the trail of the Indians. They were over taken and joined by Major Fitzgerald with fifty-five troop ers from Fort Lane. On arriving at Wagoner s place they found thirty Indians engaged in plundering the premises, 13 Mrs. Harris afterwards married Aaron Chambers. She died in Jackson county in 1869, highly respected by the community. 346 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. who, when the volunteers the first on the ground ap peared, greeted them with derisive yells, dancing, and in sulting gestures; but when they beheld the dragoons, fled precipitately towards the mountains. A pursuit of two or three miles proved unavailing, the troop horses being jaded by a long march ; and after patrolling the road for several hours, Fitzgerald returned to Fort Lane and the volun teers to their homes to make ready for the prolonged con test which was evidently before them. An express, carried by T. McFadden Patton, was already well on the road to the seat of government to inform the governor, the superintendent of Indian affairs, and the military authorities at Vancouver of the condition of affairs in the south. So far, however, were the latter from being able to afford any aid, that an express was at that very time on the road to Fort Lane with a requisition for troops to be used in the north, as we shall see hereafter. On the tenth of October, Lieutenant Kautz had set out from Port Orford with a party of citizens and soldiers to make an examination of a proposed route for a wagon road from that place to Jacksonville. At the great bend of Rogue river, thirty miles from the coast, he found the settlers in much alarm at a threatened attack from the In dians on Applegate creek, and returned to the fort for a larger supply of arms and ammunition, to enable him to engage the hostiles should they be met with. A few days after resuming his march he was attacked, and fought, losing five of his company, three citizens and two soldiers. He was barely able to secure an orderly retreat with the remainder of his party, and the Indians were only pre vented from securing a considerable amount of ammuni tion by his caution in unloading the pack animals at the beginning of the engagement. In looking over the field it was perceived that all the Indians in the country from Yreka to the Umpqua canon, and from the coast to Modoc land, were hostile, with the THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 347 exception of Sam and his band, who, since the treaty of 1853, had apparently kept faith with the government. But so subtile is the Indian character that few trusted in this appearance. For while even one chief is friendly the treaty payments go on; the reservation is a refuge from avenging pursuit of robbers and murderers, and the pro tection of government troops is accorded so long as any portion of a tribe remains true to its obligations. It is, therefore, plainly to the interest of the Indians contem plating mischief to possess the privileges of a reservation, and the fact that a considerable portion of a tribe makes its home there, is no security against hostilities by the lusty warriors, who are excused by their chiefs on account of youth for the commission of acts of a criminal nature. This lesson had been impressed upon the people by the events of the past few years, and rilled them with doubt concerning any Indian probity. It now behooved the inhabitants of southern Oregon to prepare to meet the emergency. Estimating the number of Indians who could be called warriors at no more than four hundred, four times that number of white men would be required to subdue them on account of their better knowledge of the country, their ability to appear simul taneously at several points, and of disappearing rapidly on the approach of troops, wearing out the horses and men engaged in pursuit. They were, besides, well armed and supplied with ammunition; whereas the volunteers had neither in any amount. The men mustered between the ninth and eleventh only numbered one hundred and fifty, because no more could be armed. The Indians had slyly bought up all the rifles and revolvers in the country, and were skilled in the use of them. The only thing that was attempted for several days was to protect the most exposed settlements, and keep open the roads north and south. A company of which J. S. Rinearson was captain, was on the tenth, divided into squads, and sent, ten to the 348 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. mouth of the Umpqua canon, five three miles south to Leving s place, five to Turner s, seven miles further south, and six to the Grave-creek house. On the eleventh, thirty men made a scout down Rogue river to the mouth of Galice creek, twelve of them having no other arms than pistols. They were provisioned, blanketed, and sometimes armed by the settlers they served. The United States troops in southern Oregon at this time were two full companies of dragoons at Fort Lane, under Major Fitzgerald and Captain Smith, and sixty-four infantry at Winchester, in the Umpqua valley, under Lieu tenant Gibson, escort to Lieutenant Williamson on his survey of a railroad route from the Sacramento to the Wallamet, and who now retraced his steps to Fort Lane. The small garrison at Port Orford was not available, and Fitzgerald s company was ordered north before troops were put in the field here, leaving one company of dragoons and one of infantry to defend the isolated southern divis ion of the territory. On the twelfth of October, Colonel John E. Ross of the ninth regiment of Oregon militia ordered Major James H. Russell to report to him without delay. Some captains of militia were already in the field, while other companies were commanded by any men who had the qualities of a leader, and on the application of citizens, these were duly commissioned. At the request of M. C. Barkwell, a com pany was raised by R. L. Williams for the protection of his neighborhood. The settlers at Althouse, on Illinois river, petitioned to have Theoron Crook empowered to raise a company to range the mountains in that vicinity. 14 14 This petition was signed by Hiram Rice, J. J. Rote, Frederick Rhoda, Lucius D. Hart, S. Matthews, Charles F. Wilson, Elias Winkleback, S. P. Duggan, John Morrow, Allen Knapp, W. H. B. Douglas, William Lane, J. T. Mann, George H. Grayson, R. T. Brickley, J. H. Huston, L. Coffey, H. Kaston, John Murphy, B. B. Brockway, A, L. Scott, George W. Comegys, James C. Castleman, D. D. Drake, John R. Hale, E. R. Crane, Alden Whitney, Joshua Harlan, S. H. Harper, M. P. Howard, R. S. A. Colwell, George Lake, Thomas Lake, George Coblence, Jacob Randbush, Peter Colean, U. S. Barr, William Lance, Robert Rose, N. D. Palmer, James Hale, E. D. Cohen, Sigmund Heilner, William Chapman, John E. Post, John W. Merideth, A. More, Thomas Ford, THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 349 The settlers and miners of Phoenix mills, 15 Illinois valley, Deer creek, and Galice creek, also petitioned for permission to raise companies for defense, and the outlying settlements prayed for guards to be sent them. The volunteer companies raised before the twentieth numbered fifteen. Of twelve of them the following infor mation has been preserved: T. S. Harris, captain of company A; James Bruce, company B; J. S. Rinearson, company C. Rinearson s lieutenants were W. P. Wing, I. N. Bentley, and R. W. Henry. R. L. Williams was captain of company D; E. B. Stone, first lieutenant, and E. K. Elliott, sergeant. W. B. Lewis was captain of company E; his lieutenants, W. A. J. Moore and . White; his ser geant, I. D. Adams. A. S. Welton was captain of company F; Miles T. Alcorn, captain of company G, his lieutenant being J. M. Osborne. W. A. Wilkinson was captain of company H; T. Smith, captain of company f : S. A. Frye, captain of company K ; Abel George, captain of company L, and F. R. Hill, captain of company M. The names of Orrin Root, T. J. Gardner, M. M. Williams, M. P. Howard, and . Hayes appear in official correspondence as captains ; the names of Daniel Richardson, H. P. Conroy, and . Morrison as lieutenants, and W. M. Evans as orderly sergeant. C. S. Drew was appointed adjutant; C. West- feldt, quartermaster and commissary, and C. B. Brooks, surgeon. J. B. Wagoner and John Hillman were em ployed in the dangerous duty of express riding, Wagoner remaining in the service as long as the first volunteer organization lasted. Other names here preserved are those that have cropped up in the correspondence gathered to and . Gilharts. This list is copied from B. F. Do well s collection of Indian war documents, from which, too, many facts have been drawn for this history. 15 The petition from Phoenix mills was signed by S. M. Waite (founder of Waits- burg, Washington ), Samuel Colver, Joseph Tracy, Jarius F. Kennedy, M. M. Williams, and J. T. Gray. The petitioners from Illinois valley and Deer creek were : John D. Post, William Chapman, G. E. Briggs, J. N. Knight, A. J. Henderson, William B. Hay, L. Reeves, Joseph Kirby, R. T. Olds. Samuel White, William E. Randolph, Frederick Rhoda, L. D. Hart, Alexander McBride, C. C. Luther, S. Scott, O. E. Riley, J. T. L. Mills, and . Coltinell : Copied from B. F. Dowell s Indian icar documents. 350 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. assist in the collection of Indian war claims by B. F. Dowell of Jacksonville, already referred to in a previous note. Considering the obstacles to be overcome, and the perils of the service, the organization of the ninth regiment by Colonel Ross was creditable to that officer and the men enlisted. As fast as they could be armed, men were sent to guard exposed settlements, and scouts were kept on the move, looking for the enemy, as well as detachments ordered to attend pack trains on the roads leading from Crescent City to the various mining camps, or from Jack sonville to the volunteer camps; for the Indians must now depend chiefly upon what they could capture for their supplies. The first engagement between the volunteers and In dians occurred on the seventeenth of October, at Skull bar of Rogue river, a short distance below the mouth of Galice creek, where company E was encamped. In camp were gathered all the miners from the diggings in the vicinity, including some Chinese who had been driven from their claims, besides some captive Indian women and boys. Skull bar lay on the south side of the river and had for a background a high ridge, covered with a dense growth of hazel and young firs. The thickets had been cut away for some distance that no lurking places for the foe might be afforded within rifle shot of the camp, and a breast work of logs thrown up on the side most open to attack. It was discovered on the day above-mentioned that the forest on the hillside was swarming with Indians, and to drive them back J. W. Pickett, with six men, charged the bushes. He was received with a galling fire, and fell, his men being forced to retreat. Lieutenant Moore then took a position, sheltered by a bank, on that side of camp from which attack seemed most imminent, where he fought for four hours under a heavy fire, himself and nearly half his THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 351 men being wounded, when they also were compelled to re treat. Captain Lewis was himself three times struck and severely wounded. The Indians discovering that the weakest point in the volunteer position was on its left, made a bold attack in that quarter, but lost by it one of their most powerful Shasta warriors, which incident for a brief space operated as a check. Then, finding that the volunteers were not dis lodged with rifle balls, they shot lighted arrows into their camp, giving them much ado to prevent a conflagration. Indeed, during the fighting the mining town of Galice Creek was consumed, with the exception of one building, occupied as the company s headquarters. When night closed in, nearly one-third of company E were hors de combat. The killed were J. W. Pickett and Samuel Saun- ders; the mortally wounded, Benjamin Taft and Israel D. Adams; the severely wounded, Lieutenant Moore, Allen Evans, Milton Blackledge, Joseph Umpqua, John Ericson, and Captain Lewis. In his report to his colonel, Lewis boasted that he had "fought the hardest battle ever fought this side of the Rocky mountains." More than two thou sand five hundred shots had the enemy fired that day, but his men had not flinched. Two facts are brought to light by this report one, that the camp was ill chosen; the other, that the Indians possessed an abundance of am munition which they must have been a year in gathering. Such was the facility with which the Indians, knowing every part of the country, could move undetected from point to point, that while the regulars under Captain Judah, and volunteers under Bruce and Harris, were in hot pursuit of, without finding the enemy, they were appearing and vanishing in a manner so illusory as to bewilder the military authorities, whether local or national. At the very time that Colonel Ross announced his opinion, upon evidence, that the main strength of the Indians was centered at "The Meadows," a narrow stretch of bottom land below Galice creek, where mountains rise on either 352 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. side of Rogue river high, craggy, timbered for the most part densely with live-oak, manzanita, chinquapin, and chaparral, with occasional bald, grassy slopes, the meadows being covered with rank grass and shrubs, on which cat tle could subsist even in winter, they were away on Cow creek committing depredations. On the twenty-third, while a party of wagoners and drovers were at the crossing, they were ambushed and attacked; Holland Bailey of Lane county being killed, and four others wounded. The remainder of the party retreated with all the haste possible, pursued and har- rassed for several hours. On the same day the houses of Turner, Bray, Redfield, Fortune, and others in Cow-creek valley were burned. It was impossible to guard every settler s home, but the families were gathered at a few for tified places, while the men were on duty elsewhere, and the Indians were destroying their property. Not a settle ment but was threatened, not a pack train on the road but was liable to capture, nor any traveler s life safe. 16 This condition of affairs prevented any concerted action, had it been desired, between the regular and volunteer forces; or any massing of their strength, but kept both in rapid and exhausting movement. However, on the twenty-eighth, Fitzgerald, being in the Grave-creek hills, south of Cow creek, discovered an Indian encampment, and wishing to attack it sent a dispatch to Ross, who immediately ordered Captains Harris, Welton, George, Williams, and Lewis to reenforce him. Bruce and Rinearson coming in a little later, were also ordered to Grave creek, where on the thirtieth, were concentrated two hundred and fifty volunteers, and one hundred and five 10 The following incident, illustrative of the times, is furnished by John Wallen, later a captain in the volunteer force : Ivens train was ahead, my own next, Lin- ville came behind me, then Fox and Templeton, and last a Spanish train. As we started down the mountain the Indians fired upon the trains. I had dismounted, and as the firing commenced I sprang upon the bell pony, which was passing me without a rider, and started in a run down the mountain. I passed Ivens, and soon Linville passed me. When we reached a place of safety I found all had escaped unhurt except Ivens, who was slightly wounded, and had his clothes riddled with THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 353 regulars, although on account of the illness of Fitzgerald, only a portion of his troops were available. When Ross arrived at the rendezvous late that night, he found Captain Smith of the first dragoons impatient to attack. Spies from his own and the volunteer force had found the enemy s position to be on a hill difficult of approach, and well fortified. A map had been made for use by the officers, and Smith assumed command of the combined forces. Although it was already half past ten o clock in the evening, orders were issued to march at eleven. Smith s plan was to plant howitzers on an eminence three-fourths of a mile from that occupied by the Indians, and having divided the companies into three columns, stationed so as to enclose the Indians, to open his battery upon them before he had been discovered. His design was frustrated through some one having set fire to a tree, and after a toilsome night march he was unable to surprise the enemy. On arriving on the edge of a ravine in front of the enemy s position, instead of shelling the Indians in their stronghold, a charge was ordered. The hill on which the Indians were fortified was bald on the south side, by which the troops were approaching, except for a short but tangled undergrowth with which also the ravine they had to cross was filled. On the north of the Indian position there was a heavy forest. It should be here stated that an unexpected reenforce- ment had arrived during the night, consisting of two companies of a battalion called out by Governor Curry ; their captains being Joseph Bailey and Samuel Gordon. To these two companies was assigned the duty of flanking bullets. The bell boy had mounted a fast horse, and lying low on his back had not been hit. The Indians captured six mules belonging to Ivens, fifty to Fox and Tem- pleton, and forty-one to me, with the packs, which cost me five thousand and one hundred dollars. We had a number of cases of bullets and several kegs of powder, also nails. The Indians opened one keg, and finding it contained nails, supposed the others were also nail kegs, and left them unopened. Six days after they attacked Althouse on Galice creek, Ivens and Sanders being unable to escape for several days; also the Applegate house, which was guarded by Wylie, French, Haines, and Louton. 23 354 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. on the north to intercept the Indians in the woods when the charging force should have driven them from their fortification. The captains who led in the charge were Binearson and Welton, their companies being augmented by portions of others, and a part of the regular force also, all rushing with eagerness to fire the first shot. As had been antici pated, the Indians took shelter in the woods, but were not met by Bailey and Gordon as designed, their men finding it impossible to penetrate the dense and tangled under wood in a body; and were not driven back upon the com panies of Harris and Bruce, who were awaiting them in concealment, as had been anticipated. These two com manders therefore joined the army in front. Thus nothing happened but the unexpected. The day passed in vain efforts to get at the Indians, who could not be approached without extreme peril, until three o clock in the afternoon, when Captain Smith, with a small force of dragoons, made an assault. Several rounds were discharged with the short cavalry arms, which were wholly ineffectual against the rifles of the Indians, when the troopers fell back, having several killed and wounded. Firing continued until dark, when the whole force went into camp at a place named by them "Bloody Spring," where the wounded were being cared for, and where they all went supperless to their blankets. At sunrise the next morning the Indians attacked and engaged the troops for several hours, when, being repulsed, they withdrew. The troops then marched back to Fort Bailey on Grave creek, bearing their w^ounded on litters. In this battle the volunteers lost twenty-six men killed, wounded, and missing. Company A lost Jonathan A. Pedigo, mortally wounded, and Ira May field, L. F. Allen, William Purnell, Williams Hans, John Goldsby, and Thomas Gill, wounded severely. Company B, Charles Goodwin, wounded mortally. Company C, Henry Pearl, Jacob W. Miller, and James Pearcy killed ; Enoch Miller, THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 355 W. H. Crouch, and Ephriam Yager wounded. Company D, John Winters killed; John Stannes, and Thomas Ryan wounded. Company F, John Kennedy mortally wounded. The company of Captain Bailey lost John Gillespie, killed ; John Walden, John C. Richardson, James Laphar, Thomas J. Aubrey, and John Pankey wounded. Gordon s company had Hawkins Shelton, J. M. Fordyce, and William Wilson wounded. The regular troops lost three killed in action, one by accident, and seven wounded, among whom was Lieutenant Gibson. The Indian loss could not be known, but was much less than that of the volunteers, as from the nature of their relative positions it must be. Thus the second battle with a considerable Indian force was fought with a great sacrifice of life, 17 and without any gain in peace or possessions. "God only knows," wrote a corre spondent of the Oregon Statesman, "when or where this war may end. * * * These mountains are worse than the swamps of Florida." We come now to consider some collateral circumstances and influences affecting the management and the morale of the war. Before the news of the ninth of October reached the superintendent of Indian affairs at Dayton in the Wallamet valley, owing to the general restlessness of the Indians assigned to reservations, as well as those still roving, he had issued "regulations for the guidance of agents" in his superintendency, "pending existing hostil ities," as follows: i? The Ashland Tidings of October 19, 1877, has a tribute by J. M. Sutton to Volun teer Pedigo, who, with Miller, Pearcy, Pearl, and Winters, was buried at Fort Bailey: "Jonathan A. Pedigo was a young man who had just passed his majority. * * * My only intimacy with him was during our service in the war of 1855, from the seventh day of October to the time of his death, less than one month. Yet during this short period all of his comrades had learned to love the name of Jonathan A. Pedigo for the great benevolent heart that beat within his bosom. Brave to a fault, ever ready to do his duty and more, the old men of our company, of whom we had several, were relieved by his ever-ready hand from much of the rigor of Indian war fare. He would attend to their horses, and occasionally take their places on guard on a cold or rainy night. Being large and robust, his greatest pleasure seemed to be in relieving the hardships of those possessing, in a smaller degree, the power of endurance." 356 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. OFFICE SUPERINTENDENT INDIAN AFFAIRS, DAYTON, O. T., October 13, 1855. It is hereby ordered that the Indians in the Willamette valley, parties to the treaty of the tenth of January, 1855, shall be forth with collected upon the reservations heretofore or now to be assigned to them, to remain under the direction of such persons as may be appointed to act for the time being as their local agents. The names of all adult males, and boys over twelve years of age, shall be enrolled, and the roll called daily. When any one shall be absent at rollcall, the fact shall be noted, and unless a satisfactory reason be rendered, the absentee shall be regarded as a person dangerous to the peace of the country, and dealt with accordingly. Any Indian found outside of his designated temporary reserva tion, without being able satisfactorily to account therefor, shall be arrested and retained in custody so long as shall be deemed neces sary ; or should he be a stranger, not belonging to any of the bands of this valley, he* shall be placed for safe keeping in the county jail, or taken to Fort Vancouver. But should he prove a spy from the enemy, he will be immediately turned over to the military author ities. Any Indian who has joined or may hereafter join the hostile bands, give them informatioH, or in any way aid or assist them in making war against the whites, shall be regarded as having thereby forfeited all rights under the treaty, and excluded from any benefits to be derived therefrom. He will, moreover, be regarded as an en emy ; and it will be the duty of all friendly Indians to deliver up such to the agents or civil officers, and in no case to afford them en couragement or protection. The persons designated to act as local agents will use a sound dis cretion in regard to the number of firearms Jndians may be per mitted to retain at their encampments. No Indian will be permitted to leave his assigned encampment unless by written permit from the local or special agent. The local agents will each be furnished with proper supplies of flour and beef, and will issue rations to the Indians when necessary of one pound each per day to each adult, and less in proportion to children, as they may judge them to require. Should any member of these bands desire to reside with and labor for the settlers, he may be permitted to do so, the agent ob taining a guarantee from the person for whom the labor is per formed, in each case, for the fidelity and good conduct of the Indian. Every effort will be made by the local agents to ascertain whether any Indians of the valley have left the settlements with hostile in tentions ; and the names of such, together with the proofs, will be reported to this office. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 357 E. R. Geary will superintend the arrangement of encampments, and designate persons to act as local agents for the respective bands. Berry man Jennings is appointed special sub-Indian agent for the Willamette valley, and as such will cooperate with Mr. Geary in carrying into effect the foregoing regulations. The encampments assigned the several bands, and the name of the local agent for each, will be reported to this office, and published in the papers of this valley for the benefit of all concerned. The same precautions will be observed in regard to the tribes and bands within this superiri tendency embraced in the treaties lately negotiated east of the Cascade mountains; and agent R. R. Thomp son will assign the temporary encampments to the several bands, and designate proper persons to act as local agents, call the rolls, and distribute the necessary rations. Agent Ambrose will make similar arrangements in regard to the Indians in the Rogue-river district, embraced in the treaties of the tenth of September, 1853, and eighteenth of November, 1854. The various rolls will be kept with accuracy and care, and for warded to the superintendent s ofhce at Dayton; it being deter mined to make these rolls the criterion in the payment of annuities; and no Indian whose name is not enrolled, and who cannot give a satisfactory reason for the omission, or who shall refuse to comply with the foregoing regulations, shall be embraced in said payment. This order, though it may be regarded as arbitrary, and unwar ranted in the ordinary state of affairs, is, in view of existing hostil ities, deemed necessary, as it is extremely difficult to distinguish among our Indian population, the well disposed and friendly from the vicious and hostile ; and from the fact that representations have been made warranting the belief that members of one or more bands have already left this valley and joined the hostile tribes north of the Columbia river. The measure is deemed no less a security to the white settlements than to the friendly bands of Indians ; nor is it designed to abridge in the least the rights secured by the treaties to the Indians, but if possible to avert hostilities with these bands. Citizens generally are requested to give this order a proper inter pretation, and to exercise a due degree of forbearance in their deal ings with the Indians ; but at the same time to keep a vigilant watch over them, and report to the acting agents the presence of strange Indians among us; and render such aid, in their apprehen sion, as may tend to protect our persons and property, arid secure peace. JOEL, PALMER, Superintendent of Indian Affairs. Since preparing the foregoing regulations, information has been received at this office that a portion of the Indians in southern 358 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Oregon and northern California have exhibited hostile demonstra tions endangering the peace of the settlements in the valley; it is, therefore, ordered that the Indians embraced in the treaties of nine teenth of September, 1853, being the Cow-creek band of Umpquas, and those of the Umpqua and Calapooia tribes, treated with on the twenty-ninth of November, 1854, be assembled on the reservation designated by that treaty. William J. Martin is appointed special sub-Indian agent for the bands embraced in these two treaties, and as such will cooperate with agent George H. Ambrose in carrying out the foregoing regu lations. Sub-Indian agent E. P. Drew, and special sub-Indian agent Benjamin Wright, will, if they believe the peace of the settle ments require it, adopt the same precautions with the tribes and bands within their districts. JOEL PALMER. It will be seen from this action of the superintendent that before he had been made aware of the great provoca tion given the white population of southern Oregon to treat as " persons dangerous to the peace of the country," and to be "dealt with accordingly," all Indians absent from their reservations, as well as strangers roving over the country, he had arrived at conclusions which justified them in holding this view. Governor Curry, too, on receiving information of the ninth of October massacres, together with a petition from Umpqua valley asking for five hundred volunteers to defend the country, issued a proclamation October fifteenth, calling for five companies of mounted men to constitute a northern battalion, and five companies of mounted men to constitute a southern battalion, to remain in service until discharged; each company to consist of sixty men, with the usual complement of officers, making a total of seventy-one, rank and file; each volunteer to furnish his own horse, arms, and equipments, and each company to elect its own officers, and thereafter to proceed at once to the seat of war. The proclamation required Jackson county to furnish the number of men called for to form the southern bat talion, who should rendezvous at Jacksonville, elect a major to command, and report to headquarters. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 359 The northern battalion was ordered to be raised two companies in Lane, and one each in Linn, Douglas, and Umpqua counties, to rendezvous at Roseburg. Adjutant- General E. M. Barnum left the movements of the two bat talions to their respective commanders, directing, however, that all Indians should be treated as enemies who were not unmistakably friends. The only "instructions" were to endeavor to act in concert with the regular army officers. It would be hard to see in what respect the course pur sued by the volunteers in the field differed from the governor s or the adjutant-general s, or even the Indian superintendent s directions; yet five days later Governor Curry ordered disbanded the battalion already in the field from Jackson county, and raised under the militia law of the territory, because, forsooth, information had reached him that Indians had been slaughtered "by a rabble from the neighborhood of Yreka," 18 and he, by inference at least, classed all the men of the south in arms against the Indians with that rabble, by which was meant Major Lup- ton s party, which attacked the Indians off the reservation on the morning of the eighth of October, and whose action, if doubtful in appearance at the time, was justified by the events which immediately followed it, showing that the Indians were, as he believed, prepared for mischief. Notwithstanding the disbanding of Ross regiment on account, presumably, of their hostility to the Indians, the men were invited to reenlist in the southern battalion to fight these same Indians. The odium thus was left to rest upon the officers, who were largely of a political party opposed to that to which the governor belonged; and this was supposed to account for the slight put upon those who had hastened to the defense of their country at her mo ment of greatest peril. The first effect of the governor s proclamations was to suspend volunteering. On the seventh of November, the 18 Oregon Statesman, January 27, 1857. 360 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ninth regiment was assembled by order of Colonel Ross at Fort Vannoy on the Illinois river, in order that all who desired to continue in service might be mustered in under the new organization. On the tenth, Captains Bruce, Will iams, Wilkinson, and Alcorn offered and were accepted in the order named. Bruce being elected major, his first lieutenant, E. A. Rice, was elected captain of company A, which then stood, Rice, captain; John S. Miller, first lieutenant; J. F. Anderson, second lieutenant. Company B, Williams, captain; Hugh O Neal, first lieutenant; M. Bushey, second lieutenant. Company C, Wilkinson, cap tain; C. F. Blake, first lieutenant, Edwin Hess, second lieutenant. Company D, Alcorn, captain; James M. Mat- ney, first lieutenant; John Osborne, second lieutenant. The mustering officer was John K. Lamerick; the adju tant-general of the command, 0. D. Hoxie. On the eleventh of November, Major Bruce issued the following order: HEADQUARTERS SOUTHERN BATTALION OR. VOLS.,| VANNOY S FERRY, November 11, 1855. j Information having been received that armed parties are still in the field with the avowed purpose of waging a war independent of the executive of this territory, and in violation of law and general order No. 11, issued by the governor October 20, 1855, to wit: "It is therefore ordered that the commanding officers of the battalions authorized by the proclamation of the governor of the fifteenth of October instant, will enforce the disbanding of all armed parties not duly enrolled into the service of the territory by virtue of said proc lamation." As the peace and prosperity of our country depends upon law- and-order-abiding persons, it is, therefore, expected and required that all persons not duly enrolled into the service of the territory by virtue of the proclamation of the governor of the territory of Ore gon, will disband in accordance with general order No. 10. It is also expected and required that all persons belonging to the southern battalion who have been regularly enrolled into the service of the territory will assist in carrying out this order. Men under persons assuming authority are hereby notified that they are at liberty to enroll themselves under the proclamation, and, according to law. It is confidently expected that persistence in vio lation of this law will cease from and after this date, and that all THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 361 good citizens will see the necessity of cheerfully acquiescing in and strictly conforming to the laws of our country. JAMES BRUCE, Major. Commanding Southern Battalion Oregon Mounted Volunteers. The mustering of only four companies left a consider able portion of the country without defense, which being duty represented to the governor, he paid a visit to the south, accompanied by Adjutant-General Barnum, about the last of November; but the inspection only resulted in the consolidation of the northern and southern battalions into one regiment, to be known as the second regiment of Oregon mounted volunteers. 19 Here again occurred an amount of friction dangerous to the efficiency of the ser vice through the election of regimental officers. The command was given to Captain Williams, and the lieuten ant-colonelcy to William J. Martin, major of the northern battalion, who, in the estimation of many, was entitled to be colonel. In all these matters the volunteers took a lively interest. The northern battalion, now a part of the second regi ment of Oregon mounted volunteers, was officered by companies as follows : Company A of Lane county, Joseph Bailey, captain; Daniel W. Keith, first lieutenant; Cyre- nus Mulkey, second lieutenant. Company B, Lane county, Laban Buoy, captain; A. W. Patterson, first lieutenant; P. C.Noland, second lieutenant. Company C of Linn county, Jonathan Keeney, captain; A. W. Stannard, first lieuten ant; Joseph Yates, second lieutenant. Company D of Douglas county, Samuel Gordon, captain; S. B. Hadley, first lieutenant; T. Prather, second lieutenant. Company E of Umpqua county, W. W. Chapman, captain; Z. Dim- mick, first lieutenant ; J. M. Merrick, second lieutenant. 20 19 This consolidation took place on the petition of William J. Martin, major north ern battalion ; Edgar B. Stone, surgeon ; J. W. Dre\v. Aaron Rose, J. W. Smith, L. L. Bradbury, S. F. Chadwick, P. F. Castleman, assistant quartermaster, and 8. B. Had ley, first lieutenant company D, "and many others." 20 On the thirtieth of December Lieutenant Mulkey resigned, and Charles W. Me- Clure was elected in his place. Lieutenant A. W. Patterson was transferred to the medical department, and L. Poindexter elected in his place : Oregon journals, house, 1856-6, ap. 145. 362 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. The lettering was changed by the change of organization. To go back a little: Immediately after the battle at Hungry hill on Grave creek, Major Fitzgerald proceeded to Fort Vancouver, and thence to The Dalles, where he remained in garrison during the winter. The command at Fort Lane was thus reduced to a single troop. Captain Smith had agreed with the volunteer officers to meet them at the Grave-creek house (Fort Bailey) about the ninth of November, prepared to pursue and fight the Indians, and in the meantime scouts from Bailey s company were to find where they were in hiding ; for, as usual, after a bat tle, they had abandoned their position silently and mys teriously, to reappear in some unexpected quarter. But before disappearing they had paid a visit to the reserva tion and burned or destroyed all the property of the peo ple upon it, including that of Chief Sam, and killed the agency cattle. Soon after a number of houses on Jump- Off- Joe creek were burned, hearing of which Martin s and Bruce s commands, together with a small force of regulars from Fort Jones, pursued and fell in with a band at the mouth of Jump-Off-Joe creek, killing eight. On the nineteenth, Major Bruce, with a part of his bat talion, marched up Applegate creek in company with Cap tain Judah and his troop from Fort Jones, but finding no Indians, returned to headquarters on the twentieth. On the twenty-first, Major Bruce ordered Captains Williams and Alcorn, with their companies, to proceed down the west side of Rogue river, while he, with Captains Rice and Wilkinson and their commands, marched down the opposite side by the way of Grave creek to The Meadows, accompanied by Captain Judah and Major Martin. The several commands arrived in the vicinity of the supposed headquarters of the enemy at daylight on the twenty-fifth, and sent out their spies to discover the Indian camp. Late at night the spies reported the Indians, two or three hun dred strong, on a bar of the river six miles above and very difficult of access. THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 363 On the morning on the twenty-sixth, Captain Judah, with forty-six regulars, and Major Martin, with one hun dred volunteers, marched to a position opposite the Indian camp, where, according to the plan of attack, they were to be joined by Major Bruce and Captains Williams and Alcorn, with two hundred and eighty -six volunteers. These were to cross the river on a raft, surround the en emy s camp, and give a signal, when Judah was to open fire from his howitzer. The "best laid schemes," it is, according to the poet, which "gang aft aglee;" and so it was with this one con certed with so much care by a "regular" officer. Wild men, like birds, must be taken on the wing. They will not wait to have salt put upon their tails. Major Bruce was in the act of placing his raft in the water at a little past noon, when the Indians opened fire on him from the cover of the underbrush and timber on the east side. His command was driven to seek shelter and defend itself until dark, when it withdrew, and the whole force went into camp. It was then determined to send for supplies and reen- forcements, and to force the Indians out of their strong hold. On the first of December an express arrived from Captain Smith, informing Judah that he had reached a point twelve miles below Grave-creek house, but could come no further on account of rain and snow upon the mountains, and that in a few days more the mountains would be impassable. A council being held, it was de cided to return to headquarters to await a change in the weather. On the forth of December all arrived at the Grave-creek house, where they learned of the governor s proclamation uniting the two battalions into a regiment, and ordering the election of officers as above mentioned. From here Major Bruce proceeded to Fort Vannoy (headquarters), where the election of colonel and lieutenant-colonel was held on the sixth, resulting in the choice of Captain 364 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Williams for the first position, and Major Martin for the second. On the seventh the several companies were ordered to different parts of the valley, where grass for their horses could be obtained (it being impossible to procure hay ), as well as to afford protection to those localities. But the companies were not permitted to remain in quarters. During the absence of the volunteers early in December, some roving bands of Indians were devastating the settlements on the west side of the south Umpqua, destroying fifteen houses, whose inmates had been com pelled to take refuge in forts. On the twenty-fourth, Captain Alcorn discovered and attacked a camp on the north branch of Little Butte creek, killing eight warriors and capturing some horses. At about the same date Captain Rice found another camp on the north bank of Rogue river, and attacked with thirty men, fighting six hours, killing the adult males, and taking captive the women and children, who were sent to Fort Lane to be guarded. " These two fights," wrote a correspondent of the Oregon Statesman, "have blotted out Jake s band." That they had done so was a cause of congratulation to the white settlers, who could nevermore hope for security of life or property while they were alive and free. But General Wool in his official report stigmatized their proceedings as murder, and drew a pathetic picture of the women and children of the slaughtered Indians making their way to Fort Lane "for protection," with their limbs frozen. That some had frozen limbs was probably true, for the winter was an unusually cold one, a circumstance as injurious to the volunteers, many of whom were ill-clad, as to the Indians. But war is a trade, whose masters cannot show mercy, even to themselves, peace being obtained only through relentless strife. About the last of December, 1855, Major Bruce, being informed by express from Stirling, that a party of Indians THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 365 had fortified themselves in three deserted log cabins on Applegate creek, ordered Captains Rice and Alcorn to prepare for a campaign in the mountains, and himself proceeded to Fort Lane to ask the assistance of Captain Smith with his howitzer. Obtaining the promise of this, he made a forced march up to the forks of Applegate creek with Rice s company of forty men on the first of January, and on the second twenty miles further up the creek, where he found an independent company of fifty citizens from Stirling surrounding the cabins. Nothing could be done before the arrival of the howitzer on the afternoon of the fourth, the intervening time being spent in snow from six to twelve inches deep, with severe weather, the volunteers exchanging occasional shots with the Indians. In the three days of waiting and suffering, three Indians were killed and several wounded, while Captain Rice lost one man killed, and the citizen company three wounded. On the arrival of Lieutenant Underwood from Fort Lane, with forty regulars and the howitzer, a shell was dropped into one of the cabins, wounding one Indian and two children, when several were seen to retreat to another cabin a few yards distant. A few more shells were thrown without effect, when night coming on, the three several companies were posted in a manner which was intended to prevent an escape; the regulars being between the Indians and the hills, and the volunteers and citizens on two other sides, the lines almost meeting. With all this precaution, about eleven o clock the In dians crept up to the line of soldiers, firing and yelling. In the first surprise a number broke through the line and escaped to the hills; but the regulars recovering them selves turned a. portion of them back towards the creek, across which they succeeded in escaping, the sentinels being unable to get at them by reason 1 of the thickets along the stream, their trail being found by daylight to be stained with blood. 366 INDIAN WAliti OF OREGON. It was only the fighting men of the beseiged, however, who had taken wing when the sentinels of the regular force, not liking the cold, and perhaps not liking to fight an unseen enemy, returned to camp; and before their commander could order them back to their posts, the Indian women with their children, and a pack animal, also passed the line, and gained the hills. On examining the cabins it was found that the Indians had burned their dead, but had left a wounded boy to the mercy of his captors. From him it was learned that the party occupying the cabins belonged to chief Jo; and the skill with which he had fortified his camp would have defied the volunteer arms; it was only the howitzer which could dislodge him. A subterranean passage had been excavated leading from the cabins to the open country and pits dug in each corner of the cabins deep enough to stand in, with loop-holes under the bottom logs through which they could shoot without being exposed; all of which was surprising in savage military science, but was probably learned from communication with white men. Bruce wished to follow the trail of the Indians, but Lieutenant Underwood declared his men unfit for travel ing in the mountains; and the citizen company were unprepared. They, therefore, returned to Stirling, and Underwood to Fort Lane; while Bruce retired to Camp Spencer, on the lower Applegate creek, to recruit the horses, and give his company a much needed rest after three days and nights of watching in snow and cold, re maining there until the eighteenth. On that date, he was joined by Captains O Neil and Alcorn, with a part of their commands, making his available force seventy-three men, rank and file. Alcorn, with thirty-eight men, took the trail of the Indians up Applegate creek, while Bruce, with O Niel and the remainder, marched up Williams creek. Scouting continued for five days, when Bruce fell in with two Indian spies, running them to camp, a distance of twelve miles. Sending an express to hasten forward THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 367 O Neil, the major dismounted his men, twenty-one in all, and stationing Alcorn with eleven men on the left of the canon in which the enemy was encamped, himself occu pied the right with only nine. It was soon discovered that the Indians were sixty or seventy strong. Firing became general, and both sides sus tained losses. Wiley Cash was killed in this preliminary engagement, and Daniel Richardson severely wounded. Soon after these casualties, eight men were cut off from the little force, when Bruce collected the ten left him and charged the Indians, driving them out of the canon, re lieving the men and securing a favorable position for him self, though surrounded and cut off from his horses. Night coming on, he was compelled to retreat towards these, but found that half of them had been driven off before the arrival of Captain O Niel, who was on the ground with the news that he had sent Lieutenant Armstrong an hour before dark with twenty-two men to engage the enemy on the right, while with twenty men he had flanked their left and fought them until dark. The night being very dark and cold, the whole force present withdrew to camp five miles distant, when it was discovered that Lieutenant Armstrong had not returned. Instead, he remained on the ground and renewed the attack at daylight next morning, the Indians giving way and retreating soon after daybreak. It was found that they had burned their dead in the night, making it impossible to determine their loss. " On this day, January twenty-fourth," says Bruce in his report, "the colonel, R. L. Williams, arrived in camp and took the command." In the same report he declares that great credit is due "the captains and lieutenants" for their coolness and determined bravery in their several engage ments. He might well have included all the men in his command. The kind of duty they were required to per form was a drudging and thankless service, which only the desperate situation of the country could have induced 368 INDIAN WARS OF OliEGON. them to engage in. Wrote Captain Rice after three months in the field: "With the exception of two weeks on Rogue river, the company has not camped four days at one place." During all the time since the battle of Hungry hill, the companies which constituted the northern battalion under W. J. Martin, major, and later lieutenant-colonel, were oc cupied in scouting and guarding settlements, or escorting trains and travelers. The stations in this part of the field were Camas valley, twenty miles southwest of Roseburg, tit the head of the Coquille, where Captain Bailey had his winter quarters, with orders to furnish unprotected fami lies in his vicinity with a sufficient force to render them safe; Fort Smith, at the house of William Henry Smith, on Cow creek, where twenty-five men were stationed to escort trains between Umpqua canon and Fort Leland on Grave creek; Camp Eliff, at the south end of the canon, the station of Captain Buoy, who was instructed to protect families and keep open the road between this point and the crossing of Cow creek; Fort Bailey, five miles south of the crossing of Cow creek, where Captain Keeney was stationed to protect the road from there to Grave creek; and Camp Gordon, where Captain Gordon commanded, eight miles above the mouth of Cow creek. Captain W. W. Chapman was ordered to divide his force, about fifty men being at the mouth of the Umpqua, to keep a look out on the reservation at that point, and also on the Coos bay settlement, while thirty men were encamped on Ten- Mile prairie, near the house of L. D. Kent. To his captains, Major Martin issued the order to "take no prisoners;" yet about Christmas time he had quite a number of prisoners, chiefly women and children on his hands, whom he directed Captain Buoy to escort to the Grand Rond reservation in Yamhill county. Agent Met- calf, however, refused to let them go, for the reason that they were nearly related to the Indians on the Umpqua THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 369 reservation, and if removed before the main body of the Indians, would make trouble, and defeat the plans of the Indian department, which had trouble enough already to reconcile the people of Polk county to the contemplated reservation of their western border for Indian uses. The following monthly report of Captain Chapman, brief as it is, gives a more definite idea of the service than pages of less succinct narrative : December first, arrived at Little Meadows just at night ; second, was ordered out next morning at daylight ; camped that night on hill west of Whisky creek ; third, by four o clock P. M. reached Grave creek ; lay there until the sixth ; seventh, marched through the canon and reached Roseburg, thirty miles ; ninth, reached Winchester ; tenth, High water ; eleventh, arrived at headquarters at Oalipooya ; on the twenty-first, by order, moved to u Kellogg s " for headquarters ; stationed forty-five men at Providence, at mouth of Umpqua; selected thirty men for Kent s station in Ten-Mile prairie, and ordered remainder to headquarters ; while selecting station below, bad weather, snow, etc., set in, and stopped further progress. It now became necessary to feed the grain I had laid in, in Novem ber instead of grass, as ordered. Such were the reports mere records of weary marches over nearly impassable roads, in rain and snow, to ward off possible attacks on isolated settlements, or pursue a small band of Indians intent on robbing if not on murder; for by robbery they must now live. There was neither pay nor glory in that kind of warfare, nothing but self-sacrifice, not even the excitement of good fighting, for the Indians kept in seclusion excepting when their spies reported an opportunity to capture a pack train, or destroy property leit unguarded. This being the situa tion, a majority of the regiment under Colonel Williams applied for their discharge early in January, upon the ground that their term of enlistment had expired, they having been mustered into the service in October under Colonel Ross, and transferred the following month to the second regiment Oregon mounted volunteers. Their horses being worn out, Colonel Williams suggested to Adjutant- 24 370 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. General Barnum that they be allowed their discharges, and new recruits called for, who would be furnished with fresh horses. An order was accordingly issued to that effect, the enlistments being for three months, and most of the old companies of the southern battalion again taking the field. During the several weeks before the recruited regiment was ready for service, the southern companies performed the duty of escorting trains and guarding "stations," as fortified houses in which families had taken refuge were called ; and this they did because they must, for to neglect it was to consent to their destruction. For the Indian leaders were still inflexible, and would listen to no over tures. Indeed, when sometimes coming near enough in battle to be addressed, the white commanders attempted to reason with them, they instantly challenged them to further combat, and refused to confer with them on the subject of peace. GHAPTEK IV. TROUBLES IN WRIGHT S SUB-AGENCY THE COQUILLE GUARDS THEIR OPERATIONS IN COQUILLE DISTRICT LETTER OF CAPTAIN PACKWOOD TO GOVERNOR CURRY POLAND S GOLD BEACH COMPANY THE MASSACRE OF FEBRUARY TWENTY-THIRD KILLING OF WRIGHT AND POLAND LONG SIEGE OF THOSE WHO ESCAPED Loss OF A PARTY OF RESCUERS FROM PORT ORFORD FEARS OF A FAMINE TIMELY ARRIVAL OF REGULAR TROOPS UNDER COLONEL BUCHANAN ORGANIZA TION OF MINUTE MEN ABBOTT S COMPANY ATTACKED INDIFFERENCE OF THE REGULAR TROOPS TO THEIR SUFFERINGS PETITION OF JACKSON COUNTY TO GENERAL WOOL His ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CIVIL AUTHORITIES RE-ORGANI ZATION OF THE SECOND REGIMENT EXTRACT FROM THE WRITINGS OF J. M. SUTTON EXTRACTS FROM REPORTS OF CAPTAINS O NEIL, BUSHEY, BUOY, GEORGE, SHEFFIELD, WALLEN, CREIGHTON, HARRIS, AND COLONEL KELSEY ATTACK ON THE MEADOWS THE INDIANS DISLODGED PL ANS OF THE UNITED STATES OFFI CERS FOR PEACE A FIGHT AND A COUNCIL JOHN DETERMINED TO CONTINUE HOSTILITIES SMITH ATTACKED NEAR THE MEADOWS THE BATTLE AND RELIEF MOVEMENTS OF VOLUNTEERS SURRENDER OF THE INDIANS THEY ARE TAKEN TO THE COAST RESERVATION DISCOMFORT AND DISCONTENT MILITARY ESTAB LISHMENTFINAL CLOSE OF INDIAN WARS IN SOUTHWESTERN OREGON PRESENT CONDITION OF THE INDIANS. AT THE breaking out of war in the interior, Ben Wright, in charge of the several bands below Coos bay, hastened to make them acquainted with the order issued by Super intendent Palmer, with whom they had made treaties, that in order to prevent suspicions concerning their intentions, and consequent collisions with white men, they must remain upon their reservations and avoid every appear ance of collusion with the Rogue-river bands. To those roving Indians from the interior whom he found on the coast he gave admonition, and ordered them back to their own reserve; otherwise to submit to arrest. They com plied, although insolently, and the tribes in his sub-agency promised obedience and friendship. But on arriving at the mouth of the Coquille he found the settlers alarmed by appearances among these Indians. On conferring with them, however, they professed friendship, and ascribed their restlessness to the discovery of a camp of Rogue-river women and children in their vicinity, and to knowing that (371) 372 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. this circumstance might be construed against them. They also exhibited fear lest the volunteers operating in the Umpqua valley should come down upon them, to extermi nate them, as they had been informed was their intention. Wright succeeded in quieting, as he believed, their appre hensions, and returned to Port Orford, appointing a local agent, David Hall, to look after them. Hall was a member of a company on its way to the Coquille camp with the design of disarming or killing the Indians, who had been guilty of the death, in 1854, of two citizens, Venable and Burton, for which crime they had gone unpunished, and who now, according to their belief, were preparing for further mischief. But "Wright suc ceeded in allaying this feeling, or at least in persuading them to trust their safety to the Indian department and the United States troops at Port Orford yet a little longer; and by making one of them local agent, left the manage ment of affairs largely to his discretion. The settlers not being convinced of the good intentions of the Indians, soon after removed their families to Empire City, where a fortification had been erected. The miners at Randolph also concealed their portable property, and removed to Port Orford for safety; and at the mouth of Rogue river a fortified house was prepared for a refuge in time of trouble. These events occurred immediately after the outbreak in Rogue-river valley. On the fifth of November Wright wrote Major Reynolds at Port Orford, "I deem it expedient and necessary to request you to allow the present force stationed at Port Orford to remain as a means of enabling me to carry out rny plans for the preservation of peace among the Indians of my district, and for the security of white citizens;" which request was granted. Early in November, the Coos county people, being still apprehensive, raised a company of nineteen rnen. who applied to the local Indian agent, Hall, for authority to defend the people of his district the governor having discountenanced independent companies. On his author- THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 373 ity, and by agreement between the agent and themselves, they carried out their design, as shown in the following compact : FORT KITCHEN, Coos County, O. T., November 6, 1855. Articles of agreement made and entered into between David Hall, local Indian agent for the Coquille district, on the part of the United States, and the undersigned persons, to wit : Wo, the under signed, do hereby agree to serve and obey all orders given us by David Hall, local Indian agent for the Coquille Indians, for the pur pose of promoting and maintaining peace between the Indians in his charge and the settlers, or citizens of the United States in this valley; also, to prevent other Indians now at war with the United States from joining and forcing the Indians in this district into a war with the United States; and to serve until such times as peace may be declared, unless relieved or discharged, and to receive for such service such pay and emoluments as the United States may think fit to give us. ( Then follow nineteen names, and the affidavit of the agent.) I certify, on honor, that believing the public tranquility required the measures I have adopted, I have contracted with and engaged the above-named men to assist me in promoting and maintaining the peace as above specified. DAVID HALL, Local Indian Agent, Coquille District, Coos County, O. T. Witnesses: H. W. SANFOBD, ELIJAH MOUTS, J. P., Coos County, Coquille Precinct, O. T. The same day on which the agreement was signed a site was selected on the Coquille river for the erection of a fortification, which was named Fort Kitchen, and which in a few days was so nearly picketed that it could be de fended by half a dozen men. Captain Packwood then, with less than a third of the little force, made a scout up the south fork of the river on the twelfth of November to look after the property of several settlers who were absent from their places. They found that a house had been robbed of a large amount of flour, and thereupon Hall sent an express to Port Orford to notify sub-Indian agent Ben Wright of the absence of the Indians from the reser vation, of the robbery, and other matters connected there with, and asking him to come to Coquille to settle with 374 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the Indians, and relieve the men he ( Hall ) had contracted with to aid him in keeping the peace; the settlers above having in the meantime returned and forted themselves at the place of a Mr. Roland, after leaving their families at Coos bay for safety. Captain Pack wood, while waiting for Wright s appear ance, remained at Fort Roland to watch the Indians, and became convinced, although they pretended to be friendly, they they were, if not in league with, at least very much excited by the visits to them of the hostile Indians from the Rogue-river camp. Pending Wright s arrival, Pack- wood ordered the Indians off the reservation to be arrested, two of them, Elk and Long John, to be treated as crimi nals if attempting to escape, and shot. The whole band were notified of the order, and that those who peaceably obeyed would be treated as friends. John, however, man aged to escape, and when the express returned from Port Orford it brought only the news that Wright was absent down the coast, and that a company of volunteers was gone up to the big bend of Rogue river, about twenty-five miles from Fort Roland, to watch the Indians. This dearth of news left the local agent without instructions, and Packwood released the prisoners he had taken, advis ing all the band to go on the reserve and remain quiet. On the twenty-second of November sixteen men from Coos bay joined the Coquille guards at Fort Kitchen. On the same day the local agent, Hall, was relieved by William Chance, who accepted the services of the guards and the sixteen recruits on the same conditions as those agreed to by his predecessor, certifying on his honor that he believed the public tranquility required the measures adopted. The instructions issued to Packwood after the flight of Long John directed him to treat all Indians, in future, without a pass, as enemies, those belonging to chief Washington s band having commenced hostilities by burn ing the house of a Mr. Hoffman, robbing the house of J. J. Hill of four hundred dollars worth of provisions, rob- THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 375 bing the house of Mr. Woodward, cutting adrift the ferry boat at the crossing of the Coquille, with other similar acts of enmity. On the twenty-third Chance took a party of the guards and went to the forks of the Coquille to try to persuade Washington to go upon the reservation, but found the chief had erected a barricade on the point between the two branches of the river, where he could only be ap proached by water at a great disadvantage. As the party came in view he stationed himself, gun in hand, behind a myrtle tree, and twice raised it to fire, but seeing several rifles pointed in his direction refrained. Chance hastened to send a friendly Indian to invite Washington to a conference, which, after some parleying, he consented to. Rumors were then sent to inform the Indians up the river that they must go upon the reserva tion if they would not be treated as suspects; after which the agent returned to Fort Kitchen, while the guards with him continued on to Fort Roland under their captain, Pack wood. On the following day, having received such orders, this detachment, after allowing time for the Indians to move as directed, marched down the north and east side of the south fork, and meeting two Indians, one of whom was armed with a gun, and who either through fear or hos tility made as if he would have used it, shot them, killing one and wounding the other, who escaped. Near the forks of the river another Indian was wounded, after which the company returned to Fort Kitchen. Concerning these acts of the guards, Packwood explains, in a report to Governor Curry, in which he relates with great candor all that occurred, that the Indians had been warned by sub-agent Wright in October to keep upon the reservation ; also by David Wall, local agent, and by his successor, William Chance; and that "it would have been madness and folly to use gentle means any further," but that force was necessarily resorted to. The order to the c376 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. -Indians to remain on the reservation was given in their Mown interest, as when the hostile Indians from the interior made incursions into their country and committed depre dations, they were likely to be suspected and treated as enemies, all of which they perfectly understood, and in Respite of which they continued to roam about the settle ments. -(. No news being received from Wright, and the local agent ^being reluctant to undertake disarming the Indians, the IGoos bay men becoming alarmed for their families returned Ihome December eleventh, leaving the guards as first or ganized. The weather being now very cold in the moun- teiins, which were covered with snow so that emissaries <ffom the Rogue-river Indians were believed to be barred fjQut, the white people in Coos county recovered somewhat -from their apprehensions, and the guards being stationed in ithree several detachments among the settlements, allowed ithemselves to hope for peace. ,niOn ma-king a visit to the beach where their provisions were stored, two of the guards from Fort Roland found aLong John in the cabin cooking, and other Indians on the outside peering through the cracks. They demanded an ex planation, which John endeavored to avert first by lying, ^cnd then by giving the war-whoop apparently to summon -ethers to his aid, when he was shot. The men fearing an $fktack, hastened back to camp, and again quiet reigned in etbe Coquille region. oilJOn the twenty-fourth of December, Wright arrived at Fort Kitchen, spending three days with the Indians, who ,Jadid the blame of all the disturbances which had hap- ifJsned upon the white people. They promised to remain iqaaiet and obey orders. Wright accepted the Indian prot- fMtations of innocence, and informed the guards that their atkiganization must be approved by the governor in order itoosecure any compensation for their services to his depart- imnt, whereupon Captain Packwood discharged his com- dpfatny, and made a report in due f6rm of his operations THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 377 and expenses, which was forwarded to the executive, who was asked to recognize them as volunteers under his proc lamation of November fifteenth. It was, however, only at a later period, when Pack wood reorganized his company under a proclamation of the executive as the "Coquille Minute Men," that they came to be recognized as belong ing to the volunteer service, their muster roll dating back to November sixth. This rather lengthy account of the volunteer service in this region is introduced in this place because certain statements were made derogatory to the people of this isolated portion of Oregon, and to such an extent as to influence public opinion to their injury. In a subsequent communication to Governor Curry, speaking on this sub ject, Packwood says: We had just cause; and should it be urged that there was the military at Port Orford, and consequently no necessity for organiz ing a company, I would only refer to the fact that they remained there after knowing our situation, and would, I believe, have re mained there all the same had all the Indians of southern Oregon been concentrating on us. And the military have never been used in this portion of Oregon for the purpose of averting Indian hostili ties, but only come on the field in treaty-making time, after the exasperated citizens have assembled, conquered, and brought the Indians to terms. There is another thing some persons take upon themselves to do, and that is to decide that a community of people are in no danger from Indian hostilities. The above decision has, I believe, been made in our case. * * * There seems to be an opinion afloat that several white men must lose their lives before Indians are "hostile." I hold to a very different one, and consider the following as hostile acts, especially when a chief and his baud turns out to defend the perpetrators, to wit : breaking open and rob bing houses; stealing ammunition, etc.; stealing blankets and other articles; robbing cornfields; poisoning dogs (invaluable here); ob stinately remaining off the reservation for the. purpose of harboring Indians from the Umpqua, Cow creek, and Rogue river, and to concoct a plan to exterminate the whites on this river. [Then follows a narrative of his own escape from being killed when the Ooquilles were exulting over the tidings of the massacres of white families in Rogue-river valley.] * I found that nothing but a mild, firm, and energetic course with the Indians here would 378 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. avert a war with them, as they knew all the particulars of the Indian war in the interior; believed also from what had been told them "by some white man" that the time had come when they must either exterminate the whites, or the whites would extermi nate them. Such was the impression on the minds of the Indians here at that time. Their number of fighting men is forty-six to fifty, and should a party of Rogue-river Indians have effected a junction with them at the time, they could easily have overwhelmed us with numbers. Our number at that time being eleven men near the forks, and four men in the mountains. Our arms for defense were nine long rifles, two government rifles, two shotguns, two single-barreled pistols, and two revolving pistols. The Indians were in proportion to their numbers nearly as well off as we were, both in arms and ammunition, as the Klickitat tribe have been supply ing them with both for the last two years. This communication of a settler of a good degree of intelligence and acquainted with Indian characteristics, goes far to account for the feeling, quite universal at this period, that the regular military authorities were indiffer ent to the alarm felt by exposed settlements, and that they, would not move to prevent hostilities, but only to " chas tise." and then "protect" the Indians "after a few white men had lost their lives." About the time referred to in Packwood s report, Indian Agent E. P. Drew, in charge of the Umpqua and Coos bay Indians, became convinced that the latter were holding communication with the hostiles, and made haste to collect them on the reservation at the mouth of the Umpqua river, where he placed over them a local agent. Shortly after he found the settlers from Coos and Coquille valleys congre gated at Empire City, and a company formed (those who had resigned from the guards probably), to punish the savages for fresh depredations. An attack was made on them at Drolley s, on the lower branch of the Coquille, four being killed, and four captured and hanged. This chastisement seemed to have convinced these Indians of the folly of attempting to follow the example of the Rogue- rivers, for they remained quiet during the winter, being closely watched and guarded. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 379 In the month of November, a company was raised among the miners at Gold Beach and the southern coast generally, with John Poland for captain. It did not be long to the second regiment as organized under the procla mation of the governor; but since the proclamation made no provision for the defense of the coast counties, and since the military force at Fort Orford was entirely inadequate, even with the desire to be useful, which was said to be lacking, to the task of guarding the lives and property of the people, this company performed guard duty during the period between the proclamation of the fifteenth of November and that of January eighteenth, which dis charged the northern and southern battalions, and called for recruits. The encampment of this company had been at the big bend of Rogue river, between the interior and coast tribes, during the winter, but in February it was moved down to within a few miles of the coast settlements in order to re cruit the company to the standard of sixty privates and eleven officers, as ordered by the. governor, to fill up the regiment by recruiting. So quiet had been the coast tribes for some time that suspicion of their intentions was almost forgotten; and on the night of the twenty-second of February, an anniver sary ball was given at Gold Beach, or Whaleshead, near the mouth of the river, which was attended by Captain Poland and the majority of his men, a few being left to guard camp. Early on the morning of the t went} 7 -third, before the dancers had returned to camp, the guard was attacked with such suddenness and fury by a large num ber of Indians that but two out of ten were able to escape. One of these, Charles Foster, being concealed in the woods near the scene of the massacre, was witness of much of the terrible slaughter and mutilation, and able to identify those concerned in it, who were seen to be such as lived about the settlements, and were professedly friendly. Ben Wright was then at the house of J. McGuire, about 380 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. four miles from the coast, and between the volunteer camp and Whaleshead. Early in the day, and while Captain Poland was with him, Wright received a visit from some Indians of the Mackanotins tribe, who had a village on the south side of the river opposite McGuire s, who came ostensibly to inform him that Enos, 1 a notorious half-breed, who had been with the hostile Rogue-rivers all winter, was in their camp, and they wished to have him arrested. 2 Without a suspicion of treachery, Wright and Poland repaired to the Indian village, where they were immedi ately seized and killed, with the most revolting blood- thirstiness, being mutilated beyond recognition. Wright s heart, as subsequently learned from the Indians them selves, was cut out, cooked and eaten, in admiration of his courage, which they hoped by this act of cannibalism to make themselves able to emulate. Every house on the river below big bend, sixty in all, was burned that day, and twenty-six persons killed. The persons who suffered were Ben Wright, Captain Poland, Lieutenant B. Castle, P..McClusky, G. C. Holcomb, Henry Lawrence, Joseph Wagoner, Joseph Wilkinson, Patrick McCullough, E. W. Howe, J. H. Braun, Martin Reed, George Reed, Lorenzo Warner, Samuel Hendrick, Nelson Seaman. W. R. Tulles, John Idles, Joseph Leroc and two sons, John Geisell and four children, while Mrs. Geisell and two daughters were taken into captivity. Subsequently to the first attack, Henry Bullen, L. W. Oliver, Daniel Richardson, John Trickey, and Adolf Sinoldt were killed, making thirty-one victims of this massacre. Seven differ ent points on the south side of the river were attacked within twelve hours, showing how well concerted was the outbreak. When the alarm was given at Gold Beach, some of the officers of Captain Poland s company were still there, and 1 Indian Affairs Report, 1856, pp. 201-2; Oregon Statesman, March 11, 185C; Crescent City Herald, extra, February 25, 1856. 2 Enos was hanged at Port Orford in 1857 for his part in the murder of Wright and Poland. He was guide to Fremont in 1843. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 381 Relf Bledsoe, first lieutenant, was at once chosen to com mand. He concentrated the men, women, and children to the number of one hundred and thirty at the unfinished fortification known as " Miners Fort," which they hastened to complete and to stock with the provisions at hand, and otherwise to prepare to stand a seige for seige it was likely to be, with no force in that part of the country, either regular or volunteer, sufficiently strong to deliver them. Charles Foster by using great caution reached Port Or ford, carrying the news of the outbreak. But Major Rey nolds, in command of the post, dared not divide his handful of men, nor would the citizens of Port Orford, only about fifty in number at this time, consent to the withdrawal of this force. They, however, dispatched a whaleboat down the coast to open communication with the fort, which act of kindness only brought with it further disaster, for the boat was overturned in the surf, and the six citizens in it drowned, their bodies being cut to pieces by the savages who were watching their efforts to land, and who would have butchered them had they lived to reach the shore. The men who so generously sacrificed themselves for the consolation of their fellows in misfortune, were H. C. Gerow, a merchant of Port Orford, and formerly of New York state; John O Brien, a miner; Sylvester Long, a farmer; William Thompson and Richard Gay, boatmen, and Felix McCue. The boat not returning, Captain William Tichenor, the founder of Port Orford, sent his schooner Nelly to bring off the people of Whaleshead, but was prevented by adverse winds from approaching the shore. Again, the schooner Gold Beach, at a later date, left Crescent City with a volunteer company, designing to attack the In dians; but they, too, were prevented from landing, and the inmates of the fort could only, with sinking hearts, witness these repeated failures. Arms were scarce at the fort, the Indians having cap tured those of the volunteers, but they kept a careful 382 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. guard, and after a single attack on the twenty-fifth, the Indians seldom approached within rifle shot, although the rolling sand hills in the vicinity favored by sheltering them from observation. Under cover of darkness, milk for the children was sometimes obtained from the cows feeding near the fort. Once an attempt was made to gather potatoes from a field in daylight, but soon the men employed discovered the wary foe creeping upon them under the shelter of the sand dunes, and were forced to retreat in haste to the fort, one man being killed and four wounded before they reached cover. Whenever after this an Indian s head was discovered peering over the edge of a ridge it was shot at, and the marksmen took true aim. Ten, twenty, thirty days passed, during which the silence of death brooded over the country. Port Orford was the only place in Oregon to which the news of the massacre had been carried, and to send it to the governor at the capital, or to San Francisco to the military authorities, took time, when steamers made only monthly or bi-monthly trips along the coast. The Indians, always well informed of the movements of the volunteers, had seized upon that period when the disbandment of companies, and the slow recruiting of them rendered the state soldiery practically useless, so that even after the news of the tragedy had filtered through the Indians lines and reached the volun teer camps, it found them unprepared to act. Thus time wore on while the Indians waited for famine and despair to place a hundred victims in their bloody hands. On the thirty-first day, ah ! what sound breaks the pain ful silence of this tragic solitude? Fife and drum, and the tramp of many feet! To the straining eyes of the im prisoned inmates of the fort was revealed the ravishing sight of two companies of the United States troops march ing up from Fort Humboldt to their relief. Instantly the Indians fled to the hills, and the people rushed out into the free air with shouts of gladness. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 383 In the meantime, Governor Curry, being taught by the Gold Beach disaster that a few hundred men could not protect so large an extent of territory as southern Oregon from a roving enemy, early in March authorized the organization in exposed localities of companies of minute men, and recognized those already formed as belonging to this branch of the service. Under this order George II. Abbott was engaged in the recruiting service at Fort Johnson in Chetcoe valley early in March, with the intention of going to the relief of the Bledsoe command at Gold Beach, when he learned that Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan of the regular army had arrived at Crescent City by sea, and was marching up the coast to take charge of the Indian war in southern Oregon. Abbott s company being only thirty-four strong, he thought it prudent to hold back a little, and even re mained three days in camp six miles north of Chetcoe river to allow Buchanan s force to come up within support- t ing distance. On the sixteenth of March the regulars were only five miles in the rear, and the volunteers started forward towards Pistol river, sixteen miles distant, which was reached about two o clock on the morning of the seven teenth, when preparations were made to attack an Indian village at break of day. The village was found to be abandoned, and was burned. Seeing two or three Indians on the hills half a mile distant herding horses, Abbott made a sortie with thirteen men to gain their attention and capture their horses. But on coming near it was dis covered that instead of two or three, at least fifty Indians were in the immediate vicinity and more arriving with every moment. A hasty retreat to the beach was effected, the Indians following, and a runnrng fire was kept up until within supporting distance of camp, when the In dians were repulsed in a brisk skirmish. A messenger was sent to Colonel Buchanan, while the enemy gradually surrounded the volunteers, who, by sharpshooting, kept 384 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. them at a distance, while they selected a position natur ally strong and erected an enclosure of logs, fifty feet square and about four feet high. In this were placed their provisions and water; the horses of the company being picketed in open ground under cover by their guns. About four o clock in the afternoon of the seventeenth the Pistol-river Indians were reenforced by a body of Rogue-rivers, mounted and on foot. At sunset the main body began an approach from the mouth of Pistol river, protecting their persons by rolling logs in front of them, while smaller parties approached from the south along the sand hills bordering the beach, and from the east over the grassy flat where the animals were tethered. The situation now appearing critical, Abbott threw out a party of skirmishers under cover of a sand hill, on the south, and leaving the horses to be defended by the fort, took another small party and stationed himself among the drift logs and sand drifts to oppose the main body of the enemy. Contrary to Indian usage, the action was con tinued after dark, the Indians charging the volunteers with the most desperate courage and confidence, but suf fering more losses than the white men, who as long as it was light enough fought with rifles, and at close quarters with revolvers, but in the darkness found double-barreled shotguns most effective. In this night s fight Kirby Mil ler, a recruit, was mortally wounded, dying in an hour after being carried into the fort, and a citizen named Sloan wounded slightly. During the night ten horses and twenty mules arid equipments were captured by the Indians. Fighting continued with intermissions through the eighteenth, and until two o clock P. M. of the nineteenth, at which time Colonel Buchanan arrived, having moved as slowly as if he had not been called upon for aid, and saying in reply to suggestions, that he did not desire to engage the Indians at Pistol river. On the last day T. J. Sharp, an independent volunteer, was wounded, which THE EOGUE RIVER WARS 385 comprised, with one dead and one other wounded, the total loss of men in a three days fight. The Indian loss was twelve killed, and several wounded. The bravery displayed by both sides was very great, the Indians having to advance in the face of a fortified foe, and the volunteers having to defend themselves against six times their numbers. The indifference of Buchanan to the fatigues and suffer ings of Abbott s party was a subject long dwelt on by the settlers whom they were hastening to relieve, and who resented the cold blooded manner in which the army officer reproved the volunteers for " meddling with things they did not understand." He might, they thought, have shown some kindness, even while obeying General Wool s order "not to recognize the volunteers in the field." He was to show these un martial men how to conduct an Indian war. We shall see presently how he did it. The intermission of aggressive operations during the interval between the order disbanding the two battalions and the recruiting of the regiment, afforded much en couragement to the enemy. The citizens of Jackson county seeing that the business of the country was being ruined, many persons having removed to the Wallamet in consequence of the Indian troubles, and all merchantable property being unsafe, whether in transit from Crescent City, or in warehouses after arrival; also that volunteering proceeded slowly, petitioned General Wool to v send a suf ficient body of United States troops to southern Oregon to protect the people, or end the war. Ever since Wool had assumed command of the Pacific department he had behaved with a degree of hauteur towards civil authorities which had gained him the dislike of every governor, and had occasioned some complaints to the secretary of war, who had administered to him reproof very irritating to his arbitrary nature. He was too good a soldier, however, not to obey when commanded, and 26 386 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. when it was indicated to him that he should give bis per sonal attention to Oregon and Washington, he had yielded and come in person to look after army affairs in the north west. The first visit of the general to Vancouver was in November, 1855, and he returned to San Francisco with out communicating in any way with the governor of Oregon. About midwinter he paid a second visit to Van couver to inquire into the conduct of some of his own officers who had so far forgotten themselves as to fight in the same battles with volunteers even to call for the assistance of volunteers. Again in March he returned, accompanied by the troops intended to answer the petition of Jackson county, and conquer the Indians at the same time. It was while on his way to Vancouver that he left at Crescent City, March eighth, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan, with officers and men to the number of ninety- six, rank and file. On arriving at Vancouver he ordered to Port Orford, Captain Auger of the fourth infantry, to reenforce Major Reynolds of the third artillery, who was directed to protect the friendly Indians and the army stores at that place. Captain Floyd Jones, fourth infantry, at Fort Humboldt, was ordered to Crescent City to protect friendly Indians, and to guard army supply trains, a duty performed for months by the volunteers. Captain Smith of Fort Lane was directed to repair to Port Orford with eighty dragoons, to make a junction with Buchanan, and a general rendezvous was appointed in the Illinois valley, where the superintendent of Indian affairs was to meet the Indians in council after the troops had brought them to reason, and the volunteers were prevented from harrass- ing them. Such were the general s plans. But these too deliberate movements did not commend themselves to the governor or the people of Oregon. The legislature of 1855-6 had elected a southern Oregon man, J. K. Lamerick, brigadier-general, and, as was probably THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 387 intended, this concession to local pride and prejudice kept aglow the fading fire of patriotism, and promoted the recruiting of the southern battalion. There were those of the north who found cause of complaint against Colonel R. L. Williams, and when an election for colonel took place, John Kelsey of the northern battalion was chosen to that office, with W. W. Chapman, lieutenant-colonel. Major Bruce retained his office in the southern battalion, and William II. Latshaw was made major of the northern, vice Martin resigned, to take a civil office. At no time had military operations ceased, but some companies had immediately reformed and kept the field in detachments, guarding trains and settlements. In the latter part of February, about the time of the uprising on the coast, the Indians had appeared again in the Illinois valley, killing two men and wounding three others, and soon after shot a citizen named Guess, who was ploughing in a field on Deer creek, his Avife and two children being domiciled at the house of Dr. White, some distance away. It was already night when news of the killing of Guess was brought to Captain O Neil, who, with a detachment of his company, was scouting in the vicinity ; but he set out immediately to recover the body of the murdered man, and convey it to his family. A description of that night s ride, and the duty performed by O Neil and his company, dramatically illustrates the lives and characters of the volunteers. It is here condensed from the pen of J. M. Sutton, himself a volunteer, who lived to write of those troublous times, but who has long since passed over to the silent majority: The trail led through a forest which intensified the darkness. Philip Weaver, who lived in the vicinity, acted as guide, and was careful to report every place where an ambush might be feared, when the captain would ride forward and through the pass with two or three men before allowing the remainder to advance. Ar riving at the most dangerous crossing of a deep ravine, Captain O Neil directed Sergeant Stannis to take four men and go down the gulch to a lower trail, while Corporal Geddes went above to another 388 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. crossing, when he would move on by the main trail, and all would meet on the other side, thus giving an opportunity for some to escape, or to rescue the others in case of an attack. When he had reached half way to the bottom of the ravine the horses gave unmistakable signs of smelling Indians, and the cap tain, in a low voice, gave the order to trot briskly forward. They were met at the bottom by a volley of rifle shots. Putting their horses to the top of their speed, the company made a dash for the opposite side in the darkness and gained the bank, the Indians shouting and yelling. As soon as the volunteers were out of the ambush they returned shots and yells. Leaving their horses in care of a guard, they poured a brisk fire into the thicket where the In dians were stationed, but without being able to take aim at any thing. However, in a short time the Indians stopped firing and were heard retreating up the opposite side of the ravine; and the darkness not permitting a pursuit, the company, which had sus tained no injury, pursued its way to the house of Dr. White, where two men, neighbors, were found stationed midway between the house and the horse corral, guarding both, while Mrs. Guess, not knowing what was going on outside, sat waiting for her husband, ignorant of though fearing the cause of his absence so far into the night. The volunteers placed their horses, ready to mount, under guard, and set out to look, or to feel in the darknes for the body of the mur dered man, under the guidance of Mr. Weaver. As they neared the field they heard the oxen with which Guess had been ploughing still hitched to the plough running and surging around the field in great terror. The captain divided his men, sending one squad to the left hand side of the field, with orders to go up the outside to the middle, and there leave all but two who were to climb the fence and cross over to the middle of the ploughed ground, and there await further orders, while he performed a similar movement on the right. Cautiously each party filed up the sides of the fence to the place where they were to cross and meet in the middle of the field. Not a sound could be heard save the dull measured tread of the men, and an occasional rush and quick spasmodic snort of the oxen. Soon was heard the anxiously expected " Here it is ! " and all was again hushed and still. The oxen seemed to know that friends were near, for they were now standing quietly by the fence and did not move when Weaver went to them, but when they heard his voice, with which they were familiar, they answered with low plaintive lowing, while to make their recognition complete, they tried to touch him with their noses as he passed before them. When all was ready, four men took up the body on a stretcher rudely constructed of rails, and preceded by a guard set out for the house. Taking the body into a small room it was hurriedly pre pared for burial, for it was now nearly dawn. Four bullets were THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 389 found to have penetrated the body from the front, one through the heart, one through the left shoulder, the other two through the breast. While the body was being prepared for burial, Weaver, who had called upon Mrs. Guess, came into the room and said she had asked if her husband was dead ; but that he had evaded the question, as he would not tell her. No one could be found to per form the painful office, and it devolved upon Captain O Neil, who, as all who knew him will recollect, was no coward ; yet he shrunk from this. But time was pressing and he must perform the sad duty. How it was performed is not known, but that he told her the terrible truth was soon evident from the anguished cries of the widowed wife and fatherless children ; sounds deeply painful to all who stood around that lifeless body on that February morning. Such were the duties in which volunteers were month after month engaged, their time being divided between skirmishing with the enemy, protecting property, rescuing, if possible, those in peril, burying the victims of savage hate, and removing their helpless families to places of safety. If they lacked the discipline of mercenary soldiers, they did not lack either courage or sympathy. The following brief reports found in some of the monthly returns further illustrate the conduct of the war. Writes Captain O Neil of how he spent the month of February: The company for the past month, as will be seen by weeklj- report, has been stationed on Applegate, and Illinois valley. The most of the men have been continually on the move, scouting and escorting pack trains from Illinois valley to Jacksonville. No gen eral movements have been made toward the Indians this month, the greatest number of men, in pursuance of order No. 22, having been discharged, and recruits very hard to get. This month passed out by mustering in of recruits on February 29, 50. Captain Bushey writes: February nineteenth, organized by electing captain, first and second lieutenants, and first sergeant at headquarters ; remained in camp until the twenty-fourth ; marched fifteen miles down Rogue river ; twenty-fifth, marched to Fort Vannoy, crossed the river, and went down two miles and camped ; twenty-sixth, captain and nine men went as scouts to the mouth of Jump-Off-Joe creek, returning in the evening ; no Indian signs discovered ; remained in camp twenty-seventh, twentj T -eighth, and twenty-ninth, preparing for a trip in the mountains. 390 JNDJAN WARS OF OREGON. March first, captain, with a party of twenty-men, started into the mountains ; second, discovered Indian trail and followed it to near their camp on Wolf creek, about one mile from its mouth ; the captain and two men went near the camp, and found from fifty to one hundred men, women, and children ; third, sent one man back with an express to Colonel Williams, then at Fort Vannoy ; the same night Major Bruce arrived with all the troops around Camp Vannoy ; fourth, found the Indians had moved camp up the creek ; fifth, followed their trail ; Major Bruce arrived in the evening ; a night attack was talked of, but thought to be not advisable ; sixth, the company started back to Grave creek, and remained the seventh and eighth ; returned to Vannoy s, and remained there in the vicinity until the thirteenth, and up to the twentieth (except scout ing parties), and jerked beef for a trip in the mountains ; passed over a steep mountain two miles and joined Captains Kelsey and Latshaw with about ninety men, and encamped for the night at a place we supposed the Indians had camped in the night after the battle of Hungry hill ; sixteenth, came back to near the Grave- creek house ; seventeenth, back to Fort Vannoy ; eighteenth, a special order, called No. 16, from General Lamerick, that Captain Bushey s company, from and after this date, will hold themselves in readiness to act as spies until otherwise directed. Bushey s company performed the duty of spies during March and April, the weather being most of the time cold, with rain and snow alternately. Captain Buoy reported for one month, from February twenty-fourth to March twenty-fourth, nothing worthy of note accom plished : Received an order from General Lamerick to furnish twenty men to escort government stores south. I complied with order, and the stores were escorted to their destination. On the fourth of March the detachment arrived in camp ail well. Reported plenty of In dians south. Eighth of March, with forty men and five days pro visions, started for big bend of Cow creek; gone six days; no fresh Indian signs seen. Thirteenth, moved camp from Kent s to Wm. McCully s, on the Olily, thinking to better my condition. From thirteenth to twentieth nothing worthy of note. On the night of the twenty-first the Indians made an inroad into settlements, shoot ing several head of cattle, killing some. Our term of enlistment for last time has just expired; and during last four weeks I have been recruiting my company, consequently we have been in a confused state, and have not been prepared to operate against the Indians as desired, having a lack of men and ammunition, but now we have THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 391 men, some arms and ammunition, and we hope to render a good account of ourselves in next report. Captain George reported for the month of March : March third left Camp Vannoy and moved to Fort Leland in the night by a forced march. Next night went from Fort Leland to the Six-Bit house. March fifth, marched back to Fort Leland. March seventh, marched all night on foot. March ninth, left Fort Leland and camped on Rogue river six miles below Camp Vannoy. March eleventh, left camp and went to Deer creek by order of Major Bruce. Out on scout and chasing Indians for three days, and returned to camp below Vannoy s on the fourteenth. March seventeenth, Captain George returned from furlough, bringing twelve recruits. March nineteenth, all hands in camp to attend election. March twenty-second, Lieutenant William Chaplin resigned. Sergeant F. D. Chaplin discharged by order of General .T. K. Lamerick. March twenty-third, F. M. Rhodes transferred from company C to Captain M. M. Williams s company. Left camp six miles below Vannoy s for Jacksonville. Camped near Jewett s ferry. March twenty- fourth, started from Jewitt s before daylight; got as far as Colonel T ; Vault s; were overtaken by an express from Major Bruce ordering a return to Camp Vannoy; arrived at Camp Vannoy; were ordered to Camp Hayes; arrived at Camp Hayes same evening. Twenty- fifth, met with losses mentioned on next page. Twenty-ninth, returned to Vannoy s. The losses referred to in Captain George s report were twenty horses with their equipments, and several rifles and revolvers. They were lost in the engagement de scribed below in Captain O Neil s report, previous to which he was encamped in Illinois valley, and scouting. Sunday, March twenty-third, whilst preparing to start an escort with pack train to Fort Vannoy, an express came in camp reporting two men killed by Indians on Slate creek, and a large band of Indians making their way to Mr. Hayes house. Lieutenant Arm strong, with his command numbering about fifty men, immediately started, and on arriving within three hundred yards of the house, a heavy fire was opened on all sides by the Indians, who had com pletely surrounded Mr. Hayes house, and numbered near two hun dred warriors. The order was immediately given to go through and reach the house, which was promptly obeyed. On arriving at it, and finding the family secure, the men immediately returned to the place of their first attack. Discovered two men killed (John 392 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Davis and Alexander Caldwell), and one man (a packer) severely wounded. The dead men were carried off by six men during a heavy fire from the enemy. Had they done any good shooting, many a life must have been sacrificed. The fight then became general, which lasted until dark, when the Indians, after making a great number of fires, and as we supposed, burning their dead, drew off. An express was immediately dispatched to Major Bruce, and likewise to the inhabitants of Illinois valley. Major Bruce, with all the available forces under his command, arrived on the following morning. On Tuesday, while preparing the whole command to march in pursuit of the enemy, an express arrived reporting a pack train robbed by Indians on Deer creek. Twenty-five men, well armed and mounted, started direct for the place, Major Bruce with the remainder flanking out in different directions. On arriving at a low divide, a heavy cross fire was opened by the enemy who were lying in ambush. Another engagement commenced. On the first fire two of Captain George s company were killed, and two of Cap tain O NeiPs slightly wounded. The men took their stations, killing three Indians, sure. Major being on the point of outflanking them, they scattered over the whole country, and not having a suf ficient force to make a successful fight, Major Bruce with a portion of each company, returned to Illinois valley to get the families together for their safety. The remainder of the force returned to Camp Hayes. Major Bruce, with men from each company, started today with three pack trains to Fort Vannoy, and to get sufficient provisions, as well as men to make a more successful attack, as the Indians are in great force, and will require a strong number to strike anything like a decisive blow. ( The loss sustained by O NeiPs company, besides the two men already named, were a dozen horses and mules, with equipments for half of them, six rifles and revolvers, and many blankets, all of which, except the horses killed or wounded, went to enrich the Indians.) The Indians were driven farther south at this time by operations in the Cow creek region, as we learn from the report of Captain Edward Sheffield for the month of March. Fourteen men employed as spies ; sixteen employed building fort at Smith s station on upper Cow creek. March first, twenty-six of company employed escorting government train to Jacksonville. Twenty men under first lieutenant stationed in lower Cow creek valley. Remainder of company at Fort Smith. March sixth, twenty-six of company on expedition down Grave creek under Major Bruce. March twenty -fourth, twenty of company com- THE ROGUE EWER WARS. 393 manded by Second Lieutenant Capron, with Major Latshaw s com mand in a battle with the Indians on Cow creek, six miles below Fort Smith. March twenty -eighth, thirty men commanded by Captain Sheffield, with Major Latshaw s command on an expedition in the Cow creek mountains. March thirtieth and thirty-first, detach ment of thirty in the mountains. Detachment of fifteen stationed in lower Cow-creek valley. Remainder of company at Fort Smith, escorting trains, building fort, etc. William Dooley was killed in battle of the twenty -fourth ; A. H. Woodruff and Thomas Gilmore, wounded slightly. By the promotion of Latshaw to major, the first lieu tenant of his company, John M. Wallen, became captain. Tn a reminiscence of the Rogue-river war, and Latshaw s campaign in Cow creek valley, he writes as follows: From Cow creek we followed the Indians six days. It was in March, and the weather rough and blustery. One night we were encamped in a canon, and expecting an attack, for the Indians were near. Clubfooted David Wilson was our corporal. We burned off the dead leaves from a small circle of ground, dug a hole, and built a small fire in it, and when the ground was dry put out the fire, and erected a small awning over it so he would not suffer from cold. Wilson said: "I had taken my place, put my feet in the hole, drawn my wraps around me, and taking my gun upon my knee was ready for duty. The night settled down dark and dreary. I had been on duty several hours, and was sitting there thinking of the day s march, and the probability of the Indians attacking us. At the same time I was raising the hammer of my gun, and lowering- it to see how quickly and noiselessly it could be done. Suddenly a flash ran down the barrel. I had the hammer back when the flash came, and I pulled the trigger at the same instant bang ! bang ! the report of two guns mingled, but few who heard them knew that more than one gun was fired. I called to the guard ; he answered all is well. When I went to Captain Wallen s tent on being re lieved, he said, Wilson, what did you shoot at? The guard says you killed a mule; he heard it struggle. I answered, f wait, captain, till morning. Half an hour later the Indians fired several times into camp. We did not return the fire, as it was too dark to distin guish any object. Next morning we found a dead Indian about fifty yards from where I sat, shot through the head." On the twentieth of March, Captain Buoy resigned, when P. C. Noland was elected captain of his company. The first return of Captain Nolaud has this by Captain Buoy: 394 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. On twenty-fourth of March just as a small detachment of my com mand were ready to make an excursion into the adjacent mountains (from Ten-Mile prairie), a messenger came running, stating that the Indians were in Carnas valley. Forthwith we repaired to said place, and found the beautiful little valley enveloped in a cloud of smoke. The Indians had burned several houses, and killed some stock, but had retired to the mountains. We followed, found and chastised them, killing two, and wounding others. They stole nine of our horses on the rounds. With the coining of spring the Indians became more active, although the weather was still unusually severe; appearing occasionally in force, but more often in raiding parties, which had the mysterious power of vanishing when the volunteers came in sight, and generally of car rying with them some property not their own. It was only by the organization of independent companies that it was possible to guard the settlements at a distance from headquarters, although detachments were stationed at cer tain points, as at Illinois valley, and at Hayes place in Deer-creek valley. After the massacre at the mouth of Rogue river, and the proclamation of the eleventh of March calling for minute men, John Creighton of Port Orford raised a company for this service, who gave a good account of themselves in the following report: In consequence of depredations committed by the Coquille Indians deserted from the Port Orford reservation, I called out my company of minute men for the purpose of chastising them, and to induce them to return to the reserve at this place. On the twenty- seventh of March I proceeded to the Coquille river, meeting some Indians on the route, who fired on us and fled. Upon reaching the mouth of that river, I found one tribe of Indians encamped there, and attacked them on the morning of the thirtieth, routing them with the loss on their part of fifteen men, all their canoes, arms, provisions, etc., and took thirty-two women and children prisoners. The latter I have sent to Port Orford, where they have been taken in charge by Mr. Olney, Indian agent at that place. Learning that there was a party of Indians near the forks of the river, I started the same day for that place, and succeeded in killing three men be longing to the " Jackson " tribe, also taking several prisoners, prin cipally squaws and children. Since then I have been in pursuit of others belonging to those tribes and a party of twenty-five from THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 395 Umpqua valley, who had been engaged in the difficulties there last fall. We have succeeded in taking some four or five Umpquas, and twenty Coquilles of Washington s tribe ; also twenty-three of the north fork Indians. The company has been in actual service from the twenty-sixth of March to the thirtieth day of April, both days included. I have also stationed guards at Coquille, Sixes, and Elk river ferries, according to request of S. S. Mann, quartermaster of this place. These men are still on duty. W. H. Harris of Coos bay was captain of a company, also raised immediately after the Gold Beach massacre, or about the twenty-eighth of February, and which was after wards " recognized" by the governor, and continued in the service under the new organization of recruits to the southern army. In his report to the adjutant-general, Harris wrote : On the first day of March I set out with twenty men of my com mand from Empire City to Port Orford, in view of forcing open a communication between these two places. Every citizen on the coast between Empire City and Port Orford had fled to one or the other of these places, leaving their homes and property unprotected. From best information I was advised that a party of Indians on the Coquille were then preparing to make a descent upon this helpless section, thus forsaken of its inhabitants, in view of seizing the un protected property of our citizens as the spoils of the enemy. After cooperating with the forces at Port Orford in such a way as would best prevent a catastrophe thus fatal, I returned with my command to Empire City, where I arrived on the tenth of March. Believing that a party of disaffected Umpquas were scouting between the waters of Coos and Coquille, in view of enlisting the Coos bay Indians, I set out from Empire City on the fourteenth of March with a detachment of twenty-one men. I proceeded with my command up Coos river, and thence southwardly to the north fork of the Coquille. At Burton prairie I saw the old camp of the Indians I was in search of, but they had taken the alarm some days previous, and had fled to the mountains. The exhausted state of my men and supplies would not admit of pursuit, and I returned with my command to Empire City on the twenty-fourth. On the twenty-fifth of March I sent a detachment of ten men to the upper Coquille to act in concert with Captain Creighton s com pany in view of securing the friendly Indians in that quarter to the charge and control of the Indian agent. This detachment was under command of Lieutenant Foley, whom I joined in person at the scene of action on the twenty -sixth. Having secured the pledge 396 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. of the friendly Indians in that quarter to submit to the agent, and remove at his instance to Port Orford, I returned with my com mand to Empire City on the first day of April. A portion of the Indians at the forks of the Coquille deserted their camps and fled to the mountains to avoid being removed by the agent ; and as was then believed, joined the disaffected TJmp- quas and Cow-creeks scouting upon the waters of the north fork. On the sixteenth of April I set out with a detachment of thirty men, with sufficient supplies for a thorough campaign in that quarter. Making headquarters at Burton s prairie, I sent an ex press to Mr. Seth Lount of Port Orford (then at Coquille, and acting in the service of the Indian agent at Port Orford ), in view of securing the removal of the Indians, with information that I was proceeding against the disaffected Indians ( Coquilles and others ), in the mountains. He sent a friendly Indian with the news that " the Coquilles had better come in, or they would be killed." On the receipt of this information the Coquilles came in, and the others removed their encampment and fled. Finding that the Indians were on the alert, and circumstances being unfavorable to any further pursuit, I returned with my command to Empire City on the twenty-seventh of April. Learning that the agent was on his way with the Coquille In dians to Port Orford, and fearing that his forces might not be suffi cient to prevent a possible effort to escape on part of the Indians at the mouth of the Coquille, I detached, on the twenty-eighth of April, ten men to the aid of that undertaking, which detachment returned to quarters the eighth of May. Having received informa tion from the Coos bay Indians that a number of the Coquille In dians had stolen away from the reserve at Port Orford, and were hidden near Coos bay, I sent, April twenty-eight, under command of Lieutenant Foley, a detachment of twelve men with instructions of reduce the fugitives to obedience. The lieutenant with his com mand succeeded in capturing the squad, which consisted of eight men, six women, and three children, which where secured to the proper authorities and forwarded to Port Orford, May second. Meanwhile, I have furnished numerous escorts necessary for the protection of the quartermaster and commissary s stores, with their trains and other means of transportation from the Umpqua to this place, and also from Eugene City to Port Orford. The state of Indian affairs in this section of the coast country is by no means of a settled nature. The Coos bay Indians have here tofore acted in the most trustworthy manner. But the effort of the agent in the removal to the mouth of the Umpqua is attended with dissatisfaction on part of a large proportion of their number. They understood, in their treaty with General Palmer, that they would be permitted to remain on the bay for two years after the time of treating before their removal. A part of the Indians have consented THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 397 to go and are gone, while the residue yet remain, and it is likely that difficulties may yet arise. Although I have not accomplished with my command as much yet as I could have desired, you will nevertheless see from my re port that I have by no means been idle. It would have been my pride, if circumstances had afforded me the opportunity, of render ing greater service to my country, but I must remain content with the conviction that I have done the best I could considering the cir cumstances which have attended niy command. I must say, in conclusion, that it has been my aim to induce as much discipline in my ranks as my ability afforded; and it is with pleasure that I can speak in terms of high commendation both of the officers and privates of my command. My company consists of forty -five men, rank and file. According to Captain W. A. Wilkinson s report for April, and a part of May, he was employed during most of this time in escort duty between Camp Vannoy, Fort Leland, Camp Hayes, and Camp Wagoner, and in the spy service; also in escorting government pack trains from Crescent City mountain to Camp Yannoy. Captain James Barnes spy company were in the field performing their dangerous duty from the twenty-sixth of February to the close of the campaign. Thus every company of from thirty-five to sixty men constituted a detached and often an independent com mand, which, while obeying orders in a general way, was forced to take the responsibility of conducting the war, wherever the enemy were found, upon its own best judgment, often for weeks at a time. On the eleventh of April, Colonel Kelsey joined a de tachment of Captain Robertson s company, and with Barnes spy company and a detachment from Captain Wallen s company, set out from Fort Leland, down Grave creek, in search of the enemy, taking four days pro visions, packed on mules. The following is a part of Kelsey s report: I accompanied the command in person. Camped that evening about five miles below here (Fort Leland). Next morning took the line of march over the creek, and camped on the night of the 398 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. twelfth on the east side of Mount Reuben. Some Indian signs dis covered during the day. The company moved over Whisky creek and camped that night on Mount Wilkinson. More Indian signs discovered during the day. Captain Barnes, with a portion of his spies, together with one man of Captain Robertson s detachment, set out after supper over the mountain for the purpose of examining the meadows and the bar on Rogue river for the Indians. Soon after dark it commenced raining and snowing, and by the morning of the fourteenth the snow was four inches deep on the mountain where the spies were, and a dense fog hung on the meadows and the bar. The snow continued to fall on the mountain ; so much so that Captain Barnes considered it at that time not practicable to attempt to reconnoiter the meadows and bar, and returned to camp about nine o clock A. M. Captain Barnes and myself were still anxious that the meadows and bar should be examined, and with eight of his spies and two of Captain Robertson s company, I set out down Rogue river to the meadows. At the same time I ordered the remainder of the company back across Whisky creek, and we proceeded down the river across the base of Mount Wilkinson, about six miles to a high point that ran down to the river bank and overlooked the whole country down to near the meadows, the meadows being obscured from view by another point of the moun tain also running down to near the meadows. The party now being very much fatigued from the hard travel over a rough country, Captain Barnes suggested the propriety of his taking four men and going forward, and examining the bar and meadows. I remained behind with the six men, and watched his movements, so that in the event of the enemy discovering his movements and attempting to cut him off, I could bring the men left with me to their assist ance. As soon as Captain Barnes came out on the high ground a signal gun was fired on the other side of the river near the bar. It was now late in the morning, and frequently a storm of snow swept by them ; and finding that they were discovered, he, with his men, returned to me, when, being out of provisions, we abandoned the examination in that quarter and returned to camp. We made the hardest marches in this expedition of any I have been in since I joined the army. As late as the fifteenth of April the weather was still cold, with rain and snowfalls of considerable depth on the mountains. But Lainerick and Kelsey had determined upon concentrating the regiment at or near the main camp of the Indians at Big Meadows, apd attacking them in force. The murder and mutilation of McDonald Hark- ness, about the twenty-fifth, two miles from the meadows, THE ROGUE EIVER WAES. 399 furnished fresh incentive to the volunteers in that neigh borhood to strike back. The time seemed propitious, for the Indians, so continuously harrassed by them, had begun to show signs of weakness, some of the poorer bands being not unwillingly taken prisoners and sent to Fort Lane, where they were fed and protected. On the sixteenth, Lieu tenant -Colonel Chapman and Major Bruce moved with the entire southern battalion down the south side of Rogue river towards the meadows; the northern battalion passing down the north side entire, with the exception of Captain Thomas W. Prather s spy company, provisioned for thirty days; with Colonel Kel- sey and Brigadier-General Lamerick in the field, Lamerick having declared to the governor his intention to stay with the enemy until they were subdued or starved out. On encamping at Little Meadows on the twenty-first the picket guard was fired upon. A force of forty men, ten each from the companies of Noland, Sheffield, Robertson, and Wallen, was ordered out to engage the Indians, who, however, fled before them down a deep canon, under cover of the thick underbrush, and were soon beyond reach. Captain Barnes then went out with twenty-five picked men to reconnoiter, and found that the Indians were encamped in considerable numbers on a bar on the south side of the river between Little and Big Meadows. The effective force in the camp of the northern battalion numbered two hundred and ten men. With a detach ment of fifty men, Colonel Kelsey made a reconnoissance on the morning of the twenty-second, having to cross a deep canon and ascend a high mountain densely timbered with fir and underwood, but having near the summit a small prairie, near which he halted his command and sent forward spies. They immediately returned with the in formation that the enemy s camp was in plain view from the prairie. Kelsey then moved forward to ascertain whether or not the Indians were fortified, and was fired on while taking observations. He drew up his men in order 400 INDIAN WAILS OF OREGON. of battle, but after a few shots exchanged, the Indians suddenly disappeared. A few moments later, however, the pickets reported the Indians crossing the river in strength, and it was thought prudent to retreat to camp. On the following day Barnes, with his spy company, was unable to discover anything further of importance. On the same day the southern battalion arrived in camp, its available force being three hundred and thirty-five men, swelling the army to five hundred and forty-five men fit for duty. Colonel Kelsey on the twenty-fourth, assisted by Major Latshaw, led one hundred and fifty men of the northern battalion towards the enemy, using a detachment of fifty as a decoy to draw him into an engagement, when he was fired on. At the same time, Major Bruce assisted by Ad jutant J. M. Cranmer, led an equal number of the southern battalion down to the Big Meadows to make a reconnois- sance of that favorite position of the Indians, but found none there as expected ; nor were the volunteers able to discover them that day. Again, on the twenty-fifth, tweiit} r -five men from the northern battalion were sent to take a position on the high ground northwest of camp, to note whether the enemy passed up into the mountains to the west, and to discover, if possible, what he was doing. At the same time, twenty- five men from the southern battalion took a station on high ground southeast of camp, to observe the enemy s movements during the day. Nothing was discovered be yond what was known, that the Indians numbered several hundred men, women, and children. About sundown on the twenty-sixth, the picket guard observed Indians firing on some cattle belonging to the regiment, which had strayed three-quarters of a mile from camp, when Colonel Kelsey with one hundred men, imme diately pursued them, they fleeing before him. It looked, indeed, as if they could not be brought to battle, so easily did they elude pursuit, and so difficult of access was their encampment. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 401 On the twenty-seventh, however, Kelsey and Latshaw took out another detachment of one hundred men from the northern battalion; twenty-five of Captain Wallen s company, under his command ; twenty-five from Robert son s company, under Lieutenant Phillips; and the same number each from Sheffield s and Noland s companies, under their proper commanders. The sortie was made before daylight in order to take possession of a deep canon a mile west of the Indian camp, if possible, undiscovered, and to bring on a battle by annoying the enemy from this position, and decoying him into attacking on the east (the river here running north for some distance ) side of the river, which the spies had discovered to be well guarded and dangerous to cross for several miles above and below. Besides the hazard of crossing, the steep and rocky hills on the west side left no room for the passage of troops. Major Bruce and Adjutant Cranmer led forth another detachment of one hundred and fifty men, from the south ern battalion, and took a position on the elevated prairie before mentioned, in order to be in the way of a retreat should the Indians attempt it. This movement was also made before daylight. With the coming of day a heavy fog arose which concealed either of these forces from the view of the enemy, enabling Kelsey to pass the only ex posed point on his route without discovery; but which cleared away suddenly soon after he had made the passage, leaving the river in full view. Contrary to expectation no Indians were found in the canon; and in accordance with the determination of the colonel in command, with the concurrence of the major, and the volunteers, who were anxious to get at the enemy they had pursued so toilsomely for months, this detach ment made but a short pause, but proceeded another mile and a half, under cover of fir aud oak timber, to a ridge running down to the river, and sparsely covered with trees, immediately opposite the bar on which the Indians were encamped. 26 402 INDIAN WARS OF OBEGON. When the Indians discovered the troops they were within three hundred yards of their camp, with the river between them. Instead of showing a disposition to fight, the Indians were thrown into confusion. Many had not yet come out of their wickiups. The women and children were running hither and thither, in alarm. To escape the heavy fire of the volunteers, these hid themselves in the timber in the rear of their camp; while a portion of their fighting force stationed themselves behind rocks and trees and fought in defense of their camp; and another portion took to the cover of the trees lining the river out of range of the volunteers guns, to watch .the movements of the attacking party. So interested were they in these, that they failed to discover Major Bruce s detachment which had hastened to support Kelsey, until Captain George s company had de livered a fire into their midst. Bruce was then stationed on Kelsey s left, and firing was kept up all day, with the result of a very considerable loss to the Indians. Ap parently, nothing saved them from a total rout but the river; and on the other hand the river cut off their re treat. The loss to the volunteers in this engagement was one man wounded in Wilkinson s company Elias D. Mercer. That night the regiment encamped at the Big Meadows. The following morning Colonel Kelsey and Major Lat- shaw took one hundred and fifty men and two canvas- boats two miles below the battle ground to look for a crossing of the river, with the design of scouring the mountains in the vicinity of the enemy s camp ; while Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman with an equal force took up the position occupied the previous day, to prevent the es cape of the Indians, as well as to divert their attention from the movement below. When the colonel s command reached the river, how ever, he found that his purpose had been divined, and the Indians were stationed in the thick timber ready to receive THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 403 him. He could only fire on them across the river, while they were sheltered by trees; and after three hours of am munition wasted, the volunteers returned to camp, with one man wounded of Sheffield s company John Henry Clifton. The Indian loss, so far as known, was two killed. On the twenty-ninth of April, the wounded having been sent to Camas valley under a heavy escort, and the Indians having abandoned their position on the opposite side of the river, the regiment crossed over and occupied it, find ing seventy-five deserted camp fires, indicating a large number of occupants. This was, indeed, the refuge to which, during the winter, the predatory savages had escaped after their successful raids into the settlements and their robberies of pack trains. Here were found the bones of numerous oxen slain, and the remains of hun dreds of broken packages of provisions and ammunition. The Indians had fared better than the volunteers, many of whom were at that moment almost barefoot, with only a blanket betwixt them and the weather, which still con tinued stormy and cold. As the spies reported the Indians gone down the river, and as provisions were growing scarce in camp, with no prospect of improvement in the weather, Colonel Kelsey, so reporting, was ordered back to Fort Leland. It was decided, however, to erect a fort at the meadows, and a site was selected May first by Majors Bruce, Latshaw, and Hoxie, and the companies of Captains Wilkinson, Keith, Williams, and Blakesley were detailed to remain at the meadows under Major Bruce to construct it, which fortifi cation was known as Fort Lamerick. The companies of Sheffield and Noland were ordered to Roseburg, via Camas prairie, under Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman, while Robert son, Miller, O Neil, Wallen, and Alcorn accompanied the colonel to Fort Leland. It will be observed that during the month occupied by these events, the volunteers had received no aid from the 404 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. regular army. "I have good reason to believe," wrote Lamerick to the governor, " that General Wool has issued orders to the United States troops not to cooperate with the volunteers. But," he added, "the officers of Fort Lane told me they would, whenever they met me, most cordially cooperate with any volunteers under my command." Captain Smith of Fort Lane had been directed to make a junction with Colonel Buchanan s force at Port Orford, whence the united forces were to repair to the mouth of the Illinois river to meet Superintendent Palmer and the Indians of the Rogue-river valley, with whom a council would be held. The time seemed propitious for making propositions of peace, and the superintendent, who had all the Indians of Oregon, and some of those of Washington, on his hands in a state of insurrection, was anxious to get these troubles settled for the good of all concerned, him self included, for if he could not control his wards some one else would be found who could be induced to under take it. In the contention between the adherents of General Wool and the governors of Oregon and Washington as to the best methods of restoring peace, Palmer had adopted the views of the regular army that the volunteer service kept up the irritation, and prevented a peace which was desired by the Indians. That the Indian leaders did not desire a peace, except on their own terms the absolute possession of the country he did not believe. But the volunteers had many times called out to them to come and have a peace talk, which advances had invariably been met with scoffs and taunts anything but indicatory of a disposition to yield. And so the fighting went on ; because the volunteers believed in preventing robberies and massacres instead of chastising, in a half-hearted way, the perpetrators after the crimes had been committed. But now the United States authorities were making ready to try the effect of their policy in bringing about the settle ment of the Indian question in Oregon. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 405 Captain Smith moved with his eighty troopers from Fort Lane about the thirteenth of April, a few days before the volunteers marched to their destination at the meadows. At the crossing of Rogue river, which was effected on a raft, he found a camp of Indians, which he attacked and de stroyed. Traveling through the mountains in rain and snow was exceedingly trying to dragoons, whose horses often were unable to carry them up the sharp and slippery ascents, compelling them to climb on foot. Wrote one of them: "We suffered much on the march. There was a thick fog on the mountains, and the guide could not make out the trail. We were seven days straying about, while it rained the whole time. Our provisions ran out before the weather cleared and we arrived at Port Orford." The experience was at least useful as showing what the volun teers had endured ever since October. When Colonel Buchanan first arrived at the mouth of Rogue river, some of his younger officers and the soldiers plunged boldly into the forest in pursuit of the fleeing savages, but finding the scrambling over hillocks and through underbrush fatiguing, and the sting of arrows annoying, had been glad afterwards to leave such work to those who chose to perform it; while their chief spent about a month in the effort to induce the Indians in that region to go upon their reservations, without success. After occupying a defensive attitude for this period of time v on the twenty-sixth of April, Buchanan sent Lieutenant Ord, with one hundred and twelve men, to destroy a vil lage of the Mackanotins, eleven miles above Whaleshead, and to force them upon the reservation, which was accom plished with some fighting and loss of one soldier. But there was plenty of fighting yet to be done in other quarters, as appeared when Ord with sixty men, on his way to Crescent City to escort a large train with army stores to the mouth of Rogue river on the twenty-ninth, was attacked at the Chetcoe river by about an equal number of Indians, losing in the skirmish one man killed 406 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. and three wounded. The Indians were repulsed with a loss of six killed, and were driven from the field. On other occasions the same hostility was manifested, and there seemed little hope for peace, without first conquering the Indians. The volunteers had at no time ceased operations, their intention being to force the Indians upon the regulars, who would deal with them according to the laws of civil ized warfare. Captains Harris, Creighton, and Bledsoe continually scouted in the mountains and along the streams, giving the coast tribes no rest. Lieutenant Ab bott surprised a party of Coquilles on that river in two eanoes, and killed twelve, including one woman. Twice had the Coquilles agreed to go and remain on their reser vation, and twice ran away before they could be disposed of. It seemed as if extermination was to be their fate, for in no other way could they be subdued. Emissaries from chief John of the Rogue-rivers, and Enos, his half-breed ally, continually alarmed and agitated the fickle and ig norant creatures, who acted without knowledge or reason, and were governed by fear, first of one and then another calamity; the worst of all being that of having to leave the country where they were born. Early in May, Buchanan moved the whole force of reg ulars to Oak Flat, near the mouth of Illinois river. Among the Indians who had surrendered or been taken prisoners, these last being chiefly women and children, were some who could be used as messengers to the various bands, to urge them to meet him and the superintendent, to hold a council with a view to establishing peace. After consider able of this sort of correspondence, the chiefs finally came together on the twenty-first of May at the place appointed, no restraint being put upon them, John of Scott valley, and his son; Rogue-river George; Limpy, and other chiefs both of the Rogue river and Cow creek bands, to listen to what the agents of the United States had to say which they might be pleased to accept. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 407 The council was not a friendly one, notwithstanding every effort had been made by the white chiefs to have it appear so. It was evident that if the Indians surrendered it would only be because they were weary of the present state of warfare, and wanted time to recuperate, not that they were convinced that it was for their good or even that they might not eventually conquer. "You are a great chief," said John to Colonel Buchanan. "So am I. This is my country; I was in it when those large trees were very small, not higher than my head. My heart is sick with fighting, but I want to live in my country. If the white people are willing, I will go back to Deer creek and live among them as I used to do. They can visit my camp, and I will visit theirs; but I will not lay down my arms and go with you on the reserve. I will fight. Good-by." Whereupon he took his departure un restrained, as had been agreed upon. The other chiefs, however, after much argument, con sented to give up their arms on the twenty-sixth near the meadows, and allowed themselves to be escorted, a part by Captain Smith to the coast reservation, by the way of Fort Lane, and the remainder to be escorted by other military officers to Port Orford, thence to be conveyed by sea to the reservation. One of the arguments which Captain Smith had felt himself forced to use, was that of the hangman s rope should any of them be taken with arms in their hands roaming about the country. On the twenty-sixth, as agreed upon, Smith was at the rendezvous with his eighty dragoons to receive them. That they failed to appear on that day did not give him any uneasiness, the day being a stormy one and the moun tain trails slippery. But during the evening he received a visit from two Indian women, who brought him the in telligence that he might expect an attack from John on the following day. He now understood the failure of the Indians to keep their appointment, and hastened to change his camp from the low ground to higher, and to dispatch 408 JNDTAN WARS OF OREGON. a courier to Colonel Buchanan, with a request for reen- forcements, as John had sent word he would fight him. The position to which Smith removed his camp was an elevation, oblong in shape, between two small streams entering the river from the northwest, and with an open surface of about two hundred and fifty by fifty yards. The south side was difficult of ascent, the north side still more abrupt, the west barely approachable, while on the east the ground sloped gently. Directly north of this mound was a similar one, covered with trees, and within rifle range. Between the first knoll and the river was a narrow strip of bottom land, which was known as "The Meadows." The night of the twenty-sixth was a fatiguing one to the soldiers, who were occupied, without sleep, in moving camp and preparing for battle. Early on the twenty- seventh, the Indians appeared in considerable force on the north knoll, and directly forty warriors approached up the eastern slope to Smith s camp, declaring that they had come to lay down their arms, and asking to see the com mandant in person; but Smith knew enough of their plans to avoid being seized by them, simply directing them to deposit their arms at a spot outside the camp. Foiled in their design, the party retired, casting frowning looks towards the howitzer, which was so planted as to command the approach from the east. A detachment of infantry, under Lieutenant Sweitzer, was guarding the western approach, while the dragoons were stationed along the front and rear. All this was observed and understood by the forty warriors, and could be seen from the north knoll as well. Finding Smith prepared to fight, and that they would not be allowed in camp with arms in their hands, the Indians attacked about ten o clock, charging up the east and west slopes at once, being repelled by the howitzer on one side and by rifles on the other, when they sought the cover of the trees on the north mound. Successive charges THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 409 were made during the day, chief John thundering forth his orders in the voice of a stentor, and so clearly that they were understood in Smith s camp. Not being able to come up by the east slope on account of the howitzer, nor the west on account of the riflemen, the Indians made continued attempts to get into camp by escalade at the more precipitous sides, keeping the dragoons busy to prevent it, the}^ being, too, at a disadvantage on account of the inferiority of their musketoons to the rifles of the Indians. A number of the attacking party rolled back to the bottom of the cliff, to annoy dragoons no more. Rifle balls from the north mound compelled the soldiers to use the dead bodies of horses as barricades; but no entrance to camp was effected. Thus passed the long day of the twenty-sixth. The night was spent in digging, without the proper implements, rifle pits, arid erecting breastworks. This was the second night the command had passed with out sleep, food, or water. On the twenty -eighth, the Indians renewed the attack. To fatigue was now added the torture of thirst, it being impossible to reach water without imperiling the com mand. The wounded and the able men were alike suf fering, a circumstance observed by the Indians with the highest satisfaction, who called out frequently, "Mika hias ticka chuck?" (You very much want water?) " Ticket, chuck?" (Want water?) "Halo chuck, Boston!" (No water, white man!) To this taunt, they added another (referring to Captain Smith s threat at the council ground of hanging all Indians found roaming with arms in their hands), that they had ropes for every trooper, the soldiers not being- worth the ammunition it would cost to shoot them; and occasionally a rope was dangled over the breastworks with the invitation to Captain Smith to hang himself, 3 delivered 3 Captain Smith had told John at the council ground in answer to his defiant utter ances : " We will catch and hang you, sir ; but if you go on the reservation, you can live in peace. Do you see those wagons, blankets, clothes, horses? You will have everything good, plenty to eat, peace. If you do not come, do you see that rope, sir?" So, John, when he had the captain at a disadvantage, retaliated: "Hello, 410 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. in fairly good English. Offensive epithets were continu ally applied to the soldiers; for Indians, like Homer s heroes, fight with the sword of the spirit, which is the tongue, of course, as valiantly as with their arms. They boasted that the soldiers and all their possessions would soon fall into their hands. Such was their daring, that they crawled up to the barricades and with hooked poles drew away the soldiers blankets, who ventured not to defend them. By four o clock of the second day, a third of Smith s command was killed or wounded, and yet no help had came from Colonel Buchanan s camp. For some time the firing had ceased on both sides, and the only sounds heard in camp were the groans of the wounded and their cries for water. About sundown the Indians held a council, and planned to charge upon the white camp with their whole force. It was an hour never to be forgotten a silent and awful hour, in the expectation of speedy and cruel death. 4 Presently, as by the baton of a concert leader, an infer nal chorus burst forth the war-cries of each band in John s host joining in one blood-curdling burst of fury, and the rush was made up the east and west approaches. To their surprise, the soldiers received them with cheers, and returned the charge. The sight which inspired the cheers and the charge had escaped the eyes of the Indians, intent on the work before them. It was Captain Augur with seventy-five men of company G, fourth infantry, who was approaching through a ravine, and which charged the Indians in the rear, as Smith met them in front. The en gagement lasted no longer than fifteen minutes, when the Indians fled to the adjoining hills, taking with them their dead and wounded. Augur lost five men, whose bodies Captain Smith ! You go on the reservation ? Hiyu chick chick ( a great many wagons, good traveling); hiyu icta(mauy things); hiyu muck-a-muck (plenty to eat); hiyu clotftes ( plenty to wear ) ; wake clatawa reservation ( if you do not go to the reservation ) ; take lope Captain Smith ; do you see this lope, Captain Smith ? " Graver s Public Lift, MS. 49. * Letter of a soldier. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 411 were found next day, stripped naked and hung to trees, with their eyes picked out, and otherwise fearfully muti lated. In one part of the field was found a pile of ropes made of green bark of trees, with which John expected to have hnng all Smith s command. The flight of the Indians when they had so great an advantage both of position and numbers, is to be attrib uted to alarm, lest a still larger force should be coming up, or to the fickle nature of the savage, or to both to gether. Chief John was a bolder, firmer, and stronger man mentally than any chief west of the Cascade moun tains. When dressed in civilized costume, he presented an appearance not very different from that of many a hard working farmer of Pennsylvania or Ohio of fifty years of age. His features were marked by that expression of grief, which is a common characteristic of savage coun tenances after youth is past, intensified in his case, no doubt, by disappointment at the. result of the war. In strong contrast to him was his son, who possessed no in dications of strength of any sort, and who had a lumpish, stolid face, devoid of any expression. Yet like his father, or in imitation of him, he on occasions displayed a desper ate courage worthy of the admiration of the United States military officers. Indians generally, however, after a valor ous onset, run away on the first sign of a turn in affairs favoring the enemy. In the time occupied by the movements of the regulars, the volunteers had not been idle. Some companies whose time had expired were marched to Roseburg and dis charged, their places being taken by companies of second recruits, by order of the brigadier-general. Other com panies were still serving out the time of their enlistment, and even exceeding it. Captain Wallen s report shows that his company marched to Fort Lamerick at the meadows and back to Fort Leland, returning to the mead ows, leaving a detachment as escort on the road from 412 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Canonville to Rogue river. The company returned from the meadows to Roseburg via Camas valley, sending a de tachment under Lieutenant McClure back to the meadows, and marching to quarters at Fort Smith on Cow creek, where it arrived by the end of the month. Captain Keith had been ordered to meet Captain Smith on Rogue river near the meadows, but being ill, requested Wallen, whose time of enlistment had expired, to go in his stead. The company commanded by him had not been discharged, yet was under no obligation to obey orders. On calling their attention to the situation, and asking for volunteers from his own and other companies similarly placed, one hundred and forty-five men were found who would join him, only sixty-eight of whom were accepted, the commissary stores being low, the re mainder promising to follow as soon as provisioned. On the twenty-seventh, the day that Smith was attacked, Wallen s command came upon an encampment of the hostiles, which fled before them without firing a gun, and which proved to be composed of the bands of Limpy and George, and some Galice-creek Indians, showing that they were not in the fight with the regulars. A few Indian women and children were captured on this occasion. Two days later, on the twenty-ninth, the command was surprised while resting under some trees at the noon halt by some of John s band retreating from the battlefield, and H. C. Huston of Kieth s company, wounded. An en gagement then took place in which the Indians were routed, and many fled down the river towards Buchanan s camp, where they eventually surrendered themselves, being driven to it by the volunteers. The day following this skirmish, Daniel Cooley of Wal len s company, was fired on and wounded while looking- for his revolver lost in the battle. Proceeding on down towards the meadows, the volunteers picked up many bands of John s now scattered army. At Smith s camp they found Superintendent Palmer, who had arrived to THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 413 take part in the expected surrender to the United States officers. His messengers had been sent into the mountains to collect the fugitives which the volunteers were guard ing, and now offered him, to the number of several hundred. Instead of coming in as invited, John sent the volun teers a challenge to engage in battle with them, which was the more cheerfully accepted as the hundred men left be hind at Fort Smith had come up. At the hour appointed by John for the contest, the Indian warriors issued from the cover of the woods in two lines, advancing directly towards the volunteers until within one hundred and fifty yards of their lines, when they halted, and at the word of command from the chief, fired a voile} 7 , which, being aimed too high, whistled harmlessly over the heads of the white men, who returned the fire with a more sure aim and deadlier result.. The Indians front line then took to flight. The second line stood until several volleys had been fired, when panic seized them and they also retreated. In vain the iron chief commanded in thunder tones; they paid no heed to him, but ran until beyond the reach of the guns of their white conquerors, when they squatted on the ground in a circle, in the hot sunshine, and wailed piteously for two hours in sorrow for a young chief who had been killed, and over their own misfortunes. Once more John endeavored to rally them, but the heart had gone out of them. It was the old pathetic story, " By the waters of Babylon they sat down and wept." After a few hours spent in this manner, John sent word by a woman to Captain Smith that he wished to surrender if his people could be allowed to retain their guns. The proposal was refused. He then sent his son to ask leave to retain half their guns, which was also refused. Another proposition to keep one-third of their arms was in like manner negatived, and the Indians ordered to stack their arms against a rock, or return with them and fight. John 414 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. himself at last came to entreat permission for his people to keep some arms, and when lie was denied walked away with a malediction on the hard turn-turn (heart) of the white conqueror. Towards night forty warriors laid their guns against the rock, and small squads kept coming in until darkness set tled down over the camp, when, to prevent any treacherous movement, they were ordered to remain without camp, at the peril of their lives, during the night. When morning came the surrender was completed, John coming in last. He set his gun against the rock, then suddenly grasped it, but before he could raise it to his shoulder fifty rifles were alined at his heart. He again relinquished it, and sul lenly, with a defiant manner, took his place among the prisoners. 5 At the final settlement, however, of the terms of surrender, it was agreed that neither he nor any of his people should suffer any punishment for acts committed by them, nor be compelled to surrender any of the prop erty captured by them during the war. As soon as his wounded could be moved, Smith set off by easy marches for the mouth of the river, embarrassed by the number of his prisoners, which more than doubled that of the regulars and volunteers. Some fears were ex pressed that the Indians, even without guns, and only armed with stones, might make an attack on numbers so inferior; but no outbreak occurred on the passage. On arriving at the mouth of Rogue river it was found that a band of renegades from the coast tribes were about attacking the camp of the miners at Gold Beach, which again furnished work for the troops, who together killed about forty of them before capturing the remainder. As the regular camp moved from Rogue river to Port Orford, it gathered up the Pistol-river and Chetco Indians, the month of June being spent in this movement, which ended at Port Orford, July second. On the ninth, about 5 This account of the surrender of John s band was given by Captain Wallen, who was present. It agrees substantially with other accounts given at the time. THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 415 seven hundred, not including John s people, were placed on board a vessel in charge of Captain Smith, to be taken to Portland, and thence to the northern end of the coast reservation in Polk county. Four hundred others, with whom went John s band, and the Pistol-river and Chetco bands, were sent to the southern end of the reservation ma the valley of the Coquille and Roseburg, at which place Captain Smith met them with his command as escort. The removal of the Indians was not accomplished with out much difficulty, the coast tribes being especially troublesome, and escaping in parties of twos, threes, or half dozens. At the reservation affairs did not move smoothly. It was for the most part a rugged and heavily timbered country, bounded by mountains on one side and by the sea on the other. The Indians complained that the forest did not afford game. The houses hastily erected were uninviting. The shops, mills, farming machinery, and other beneficent gifts promised by the terms of the several treaties, were absent. The climate, though health ful, was rude compared to the warm southern airs of the Rogue-river country. Even the commissary department was a failure, because congress delayed making appropria tions, and the agents having to purchase on credit, were forced by that circumstance, and the long distance over which freight had to be hauled, to accept as flour the sweepings of the mill in the Wallamet, or at the best shorts ground over, 6 which the contractors thought good enough for Indians. It might here be said that during the Cayuse war, sim ilar frauds were practiced upon the provisional govern ment, and by the same mill at Oregon City. 7 When good flour sold at Portland for eight dollars a barrel, the con tractor who furnished the reservation charged the govern ment twenty dollars a barrel for shorts, delivered at the 6 Report of Ross Browne in United States executive documents, 39, p. 42, thirty-fifth congress, first session, volume IX. 7 Owned in 1856 by George Aberuethy and Robert Pentlaud ; in 1846-7 by Abernethy and associates. 416 INDIAN WARM OF OREGON. agency. The quarterly expenses of the Siletz reservation, which the Indians found so undesirable, were over one hundred thousand dollars, a large part of which sum was expended in improvements. The agent, R. B. Metcalf, found his pay to be so meager as to offer no inducement for him to remain ; though he did remain, and come out at the end of four years with forty thousand dollars. These apparent abuses were known by and complained of among the Indians before they came to the ears of the people. The superintendent was powerless to prevent it, und finally resigned before congress had made good the obligations entered into between him and the Indians, a new superintendent, A. F. Hedges, being appointed in his place. This was also a source of disquiet among the In dians, who had looked upon Palmer as the representative of a powerful government, whose office was permanent like that of one of their own chiefs. Hedges remained in office but a few months, when he also resigned, and J. W. Nesmith was appointed. The constant cry of the Indians from the first was that they were homesick, and longed to return to their native country. Rogue-river Sam and others complained that they had been deceived in the matter of their land in southern Oregon; that by the treaty of 1853 the Table Rock reservation had not been sold to the government, but that they had been driven away from it by the war; iind that Captain Smith, Superintendent Palmer, and the agents, had promised them they should return to it when the war was ended. Then why were they not permitted to go back, now that there was no more war? They did not like the country they were in; it was cold, sickly, and destitute of game. They might as well be killed as die of disease on the reservation. They even suspected the agent of attempting to kill them by poison, such was the effect of the food furnished them, added to other causes of disease, namely, venereal infection, change of climate, indolence, and over-eating. THE ROGUE EIVER WARS 417 After a hospital was erected for them, they would not re main in it more than two or three days, but would return to their huts, and having nothing else to do, gamble away the clothing furnished them, take cold, and die. What ever the causes, out of the six hundred Rogue-river and Cow-creek Indians taken to the Siletz reservation in 1856, there remained in 1857 but three hundred and eighty-five. John said to Ross Browne, appointed by the government in 1857 to examine into the affairs of the Indian reserva tions : " For my own part my heart is sick. Many of my people have died since they came here; many are still dying. There will soon be none left of us. Here the mountains are covered with great forests; it is hard to get through them. We have no game; we are sick at heart; we are sad when we look on the graves of our families. A long time ago we made a treaty with Palmer. There was a piece of land at Table Rock that was ours. He said it should remain ours, but that for the sake of peace, as the white settlers were bad, we should leave it for a while. When we signed the paper that was our understanding. We now want to go back to our country. During the war my heart was bad. Last winter, when the rain came and we were all starving, it was still bad. Now it is good. I will consent to live here one year more; after that I must go home." John was quite in earnest in his determination to return to Table Rock, and by his incendiary councils kept up a spirit of unrest and rebellion among the chiefs, which caused the military authorities to send him and his son to San Francisco to be confined in Fort Alcatraz. When the steamship Columbia, which carried them, was off Hum- boldt bay, they made an attempt to take the vessel that they might escape to their beloved country. The sergeant, in whose charge they were, being asleep in his berth, about one o clock at night they attempted to take the revolver with which he was armed, but awoke him in the act. In the struggle which ensued, the chief throttling 27 418 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. the sergeant and his son endeavoring to disarm him, John forgot his prudence and gave the terrifying war-whoop, which startled every soul on board, and brought officers and passengers to the scene. A fight for liberty followed, in which a couple of passengers were wounded, and in which the young chief received an injury which caused him to lose a leg. After a residence of several years at Alcatraz, John was pardoned and allowed to return to the reservation, where, as he expressed it, he " could see again his wife and daughters, who would tend upon him and comb his hair." The military establishments which were erected to guard and control the Indians subsequent to their removal to the reservation, were Fort Sheridan at the Grand Rond reser vation in Yamhill county, which was abandoned in a few years, or as soon as the Indians on this reserve could be removed to the Siletz; a blockhouse at the Siletz agency where a "corporal s guard" was stationed; Fort Hoskins in King s valley, Benton county, thirty miles from the agency, where a full company was stationed, and Fort Umpqua, at the mouth of Urnpqua river, where it was placed to intercept fugitives escaping from the reservation, as well as to look after some still uncaptured bands, whose depredations upon settlers and wars among themselves were disquieting to the white inhabitants. At the latter post were stationed at different times Major Scott and Lieutenants Loraine, Piper, and Harding, the latter be coming a general in the civil war. The post at Port Orford was maintained for a year or two. As late as March, 1858, the miners and settlers at and near the mouth of Rouge river petitioned Governor Curry to " recognize" a company of Gold Beach guards, consisting of nineteen men under the command of Elisha H. Meservey, which company was formed to protect the white inhabitants from murder, arson, and robbery crimes being committed by the several small mountain THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 419 tribes remaining at large. This company received the approbation of the governor, serving until July. In the meantime, the Indian superintendent was com pelled to call upon the military department for aid, and Lieutenant Ihrie, with special agent William Tichenor of Port Orford, finally succeeded in collecting and forcing upon the reservation these roving savages. On the march of Lieutenant Ihrie s supply train from Pistol river, where he was encamped, to Crescent City for provisions, the escort was attacked and one soldier and ten animals . killed. Tichenor, with a considerable number of prisoners, was waiting for an escort to the reservation; but Ihrie being unable to furnish it, and the Indians being very restless, set out with a small party to conduct them out of the dangerous vicinity. Above Rogue river the prisoners at tempted an escape, and, in the struggle for the mastery, fifteen of them were killed. In his report to the superintendent, Tichenor says : " They had eight days previously come off the war path, having killed the remainder of the Sebanty band. They stated the facts to me, telling me how they killed two little boys of the band by throwing them into the river; describing their struggling for life in the water, and how they beat them under with stones. They were the most desperate and murderous of all the Indians on the coast. As they never intended to surrender or go on the reservation fifteen of them were killed and two wounded. * * * Ten men and twenty-five women and children yet remain in that country, and I am ready to make further efforts to capture them, or induce them to go on the reservation should you again desire my services." On the second of July, 1858, Captain Meservey of the Gold Beach volunteers wrote to adjutant-general of Oregon: "The last of the red men have been captured and shot, only women and children spared, and they are en route for the reserve. All further apprehension of danger is at an end, and this portion of Oregon will rest in Iranquility." 420 INDIAN WARS OF ORE GO ft. Thus ended the Indian wars in this quarter of Oregon. They were unavoidable. They laid waste the homes of white and red men alike; but the white race was com pelled to make good its own and its enemy s losses, and while it ploughed and planted and built, the Indians were fed, nursed, and taught, so far as they would be. When a large proportion had died off, who were unfit to live, the remainder began a new growth and increase in numbers. The children born on the reservation know no other home, and even their elders are at length content, living a half civilized life, which, compared with their former nomadic existence, is one of indolent ease. THE YAKIMA WAR THE YAKIMA WAR. CHAPTER I. EXTENT OF THE HOSTILE CONFEEATION IN OREGON AND WASHINGTON THE YAKIMAS MURDER MINERS DEATH OF BOLAN KAMIAKIN S CONFESSION TO A SPY THE PREPARATIONS FOR WAR ACTING GOVERNOR MASON OF WASHINGTON TERRITORY MAKES A REQUISITION UPON THE UNITED STATES FORTS MAJOR HALLER is OR DERED INTO THE YAKIMA COUNTRY His BATTLE AND DEFEAT COMMENTS OF GENERAL WOOL REENFORCEMENTS AND VOLUNTEERS CALLED FOR ACTION OF GOVERNOR CURRY A REGIMENT CALLED OUT BY PROCLAMATION MAJOR RAINS CAMPAIGN KAMIAKIN S LETTER RAINS REPLY WOOL S REMARKS ON RAINS CAMPAIGN INDIFFERENCE OF THE REGULAR ARMY TO THE PERIL OF GOVERNOR STEVENS OLNEY S FUTILE ATTEMPT TO PREVENT THE WALLA WALLAS AND CAY- USES JOINING KAMIAKIN His ORDER TO THE SETTLERS RAYMOND S LETTER TO THE VOLUNTEER COMMANDER FORT WALLA WALLA DESTROYED WITH ALL ITS CONTENTS CURRY S VIEW OF His DUTY ORGANIZATION OF THE FIRST REGIMENT OF OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS OCCUPATION OF THE WALLA WALLA VALLEY BY OREGON FORCES THE BATTLE OF WALLA WALLA KILLING OF PEU-PEU-MOX- MOX INDIGNITIES INFLICTED ON His BODY END OF FOUR DAYS FIGHTING THE INDIANS RETIRE LOSSES ON BOTH SIDES FORT BENNETT ERECTED SAFE AR RIVAL OF GOVERNOR STEVENS AT THE FORT His COURSE WITH THE CCEUR D ALENES, SPOKANES, AND NEZ PERCES LOOKING GLASS TREACHEROUS SUCCESS FUL COUNCILS RESIGNATION OF NESMITH THOS. CORNELIUS CHOSEN COLONEL THE REGIMENT RECRUITED HARD FARE FIGHT WITH THE YAKIMAS Loss OF MOUNTS REGIMENT DISBANDED BATTALION OF OREGON RANGERS ORGANIZED. THE commencement of the Rogue-river war was not by any means a merely local disturbance, but was a part of a widely extended effort of the Indians of Oregon, and also of Washington, to rid themselves of the presence of the white race. A comparison of dates shows a widespread combination of the tribes, from the Siskiyou mountains in the south, to the southern boundary of British Columbia in the north; and from the waters of the Pacific on the west, to the springs of the Columbia on the east. Every where was discontent, jealousy, and hatred of the superior and encroaching civilization. That there was reason for much of the discontent in treaties cornpulsarily made, tardily ratified, and fraudulently executed, cannot be de- (423) 424 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. nied; nor that the fault was with the government rather than with the people. Every interest of the people in the first instance was in favor of peace; but the peace once, nay many times, broken, the preservation of their lives and property forced upon them the alternative of war, even to extermination, the end of which was, as we have seen, first conquest, and finally banishment for the inferior race. And all this, no matter where the responsibility rested, was in consonance with that law of nature which decrees the survival of the fittest. About at the date of the outbreak in the Rogue-river valley, several citizens of the Puget sound region traveling to the Colville mines through the country of the Yakimas, were murdered by that tribe. The apology offered for their conduct subsequently was a story of outrages perpe trated upon their women by these men a story never believed by their acquaintances at home, and never proven. Other small parties were also murdered. As soon as the news of these murders reached sub-Indian agent A. J. Bolan, who was on his way to the Spokane country to meet Governor Stevens, who, it will be remem bered, had, after the council of Walla Walla, continued making treaties with the northern tribes of east Washing ton and Montana, he turned back to investigate the matter. prom The Dalles he proceeded to the Ahtanahm Cath olic mission, near which Kamiakin had his home, to learn from the chief himself the truth or falsity of the report. In order to show his confidence in the good disposition of the Yakimas, he traveled unattended, and consequently only Indian evidence was obtainable of what occurred between the agent and the chief. It was said that the latter was insolent and threatening, and that Skloom, the brother of Kamiakin, informed Bolan that a council of war had been held in Grand Rond valley, at which he, and Lawyer of the Nez Perces, had spoken in favor of peace. The haughtiness and unfriendly manner of the THE YAKIMA WAR. 425 chief were said to have annoyed Bolan, and that he threat ened in his turn the punishment of the hostile Indians by the United States government. However that may have been, Bolan was murdered by a nephew of Kamiakin, son of his half-brother Owhi, who, while pretending to escort him, killed both the agent and his horse, and burned the bodies, together with everything belonging to either. Bolan not appearing at The Dalles at the expiration of a sufficient time for his business, Nathan Olney, agent at that place, dispatched a friendly Des Chutes chief as a spy to discover the cause of the delay. To this chief Kamiakin confided his intention and ability to carry on a war against the white race, stating that he was prepared to fight for five years if all were not sooner killed ; and that the tribes which refused to join him would be treated as enemies, and killed or enslaved. Father Brouillet also wrote to Mr. Olney that ever since the treaty council in the spring, war had been the absorbing topic among the Indians about the Ahtanahm mission. That the Yakimas were prepared for war was ascertained to be quite true, large stores of powder having been pur chased notwithstanding the legislative act against selling arms and ammunition to the Indians, and everything pointed to a combination of several powerful tribes, in cluding the hitherto friendly Walla Wallas, and the Spokanes. Rumors continued to come in of murders committed upon persons going to or returning from the Colville mines, which being confirmed, towards the last of Septem ber acting Governor Mason of Washington Territory made a requisition upon Forts Steilacoom and Vancouver for troops to protect the travel upon this route. This requisition was honored by Major Rains, in charge of Vancouver, ordering Brevet-Major Haller of The Dalles into the Yakima country with a force of about one hun dred men and a howitzer, to cooperate with a force of fifty men under Lieutenant W. A. Slaughter from Steilacoom. 426 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. This force was .not sent to punish the Indians, but to "inquire into" the cause of Kamiakin s hostility; and General Wool, in May following, in a letter to the National Intelligencer, charged Haller with "proceeding on his mission without the precautions necessary against savage warfare," certainly a contradiction of terms. Just as certainly Haller did not expect so soon to find the Yaki- mas prepared for battle; while, on the other hand, the civil authorities of Oregon and Washington felt great anxiety for the fate of the expedition, as, should it fail, a long war might be apprehended. About sixty miles from The Dalles, which post he had left on the second of October, just as his command was emerging from a deep ravine on Pisco river, Haller found himself confronted on the afternoon of the sixth by fifteen hundred Indians, who attacked him. The battle con tinued until night, when he gained possession of a hill, where he remained surrounded; the battle being renewed on the morning of the seventh, and lasting all that day, the troops being without water, and with little food. During the second night a courier was dispatched to The Dalles for reinforcements, and to apprise Major Rains of the situation of Haller^s command. Towards evening of the third day, the suffering from thirst being unbearable, the cavalry horses and pack ani mals were allowed to go free to find water and grass, only as many horses as were necessary to move the wounded and the ammunition being retained. Preparations were also made to retreat towards The Dalles; the howitzer be ing spiked and buried, and the baggage and provisions burned. The command was organized in two divisions, the advance under Haller with the wounded, and the rear under Captain Russell, acting as guard. With character istic indetermination, the Indians had withdrawn to a sufficient distance to allow of such a movement; and but for the guide in the darkness having led the advance off the trail, so that fires had to be lighted to signal the rear THE YAKIMA WAR. 427 guard, the departure of the troops might not have been discovered. The fires having betrayed their flight to the Indians, and not having been seen by Captain Russell, Haller, with only half his command, was compelled to keep up a running fight to within twenty-five miles of The Dalles, where he was met by Lieutenant Day of the third artillery, with forty-five men, who proceeded to the border of the Yakiina country, and a block house was erected on the Klickitat river. Slaughter s command from Fort Steilacoom crossed the Cascades by the Nachess pass; but finding a large force of Indians in the field, and learning that Haller had been defeated, fell back to the west side of the mountains. The loss sustained by Haller was five men killed and seventeen wounded, besides a large amount of property destroyed, abandoned^ and captured. As well as could be ascertained, forty Indians were killed. The reenforcement called for by Haller was one thou sand men. The regular force immediately sent out was three mountain howitzers, three hundred and fifteen artil lery and infantry, and nineteen officers. It was at this juncture of army affairs that Captain Fitzgerald, as before mentioned, was ordered from Fort Lane, where he was needed, to take station at The Dalles for its protection in the absence of the garrison. Captain M. Malony was ordered to the field from Fort Steilacoom, leaving only a few men to guard the families at that point. Lieutenant Williamson s escort of nineteen dragoons, which was at Vancouver, was also pressed into the service under com mand of Lieutenant Phil. Sheridan. But all these recruits did not suffice to make a force equal to that demanded; and Major Rains called upon Governor Mason for two companies, and upon Governor Curry for four companies of volunteers, to take the field as fast as raised and equipped. At Vancouver there were only enough arms to equip two Oregon companies, the other two being required to find arms and equipments wherever they could. Gov ernor Mason applied to the commanders of the Deeatur 428 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. and Jefferson Davis, two government vessels in Puget sound, for arms, and obtained them, and the Washington volunteers were stationed at various points west of the Cascades for the defense of the settlements, except one company organized to go to the relief of Governor Stevens, still in the Blackfoot country. Although Governor Curry did not refuse to furnish Rains the four companies asked for, being satisfied that a hostile combination existed among the Indians through out the northwest, he issued his proclamation October eleventh for eight companies, to act independently of, but in conjunction with Major Rains, which companies he placed in the field as rapidly as they were armed and sup plied. The following is the governor s proclamation : Whereas certain Indians have been guilty of the commission of criminal offenses, and have combined and are now engaged in hos tilities that threaten the peace and security of the frontier settle ments ; and the chief in command of the military force of United States in this district having made a requisition upon the executive of this territory for a volunteer force to aid in suppressing the attacks of said hostile Indians: I issue this my proclamation call ing for eight companies of mounted volunteers, to remain in force until duly discharged ; each company to consist of one captain, one h rst lieutenant, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corporals, and sixty privates, each volunteer, if possible, to furnish his own horse, arms, and equipments ; each company to elect its own offi cers , and rendezvous without delay on the right bank of the Will amette river, opposite Portland, where they will be mustered into service on reporting to the adjutant-general of the territory. The following named counties are expected to make up the number of men wanted, and in order to facilitate operations the subjoined named gentlemen are respectfully requested to act as enrolling officers in their respective counties : Multnomah county, one company, Shubrick Norris ; Clackamas county, one company, A. F. Hedges ; Washington county, one com pany, W. S. Caldwell ; Yamhill county, one company, A. J. Hem- bree; Marion county, one company, L. F. Grover; Polk county, one company, Fred Waymire; Linn county, one company, L. S. Helm; Wasco county, one company, O. Humason. The last named com pany will organize at The Dalles, and report in writing to the adju tant-general. Our fellow-citizens who may be in possession of arms, rifles, muskets, and revolvers, are most earnestly desired to turn them over THE YAKTMA WAR. 429 to assistant Quartermaster-General A. Zeiber, or his agent, in order that they may be appraised, and supply a deficiency that is most seri ously experienced. Given under my hand at Portland, this eleventh day of October, A. D. 1855. By the governor : GEO. L. CUBBY. BENJAMIN F. HABDING, Secretary of the Territory of Oregon. On the thirtieth of October, Major Rains inarched for the Yakima country with all the regular troops on the Columbia and north of it, being reenforced also by two companies of volunteers in the service of the United States, and on the fourth of November was joined by Colonel J. W. Nesmith, with four companies of independ ent Oregon volunteers, the combined forces arriving in the heart of the Yakima country on the seventh, and doing some skirmishing on the eighth. But now that the Indians were confronted with equal numbers, they were more coy. Their horses being fresh could carry them faster in flight than the horses of the cavalry could follow in pursuit. Being driven up the Yakima to where the river flows through a gap, they took a position well forti fied upon the heights, but upon being charged by the regular troops under Haller and Captain Augur, hurriedly evacuated it, leaving it in their possession. On the tenth, skirmishing was renewed, when Major Armstrong of the Oregon volunteers, with the company of Captain Hayden, and part of Captain Kelly s 1 company under Lieutenant Hanna, made an attempt to surround and charge the Indians in a defile of the hills, but owing to a misunderstanding the charge was made at the wrong point and failed, the Indians escaping among the rocks and trees. The troops now moved on to the Ahtanahm mission, which was found deserted, but where Major Rains re ceived a letter from Kamiakin, written by the hand of 1 After the election of Kelly to be lieutenant-colonel, Samuel B. Stafford com manded this company. 430 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Father Pandozy, missionary, in which the chief made overtures of friendship, on his own terms. As a part of the history of the conduct of the war, the reply of Major Rains to Kamiakin is here presented: HEADQUARTERS YAKIMA EXPEDITION, } ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION, November, 13, 1855. j Kam-i-ah-kin, Hias Tyee of the Yakima Indians : Your talk by Padre Pandozy is just received. You know me, and I know you. You came among the white people and to my house at The Dalles with Padre Pandozy and gave me a horse, which I did not take, as Pan-a-wok had given Lieutenant Wood another horse for him. You came in peace we come in war. And why ? Because your land has drunk the blood of the white man, and the Great Spirit requires it at your hand. You make the sign of the cross, and pray to the God of truth for mercy, and yet you lie when you say you " were very quiet, the Americans were our friends; our hearts were not for war," until Governor Stevens changed your feelings ; for long before the treaty, which you agreed to, you proposed to the Walla Walla chief, Peu- peu-mox-mox, to go to war, and kill off all the whites. He told us so. You had been preparing for this purpose a very long time; and your people agreed with the Cay uses, at the Walla Walla council, before the treaty was made, to murder all the whites there, which was only prevented by the Nez Perec s disagreeing. You know that you murdered white men going to the mines who had done you no injury, and you murder all persons, though no white man had trespassed upon your lands. You sent me a delega tion to stop Hamilton and Pierce settling in your country. I wrote them a letter, and they left. You murdered your agent Bolan for telling you the truth that the troops would come upon you for these murders. Has his death prevented their coming? I sent a .handful of soldiers into your country to inquire into the facts. It was not expected that they should fight you, and they did right to return back. Your foul deeds were seen by the eye of the Great Spirit, who saw Cain when he killed his brother Abel, and cursed him for it. Fugitives and vagabonds shall you also be, all that remain of you, upon the face of the earth, as well as all who aid or assist you, until you are gone. You say now, " if we will be quiet, and make friendship you will not war with us, but give a piece of land to all the tribes." We will not be quiet, but war forever, until not a Yakima breathes in the land he calls his own. The river only will we let retain this name to show to all people that here the Yakimas once lived. You say that you will fight us with thousands, and if vanquished, THE TAKTMA WAE. 431 those of you that remain will kill all your women and children, and then the country will be ours. The country is ours already, as you must see from our assembled army ; for we intend to occupy it, and make it too hot to hold you. We are braves, and no brave makes war with women and children. You may kill them as you say, but we will not; yet we are thirsting for your blood, and want your warriors to meet us, and the warriors of all tribes wishing to help you, at once to come. The snow is on the ground, and the crows are hungry for food. Your men we have killed ; your horses and your cattle do not afford them enough to eat. Your people shall not catch salmon hereafter for you, for I will send soldiers to occupy your fisheries, and fire upon you. Your cattle and your horses, which you got from the white man, we will hunt up, and kill and take them from you. The earth which drank the blood of the white man, shed by your hands, shall grow no more wheat nor roots for you, for we will destroy it. When the cloth that makes your clothing, your guns, and your powder are gone, the white man will make you no more. We looked upon you as our children and tried to do you good. We would not have cheated you. The treaty which you complain of, though signed by you, gave you too much for your lands, which are most all worthless to the white man ; but we are not sorry, for we are able to give, and it would have benefited you. After you signed the treaty with Governor Stevens and Gen eral Palmer, had you have told us that you did not wish to abide by it, it would have been listened to. We wanted to instruct you in all our learning ; to make axes, ploughs, and hoes to cultivate the ground ; blankets to keep you from the cold ; steamboats and steam- wagons which fly along swifter that the birds fly, and to use the lightning which makes the thunder in the heavens to carry talk, and serve as a servant. William Chinook at The Dalles, Lawyer, chief of the ISTez Perec s, Sticcas, and We-atti-natti-timine, bias tyee of the Cayuses, and many others of their people, can tell you what I say is true. You, a few people, we can see with our glasses a long way off, while the whites are as the stars in the heavens, or leaves of the trees in summer time. Our warriors in the field are many, as you must see ; but if not enough, a thousand for every one more will be sent to hunt you, and to kill you ; and my kind advice to you, as you will see, is to scatter yourselves among the Indian tribes more peaceable, and there forget you ever were Yakimas. G. J. RAINS, Major, U. S. A. Brigadier-General W. T., commanding troops in the field. Some skirmishing on the march resulted only in the loss of fifty-four cavalry horses, which was party repaired by captures from the Indians. Two soldiers were drowned in the Yakima river, and two volunteers of Captain Cor- 432 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. nelius company wounded. Snow had fallen on the moun tains to a depth of two or three feet, and the Indians being scattered, Rains returned to The Dalles, and thence, on the twenty -fourth of November, to Vancouver, to report to Gen eral Wool, while Colonel Nesmith proceeded with the Ore gon volunteers to Walla Walla. General Wool, in his letter to the National Intelligencer, speaking of the Yakima campaign, said that Rains had ample force, without the volunteers, to have defeated all the Indians in the country, but that the major "partaking somewhat of the alarm pervading the country, increased and stimulated by political demagogues," called for two companies from Washington, and four from Oregon, but that Governor Curry called for a regiment which was not, nor any part of it, "in any sense of the term, necessary to defend the inhabitants of Oregon." Having arraigned the major and Oregon s governor in these very positive terms, he explained and justified his own course, saying that as soon as he was informed of Major Haller s defeat, which "created great excitement and alarm throughout Oregon and Washington, lest all the Indian tribes in the territories should at once combine and come down upon the settlement," he had ordered all the disposable troops at his command to the seat of war, and had followed in person, at the same time calling upon the United States government "for at least an additional regiment." In this connection the logical reader is prone to inquire why it was proper for the army to believe in the threatened danger to such an extent as to need another regiment, and not the governor of Oregon? Months must pass before the regiment from the east could be placed in the field, while Oregon could place one there in ten days time. The general further related that he arrived at Vancou ver on the seventeenth of November, having been detained on the passage from San Francisco eleven days by gales, storms, and a fire, which crippled the steamer on which THE YAKIMA WAR. 433 he had taken passage, by which she was very nearly lost. He was anxious, he said, to establish a post at Walla Walla, "in order to prevent a war against the Walla Wallas by the troops of Governor Curry;" but that an inspection of the government troops and animals dis covered the men to be without proper clothing, and the animals, owing to the previous expeditions of Haller and Rains, unfit for service. Still he would have taken posses sion of the Walla Walla country before winter set in, and directed the chief quartermaster to procure, if possible, the means of transportation; but this could not be ob tained without great expense and delay, owing to the country having been drained of resources by the requisi tions of Governor Curry, which compelled him to bring wagons, horses, mules, boats, and forage from California. Before they could arrive the Columbia river was closed by ice, and communication with the country east of the mountains cut off, while he was himself ice-bound at Vancouver for three weeks, during which he was unable to communicate either with The Dalles or San Francisco. No reference was made to the fact that Governor Stevens with a small party was in the Blackfoot or Coeur d Alene country, unable, presumably, to come through the hostile tribes who were determined upon cutting him off; nor to the fact that acting Governor Mason had intimated to the military authorities at Vancouver that he desired them to do something for the relief of Stevens, and had at last caused to be raised a company for this purpose, which was commanded by special Indian agent B. F. Shaw, successor to the murdered Bolan. But a single company of fifty men could not go through the hostile countries, and there were other reasons for the action of Governor Curry which the general ignored. Wool, against the earnest protest of Rains, disbanded the company raised for the relief of Stevens, and mustered into the service of the United States, sending a courier to the Blackfoot country to ad vise Stevens to return to Washington territory by the way of New York and the Isthmus of Panama! 28 434 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Not all of this was known to Governor Curry when he ordered the Oregon troops to Walla Walla, but he in cluded among his reasons for occupying the Walla Walla country, the situation of the governor and superintendent of Indian affairs of Washington territory. On learning the defeat of Haller in the Yakima country, Nathan Olney, sub-Indian agent at The Dalles, hastened to Walla Walla, in order, if he might, to prevent a com bination of the Oregon Indians with the Yakimas, ru mors being abroad that the Walla Wallas, Cayuses, and Des Chutes were disaffected and unfriendly. He reported to R. R. Thompson, in charge, that he found Peu-peu-mox- niox encamped on the north side of the Columbia, which circumstance he construed as unfavorable, although by the terms of the treaty the chief was entitled to the privi lege of occupying a trading post at the mouth of the Yakima river for a period of five years; or for a period of one year from the ratification of the treaty, of occupying any tract in possession at that time. As the treaty had not yet been ratified, he had the unquestioned right to reside in any part of his own country until the sale was confirmed. But Olney communicated to his superior that in his judgment all the movements of Peu-peu-mox-mox indicated a determination to join the Yakimas in a war against the white race; and Thompson agreed with him, because the Walla Walla chief had, in the month of Sep tember, when Bolan was killed, declared to him that the Walla Walla valley had not been sold. Olney, on observing these signs, resolved to remove so far as possible all cause of hostilities until such time as the United States government should have fulfilled its part of the treaty obligations, and to remove the white set tlers out of the country. A conference being held with McKinlay, Anderson, and Sinclair, officers of the Hudson s Bay Company, it was decided that before leaving the country a large amount of ammunition in store at the fort should be destroyed to prevent it from falling into the THE YAKIMA WAE. 435 hands of the Indians, which was accordingly done by throwing it into the Columbia river, Olney giving an official receipt for it, and relieving the officer in charge, Mr. James Sinclair, of all responsibility for its loss. The fort contained at this time Hudson s bay goods to the amount of thirty-seven thousand dollars, and a large amount of government stores left there by Stevens when he proceeded to the Blackfoot country. All this property was placed in charge of a friendly Walla Walla chief, and Olney issued the following order: FORT WALLA WALLA, October 12, 1855. To the Settlers in the Walla Walla and Umatilla Valleys : I am of the opinion that the Indians in this vicinity are about to join in the war commenced upon the whites on the north side of the Columbia by the Yakimas and others. In view of such an event, I have written to the commanding officer at The Dalles for a military force to escort you out of the country. You will, therefore, hold yourself in readiness to go on the arrival of such escort. Mean while, you will take such precautionary steps as seem to you best calculated to insure your safety until the arrival of said force. I do not deem it advisable to make a rush, all at once, to get out of the country, as it would cause an alarm among the Indians that might cause an immediate outbreak. NATHAN OLNEY, Indian Agent. Two days later the following letter was sent to the com mander of the volunteer force supposed to be en route to the Walla Walla valley, where the dispatch was dated: November 14, 1855. SIB : However urgent and important the news I have to com municate, I almost despaired to dispatch any from want of hands who were willing to risk life at this critical time ; but Mr. McBean came to my assistance and offered the services of his son John, who, in company with another man, will be the bearer of this. The news is gloomy and very different from what I had reason to expect when I left The Dalles on my way hither. Serpent Jaune ( Peu-peu- mox-mox ) has shown his colors, and is a declared foe to the Ameri cans. He has taken possession of the fort and pillaged it, govern ment as well as Hudson s Bay Company s property; has placed himself on the south side of the Walla Walla river, on the hills, guarding the road with a force, it is said, of a thousand. 436 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. The young men on the Umatilla river are disposed for war, and John Whitford and Tolman instigate them to it. The chiefs of that place, at least the majority of them, are on the balance, and have not yet decided; but Stockalah and Welaptelekt, with their people, have joined the Cay uses, and are doing all in their power to have them join against the Americans. The chiefs of this valley have remained firm and will not join the unfriendly Indians. Their con duct, since Mr. Olney s departure, has been praiseworthy, and did all they could to prevent Mr. Brooks 7 house from being burned and pillaged, but in vain. The chief, Howlish Wampool, did it at the risk of his life. Two Nez Perc6 chiefs now here, Joseph and Red Wolf, desire me to tell you that all their tribe is for peace; that they will suffer no hostile Indians to remain among them. In justice to Pierre (Walla Walla chief), I beg to say that he stuck to his charge until forced away by Serpent Jaune and his people, but not until they had robbed three different times out of the fort. He was alone, and, of course, could not prevent them. As affairs stand, it is my humble opinion that it might not be prudent to make your w r ay hither with the force at your command of one hundred and fifty men. I have re quested the bearers of this dispatch to proceed to The Dalles with the letters to the respective addresses of Messrs. Olney and Noble; and placed as we are, a mere handful of men, destitute of ammuni tion, the sooner assistance is tendered to us the better, for Serpent Jaune daily threatens to burn our houses and to kill us, and he is not the only enemy we have to dread. In haste, I remain, sir, respectfully, your obedient humble servant, NARCISSE RAYMOND, The commander in charge coming to Fort Walla Walla. Such was the information sent by a French resident of Walla Walla valley, one of the settlers who had been warned by Agent Olney to leave the country as soon as an escort should be furnished them. To do so before would precipitate the Indians upon them in force, whereas while they kept quiet, the hostiles were kept within the bounds of robbery and arson. But that robbery and arson were the customary introduction to bloody warfare was too well understood to be disregarded. Nor would a force of one hundred and fifty men be a sufficient guard to remove the settlers in safety, or even to enter the country in safety. Yet, when this information reached The Dalles, there was not even that number of troops at this post, Major Rains THE YAKIMA WAR. 437 having taken with him to the Yakima country all of his available force. Even when Major Fitzgerald, who had been ordered from Fort Lane had arrived, he added only fifty dragoons to the strength of the army in eastern Oregon. Either protection must be denied the friendly chiefs, who kept the treaty and obeyed the agent, together with the French and American settlers, and their property, as well as the property of the United States Indian depart ment, and that of the Hudson s Bay Company, or assis tance must be immediately rendered. Also the country must be kept open so that not only Governor Stevens could return to his capital, but miners to their homes. These motives would have seemed sufficient for the gov ernor of Oregon to prompt him to call for the eight com panies, and that without being influenced by political demagoguery, if indeed politics can be kept out of any im portant movement by any government, whether national or territorial. It was objected by some that the war be longed to Washington and not to Oregon, which was true, but with modifying conditions. The northeast boundary of Oregon, it was often contended, should be the Snake river, and several attempts were made to have it include at least the whole Walla Walla valley, about half of which lay south of the boundary established by congress. .It was peopled by settlers from the Wallamet valley, and the improvements existing had been made by Oregon people. Again, the hostile Cay uses belonged to the Oregon super- intendency, their reservation being upon the Umatilla river, in Oregon. Thus, aside from any obligation towards Stevens on the score of courtesy and humanity, the gov ernor of Oregon was compelled to take notice of the de mand for assistance coming from that quarter. It was a point urged against the Oregon volunteers that they declined to be mustered into the service of the United States; but had they done so they would have been pre vented going to the relief of the country where their services 438 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. were most required. It was also a point urged against Major Rains that he allowed himself to be commissioned brigadier-general of Washington territory by acting Gov ernor Mason, it being considered by Wool beneath the dignity of a United States officer to accept a commission from a territorial officer; though the rank of each was given by appointment from the general government; and although the commission was necessary to give the com mand of the Washington volunters to a major of the United States forces. Oregon had a brigadier-general of her own, and all the other officers necessary to a complete organization of her militia, with no motive for handing over the command to a United States major. On the tenth of October, Governor Curry wrote the fol lowing letter to his adjutant: AT HOME, NEAR BUTTEVILLE, October 10, 1855, 10 o clock P. M. General E. M. Barnum : DEAR GENERAL : I have just received information as follows, mostly from Humason : Major Haller, who went out one hundred men against the Yakimas, is in a critical position in the Simcoe val ley, being surrounded by some thousand hostile Indians. He had a fight with them and lost twelve men. They have him nicely "corralled." He pushed through in the nighttime an express to Major Bains for help. I understand the major has made a requisi tion on me for help. I have not received it, as it probably went to Salem. In the contingency that he has so called, or that the settle ments along the Columbia may be in danger for all the available force ( regular troops ) has gone to the assistance of Major Haller, and the settlements left without protection may be ail inducement to Indian incursion at any rate, will you do me the favor to come down and meet me at Portland. If I make a call it will be to ren dezvous opposite Portland, and I would wish your services to mus ter the men into service, that all may correctly appear of record, and not in the loose irregular manner that the business has been conducted heretofore. Let me refer you to Terry, who may have more news than I have given you. Haller has lost all his horses and provisions. You will readily perceive that this will embolden the Indians, and other tribes will join those already hostilely arrayed, and a protracted Indian war may not possibly be avoided. I should be pleased to see you with- THE YAKIMA WAE. 439 out delay at Portland. I go to Oregon City this evening, and to morrow to Portland. Yours always sincerely. GEO. L. CUBBY. The men of The Dalles, where Orlando Humason lived to whom Governor Curry referred in his letter, did not wait for any action by the executive, but proceeded Octo ber ninth to organize a company of which James McAuliff was chosen captain. It was not, however, mustered into service as first formed, but was reorganized under Hunia- son as captain, with McAuliff as second lieutenant, on the receipt of the Governor s proclamation. The organizatioD called into the field by Governor Curry for service in the Yakima war, was styled the " First Regi ment of Oregon Mounted Volunteers," being raised to ten companies through ready volunteering. J. W. Nesmith, formerly brigadier-general of Oregon, was chosen colonel; James K. Kelly, lieutenant-colonel; Ambrose N. Arm strong, senior major; and Mark A. Chinn, junior major. The facilities for moving troops, subsistence, and bag gage into the Indian country east of the Cascades were scarcely better than during the period of the Cayuse war. A few small and slow steamers had been placed upon the Columbia, above and below the cascades, which were used to convey troops to this point, whence they inarched by land to The Dalles, where Nesmith arrived, as we have seen, in time to join Rains in the Yakima country. He was followed very soon by three companies under Major Chinn, who marched from The Dalles for Walla Walla on the twelfth of November. At Wells springs on the seven teenth he was met by John McBean with Raymond s letter, informing him that Fort Walla Walla was in possession of the Indians, and that the force of Peu-peu- mox-mox was too strong to be encountered by one hundred and fifty men. Acting on this information, Major Chinn proceeded as far as the Umatilla river and encamped to await reenforce- ments, in the meantime erecting a fortified post. This 440 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. fortification, which he named Fort Henrietta, in compli ment to the wife of Major Haller, was a stockade one hun dred feet square, built of large split timbers, with two bastions of round logs, and outside a stock corral enclosed with rails found on the ground. One company, under Captain Connoyer, arrived at the fort on the twenty-seventh, and on the twenty-ninth Lieu tenant-Colonel Kelly arrived with the companies of Cap tains A. V. Wilson and Charles Bennett, making in all a force of three hundred and fifty men. Taking the com mand, Kelly moved out towards Fort Walla Walla on the evening of the second of December, hoping to reach the fort and surprise the Indians before sunrise; but a heavy rain having come on and continued through the night, the troops were unavoidably delayed. They reached Fort Walla Walla late in the forenoon, only to find it pillaged, the interior defaced, and the robbers escaped. On the morning of the fourth, Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, with the main body of his force, but without baggage or rations, proceeded to and up the Touch et to the canon, to if possible discover the location of the Indians, while Major Chinn was ordered to march to the mouth of the Touchet, with the baggage train, and await orders. The division commanded by Kelly, on reaching the Touchet fifteen miles above its mouth, traveled up it a short distance, when a party of about seventy Indians was discovered advancing towards him. The volunteers gal loped forward, and found it to be Peu-peu-mox-rnox with a number of warriors, one of whom carried a flag of truce. A halt was called when within three hundred yards of the Indians ; and Colonel Kelly, with Mr. Olney, the agent, an interpreter, and a few others, went forward to meet them. The interview was opened by the chief asking why armed men had come into his country, and was answered by Colonel Kelly that they had come to chastise him and his people for wrongs they had done white people. Peu- peu-mox-mox then said that he did not wish to fight, and THE YAKIMA WAR. 441 that he had done no wrong. When Colonel Kelly men tioned the pillaging and destruction of Fort Walla Walla, the seizing of the government property left there, which he had divided among his people, the robbery and burn ing of the houses of Brooks, Bumford, Noble, and McKay, and the stealing of the cattle of the settlers, he at first denied having done these things, but finally admitted that these were acts of his young men, whom he could not restrain. When told that the Cayuse chief, Howlish Wampool, had testified to seeing him distribute the goods with his own hands, and had witnessed him laying out a pile of blankets as an inducement to the Cayuses to join in a war, he made no reply to the direct charge, but offered to make his people restore the goods so far as he was able, and cause payment to be made for the rest. He Was informed that this would not be sufficient, but that in addition his people must surrender their arms and ammunition, give the troops cattle for beef, and horses to remount the com mand, and enable it to pursue the other hostile Indians. To these terms Peu-peu-mox-mox gave his assent, prom ising to come on the following day and deliver up his arms. But Colonel Kelly, believing from his deportment that he only desired time to remove his people, and would not return if permitted to go, answered that he had come to wage war against him ; that for him to rejoin his vil lages would be to invite immediate attack, as no credit was given to his assurances that he would return ; but that if he were dealing in good faith, he could well come with him and remain until his promises were fulfilled. The interpreter was then ordered to state distinctly to him that he was at liberty to go away under his flag of truce; but that if he did so, he would be subjecting his villages to an immediate assault; but if, on the other hand, he chose, with six of his followers, to remain with the army, and fulfill the terms of his proposed treaty, his people would not be molested. Thus hard pressed, the haughty chief 442 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. reluctantly consented to remain as a Hostage for the fulfill ment of his word and the safety of his people, saying that the following morning he would take the troops to his village and arrange the business. He also assured the colonel that none of his people would remove during the night. A guard was placed over him and his six men, and the command, by request of the chief, moved towards his village to find some beef cattle, the men having had nothing to eat all day. On the march the sixty or more Walla Walla warriors traveled unmolested with the troops. After marching about a half a mile it was observed that they were being led into a rugged cation through which flowed the Touchet, in which the village of the chief was situated; and being already quite late in the afternoon, it was deemed imprudent to enter a ravine where a sur prise and ambuscade might be in store for them; there fore Kelly marched back two miles to an open place, and encamped. At night Peu-peu-mox-mox asked permission to send one of the six men with him to apprise his people of the terms of the proposed treaty, and instruct them to fulfil it, which request was granted. But the messenger failed, as Kelly had anticipated, to return. On the morning of the sixth, Colonel Kelly marched with his command to the village in the ravine, which was found deserted, and all property removed, the snowfall of the evening before showing that the removal had taken place during the night. All the Indians in sight were along the crest of the distant hills, where they appeared armed, and watching the movements of the volunteers. Every effort was made by a flag of truce to induce the Indians to comply with the terms agreed upon by Peu- peu-mox-mox, but in vain. Failing of accomplishing anything that day, and without the prospect of doing so at all, about the middle of the afternoon Kelly proceeded down to the mouth of the Touchet where Chinn was en camped, taking with him his six prisoners. THE YAKIMA WAE. 443 Up to this time no restraint had been put upon the chief or his associates in captivity; but one of them attempting to escape during the night of the sixth they were ordered to be bound with cords, but were unbound in the morning, when Colonel Kelly told Peu-peu-mox-mox that he had acted in bad faith, and that should he, or any of the other prisoners, attempt to run away, he or they would be shot. At an early hour on the seventh, the Indians commenced to appear, armed and mounted, on the hills half a mile from camp; but it was not even then expected that they would attack, and the command prepared leisurely to march to Waiilatpu, where it was intended to establish headquarters. When one or two companies had moved out on the plain, after the advance guard, the Indians fired upon some men driving up beef cattle, and the fire was returned. A running fight then ensued, the Indians being driven before the volunteers for ten miles to the farmhouse of La Roche, a French-Canadian, two miles below Waiilatpu. The forces of the enemy had increased all day, and by the time La Roche s cabin was reached had become stub born and hard to move, being driven at the point of the bayonet only a short distance above. Their number was variously estimated at from six hundred to two thousand, but a more probable estimate would place it at one thou sand warriors, and an indefinite number of onlookers; their yells, and the noise of the firing, having drawn all the In dians from a considerable distance to the edges of the battle. The volunteers were confined between the Walla Walla river on their right and the hills on their left; and the In dians having become strong enough late in the afternoon, formed a line across the plain to prevent the advance of the troops, extending from the foothills to the river, and being partly covered by a growth of shrubby trees, which served as a shelter. It was here, that the battle raged hottest. 444 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 11 Their purpose," says one who was present, and in the thick of the fight, 3 "was to leave no foes to rise behind I them; their policy was the policy of extermination; their flags were the scalps of our people, murdered in cold blood, whose gray locks floated from poles raised on every prom- , inent point on the hills to our left, with a squad of those | bloody fiends dancing the war dance around them. From j the brush on the plain and the timber on the river, they poured a murderous fire on the volunteers, who were compelled to fall back. Here Henry Crow and S. S. Van Hagerman fell, mortally wounded, and several others were wounded. At this critical moment, Lieutenant J. M. Bur rows, with a small detachment, was ordered to cross the fence that surrounded the La Roche field, and charge upon the Indians in the brush, the writer being one of the number who crossed. When only a few steps beyond the fence the brave Burrows fell dead, and Captain Munson and several others were wounded. A dispatch having been sent to Captain Wilson of company A to come for ward, he and his company came at full speed, dismounted, and with fixed bayonets pushed their way through the brush, driving the enemy before them. In a short time, Captain Bennett, with company F was on hand, and with these reinforcements, the Indians were driven about one mile further up the Walla Walla river, where they took possession of a house with a close-built fence around it. In attempting to dislodge them, Captain Bennett of com pany F, and Private Kelso of company A were killed." A howitzer found at Fort Walla Walla was soon brought to bear upon the house; but Captain Wilson having noth ing but a sandhill to fire from, the piece burst in explod ing, inflicting a wound upon Wilson, but dispersing the Indians. The volunteers immediately took possession of the premises and recovered the bodies of Bennett and Kelso, while the wounded were removed to the house of La Roche, which was converted into a hospital. 3 G. W. Miller, who kept a diary. THE YAKTMA WAR. 445 During all this time the prisoners were exceedingly rest less and excited. Peu-peu-mox-mox in stentorian tones cheered on his braves, receiving responses at short inter vals. When the sergeant of the guard had an opportunity to speak to Colonel Kelly, as he passed from one wing of the regiment to the other, he expressed a fear that they would escape while the men were in the field. Just at this moment Frank Crabtree came in from the field, his shoulder shattered, and arm dangling by his side, and reported Cap tain Lay ton with five or six others surrounded on the hills at the front; and the colonel s reply to the sergeant s ques tion of what he should do in a certain case, was that the men were all needed at the front; to tie his prisoners, and if they resisted or attempted to escape, to kill them. They did resist the order to bind them, and Sergeant-Major Isaac Miller was wounded in the arm by a knife concealed about the person of one of them. Peu-peu-mox-mox also at tempted to seize the gun of another of the guard, named Warfield, who struck him with it upon the back of the head, felling him to the ground, when he was quickly dis patched. The other prisoners attempting flight were shot, with the exception of one Nez Perce, a mere lad, who made no resistance, and was not harmed. Concerning the killing of the Walla Walla chief, about which much was said at that time, and later, Colonel Kelly wrote to Governor Curry: "I regretted the neces sity of putting these men to death, as I was in hopes that they could have been made useful in prosecuting the war against the other hostile tribes; but I am well satisfied that the guard was fulry justified in taking away their lives in their efforts to escape." Whatever Colonel Kelly may have hoped from the sub jugation of the Walla Walla chief was probably accom plished by his death, which, under the circumstances, was evidently unavoidable. There was, however, a scandal created in military circles by the uncivilized and unjusti fiable mutilation of the body of Peu-peu-mox-mox by the 446 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. volunteers, who cut off the ears and pieces of the scalp to keep as souvenirs. It is not the office of the historian to excuse the barbarities of either race. It is, however, true that retaliation is an important part of the spirit of war, and that the mutilation in a comparatively slight degree of the dead body of a noted chief was hardly a sufficient reprisal, in a retaliatory sense, for the horrible atrocities perpetrated upon living men, women, and children by the groundless hatred of his race. 4 The evening of the seventh of December closed in upon a wearied and hungry as well as a saddened army, for the losses of the day had been heavy in killed and wounded. Camp fires were lighted whereat to prepare a scanty meal, with the cup of coffee, so reviving to exhausted energies; but the cheerful blaze served only to attract the fire of the watchful foe, and had to be extinguished. The whole camp was on guard until morning, when a hasty breakfast was prepared and only partly eaten before the Indians ap peared in a greatly augmented force, retaking all the positions they had been driven from the previous day. Companies A and H, under Lieutenants Pillow and Hanna; were directed to charge and drive the Indians from the cover of the brush and timber, and, if possible, hold these positions. Lieutenant Fellows, with F company, Lieutenant Jeffreys, with B company, Lieutenant Hand, with I company, and Captain Connoyer. with company K, were ordered to take possession of available points on the hills and assail the enemy wherever they could. The Indians fought with skill and bravery, as well as with fury, but were driven from their cover in the brush. All day the battle continued, and when night came both sides were glad of a respite. The war whoop ceased, and the Indians withdrew from the field. That night the colonel . 4 It might be remembered, in extenuation cf the indignities perpetrated upon the body of Peu-peu-mox-mox, that the volunteers were almost upon the very ground where eight years before Dr. and Mrs. Whitman were, with other American men, brutally murdered, and American women ravished ; and also that the Walla Walla chief could have prevented it, had he chosen to do so. They were still smarting, THE YAKIMA WAR. 447 dispatched a courier to Fort Henrietta for companies D and E to come up with all haste; and on the morning of the ninth the battle was resumed, but with less spirit, the volunteers acting only on the defensive, and, holding their positions, while the Indians attacked and suffered heavy Again, on the morning of the tenth, it was discovered that every position held by the volunteers the previous day had been retaken by the Indians, and Lieutenant McAuliff with company B was ordered to charge some breastworks thrown up by them on the ninth to protect them from the flying bullets of the volunteers. The reinforcements were stationed on the hills; and while companies A and H once more recovered the timber, and drove the Indians from pits they had occupied on the same knoll, the companies on the hills, whose horses were fit for the service, made a gallant charge, in the face of a heavy fire, when the Indians fled from the field to return no more to do battle. In this four days of fighting the loss of company A was Captain A. V. Wilson, wounded; Eleazer B. Kelso, killed; Jesse Fleming and E. B. Kelsey, wounded mortally, and Frank Duval, wounded. Company B had Joseph Sturde- vant mortally, and G. W. Smith, severely wounded. Com pany F lost its captain, Charles Bennett. Company H lost Lieutenant J. M. Burrows, killed ; Casper Snook and Henry Crow, mortally wounded; Captain Davis Lay ton, Sergeant-Major Isaac Miller, T. J. Payne, Frank Crabtree, Nathan Fry, John Smith, A. M. Addington, wounded. Company I lost its captain; L. B. Munson, wounded, and S. S. Van Hagerman, killed. Company K had one man, J. B. Gervais, wounded. This bloody work was chiefly done on the first day of battle. too, under the recollection of more recent tragedies, and especially of the Ward mas sacre of the year before, at which demoniacal scene babes were roasted alive before their mothers eyes, and the mothers themselves tortured to death with hot irons thrust into their persons. Peu-peu-mox-mox having chosen to place himself in com bination with such offenders as these did not appear to the volunteers entitled to respect. 448 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. On the ninth and tenth A. Shepard, Ira Allen, and John Smith were wounded. The wounds were generally severe, and the hospital filled for several weeks. The estimated loss of the Indians, in killed and wounded, was one hun dred; yet as there is seldom any accurate information gained concerning their losses, such knowledge being carefully concealed, the estimate was never confirmed. A new fortification was erected two miles above Waii- latpu, called Fort Bennett, after the lamented Captain Bennett. About the middle of December, Nesmith re signed the command of the regiment, and Thomas R. Cornelius was elected in his place. The place of Captain Bennett was filled by A. M. Fellows, and several minor changes made. Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly returned to the Wallamet valley to take his seat in the council of the leg islature about the same time, and was received with a perfect ovation by the people. On the evening of the twentieth of December, Governor Stevens arrived at Fort Bennett. He had concluded a treaty with the Blackfoot nation early in October, having /spent the whole summer, after leaving the council ground at Walla Walla in June, in cultivating friendly relations with the Pend d Oreilles, Kootenais, and Flatheads. He was accompanied by a delegation of Nez. Perces, under the special agency of William Craig; and his special express man, W. H. Pearson, had swiftly carried the news to Olympia. With equal swiftness he returned to the moun tains about the last of the month, with intelligence that the Yakimas, Walla Wallas, Cay uses, Palouses, and a part of the Nez Perces, had formed a hostile confederation, and were at war with the white race, in consequence of which it would be impossible for him to pass through these nations, advice being sent him by officers of the army to return to Olympia via New York. Stevens was not the man to act upon advice of this nature, but determined to push forward to the Columbia THE YAKIMA WA,E. 449 at any hazard. He was two days travel west of Fort Benton when the news met him, where he encamped his men, while special agent Doty returned to the fort for a large supply of ammunition, arms, and horses; and he, with only one trusty young man and a Delaware Indian interpreter, rode express to the Bitter-root valley to confer with Agent R. H. Lansdale in charge of the Flatheads. At Fort Owen, on the Bitter Root, he overtook the Nez Perce delegation, which was traveling in advance of him, and whom he found to be informed of the war in the Yakiina country, and also that the Cayuses and a portion of their own people were disaffected. However, with that masterful will and consummate tact of which he was possessed, he won over the whole party of fourteen, including the war-chiefs Looking Glass, Three Feathers, and Spotted Eagle, who promised their friendly services, and to join his escort as a part of it, offering if he should take the trail through the Nez Perce country, to send a sufficient party of young men to escort him in safety to The Dalles. On the eleventh of November, at Hell Gate pass, he was joined by Doty with the extra horses and supplies. On the twentieth he crossed the Bitter-root mountains in three feet of snow, the horses being one night without grass. He had no means of knowing the temper of the Coaur d Alenes towards him ; but deeming it best to appear unconscious of danger, when within twenty-five miles of the Creur d Alene mission, again traveled in advance with Pearson, Craig, and four of the Nez Perces, throwing him self into the midst of the Indians, and "with rifles in one hand, and our arms outstretched on the other side, ten dered them both the sword and the olive branch." He had instructed the Nez Perces to entertain the Coeur d Alenes with a narrative of what they had seen at the Blackfoot council, and to convince them of the advantages of the treaty, which would relieve them in the future of the depredations to which they had been subject in the past, from this predatory people. 29 450 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. The plan was well conceived, the Coeur d Alenes, taken by surprise, meeting him with every sign of cordial pleas ure. Yet when they had taken time for remembering what the emissaries of Kamiakin had told them a few days before, they began to grow cool, and to appear unde cided. Without allowing them time to reconsider, he hastened on as soon as the train came up, to the country of the Spokanes, with whom he determined to hold a council. Arrived at the place of Antoine Plante, on the prairie between the Coeur d Alenes and the upper Spokanes, he dispatched runners to the lower Spokanes, the Pend d Oreilles, and Colville Indians, to meet him at this place, and also sent invitations to Angus McDonald in charge of Fort Colville, and to the Jesuit fathers Ravelli and Joset of the Colville and Coeur d Alene missions to be present at the conference. After several days all were met, when, says Stevens in his official report, " I had one of the stormiest councils, for three days, that ever occurred in my whole Indian experi ence." The cause of the trouble was that he refused to promise that the United States troops should not cross to the north side of the Snake river a promise he had no authority to make, and which, if made, would have been the fruitful source of Indian warfare, because it could not be kept. By patience, by argument, and greatly by the force of his personal will, Stevens succeeded in overcoming the doubts and objections of the Indians, who, from being sullen became confidential, and asked his advice on all important points. So far all had been well. But the Spokanes, in the fullness of their friendship, warned him against the Nez Perces, who. they contended, were hostile; especially Looking Glass. This chief, they confided to Stevens, had laid a snare for him when he should arrive in the Nez Perce country; and the story was confirmed by the Delaware interpreter, who had been sent to spy upon THE YAKIMA WAR. 451 Looking Glass, and who overheard him unraveling his plot to the Spokanes, and counseling them to treachery. " I never communicated," says Stevens, " to Looking Glass my knowledge of his plans, but knowing them I knew how to meet them in council. I also knew how to meet them in his own country, and it gave me no difficulty." The incident, however, proved that this Nez Perce chief was no more sincere in signing the treaty of Walla Walla than Peu-peu-mox-mox or Karniakin, but that it had been signed by these three at least only to gain time to prepare for war. What so difficult as to learn the mind of an Indian ? The Spokanes offered Stevens an escort through the coun try of " the hostile Nez Perces," but he judged it best to decline, because he did not wish to place himself under obligations to them, as well as because he did wish to pre vent opportunities for collusion between the two nations, and also to secure the alliance of the Nez Perces, who held the balance of power. Dispatching Craig with a part of the Nez Perce delega tion to Lapwai, to arrange in advance for a council and to engage an escort to The Dalles, he enlarged his party by recruits of twenty miners and others waiting to get through the warring tribes, forming a battalion which he called the " Stevens Guards and Spokane Invincibles," consisting of fifty men, all told. Procuring the best horses in the country, reducing every pack to eighty pounds, that he might fight or fly, as occasion required, he began his march to meet, for ought he knew, the whole force of the hostile combination. The weather was foul, with rain and snow, but a forced march of four days brought him to Lapwai, where the Nez Perces, whom Craig had assembled, were awaiting him ready for council. This was progressing favorably under the wonderful influence of his personality, when an ex press arrived from Walla Walla with the particulars of four days battle, and the death of Peu-peu-mox-rnox. 452 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Notwithstanding the excitement occasioned by this news, there was no outbreak, but the large force engaged to escort him to The Dalles being now deemed unnecessary, he set out next day with his guards and sixty-nine Nez Perce volunteers for Fort Bennett, where he arrived December twentieth. It was then made apparent how he had been able to come through the Indian country unmolested ; the war riors of the confederated tribes being at the scene of battle. He regarded his safety and the escape of his whole party as due to the presence of the Oregon troops in the country, and was cordial in his acknowledgments. He remained ten days in the Walla Walla valley, and finding there In dian agent B. F. Shaw, who was also a colonel of the mili tia of Washington territory, directed him to organize a company of the French-Canadian residents of the valley into a home guard, with Sidney S. Ford, captain, and Green McCafferty, first lieutenant. Shaw was ordered to throw up defensive works around the winter camp of the friendly Indians and French settlers, and to protect in like manner the settlers at Spokane and Colville, at the same time co operating with Colonel Cornelius in any movement he might make against the Indians in arms. He agreed with the Oregon officers that the Walla Walla valley should be held by the volunteers until the regular troops were ready to take the field, and that the war should be vigorously prosecuted. Stevens appointed William Craig his aid, and directed him to muster out of service the sixty-nine Nez Perces, on returning with them to Lapwai, and to send their muster- rolls to the office of the adjutant-general at Olympia. Craig was also directed to take measures to protect the Nez Perces against incursions by hostile Indians, a politic as well as a war measure, keeping the young braves employed, and flattered with a prospect of pay in the future. They reciprocated on the spot, by offering to furnish fresh horses to mount the Oregon volunteers, whose horses were sadly THE YAKIMA WAE. 453 worn down. These matters settled, the Washington gov ernor hastened on to his capital, where he was enthusias tically received, to find affairs in a deplorable state west of the mountains, the people living in blockhouses, and bus iness suspended. He immediately set about in a vigorous manner organizing for the prosecution of the war which had already begun on the sound. The condition of the volunteers in the Walla Walla val ley was not dissimilar to that of the volunteers during the war of 1847-8, food and clothing being scarce, and the weather in midwinter severe. Says one, who was there: " On the night of December twenty-first the snow fell from six to eight inches deep, and the mercury stood about twenty degrees below zero. Next morning it fell to my lot to go on guard. My raiment consisted of an old slouch hat, an old coat, a flannel shirt, a threadbare pair of pants, and an old pair of shoes without socks. I had run through my shoes during the battle, but found an old pair in a cache which answered the purpose. I donned my raiment, tied a string around my pants to keep them from slipping above my knees, and at six o clock was ready for duty. My beat being one mile from camp, I trudged along through the snow until I reached my station, and then passed off the time as best I could. * * * When I examined my feet, strange to say, they were not very badly frozen, only the tops and sides were raised up in blisters. Several of the boys who had no shoes took rawhide and sewed it up in shape something like a moccasin. This beat bare feet to wade through the snow with. But the boys seemed to be content. Our tents were small and thin; our blankets were smaller and thinner. I had two of those long, narrow, thin blankets, one blue and one green, that were not long enough to reach from my nose down to my feet, and a saddle-blanket; this constituted my bed." From Fort Bennett, camp was moved during the winter 454 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. to a site seven miles above the present town of Walla Walla. Beef, and the potatoes which grew in that portion of the valley, furnished subsistence to the volunteers, with occa sionally a little flour, sugar, and coffee. Two companies of the regiment under Major Armstrong, which had been left to scour the country between Fort Henrietta and The Dalles, and to reenforce Kelly if needed, were employed most of the time in discovering property stolen from the immigration, and in unearthing caches of provisions se creted by the Indians. These were usually made either in a sandhole, or on a point a little higher than the surround ing earth. The pit equaled the size of the contents, with about one foot on top to be rilled in with earth, which be ing leveled, the remainder of the earth was carried away, that it might not attract suspicion to the spot. Hence, it was not easy to locate these caches, containing cam as, couse, pease, and potatoes, and on which the volunteers largely depended for food. Many of the volunteers being anxious to return to their homes, Governor Curry issued a proclamation January sixteenth, calling for a battalion of five companies to re cruit the regiment, as follows: Whereas it has been deemed advisable that such companies, or parts of companies, as may so desire of the first regiment Oregon mounted volunteers, should be relieved from the arduous service in which they have been so honorably distinguished, and in order to maintain the successes achieved by the valor and ability of our citizen soldiery against the combined tribes of hostile Indians, and to insure a vigorous prosecution of the war to a successful termina tion, it is necessary that the efficient strength of the regiment should be preserved. I, therefore issue this, my proclamation, calling for a battalion of five companies of mounted volunteers to recruit said regiment ; each company to consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corporals, and sixty privates. Each company to elect its own officers, and each volunteer to furnish his own arms, horse, and equipments. To facilitate the organization of these companies, the following named gentlemen are requested to act as enrolling officers in their respective counties : Linn county, Sergeant-Major Isaac Miller ; Marion county, Hon. THE YAKIMA WAR. 455 George H. Williams; Polk county, Thos. H. Hutchinson, Esq.; Yamhill county, Nathan K. Sitton, Esq.; Clackamas county, George Eeese, Esq. It is very desirable that company K, acting as scouts, first regi ment, Oregon mounted volunteers, under command of Captain Con- noyer, should be increased to its full complement by a recruit of forty men. For this purpose, additional to the battalion, it is requested that Augustus Dollein, Esq., of Fairfield, Marion county, will act as enrolling officer, to enroll that number of men. After the enroll ment the detachment will elect one second lieutenant. This detach ment, and the companies as they are organized, will report to the adjutant-general, to be mustered into the service of the territory, f and the term of service will be for three months, unless sooner dis- ; charged by proclamation or otherwise. The enrollment and organization of the companies herein called for are desired to be made with the greatest possible dispatch, so that they may march forward promptly to join the regiment now in the field. When the battalion shall have been concentrated, it will be entitled to elect one major to command. Given under my hand at Salem, this sixteenth day of January, A. D. 1856. By the Governor : GEO. L. CURRY. B. F. HARDING, Secretary of State. The recruits came in pretty rapidly and by the middle of February the battalion was ready for the march to Walla Walla, where it arrived about the first of the following month. When the Indian army had quitted the field in Decem ber, they had moved north across Snake river, where the volunteers could not for want of boats pursue them. In the latter part of February enough lumber had been gotten out with whip-saws to build six boats; and enough tar ob tained from pine knots to calk them. On the ninth of March they were loaded on wagons, and the regiment crossed Snake river thirty miles below the mouth of the Palouse, being opposed by a small band of Indians, who were dispersed with loss, and their horses captured, horse meat being at this time a staple article in the commissa riat. From the crossing, the command proceeded up the river to the mouth of the Palouse, and up that stream to 456 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. a point one mile above the falls, where it encamped to await the arrival of wagons from The Dalles with sup plies. The new recruits, says a veracious chronicler, on being fed with Cayuse beef, acquired all the bucking qual ities of that animal, and refused to march before the pro visions provided by the commissar-general came up, which they did about the twenty-third, when the army resumed its march. The line of march was westward across the barren plain between the Palouse and the Columbia, which was reached at White bluffs. The sixty miles covered by this march, under a hot sun, without good water or grass, caused a loss of nearly half the horses of the command, which was compelled to lay by long enough to remount itself from the Indian herds, and refill its larder from the same store. On the thirtieth, the march was continued, doubling on its former course and returning to the Walla Walla valley, whence after foraging for a few days . and finding only a little cam as and potatoes, a detachment was ordered to the Urnatilla to search for caches and fat Cayuse fillies to prevent starvation. Such was the difficulty with which the Oregon government supplied its volunteers in the field, that for many days together on different occasions the men were subsisted entirely on horse meat. At other times, in the Umatilla country, cattle could be found, and were seized upon without inquiry as to ownership. Some times the Indians by a sudden raid nearly dismounted a command, and were in turn dismounted. Meantime, the regulars had not yet taken the field, and the time for which the recruiting battalion had enlisted was about to expire. Colonel Cornelius, who wished to confer with Governor Curry, on the sixth of April took up his line of march for The Dalles with a portion of his command, his route lying along the north side of the Columbia. At Canon creek, four days march from Walla Walla, he was attacked by Kamiakin and a force of nearly three hundred Indians, when an engagement took place in which the THE YAKIMA WAR 457 Yakimas were defeated, with the loss of only one man wounded on the side of the volunteers. For want of pro visions the command was unable to pursue the fleeing enemy, and proceeding on its march encamped within five miles of The Dalles on the twenty-eighth. Early in the morning of that day the Indians stampeded nearly all the horses of the command, leaving it dismounted. A similar loss befell the division under Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly at Fort Henrietta, where on the twenty-first of April the horse guard was surprised by a party of sixty Indians, who killed Corporal Lot Hollinger, and drove off forty-five horses, with which they crossed the Columbia near the mouth of the Umatilla. The conference between the colonel of the Oregon mounted volunteers and Governor Curry, resulted in the disbanding of the regiment, and the organization out of it of two companies, one to serve in the Walla WaJla valley and one in the Tyghe valley, at the eastern base of the Cascade mountains; the latter force being increased in May to two companies, the battalion being commanded by Major Davis Lay ton. CHAPTEE II. ARRIVAL OF COLONEL WRIGHT WITH NINTH INFANTRY POSTS GARRISONED IM PORTANCE OF THE CASCADES ERROR OF GENERAL WOOL ATTACK ON THE CAS CADES BY THE YAKIMAS THE LONG SIEGE OF BRADFORD S STORE APPEARANCE OF THE TROOPS VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS FROM VANCOUVER AND PORTLAND SHERIDAN S PLIGHT STEPTOE S ERROR LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CASCADE INDIANS WRIGHT S CAMPAIGN IN THE YAKIMA COUNTRY, AND ITS RESULTS COURSE OF GOVERNOR STEVENS WASH INGTON VOLUNTEERS TAKE THE PLACE OF THE DISBANDED OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEER REGIMENT LETTER OF INDIAN AGENT CRAIG BATTLE OF GRAND ROND EFFECT OF SHAW S POLICY STEVENS FAILURE IN THE COUNCIL WITH THE NEZ PERCES ATTACKED BY THE CAYUSES AND WALLA WALLAS WOOL S REPORT ON THIS MATTER STEVENS REMARKS UPON THE POLICY OF COLONEL WRIGHT FORT WALLA WALLA ESTABLISHED THE OREGON AND WASHINGTON SUPERINTENDENCES UNITED GENERAL WOOL RECALLED, AND GENERAL NEWMAN S. CLARKE SUCCEEDS HIM SLIGHT CHANGES AT FIRST STEPTOE S DISASTROUS MARCH CLARKE AND WRIGHT AT LAST AROUSED WRIGHT S CAMPAIGN BATTLE OF FOUR LAKES THE TROOPS VICTORIOUS AND THE INDIANS SUBDUED KAMI- AKIN S FLIGHT WRIGHT S HEROIC TREATMENT OF THE INDIAN QUESTION WHEN THE ARMY WAS HURT. THE ice in the Columbia which had prevented Governor Curry from provisioning the volunteers, had also interfered with the plans of General Wool. It was out of the lower Columbia, however, long before it was broken up above ; and on the eleventh of January the mail steamer from San Francisco was able to reach Vancouver, informing the gen eral of fresh troubles in northern California and southern Oregon, which demanded his immediate return to Benicia. On his passage down the river he met an up-corning steamer, on board of which was Colonel George Wright with eight companies of the ninth infantry regiment; and to him he assigned the command of the district of the Columbia river. At sea he also met Lieutenant-Colonel Silas Casey, with two companies of the same regiment, whom he assigned to the command of the Puget sound district. Wright was directed to make his headquarters at The Dalles, and to concentrate there all the troops intended to operate in the upper country; to establish a post in Walla (488) THE Y AKIN A WAR. 459 Walla valley; and another at the fishery on the Yakima river near the crossing of the road from Walla Walla to Fort Steilacoom, which was via the Nachess pass; besides which an immediate post was to be erected between The Dalles and the post on the Yakiina; these two being in tended to prevent the Indians taking fish. So complete an occupation of the country, it was expected, would soon bring the Indians into subjection. Meanwhile, Colonel Wright remained at Vancouver long after the five com panies of recruits to the first regiment of Oregon mounted volunteers had found means to reach the upper country. A point of great importance on the Columbia river was the cascades, and one easily defended had the military authorities apprehended its significance. Indeed, after the Yakima outbreak in October, Captain Wallen of the reg ular army had erected midway between the upper and lower cascade settlements a blockhouse, which was occu pied during the winter by a company under Lieutenant Bissell, with the purpose of protecting government stores in transit from Vancouver to the upper country. The transportation of these stores depended upon a few small steamers on the Columbia below the cascades, and two similar boats between the upper settlement and The Dalles. The portage of five miles was partly overcome by means of a wooden tramway, whose motive power was a stout mule. Early in March, Colonel Wright commenced moving his command to The Dalles, and a large amount of army stores and baggage was temporarily detained at the cas cades, offering a great temptation to the Yakimas and Klickitats, whose country lay just above. When General Wool returned to Oregon about the middle of March, only three companies of infantry remained at Vancouver, two of which he ordered to Steilacoom; and on the twenty- fourth of the month the company at the cascades was ordered away, only a detachment of eight men under Ser geant Matthew Kelly of the fourth infantry being left to 4GO INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. garrison the blockhouse, and repel any attack which might be made upon the government property at that place. The cascade settlements were on the north bank of the river where a strip of bottom-land of no great width ex tends up and down for several miles. On the opposite side the mountains came down very close to the river, and there were no settlements. On Rock creek, at the upper end of the portage, was a sawmill, and a little below, on the river, was a cluster of houses and shops, and the store of Bradford & Company fronting the bay-like expanse of the Columbia which is here held back by the obstructions which form the dam of the cascades, until it appears to be a mountain lake. One of these obstructions is an island, which lay directly in front of Bradford s store, and which was being connected with the mainland by a bridge then in process of construction. Workmen were also hurrying forward the unfinished wooden railroad, where a bridge was building. In fact, the Indian war had given the Cas cades, hitherto a mere trading post for immigrants, and for Indians, a strong impetus in the direction of growth; and on the morning of the twenty-sixth of March, two days after the removal of Captain Wallen s company, it presented a busy scene. The little steamer Mary lay at her moorings near the mill waiting for government freight, which it was too early, or too soon, owing to the unfinished state of the road, to have received. Her consort, the Wasco, lay on the opposite side of the river. The little town, hemmed in between the high bluffs back of it, and the turbulent river in front, had but fairly opened its eyes on this March morning, when there sounded on the bright mountain air that most horrifying and demoniacal of all human utterances the Indian war whoop. Following the fearful yells came the crack, crack, crack of many rifles, while puffs of blue smoke burst out from every clump of bushes, revealing the lurking places of the foe in a line extending from Rock creek to the head of the rapids, where the men had just begun their day s work on THE YAKIMA WAE. 461 the bridge in front of the store. Along the whole line fell their victims. At the mill, B. W. Brown, his eighteen- year-old wife, and her young brother were slain, scalped, and thrown into the river, and the teamster at the mill wounded, who, however, escaped to the steamer Mary. Three of the crew of the Mary were on their way to the steamer, whose fires were not yet lighted, when the attack was made. The wind was blowing hard down stream, and even with steam up it would have seemed doubtful whether the boat could be got out without serious delay. They looked in each others faces, and asked, "Have we any guns on the boat?" No, there were no arms. One of the three ran, going up the river to the house of a settler, named Imans. The other two made an effort to get the steamer out, when the Indians fired on them, and they ran to the cover of the woods and up past Imans . Those who were already on the boat defended themselves, the fireman, James Lindsay, being shot through the shoulder. Buck- minster, the engineer, killed one Indian with his revolver; and John Chance, the steward s boy, sprang on the roof and shot an Indian with an old dragoon pistol, being him self wounded in the leg while defending the boat. The cook, being wounded, jumped into the river and was drowned. But the boat s fires were started in the midst of this fight for life, and two wounded men taken on board, when Hardin Chenoweth went into the pilot-house, and lying flat upon the floor, backed the steamer out. When she was fairly out in the stream, he whistled defiance to the savages; but what was of more importance, whistled hope into the hearts of the men on shore, who understood it to mean that the Mary would return with aid as soon as it could be procured. The Wasco also, seeing the situa tion, had already made a start from the other side, and the men who had escaped by running up the river, were picked up by the boats. Of the men at work on the island bridge most reached the store, though some were wounded, one mortally. The 462 INDIAN WAES OF OEEGON. store was a strong log house, of two stories, with a flight of stairs on the outside. To this fled the inhabitants of the place who were not killed at the outset. Three men at work on a new warehouse on the island were unable to get off before two of them were wounded, one having to remain hidden under a shelf of rock for two days. The Indians at the upper cascades now turned their whole attention to the little fortress of the store where forty or more persons, men, women, and children, were gathered. At first, the confusion was great, and in the midst of it Mr. James Sinclair of Fort Walla Walla, open ing the door to look out for the three men on the island, was shot dead. This fatal occurrence warned the inmates that they must do as much fighting as in their imprisoned condition they could. It had happened that this very morning nine govern ment rifles had been left at the store, with ammunition and cartridge boxes, to be sent to Vancouver. On these nine rifles, and on the endurance of eighteen able men, now depended forty lives. No one dared venture out, nor could the Indians be seen from the lower floor front, which faced the river. There was a stovepipe hole in the ceiling of the lower room, by enlarging which several men as cended to the chamber above, where they could observe the Indians on the bluff overlooking the store. Portholes were cut in the walls, and frequent well-directed shots served to keep the savages at a cautious distance. The first of these killed an Indian who was leveling his gun at Mrs. Watkins, seeking shelter at the store. Her husband, it was, who lay wounded under a rock on the island ; whose son was killed at the mill; and whose house was burned, together with the mill and lumber yard, and Imans house, during that da} 7 . When the Indians found the store contained men armed for resistance, they resorted to throwing rocks, hot irons, and burning pitchwood upon the roof; but as the bluff receded somewhat from the building, and as every Indian THE YAKIMA WAE. 463 who caine into view was fired on, these missies were apt to fall short, though many of the lighted ones lodged upon the roof, setting fire to the shingles. In that case the fire was extinguished by guards in the attic, who poked off the brands with long sticks, extinguished a blaze with brine from a pork barrel applied with a tin cup, or cut out the ignited patch of roof with axe and saw. During the long day there was no cessation of the siege, no rest for the besieged. It was agreed by all in the store that should they be burned out, they would make a rush for a flatboat that lay in front of the building, and go over the falls in her, such a death being preferable to falling into the hands of the Indians. The suddenness of the attack had left no time for prepa ration, even for procuring from the river, on whose brink they were, a supply of water. All the drinking fluids in the store were a few bottles of whisky and two dozen of ale, which were consumed before night. If the weary and gasping garrison, or the wounded, hoped that night might bring them relief from their torture, they were dis appointed, for the Indians had calculated upon this, and reserved for burning some of the largest buildings, so to light the scene that escape or sortie would be impossible. However, during the night a young Spokane, who had been brought up by Mr. Sinclair, stripped himself naked, and slipping down a slide to the wharf, procured a single bucket of water, returning in safety; but the action was too dangerous to be repeated. With the return of day the besieged looked for the Mary and Wasco to appear, bringing relief, but no relief came; and this day, like the first, was spent in unrelaxing vigi lance. No water and little food was had. When the second night came there was repeated the illumination of fires, whose glare did not die out until almost daylight. About four o clock on the morning of the twenth-eighth, the Spokane boy again offered his services, under the cover of darkness to procure water, and the body of Mr. Sinclair 464 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. was slipped out of and down the slide into the river, for it was impossible to longer keep it in the midst of the crowded storeroom. When the attack was made on the upper cascades a party of Yakimas had attacked the blockhouse at the middle cascades, and one of the local Indians had run with the news to the lower landing, where George Griswold was living, who that morning was at an Indian village on a sand bar between his house and the blockhouse, to engage a crew for one of his boats, which was going to Vancouver for freight. At the village the Cascade Indians informed Griswold that the Yakimas had come, the story being con firmed by the noise of cannon and musketry at the block house; and on this he returned with all haste to the lower cascades, accompanied by others, who were warned on the way by a carpenter at work on the tramway, who cut loose the mules attached io a car, mounted and ran, crying to others, " Run for your lives ! they are righting at the block house!!" The fugitives assisted in getting off a couple of boats, with the women and children, for Vancouver, from whence help might be expected. A wharf boat lying at the lower landing had in it con siderable government freight, which the men in charge would have defended by barricading, but had no ammu nition to stand a siege. There were also some batteaux and a schooner at the landing, over which the men kept guard until near night, when the Indians appeared and fired on them as they shoved the boats out into the stream, wounding one man. The boats then proceeded down the river, and the Indians burned all the property they could not carry off. Meanwhile, neither those at the upper or lower cascades knew what was transpiring at the blockhouse, except that it had been attacked, as was evidenced by the firing. The first intimation of an attack was hearing a few shots and the shouts of men running from above warning others. Five of the garrison of nine were in the fort at that moment. THE YAKIMA WAR. 465 Hastening to the entrance they found one soldier shot through the hip. Indians could be seen on a hill in front. The cannon was run out and fired without much effect, except to prevent a nearer approach. The people in the vicinity came fleeing to the fort for protection, drawing the fire of the Indians, which the soldiers returned until all who were left alive were sheltered. For four hours firing from both sides was kept up, when seeing that the enemy was about to burn a large building, the cannon was again discharged to disperse them. Just before night a wounded soldier ventured to the blockhouse and was rescued. An attempt was made during the night to fire the blockhouse, without success; the prowling about con tinuing until the next day, when three soldiers made* a sortie to a neighboring house for provisions, returning in safety. During the afternoon a large body of Indians ap peared on the Oregon side of the river, but were dispersed by the cannon; and late that day a party from the fort sallied out to bring in the dead and wounded, and to search for arms and ammunition in the deserted houses. These events, although not known at the upper landing, were partly guessed ; guessed so far at least as that some boat or boats would get off to Vancouver for military aid, which now was looked for from that direction rather than from The Dalles, since the long delay in hearing from that quarter had led to the fear that Wright s command had left that post, or that the boats had been captured. With what a shout of joy, then, was answered the whis tles of the Mary and Wasco as they made their landing at daybreak on the twenty-eghth, followed by the noise of a howitzer, and by the yells of the soldiery, as they rushed ashore without waiting for orders and plunged into the woods everywhere, bayoneting every bush as they ran. What had taken place at The Dalles and above was this: When the Mary arrived at The Dalles, Colonel Wright was encamped on Five-mile creek above that place, on his way to Walla Walla to establish a post, as before men- 466 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. tioned, was the order of General Wool ; and it was mid night before a courier reached him with the news. At daylight he began his march back to The Dalles with two hundred and fifty men, rank and file, who were all on board the steamers, and their baggage on a flatboat in tow of one of them, by night of the twenty-seventh. On the way down the Mary s flues became out of order through the ignorance of a new fireman, which delayed the voyage until the morning of the twenty- eighth. Although the Indians had fired a volley at the Mary as she stranded for a few moments on a rock at the mouth of the creek, when they came to be looked for not one was to be seen. Colonel Wright at once proceeded to organize a force made up of two companies of the ninth infantry under Captains Winder and Archer; a detachment of dra goons under Lieutenant Tear, third artillery; with a howitzer under Lieutenant Piper, the whole commanded by Colonel Septoe, who was ordered to advance to the blockhouse and thence to the lower landing. In order to understand what follows, it is necessary to shift the scene to Vancouver. When the news of the Yakima descent on the cascades reached that post, great consternation prevailed through an apprehension that Vancouver was the objective point aimed at by the hostile Indians. Colonel Morris, in command, removed the women and children of the garrison and the greater part of the ammunition to the Hudson s Bay Company s fort for greater security. At the same time he refused arms to the captain of the volunteer home guard, in obedience to General Wool s orders, leaving the citizens of the town defenseless. As before mentioned, only one company had been left at Vancouver when the forward movement to The Dalles was ordered. Of this company Colonel Morris dispatched forty men, under the command of Lieutenant Philip Sheridan, on board of a small steamer called the Belle, which left Vancouver early on the morning of the twenty -seventh. On his way up Sheridan passed the THE YAKTMA WAE. 467 schooner and batteaux which had left the lower cascades the previous day, the men on them volunteering to return with him and fight, which offer was accepted. At ten o clock in the forenoon the Belle reached her destination, finding the place totally destroyed, and making a landing on the Oregon side. From here Sheridan, with a part of his command, pro ceeded up the river on foot to a point opposite the upper town to reconnoiter. On his way he learned from the Cas cade Indians the condition of affairs both at the upper town and the blockhouse. He then returned and landed his men on the Washington side, at the same time dis patching a canoe to Vancouver for more ammunition. But the Indians did not wait to be attacked. While the troops and howitzer were being disembarked on a sand island two of the men were shot down, and Sheridan was compelled to retreat some distance from the cover of the Indians, the steamer dropping down in company. A council of war was then held, and it was decided to main- lain their ground, which was done with much difficulty through the remainder of the day. An advance to the blockhouse could not be made, though the diversion ef fected by the presence of troops was a relief to the garri son, as has been shown by their immunity from harm on the afternoon of the twenty-seventh. Meantime, a volunteer company raised in Portland on the night of the twenty-sixth, and commanded by L. G. Powell, consisting of thirty men of that place, and about an equal number from Vancouver, proceeded in the steamer Fashion, arriving at the lower cascades soon after the Belle, but finding themselves unable to advance up the river against a numerous concealed enemy in front. They landed, however, and by their presence may be pre sumed to have had an influence in arresting the designs of the Indians. The Fashion returned to Portland and brought up on the next morning forty more volunteers, enrolled by Colonel A. P. Dennison, aid to Governor Curry, 468 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. and commanded by Captain Stephen Coffin, and a recruit of regulars, with a supply of ammunition. The ammunition and howitzer, being placed on a bat- teau, was taken up opposite the blockhouse, the design of Sheridan being to cover his men while they landed, and to give the garrison a pleasant surprise. The sand island, before referred to with the Indian village, lay directly in front of the blockhouse. These Indians were professedly friendly, and were in charge of agent G. B. Simpson. They had communicated to the agent early on the morn ing of the twenty-sixth that there had been Yakimas in their camp during the night, with the understood design of inducing their people to join in a war upon the white inhabitants, but had repudiated any such intention. There were circumstances, however, which led the agent to doubt their sincerity, and Sheridan was made aware of them. His barge lay in the slough between the island and the main shore, which was lined with Yakimas. His position was therefore critical, and his attempt full of gallantry. He had the opportunity to achieve a reputation; not only that, but, unknown to himself, he was so holding the at tention of the Indians in his front and rear, that the ap proach of Steptoe s command was unseen, and they might have been taken by surprise with troops all around them. Alas for lost opportunities ! Just at the critical moment which should have recorded a victory for the regulars, a bugle blast was sounded, Steptoe s column was seen de scending a hill close by in all the bravery of advancing to action, and presto! in two minutes not an Indian was in sight. The army in Flanders never swore more terribly about anything than the volunteers about that bugle call! But for that, the Yakimas might have been punished; but for that, Sheridan, with whom they sympathized, might have scored a victory. This fight, which was no fight, has often been called Sheridan s first battle. That is not strictly true, as few things in current history are. He had been in action in THE YAKIMA WAR. 469 Rains campaign, but his first responsible command was this of the cascades, and in this he was balked by the traditions of the service to which he belonged. After wards he learned how to fight Indians. One Indian only was killed by Steptoe s command, and the life of a soldier paid for that one. The companies of Captains Powell and A. P. Dennison, Oregon volunteers, returned home on the twenty-ninth. They had done what they could, or as Governor Curry ex pressed it in a dispaich to Brigadier-General Barnum, had "tendered important assistance in rescuing the people there, and reestablishing communication from here," the latter a most important object with the first regiment still in the upper country. The peculiar situation of the cas cades, with several miles of unnavigable rapids between the upper and lower landings, preventing the approach by boats from below to the upper town, with only a narrow strip of land between hemmed in by high mountains, and that, in the possession of a numerous and concealed foe, had rendered progress impossible until the advance of troops from the opposite direction had caused the foe to take to voluntary flight, and then their services were no longer required. The killed in the attack on the cascades were: James Sinclair, B. W. Brown, Mrs. Brown, George Griswold, James Watkins, Henry Hager, Jacob Kyle, Jacob White, Richard Turpin, Norman Palmer, . Calderwood, Bourbon (half- breed), and three soldiers. Those who died from their wounds were: George Watkins, lived four days; Jacob Rousch, lived six days. The wounded who recovered were: Fletcher Murphy, H. Kyle, P. Snooks, J. Lindsay, John Chance, Jesse Kempton, W. Bailey, J. Elgin, Thomas Price, . Moffat, and two soldiers. Colonel Wright ordered a blockhouse erected on the bluff back of Bradford s store, with another at the lower landing, and troops were stationed at both places. He 470 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. also caused to be arrested Chenoweth, chief of the Cascade tribe, and eight others of that band, who were found to have been implicated in the murders. Half a dozen guilty ones had gone with the Yakimas, who could not be taken. The arrested Indians had a fair trial, Chenoweth being the first to suffer for his crime. Being convicted, he en deavored to buy his life; offering ten horses, two Indian women, and other property, to each of the officers of the court to let him go free. His offer being refused, he made another request not to be buried in the ground his people depositing their dead in deadhouses, or in canoes elevated on posts high above the ground. He was quasJi ( afraid ) he said of the grave in the ground. However, when he came to die, he did so with the indifference of the savage. On the scaffold he gave the war whoop. The rope not working perfectly, he hung for a moment able to mutter, " wake nika quash copa memelose " ( I am not afraid of the dead), and was finally shot to end the painful scene. The other murderers were hung within three days after Chenoweth, and a few prisoners were sent to Van couver. Wright issued orders that all Cascade Indians found off the island set apart for them should be shot at sight. The cascades affair was severely commented on by terri torial authorities, and not without reason. General Wool had been keen to scent out and point out to the war de partment any errors committed or expenses incurred by the military organizations of Oregon and Washington; even to mentioning the unavoidable loss of horses by the volunteers in the Indian country through the severity of the weather; and the reported capture of a train of thir teen wagons, guarded by only four men, by the Indians between Umatilla and Walla Walla, the report being wholly without foundation in fact. Said Colonel Corne lius in reply: " During the whole period of the war the Indians have not succeeded in capturing a single article THE YAKIMA WAR. 471 of quartermaster or commissary stores or supplies, ammu nition, or a wagon." On the other hand Major Haller had lost in the Indian country nearly all the horses of his command, with a large amount of government property; Major Rains had conducted a costly campaign without any definite results ; and lastly, Colonel Wright, by the advice and with the sanction of General Wool, had advanced his command into the Indian country leaving his army stores and sup plies of every kind unguarded in his rear, causing not only their loss, but the death of seventeen innocent per sons; the wounding of a dozen more, and the destruction of the property of almost the entire settlement. This last misadventure had delayed the opening of the spring campaign as arranged by the commander of the army in the Columbia division. It was nearly the last of April when Wright returned to The Dalles. The snow was still two feet deep on the mountains when the troops and artillery were crossed. By the thirtieth all were en camped twenty-five miles above The Dalles, on the north side of the river, and Lieutenant Davidson was sent on a scout to look for the Indians, who were already out of reach. The command was advanced to Ahtanahm creek, seven miles north of the mission, when a few scattering Indians were seen, but the dragoons were unable to cap ture any to guide them to their encampment. On the night of the sixth of May, Wright s command was attacked and the prairie set on fire to the windward. The night being dark the sentinels failed to discover the at tacking party until firing commenced. On being promptly met by the troops they retired until morning when they again appeared in large numbers on a long range of hills in front of the encampment; but upon being followed and charged by the dragoons, precipitately fled. The following day a party of Yakimas was overtaken with whom was the chief Skloom. A brief talk was held, but this chief would not commit himself to any policy without consulting Kam- iakin and others, who were sent for. 472 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. On the eighth negotiations were still delayed, as those present wished to send for a son of Peu-peu-mox-mox. Wright on the following day broke up his encampment and marched to a range of hills in front, when the Indians sent messages after him. Arrived on the Nachess, Wright sent a messenger to say he would receive them. The mes senger found the chiefs Skloom, Showwawy, Owhi, Kam- iakin, and Teies seated in council with young Peu-peu- mox-mox in their midst, who was haranguing in an excited manner. The chiefs did not agree as to who was respon sible for the war. The young Walla Walla chief was for continuing the war all summer; and finally it was decided not to see Wright that day, though several messages were subsequently sent to him. But word was returned to Kamiakin that no more messages would be received unless peace negotiations were desired, and every Indian ap proaching his camp would be fired upon. This brought a reply from Kamiakin that all the chiefs desired peace, and would visit Wright s camp the following day, first sending away their young men. The morning of the tenth came, however, without bring ing the chiefs, and a large party was seen moving north ward towards the Wenass. Dragoons in the afternoon made a reconnoissance up the Nachess to find a crossing, but the river was found too swollen to be forded. During the evening a friendly Klickitat informed Colonel Wright that Skloom and Showwawy were the only chiefs in favor of peace ; that all the others were against it, and an attack on his camp would be made that night or the next day. On this information, an express was sent to Colonel Steptoe to join him with all the disposable force on the Columbia. No further communication was had for five days. On the fifteenth. Indians were seen on the hills, and came to the brink of the river, which was still so swollen as to be im passable for troops. However, word was sent to Wright s camp that most of the chiefs were assembled, and desired to talk, when Lieutenant Van Voarst crossed over and had THE YAKIMA WAR. 473 an interview with Owhi, who returned with him to camp, and declared his wish for peace. On the following day, Owhi s father came to Wright s camp, and talked in the same strain. He promised to see Teies, who, he said, was the head of the Yakima nation, though Owhi had the most numerous following, and consequently the most in fluence. Teies himself appeared on the afternoon of the seventeenth, and said the Yakimas would abide by his word; but no council was held and no negotiations con cluded with the several chiefs. The salmon not yet hav ing begun to run up the rivers, the Indians were compelled to go to the mountains for food, where it was thought im practicable to follow them, and the troops remained in camp. On the twenty-seventh of May, Colonel Steptoe joined Wright s command, making the force in the field about five hundred, exclusive of detachments with pack trains. Earthworks were thrown up on the Nachess river of dimen sions sufficient to contain the stores, and a company or two. A bridge was thrown across the stream to enable the troops to pass over to the fisheries, where it was expected the In dians would congregate when the fish should begin to run. In order to weaken the influence of Kamiakin, the friendly Klickitats were sent to the reservation, and Palmer, who was still superintendent, was advised to remove the Cas cade Indians also. Wright expected by these means to get affairs in a shape to crush the Indians who remained hostile at a blow. But the policy of the Indians in this case, as in other wars, was to affect to have two parties, and to play off one against the other. The chiefs vascillated. One day there were only two who were hostile; the next, only two who were for peace, and these differences prevented the hold ing of a treaty council. Yet in order to prevent Wright from going to war with them, and punishing them for their crimes, small parties continued to visit him, bringing such accounts as, whether they were true, as they some- 474 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. times were, or false, as they often were found to be, were such as would stay his hand and allow them time to col lect their winter store of food at the fisheries, as Major Rains had said to them they would not be permitted to do, and as it was Colonel Wright s intention to prevent their doing could it be shown that they really did not desire peace. On the evening of the ninth of June, Owhi, Kamiakin, and Teies, encamped on the bank of the river opposite Fort Nachess, and sent friendly messages. Upon being told that if they desired peace they must come to Wright s camp and talk it over, Owhi and Teies complied, and charged the blame of the war upon the treaty of Walla Walla that is to say, utfon Governor Stevens, Superin tendent Palmer, and the military officers present. To this Wright replied by asking what they had to gain by war, telling them they were as children in his hands; that if they persisted in fighting their warriors would all be killed, and their women and children driven to the cold north, where they must starve; that he sympathized with them, and was their friend, but they must not seek to avenge their wrongs by war. This was the kind of talk they desired to hear, for it showed them they had nothing to fear from the army so long as their double policy could be maintained. It did not much signify that Wright ordered Kamiakin and the other absent chiefs to come into camp or be pursued as enemies. Skloom and Showwawy had gone to the Pa- louse country, leaving their people with Owhi, for the Oregon volunteers still occupied that region; and others were absent on various missions. The order to come into camp extended to five days, dur ing which must be collected the property belonging to immigrants whom they had plundered. But none of the chiefs appearing at the appointed time, Colonel Wright moved his force across and encamped on the Yakima river, in the Kitetas country, Colonel Steptoe remaining at Fort THE YAKIMA WAE. 475 Nachess with three companies and one mountain howitzer. The history of Wright s operations, as given in his re ports, shows a summer spent in trailing Indians from place to place, from fishery to fishery, and over mountains before thought impassable for troops, dragging after them their season s supplies, and accomplishing nothing but to collect the non-combatants of the disaffected tribes upon a reservation in Oregon, where they were secure from the turmoil of war, and at liberty to spy on either side. On the trail over the mountains to the Klickitat country and returning, Wright marched one hundred and eighty miles. While there he made the acquaintance of the old chief Nikatani, who, at his request, visited him at the camp on the Ahtanahm, and there related to him the part taken by Kamiakin in the cascades affair. According to Nikatani, Kamiakin had sent a party of thirty Yakirnas to Camas lake in his country to command the young men of the Klickitats to proceed to the cas cades and endeavor to gain over the Cascade Indians to his project, which was to watch for a time when both steamboats were at that place, burn them, thus cutting off escape or assistance, and make a simultaneous attack on the whole line, killing all the white inhabitants, and hold ing the place until Kamiakin should arrive with a large force for further operations. Twenty Klickitats were in duced to join the Yakimas, and these fifty held secret meet ings with the Cascade Indians, gaining over their chiefs, and making the attack, with the result already known. Nikatani declared that his people had long been under the tyranny of Kamiakin, who took away their horses and their women. The Cascade Indians, as a tribe, had not been guilty, but the chiefs, Chenoweth and Banahi, had fired their own houses to make it appear that they had been attacked, and with a minority of their people had led the onslaught on the white residents. From the time when Governor Stevens had returned to his capital to about the middle of April he had been deal- 476 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. ing with a serious uprising of the Indians west of the Cascades, among whom the emissaries of Kamiakin had been disseminating hostile sentiments. The valleys on the east side of the sound had been depopulated; the town of Seattle besieged and only saved by the timely presence in the sound waters of United States gunboats; and mur der had lurked everywhere, on land and water. Stevens had met this calamitous condition of his ter ritory with characteristic firmness, and been opposed in his course by the officers of the army under General Wool s influence. Having disposed of these matters at home, he proceeded to attend to his duties as superin tendent of Indian affairs, first sending a battalion of Washington volunteers under Colonel Shaw to reenforce the Oregonians in that portion of his territory east of the mountains. Shaw s command crossed the Cascades, by the Nachess pass, falling in with Wright on the river Nachess, with whom he offered to cooperate, but who declined his ser vices, when he proceeded to the Walla Walla valley, where he arrived on the eighth of July with all his command, except a force of seventy-five men under Captain GofF, who had joined Major Layton of the Oregon rangers, with whom he was making a march through the John Day coun try, capturing Indians and taking many Indian horses. This constant marching through their country, taking away their horses and supplies, gradually forced the needy and the neutral individuals and bands onto the reserva tion at Warm springs, and together with the somewhat similar policy of Wright, caused the surrender of over nine hundred Wascos, Tyghes, Des Chutes, and John Day Indians to the agents, thus lessening the numbers liable to commit depredations or act as go-betweens. There were, however, still the fighting forces of the Cayuses and Walla Wallas and a part of the Nez Perces to overcome either by arms or diplomacy. In the discharge of his duties as superintendent of In- TEE YAKIMA WAE. 477 dian affairs, Governor Stevens began to prepare early in the summer for the annual distribution of goods to the tribes who had remained friendly, and instructed special agent Craig, who was also lieutenant-colonel of Washing ton territory volunteers, still in command of the company of sixty Nez Perce chiefs and picked men organized in January, to send expresses to the Spokanes and Cosur d Alenes to invite them to a council in the Nez Perce country. Craig s answer, which is here given, contains an amount of information which is nowhere else to be found regarding the attitude of the Indians at this time, and the cause of it: HEADQUARTERS COMPANY M, \ SECOND REGIMENT WASH. TER. VOLUNTEERS, > LAPWAI, May 27, 1856. ) Isaac I. Stevens, Esq., Governor and Superintendent of Indian Af fairs, Washington Territory: SIR : On receiving your instructions, I sent expresses to Colville, Coaur d Alene, and to Montour; their answers I send enclosed. A few days after the express arrived a large party started for this place, which was raised, perhaps, after the express left there. There is no doubt but the Spokanes, or at least a part, have joined the war party; they are determined on fighting the Nez Percys, who beg and pray their big chief to send them some help; they are here in the middle of their enemies without ammunition, and they ask for their white friends to come and help them. The volunteers hav ing all abandoned the country, and hearing nothing of the regulars, there is a cloud of Indians collected in the Spokane country, they say, to rub out the few whites and Nez Perc6s there are here. There is very little doubt that the Indians in the direction of the upper Columbia have joined the war party, as they have received their horses for pay for so doing. There are now Cayuses, Palouses, Spokanes, Okinikanes, Coeur d Alene, and Colville Indians, a part of each of which are now this side of the Spokane prairie. They say they have made all the whites run out of their country, and will now make all the friendly Indians do the same. They have sent to the Snakes, and a party has already joined them. What are the people of the lower country about? Have they abandoned the country forever, or are they giving the Indians a chance to col lect from all parts and break up all friendly parties? They say, "What can the friendly Indians do? They have no ammunition, and the whites will give them none; we have plenty; come and join us and save your lives, or we will take your property anyhow." 478 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. A party came a few days ago of Cayuses, Spokanes, and of other bands to the number of seventy to the Red Wolf country, and crossed from there to the Looking Glass on their way to this place. They talked very saucy. The volunteers (Nez Perc6s) went to prevent them from crossing Snake river. The Looking Glass told them they would not cross. They said they had come to get horses for the Spokanes to ride; that Garry was going to head their party to the Nez Percys country, and learn those people who their friends were; and they would find out who said the Cayuses should not pass through their country. The Nez Perec s are very much alarmed, as there are but few of them that can be depended upon. The Lawyer says that the people on Snake river and the north side of Clearwater cannot be depended upon, as they do not come near us. I sent for them when I received your instructions that I could talk with them, but they did not come. They said that Gov ernor Stevens was too far off to talk with him, but that when he came up they would see him ; arid as there are but few from the forks up to Lawyer s country and Salmon river, people that will fight if attacked, they wish me to move up to their country. They say we have no ammunition to defend ourselves here so near the enemy s country. Now, sir, you can see howl am situated at this place. You said, when we parted in Walla Walla valley, that you would send me some supplies early in the spring, and I have been expecting them since that time, but have received none, nor even heard of any. I am entirely out of everything; I have not even salt for my bread, and I cannot remain in this country entirely destitute of everything. I want powder, ball, caps, flints, sugar, coffee, salt, tobacco, cloth ing for men and familes. If we do not get supplies we will be com pelled to move to where we can get them. It is necessary for two companies to be sent into this country immediately for the safety of the people and property in it. Hoping to hear from you shortly, I remain, your obedient servant, WILLIAM CRAIG, Special Agent Nez Percys, Lieutenant-Colonel W. T. Volunteers. The urgent appeal made by the friendly Nez Perces through their agent could not be disregarded ; hence, the movement of Shaw with one column of his command through the Yakima country, and of Captain Goff with the other column by the way of the Columbia to The Dalles, and thence to Walla Walla on the Oregon side of the river, escorting a wagon and pack train with supplies, and goods for the friendly Indians. At Mill creek, in the THE YAKIMA WAR. 479 Walla Walla valley, July eighth, there were two hundred and ninety of Shaw s command, and sixty Nez Perce aux iliaries, under Spotted Eagle, accompanied by Lieutenant- Colonel Craig. Supplies were immediately sent forward to the Nez Perce country, a pack train of one hundred animals heing taken there in charge of special agent Robie without an escort. Colonel Shaw had been instructed by Governor Stevens to "spare no exertion to reduce to unconditional submission any hostiles within reach," and learning that there was a considerable force of the enemy in the Grand Rond, de termined to attack them. Moving on the night of the fourteenth of July, he struck them on the seventeenth, de feating them with heavy loss, capturing a large number of animals, destroying their provisions, and taking one hundred pounds of ammunition. Major Lay ton was at the same time on the immigrant trail leading to the crossing of Snake river, and skirmishing with the Indians wherever they were overtaken. This vigorous policy produced a marked effect in weak ening the influence of the Spokanes with the Nez Perces. So far had they prevailed with that people in the absence of Craig and the sixty auxiliaries, that when Robie reached the agency with the supply train he was ordered out of the country and marched one hundred miles back to Mill creek without halting. On Shaw s return to headquarters after the battle of Grand Rond, he sent the chief, Captain John, to the Nez Perces with this message: "I am your friend; I have not come to fight you, but the hostiles. But if you beat your drums for war, I will parade my men for battle." The Nez Perc6s then sent back friendly messages. The last of the Oregon volunteers were disbanded in August. About the same time Colonel Wright informed Governor Stevens that he intended to send four companies under Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe to occupy the Walla Walla, and the term of service of Shaw s command expir- 480 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ing September tenth, the Washington volunteers were also mustered out of service. Here might be ended the narrative of the causes and conduct of the Yakima war, so far as the volunteer service was concerned. But there are still to be related the lead ing incidents of its conclusion as a war. On learning that the Nez Perces, excepting Lawyer s following, had refused to acknowledge their treaty obliga tions, or to accept the supplies sent them, Governor Stevens immediately instructed Shaw to send runners to the differ ent tribes, friendly and hostile, inviting them to meet him on the twenty-fifth of September, but at the same time notifying them that he required the unconditional surren der of the latter. He urged Colonel Wright to be present at the council with three companies of regulars, including all his mounted men, which invitation Wright declined. On the nineteenth of August, Stevens left The Dalles with a train of thirty wagons, eighty oxen, and two hun dred loose animals, and without any other escort than the necessary employes of the expedition. A day or two be hind him followed the baggage and supply train of Colonel Steptoe s command. He arrived in the Walla Walla valley on the twenty-third, again sending word in all directions of his desire to meet the Indians for a final adjustment of their difficulties. At the end of a week a deputation of the lower Nez Perces came in with their agenl, Craig. In another week the remainder of that people arrived, and on the same day came Father Ravelli from the Coeur d Alene mission, with the information that Kamiakin, Owhi, and Qualchin of the Yakimas, refused to attend the council. The Spokanes also, influenced by Kamiakin, who had his headquarters on the border of the Spokane country, with the other northern tribes, declined to meet the superintendent. On the tenth of September the hostile Cayuses and their allies arrived, and encamped near the Nez Perces, but THE YAKIMA WAR. 481 without paying the usual visit of ceremony to Governor Stevens. They had but recently captured a pack train loaded with provisions for Shaw s command, and were correspondingly elated. To show in what mood they were, they fired the grass of the country traveled over, making it impossible to subsist a mounted force on that route. The council opened on the eleventh, and lasted one week, Stevens in the mean time moving his camp to near Steptoe s position on Mill creek, six miles from its junction with the Walla Walla, fearing an outbreak. The only terms to which the war chiefs would assent were to be left in possession of their respective territories as before the treaty. It was the frequently expressed opinion of the officers of the regular army, including Colonel Wright and General Wool, that the former treaties should not be con firmed. It was, nevertheless, the duty of the superintend ent to execute, if possible, a treaty made, until congress had rejected it; and it was the duty of the army of the United States to assist him. But this obligation was ignored by Colonel Wright, with the approval of General Wool, who, in his turn, by representations often wide of the facts, secured for himself the approval of those still higher in the service. Nothing was accomplished by the council, and Stevens set out to return to The Dalles with his train of Indian goods, escorted by Shaw s command under Captain Gofl , which was attacked several times on the nineteenth and twentieth, and would have been taken but for the assist ance of Colonel Steptoe, who lost two soldiers in the fight, and who was reproved by General Wool for acting as an escort to volunteers. Stevens returned to his capital, and General Wool wrote to Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas, then assistant adjutant- general of the army at New York: "Governor Stevens has returned to Puget sound, where it is hoped he will remain, although it is apprehended he will attempt the renewal of the war in that region. By his efforts to cause 31 482 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. another war at Walla Walla, he induced Looking Glass, the great war chief of the Nez Perces, a numerous and powerful tribe, to favor Kamiakin of the Yakimas, who has a few followers. He, however, has informed Colonel Wright that he is friendly to the whites and does not want to fight. The Walla Wallas and Cay uses say that they do not desire to fight, but want to be paid for their lands before any more talk is had about taking them away for the whites to settle upon, and prescribing them to certain limits. Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe says he urged Governor Stevens to adjourn his council with the Indians weeks before it was brought to a close, as it was plain ly to be seen that no good would result from it." He further says: "There would have been no further disturb ance but for the council ; it was premature and inoppor tune. It was, no doubt, an effort to create another outbreak with the Indians, with the hope by such a course to induce congress to pay the enormous debt contracted to carry on the war, which there was no circumstance to justify." 1 Soon after the repulse of Stevens and the fight with Steptoe, Colonel Wright repaired to Walla Walla with an additional company of troops, and called a council of the chiefs. But few responded, and those were the friendly Cayuses, Howlish Wampool, Tintinmitse, and Sticcas, and the Nez Perces, Red Wolf and Eagle-from-the-Light, who belonged to the hostile party. No Yakimas, Des Chutes, Walla Wallas, or Spokanes were present or paid any atten tion to the summons. Concerning his council, Colonel Wright reported that the Stevens treaty was responsible for all the hostilities, and that the Indians so declared. Eagle-from-the-Light he denominated "the sense-bearer and mouthpiece of Looking Glass; a man of much char acter, and destined to reach the chieftanship of all the Nez Perce nation." His views of the treaty were the same as those of the other chiefs, though he desired to live in harmony with the white people. "I am fully satisfied," i Indian Affairs Report, 1856, pp. 218-19. THE YAKIMA WAR. remarked the colonel, "with all that has been said by the chiefs or myself. Peace and quiet can easily be main tained. The Indians are perfectly satisfied with the estab lishment of a military post here. All they want is quiet and protection." Referring to the same proceedings, Governor Stevens wrote the secretary of war: "I now make direct issue with Colonel Wright, that he has made a concession to the Indians which he had no right to make; that by so doing he has done nothing but to get the semblance of a peace, and that by his acts he has in a measure weakened the influence of the service having the authority to make treaties, and having charge of the friendly Indians. He has, in my judgment, abandoned his own duty, which was to reduce the Indians to submission, and has trenched upon and usurped a portion of mine." After establishing Fort Walla Walla, which was done by the twentieth of November, Colonel Wright returned to The Dalles, leaving Steptoe in charge. He directed Cap tain Jordan of The Dalles to make arrangements for the transportation of the public stores from the mouth of Des Chutes to the mouth of the Walla Walla by water; and several boats, clinker-built, were constructed for that pur pose, and used to convey government freight up the Co lumbia; and finally a steamboat called the Colonel Wright was built and placed on the upper Columbia, all of which was a direct outcome of the Yakima war, and an impor tant step in the development of the country. The post at The Dalles was strengthened; Captain Wallen stationed at the cascades instead of Captain Winder, who was or dered to Fort Walla Walla with his company to replace one of the ninth infantry, while a single company of the fourth infantry was left at Vancouver. In this state of quiet occupation the country rested during the winter of 1856-7, the wars north and south being to all appearances ended. In the spring of 1857, in order to curtail expenses of the 484 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Indian department, the superintendences of Oregon and Washington were united in one under J. W. Nesmith of Oregon, late colonel of volunteers. Another important change occurred in answer to a petition of the Oregon legislature, which was the recall of General Wool from the command of the department of the Pacific, his suc cessor being General Newman S. Clarke, whose first visit to the Columbia river district was in June, 1857. Nesmith recommended to the commissioner of Indian affairs at Washington City that the treaties of 1855 be ratified, as the best means of bringing about a settlement of the existing troubles, and upon the following grounds: that the land laws of congress permitted the occupation of the Oregon and Washington lands without regard to the rights of the Indians, thereby making the intercourse laws a nullity; that friendly relations with them could not be cultivated while their title to the soil was recognized by the government, which at the same time withheld pay ment for it and gave its subjects a right to settle in the country. General Clarke distributed to the different posts in Ore gon and Washington between fifteen hundred and two thousand troops, among which were three companies of the ninth infantry under Major R. S. Garnett at Fort Sim- coe in the Yakima country; three companies of the same regiment at The Dalles under Wright; and one company each of the first dragoons, third artillery, fourth and ninth infantry at Walla Walla under Steptoe, who was joined in the autumn by Captain A. J. Smith with his troop from southern Oregon. Clark s first measures were governed, visibly, by the prejudices fostered by the injurious reports previously circulated, concerning the management of Indian wars and affairs generally in Oregon. But when he came to know that in spite of the conciliatory policy of the regular army, and its efforts to cultivate friendly relations in the Walla Walla, from which settlers had been rigidly ex- THE YAKIMA WAR. 485 eluded with this purpose, the Indians had presumed upon the non-combativeness and forbearance of the soldiery to drive off the garrison ,live stock, and return flippant or insolent answers to demands for explanation, he gradually became convinced that it would be necessary to mingle with mercy some lessons of justice. In April, 1858, Colonel Steptoe reported to General Clarke that an expedition to the country bordering on the northern mines seemed to be called for, a petition signed by forty persons residing at Colville for troops to be sent to that place having been received at his post. Besides, two white men had been murdered on the road to Colville by the Palouse Indians, who had also made a raid into the Walla Walla valley, driving off the government cattle. On the sixth of May, Steptoe left the post with a force of one hundred and thirty dragoons, intending only to make a march and impress upon the Indians the fact that a military power resided in the country, which, on occa sions, it might be unpleasant to encounter. He proceeded to the Nez Perce country in a leisurely manner, and was ferried over the Snake river by chief Timothy, once a member of Mr. Spalding s church, who also acted as guide. At the Alpowah he found the party of Palouses said to have committed the two murders, who fled at his approach. Proceeding northward, he received information on the six teenth that the Spokanes were preparing to fight him. Disregarding the report he kept on until he found himself surrounded by about six^iundred Indians in their war paint, wbo had posted themselves close to a ravine through which the road passed. The force here assembled was drawn from the Palouse, Spokane, Cceur d Alene, and Nez Perce tribes, the latter numbering but few. It was so stationed that it could attack the troops on three sides should the command enter the ravine, and Steptoe called a halt, during which a parley was held with the Spokanes, in which tney informed him they heard he had come for 486 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. war, and they should not permit him to cross the Spokane river. It was evident that he should have to fight whether he proceeded or retreated, and after a consultation with his officers, turned aside to avoid the pass, and encamped in about a mile on the border of a small lake. He had not, however, dared to dismount his command, the Indians haying traveled along with him, not more than one hun dred yards away, employing, according to their custom, the most insulting language and gestures to provoke their enemy to battle. However, no shots were exchanged, both sides waiting for the overt act, and Steptoe being un prepared for fighting, the dragoons having only their small arms. Late in the afternoon several chiefs presented themselves, mounted, at Steptoe s camp, inquiring his business in their country, and why he had brought a howitzer with him. On being told that he was on his way to Colville to ascer tain the origin of the troubles between the Indians and the miners and residents, they professed to believe him, departing apparently satisfied. But among themselves, and to their priest, Father Joset, they declared their un belief; giving as a reason that Steptoe had not taken the direct road to Colville, and had gone out of his way to pass through their country; a fact of which that officer was ignorant, having trusted everything to his guide, who, with that curious indifference to consequences affecting others, which is a part of the Indian character, had delib erately brought him into a hostile region. Finding that, although professedly satisfied with regard to his intentions, the Spokanes would not consent to ferry him over their river when he should arrive at it, and that if it came to fighting, great odds would be against him, which his men were not armed to meet, Steptoe determined upon retreat. Accordingly, early on the morning of the seventeenth the return march was begun. But the Spokanes were un- THE YAKIMA WAR. 487 willing to allow him to escape out of their hands without a tilt at arms, and had gathered to themselves a consider able force of Cosur d Alenes in the neighborhood. Before marching, Father Joset, of the Cceur d Alene mission, had an interview with Steptoe in which he offered to explain the causes which had led to the hostile attitude of the Indians in this quarter; but not wishing to be de tained, it was agreed that the principal chiefs of the Spo- kanes and Coeur d Alenes with the father, should join him as he marched, and talk as they rode along. Not a chief of the Spokanes, however, came near, the interview being- held between Vincent, head chief of the Cceur d Alenes, Father Joset, and Steptoe. In the midst of it some Pa- louses, who had been dogging the heels of the command, commenced firing, and at the same moment Vincent was called away by his people. Soon firing from every side followed, and the battle was on. Steptoe had not only to march and fight, but to defend a pack train moving over a roiling country favorable to Indian modes of warfare. He kept his column closed up, the supplies guarded by a company of dragoons, until he came to the crossing of a small stream. Here the Indians closed in to get at the head of the column ; and Steptoe ordered Lieutenant Gregg with one company to move for ward and occupy a hill which they were endeavoring to gain for that purpose. Gregg had no sooner reached this position than the Indians made a dash for one that com manded it, making it necessary to divide his company in order to drive them from it. The action had now become general, the companies of Steptoe s command fighting by making short charges, be ing at a great disadvantage on account of the inferiority of their weapons to those of the Indians. On one of the companies making a run to reenforce Lieutenant Gregg, the Indians charged to cut it off; and Lieutenant Gas- ton, who was two thirds of a mile off with his company, made a dash to intercept them, and being met by Gregg s 488 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. command from the hill, the Indians sustained a loss of nine killed, among whom were a brother-in-law of chief Vincent and another head man. Victor, an influential chief of the Cceur d Alenes was mortally, and many others more or less severely wounded. This heavy loss greatly enraged the Coeur d Alenes, who now fought like demons. As the troops pressed on slowly towards the water, Captain Oliver H. P. Taylor and Lieutenant William Gaston, to whom had been assigned the difficult duty of flanking the column, were killed. The loss of their commanders threw the men into confusion, but they defended the bodies of the dead officers and brought them off the field under a rain of bullets. It was now apparent that the Palouse, the nearest water, could not be reached by daylight, and although it was now but little past noon, Steptoe was forced to remain on the summit of the hill now known as "Steptoe s Butte," near the town of Colfax, where the troops dismounted and pick eted their animals. They were ordered to lay flat upon the ground, and defend, as well as they could, this position from the charges of the Indians. "To move from one point to another," wrote Lieutenant Gregg, "we had to crawl on our hands and knees, amid the howling of the Indians, the groans of the dying, and the whistling of balls and arrows." Towards evening the ammunition, of which there was an insufficient supply, began to give out, and the men who were chiefly recent recruits, overcome with fatigue and thirst, became so indifferent to fate that the three remaining officers could with difficulty inspire them to defend themselves. Six of their number were dead or dying, and eleven others wounded. The escape of the whole command now depended en tirely upon a successful flight. The dead were hastily interred, and with the best horses, and a small supply of provisions, the force which had set out to show volunteers how to treat Indians, and to impress upon Indians the great superiority of the regular troops over civilians, crept THE YAKIHA WAR. 489 silently away at ten o clock at night, reaching Snake river on the morning of the ninteenth, and returning to Fort Walla Walla. The reason given by Father Joset for the conduct of the Coeur d Alenes was that ever since the first outbreak in 1855 they had said no white settlers should be admitted into their country, nor any roads made through it. In formation had reached them of the road projected by Lieutenant Mullan from the Missouri to the Columbia, which made them very angry. They also had determined not to permit troops to be sent to Colville, as that would open the way for more troops and finally to the occupation of the country. General Clarke seems to have thought this sufficient apology for the loss inflicted on the army, and offered, through Father Joset, who went to Vancouver to plead for his spiritual charge, to treat with them, sending passports to bring their chiefs to his headquarters. But the Coeur d Alenes were not inclined to treat, being much puffed up by their victory over Steptoe, and denied having commis sioned Joset to negotiate for a treaty. Their attitude af fected the other tribes, who were again openly hostile. After a consultation with his officers, including Wright and Steptoe, General Clarke in June determined upon an expedition which should not repeat the blunders of pre vious ones. Three companies of artillery were brought from San Francisco, one company of the fourth infantry from Fort Jones in California, and another company from Fort Umpqua in Oregon. The troops intended for the ex pedition were concentrated at Fort Walla Walla and thor oughly drilled, the artillerymen being instructed in infantry practice, less one company which was practiced at artillery drill, mounted. Nothing was omitted which could secure discipline in battle. The command of this body of troops was given to Wright. At the same time a second expedition was prepared, de- 490 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. signed to go against the Yakiinas, and commanded by Major Garnett, consisting of three hundred troops, which was to move, on the fifteenth of August, towards Colville, through the Yakima country, driving the hostile Indians towards one common center where they would be met by Wright s forces. On the seventh of August, Captain Keyes, with a de tachment of dragoons, was ordered to proceed to Snake river crossing, and erect a fortification. The point selected was at the mouth of the Tucannoii river, and named Fort Taylor, after Captain Taylor, killed at Steptoe s butte. On the eighteenth Wright arrived at Fort Taylor. His force, when organized, numbered about two hundred dragoons, ninety infantry, organized as a rifle brigade, and four hun dred artillerymen drilled in infantry practice. The arms used by the rifle brigade were Sharpe s long range rifles and minie ball, two things with which the Indians were not yet familiar in warfare. Before leaving Walla Walla, Colonel Wright had called a council of the Nez Perces, with whom he made a "treaty of friendship," binding them to aid the United States in wars with any other tribes, and binding the United States to assist them in the same case, at the cost of the govern ment; and to furnish them arms whenever their services were required. The treaty was signed by Wright on the part of the United States, and by four chiefs of not the greatest importance in the Nez Perce nation, namely, Timothy, Richard, Three Feathers, and Speaking Eagle. It was witnessed by six army officers, and approved by General Clarke. A company of thirty Nez Perc6 volunteers was accepted, and dressed in United States uniform, which was placed under Lieutenant John Mullan, to act as guides and scouts. On the thirty-first, Wright had reached a point on his march about seventy-six miles due north of Fort Taylor, and within about twenty of the Spokane river, when the Indians showed themselves in parties along the hills, ex- THE YAKIMA WAR. 491 changing occasional shots with the Nez Perces whom they recognized in spite of their United States uniform, and firing the grass in order to make a smoke which should hide their movements. But the grass did not burn well, and after a skirmish feint upon the rear guard they retired again to the hills. Understanding these indications to mean that the main body of the Indians was not far off, Wright encamped his command in the vicinity of Four lakes to give the troops a needed rest before battle. But the Indians were not in clined to allow him this refreshment, and on the morning of September first began to mass themselves on the crest of a hill distant about two miles. On recognizing their purpose, Wright made a reconnoissance in that direction with a force consisting of two squadrons of dragoons, com manded by Major W. N. Grier ; four companies of artillery, armed with rifle muskets, commanded by Major E. D. Keyes; the rifles battalion of two companies of the ninth infantry, commanded by Captain F. T. Dent; one mountain howitzer, under Lieutenant J. L. White; and the Nez Perce brigade, under Lieutenant John Mullan. At camp was left one company of artillery, a howitzer, and a guard of fifty- four men, all under Captain J. A. Hardie, assisted by Lieu tenants H. G. Gibson, G. B. Daudy, and H. B. Lyon. Grier was directed to advance his cavalry to the north and east around the base of the hill occupied by the In dians, in order to intercept their retreat when the infantry should have driven them from the summit. The artillery and rifle battalion, with the Nez Perce brigade, were marched to the right, where the ascent was more easy, to push the Indians towards the dragoons. They gave way, as was expected, but made a stand on the other side, and kept up an annoying fire upon the dragoon squadrons who were waiting for the support of the infantry. Lieutenant Kip of the artillery, in his charming little book Army Life, has written so vividly of the scene and the battle of " Four Lakes," that it may be quoted here with- 492 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. out prejudice to the subject and to the readers gratifica tion. He says: "My place as adjutant of the artillery battalion was, of course, with Captain Keyes. We rode up to the top of the hills, when the whole scene lay before us like a splendid panorama. Below us lay four lakes, a large one at the foot of the barren hill on which we were, and just beyond it three smaller ones, surrounded by rugged rocks, and almost entirely fringed with pines. Be tween these lakes, and beyond them to the northwest, stretched out a plain for miles, terminated by bare, grassy hills, one succeeding another, as far as the eye could reach. In the far distance was dimly seen a line of mountains covered with the black pine. On the plain below us we saw the enemy. Every spot seemed alive with the wild warriors we had come so far to meet. They were in the pines on the edge of the lakes, in the ravines and gullies, on the opposite hillsides, and swarming on the plain. They seemed to cover the country for some two miles. Mounted on their fleet, hardy horses, the crowds swayed back and forth, brandishing their weapons, shouting their war cries, and keeping up a song of defiance. Most of them were armed with Hudson s bay muskets, while others had bows and arrows and lances. They were all in the bravery of their war array, gaudily painted, and deco rated with their wild trappings; their plumes fluttered above them, while below skins and trinkets and all kinds of fantastic embellishments flaunted in the sunshine. Their horses, too, were arrayed in the most glaring finery. Some were even painted, and with colors to form the brighest contrast, the white being smeared with crimson in fantastic figures, and the dark-colored streaked with white clay. Beads and fringes of gaudy colors were hang ing from their bridles, while the plumes of eagle s feathers interwoven with the mane and tail fluttered as the breeze swept over them and completed their wild fantastic ap pearance. By heaven ! it was a glorious sight to see The gay array of their wild chivalry. THE YAKTMA WAR. 493 " Bui we had no time for mere admiration, for other work was at hand. Orders were at once issued for the artillery and infantry to be deployed as skirmishers, and advance them down the hill, driving the Indians before them from their coverts until they reached the plain, where the dra goons would act against them. At the same time, Lieu tenant White with the howitzer battery, supported by company A under Lieutenant Tyler and the rifles, was sent to the right to drive them out of the woods. The latter met with a vigorous resistance; but a few discharges of the howitzer with their spirited attack soon dislodged the enemy and compelled them to take refuge on the hills. " In the mean while, the companies moved down the hill with all the precision of a parade, and as we rode along the line it was pleasant to see the enthusiasm of the men to get within reach of the enemy. As soon as they were within some six hundred yards they opened fire, and de livered it steadily as they advanced. Our soldiers aimed regularly, though it was no easy task to hit their shifting marks. The Indians acted as skirmishers, advancing rapidly and delivering their fire, then retreating with a quickness and irregularity which rendered it difficult to reach them. They were wheeling and dashing about, al ways on the run, apparently each fighting on his own account. " But minie balls and long range rifles were things with which now for the first time they were to be made ac quainted. As the line advanced, first we saw one Indian reel in his saddle and fall then two or three then half a dozen. Then some horses would dash madly forward, showing that the balls were telling upon them. The in stant, however, that the braves fell, they were seized by their companions and dragged to the rear, to be borne off. We saw one Indian leading off a horse with two of his dead companions tied on it. " But in a few minutes, as the line drew nearer, the fire became too heavy, and the whole array broke and fled 494 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. towards the plain. This was the chance for which the dragoons had been impatiently waiting. As the line ad vanced they had followed on behind it, leading their horses. Now, the order was given to mount, and they rode through the company intervals to the front. In an instant, we heard the voice of Major Grier ringing over the plain, as he shouted, Charge the rascals, and on the dragoons went, at headlong speed. Taylor s and Gaston s companies were there, burning for revenge, and soon they were on them. We saw the flash of their sabres as they cut them down. Lieutenant Davidson shot one warrior from his saddle as they charged up, and Lieutenant Gregg clove the skull of another. Yells and shrieks and uplifted hand were of no avail as they rode over them. A num ber were left dead on the ground, when once more the crowd broke, and dashed forward to the hills. It was a race for life, as the flying warriors streamed out of the glens and ravines, and over the open plain, and took refuge in the clump of woods, or on the rising ground. " Here they were more secure from the dragoons. Had the latter been well mounted they would have made a terrible slaughter. But their horses were too much worn out to allow them to reach the main body. For twenty- eight days they had been on the march, their horses sad dled all day, and engaged in constant scouting; at night picketed, with only a little grass after camping. They were obliged, therefore, to halt when they reached the hill side, their horses being entirely blown. "The line of foot once more passed them and advanced, renewing their fire, and driving the Indians over the hills for about two miles. As we ascended the men were so totally exhausted that many had fallen out of the ranks, and Captain Keyes was obliged to order a short halt to let them come up. When a portion had joined we resumed our march." By two o clock the whole army had returned to camp, not a man or horse having been killed. The loss to the t THE YAKIMA WAR. 495 Indians was eighteen or twenty killed and many wounded. For three days Wright rested unmolested in camp, resum ing his march on the fifth of September. In about five miles he came upon the Indians collected to oppose his progress. They moved in a line parallel to the troops, their number continually increasing, until on coming to a plain bordered by a wood they were seen to be stationed in the timber awaiting a moment to attack. As Wright s column approached the grass was fired, which burned fiercely, the wind carrying it in the* direc tion of the troops. Under cover of the smoke the Indians spread themselves out in a crescent, half enclosing it. A strong guard was placed about the pack train, and the bat tle opened. The companies deployed right and left, and the men flushed with their recent victory, dashed through the smoke and flames, driving the Indians to the cover of the timber. Here they were assailed by shells from the howitzers, and as they fled the foot soldiers charged them. Again and again they were driven to cover, and from cover for a distance of four miles, until they were forced upon a plain, where a cavalry charge repeated the scenes of Four lakes. Still the Indians fought with obstinacy. The route of Wright s march lay through a pine forest, and they formed parties at different points to annoy him, also occupying a hill by which he must pass; but the riflemen and how itzers again dispersed them. However, the fighting was kept up for a distance of fourteen miles. That afternoon Wright reached the Spokane river, his command having marched twenty-five miles without water. One soldier only was wounded slightly. Two chiefs of the Coeur d Alenes were killed, two chiefs of the Spokanes, and Kamiakin of the Yakimas was hit on the head by a fall ing tree-top, which a shell had blown off. The total loss of the Indians was not known, as they carried off the slain. They burned one of their villages to prevent the soldiers pillaging it, and in every way showed great courage and patriotism. 496 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. Wright remained one day in carnp on the Spokane with out molestation, the Indians appearing on the opposite side of the river, and intimating a desire to communicate with him, but not venturing across. On the seventh, as the army was on the march, they reappeared and held a con versation with the Nez Perces and interpreters, from which it was learned that they wished to meet Colonel Wright, with the Spokane chief, Garry, and hold a talk, to which proposition Wright consented, and encamped at a place appohited. Garry had from the earliest occupation of the country by white people been a peace man, and a peace man he now said he remained; but the war party in his nation was the stronger of the two, and included many of his friends and relatives, making it very hard for him to de cide upon a course, for he had either to take up arms against the white men, or be killed by his own people. From his well-known character no doubt was entertained of the truthfulness of his statement; but Wright met him with the tone of a conqueror, telling him his people had been beaten in two battles without any loss to the army, and that as often as they chose to engage him he was prepared to beat them again ; he had not come into their country to sue for peace, but to fight. But if they were tired of war, he would name his terms of peace, which were, that all that they had must be laid at his feet, arms, property, women, and children, and they must trust in his mercy. On no other terms would he cease to make war upon them, but keep fighting, year after year, until they were exter minated. With this message Garry was sent back to his people. Then came another Spokane chief, Polatkin, with a reti nue of nine warriors, unarmed, having left their weapons on the further side of the river to avoid surrendering them. Two of the warriors were required to fetch the guns and crossed the river after them, when one ran away, but the other brought the guns to camp. Wright repeated THE YAKIMA WAR. 497 to Polatkin what he had said to Garry; and as this chief was known to have been in the attack on Step toe as well as in the recent battles, and was suspected also of certain murders, he was detained while the other Indians were sent to bring in all the people, with their property. On the eighth the march was resumed, and after about nine miles the Indians were discovered driving all their stock into the mountains instead of surrendering as was required. A skirmish followed, in which the dragoons captured eight hundred horses, the foot troops assisting in driving them to Wright s camp sixteen miles above Spo kane falls. At this camp an Indian detained with Polat kin, and who was suspected of certain murders, was tried, convicted, and hanged. It being impracticable to take the large herd of cap tured horses, most of which were unbroken, on a long march, Wright determined to have them killed, except such as could be made immediately useful. The order was carried out on the ninth and tenth, and the Spokane nation was, in a large measure, dismounted. This humil iating policy had its effect, and Big Star, another Spokane chief, surrendered, with his village, in due form. His ex ample was followed by the Cpeur d Alenes, who were told to make their submission at the Catholic mission on Cceur d Alene lake. On the seventeenth of September, a council was held at this place, Father Joset and chief Vincent being present. Wright sat in judgment in an arbor of green boughs in front of his tent, surrounded by his officers. Vincent opened the council by acknowledging that he had com mitted a great crime, regretting it, and hoping for forgive ness. To this Wright replied that he had spoken truly that a great crime had been committed; but since he had asked for, peace, his request should be granted on certain conditions, these being the delivery to him of the men who struck the first blow in the attack on Steptoe, to be sent to General Clarke; the delivery of one chief and four war- 32 / 498 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. riors, with their families, to be sent to Walla Walla; the return of the property taken from Steptoe s command; consent that troops and other white men should pass through their country; the exclusion of the turbulent hostile Indians from their country, and a promise to en gage in no hostilities themselves against white men. They were also required to be at peace with the Nez Perces, to which they cheerfully agreed, the whole treaty being written out and formerly signed; Polatkin, for the Spo- kanes, signing and smoking the peace pipe. On the twenty-third, a council was held with the Spo- kanes, to which Kanaiakin was invited; but he declined, ) fearing he might be selected to be sent to Walla Walla. \ The same terms were offered and accepted as had been I accepted by the Coeur d Alenes. After its conclusion, \ Owhi of the Yakimas came into camp, when Wright had him arrested for breaking his agreement made with him in 1856, and ordered him to send for his son Qualchin, telling him he would be hanged if Qualchin did not ap pear. Unexpectedly, the young chief rode into camp without being summoned and was hanged without trial. Owhi, attempting to escape on the return march when Wright was at Snake river, was shot by Lieutenant Mor gan and died in an hour or two. Only Kamiakin and Skloom of the Yakima chiefs of any note were now left. Their influence was greatly lessened by the results of their previous acts. Kamiakin abandoned his country and peo ple, going to British Columbia, whence he returned no more, and Skloom sank into obscurity. As for the Palouses, Colonel Wright refused to treat with them, but instead had several of them hanged. Fort Taylor was abandoned on the first of October, and on the fifth the whole command returned to Fort Walla Walla. On the ninth, Wright summoned the Walla Wallas into his presence. When they were assembled he ordered all ""those who had taken a part in the recent battles to stand up. Thirty-five standing up at once, he selected four who THE Y A KIM A WAE. 499 were delivered to the guard to be hanged, making in all sixteen Indians by him hanged as examples to their people. The country east of the mountains was closed to settle ment by military order, much to the discomfiture of per sons who had entered into stock raising on its grassy plains. But General Harney succeeding General Clarke in com mand of the department of the Columbia opened the country to settlement in 1859, since which time, with the exception of raids by Snakes and Utes, and Joseph s war of recent date, there has been peace and prosperity for both the white and red inhabitant. REMARKS. In my researches into the history of the northwest, I fell into the habit of setting down the names and numbers of white persons killed by Indians. In the list, which covers the territory north of California and west of the Rocky mountains, now forming the states of Oregon, Washington, and Idaho, the whole number known to have been killed or wounded, between the years 1828 and 1878, so far as I have discovered, was eighteen hundred and ninety- six, or an average of over thirty-seven annually. Of these, the un provoked murders constitute more than half ; the remainder being those wounded in attacks equally unprovoked, or killed or wounded in warfare. It should be remembered that only a few of these murders occurred before 1847, which doubles the annual number killed after the Indian disturbances commenced, estimating the loss in that manner. But, as a matter of fact, the greater portion of the victims of Indian violence fell between the years 1850 and 1862, and esti mating the loss by averaging it over twelve years, brings it up to at least one hundred and sixty annually for that period ; and this out of a sparse population. The greater proportion of those who suffered were men in the prime of life, who could ill be spared by the struggling young terri tories, though comprising all classes travelers, prospectors, miners, ranchers, traders, freighters, and lastly, volunteers in defense of the settlements, or soldiers in the service of their country. Many immi grant families were totally destroyed, the women and children suf fering every outrage which fiendish imaginations could devise. The amount of property destroyed by Indian attacks upon immi grants, settlers, and United States supplies is enormous. The losses sustained by the people has never been repaid, except in a few instances where congress has been specially besought to reimburse a transportation company s losses. Many philanthropical persons find themselves greatly outraged 500 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. by the recurrence from time to time of Indian wars. I think the simple record above sufficiently accounts for them. In 1870 General Sheridan wrote : " So far as the wild Indians are concerned, the problem to be decided is : Who shall be killed, the whites or the Indians? They (meaning the interior department), can take their (choice. Since 1862, at least eight hundred men, women and chil dren have been murdered within the limits of my present command in the most fiendish manner, the men usually scalped and mu tilated, their privates cut off and placed in their mouths ; women ravished fifty and sixty times in succession, then killed and scalped ; sticks stuck into their persons before and after death." General Sherman also wrote strongly against the Indian apolo gists and sympathizers a few years later, referring to the great num ber of persons butchered in the department east of the Rocky mountains. It has been too often the case that military men sided with the Indians against their own race, causing the pioneers of the west who had suffered in their persons and fortunes, to suffer again in their feelings. The Indian ring, besides, gave cause of offense by holding "councils," which were practically fairs, at which the In dians were enabled to purchase complete supplies of arms and am munition fora raid, which usually followed immediately afterwards. With such supplies they massacred the garrison at Fort Fetterman, and Ouster s command on the Little Big Horn, Montana ; the resi dents at the White-river agency in Colorado ; and the unsuspecting people of Idaho. These severe lessons have not been entirely lost on military or public sentiment. The absence of such knowledge in military circles accounts reasonably for the blunders of the army in Oregon, in pioneer times. The conquest of Mexico and Califor nia had led army officers to believe that it was a little thing to sub due wild Indians an error which General Clarke and Colonel Wright finally corrected, since which time the army has faithfully defended the frontiers, once guarded only by the heroic pioneers, to commemorate whose labors this history is written. MUSTER ROLLS. MUSTER ROLLS. THE CAYUSE AVAR. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches there9f, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Name. Company. Rank. Date of service. Abernethy George Governor an d Com- mander-in-Chief 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1818 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847,1848 1847,1848 1847,1848 1847,1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 Abel I L 1st Private Abel L N t >th and E Private Adams Jackson C, E 6th Private Adams, Andrew G <:, 4th _ Private _ _ _ - Adams Geo W. B.3d . Private Acolti Michael 1st Private Albright J. E, I . - Private -_ Alney Nathan J I D 7th Private Alsop, Gaines E. Alsop James E 1st, D, E 1st, D, E Private Private Allen, Benjamin A B C 1 2 3 Private 1), I, J, 9th _ I rivate __ _ _ Alphin Thomas V Private Anderson, William G _. Private - _. _ Antwine, Nez Perc6 Indian Applegate Jesse D Private Capt. Levi Scott s Co. - D, I, J, 7th . Private Ampreville, John Private Arthur Richard A, E, H, 10th, llth. B, 3d __ Private Athy William _. Private - Ashworth, Christopher ___ Averson, D Abell T. L. -i (i, Fort Wascopam- A, F.2,7 Fort Waters, 4th Co. Private Private Private Allen Solomon Private Barlow, S. K._ 1st Private - Bosworth John H 1st Private Beckman William 1st Private Bickman William 1st Private Bratton Benjamin 1st Private Barnes, Daniel P. 1st _ _ First lieutenant Barnes Daniel P \ D 5th Private - - Bolton John 1st Private Beagler, J. H. 1st, 9th, I, J, Fort Lee_ 1st 9th I J Fort Lee Private - - Bigler J H Private Bently, Samuel 1, 9, A, D, I, J . Private Brown, A C A 2d Private Bowles Charles ; 1st Fifth sergeant Bowles, Charles , 2d. 5th, A, D rivate - Burrows D D > 2d A Private Bunton, William 2d, 6th, A, E Private - - - Bowman, Nathan 2d 3d. A. B Private Bumette, P. H.__ 2d, A-__ Private _ - Bigler, William 2d, A Private - Butler, Isaac 2d A Private Boman, Ira 3d, B .. : Private Baptist John 3d B Blankership, J. H. _. Regimental _. Sergeant major ... 504 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Name. Company. Rank. Date of service. Blankership J H 3d B Private - 1848 Adjutant 1848 Burch , Benjamin F 3d, B 3d B Private Private 1848 1848 Burch B S 3d B Second sergeant 1848 Baxter A M 3d B Private 1848 Borden William 4th Private - 1848 Basev William 4th C Private 1848 Batey Andrew Jackson 4th C Private 1848 Bibe John H 4th C Private - 1848 Blair Charles 4 7 C I J Private 1848 Private 1848 4th C ^econd sergeant 1848 Buckner Thomas 4th C Third sergeant 1848 Buckner Thomas 4th, C Private 1848 Baxter A M 4th C Private - 1848 Blacker, Henry 4th, 5th, C, D Private 1848 Brown James 5th D First lieutenant 1848 oth D Private 1848 Brown Martin P r>th D rrivate 1848 Black Henry 4th, 5th, C, D Private. 1848 Boggs Thomas Oth, E second duty sergeant. _ 1848 Boggs Thomas _ _ _ _ f,th, E Third duty sergeant 1848 Bradford W H I J Fort Waters 1848 Bradford W H F 8th Private - 1848 Breeding William P F 8th Private 1848 Boon James D F 8th Private 1848 Blevins Vardsmon F, 8th Private. - - 1848 Bacon John M <r 9th Private 1848 (r 9th Private 1848 Burch J W (T 9th Private - 1848 Bailey Thimothy E H 10th llth Private 1848 Burnette D I E H 10th llth Private - 1848 E H I J 7 10 11 Private 1848 Butt John E H 10th llth Private 1848 Burdon, Henry - - E, H, I, J, 7, 10, 11_ . Private 1848 Blair Thomas 1 J 7th Private 1848 l j 7th Fort Waters Private 1848 7th 1848 Bergeron Vitelle 7th Private r - 1848 Basey H W 7th 1848 Beauchmain Charles I) 5th 7th Private - 1848 D 5th 7th 1848 Bird Nicholas G 1) 5th 7th Private - 1848 Bergeron Volatte I,J,9th ___ Fifth sergeant . - 1848 Bergeron Vetal D 5th 7th Private 1848 Private 1848 Beale William K Capt Levi Scott s Co 1848 Blair F K Fort Waters Private 1848 Beuch I Regimental Teamster _ - 1848 Boon A Regimental Boatman 1848 Burns Hugh Regimental Commissary agent 1848 Buckingham H C 1st Private - 1848 Baker J 1st Private 1848 Baker Isaac 1) E F Private 1848 Bailey, John Bennet G M E, H. 10th, llth A 2d Private Private _. - 1848 1848 Bough, John . J, D, 7th Private 1848 Buckner Henry C, 4th Private ._ -. -- 1848 Beers, Andrew _ _ Regimental Commissary agent 1848 Bernie H. N j, D, 7th Private . 1848 Brown Charles \ 2d E, H Private - 1848 Bates, Thomas C, F, 4th, 8th__ _ __ Private 1848 Berry, J. W. _. 9th, G Private 1848 MUSTER ROLLS. 505 MUSTER ROLLS -CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Name. Company. Rank. Date of service. Bradley, J. E. 9Lh 10th. K H. F Private 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847,1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 Buckner. George ;. 4th Private - Battles, John E, H,L, 6th, 7th, llth- D E F Private Baker Jacob I ri vntp Burch. Samuel B, G, 3d, 9th Private Baldeno J. B. J. D 1, Privntp Barlow, James _ E, F, G Private Brown George K. F. G Private Barrows, Franklin. 7th, D, J, L ._ Private Balduc, J. B. L. D, J, L _. Private Bellieu James L K 3ri Third sergeant Brown, H. L.._ 8th, F Fourth duty sergeant Fourth duty sergeant Berry, William 1st Berry, William. __ _ 1st _ Fifth duty sergeant Fifth duty sergeant Bolds Charles 1st Bolds, Charles __ A, D, 2d, 5th- Private _ _ __ _ Beale, William K. Capt. Levi Scott s Co Private Burnett Geo William E, H, 10th, llth E, H, 10th, llth Captain Burnett, Geo William Bidwell, Elisha Bean, James R. Orderly sergeant E, H, 10th, llth E, H, 10th, llth First lieutenant First lieutenant Bean, James R. E, H, 10th llth Filth sergeant Bosworth, John H. 1st ... Private - Brattou, Benjamin _ 1st- Private Bunting, William 4th Co Private Burroughs, D. D._ 4th Co. Private Barnes Samuel P. Private Brown, Orus __. Private Coe, Henry W. 1,5, D,Ft. Wascopam. 1st. Private Crandall, Elias Jones Second sergeant Cummings, Stephen 1st Second sergeant Cummings Stephen 1st Cummings, Stephen A, 2d Private Carnahan, H. 1st, 5th, D A, 2d Crandall, T. J. Private Crowder, Reuben 2d, 4th, 5th, A,C, D__ A, 2d Cornelius, Thomas R. _. Fourth sergeant Cook, S. Y A, 2d Private Currier Manly B 3d Private Chapell, George Regimental ... B, 3d Smith Chapell, George _ Private Clayton, Jesse 3,6, 10,11, B,E, H.I.J 3d, B 3d, B 4th, C Private Comnorde, Charles Conoire, Manly Chapman, William Private Private Clark, Samuel 4th C Courtney, John R 4th, C .. Private. . Cornelius, Samuel 4th, C Private Crowell, John W. 4th, C Private . Chase, Samuel 4th C Private Cautrell, John M. 4th C Cautrell, Ari . 4th. f! Cadwaller, Jesse oth, D 5th, D Clemruens, Stephen Private Culbertson, William A Copen haver John F 5th, D Second lieutenant _____J Pri vflt.p 5th. D Copenhager, John 5th, D i Private Canfield, William D. nth n Privnfp Crandell, E. J. ___ 5th. D Privntp Crank, Joseph <>th. TC Fnrt. Wntpr<j Center, Samuel (ith.E.I, J, Ft.Waters- (i, 8, 10 11 E F H Private Caspar, John Private j Chambers, M. C. I, J, Fort Waters 8th, F _.. Chambers, M. C. __ Private 506 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Cronkhite, John 8th, F, Ft.Wascopam. Crabtree, William 8th, F Curl, Caleb W. ! 8th, F Chrisman, Richard \ 9th, G Clark, O. F I 9th, G Carlin, John I 9th, G Coleman, Henry j 9th, G Culley, Thomas i 9th, G Coldwell, A. P 9th, G Cone, Aaron 9th, G Cook, A. R I 9th, G Culver, David i 9th, G Chopson, Thomas I (5th, 10th, llth, E, H__ Chapin, Thomas E, H, 10th, llth Caton, Jesse E, H, 10th, llth Chapson, Thomas 10th, llth, E, H Chapman, Thomas , E, H, 10th, llth Canby, Thomas j I, J, Fort Waters Crum, Orville i I, J, L, 9th Clum, Charles I, J Cook, Wesley F, J, 7th, Fort Waters, Cook, Calvin W j Regimental Cook, Calvin W Regimental Cook, Calvin W I, J Clark, Joseph I, J, Fort Waters Crabtree, George i 7th Crabtree, George I, J, Fort Waters Cox, John I, J, 7th, Fort Waters. Cosper, William I 7th Campbell, S ; 7th Cook, M 7th Camby, I. 7th Cunningham, John I), 7th Coweniah, Charles D, 7th Campbell, James Capt. Levi Scott s Co. _ Craig, William Regimental Coffin, Stephen Fort Gilliam Crete, Edward I), E, 6th, 7th i Celester, Joseph I 7th Cazine, Samuel j 1), E, 6th, 7th I Cook, John ! D, 5th Copenhagen, A. L D, 5th Chrisman, Joel I E, H, 10th, llth I Couch, J. H I Regimental i Gushing, John F, 8th i Crawford, J. D j Regimental i Crawford, J. D Regimental j Crawford, Medorum Regimental j Catchings, Ephriam H, Fort Wascopam__J Catchings, James i H, Fort Wascopam_ Crawford, David j I, J, 9th | Crawford, David j D, 7th Cayton, Jesse H I Carpenter, William M Regimental Carpenter, Wiljiam M Cunningham, Thomas Ceoilice, Alex. Fort Waters Case, William ! Danford, John \ 1st ! Diefendorf, C. H I 1st I Davis, H 1st, 5th, D, 1, J ! Donel. John H. 2d, A i Duffield, S. T :5d, B, I, J | Doke, William :?d, B I Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Adjutant Q. M. sergeant . Private Private Third sergeant- Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Interpreter Private Private Fifth sergeant- Private Private Private Private D, 7th~~9th"~~ Commissary agent \ Private Commissary adjutant ( )ommissary agent \ Commissary agent ! Private Private First lieutenant Fourth sergeant : Private Surgeon Surgeon Private Private Private Private : 1847, 1848 Private 1847,1848 Private 148 Private \ 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Date of service. 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847,1848 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 MUSTER ROLLS 507 MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the s,tate of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Dinsmore, John 3d, B Durbin, Solomon 4th, C Davis, A. G 4th, C Dickson, James 4th, C Danforth, Manly 4th, C Dinsmore, William ; 4th, C Dodge, Eri I 4th, C Duskins, Daniel D 5th, D Duskins, Daniel D 5th, D Davis. Barrel 5th, D Downer, Joseph Regimental j Downer, Joseph , 5th, D ! Dwire, John 5th, D j Dorion, John 5th, D i Dovving, John 6th, E Davis, Jonas F, I, J, 8th j Delaney, Daniel F, 8th I Deakins, Thomas F, 8th i Davidson, A. F F, 8th | Darst, William G, 9th, Ft. Wascopam i Davidson, John E G, 9th j Dice, E. C. G,9th.Levi Scott s Co.! Davis, T. C E, H, 10th, llth i Davis, J. H. E, H, 10th, llth Desport, Joseph D, I, J, 7th, 9th i Despore, J D, I. J, 7th, 9th ; Doty, William G, 9th j Danforth, William Regimental I Dupuis, Edward D, 7th Dupuis, Edward I, J Delard, Augustine I, J, D, 7th Dupie, Francis ! D, I, J,7th Doty, Nelson R F, 8th Dorio, Baptist I, J,9th Davidson, A Regimental Davidson, A Fort Wascopam Davis, Davidson Fort Waters Davidson, James Everst, David 1st Everet, David 1st, 5th, D, I, J Evart, D 1st, 5th, D, I, J Eugart, John A, 2d Enyart, John A, 2d , Engart, P A, 2d Enyart, R A, 2d Engart, Abraham A, 2d Enyart, Abraham A, 2d i Engart, Peter S A, 2d Enyart. Peter S A, 2d Elliot, John A, 2d Ellenbaugh, Squire Regimental Ellenbaugh, Squire Regimental. Ellenbaugh, Squire B, 3d English, N B, D, 3d, 7th Evans. D. C, 4th Eyro, Thomas T C,4th Earl, S. D C, 4th Evans, Harvey C, 4th Ewings, Harvey C, 4th Earl, Joseph C, 4th Evans, N. B. C, D, 4th, 5th_ Evans, J. B C. 4th Edwards, C D, I. J, 5, 7, 9, Ft. Lee- Eades, William D, 5th ._. Private Private Private Private Private Private Date, of service. Private Fourth duty sergeant _. Fifth duty sergeant Private Saddler Private Private Private Fourth duty sergeant Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Assistant surgeon First sergeant Private Private Private First lieutenant Second lieutenant Boat s crew Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Second lieutenant Private Private Private Private Private Third sergeant Private Acting hospital steward Hospital steward, Ft. Lee Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private ._ 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 . 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1847,1848 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1748 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 508 INDfAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches there9f, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Etchels, James D, 5th Eldridge, John ! D, 5th English, Hiram 6th, E English, Sr., L. N 6th, E English, Sr., L. N Indep t rifle rangers. . English, Jr., L. N 6tb, E English, Jr., L. N Indep t rifle rangers.. Everman, N. H G, 9th Eberman, Ninian G,9th, Ft. Wascopam Elenberg, J G, 9th Elinberg, I. _. G, 9th Earl, P G, 9th Elkins, J. S. E G, 9th Eaton, Nathan E, H, 10th, llth Emerice. Solomon E, H, 10th, llth Evans, Richard I, J Eades, John I, J, 7th, Fort Waters Evans, Henry W Capt. Levi Scott s Co. _ Earl, A. 3d, D Edmuusen, J. Regimental Eaton, Jesse 1st Ellenbaugh, J. 9th, G, Ft. Wascopam- Fleming, John Regimental Fleming, John 1st Finner, John 1st, 8th, E, F Fields, James 1st Fuller, J 1st Fleming, Thomas A, 2d, Fort Waters __- Furguson, Thomas Regimental Furguson, Thomas A, 2d Fiester, John__. . 3d, 9th, B, C Fuller. Henry 3d. B Feat, John C, 4th Foster. Isaac M C, 4th Forage, William C. 4th Fields, Samuel C, D, 4th. 5th Fales. Howard Fort Waters Foster. Reason D C, E, 4th, 6th Fergusen. Eli C, 4th, 7th Ford, William C, 4th Fish, Albert H C, D, E, 4th, 5th, 6th_- Ford, Benjamin C. 4th Fox, Alvin K I 5th, D Foren, John 5th, D Ford, Ninevah 6th, E Flanner, Isaac ; E, F, 6th, 8th Fullerton, Charles P E, F, I, J,6th. 8th, 9th Frost, Elijah E.F, 6,8, Ft. Wascopam Ford, M. A. G, 9th Foster, J. T G, I. J, 9th Friedender, D. H i G, 9th Fowler, Purnel I, J,F,7th.Ft.Waters- Ford, Sidney .. : I. J, 7th __ Felix. William l D, I, J, 7th, 9th Felisse, William 7th Fields, James M 1st, Levi Scott s Co. Force, James Regimental Frazier, Abner 8th, F, C Forgey, W. A 4th, 8th, F, C Finch, George B E, F. G. H Forrester, T. H E, H, 10th, llth Fox, B | A, 2d Foster,? C, E, F Fletcher, Francis ! E, H, I, J Private Private First duty sergeant Captain First lieutenant Private First lieutenant Private Private Private Private Private Private Third duty sergeant Private Private Private Private Private Smith Private Private Ordnance master Date of scrrici . 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 Private 1847, 1848 Private 1847,1848 Private 1847,1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Saddler 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private i 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Third lieutenant 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private | 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private i 1847,1848 Commissary agent 1848 Private ; 1848 Private ! 1848 Private ! 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 Private 1848 MUSTER ROLLS. 509 MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on tile in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Kame. Oomoa**. Rank. \ Date of service. Frier, A. H E, F, H Private 1848 Fulkerson, James M Regimental Commissary agent and assistant commissary-- 1848 Frinder. D. H G, 9th Private ! 1848 Frazier, George E ^_ D, 5th ! Private 1848 Flannery, Isaac E, 8th, F Private 1848 Frazier, George R. D. 5th Orderly sergeant 1848 Fales, Howard* ; Gibson, John__ i 1st Private 1817,1848 Gregory, T 1st, 6th, E, Ft. Waters. Private . ; 1848 Gothard, Samuel A, 2d Private ! 1848 Gottard, Samuel A, 2d Private ! 1848 Green, Israel N A,2d, 7th Private 1848 Garish, John J A, 2d, 7th Private 1848 Gage, Jesse 3d, B Private 1848 Gage, Jesse Regimental Boatman 1848 Gardner, S. J B, C, 3d, 4th Private 1848 Gilliam, C. Regimental Colonel 1847,1848 Gardner. S. P 3d, B Private 1848 Gilbert, Isaac N. _ - 4th, C _ _ First lieutenant 1848 Garlan, Daniel O 4th, C Private 1848 Goodhue, S. H 4th, C Private 1848 Goodhue, L. H Regimental Quartermaster 1848 Goodhue, L. H Regimental Assistant quartermaster. 1848 Graham, Thomas 4th, C Private 1 1848 Garrison, William 5th, D Private 1848 Gray, C. B 5th, D Private 1848 Garrison, Joseph M 7th Captain 1848 Garrison, Joseph M 5th, D Second lieutenant 1848 Grager, Jacob 5th, D Private i 1848 Gage, Alexander 6th, E Private 1848 Gribble, Andrew 6th, E : Private ! 1848 Gaddy, Joshua F, 8th < Private 1848 Garrett, James 6th, 8th, E, F Private 1848 Griffith, William N ; 8th, F Private 1848 Glaser, William 9th, G Private 1848 Goff, F. M. P ; 9th, G Private 1848 Gilliam, M. P 9th, G Private 1848 Gutherie. David M 9th, G Private 1848 Gionds, Brazil E, H, 10th, llth Private I 1848 Grounds, Brazil E, H, 10th, llth < Private 1848 Gorrel, James 1, J, F i Private \ 1848 Garnahan, Hiram Private 1848 Grover, C. M I, J, 7th, Fort Waters. Private 1848 Gervais, Zevia I, J, 9th Private 1848 Grier, Israel _ 7th Private 1848 Gravelle, Gideon D, 7th Private 1848 Gervais, Isaac D, 7th Private 1848 Gros, Louis John D, 7th Private 1848 Gilliam, William ! Capt. Levi Scott s Co.J Private i 1848 Gates, M. W C,4th, Ft. Wascopam. Private 1848 Graham, William E, F, G, H Private I 1848 Garrett, James I, J Private 1848 Goodman, T. H Regimental Private ! 1848 Garrison, A. E 7th, Fort Waters First lieutenant \ 1848 Garrison, A. E D, 5th First duty sergeant ! 1848 Gracer, Jacob 5th, D Third duty sergeant i 1848 Gilliam, Mitchell 9th, G Second lieutenant ! 1848 Griffin, William 6th, E, Ft. Wascopam- Private 1848 Gribble, Andrew 4th company Private 1848 Gavell, James Fort Waters Private 1848 Gack, Alexander __ Private 1848 Hutchins, Thomas A, 2d Private i 1848 * See Howard Fales. 34 510 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches there9f, who served iu the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies ot the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Name. Company. Sank. Date of service. Hanks William A 2d Private 1848 A 2d Private 1848 Hill F A B 2d 3d Private 1848 Hall Lawrence A, 2d Captain - 1848 Holgate I C A I, J, 2d, Ft Waters Private 1848 A 2d Private * 1848 Holcomb I A. A, 2d _ Private 1848 Holcomb S A A 2d Private _ 1848 Hartley D H. __ _ B, I, J, 3d Private 1848 Hulon Lester B 3d Private 1848 Regimental Teamster 1848 Hibler James B C Private 1848 Hartly James C, 4th Private. 1848 HowaVd Fales C, D Second sergeant 1848 Hawkins William C 4th Private 1848 Hock William C, 4th Private 1848 Howe ll Weslev C D Private 1848 Heart Horace C, 4th 9th Private. -- 1848 Hughes William P C 4th Second lieutenant 1848 Hubbard Goalman _ C, 4th Private 1848 Hubbard Goalman Regimental Teamster 1848 5th D Private 1848 Haley William 5th D Private 1848 Henderson James O 5th D Private 1848 Howell George W. Oth. E Private 1848 Havs, Richard 6th, E, 4th Private- 1848 Hall SB. _ 9th, G Ft. Wascopam Private 1848 Hale, S. B. _ Private 1848 9th G Private 1848 Hackett J C 9th G Private 1848 Hembree J T E H I J Oth 10th llth Private 1848 Hembree Lafayette E H I J 9th 10th llth Private 1848 Heddrick William T E H 10th llth Private 1848 Hill Al marine E H lOlh llth Private - 1848 Holgate J C A I J Fort Waters Private 1848 Holgate C. A I J Fort Waters Private 1848 Huber, A. __ D, I, J, 7th, 9th Private -- - 1848 Herren John C. 7th Private - 1848 Herren John 7th Second lieutenant 1848 Herren, Daniel _ 7th Private 1848 Hubert Andre D I J 7th 9th Private 1848 Hibbler George F Private 1848 Harper John B D Private _ 1848 Huntly C A 8th F H 7th Private 1848 Henry Elias E F G 7th 9th Private 1848 Harper L E H G 9th 10th Private 1848 Harty, William E, F G H Private 1848 Hembree, A. J Regimental. Commissary agent 1848 Holman, Woodford 9th G Fourth duty sergeant _ 1848 Holman Woodford Regimental Fifth sergeant - 1848 Hackett J C Regimental 1848 Hartley G A. Fort Waters Private - 1848 Hembree Absolam I Private 1848 Harvey Amos Private - 1848 Harper Andrews Private 1848 Hunt, John S. Private - 1848 Humphrey Norris Private 1848 Ish Calvin E H 10th llth Private 1848 D 7th Private 1848 Her S W 9th G Ft Wascopam Private 1848 Imbrie, James Johnson Jacob 9th, G - . _____: 1st 5th D Private Private 1848 1847, 1848 Jackson, Samuel A. D E H, 1, 10, 11, 5 Private - 1847, 1848 Jones, David 1, 2, 5, 9, A, D, I, J__. Private ._. 1848 MUSTER EOLLS. 511 MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Jones, Daniel A, C, D. Johns, Isaiah I A. C, D. jolly, A, 2d__. Job." Noah , A, 2d __. Jenkins, Stephen i 3d, B Jones, N. B i 4th, C Jackson, John W i 4th, C Jack, W. A 4th, C Jackson, James M C, D, 4th, 5th Johnson, Rufus i 4th, C Johnson, W. R 4th, C Johnson, W. R 6th, E Job, Alfred 5th, D Johnson, James A 5th, 7th, D Johnson, H. C 5th, D Johnson, John A D, G, 9th Jackson, T. J i 5th, D Jones, Douglass i E, H, 9th Johnson, William I, J, Fort Waters Johnson, William K, 9th Jones. John I 9th, G Jackson, L. A ! E, H, 10th, llth Jackson, P. (Indian) I, J, 9th Johnson, James 7th Jenkins, Richard 6th, E Jennings, Berryman Regimental Jennings, Berryman Regimental Kester, James 1st Keeney, J. 1st Keeney, I ! 1st Karnahan, H 1st Know land, W. R A, 2d Kinsey, A. A, 2d Kinsey, Thomas \ A, 2d Kenedy, A i A, 2d Kinsey, Thomas L ! A, 2d Keller, James Regimental Keller, James Regimental Keller, James B, 3d, C Knox, S. B. Regimental Knox, S. P 4th, C Killingsworth, James ! 4th, C Keeney, Elias 4th, C Kearney, Elias 4th, C Karney) Henry ; 5th, D Kinney, Joseph , 5th, D Kid walader, Jesse 5th, D Kendal, Jeheial ; F, I, J, 8th Knox, Alex. S 8th, F Klum, Charles 8th, F King, Stephen 9th, G Ketchum, Fred 9th, G, FortWaters__. Kelsey, Joseph E, H, I, J, 10th, llth Kitchen, James E, H, I, J, 10th, llth- Kirkpatrick, John ; E, H, 10th, llth Kiser, John I, J, 7th, Fort Waters. Keizer, J. B 7th Keizer, J. B Fort Waters ._. Kiser, P. C I, J, 7th, Fort Waters. Keizer, P. C. 7th Keizer, P. C. Fort Waters Kneel, John Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Date of service. Kingery, Samuel 9th, I, J King, E i E, H, F, G, 9th Private First sergeant Private ~ Private Private Private Private Private Private Fifth sergeant Private Private Private Private Private Private Quartermaster Assistant quartermaster. Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Ordnance master Ass t ordnance master- Private Paymaster Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private rivate rivate rivate J rivate First sergeant Private Private Second sergeant Private Private Private Private 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847,1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 512 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches there9f, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the btate of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Kelly, Joseph E, C, F, H,7th j Kellogg, M. K i Regimental ! Ladd.J.W ! 1st Lassater, John F 1st Levally, Henry 1st, 2d, A j Lytle, John 1st : Lincter, Richard lst.__. j Little, A. C 1st ! Lavadiier, Joseph Fort Wascopam Lassater, J. T 1st Lousignont, John A, 2d Laugh worthy, George A. __ A, 2d Lingenfelter, J. W A, 2d | Larkins, James A, B Luieberger, A. J A, 2d Louden, O A, 2d \ Lousdale, D. H Regimental Lonsdale, D. H Regimental Lonsdale, D. H A, 2d Lenox, E. H A, 2d Louis, N. B C, 4th Lemon, James C, 4th Laughlin.J. H C, 4th Laton, Davis C, 4th Landers, Pleasant C,4th Lewis, James H. Indep t rifle rangers... Lewis, James H C, E, 6th I Lebo, J. R. i C, D Leabo, Jacob \ D, 5th Lasou, Andrew j D, 5th Laplant, L I D, I, J, 7th Low, James ! F, I, J, 7th, 8th Lock, H. P G, 9th Lowry, Joseph . G, 9th Louk, J. Q. - ! G, 9th Lee, J. M i G, 9th Laughlin, Robert E, H, 10th, llth Lewis, Peter E, H, 10th, llth ! Lindsay, William I E, H, 10th, llth, Fort Wascopam Long, John E, H, 10th, llth I Long, John Regimental Loyd, Abuer T E, H, I, J, 10th, llth J Lord, Sidney S j E, H, 7th, 10th, llth__! Laborain, Alex ! D, I, J. 7th, 9th Laforte, K. , I, J,9th i Lemon, James 7th, Levi Scott s Co.- Louis, John Gros D, 7th ; Linklater, Richard D, 7th Laforte, Olliver i D, 7th Lacourse, Pierre \ D, 7th Laverdour, Joe D, 7th Laforte, Antoine D, 7th Ladereste, Baptiste J ; D, 7th Laroque, George I, J, 9th Laroque, George 7th ; Ladereste, Thomas D, 7th | Linegratty, Joseph D, 7th Lyd, Abner D, 5th i Lock, Porter Regimental Lock, Porter Regimental Lock, Porter Regimental Lee, H. A. G Regimental Lee, H. A. G ; Regimental j Private Commissary agent Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Recruiting officer Ordnance master Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Second lieutenant Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Hate of service. Private Private Boat s crew- Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Second sergeant- Fourlh sergeant- Private Private __. Private _______________ Master ordnance _____ Commissary agent- Quarter master agent. Lieutenant colonel 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1847. 1848 1847, 1848 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 MUSTER ROLLS 513 MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Name. Company. Sank. Lee, II. A. G Regimental \ Major j 1848 Lee, H. A. G 1st ! Captain ! 1848 Lovejoy, A. L Kegimental Adjutant-general ! 1848 Lovengun, Alex Fort Waters Private I 1848 Lay ton, John Private 1848 Magone, Joseph Regimental Major 1848 Magone, Joseph 1st First lieutenant i 1847,1848 McMilliou, J. H. 1st Third duty sergeant 1847,1848 Marsh, Lucius 1st Private 1847,1848 Moore, H W 1st Private ! 1847,1848 Marsh, Ed 1st, 10th, llth, E, II -i Private j 1847,1848 McKee, Joel 1st ! Private \ 1847,1848 Moore, George 1st Private 1847,1848 Munkers, Marion M 6th, E Second lieutenant 1 1848 Morgan, J. \V 1st Private 1847,1848 Morrison, D. M G, 9th, Ft. Wascopam. Captain j 1848 Melloway, W ! 1st, 2d, A Private i 1848 Monroe, J 1st, 5th, D Private I 1848 McCord, John 1st, 2d, 5th, A, D Private j 1848 Martin, Marshall A, H,E,2d,10th, llth_ Private 1848 Mundane, Gilbert A, 2d Private 1848 Mirch, G. H A,E,I, J,2d,6th Private 1848 McLuane, Robert A, 2d Private 1848 McEhvain, Robert B, 3d Fourth sergeant 1848 McElwain, Robert A, 2d Private I 1848 McDaniel, Joshua B,3d Private 1848 Morris, James B, 3d Private 1848 McCumber, Daniel M. B, D, I, J Private 1848 McDaniel, E B, 3d, 7th, Fort Waters Private i 1848 McDonald, N. G \ C, E, 4th, 6th Private 1848 Martin, Horace [ C,4th, Ft. Wascopam. Private j 1848 Maxon, H. J. G C, 4th Captain I 1848 McClane, J. B ! C,4th Private i 1848 Morris, J C, 4th Private ! 1848 McCoy, John C, 4th Private 1848 Miller, John C, 4th Private 1848 Morgan, I C, D, 4th, 5th Private 1848 McCullough, Madison C, 4th Private 1848 Montgomery, Robert A C, 4th Private 1848 McKinley, Joshua C, 4th Private ! 1848 McClintick, F. 5th, D Private 1848 Matheny. Adam 5th, D , Private 1848 McKey, William D, G, 5th, 9th Private i 1848 Matheny, Daniel D, G, 5th, 9th Private ! 1848 Matt, Charles P.. .. D, I, J, 5th ..Private 1848 Mall, Charles P 5th, D Private Martin, William I, J, Fort Waters Captain Martin, William 6th, E | Orderly sergeant Martin. William F, 8th ..Private Munkers, Francis M Merch, George H. Meaway, William Miller, William I 8th, F Private ___. McBride, James F, I, J, 8th__. J Private 6th, E i Private E, I, J Private E, I, J__ J Private . 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 Monteith , James 8th, F 1 Private Monteith, Thomas 8th. F, Levi Scott s Co. Private ... Miller, William R 9th, G Private Matthews, 9th, G Private Morrison, Robert W. 9th, G Private I 1848 Morrison. A. W 9th, G Private j 1848 Martin, Asa 9th, G Private 1848 Martin, T 9th, G Private I 1848 McNary, John W 9th, G ..Private 1848 McCoy, William 9th, G | Private 1848 514 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of slate of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. McNeal, John W ] 9th, G Moore, L. W E, H, 10th, llth McKinley, James E, H, 10th, llth McKlmtay, F. T | E, H, 10th, llth McKinley, Elisha E, H. 10th, llth McKlintay, Elisha E, H, 10th, llth McGinnis, Charles I E, H, 10th, llth Mulkey, Philip E, H, 10th, llth Mills, Isaac , McMullen, William i E, H. I, J, 9, 10, 11. McGinnis, James E, H, 10th, llth I Moore, Alman I, J 1 Matheny, Isaiah I, J, 7th, Fort Waters. Melaway, William E, I, J, Fort Waters__.| Muncas, F. M I, J, 9th j Munkers, F. M I, J,9th I Montour, Louis j 7th, D Monrour, Robert j 7th, D Mowich (Indian) \ 7th, D Moutour, George j 7th, D Minto, John ; Capt. Levi Scott s Co. - Monteith, Walter \ Capt. Levi Scott s Co.- Mole, I. L Regimental ; Morton, Josephus j E, G, H, 7th, 10th, lltbl McKinty, S. T ! D, F, 5th. 7th, 9th ___. j Medway, William i E, I, J, 1st | Meek, Stephen j Regimental j Maroni, Mungo Regimental ! Matlock, W. T | Regimental Moulton, William Regimental Meek, Joseph McDonald. Alexander 1st Morris, J. M | D, E, B, F McCarver, M. M Regimental Merrill, William A, E, F McKinney, M. B E, F, H, 7th Morris, J i B, E, F, 7th McKay, Thomas D, 7th McKay, Alexander j D, 7th McKay, Charles ! D, 7th McKay, Charles \ I, J,9th Muliagan, Charles 1st, H_ Martin, William J i E, H, 10th, llth ._ Mendenhall, Rush G, 9th McCoskey, John ! G, 9th Martin, Harrison D E, H, 10th, llth Martin, Franklin ; E, H, 10th, llth Martin, Franklin E, H, 10th, llth Menley, Madison 4th Matick, G. H j Fort Waters McGregor, John Noland, William R A, 2d Northrup, P. G. A, 2d Nelson, I j D, E, H, 10th, llth _. Neal, John F, I, J, 8th Newman, J. W 9th, G, Ft.Wascopam Nelson, Josiah E, F, 10th, llth, H.__. Nelson, J .. I E, H, 10th, llth Nichols, B. F ! I, J, 9th, G Newell, Robert j Regimental Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Second sergeant Private Private Teamster Private Private Private Commissary agent Interpreter Commissary agent Boatman Dispatch carrier, com missioner to Wash ! Private Private j Commissary agent J Private j Private Private ; Capiairi i Second lieutenant ! First lieutenant ! Fourth sergeant j Private j Captain i First sergeant Second sergeant Second lieutenant Second sergeant j Fourth sergeant i Private Date of service. 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 Newton, Obediah C, 4th, Ft. Wascopam. Nesmith,J. W G, 9th Private j Private i Private Private Private ! Private | Private j Private i Private Private Agent and assistant commissary Private Captain 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 MUSTER ROLLS. 515 MUSTEK ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Name, Company. Rank. Date of service. Olney N 1st 5th D I, J Private and boatman 1847,1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847,1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 2d, 4th, 6th, A, C, E_. A, 2d Private O Briau Hugh Private O Bryant Hugh D A 2d First lieutenant 5th D Private Olds William 9th, G . Private _____ _ . 9t,h G Private Osborn Beunet Regimental Hospital steward _ Osborn, Bennet Owen John W 9th, G 3d, B Private Private Proctor J B 1st 4th C Private Purvis, Thomas 1st 1st, I, J, Fort Waters . 1st 2d 5th A D Private Private Peak A M Private Payn I 1st 2d A Porter William 2d 5th 7th A D Private Paine J R 1st Fourth sergeant Second lieutenant Paine I R E H 10th llth Paine J R A, 2d, 6th, 7th Private _ __ -__ Patterson, John Pollock Thomas A C 2d 4th Private B, 3d Private Pearson, Joseph Paul, Fred Pollet Henry C, E, I, J, 3, 4, 6, 9-_- C, 4th C 4th Private Private Private Ci4th Private. __ __ Pollard Richard H C 4th Private Porter William W. : 1st Second lieutenant Private Porter William W A D 5th 7th Packwood, James 5th, D - . Private. _ Pollard William 5th, D 4th Private Powell, Jackson j 6th, E _ . Private Payne Louis I 8th, F Private Pierce, James __ __ __ - 8th, F, I, J. Private. Potter Pardon 8th, F, Ft.Wascopam i 8th, F, I, J 8th, F Private Pringle, Clark S Peat, James W. Private Private Pyburn Edward Fort Waters I J Fourth sergeant Pyburn, Edward Pyburu Ilijah 9th, G 9th G Private Private Pyburn, George W. 9th, G Private Peters E ( 9th G Private Peters, Philip _. . 9th, G Private. Peters, Jason i E, H 10th, llth Private Powell Thomas Private Poe, A. M. : E, H, 10th, llth Second sergeant Previa Gregory A 1 E H 10th llth Private Patton, Davis Fort Waters _ Private _ Pierce, James H I J Private Pugh, Silas G. ! I J, 7th, Fort Waters I J, 9th Private Plant, E. Private Peean, E Plont, A. I J, 9th I J, 9th Private Private Peeares, John I J, 9th Private - Poiries, F._. 1 I J, 9th Private Pearce, Ashby D, I J, 7th 9th Private Prickard, JoLn . Plante, Zaver D, 7th D, 7th Private Private Plouffe, Andre __ 7th, D _ Private Poirier, Antoine 1 7th, D Plante, Antoine 7th D Private Pain, Joseph 7th, D Private Plante, Exevia _ 7th, D Private Pecard, John 7th, D 7th, D - Private Pion, Gidion _, Fifth sergeant- - 516 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on tile in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Date of Porter, William M ! 7th, D ! Private ! 1848 Prather, W. B j Capt. Levi Scott s Co. Private 1848 Parkerson, J I Fort Waters ! Private 1848 Powell, J. W 1 Regimental Teamster 1848 Pieburn, W. A Fort Waters Private i 1848 Pierce, A. Regimental Teamster 1848 Pomeroy, Walter j Regimental Teamster | 1848 Parried, F. Regimental Teamster 1848 Post, Albion Regimental Saddler 1848 Palmer, Joel Palmer, Joel. Regimental Q. M. general ! 1848 Regimental Commissary general 1848 Pugh, William P. j F, S Captain 1848 Pain, Caleb ! E, H, lOlh, llth i First sergeant 1848 Pain, Caleb | E. H, 10th, llth Third sergeant 1848 Peean, J I I, J, 9th ; Private i 1848 Pearce, James H j Fort Waters Private -1848 Parkerson, James < Fort Waters Private 1848 Prichett, Jonas i Fort Waters Private 1848 Robinson, Edward Richardson, John. Rodgers, B. B Ross, John 1st, B, M Private 1847,1848 1st, 5th, D Private ; 1847,1848 1st Private ! 1847,1848 1st , Second lieutenant 1847,1848 Rinearson, J. S. 1st First sergeant 1847,1848 Rhynearsou, Jacob i Regimental Judge advocate i 1848 Ross, J. E j 1st i Captain i 1848 Richardson, L. C 1st, 8th, F, 1, J Private I 1848 Robinson, P. R 1st, 5th, D Private I 1848 Rarnahan, H . ; 1st Private 1848 Ramsey, Frederick H. j A, 2d Fifth sergeant 1848 Robinson, Prospect F. . A, 2d Private 1848 Richardson, J. D A, D, 2d, 5th Private i 1848 A, C, D, 2d, 4th, 5th _. Private : 1848 A, F Private j 1848 A, 2d Private 1848 B, 3d Orderly sergeant ! 1848 Russel, William Rogers, G. W Ross, Shery Robinson, James C. Robson, Edward B, 3d Private I 1848 Rogers, A. F | B, 3d, Fort Lee Private i 1848 Ralston, J. R. i C, 4th Fifth sergeant | 1848 Rucard, James j C, J, J Private 1848 Roberson, William j C, 4th Private < 1848 Ritner, Sebastian C, 4th Private 1848 Rowell, James M C,4th Private | 1848 Rogers, C. C. j 5th, D Fourth duty sergeant 1848 Rowland, Greene ! 5th, D Private | 1848 Rogers, William I 5th, D Private 1848 Rogers, Clark ! 5th, D Private ! 1848 Roberson, P. R I 5th, D Private 1848 Richardson, I. D 5th, D i Private i 1848 Rector, L. J I, J, Fort Waters First sergeant I 1848 Rector, L. J | 6th, E i Third duty sergeant 1848 Rector, L. J ! 6th, E Fourth duty sergeant Roth, Charles i 6, E, Fort Wascopam_ Private j 1848 Rowell, Jackson i 6th, E Private \ 1848 Ramsby, Maxwell-.. I F, 8th Second lieutenant 1848 Robinson, A. A I Regimental Ordnance master Robinson, A. A i Regimental Ass t ordnance master _ Robinson, A. A .. F, 8, Levi Scott s Co. Private Rader, .\rchibald F, I, J, 8th Private 1848 Redman, Fred F 8th, F Private 1848 Riggs, Thomas 8th, F Private 1848 Ritchie, J. M. 9th, G Private 1848 Ritchel, J. M 9th, G Private 1848 Robinson, A. G 9, G, Fort Wascopam. Private < 1848 Rawson, J. Q E, H, 10th, llth i Private j 1848 1848 1848 1848 MUSTER ROLLS. 517 MUSTER BOLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 aud 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Date of nervier,. Richards, Solomon E, II, 10th, llth i Fourth duty sergeant 1848 Reynolds, Ja. kson E, H, 10th, llth Private 1848 Roberts, James E, H, 10th, llth, Fort Wascopam Private 1848 Roundtree. C. H E, H, 10th, llth Private 1848 Rossan, J. J E, H, 10th, llth Private 1848 Rainwater, Martin A I, J, 7th, Fort Waters. Private j 1848 Rainwater, William I, J Private i 1848 Russie, Augustine D, 7 Private | 1848 Robinson, A. E Capt. Levi Scott s Co .. Private i 1848 Rainey, Thomas Indep t rifle rangers.. Private I 1848 Robertson, Henry E, H, G. 10th, llth __. Private I 1848 Reese, W. H. Regimental Commissary agent 1848 Rice, Levi A Kegimental Adjutant-general 1848 Rice, Levi A. Regimental A ss t adjutant-general __| 1848 Ruket, James Fort Waters Private I 1848 Rowley, Fort Waters Private i 1848 Roberts, William Private I 1848 Savage, C. W. 1st Third sergeant 1847,1848 i-hannon. S W. 1st Private 1847,1848 Saffarrans, H 1st Private 1847,1848 Saffarrans, fcl Regimental Assistant surgeon 1847,1848 Sanders, P 1st, C, D Private 1847,1848 Sheldon, William A, 2d First sergeant 1848 Stokes, William A, 2d Second sergeant j 1848 Smith, Charles A, 2d Private 1848 Smith, George W A, 2d Private 1848 Smith, I. H A, 2d Private 1848 Smith, William A, D, E, H. 10th, llth- Private 1848 Smith, J. W A, 2d Private 1848 Stevens. W. A, 2d Private 1848 Strahuff, A, 2d Private 1848 Smith, James W A, 2d Private 1848 Scroggin. John A, 2d Private 1848 Scott, Joseph A, 2d Private 1848 Smith, D. C A, 2d Private 1848 Stephens, H. N A, 2d Private 1848 Shumake, Drewry \, 2d Private 1848 Stuart, Albert A, 2d Private 1848 Shaw, Thomas C B, 3d Second lieutenant 1848 Smith, Robert B, 3d Fifth sergeant 1848 Smith, John H A,B Private 1848 Stemmerman, Chris B, 3d Private 1848 Shaw, A. C. R. Regimental Judgeadvocate 1848 Shaw, A. C. R B, 3d Private 1848 Shaw, Washington B, 3d _ Private Stewart, Daniel 4th, C, Ft. Wascopam. First sergeant Stewart, Daniel 4th, C Fourth sergeant ; 1848 Stritehoof, Reuben C, 4th Private j 1848 Shannon, Wesley Regimental Master of ordnance Shannon, Wesley C, 4th Private 18i8 Shirley, William C, E, 4th, 6th Private I 1848 Smith, AlvinT Private i 1848 Simmons, William C, E, 4th, 6th Private 1848 Stove, Asa C, 4th . Private 1848 Smith, W. M C, 4th Private i 1848 Stritehoff, John C,4th ! Private 1848 Stewart, Louis C, E, I, J, Ft. Waters Private j 1848 Scrouder, George M. C, 4th Private I 1848 Smith, A. M I, J, 9th Orderly sergeant ! 1848 Smith, A. M C, 4th Private ! 1848 Sullivan, Isaac 5th, D First lieutenant 1848 Stillwell, W. D 5th, D Private I 1848 Stone, Edwin T._ , , 5th, D , Private i 1848 35 518 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Name. Company. Rank. Date of service. Scales. John _. 5th. D ... Private 1848 Shepard, William Shaw, William Shaw, William Shaw, G. W Shaw, G. W Shaw, G. W Simpson, Benjamin Senters, Samuel Smead, H Smead, H. M Scott, Prior Stewart. Archemides Simpkins, Hiram Savage, Lewis M Savage, John Stout, Eli Sheaffer, Peter Smith, Joseph Shrum, Thomas Shelton, Harvey Stevens, William Stewart, Kim Snooks, J. S Scudder, John Smith. D. H Smith, J. N Savage, William Smith, Jesse Smith, Anderson Shively, Reuben Shively, Reuben Sylvester, John Simpson, H. B Souvran, Alexander Shaw, B. F Sourran, Alexander Sylvester, Joseph Sylvester, Joseph Sabourain, Alexander __. Senegratte, Joseph Spence, John Sassafras, H. Stemerman, Scott, Levi Scott, J. M. Scott, W. J. J Scott, Felix Sayre, A. G Suttle, John Smith, H. A Shaw, Franklin Stewart, Burch Snyder, Francis F Smead, H. N Thomas, A. J Tupper, O. F Tupper, R. S Thomas, George B Teat, John Thomas, John S Thompson, J. T Thornton, S. P Thomas, Obed S 5th, D, I, J 6th, 9th, E, I, F 6th, E ... 6th, E ! 6th, E I I, J,9th j 6th, E ! 6th, E 9th, I, J 8th, F ... 8th, F 8th, F ... 8th, F ... Private Captain First lieutenant First duty sergeant Second duty sergeant- Third duty sergeant Private Private Private Second sergeant 8th, F \ 8th, F i 8, F,I,J,Ft.Wascopam 8th, F_._ 8th, F 8th, F, I, J 8th, F 8, E, F, H, 10, 11. 8th, F 9th, G 9th, G 9th, G, Ft. Wascopam. 9th, G ... Private . Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private First lieutenant - Third sergeant - Private Private E, H, 10th, llth E, H, 10th, llth [ E, H. 10th, llth ; T, J, Fort Waters E, H, 10th, llth E, H, 7th, 10th, llth. I, J I, J, 7th_- I, J, 7th, Fort Waters I, J, 7th j 7th, Fort Waters 7th __ 7th, D 7th, D 7th, D Regimental Regimental California expedition Capt. Levi Scott s Co. - Capt. Levi Scott s Co. _ Indep t rifle rangers Fort Gilliam Regimental Regimental Regimental Regimental Regimental Fort Waters A, D, I, J, 7th __ Private Private Private Third sergeant Private Private Private Private Private Private Fourth sergeant- Private Private Captain Private Acting surgeon Saddler Captain Private Private Captain Private __. 1st 1st 8th, F. A, 2d_ Teamster Commissary clerk. Teamster Teamster Assistant surgeon . Private Private Private Private Private Private 8th, F_ A, 2d. B, 3d_ C, 4th_ Private Private Private Second sergeant- 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 MUSTER ROLLS. 519 MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies not otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Date of service. Teel, Samuel Tailor, William Thompson, Philip F. . Tomlinson, John Teller, J Tuller, J Taylor, Benjamin Taylor, Benjamin Taylor, Benjamin Trunder, Daniel Tarry, William Tony, William Towy, William Towyes, William Taneg, William Tooey, William Tooly, William Towie, William Thomas, Jack Titherow, Sol Teza, William Taylor, J Taylor, Chris Taylor, Chris Teats, John* Twiliquer, James Uber, Andrew Umpreville Vaughn, William Vaughn, John Vanvarst, W. T Vanvarst, Stephen Vernon, G. R Vernon, G. W Vernon, G. W Vernon, J. W Valreller, Alexander.. Vibrais, Alex Vilreil, Alex Valreller, E. Vilrais, Alexis Viltrais, Alexis Witchey, Jacob Weston, G. W Wesley, George Walgamot, Isaac Watson, G. W.__. Wilbert, Jos Winston, James Walker, R. .. Williams, W Williams, Walters, William - Williams, Asa_ Wilson, William Wilson, Thomas Waters, J Wallace, William Wheeler, Jason Warden, Henry B. ___. Warden, Henry B. ___. Warner, Thomas _ Welton, A. S * See John Feat. J C, 4th J C, 4th .I 5th, D J 5th, D . 5th, D . 5th, D I, J, Fort Waters 9th, G 9th. G, Ft. Wascopara 9th, G D, E, H, I,J,7th D, E, H, I, J,7th D, E, H, I, J,7th E, H, 10th, llth E, H, 10th, llth D, I, J, 7th, 9th D, I. J. 7th, 9th__. D, I, J, 7th, 9th D, 7th Capt. Levi Scott s Co.- E, C, H, I, J Regimental Regimental Regimental Fort Waters 9th, I,J D, 7th A, E, 6th, 4th C, 4th 9th, G 9th, G I, J 8th, F , J,9th , J,9th . J, 9th , J,9th D, 7th _. D, 7th 1st 1st 1st, 6th, E, I, J, 9th 1st, 2d, D, A, 5th 1st B, 3d Private Private Private Private Private Private Second lieutenant Third sergeant Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Q. M. sergeant Clerk in commissary Clerk to Q. M. general __ Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Orderly sergeant Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private 1st. A,2d A, 2d, Ft. Wascopam. Fort Wascopam A, 2d A, 2d B, 3d B, D B, 3d B, 3d Private Orderly sergeant- Private . Private . Captain, appointed by Colonel Gilliam C, 4th C, 4th Regimental . C, I, J D, 5th Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Private Wagon master Private Second sergeant 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1847, 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 1848 520 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Names of the soldiers, and of the attaches thereof, who served in the Cayuse In dian war of 1847 and 1848, and the date of such service, as shown by papers relating to said war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. Com panies uot otherwise described were companies of the first regiment, Oregon riflemen. Company. Date of service. Welton, A. S i D, 5th Third sergeant 1848 Wright, Martin i D, 5th Private 1848 Wright, Charles 9th, G, Ft. Wascopam. Private 1848 Weltou, Archibald 5th, D Private I 1848 Webb, William E, H, 10th, llth ! Orderly sergeant , 1848 Webb, William I, J Private , 1848 Wright, William 5th, D, I, J ! Private 1848 Walker, W. H. H 9th, G, Ft. Wascopam. Private | 1848 Waldo, David 6th, E i Private | 1848 Wigger, Thomas 6th, E . Private 1848 Welch, Joel 9th, G, Ft. Wascopam. Private i 1848 Wager, Thomas 6th, E Private j 1848 Weis, Peter 9th, G Private ! 1848 Wilcox, S Private j 1848 Weston, David I, J, Fort Lee First lieutenant I 1848 Weston, David 8th, F Orderly sergeant 1848 Whitley, John H. ! 8th, F. I, J Private 1848 Wimberly, Enoch 8th, F, I, J Private 1848 White, George ; C, E, H, 10th, llth, Fort Wascopam Private 1848 Waldo, William 8th, F, I, J Private 1848 Wright, Lynden 8th, F, I, J Private 1848 Walter, W. H. H 9th, G Private 1848 Wilkes, Arch E, H, 10th, llth | Private 1848 Wood, George E, H, 10th, llth i Private i 1848 Wright, Benjamin Fort Waters Fifth sergeant j 1848 Wright, Benjamin I, J Private i 1848 Wood, Israel I, J, Fort Lee Private 1848 Wood, Isaac 7th. Fort Waters I Private | 1848 Waldo, Joseph Capt. Levi Scott s Co.- Private i 1848 Waters, James Regimental Cplonel 1848 Waters, James Regimental ! Lieutenant colonel 1847,1848 Wait, Aaron E Regimental Ass t commissary gen LJ 1847,1848 Wilcox, Ralph Regimental Adjutant-general I 1848 Wilcox, Ralph Regimental Ass t adjutant-general _J 1847,1848 Wilson, Albert E Regimental Ass t adjutant-general __[ 1848 Wilson, William H Regimental Commissary agent 1848 Waldo, Daniel Regimental Commissary agent j 1848 Whitman, P. B Regimental Interpreter 1847,1848 Wright, Henry , D, 5th Private 1848 Walker, W.__I 9th, G Private ! 1848 Wilson, Edward A Private ! 1848 Woodsides. Ann i i Private i 1848 Winchester, Miles Private i 1848 Yarborough,R A, 2d Private i 1848 Yarboran, Randal A, 2d Private | 1848 Young, David : B, 3d Private i 1848 York, Alexander 6th, E, Fort Lee, Fort , Waters Private | 1848 Zackary, John Q \ A, 2d Private 1848 Zumalt, Thomas [ B, 3d Private 1848 Zumerode, C : B,3d Private i 1848 Zumnorde, C. i B,3d Private I 1848 Zachery, A E, H, 10th, llth Private 1848 I, T. C. SHAW, grand commander of the Indian war veterans of the north Pacific coast for the year 1891, do hereby certify that the foregoing roll contains the names of the officers, soldiers, and attaches thereof who served in the Cayuse Indian war of 1847 and 1848, together with the year in which such service was rendered, and the character of such service, as shown by papers relating to said Indian war on file in the office of the secretary of state of the state of Oregon. T. C. SHAW, Grand commander of the Indian war veterans of the north Pacific coast for the year 1891. B. B. TUTTLE, Adjutant-General. MUSTER ROLLS, 521 S 1 1 1 V s" 1 i ill ,q TJ eo oTo "q j- >% C > +3- o o5 S.C S S S ^! S d * p as .2P.2? ^ O q ||c 2 S o o i Ci O iO ^D r2 11 4 rtrH <D 1 41 I I O) q A p a J +-> "S ^3 o Q p o s TH 13 f 1 IPS G E-I I ^ q a Sj T3 8 it > i CQ co ftj EM d a si fl q * 0000 CO OO || Hi q o II s 1 (M<N(NCO 82 qj ... lo PH Si s &^ "2^ w o 1 q2 1 o <D 1 a"S S s 83 ^ 1 4 i i ! I J O O >*- i! | ills 2 o s E 0> c2 gS s 5 W^a!<< ^s j ^35 j -1 q j 1 i 6 trt i < ! jj 9 i <D ^ ^ s Is 1 ^ -0^ >> V KI i ^^^ 5 g^ q O O .- ^ ,013 S ^ ^ j r-KNCOx* 1-1 a " q -s Ms o 52 si *a SS ,Q o ^ I 1 (H t-i s I. I 1 ! s f 1 522 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. -S.Q H O 53 I !l |. Is a-- il si B*S fl 8lS.|8 i >^ 8?l|fc5gg|p ; g rtify, on onel J ): Col ned Salem, O reb by Sig ed ( Da MUSTER ROLLS. 523 P 5 1 5 11*3 a 2 |p 3 s 524 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. QD tf OOCOOOOOOCiCJOOOOOC) OOOOCOOCOCCCOOCOO MUSTER EOLLS. 525 MINI <:<::<<!:: iii I d d dTJ O d O O ^ e d O a Ti aTJ id d O a a-O O O d d O O ^ O GpflcfldnflCflsasscaflscficflflccaccifld e II l! 35llIllols-2*|i!E| Hq|fi4QDwQS^Hr *w^^9^M^^H 526 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. MUSTER EOLL8 527 528 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS. 529 .5 *;*;* xxxxxxxxx ~ ~~ --5 3D X X xxxx as _3j OS _aS _o3 ej _oj oj aS a3 jS ^fe^&H^tn! o! * o3 s5 -S oS o3 fj-lint&^f^^HtLjfeiHtlHtlH J2 ra 5 12 |S |S "-= 2 S 2 3 2 2 2 2 * 2 2 2 2 2 ;2 2 |2 2 |S | S 5 ; g^<**4<li*^U^^^ >Soooooooooooooo Hi a S o ill* !t f L |ft |l S^ g |2 ^JI fa O o W2 e ..2, K 5 fi a< f5 o>2 O O Q) S Q S gQ Ifc-flS 530 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. s P oooocjouod<yoooooooooo ooooouoo OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO OOOOOOOO MUSTER ROLLS. 531 532 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS. CONTINUED. Muster roll of Captain Samuel B. Stafford s company "C" of the first regiment of Oregon mounted volunteers, commanded bv Lieutenant- Colonel James K. Kelly, mustered in pursuance of the proclamation of the governor of Oregon territory, to serve in the war against the Yakima and other Indians, from the sixteenth day of October, 1855, to the twenty-first day of December, 1855. I* * * 1 \ \ i \ \ *The period served as shown on the copy of the muster rolls are as shown hereon, but since many vacant lines show number of months and days served, makes the entire roll as regards period served to be of no value. COLONEL B. B. TUTTLE, adjutant-general, March 16, 1896. t See number 104. J See number 415. 1 1 \ \ Discharged. i \ By whom. . I Ik 1 j 1 C 3 A 5 Kame. McNamara, Jamest- Newman, Wm. N.f _ Officer. John E.t- I Price, Samuel B.f-~ Ravnes. Robert F.t -i- y & a .5 2 i x \ Sanford. Richardt- - t ~ I 7! Sheppard, Edwardf Smith, Samuel S.t Smith. Geortret . Sweet, John J.t |s % D O r- * i j \ \ f ! i i \ MUSTER ROLLS. 533 ames other o> a # j 111111 iiii i , I* ^j MiiJj LMJ ! Hi ^3 ^ ! ! ! oc ^ 23 <B * & I I! 0| j j j j j i j j j j ___J__jJ_J_J ^ s| a a aaa a aa a a a aaaa a a a a aa aaaaa a a 1 *g 2~t-< aacGaaaaaGaGGaaaaaaaaaaGaaaa 2 a ^ ~ NH^Mh^MhMMMMgMMMGCCCbCBECbClC G Q> Q Q G I 5 2 x_g SSSSSS^SSSSSSSSSSSSSSS" 30303 ^^ * >4 3 a3 ^ aaaaaaGaaGGaacaaaaaaaaGGaaGG g 1 - 3 |o OOpOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO q, g Q a >; G a G a a"a a a a g a e: a a G a a "a a H G "a a a"S a G a a^" 1 I j! j ^T^^niT^ :? ^^-i r ! i 1 f If i i i ! I i i i ! i i i i i i ! i i i i Is I Si i !!!!! 1 !!;!!!!! i ! ! ! i ! a I 2Q 2o TT T) d O T3 T3 -d T3 -C 13 "d T3 T3 T3 T3 T3 13 T3 ^3 T3 nd T3 T3 T3 73 d -d "d ^ 0) h^ * ^ s S 5 3 c a i c a fl a n G fl a 5-2 ^ -? i : s : s : l s i s : E : lt i : S : l : d : i : St : 5 ? s^ : 5 i i s ^ : i s ^> o>S ooooooooocoooooooooooooooooo So 5 >^- ^^^^^^^a.^^^^^^^ ^ S ^ S? 13 O ;c u2 o ;c ;c .c .c ;c o ;c ;c ;c ;c g ;c ; c ;.c ,0 .c ,c ;c jo .c o .o O K * * 30 30 CC X X X X /! / V. X jC X 30 3D X! 30 30 X X X X 30 X 30 X X X ^2 S W Q^w * ."VVYVYYV; o o r, , t^ 2 If ^t|2 p t"t l>fl>Vl*tt*^5t2t*^ttt<-l*t ttt*t5 l>t ^ 2 t^ * OF^ : ^ rHrHrHTHrHr-fi (T-Hr-ii-HrHT-HiHiHr- IT fiHr- irHrHrHr- lrHiHr-(r- Ir-Hi i LJ g >>gS > ... S| ^ a q L i S ra S5S i ! i !!!!!!!! I ! i i i &T ~ " oo SQ 3 ft | a o o5o SsSScS Sig a a, j | j \ u& OL_,O 5 * J i >4>tH ^f^SSfc^o 111 .O^H ; g-cifSfrelo ! ^M ||| fl |||11| |1 illlllllllllllllll e| H| "jTHTrn Ti rnr~ r ^w II is| i 1 * ^j !L 2 J -s -2^ : -3 jg| ; i ijj i a i g, i : w i" ^5 S^"5 al^liaa^al^S^Il^llil^l llll !" ^5 ^ ^ rH ^H rH ^H rH r-l ^ 37 534 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa a c a c s s G = s as s a c c cn c c fl c a a a c a jjjoooooojoo OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO MUSTER ROLLS. 535 d I 3g * If aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa|aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa^ $ 3 a o , it 77 ^777 7 7 7 7 77 77 77 7 77 7 7 7 7 7777 7^ 77? 777 it 1 7 77 7 77 >> EEhhEEEEEEEEEEhfeECEEEEfeECEEEhEEEEEEEEEEEEE o - cGGGG^GGGacaccGaGGGCGGGGGGGGaflflaaGaaaaaGGa o5j aja>Qaja>a;a;a a>a;a)a;aja>a>a>aa>a>a>a>oa>a>a>oa>a)a>a><i><i>a>a><a>a> a)a>a>a>a>aj flS 999909999999099999999999999999999999999999 ^S 555555555555555555555555555555555555555555 H ,-x j el ! ! ! ! SB i i i ^T3^^73TJT3TI^^T3T3T3^T3^T3^^T3T3riT3T3^T3^^^^^T3T3^T3T3 r O O-C O OT3 i > ino 10 >o o ic o ic --5 10 i" i.o i" i- ic ^ ^ i- i~ ifM*- 1~> * O Is^^sSrtS^ ^^ ^i^ ^^^Ss^^ss^^sss^sSsSsssSMS^^^ -^ .Q Ir-lr-lrHr-l^lr-lrHr-i^rHr-l^rHrHr-trHr-lrH^^lrHrtr-lr-lrHrHrH^rHrHr-lr-lrHr-lr-lrHrHrHrHr-lr-l g^ a> >o 5oo^ooejooojiocjt2oooooot;oo So SoooSo^ti^o^tjo a ^ )OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO BJ 1 l& N o3 I? 9AAOAOtt0fflAQAO99OOO^OOO)OO.4}AO.Q>O4)OAOO9d)OOipOd|4| fl oo 18 *3 <t tf cA 8 c 08 08 ct tf |t rt <8 S it rt at al tf tf efi at 08 8 08 cdrt d <t S cSp tf 3^ 3 o^ .^.^.^.^.^.S..^.&.^.^.^.^.^..^.^.^.^^.::.^;.S;.S.^.S:.;.S:.S;.^.-.-.5;.^.^.^.^.^.^.-.^.- c*o i^^^^^^^^ I"" ill- M 53||!j ! !!K!! !! o?fl a iBgjft^^o - rt ^s o j|gi rt _..H^s--fl ; 3s^> s 536 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. s-g K ffl Q fcJ) QD : > - il! ill ^4- - >sj -i -fl<J .tig ^ - 5-8 a M c 1 1 0-S M O o fl II &S" I e-2 32 SVH f, O oi . ^2 fl O 03 >. tt)J3 s3 56 S ^T? .>.Q MUSTER EOLL8. 537 538 INDfAN WARS OF OREGON. t3 "S -.2 a .3 n ** r-^ ., rt 11 W a> ..a -8 2 1 ! 3 aScScSrtcSoiaSaSoScaaiaSaJ^oJ^^^^oj^ojaJ^^aS^^oS^^ : B : S : S r S : S : S? 2^ : S : S H : H : SS? : sS : Hi : S : sl : i S : B S : S^ : 2? OOOOOOcDOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOO g j j i j i j 1^ III? Ill MUSTER ROLLS. 539 a a a a a aa a a a a a a aa a a a a a a a a aa aa a a^ s8> 333333333333333333333333333333333333333333 4^ aaaaaaaacaaaaaaaasasaaaaaaaaaacaaaaaaaaaaa ^ a * -3 S S ^5 SMCCCCM 2 = ! S A , , , . , . , . ^ . , . ^. . ^ . ^ . , . . . -, .V , . , , A . -. . . .*. - - , A .*. J < .V "C L .*. . eeaacaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaacaaaaaaaaaaeaaaaaaea 5555555555555555s555555555555 CJ 555555 3 55 c3 55 .2 3333333333333333333"333"3 33"33 333"333"3333"333 33 " * ! i ! i aaaaaacaanaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa p o c S o ^ ,0 p p p p p p p o " d I * ooocccooooooooooooooo 52n On 2- 2_ O, O, 2- Q< a, D-, CL X CL, O, OH CU 2- ^ Cu a. ol Su, ^ oo o So S ooo So oooo oooo ooooo ooo Swoooootjooooo o" OOOOCOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOCOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO< IS 1 O 83 ? la 540 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. II O 3 1 .2 o a y **" 1 ls SI I 2 s o oo S3 5 >. aasaaaaaaaasaaaaaaaaaaaasaa 333333333333313:333333333:33:33 5 O O O C "O O iO iO O O O O O O >O O O O >O to >O O iO >O O >O O iO iO i.T i* i- i- i^ i.O ~ it i" >~ <~ >~ <~ i- " - i- J- i- .- i- i- ~ i~ ^~ i- iO i.t i- 3 30 00 30 X -J. X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X GO X OO * 1 ** * ^ ooo o oooooooo S S Su So sjy S S O O o OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO^^^ MUSTER ROLLS. 541 1 III nil Ii S i i i ! | | i 1 1 -a a 03 P i ! i II lill i a S,;l i i i i 1 B ^ SI 1^ i i i !! | Q <J5 r- ? 5 |5 I p | Sja 9 c H |I ! I s * fl 1-3 - - tuo E j CC g S j sS 1 a <u "" tiC o 3 t -i 5 j P 1 .2, g >^ fc P 5 a s ki >> e a S3 S S 03 t a l *8 leg H 3 pq T-H GO JO , .- 1 - 1 ea 3 ^1 in Ilfi .1 -o i i jili o^s* ^If* fl 03 Si P 0, > W 03 O H . S 2g U u ss s ! ^- ii* ^S P o "o-^^o op; 1 j fe^JI sill 0> * G hibits the tr i officer and of j i ftll" 111 s lrS 2% ! f^ll S i 0^^,23 Q - O y. | > "g ". fl ^^ 1 m 6 5 * a"^^ fe fl S 5 r 2< c St +: ^ ^ h Q> :?5a I l "t* V3 i-^ B^-j- -) ^ OS <U fl 5 a ijlfln o * ||| ^2 lit tl^ fc^^od tt . g a It S^ l|*|3j ,C oj J3 3 "S 2 " O3 P-i OD M O *3 C |^ ffl ft(5 1^1 a cS t ill Iff! ?P in fcSo 111 ass So 01 > -S 7J flO : fl ^j=ig HS j H M H cc I certify, on h ; the remarks Dated at _ i i i i 1 1 1 1 | J [ j [ j ! T3 542 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. I I- l! II ?s 8 ofg 1 c CUD o II! ------- OOOCJOOOCICICJOCJOOOOOOOOOOCIOOOCOOOC) OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Us ills 0.2 8 8-- S 5 .8-2". (11 03 m O ^ "tf islia||l|* oj>^. : o^ s - si Wc-S^ II 8^11 1 ^Ol ^ --^^S r-SXciaJr-r-rT-iOJ.? !|0| >, l-fi^ >jj<iii a o, 2 a 05 -^ m w - n .|5 >>^ &D MUSTER EOLLS. 543 i "3 i I s " ! B.d j 3 O i Sa I IT* a> a> a> a> a> a> a> W) bD SC &C 5C (SC 60 a>a>a>a>a>a>oajo)a>a>a>ii>a>a>a>a>a> cccacGsacnsccc a)<ua)<i)a>a)<Doa>a<a>caiiDaj 606C6C6Zj6c60bC6fl6CtiX;6Cfcfl6JObObC Q} 0} QJ Q) feC 60 W) 6C a> o a> be tjo ac 5555555555 333333333333333 ^^^.. 555552555555555555555555555 33 3 3 I H a Z :555 333 lIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIllII l -2 1 ^ 1 - 1 ^ 1 1 " ~ ! ^ ~ ~ I 1 1 " - " - ^ ;4J^^4J^^^^^^^4j ^4J^4j4-i^^^4J-M*J4-;. )OOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOO6OCOOO<DOOOOOOC oaia>a <xia>aia)o Scs S^ S*^ ^"^"^ a3 03 a3 ci 03 c3 * d "S "S rf S eS Oiojoicjaio3a3aia3a3 &: Is ^Sjtto ^1^11 icJsll g fe ^a ^S^3 ^igff ll^ll I^J 8pJ|?J2l II s fl "1 1 i^Jll sll rfl 111 i I s ! 8 ]4fi.^S 1 B , 544 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. 81 II <K tub |ff 1| P O) ^ 0> Is S S I & III >o c n Jr CJ O ~ 0=30 .si s III c c a a a c d a s 3 a 3 PI a a c d c d r<X3~(~GO~CO~CC"cO~ -M ^ +J *J O O O O W O O OOOOOOO .2S2.2 -2.2 > > > > - . . c-c-fi-c-a?:-?! fifi how numbe il, March 16, d 3 0) & 3 <D O I! as III m * v. as 85 s*f w a O a S5 O g^ fcU d M,cj Jr! as +3 BM d W Q &Sbo PI i c -a ^ 03 d S1 . q K 2^o -^2*2 tj O < 2S^ ^9 ""S 2g & o-" T; ^< MUSTER ROLLS, 545 a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>aia)a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a> 33 3333 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O Ps On PL, PL, PH PLI PH (X( DH OH 3^ (X, D-, CH PH ftn DH CL, Oi 2_, OH PH 1- PH D-i OH Ok HI jJ^J+J^^^^^J 3 > ^^^^-t-iia^w++++j^^jj^+^^ OOOOOOOOOOOOCJOOOOOOOOCJOOOOOO OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO -^ 546 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. II , " 5 I o+- I *f d P | .2 >. it II 5555555555552 3333333333333 ww o o o o o S c o o Z :3 I2 n Z^ ^3 ;^ Z3 l7Z3 o p o o S o p o o o c OOOOOOOOOOOOO oiO;oj o""" OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO OG><3)<DOCDOfl)U) ^ ^r<wssi Ajs "^ - ^ : as icd^ 1 ** gj^ 2g .gS^ ^|^ ^^ <J | as-^l-o MUSTER ROLLS. 547 " - | Mi i ! ! fun I i re as shown bereon, but since many vacant lines show number of months and no value. COLONEL B. B. TUTTLE, adjutant-general, March 16, 1895. B 3 3 C o> o> o> a bC fcC t>JD 61 3 = CJ "- : t/. - 3 3 3 C 1> D Q) <X Dictc&cbi 2|22 3333 Jf JJJf J 8; 5 > o ! o 5 > 5 ! c 3 3 3 C B S S E 5 > o i 5 i 5 -*J<5<1^ B C fl 3 l l > ^-<^-< JTJT: : 3 c 3 a3 a t ; i - f ^~ B 3 C i 333^ ill! filfillH O O O i x r iO iC iC iC O i-O O ^iC >O 10 in >O 10 ir^ >T r?i- QOGOGOQOOOOOQOGOOC IIS i on the copy of the muster rolls a 1 as regards period served to be of S c^^olc^^ ^ ?38 ; >p m ! ooc o o o o o o t OCOOOOC ! i \ iff II 11; t - i * i r 2S^ c3 a3 a :>> 1 ^ P-ibC-iO. S2 *The period served as showr days served, makes the entire ro t See number 113. a _ ,3 a> *sf?-i> }$*-g?j ^"sf&S |g6|2j 5 i 1 C^ CO ^h i* cd |[ 11 = 5SE tda Sli ^s* il^-gj "GOOE-iP* 5S5 ^ o"4 e =3^* ; g.^ fi^^-H |-s|i * 2-t 2 = \\ ll ! .. Williams, Wesley P.f~ Chandler, Wm.t- - - Cason, Wm. A.t i Carter, Andrew H.I i Chrisman, Wm. C.t- Cogsdale, Daniel S.t T?ictnl nr>ro*>+ it PI [| m i -;- i ^ - ; 1 + - "c : >l It 1 r - \ Kimball, Eleazarf T,rmfr .Tnhn A i Morgan, Francis M.t Nelson, Jesse P.t Orr Wm O W + ? i z: * i C r 1 at, -i- \ f. I a. ~ -K ^ ^= S QC , Townsend, Jas. M.C.tJ \Vnnr1 .Tnhn R -h -i- 548 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. q H Is I? 13 EH 6fc 8 II <n u ? SoJ CD .0 !^S 11 h i \ \ If 1 ! 1 i \ TS 1 m _! ! - ! 1 I 1 Wash aw, Lampsonf Starr, John H.f Williams, Pleasant J Havter, Thomas! tid "~2 1 1 w S s^ 4 ; j 1 1 S^ 2 1! a> o a I. o > ^ o a 11 51 e s .s MUSTER ROLLS. 549 ~ -, * o ooooooocooooooo?oooooooi * is-g-sl i|* is ^ Jga: |M Iss. <y a; k-i o> cy II-IIJ^ as? se^Braiaj III sll O 03 gs o > SI r-l Ci 09 r4 e i w * H c oo <* 10 o * oo o o IH ej oc ^ jo t- oo 550 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. ames W. ve in the on , to nded by r, A. D. N Oregon mounted volunt rritory, dated the eleven 1 until discharged. TI eg ito LS iment o Oregon f Octobe ST A g*S iit gisi ^. <a > o^fl 1S S 3 LS Pi S.a| H* O O of -S, IP t-^ o 3 .286 |> a o "1 flS 3&| &dl 3~^ K 113 BJ iJ3 Si* II ste h, ain *Period served. 1 ! 1 ! j ! \ \ 1 I ! \ } \ i 1 s f 222^ be bjQ b I 2222 a a a a O> O> O> O> c bo be bo bo 4 g c 03 03 o O> O> O> <D ( a a a a c 222 0) O> Q a a e DOC c&ctit 122222 22222 a a a a c 9 Q> V O ( M .be bo ao he br ll - a j - -t H E^ a a 1> C> :j. t) J O> 0) 0> 0) O> JDMbcbObfl b a a a c "s a a: -<<;<;- a a a a eg ci cj _g s a a a W? a a e a c 3 a a a r __3^ a 33 3 3 "a t a a a a a c 3 3 "s 3 3 E &?&&&% f~ a :z a a ^ < -~* ! ! i \ \ \ 06 oo 06 x x x x x / x / x x / / s. n x x V / x /. x x x x x x GO do ^ ri Ki ~ \ c-i TI r i ri ^"i ft :-) 6) 61 64 6} c^ 61 < fliilllimiiimiiillliillllill SSS OC^Q>OO^G?OOflJfl?Q>Ofl!)DC^O 1 l>fl.>Q^C^QJl>0 ! -Soi 11:- H .5^ 5S Siaj^ss 1, PH CH PH P-, P- P-, PH 222 !a s .S fHfe M iOCMi: ocq S.S>.SofeST< <sg P* loOoScSOOoJ^ c? E Co^l SSS S MUSTER EOLLS. 551 i 1)1! IN | 1 ! 1 | | IN * The period served as shown on the copy of the muster rolls are as shown hereon, but since many vacant lines show number of months and days served, makes the entire roll as regards period served to be of no value. COLONEL B. B. TUTTLE, adjutant-general, March 16 1896 t See number 19. \ See number 20. g See number 21. i| See number 254. ** See number 266. N! ! il 1 i i i 1 1 i ! j 1 | I <g ill obobi 03 03 OS o3 sj C ftrt 4 M E a S a a c ) tuO fcJO tuD W) a Hill a c i|| *3% ^<^^< i N -: -- f ._ -r -c -c -c -0 -d -c 11 C C O PL* CL| P., CH Pi P-i PH ^ "t C T PH PH P^i P-i P-( II ^ O O O C O O O O O ooooo i i i i ! ! ! OJJ,Jj t-t PiPn |-|gS 52 Snook, Caspar 53 Simons. Alouzo .__ 54 Smith, Riley 55 Thomas, F. W. 5i; Trites, Edwin. 57 Watson, Henry 5 . Warfield, Samuel 60 White, Abel 61 Shoemaker, Jesse W.__ 62 Brounlee, John _ . __. 6:> Bateman, Henry Turnage, Wm.t Lenderkin, Geo.f Smith, Johuf-_. _ Sflgl^ 00 ^ 5 %%V%^~ r ^.fl^IwS^. 2^2 >>^ G ^ a; - B *g fl-^ o * ^S^ Kelly, J.W.t Warren, D. B g -.- Willoughbv, Henry?___ -- Cole, Harrylj .- Ross. Alexander! Cunningham, H. A.|| Dennison, Ira S. || .. Kite. Wm. J.ll z I 1 1 Q ~ & - ^ |i Parrish, Edward E. || .__ .. Miller. S. R.** 552 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. IS I o F O o^^ I SsS O go CC jj -i "5 o EH ^ GQ o S a 2 a a> M si i \ o>o>ii>a>a><a>ii>a>oa><D<i> tmbjobJO&c&oaoaDtcbDfcc&o&D 4^>4^-M4^4J4^4l>-U><U>-4^i. "ooo o 13t2oo t}o t3o15t5t3oo o"ot3t3 o t3 o "o "o ootj"oo OCCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO .3 S-BlES-SigS-sS^ OQ)OQ^Ofli)O^^ ( l>0.)0)Ol 1 )^OJO (^oH d ! g^ n 2 !2 i !gH w !5?aJ I g - -eglS .|w a il 1 M |S llf I H$$i^ Si<*ps I|I^P| MUSTER ROLLS. 553 > p p p p p p p p p p p p p p t^t^^t^fLt^CLt^^^t^tCn^^Cn 554 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. <S fl * 1 I j 03 2 * * 1 j I a o 3 ^>H ! ! i Sj O os Sti > i O 1 " 1 S ! 1 S^ o * I i 3 ^ -d? C) ! il e *_? i f-i M g i > ^ Ib oS >y- 1 it li Q t-5 H So ! ^ P 1 : 3^ M ^ ~ 1 ! .2 1 |i 1 o w I s . ! 1 I s j : > 1 /} "a S) ^ 1 oo> ^ o i 5 73 as O fs J 03 O PH ! to O i 03 *S w l|f sS 1 ! w 1 ?fl i 1 li III 11 i || "o p, O^eS ^ II ^ 03 gS C fl roll of Captain L ered in pursuanc ins, from the twe I "* i - gco i| 3* S 0) i : 4 i."s"^>; SJ^^g IsVrf. *rg8aa g|o fcj t/3 ^ OJ 0> <~ 22% a S 5 l! >m IS ll 32 III bi5 j P-fl c ^ C c ? 1 pj , | , i So s i i i i i i j S3 MUSTER ROLLS. 555 13 .d fl*" C o i is 5 I! O s R B |s fig aj g g o3 S3 "oJ "al "3 "3 "aj "5 33 33 oj o3 o3 o3 oS - D o 3 ir. :;. 0> 0> OJ <0> 0> ci 0> 2 C3 S3 S O> <D o> O> O> SB iX) CD bC b b( gfl ^! bo i! II C G C H fl S3 0) 0) o 0> d d C3 be isi be be ao p p p p p p p C p O p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p b ^o o >b o ic o ic : t ii ~ 7 i ? ~ i~ k !~ o !~ is o o Is >ra 3O X) CO 00 OC X X X X X X X XX X rt X X X X X X X 3O GO CO 00 S! 03 O oooooooooooooooooooooooooooo ^ go t)t^o 5oc;ooooo ooooooooooo oociooooo"So^o^otj ooooooooooo5ooo 556 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Muster roll of Captain N. A. Connoyer s company "K" of the first regiment of Oregon mounted volunteers, commanded by Colonel James W. Nesmith, mustered in pursuance of the proclamation of the governor of Oregon territory, to serve in the war against the Yakima Indians from the thirtieth day of October, 1855, to the close of the war or until dischaiged. 1| * S t! \\\\ 1 ! ! ! 1 i i i ; i i i ! ! ! j 1 j ; ! i ! ! 1 ! i ! : i i i i I i \ \ j j i ! ! ! i j i i I i j i | i i i ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! i i i i i * 22 t 3ggg 3g > 3gg 3 > 3 1 s j I 3-3 i 3 > 3 S * a c QJ a) Mil ~i t i So So y; M it it ic a : c c ic sc M So So tx t aasa~zsaa~szz:G3c - = ^-<^ <4 ll^fl >r 5 5 5 v 5 3r 5 i o o D v 5 > c <-<-jj-- \ ! -CT3 X GS i ! I III! a a a c !" o-a-C C O -O T3 TJ T3 T3 -C T3 -C S5555SS SSSSS* oooooooooooooo 00 00 30 30 X 00 T-t rH , -- i A 111 i-HiHi-li-li-lr-ti-li-lrH JJ CO CO st C 1C CO to SO cosososcsOTCcoeoriscsccocoeo a a a c aaaaaaaaa-aaaaa - - - - - ~= ~= \ - ! 1 1 -I t3 ^ ll | i i it j ^ i Is : n r 26 Dupre, Charles _ Private _ 27 Elazan. Baotiste . Private d 1 Second c a> o a O> O> j O> 0) ! S ! a> QJ ri a; a c3 03 c cj I 111 >>g>> C"C o CT CUPK&-C-C. (juyioana, rauig . llumphreyville, Johug i Lambert, Lewisg JVo. Name. J 23 Joseph Despord 24 Delard. Antone. s i: 5 i ^ T3 J S3 .|.a ^?j^ j3 1^5 r2 5 3 5 S. t a jjei^ore, Augusiine; DeLord, Antoine^ 1 y ?: j" - ^ : H. !> ^ , 55s i^iazcue, uapusieg Gervais, Ed\vard Gregoire, Simong SS^^JS 1 ^ CO CO &t> C 1 ? CO ww^5)^ i .1 i i i MUSTER ROLLS. 557 558 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. Q i* I ! Si a a a a a a a a a aa aa a a a a aa a a s a a a a a a a a a aaaaaaasaaaasaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa GGCGGGCGG SP^IllMy r^-sa ^ii" s|^< ! M MUSTER ROLLS. 559 13 OB ! ! ! ! ! ! I 1 l K 13 i aaaaaaaaaaaaaa aaa aaa a a a aaadaa a aaa a aa a I -3 3333 = 33333333333333333333333333333333 w - II W> a a 03 03 JKW WWWWWWW S. S 1111111111111111111111111111111111111 9990999900909900990990009909909900909 3333333B333 33333333333333 3"3333 H 33S"3333 5 J gg a> O Is ,,,, Si aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa "S* v - s| aaccscflflGGCcaaoccaacccaaacaccaccdca ajrfcice^cj^^ccjid^sJsi^sScScicejJoSoS^cjsjaJciaJcS^aSaSaSojcS a> ~ 31 I fQ ^ ^^a)O2<i)a)o<iioa)a)a)aia;a)a)a)a>a>oc>aja)oi)a;a)a>a)aia>a>a)a)a> S S^ SSS^ S ^aa S S S r SS^ S S S SSS^Srt S S S^ S SS^ S S >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> c-s c^ & $ $ a* & P^ fe lit 04 & 5^ S5 x a ri ! ! a ! 1 ^ * S is Ida ^ ;* | : -g ^ ^ -g^ ^ - S SS a aa3 ! = g m 5>> S |25 R d IgJ *s S >o a^S 5^ -gS| 0_TM a>s; -5a a fct;-2 g> a - SS* 560 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON, ^ i 1 i -d c> <& ll ^ ! s^ ! d K*i 2 f-1 Q) * * 8 o a . Q) p, |i I C If! ffs "3 03 5 o . fl 3 V) w 11 .S ^ |1 . ll a > | ; ^"S ll 1 |s 3 8g g || g |o 1 i PPQ < o? I O O o FH ^J Q S ^5 1 ^ > 2 a i. oj a i i o > g | Jl i eg i S-g r __. O 2 i !!i QQ ^ o Ik j -2 ^ S P ;-! r-t t> SH ip "rt " |? o In 8 Co" . i*!" ilS- 1 Sgod lat Pi 2ii ^a2 Hi feS f d- q- H ^ 3 fc - ^ t\\ <i I 1 served as si kes the enti r 62. J See i a il| 11! S|3 o3 fl^ ^ ^O fl ci :-II 1 1| Isl ! !! g OMo nil . 1 r~i i ** H^ ^ I ! | ! ! i -a MUSTER ROLLS, 561 , commanded teenth day of n mounted vo vernor, dated Ore he regimen mation s itS , s^^N 3g>; IP I -SO 1 *- 1 OD 3< s * -} 2 g^ O S25 S H-S A> - 2>s W - M pq^5 H = ^o OD tj _ I \ fl O ^ P aJ S a H a . 2"S ill I!? ^il l:-i c2>> || II! $44 5i ^ 3^0" ^ H >o O QJ " II ^5 J6f3 QO* oo" ocTcT I-H" o" co oo" 00" of 00" cc~oo~ of of of of oo" I *+ ?*<* *-* / 2 " sasssssaasssssssaeassasssaa -S-a H &q W f4 W ^ W W W W W f4 W W W W W W H W H f4 W H W W W &4 4i^>^4i*i V p aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa S a 562 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. c O S ^ o 11 O 0) E.3 O) QQ a H - 2 s ^j ft >00 ib aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaasaasaaaaaaaaa MUSTER UOLLS. 563 aaaaaaaaaaaaaaajjjjs ^^^^5^5 < ~ 52 ^icocccccooooo 9Sc;SEnSgpggg3 = gggcccGggcagcc ^5^-^^^^^^^^^^^^^^p^pSaiSpo3a5a!a3aja3oa3paja>Q;S Saja5<3a3a>c3a>a>!3eBo<3oo oc> aspflccacaaflflcaessrt gaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa 3 28Sg aaa sgsaaaaaaaaa^ C/J C/3 OJ OD CO Ct) CC O! CC CO CO CC CC ^ i~ i~ T 17 ^ ~ <~. >T .~ ~ iT ; x 10 x /. /: /. /_ x /: /: /. l fl fl 03 03 3 O O QJ O 430 a I o O =3 SM 03 O 564 INDIAN WARS OF OBEGON. * i* 2? oja 2? gci SB W g S i -i. dli ^5o "5-8 3- Ssa 32 r- s " ill a ?l s 3 . ^d S^H_ ccS^^-3* as-d . H.a ce -s a<! gtJ ^ 11>.5 <S s^S.-5"a gS-353.2 I^SU-HS EH ? >J O K O s 15 2 s^ ^s N. 51 oS fl 2 g o S5* I MUSTER ROLLS. 565 ai s-t I * i T3 S3 3* i 1 03 ^w O , - - 1 ^ fl S 1 fl 03 ^s g gj j 1 S 61 o ^ I? | I s " a^ 1 ll a S 3 I SrJ 7 SQ g Eg 0) ^ Sfl II 1-2 i i ll fj G> 1" b ss g 1! P 2-a i "So S 2^ . "8 j I i| i II ^3O 1 Sb2 s 1 S *s I ^ O o il s 21 oS o 0) fl H^ 3^ 1 S I fl S-d QQ O fl k !$ P- o kH " * 3 " ils 2^ 5o i S 02 (D - c Q 1 ^ imes K. Kelly rsuance of th lay of Octobei i a S 2 "S " Oj 1 1 ll fl irfs3rfo3Q))) ) <^^ OOOO Srf S "3 OS S ,5,0 QiQigiOi^ > > > tS 1 88II222 3 ^2 22 2 fl j 03 03 o3 03 O : .:: .; .^ s^ H (^ (^lo J3 ^ a 0,73 -S A 03 fl -d c t; j 1 i ! f S3 i : g W p ^ S^H 9jC3 S IB *^ i CD < ^|*Q t^ r^W 53^ ( QJ ^*~* OS S ^Sfl- s gj s fl. 3 o S &H S 3 ^5 Muster roll of Nesmith, must ians, from the S 1 ^ " ^ ^1 ^ ^1 wH rH r-l r-l ^ 41 566 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. <D O S5 5^ 15 ! ^5 II S 0.2 II il 2o a^i a-^ ofl f.-r-l rtf O 2^: ^ o o S*1 ri >> si *: -w O I! ro M 5 ^3 0*0 -^rCl ?l V|l sis as^~ &l| M^l 2 s 11! 3 S3 o| !"i li"- Sll .e > c *Period served. ! | I . 1 1 1 1 i ggggggg a> a) a) a> a> a> a> a a a a a a a a a - -^ -c ;r CUD be tx tuo bjo tuo tic a"S s"3"3"a D <5^^^^^^ 25 a a r ^ ; it i Tj d O O C a a a a c =3 ci si aj a -ccd- a a cioS 3 -a 11 II - imill 1 a 0600060000000600 ^T3 <o<<0<OtO<C<0 OOOOOOO iJ*i S5 i 5 2 | rt 2 I 2 tj 2 i r 1 i S S 2 ci "5 i C) O D O S S S S S <O <D ^"S J | | ^"S 25 oj o3 aHfXldnfLlPLlP-lO-lCL, P-iAnPHpLi El Pud, ^p:;a fifififl I I c N jdlj lll^ SI 111 i un frj CT 1 C^ 1^ M !"J"! d3 J0-d< w" " > tJ S o o.5 34 Huntley, John ^5 Jones, Francis 0> 1 o a > s s 3 11 a" Oc * o^^Q o, t . -f %%& g^g^^l H-3 -^ , a S^^ I j 5S A 0005 OrH ?!^ -*..<3 co r^ oo Oi Or-i 253 -eg MUSTER EOLLS. 567 aaaaaaaaaaaaa CO* CO* 5O"5~co"5"o"-o o"5"<~<D"tc-- i : : a 3 CD Sf ^^^ aaaaaaaea o3<s3oJs3c3cScJcSa3 ooooooooccooooooooo X X X X X x / > / / X / / / X X 00 CO C CO CO to" to CO O CO CO CO CO CO*O ZOzo tOtOtD<ozOtot& " 11 o o J30 a I SaJ o 3 S S S2 568 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. pq IS 1 1 I? 2 2 1 g - I o c 1 " s -a "52 a *l > a ll * ! I I \ ^ \ j ! Discharged. 1 I I 1 1 1 i . i I 1 i 1 ! i ! | i i j Where. i I I I j | ! 1 I j ! | 1 I "7. a H " 5 ||||- H i-? W HPQ i i ii s2 r 4 i i i i i 2$ I* 3 o 2 a ( o> io i 1 s| P.! -03 P-a> G 111 MUSTER ROLL8. 569 * 0-6 a I ^2 W .23^ 1 "S M M a> >L r^ 2-5^ U So*" i 3! ?P 05 ?cS prl " ^ >> ^H C3 Q^ Cd P a S,* l-l 1 3333333333333333333333333333 ri c d a d a a" a ri a a d a s" a a a a a a a a" a a" a d Oso3a333o3a3o3=3c3a3c3o3o3a3c3a3o3(353csaja3o3o3(33o3 ai^ atefl I SJ S t? 03 fl 03-H IH Jj fcH a23 9.2828-S32S-S3 S S 33 S S 5 03 oca aj_s; a>o)oa>>_g o>oj "" rt ^ "cj cS ^ n - % isl! ^ <o ,OCO ^ 2z I* 88S8SSSSS88SS88S82SSSS8S25S?! SQPQ -B^JQ Jos* OH SUCCESS oo.eo 3 * 3 J?llS rf - 5 ^ ^ - *&* MH^S* 11 !! 5? 8 O <D 13 0> g-3 o S w ^ il rftfS*.S!Sll- 570 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 13 PI ! B* I pi In H s II aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa 3333333333333 c3 o3 o3 o3 o5 c3 oS P5 PQ PQ 25 CQ PQ M i^*!.-,! BaSCCGCaCBBGSBBCCCS 55555555555555555 ^5 *"3333333 3333"333 ctitJctrtrctJC C C Ct tJirtr iCTi C C cu tits fats o o o o p p t O BBBCCBaBflBB ? afl >>-3>-5 " i. .n3j o o C C CS o as c as 3 as o 0^.9 o> o 3 ^ ^.^ o^ 5 S" V 1 P r; MUSTER EOLLS. 571 1 | a aj m -- 3W number of month March 16, 1896. a c | 1 *The period served as shown on the copy of the muster rolls are as shown hereon, but since many vacant lines sh days served, makes the entire roll as regards period served to be of no value. COLONEL B. B. TUTTLE, adjutant-general, t See number 24. J See number 25. See number 276. aassa 3 3 3 fl fl fl fl c a fl f?,!!^^ 1111111 fl c c a a a a C5C5OC5OOC5 fl c C fl fl fl a 3 "3 3 d "3 O 3 1 C C II | | fl fl fl fl fl * O ub O O iQ 00 CO X 00 SO - <M <N <N <N C4 <M OJ fl c fl a c a3 c3 a3 Si fl C =3=3 <D <D O O O O O "S "S "S "S "S "S S pq fift z. C l w I C ! !; ^ = i* | "c Heuber, Noah P.f Hines. John W.t - r - - 7 ~\ . -t- -: i? ._. 7 H wx\ 0C = = -\\ 5 572 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. B"s n ii& oSa ego ^ bc>, II! 2v-"^ S? J-c X 0) 2 o - ^ -SS O *>g2 III 11 W 2>. S i-M i . M d) ^ 5, JO. S -^ S 58 aa 8^ X < in is^ *2 wg| 5^5 og ^ a-o Hi in s3^ 11! lit *Period served. i i Discharged. \ 1 1 Where. liy whom. J* C t E | o :. CT ". C 5 H j: i-i ^ i z 9 - ~ ocoooooooooc 44^4444^ C. A C ^ -L U t JL4 J4 44 44 44 44 44 00^0000 aagaasasaaac saaas - E i O i 2 E ri r ^^ aaeaaas WW!**W!*WU L^ 1^ ^ wwu >-s>-s >-- I i I i N 1 1 1 aaas ! aa ss i aaaas aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaas ^gHHQHHHMMMMMWMMHMMWMMMMMHHMM 5 os 5 oe cs 5"5 3 as oi 3 S 5 3 f 5 r 3 =4 3 3 5 3 cs 3 3 r c3 3 3 3 * j^aoQQaomffimwaQmaoaSmaQcoaDODfccnootnaoQBoowaoaBao t .. MUSTER ROLLS. 573 ^d J^ ^ Jd ^ ^ ^ ^J -rf J^ J4 J^ J^ ^ ^ C C C C C C u C S E C E E E E E E E E E E E E ||||||||1||||1|||||||||| <D CO ,0--H II 11 i aaaaaaaaaeaaaaeaa aaaaa O i> D i) CJ Is a i fa) aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa 3333353^55333555553353553335 CB (/j CB co cc CB a: c/j co x x cc 02 cc a; cc CK cc re cc cc ^ x co cc cc cc 03 sis" S ! 5 g S sf ssH 5 5 a fcSse a -="-^-> 2 > S"E 8* al-fro| 1 2 2 w g -5^55 ill!itlimillliliillllllsii5|l!l!ll^ ssg 2 > HS 4 . 574 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS. 575 0) d> O> sas aaa 0> o o> ill SS; E2 2 5 ^ Or^" IS 13 ill O <D K 576 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 303 " *< g 6 ** I | DD 3S t-3 a! ^ 5t! o ogo ^ rl* 1 ii p4 w w W H W W W 1=4 W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W H W W H W 1111111111111111111111111111111 CBacflcGflflaaaacflafldccflcacficcnflflfl a>a)a>a>a>a<a)a/a)aiai<Daia)a)ai<ua)Qja)a)a)a)<Da)a)a)a)a>a)a) 0000009000000009999000000000000 OOOOOOcDOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO j -^ -^ -o ; x x; x ill II till I l|sI&8i.l&S fiKQiSsi If MUSTER ROLLS. 577 ^ - 1^1 a : e aSg, 1 1 I 1 II2I i T ?l P|l !i rt 3 Js E-^ o aasssaaasasasaasaaagssasaasaaaaaa Sfl If c fl O)"^ > o o ill 3333G333333_3333_333333_33_33_3333333D ~" flflflGGflflflGflflflflflflflGGflGGflflGflflflflflflGGG ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo &0 tD tuD OX) bJD bJ3 iJD i tX 2 tf. tJD - b -/. bf if if :( Cf ilD &C &D ti tUD tuO ClD b be bi 5C jjo be OOOOOOOOCOCOOtDOOOOCOOOCOOOOOCOOOO o >0 10 i?S B i- . : .- .- ~. 17 ." i- ~ .- , - .~ 35 i~ ~ ,~ ,~ op co x x x x x /, x x x x r. x x xj x x x 06 06 oo O T i.t iT i* i.T 1C i.-~ O C 7 >~ i-t 1O~O iT i"- ic ic"io lO*io Tl ^ -M -M -M -M -M -M Tl 7. 71 Tl -| Cl 71 : I ~ I ~l ~\ "N CJ (N go ^5 * flO o fl o fl 2-0 o> 578 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. | i i >. i | e i 1 a | s 1 1 s a 1 a 8 * PH" w *> s 1 fc -0 O Mustered By whom. > c I c I c o P _ j v? A o a a e d O * ROLL ;nt, Oregon Where. s g a s 1 H 1 1 8 1 ; w . rH a r. S 4 ^ s CO ^ ^ <, f f -C O P 13 jfe ~ c 73 i, E o3 ! 5 G 3 " S 1 1 <u ~ _C *0 * 8 j S I 1 T n a i 1 E e ! "- D ^ * ~. _o "5" S 1 c 5 1 I > ,-i 5 ,; O3 * t ^ 2" p 5 ? W S 2 -=. * 2 13 _ ^ - 5 4 T^ * eo * MUSTER ROLLS. 579 |j| | 1! S3 ai s s li E-o SS Is* fi! 3 ** ^ , a - O eg II as I s S- *8 a a a _M .2fs 1 = 1 IP _ ^: i^ ^ 3> C 3 S 3 3 i- 2 S S o illlll l M!!=! s - - cc S P 2*S s sl SBc> s S aj aJ aJ si a = a a a a 5235 = 3 .= j= g | a o feS t 580 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. John 185 1 H ^ = 3 li regime rch, 185ti ccoi of ff officers of the nineteenth da : : : : : ** fc s r^ 2 , = c = * it 3-0 I? e < : MUSTER ROLLS. 581 Is oj il a; o"a g*tf> 3 o> o o>>- ^> *"" ^> |ow||i| 1-5 >-5 >-5 "-9 >~S "-S *-S * c2 ! c c dd 5 S ?r5^-5^ 2 1 ?? 3||3333l-gf g oc a> oooo a a3o 3S55Sooooooo ^_feP^^^5H^ H S-;^_; tt,SHa,fc<& J fc.fa 5 O O O O >io i.o >o )00 00 3C 30 ils|l|.|,|| ~^s^s^-gi;.= 2 e 2 2 SSPSf-o S". a iSs^ g^ ^^C0 2j= fl^gS .^ 2 aT a * ^ refill! ^c5^ WW^CQWWU! II sss ass etst: ssss 00 3D GO 00 C ll ^ H tn "C i- 2* OH dn PH dn &H ^ ^2^2 1^=^ I^.S 3 >> O <U fl O^S O 3 O ss^swo g Si! >" rT -2> - ^^a 582 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 5 w S n S 5; Adjutant, second regiment. Adjutant, southern battalion. Adjutant. Regimental quartermaster. Regimental quartermaster. Sergeant-major, second regiment. Sergeant-major, second regiment. Appointed ordnance sergeant. Appointed veterinary surgeon. Money values of property received from territory. N 1 2 2 : ; 8 S i I i 1 1 M i I ft J - By whom owned. i 44 2 1 j Sanford R. Myers__. 2 i J. M. vJramuer 3 L. B. Munson 4 John B. White 5 Joseph L. White 6 Byron N. Dawes 7 Jamfis T, Fit.zo-prnlrl i j til S: 5 jS a Evans, Harvey Conrov. H. B. . r. \ C Culbruth. Jackson 1 < r t. X Coleman, Stephen.. _ Gibbs, Winfield. S ... Martin. Charles E ^r h % ft t f | McCloud. John .1 Mulkey, Elijah Moran, Michael Mulkey, Thomas Kirbv. James Griffith, Daniel c r- ~l : ; : \ It! | MUSTER ROLLS. 583 ^ I [J[[ji iiil^iiliii >> 5 S ^ >>>>>*>>>> j M " . -(-( ^* ^ Vj^- Tr ^ XJ ^*a^Iai*l|!fe 8 |^i iSffiSS^-iKpJIpls^oga; 584 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. i j j 1 3 1 j 1 >l !! | | \ if 3 i _H | i P l j ^ g \ EH S fc S O . 1 & o 1 s> i 1 . OQ 8 g H^ * ~ -5- \ 1 | s 1 * J 1" * g 1 1 \ l! 1 1 & 1 i i *\ ! o ! to i \ [ \ i \ \ 1 _a "S, s \ 1 s j 5 i 2 : i i 1 * J I 8 g 18 45 5 o^i^^S^*" i i -i |S 5 W3^ T3 S 0^05 1 ^ rp o 2 3 ^ fl -C Jg^o ^.g .= ^ ^^>-5 J^ ^ ^ ^ ^^co^^o^cco.o^c.co^S tO t- GO MUSTER ROLLS. 585 saaassassssassssssaa oooooocoooooocoooooooooocoococoo 586 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. a>a}Qj&>G;0303CJQ)<l>ti> UO>OJO>l;030^&>^>0) &5SoSS&SSB8o8ofi>8oSo8c8b5o5cSD6oS PSE333S = 3SZ:3S3DS3C=:^S : sjc &c t>c oc sc- = 3^S3I3 >ooooooooooooooocoooooocoooooooo II II 4_i 4_ -4- -*-> 4J -t-> -- 03 03 oJ 03 03 03 <Z 03 g 22 i;AHSa! 03a>03a>o)a>o>c C - c - n 22 8 S^ i^3 CC 03 0) 0) 03 aj S^ ci rt^ a>;ya^a a^^a;w oS cS s3 83 a3 c a3 E C S C E E C E H E C C C C eH^pua^a^^e-iQi^fi^eL, 03 o) a> as :^j S2 ifaiH-H^ i Ji r^Si &* f a *| r.|>J psil|lgl| l|g |||l ?3c5^c-iS^?5SMto?co?oo:o^tocoM^^ C;l CO -* 10 50 t- CO C> Q rH 00 O5 O i-l O4 CO -r 1 -J< C iO >O >O MUSTER ROLLS. 587 ssssssssasssssass 588 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. "3* I- 1^ t^ j O iO * iO 00 X 3D 717171 oo"to" 3 D 3 3 3 sis 3 3 I D ~ ifi^s^HygBs-siffiglrfl I s o2 S oS3 S5 S^^ 28 Soo^ MUSTER ROLLS. <N ! I r-l ^ rH i-H C4 M <N e5 <N 04 ^ L U * ! I I <M 58D >?>?% a *e %*?*% * = n a **?*? a a aa SsSascaflca >>> 3333333333333333333333333333333333333333333 3 3 .2 S .2 .2 2 .2 .2 .2 .2 oo)QjSa3a3ooo aaaaaaaaa SSKJoi^rid^oS o o o o o o o 93 0) 0) O) O <U 0) aaaaaaa OOOUOCJOCOCOOOOOC^OOOOO 0>^OJQJ ( D<D ( l>CDa^DOO^tl)a^C^D^OC^O^(U aaaaaaaaaaaaaassaaaaaaaaaaaa t* bo bCbC&Cee&OM&O&o&O&a . . . 333333333333333333333^33333333333333333333333 WW W W W W W W W H H W W W W W W W M W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W W ^^^^0^^ -- 5 - -- - S22222222S5222SS22S22 O3asxs3cia!a33jcso^^3i33s:cja3c5a3a3 Q)O^C>OOOJD 4)O<DOcU^OC^ "Soj cSoa SoJcS S ac^A^ai<Xiftro<^(o^fcfi(Cfi(Sfc(xfea4a<ftp^<Cfci(5p^Pk(fc a^ ill CO B Iu iJfl ^-32"-" 2 ssas ^ " ^ o ^^ 44 590 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. P $ I - o w - w ~ ^^ H "<" S III ^^ rC <D-^ M J g^ 3 111 2S2 t> i^ <N <o to i^ co~ce"eo"cc"co~o6 co~oo co~GO~co"oo~co~ 0} (N <M c3 <M<M aaaaa aaaaa So^C^Q)^lJQ^^Qj53SSQ}l)C^^O^OC>3J^C^Q^<l>sl)<l><l> be bo be bit be bo b bjc tfl be bjo tc bo be be tuo be ac be bjo be cue tr &JG SJD tc be be be fiao MUSTEK ROLLS. 591 O O O C> O CJ O E E E E E E OJ O> 0) o> 1 ^ ^ , sc tu; ao sc tc bo be 3 3 3 3 3 S P W uq &q w W H - S 33 592 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. gs I* ^ -g T3 a la 35 B B a , f^ I i g l I I a EH S ^ fl O j O 8z I ^S Jj o- i-5 c2 g II ^s ! W 8^ r, a> O I " ?1 II a ^ 8^ ^00 JH b 5 - ^ oO . ** ^fc AH 2 fl B 3s li r-< O) >> 113 co cc co co co oo co : sass CO OD CO .SSS-S2H SiHS.S2S.HiIS ~ oo ^SiS o 2 <: " aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaasaasalaaa liiifiiill \ss s s a HI I MUSTEE ROLL8. 593 4*4^4^1 O O O O E E E E a <u 0) <u aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaasaaaaaaaaassaaaaaaaaaaaaa 594 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ICOOOCCCOCOCOOOCO a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a 33*33, sasaaaasa a)fl)i)a)a)Q)O<I>OOQ) 1 DOQ}Q) | 3>Da)OG)<l>Ofl)O > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^+j^4-j*s*:i+s a-S^-s : i-g s w -^ SC^ o5OO O O O PLH CX, PL, MUSTER ROLLS. 595 .2.2 i 2 !o- 53 II l! S o 5b-2 O 1 S 8 3 x ^ . O r*^ ^ GO B & Cj T" icocofococoeococo X X X> X X> Xi ! X> cocococococococoeo ^^^^J^.:"^^^ ^ ;~ r ~ r r " ^ J "^ bjo be jr. v sc ^c tie if. it ic &JD bo be be bo tc a be at tuo at) in be .;. ^WWWWWWWWCPUPQPOU | | i 5; ScSbho6cSo5ott>boi0e*&>5o oc tc c o o 10 10 o o >o o >o o o io ^ i .*7 o ic o o o o i ."7) i C O O ~ 7 7 i -T i C ."7 " i 7 t 7 ."7 O T- i T C i T C 1 1 0000000000000000000^00 OCOCOOOOOOOOOOCCOOCOCO: ii I: -^^o^ s 1.9 ijs^l^iaali^gfift: i a^ a 2 2 o g Sla-Ss-S g g|^d 5^^i s - s oW.s^ 3^ T > a l > ^iaS*rf"te > o i so as o 1-1 ? i 596 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. ""- icococoeoeocococococococococococococococococococo cococococo 2 1| si ....... MMJMMJM^MJJMMfriMJg a .3 -M>d J id ^> "o "o "q "o "b" "b q "b b b "o q "o "q o b "o b "b b ^3 p "o "o "q 13 >o> S 2 o a Kr SH 5> * o S ; ; ( S "PDP a i j=s j ccaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaeaaaaaaaaaa ! be "x be be be be v e ex tjo be be be br. be be be K e be be be be be be be be be ex be be be bx 903333333333333 3 r 3 D 3 3 a r 3 3 3 S 3 2 3 3 3 10 o LC 10 o .o >c [O |O jo 10 jo jo io jc o jo o >re >o o 15 >re in >re jo o >re >o jo >o O O o 06 X x X 00 X X X X X X X / /. |x / / X X X X X 00 X X X X X 00 C O) CN CN ^ C4 C^l -M C<1 t-J C^l iM iM C^l C^ Tl C^l ~l ?l ?l ?1 O) CN C-4 C^ <M <M CJ !M C-l (M C^J oooooooooooooooooooooooooocoooo ^ ,H.rt rt.,H I PH ^ I i ! |d ^P ^iiiiSla : l!sil!t!i1":|?Ml4l P 1 u^>, .2 -hS^-^SS -os c ^^-o-o" a S^ g"BB"fl -aaTSo^T c rn.-lS T^b^-d^nj^F^rr^H T^ ria.r. rj~ _^!H ^H bfi al S: M ^ M MM K^ < H Jjl i $ 23 2J 12 S S 5 M S ?3 ?J M oa !N IM c5 IN (N co co co co co co co co MUSTER ROLLS. 597 cocoeocoeoeoi-icoeoco i i i i i i i co eo co co co co co co eo co co co co co co so co co co eo co co co aaaaSaaaaaaaasaaalaasassaaassalsasaasalaaalaa p3p$oitf04ttM0$fi3tfp3tt04tf0jtffi03flgp$0i{8p4tt0Jtt03tf .2 1 1 1 1 1 1 .2 .1 1 J .2 .2 .1 1 .2 .2 .2 1 1 .2 .1 1 .2 .2 .2 .1 1 1 1 1 1 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 1 .2 J2 1 i33S33333i3SS$333S CCOOOOO 0000000 OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOCCOC 00 I al^f^f^llg-sigiagiplla^^l^^llgs^ssjisi ts g O ^ * g * * g o5 g2 o 0*3 S ** ** Ml 3 S?"o c .-^ S ^ f ^ * "SI 8*0.0^ -a 45 598 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS. 599 600 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. onel from mand of Octo ers, nth vo the moun r dat o * ROLLS CONTI regimen second * y compa r -?v o KS Money value of property received from the territory. H -P Oi 60 Q ;offiaaM3 MUSTER MOLLS. 601 X HS-Q G dC q.-?- ~.S*^qg : ja w j*aS35 3yi g " - 1>, - r -s -^ a? oJ fe C b l a S 1 * Z ^ -rv* CB 2 tatfi-" 1 1 1 o| s - - 2 : E O S bC|| M f44j 14J ^d|^4*ll =II-^s wJwf tfStiffi* afitfJlrf .rJ 1 i 602 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 1-3 S I fa jj II fi O H g 2= M C< r/2 ;>o 111 la| ill ill!!! MUSTER BOLLS. 603 o> I 1! II P 33 o-o p fl S c I S S OD .0 h-3 S?2 ^ 2 H 8*6-9 III II ^<iOTj<(NC^CO-.0<MO3- 1 CO CO CO CO CO CC CO IO 1C CO i-H 1C CO r-l 3 g g g ^ i38 H S 2 " H SS.2S H "IllsllIlsaBSE cT o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o" o~ o" o~ o" o" cT o" CD" o~ o" o" o" o~o" o" cT i i i ! i : ; i 1 1 ! ! | jj [ 1 J j||S||||l] ill i s|l i 2t 1 ! , ! i ! j ! II -.. : -: 8J 1? .-: : i t> - ! r ( P. - t - 1 c 1 a g r 22 2.S "3 as si K a i -. i :: - 2S2 3i OS 75 sl51So5|s HOQfcGD&<fc^MOQElfc I C - E C T -OH&-P- - SS I ^. c -- >f"? _- 1 ! ! a ill! ^ is i i S^ 3 j|H S ^ 2 jrf -r i-s G ^ as 5 ss o <S -a -. ; 4 t? a 1 z 2 a is " ^ w ^- Srh t \ M r. o O w r . 0)-^ UNIVERSITY 604 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. cSoio^SjeqM?^^?^?^^^?^^?^?^*^^ 00 ?^?^ ) i-H CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO i-H CO CO CO i-( CO i-l CO CO CO J* 3 "I s 5s I I ! ! ! ! Uffc fc JMM *N 2222 ^ 2 2 2 2 u 22 2 22 2*2 2 22 2 oc>C)C)C)ot)c;)0 aaaaasaaaaalaasaeasaaeaaalaag O3c4o3o3a:!a3fl3a3o3o3o3o333o383o3a33jcjojcsflio3o3o3a3o3cso i II > If! r^ O "^ So i If cs * & M Sfe. s o o o"o o"o oooo oooo o"o o o"o oop o"o" o o o" o o" o o" C/D o o ^ - 60 U S-" SH" S-~ fc-" -" ^ t- >-i - it- i J-i S- S- -i i U W it- U t- t-i t-, S~ ,1-1 (-, t- (M S- fcw (-." ^H - O 8*1 oj ha ! I c333o3o333o3Q3c3a3o3c3c3a3c3Q3o3aJ >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> ^^(S(5(^(5(^S^S^fc(^S j| !|^ .1 jl^ iZffi g | SI i ^| a -g|il|-:l-:lll^=*|^^l K ||qia sis % ^lillfS^ii^.islrfs--**^!^ 8 : i fe i?-l gl 3 "^ "* *" d MUSTER ROLLS. 605 606 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. Q s > W G^ . 25 V/oii 1 Hi m -^ * X G> g Is! g ^f a lal II-3 ^1 i SS*S |Si53aSSS3P22SSS3 ir >QtGiQtQiQiarn:>ia>GiQie i-ir-ii-iiHr-r-ir-iICi-iT-ii-li-ir-i 5 S - S E E 5= ? O ul o O O C szzz-ez-s* 33 u :i S sJ s3 si j is oajajsj^sj^^coc;^!)^!!}^^.;^; cj^-> oov^oooe ^22 OD OU 00 CO 30 00 CD CD OD 00 00 OQ 00 00 nCD CD CO 00 00 OB 00 OQ QD CO OQ OD 3D S &G.s.s.CL=.s.c-a.z.s.s.-s.&&o.&ic.afi,c.c.c.c-&-ci.cxc. SSSSSS5SSSSSSS2SSSSSSSSSS5SSSSS d3as3aStf(eStf<eScldeBacBa5a9a8tfStft88a] wC_;^ - ! OCJco^^oc^;^oc;cjc;c^i;cc;Q^^oi;^c^^ i^SSSSSSSSSS^SSSSS^^SS &&&&>&& - J2 j2 ^ j3 .c js s jf ^: .d r; ^: ^5 ^ ^i ^: fe ?T ^ g S fe ZJ ocjoMCii>cj-oo~i>oi> i.oca>a;oocji;> c o ^ j5 ~ i> fcfefefefefefa^fefcSfafejM^fefcfa&ifctfcafcfc^SsfeQSSfe MUSTER ROLLS. 607 CO -3D 05 p,acx SSS S m 608 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. r. * tfg 2 w CO lrHC<lCOCOCO(NCOCOCOCOCOrHrHCOCOrHC<ICOCOCO(N<NCOCOrHCOCO al Z n , a 8 s -5 O> C3 if ----- 5* jajz&^jzsi&jiasijZfi^fisijiajZfisi^A&fl&fislsi^, , %v%B.%~2:!,2 l ~?:l t ~,2z2, si^ii^miis^s^m^s^f sss^ " i ^ ^--" "-^^,W^-r*-v^~-rr*r ^/-*rrt-*^ -*,-*^rr*^M a I g - K o gss ^aaasaaasaaaaaaaaaaaaaagagasa g 2|| ^ rf^^^rf^^Trf^^Wrf^Wrf ^ *" efl S S 5^^ * * ^^^^^^,^3 ^^^^ * * rtaS 3aSoSo5 3 J - .S^T3 g -o ^^ S o 6 ^SS-2225S-2-2 *SSfSS-225 3^c"c f g 2 4J ci o ^ S "Sc8rt S S"S S 5 S S S S S"Sas 5a xi s2 &^i%i 3i^8^iJsuj:j:j*4S ls4s^j:$U 6c-^ <j rt.^^.iS-dc.^^jqocccnccccnnncci-j-ccutHt, p U fc TO fa OD H fa fe do H fe * flk flk fc ft4 A A< flU A A A* A* A* ft*.A A A4 (N ftS bllfJJN ^ J!iJL io ^s-s 2 |^ =J< fe^*^^ ^^ i- w = ^-J^-g.0 -3^ *-..-= MUSTER ROLL8. 609 oS" oS oj" cS~ oS" oj" oS" eg" oS~ as" oS" 03 cj" oj" oS oj" as" as" OS j^ocjoooov 0^0 c; o oJ S oJ aj cB S S aj S""" O O CJ o3 "3 "3 "3 "3 07" co~ co" cf T co" co" co" co" oo" IN" cc" co ^S ^^^,^^^^^^^^^ aj S o od Saj S S S aj ajaj Q; ^ S pS ^H .2 5 4i ^ o *^ *!> o ^ *o Hj *i5 "o3 2S ^ s T i ^ 2 r t C ^ L a ^5 7 !! i r ~ 1 s a. 7- i 7 t t 7 t r t - i. 7; c. 7 i T i -- - i i 7 t a "5 7 I c r T ] 7 B P ~~ i r E : t S 7 i ^ g i _ a <u a S " D T T B 1 r C r ~ b t A - s > 5 " E ft ^ i I Jl 1 ^_ 1 -j -I t j J j ?. - s if ! r = i, Daniel oree H. . 1 i a | MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. o i * Muster roll of Captain Hugh O Neil s company "E " of the second regiment of Oregon mounted volunteers, commanded by Colonel R. L. Williams, called into the service of the territory of Oregon by proclamation of the governor, dated the eighteenth day of January 1856 from the third day of February, 1856, to the thirteenth day of May, 1856. Period served. IN I DIAN WARS OF R J: \_ "G( 1 IN. * See number 357. f See number 359. J See number 362. \ See number 364. oj CO CO CO <N CO <N CO CO CO CO iH CO <M 1 Discharged. co co co co o co co co co co to co co i 03* oT o? c? p. a? a? oj a % a? S o? a S^^S<:SSSSSSSSS 1 i i Enlisted S S ! "i i i "i |!:i ooooo ooo oooooc. Sl^fglll^^ll <3<;<5<i^<i3<J^<-< :<< ! i I _ O3o3^a3o3oio35jci33 is^^^^SS^-:-! OD^DOQJQ^OOC :|lll cc cc r J: & v* cc cc co CK c/ CL&O.&,O.O.&&D.C .&Q.O.C ES3SSSS5SS5SSE i i^^iS^^^^^ ^ Illl 5 ! ! | ! i i i i i i ! i i ill 5223 ^,; ^:-i i ,e | i | i j llflllllll COO3>-3r- | ^^"-*^ > K| ~I s s rQ O> o V I ^kimmerhorn, Beni.* Martin. N.H.t Dodson. Echabod f Lee, John f. ^- _ > of .vv c ~v 9 = >< COl^COasOr-KNCOTttlC 5t- 00 05 I \ ^DO5CO1 I>1 !> 1 t-I>t- MUSTEK ROLLS. 611 i- rt i I 5 II | S3 3 11 6 GQ o^ I fc&H SSSSSESSSSSSSSSSSSSS5SSSSESSSS "c oo ooc o ooocooococccoo 612 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. -e oj C^C<I^C<lC^<N!^^l(N<N<N!>JIN^l(N<NCq^C<lCv|<^<NC^<NC<l(^ > M (N i & \ ! fa u i w II V S-i ifs ll | i i i i i j j j j j j M 1 1 M .; j i | * I ^^JJJ^^^ J^^^^^^ J J JXMMXXMMM^MXXJXli i| alaasaaaaaaaaaasalaaaasaaaaaaaa 05 4 -**" 1 I ll r/3 -So rJ ^^ I * i >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> , ^ -o5 s-ets-st2t:t;tJt;t:-et;CM^^ Q P^ .0.0.0 0.0 .0.0 0.0 .0.0.0 .0.0.0 O O.O.O.C .0.0 O O O O O O O 2 1/3 O P5 "^ G s o"cct^"TH"i-"o*o o"o o"o"co"o"o"o"TH"o"co"co"eo~rH o"o o o~co c fo"o o o -^gj S T IrHr- IC^r IT IT li-HrHT IT IT liHr- IT IC^T IT IT liH dr- lrHi(rHi-Hr IT IT IrH ; "p M| _ > > >. > > > > > >>>>">>>>>>>> O >>>>> > > > > ;S5 j i i !! S SS S S S S S S SSScjaSoS oSS >>>>>>>>>>>>?->>>>>>>>[>>>>>.>>>>> ^ 3 b s C C c n T: E - c *d - c - n - c - n C >: ? - c ? - c - c c C C - c ? "C - c - c - c p4 0) 3 I :jj : : J MJ .- { ; ? |S lisj i ! I P T > *"" 3 ^ QJ M I |4 I i l > ^* ll i-H rl^S S^ c i < fe5fi:: a !^ J^-S gfl l^j ("^ i;3 jSg ! l| 1 bC"S 0) 9 o3 S - ^i J a * Si 8 . MUSTER ROLLS. 613 o> o> o> o> o> !$a>oooSo4)a>Oa> >, fc CL, Cs, fc iafaen&^fmSfcBc.fr&.fafafc&ttfafe ^^^^^^^^-M^^S^!^l^J-^^^^:^!^^^^J^^^:^:^i^JJi!^^!^^^!^!^!^!^l ooooooooouocooooccoiyocycoiyocjoooooccicocjooo C - c T *c - c c - n *u - c - n z E ~c - c - c - c - n - c - c - c - c - c - c *c c c - E - c u *c *c - c - c - c c " ^ - c z = E co* co"o"co"co"t-"r-"o"r-ro~70 o lc o i^ rH sro o ro-o o w to ="^"^" jg" ^"3"^" l r ^ if 5 ;^;5"j2"^"^ 5 2 S ;2 23" >>>>>>>>>>>>>>> >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>---"- o5ooooooooooooo9ooooooo5oooo5eoooocoooooo3 - z o 61-1 INDIAN WARS Of OREGON. 1 58 a I a P Sss a* S? s cS g 1^ 8 5 2 . II >io" fQI-l 0> i, P @ II s ll tf S5 s^ a a I o I ,Q .0 JD .0 .Q ! 2 <D 01 a> a> a> a> a> fa fa ft, fa fa fa fa saaaaaasaaaaaaaaaa 3 S S | 3 3 S cs 3 S OOOfOOOO 5s a 5 S cs bJ c* saaa ococococ oooc ->?>>> "C" E Stf ut! tf S S"S E S "S"" (^"S" ooocoococccocoooococooo fafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafafa - : e * e *sS2 e * t *j52^fi|^2^S9J555SJ^J5Ss|s S i ......... 0OOOOOOOOCCOCOOO s ia ! ! p fe-^ riliel S-SSTJ^ O 05 05 05 05 oS S S o3 S I I MUSTER ROLLS. 615 i-Hcocoeoeoeocoi-ieococococojocococococo II-HCCCC i I "8 g B t>~r^ o"p"p p~p p P~ p~o p~oTo~o~ gg I GO O O |><U<&4)4)4>4>O4>4>QJ4>WOD<l>4)094>4>4>4><3c9Q>e9C)VO)4) _ _ | QCPfafe|*fcfcfc^fcfcfafa& c <fafefefcfafcfcfafc&.&.;i&H&, Q; fH gj) 3 1 o Q) s | illillllllilliillilliililipll^ ^i , 333 ** " " J J . a b" o o" b" b" o c" b" c c c" b" c o b" o" o" b" b" o" c" b" o" b" b" o c" z c c o o e8 flj .*. .8 .3 3 .3..* .2 8 .3 S 3 * .8 .* . .88 .a5 a .aS .08 .08 ,< . al J oj 08 O< ^ ^>- . . fcSfe^fefaSiSfeSS^fe^Sfe^SSSiSiSi^SiStfe l-l 00 M S >>*o I S S S S S S S SS 3 SS SS SS SS SS S3 S S 3 S S S S S S QQ 03 M" t3 ^2 S >>>>> >^ >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> t> >>>- a IK 1^3 ! : i i S-^^^^-j t/ " j: <^-. o _ c ,a)a)Ojaja>aj<Doi>o_;;o^oaj2j,|^^i; 3 G s S4j" r 2 "3^^5^ S"*=*?^^*?^^5*?c;? c3 -^ S a; -^ o - o -^ o C C C C C C C C C 2?, o h S * t*Mh H fa S <s a< en ft fl fi H 85 S i i ! I i ! I =3 a < > i -- -< qtcp^ij ig^qP ij >>"- ~ 1 g O 03 - _^ -i a <; I I 616 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. coc^oi^cococococo^cocococococoo^cocoTtfcocoT-icococococococo CO 03 O3 T-l CO CO CO CO CC O tO CO CO CO CO CO I i-H r-l CO iH CO CO ICOCOCOCOCOCOCO asasssssasassassssasaaasaasssas O O O P O C O O C O O" C o"o"o"o"p"oo"o"oo"oo"ooo"oo oo"o ooooooooooo OOOOOCOCOOOOOOOOCOOC i-5 : BS !=> .sss^ss-s -s = bB^= :o= ^ iiK-d-i fl^is5flj5igil|^i^>5s*i:-S; liiligii^illftyi&Kifclitil MUSTER ROLLS. 617 oo eo oo eft e* * eo I-H j<jj oo 00*0*0 aoo oo 1-1 tH t CT - i ci"a > > > o> o> 232 S oS S s5 OS S a s 618 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. So. tO I ! r-l CO CO CO CO CO CO T-l CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO r-l iH CO CO CO CO CO CO CJOOOOOOO z a a c a SS2 stf c3 cj 1 & J $ Z 3 s^ id S :2 ;5 *.5*.!HS ^)Q^O^Q^C>O(DO "SSdSSS^S ci csS oS^^^"Sc - n C C C T ~~" ~~" ^,^, Z. MUSTER ROLLS. G19 eo<Nco<Nr-icococoso<ococoiocococo iiHr-icoiHooeo leocowcococceoMMcceccococoecT-ico i T-H eo co 2 S S S E aasEESEE "*j**^* o~o"o"o o" o"o "o"o"o"o "o o o"o" o" o"o"o o"o"o"o" o"o~o"o"o "o"o o o"o "o"o"o o"o"o"o"o o"o o o" j. 1 i 25 =3 > > ,11 ij ".5S a - -- Z ;^ j i. 3 T! - > - El It. 4 ^ r ! 3 22 - x - \ I " f- s> 1 r > r f c, - s - ( - -- ~ d r 1 - i - s r 1 g r 4 fl s 1 T _ r a r i 8 l 1 4 - ^ c t t : -_ SSS35 o3 oS aj a: ci a 2 J: S S s t T; t - 2 a * l C *. E ; ~. i - ^ . i -. - - - y | i5 " - il ^ > - c - "- ! 1 p r ." y z I T: E : .= - "* - ^ ^ 1 u - E r T PM pe r ^ c ^: r - i | > :< i ? H il 5 - } c > a i c ^ g C - E- - u 5 s r - 1 * .= s 4: a; ^r pSc l 1 f- SK ^ _ "Bj I E i ^a S H! c 2 > 5 ^ ^c i j 4 al I s Ul ;"5 ~ _^ ~ 0; S u r. i - vl joajp^rc: 2 S . c < I- C >.~ ^5C^^~i~i3t*. = 22 St:a * 5 = = * = o s o o 5^ i =* S3; a^|;fifcooooaffiKWffiffl=ttizccu!>S3jaa; 620 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. S o i! 03*00 n ^ if 1 QJ*H H a^ S5 * II il ^. I J I 11 ^5 Period served. I j j j i j I ! ! ! 1 ! ! t 1 O o o IM O"o -* i-tiHf-ICqi-lrHr-IOJ .0 X5 J5 JD ID W ^T DCUQJ^U^^ 1 * - \ 1 By tchom. \ ! i t t ji c tt ! t ~~ i x.1* o o j H X 1 i f - g s ^ in a E g U H \ 1 a> o -5 l-S 1 E 1 C c I P .> : z - j c c I ,t> c B B - e 1 . >. u c : - r 5 r tt ^^ -,>.>> O O = a C 2 c3 o3 >J> " 555 s Ik c k I V oooo 000 o o c c; c o o KK& Z ZZ. K 1 a i 1 ! g ; i r c _w i 7 t O> C) j i - ^ i a J^ S ,3 < j "t c 5 j. " a [| . i 7 Sanders, James J. _ . Whirp .Tnhii H ^ j 1 (7 a * cr I ~ _ y McClure, Andrew* MfKee. F. M * . 7 i Stephens, James*.. N^ assen, W.D.*. Wade. Hinim* ... 1 - 4- T t S = | * X 8 -t- c 1 CVN3 O 1 " -5 J = * ^xS S " fc ill": illi 5 c \ T C I n ; i :: II 4 S5SSS F iSS 1 i j j ! ! MUSTER ROLLS. 621 d by Colonel e tenth day of ers, com 15/1855, f volun Octobe d regiment of Oregon moun latntttion of the governor, da G" of th f reg n rf <-! co IP I5 S*S 8S" "^E S -11 III .2^S 5^^ |8J S"c --S" 1^1 5-3 <, 1) ^ j j j d CO C^l C* (M <N <N iH <N <M <M CO C<l j <M (M (N C^> O} <N C<1 Ol C<l C^ CO (N i-H OOOOOOi-OOOOOOOOOOOOOi/OOOOOOOO aaaaaaaaaaaaaaassaaasa c c o o o b~ o" o" b" o" c" b" b" b" b" b" o" o b" o" b" b" b" b" c" b" o o o o o GflOGGQQQQGQGQOQGftOGGOGQQ QGl ** * fc >>>>>>>>>>>>> ooocooooooooo >>>>>>>>>>>>>> 622 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS. 623 E E E E E E E E E E E E E E ^ E E E E E E E E E E E E E E E O> 0> c p o o o o c o c c c o o o o o o o o c o o o o ococcoooccoooooccccccococc ooocooocoocooooooooo 624 2! it 03 > fl INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ISSSSSSSiSSSSSSSSSS"^^?* 5,-: 3 5 Ssto-c ScH5 c a-oso cgs* r*sps >|li^||-=||sss|s| isei^ ifri^H P o o> " > aT^ 5 o (XT ^ ,2 -grS ^ *oSs3 --"^^joaS .^SOT ^S^oa ^ *(S " -^-&H -F 5 -* s ^ "^ a ^ > ^ ^ a H ^ * \a 1 -g3 gl Is 1 1 1 IM Era Lv s ^ s s l^-s 1 1 ^"^ B3-erf"lcs ^ : eo^Qop^>iS < aa^S5?9^ 3S^^ O < pq pq pq cq pq ^illlllilla MUSTER ROLLS. 025 <NCO(MCOCOCO<NCO ?&! ? ? *%% * s^2 1 a a 1 ! j i ?? >-: >-s c H 4 Stewart Stewart t - a C.A aa !_ " a" || 1 22 cJ o3 S ^ 08 * a s EEEEEEE 4|||^ iasd ;? ~ S "SS . s^ 1 "! C cs ." s -" IIIIIS13 588S88 626 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. I- If II lo 1C >C >C 1C TJ< O O O CO O O iC C<1 1C O C<) iC iC >C CO CO 1C iC iC iC O CO O 1C iC iC C^r- IC^T IC<!r-ir-<T I i-H r- < r-i T-HC^r-Hi (T-HrHi t CS T I CM C^l J-H T ItMrHr- I rH SS3S sa CD Tf^^O ^* O CD CO O O asa SS2 010101s MUSTER ROLLS. 627 o >o >o 10 10 oa .i co * o >o CD oc >o 10 10 i co >o o >o oo >o 10 >c o ic t-- r- 10 cc >o ic co >o co >ra <N oo >c >o >o o ;< ,_H O4 c<l r-| rH rH <M rH r-l i-H r-l r-( i-l I rH rH <N r-1 iH r-f i-i rH rH r-( rH rH r-( IM r-l C-l ^J i-l rH iH a u_c % o> o> a; a>0lJa>a aJO 33 < oj ai 33 a C E E C - E E E cicjsioSes^cjoSeecScSsScSoSoioScBoJaScScScSsaoacSBoSoSsSoSoSfljcSeJoSoSeScicS OUOOO^OOOOOOO "allslllallll i^^ sfaWslaWaaWgfslasiW | ! ! i o o a "3 =3 ei 2 <D a> a ^ a cc = r <P O) C i i i i r m ^ ":: r ll\ r SJ ri - a ~ g ^ a r i "c: g r a; o a "S"S" s "S cj S a -~> o "r; n &> Q> D &> G. "3^ S S S o I SSi :- ~ rVrt u i i ^ I T E E T PnO-ia -taia ! a;a!pM E is B ? ^ oJ s a fll "". ~^ - C < William C. \V. s ! r . ^ ^ aT g - ^ s Nathaniel ->n.C.C. . e ^ *?! fl -- achard- {oht. .Jr. . a IE i i i ! SH 1 1 I-, 1 1 * .sac"rS ^ w -5 ""^L* -OX 628 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. pq ^ O O ZZ CD -*-* iO t^ # ;q o H CC CN i~ i.i 1C iC f? ^ >O O CO H O o 0000000000000000000 -. E E E E E E E E E E E E E E E E E E , -g ; - gg -^ g os as 1 - 1 g i^-xj iajptfa *^Sf^- ^-S :gta.=a :/. -X -j; J. cfi -n -J. c/l r* =- > P- > =- 5- ? ^ 5- ! MUSTER BOLLS. 629 Ol O5 O OS OS Cs OS O> C5 O5 i O5 OV Ol Oi O5 O5 O5 Oi O5 coeoeccoeocoeocococo iscecsdeoooccecccio ! i icccceoweoeo y. a7 ^: j. i. j. < /. x v; a: y; y: r. y. y. -/. /. J. T. y, y. -j. v. j. -j. ooococccooccoocccoccococcc 630 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. OS Oi CT> OS O5 Oi O5 Ci OS O5 CT> C5 05 O> CT> OS O5 O5 O2 O5 OS OS O5 OS OS OS OSOiO CO CO CO CO CO CO 00 CC CO CO CO CO SO CO CO 05 CO CO COM 00 CO CO CO CO CO COCO g X,. ^,. -4- ^. XJ. XJ. V,. , J. XJ, | ( j* (ZH fa fa fa fa fa ft* fa in fa fcj fo fe &^ |J-i tin ft, fe &L( [i, fe fe fa S 2 a) 1 *- 1 S IS |1 J3^ ^ | OOOOOCOOOO o 1 - 13 "C -*- asaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa l-o 333*33355*333^3333333*353333333 i !| 1 H o<o I si O o> B^ a^ OQ 2 ^ ^ , o || | I I I I I I I I I i I Illllll I I III I III oo~oo GQ ~ p)"^ sg- . M -2, a p ^ i ft a^ *** as n ^"j ^^o: ajoa}a>a>a>a><i>a><i><i><i>a><x>a}a>ii><i><i><i>a>a>a>a><pa>a>a>Ga>a> ^S^j^SjS^^ ^^^+A^^w-^-iSjSZt^d^rf^rfJS-jS^SZS^S^S^rf^S^^jtf^S^^^ W^s- 4S<t8ctafid<egS9Scl4flleS4SoSc8tfaSa8cC4ttf<ta9l<<$Bfl 4 o < a4<^o.arp4a 4 ixp^ii!& l &4a,6a la as| 1 J j , J 9 &i J!?j ^1 sjal =11 ^^3 1 ..,, " "i:^fafafao5o55oabo MUSTER ROLLS. 031 cocococococococococOTOcocoeocococo o> 05 CT> o os CT> ci as IH 01 as 01 01 01 i co co co co co co co co co eo co co eo co ~ - - - aassEsssssss 3SSSSSSSSSS5 ssas >!>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> > > U > > > > > > > > > > 00 0000000000 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 O 00 00 00 00 O 00 00 O a) a> <D o " * as <a Si 1 su&HfeSH^a.fiHa.p-, 222222222 a3 ej oj I _ - ^ 22222 oS d oS 03 05 5T3PT ~ n a,PHO,PHPH^I 2222 OJ 35 d 33 fl, (1, 0, CH OH t, 0, ^ ~ =H - s-IMIS^ 682 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 31 \ 1 If ii I Hi i i 00 o o | \ ^-^-^r 11 i ii ! o3 2P i 2 S S S 11 fefefe OS CJ ^ a 18 00 ii o o Jiy whom. o o a fl <v D S QJ |l| nri cu O O *-*" I WWW o| 1 ^^ 5*0 1 IS 1 J d tfe S 3 O go 8S S S 0? cc III *S p. s oo co co" ^H^ i if III 1! w >> Si* a ss r 33 C i S^s +j +j -2 ^11 ill ^ fc*o I j Sjg-O ! * S ^-^ hj " o5 a . 1x3. 1 *O " * . . i ad ^ t^ i *""* r7 5t , rr ^ "oS o 2~ 08 T S ; j., O Q} I-SS-I "- . ^ c/T-^ |5 O vj|j O > si S^> ^ 3 SSa ^* v** *>?* - n > i 1 1 f 2 i a ! c I 0) MUSTER ROLLS. S s "3 ^ 8- Ss B B" s Wo = fl I! a a a a ,3,5 * as & 55 3 <** o. a 0.0.0, l00 I KO I i iss i ii i 1 1 i i is ! ia : _*^ oS aj oj aj-C-c eg _a3 jS jS _ "U PPpO^^^" .S.H.9.S.S 2 5 c S. 1 ! 5 5 2 B ^ * 5 ,o.o,p,o,o.o.D.acx1 .S .S .S .S .5 . .S .2 .S .2 .2 .o. o. o. o. o. H.E o. 0.0 o. (UOODO ^OOa^^vPa^OQ^O^Q^OOGJQ^O^^^DOG^O^ cocooooocoooooooc 3 333 S3 33 3 3 3 3 C oooo ooocoooooooocoooooccoooc ?; ^^ss^^p;^^^^s^^S2ss?;s^^s^ O iO iO 1 O i.^ O LO O CP >C O O ^C O ^C O ^ O <C O ^O ~O O SC <C -t i^ i* tT i.t 7 t ~ 1 1 i~ it it if t t t >t it >t it it t 1 1 1 1 * i 3C CO X X X) X 00 VD X GC ^C 30 CC OC X XXX X X X X X X X * I I 6k -*-a-^a-*-*J-^> oooo OOOOO mi t lll! i i 2 fi o as as si S oj g- > > > > > CO 05 O i-H O) CO 634 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 3D 5 I! II s| a.- a* 8 ;= .^ff.c.aaAD.aaa.o.a 555555555555555555555 g-dgg-e c,p.a.aa&, 2.0. ...... a>a>aiaja)OQOi)a>a)a>a)aia)a>oa)<Da)ii>oaj<i)ajaia)<i>iDai<i) 33SS5S = = 2333E = 33D3S3S33DS333S5S it fcC SC bJD SJO S b it SC tC bt i SC 5 b b,V tX iJG 1C t bC SjO bC be be S bJD bJ; bC bJC bX) OCCCOOOOOCOOCCOGOOOCOOOOCOOOOCO ooooooooooocooooooco l^-(^*^^^-^-l"-^ < * . . , ~^ WH WH ^ *-* w. (MI I b-~ ;^s O O ?C O O "- O O l -C O ^O O tC i "^ -C- j; i-7. "^ ^ "-C ^C: C O ^ ^O O O *-O CO < MUSTER ROLLS. 635 W8| s3!f . 355 Sa-lSS* o-r S-c-c-c 5 ^^^^"^.i^ c . C. C- S. Z. L O. O. I I I I I C. C. S. 3. O. iBN s3~ > a-c sSS ss si 5ie I H * 03 B >xsS P E Mas ? til COOCOOOOCOOOOOCCCOCOCOOOCOCC fl 5 aT HI 3 A ^ ~ H O 03 t< O .gj 2a rri E ng un E in a-^5 5 ^ gfJ5 c3 . fit 1 MWwMMM&Ow&MW&bflKtttte&Sc&O&M&Ctete^w&lwM) . O -2 >rt ^ *^ occoocooocccooccoc cco cccoococ r 1 ^S ^ "V ?v*. *r -v* .*v* rv* *v* *- *^ V V -v *^ -v* "^ -v "v* v "v -v-* v -v "^ *- *^ *-* *> -^ --* rH _j* .r^a _c A S5i 5 cS | II T3 QO d i S*g if U-j ^ g SE h a> s^ co a) S g a s 2S L* O X *-> tfir-( s & %$$ a ~ S "s t^ CD t^_. j3 o o a & 03 -O is? X w (U^-o O 01 J** ^ in U u"c .2 2^5 5 - 0, >1- Ml 03 u ^5g ^|^ J a^M -G ^^ sfs 111 r , on honor, t :d company c 1 afmouth 01 r, on honor, narks set opp at mouth of I certify, above named Dated I certify, hat the rem Dated 636 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. B * a I . I 21 a I _, O) I .1 5tsC-^ g GO pa - i Hi co S "^ co t>c 5c if. -c -i :. . it -f if Ml ic ;/. tr. ;r. b/j j bi tt fcB sc be be be fee br b 5 COCOCOOOOOCCCCCrCCOC^OCOOO 5 [ KV o"oo - /" ^ r; ^f~; /^ ^ r] r" /^ ^ rj r^ r^ r^ ^ r; _r^ _^ r^ /^ r^ r; r; /" r^ r^ ^ "3333r3333S335 3a333233 S333H333 cooocoocooooooco 50000000 50200 " " GO 00 CO 00 00 00 00 OO 00 30 CC 00 00 00 00 GO CO 3O 00 JO 00 00 00 00 00 00 CO 00 00 2 2 B$ Es. fe fc. fa u. fe i, e^ IS a, liilliillll illislllili MUSTER ROLLS. 637 r^- ior^t--i>t > -i*-;coo:ooo ico O ?? >?5 >~ rt ^ i~7 i?5 i.t * i- i~ i.o >~ i ^ O IQ I 638 INDIAN WARS OF OEEOON. ^ 2 * ii 5 | i i Its O 1 " 1 ?i 1 | >,*." s >> PO-S^ i o>2 . ^00 i k 1*. Ill Cj"O o -X3 o fl Discharged 1 fled > w pi gs? s$ * g Ri &C ^H g) ti t-i ^3 Q O ^"^ s = s " s IfN j. i 1 < i H !a . i ! i j i 1 ! 1 ! i i 1 i P:i 4 1 - 5 O O i 5000C 000000000 I>.|>t^.I>t^|>.O-iI>T 5S J| ; g , 1!5 1 1 OQ s|-9 3 8>s" ^ .2o>S.Q i I i t ^> 3 j 1 1 1 ij >t 5" ?^ O 3^-S - r *j 3o fe \ f> S)! jj no fco c M g-ssa f> if lt l|i! H- 5^ S >t u j 1 <O iC it iO -O u^ 1 OO 00 01 *3 ^ : / : f. / 30 ^|3g S Jlft e,2 .g 1 1 : s a j 5 ^0,, : i 4 y s "g si Si a a ^S 8w a2 03X MO^ S Ills * g i a . j 1 i ieutenant d lieutenant l|d|- - M ^ be 111 111 sa . i i i ^ i!o>a gs o rt PH^-d . b 2|- ; s - 3 fl3 s > > i> ffl| r/; ai S j c *fc|QB< ?Ii2i C fi C EE C C S J CH Ck C^ AH O. OH OH PH ^ :> rcT -PnP. ?i| all g ! i -2^.2 >, a|H ^1E o3^W &i i^l ^Sog i P j * i w .^ i^.l Q 5*5 LI "* O r -i I>PH H^C a ^d a M fl^l ". bagSs :-s s^ a5*^^! Ss E < i . 3 ij ^r; j : ^ S^ 2 S t 3 a: 3 S 3 efe*- 5 35 ^1 ^ > a au i r .,<N. ^^^ HdW^rHdCO^* >>>S33SS;f W 3^ nS? MUSTER ROLLS. 639 0000000^00000000000000*00 iO >C iO iO O "O >C >~ tC i^: O iO O ut >C iC iO O O O C C iO iC -t ir, ^O ^ x -: x x x ^ l x A ^t ^t Ct 1! ^ 2 l! ^ *2 ^ OOOOOCDOO^OOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOC^CCCOCOOOOCCCOO^ Private Privntfi I - - 1 1 85 ^ r ^--_ a t i 9 a i r \ ! \ ^ i i> s i T. II cH ^ :: b 5 = 4 a > r a - 5 r I i r t- 4 r 55 n r - i i i 4 r 5 r 22Si cS 33 aj s a - S i S - 223 ^ c: |f H ^ - 2 .- P P L I 7 ; J ? - 1 " 1 ~ i r , Montville Thnmn.s ^> . i z i h- J _i i > _ E - i 1-2 c ~ t; c ^ c - | :; ^ 1 H b = i : E 1 4 s g ^ a 1 ! i ^ TC ^ - E - ad e _C c -< / ? 1 I I 1 . c i > ^v* o ^" ^"< i S . G ""lo C3 ""^ 640 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. UED. nt Oregon mounted volunteers, commanded by Colonel territory, issued the fifteenth day of October, 1855, to vice the twenty-third day of October, 1855, by John K. o. 25. M TIN gime rego serv er No 16 s ^So 2=7 8.S OQ ag^g d J~!P 2 Sals USTER l of Captain Joseph Bailey s company "A," first iams, mustered in pursuance of the proclamation war against the Rogue-river and other Indian onorably discharged on the sixth day of February. Muster rol Robert L. Will serve in the Lamerick. H ;So O s OT 3 c S S S a goo to l ^ 1 O O >O O iO O iC iC O O iO O O iC iO tO LO iO CO i*" O >C; it 7 O " " i^ i~ i" it T i.T, it it it it it~ if O yb x x -; /: x x > x / ^ /:, x x x x co GO oo oo GO lllllllllllllllll 0< PH PL, PH PH PH PH PL, ffl ,; ^H_O^vJlrH(-3 C I^^3.rH - 1 H >-^ w <" C CM S57^^ o HH ^ =65 H-WJ|*^<-^ s -* ( ^di%^ ~" 5 (flfll l| f ttltlJltls"! I s|| MUSTER ROLLS. 641 jph Bailey s company "A," first battalion, second regiment Oregon mounted, volunteers, commanded by Colonel n pursuance of the proclamation of the governor of Oregon territory, issued the fifteenth day of October, 1855, to e Rogue-river and other Indians, mustered into the service the twenty-third day of October, 1855, by John K. rged on the sixth day of February, 1856, by general order No. 25. J Money value of property received from the territory. /. Money value of equipment and by whom furnished. o i a, s & i fl f By whom owned. _ _ MlJ Muster roll of Captain Jos Robert L. Williams, mustered i serve in the war against th Lamerick. Honorably discha , i I c: .t \ ^ -= ", -1* ? Z E . > w j - - V i s \ ;* * I a g .1 .i -- ; i W, ^ 2> Jj \ c Z I. 1= 2 = Of ~ ; . a C _r 1 : ^|t 111! <^<y. \ \ - ~ _ 1 Sj K ^r ;" ^s ^^ i; : fi ta = ! E _r 14 fi 1 )O i ; i z I i - i i i 8 S a I :: : 3 ~--s 5 ll E - [ 5 C ? fi Cogswell, Francis . Cressman, Isaac.- ^^CO^C.CO^^C.CC^ C, 642 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Muster roll of Captain Joseph Bailey s company "A," first battalion, second regiment Oregon mounted volunteers, commanded by Colonel Robert L. Williams, mustered in pursuance of the proclamation of the governor of Oregon territory, issued the fifteenth day of October, 1855, to serve in the war against the Rogue-river and other Indians, mustered into the service the twenty-third day of October, 1855, by John K Lamerick. Honorably discharged on the sixth day of February, 1856, by general order No. 25. 1 a 1 \ j \ Money value of property received from the territory. I s g e i 1 I 1 1 //o; - se*. =y e s 2 S g ^iis \ 1 1 ^ cs II o k - .E c - Earnest. Willis B. _ <D 1 ~ ~ .c c .=: ^ N: X H 3 c ^ 1 c a V O 4 ss3?5^ s S58S8S8SSSSt5S83!ag$$!3i$S$SS MUSTER ROLLS. 643 Waido w.John; see number 486. Waldo, John; see number 486. I certify, on honor, that the above is an accurate roll of this company " A," first battalion, second regiment Oregon mounted volunteers, under my command, and the remarks set opposite the name of each officer and soldier are, to the best of my knowledge and belief, correct and just. Dated this sixth day of February, 1856, at Eugene City. (Signed): JOSI.PH BAILEY, Commanding the Company. 1 >* SI 111 :^ J 0. 3^S 5S5 CO XJ _c 1 3 V -i i <: 35 L -i s a i i- r,* il 7 P 1 3 QE : !j i p ;g ^ Lf - i 6 ^ - SS ;j y : -, :? :5 | ] ~ \ 2 r- ^ ;= 7 = f^ ~ Z. ss :| " E . a j- : : r :. 2 Si > >* ^ ^~ .- _ a il 5 h _ E "ir I ! w ._.-/ 1] r = [ii :/ 1 5 a ^5 I r."2 e i & a je ]o _-t II ** _ :^ r? I" 1 5*5 c 4J O -^ III X VJ V CO ^ if t> I"*- 1^ ; i > -. -j g 5 r _? 1 l: c ~ 7 .T- t :oc t> ^ j C "J . ^ il f- If 2^ c fj si 7.7 * c = j e> P - | ;: >: - I i E a > E i ! B S s z j s 3 5 a 0; u "8-2 03 cS 1| B 644 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. if la Is g?3 & as 2-2 00 . O aja-o ^ 3^1 5 11^ ^ 5e.a 03,13 . ! CO 00 I CO oooooooooooo COCOCOCOJCCOCOCOiMJ^ NCOCOCNl MCO CJ CJ C3 O O CJ O - x a; a. y. M x y. M O9 . ooococooococooooo - tc x x x oooc 5? /. oo i O tD -O -O U i 10 O iO O iT ! x -/ x x x x x x x x x x x x V" x . t.^srie ar.w^ *- afJlJIIlpg- oEaDfcaDPfcfcaBH&d o>o>a>a><i>oa>a><i> a^ a! a> a> a> s3 ai "5 si o3 aS oj oS E C E S ^{^O* - ^ MUSTER ROLLS. 645 fefefe fefe *>fe fe fe > t fe >> >> >>> * >>,>,>>, O3a333o3oia3a33icia3s3a33:a3a3ais3a332aja5a3c3 sssxsasssssssssssssasss: "? 33 =3 3S 03 c3* si a3 33 d 3* 5 ? S* 5" 3 a3 ^ 3? iaaaassssassssssssss , c/3 en t/3 cc c/; T y: y. x /- y. c/: v: c/3 c a. x a: o3(^^i^ cp9^cp<p<pcp . . - . . ~ iO iS >C iO i.O iS .. i . . . . ao oo x /: r. x ^ _r ^ ^ x. x x x x x x> DC x x x x x x x x x r _: x ao x x x x x co x r. 646 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. O e* MUSTER ROLLS. 647 cc^ocTaf od ao co od ao ad co ao i aoxsc r-(rHi IrHr-lrHr- IT IT-HT trH Ir-lrHi ( ooooaooooooccoo" >^ cc = fffl a c z 333^3333 o o c o o o o e o o o o o a o o o o o o a 648 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 11 II li I! fc 5 E-I v a fc o>n a si a f I !: p ,| <H ?r*tf IP " IH * * * co * i cc ec TJ< Tt< <*< * ^x^Mtococoaot><otceofOconvovio(CMciOMecaocoa^coaoyo T-Hl-li-li-lrHT-lr-lr-i liHrHi-HrHr-lr-li-liHr-ll-liHr-li-lTHi-liHi-lr-tSS s"o S ^^^l .Oa 1 " 5 .^ H> o "(^> H^ G ^ ^^ : ^ ^ . . H c c ^ > a . o o s b ^ ,K sl^ ^i ^ aj .73 O .j- C " M < w * ^ * -rn^ lisS-lliMlalllllOl MUSTER ROLLS. 649 650 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 2 5 -a *-> 0*0 * *S H = "El III .* CN <N <N <N <N C<I CN ca 04 !M (M <N <N iH C<1 o5 S ?J N S O^ ?5 C^ O* S aaaaaaaaaaaa isaiggassliiii fa Ofe: H *J >>o o^a a o a as OS 03 o3 oj 03 o* ^PH&HaHPHflH^eHl^CL,^ >,cq, w^ iiii^iiii: M. SSdcdSSciS^ " " OQOJCOCQcrjCOCDcOCQ a p, ft a a ft a ( aaaaaaaaaa ^cuCkaHPH^o-^fiia, ii jg S 5 5 E ws s^fi aa c = -LJ g. u, ^ trs s T3ff^-r.aSJ "3 o>" shils&FJiil _r o3 o3 j^ ^+-1 -* rr? h^ ~r^ e rf i MUSTER ROLLS. 651 COO!! PI 0,0.0,0, 0.1 aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa II > > > EE* d, OH PH CL, 0. OH c : r r -c E 1- }S o* si^jgS ^sl^Sl- !cJ?"* arh ^ " nl S. 03 * ^^ . O-rt S3 652 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. Muster roll of Captain W. M. Williams company " D" of the first battalion of recruits to the second regiment of Oregon mounted volunteers, commanded by Colonel , called into the service of the territory of Oregon by general order No. 25 of the governor, dated January 18, 1856, from the twenty-second day of February, 1856, to the twenty-sixth day of May, 1856. ! 8 I i ! \ \ j f" j j r" i j \ r p j r 1 M V eo cc co eo eo co co eo co co c^ <ra i co eo eo o <N co co co eo <N eo IN c^ eo eo IN Discharged. j i 1 Illlllllllllllllllllllllllll | 1 1 1 asi C. ^a ^^ i-jt- <i< jr - c. < x _CJ "3 ^ n < Where. Camp Stewart Camp Stewart Camp Stewart Camp Stewart I f ,0.0,0,0 1 Captain First lieutenant Second lieutenant First sergeant Second sergeant. j t s~ a n 1 I i c 1 -] 1 I I \ I 1 J J ! 5 ^ T s. i ^ ^ > I 5 i l :. 2 i ^ a s 1 222i c! 03 53 a> a> a> a) a ~a S "o3 cs 05 22222 as 33 03 oj 03 i r- SL, Ck Qu O-i P-i J [ ~i 1 ^ s|f %3~ ^ Si l \ Q) S " <L ^g s-iSI sgl| t il ~; " i :5^ <K 2Qfi J4 W ^ " fl" H *^" s ii^ u s? 2 S C oj 5 oj oqfflpqffiMM Churchill, Willoughby. Churchill, John Cameron, Francis M. __ Cook, Reyton M Dickens. Jordan ^ ojfe * o ," s .2 * o ft w S w IIIFI 8 ! j I 05 ! irraa j (N j ^ ROLLS. mi 5 CO CO CO <M CO r- r-t CO CO CO CO <N CO CO<N JCO i CO CO iH !e$ ! iCOCs iii! CO CO rH OJ CO CO 1 j 588888 ?oS aS o3 o3 cd sgssss 888888888888 8888888888888 888 | SSSS^I oS o3 oj 03 ci cS SSSSSS s-l-SSIsssI^ - p g P * \ * \ | h i 1 1 Camp Stewart. 1 1 j I s - 1 1 fe SS ! aS =d \ i a a 3 i i i a i a i l 7 i a i 1 i - i 5 -- I i i a - 1 a a. a 8 > t ! 1 V - 5 a a a g d otl ; ^ : I j i s C - CnO-aHa-c. L 22 Fowler, H. B. 23 Gates, A. R 24 Harris, Alexander 25 Harrison, A. C 26 Johnson, James 27 ! Lampsou, William 2S T f.ttt.1 T R 29 Linkhuilex, Charles. 30 Lamberson, Timothy.. 51 Little, Lockwood V>. l.aa Allpn - | f{ 9 s 3 8 3 i^ i| 5^ rltl 3^2^^ :^Sa& J w : .g G > "C jit ^Hs Si 3=5 Q3r^cOi5 - 1 9 O) 1 a la* 4 ! I >^S 5"^ j u .|fc-.,S l"&as?l ; c 0^2 E c i 5^3 aj <u > - i "2 ) S* s 1 J s F-j * >s s . J -< S ^ h = t- 0) 653 52 654 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. tocoaOicooooooaooocoooaoooooiMcooocococoooooi> o>a>a>a>a>a>a>a>a> a>^ a>a>a><i>a>a> f -s & J oj o3 oj WffiEffi! QJ <B O> 4) 0) 33o3o3a3cSeSo3a3 >!>>>>>.>>.>.>>! co" co" co" co" eo" eo" cc" co" co" co" co" co" Hi 0,00 w K ac oSSS^ fegSgss <D CJ C> ^||1 s B*ja ^^ x PS 1*8 I* S S1 H-rT " < "JS - 1 "- ^*iwSl ^^SgSs S50g|^ MUSTER ROLLS. (555 >aoooaoooooococooooocooog^cooocO"*oooo50eo i i i i i . ! i i I i ! s> v v & <o ^<o <o a v <o a> <o v v v y> ^ & v & <n \ , llltggggI j >- >-5 l-J I-S -, ,) h, I-, !-j H, h-s P-s 1-3 ,-, _., ,-j 1-5 ^ 1-5 ,_, i^ >q j 656 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. a? 10 -OCO a 1 q H 1 ,j , coojco eo eo co eo co co co INCOCO co co co eo c<i co eo co co CM eo co eo eo co as < i II 1 1 i eo- rf CO 1 CO CO CO CO CO CO CO cocococococococococococococococococo 2* m " If 5 -^ - t-^t^i^t^^t*^^*^ ^^^^^^^t^^^^^^t^i^t*^^^ 3d03DP3S ^33^^D=!23OD^3S!3^^3 3 *~* ** i o3 1 OS ^ 0) I go H |6 " * hn >> 5? 5 0) *"<*-! k Q "2 W fl d ^ - ] S | 1 d i ^ r-C OS fc "-I 1 i 2g 1 T d ft 1 2>>g i _>, 1 6 h3 "^ 0^" 2 o }l| 0) I PH l^-o QQ S3 1 3& f ^5 - o> G.S S ?l 5 <5>3 ? aoj i ! P-Sg HP* !i lilt 1 i !fli J = 3 : iS 1 corporal "irnnrnl ] ! J 1 [ 1 O _-( . d >> S O^ O^.gg |S3 2222 22 c3 aj > c* c ~ t 22^ 33 oj > > K 2 3 > a *3 I 5 cs i 5 1 1 rf"S 3 > > 3EiiE*H^J gg & P:P: p & ~ T ^ ; 0-1 1 S| I I i >> OQ 1 s w i i I "a ! b * 03 2* d 1| II =la 2 n JS rt a w 02 2 s* * C3 C3 r/1 d 5 d y ||s5ga : |u ^ d"^ | M .w M Ill^*||2s ^jl ?ll^B dI<?^o"fII O O*a ^^ ? ^S^^ Maj "^^ S ^ ^ n " "--" u"O &j "T-" ! ~ ^ -2 2 o & |l| lll^llllllllllllllllllllllllll Jal MUSTER MOLLS. 657 : ; : : co coco eo cc eo co co eo eo ec coco eo coco ! i co Ico ! ! co co eo co co eo eo eo eo eo co eo co co co co co ! i ! ! ! s"5 d s O 33 C^ O fl 33^ 4->*->44*->W+J-l^>+J.|_>-t- a3c3<SaJa!c5a5o5 x:03 PH PH PH PH PH PH OH PH PH P- J 05036.; P-55 658 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 2$ I i>i> i j 1 -o" r / C* i ! a oS " eo 9 \ a a-3 as | 1 < oeo j i ^ of*- 1 ^ i 5 1 5" c-o ! oc o os PQ a If j 1 i ! P, 33 PI IS 1 I c ^ ! I $g 1 og 0) T3 II 1 I I a 60 >> j 11 I 1 s i a a3 1 if 1 j P< 5< 3 1 I 1 O 2 fe) 1 |>,g 1 1 fl !_q tl c 1 "! = 1 i Iff 5 8 1 > "S H gS-g i i i m Q cc 3 k 1*1 i i El o> rH - CJ Ssf j \ \ Sa 3^3 1 i i ^ w " M|O 51 i ! Ss . f3 ^ t> > t> Q-*3 ^5*0 S C fi ^p, " 9 flg5 j M er roll of Capta: el John Kelsey, om the twenty-r 1 ker, Newton J. iwalt, Benjamin seii,Joslab _ iBallard.M. D.* [on, A.f red in company D, and Wallans number 455. +3 Q t- * 2 D St> I g i EC O 0> ||- ;^N S5 * o>-- ^1 dj CO L^- 5b s j I MUSTER ROLLS. 659 gss 11 if! | O 3 ! 3=5 8 S b b o b u b b b b 5 b BooooSoooo C *3 ~3 C 3 o o o S i-O >O O i-C iO i^5 >."7 * -t- O O * -t- i^ i-T i.t .t iO "^T i.t: O ^5 O C iC "^ O 1.7 O >r7 660 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. I 9- I Hi - Sfl id o 5>. - S 1 ;ri rj : S ES^HS O> 1> -"^ ? ? oj aJ :zsa Qjaa>a)O)iD<ua>a;a!a>aia) o3o3c:c3c3o3o333a3a33ja3a!a3<i3o3ojQS 3S3Ca 3C3 ^"^-^r^r a3s = ffi= = = ffia-s-5 33333333 cS rt o3 a aaa aaaaaaaa oS aS aj eg oj oj oj _a-oo j 1 ^ 1 1 1 ^ 1 ^ a>oa;aja^n i i> : i ) i> ( i tt>tt)i -i i i | <y5J ^ r C O ^-C^3^^:z2j3 Sc it 3: 6 ii i ir w ac i/. 51: be ac it ir M i/. it t is as cd *--- - -^ 333S333333333SflSS33 c 3 a a 3 3 a 3 MUSTER EOLLS. 661 OCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ooooooooooooooooooco Illllllllllll ! I s 3 8 11? s C 8>, ^ 1311 "il i 53 ia: I s 662 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. II o-S C aj g-o * OD Hi g .0 ooccfccocccocccococccccccocoecccecco icoo^coco ;cococccccococc MUSTER ROLLS. 663 CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO (MIMCOCO ICO cocococococococ<~ O) QJ QJ O) O> 0) tt) 0) oS 03 03 c3 oi o3 a) o o> "S S 5 OS 664 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. is: I i-l(MT-ll-lTHr-ll-ll-liHrHO5O5 IrHi-leCiHiH^OSrHCOiHT-li-liOr-leC CO (N CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO < I I ! tr Olr O ** C.D. Hfe g22 WWW -~ 33 33 oj =j a3 03 ai O o3 s3 at> > rill il C3o3a3sj33a3a3a;o;33 2222 d 4 & 4 a4iup 0) 0) OJ 03 ^ rt _a3 S3 ?S ;swS| ;".flg3 MUSTER ROLLS. 665 r-i T-H 00 5C O5 00 CO I I I I I I I 03 S3 oj 5" oj oj o3 ?5 CM c-i -N ^i c^i c-5 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 333 3Sa 1 ill O 8| " I^S*S " ICO OO lU gj a> a; O 5O CO CD CO < i-O >O iO O iTJ i p p p p p poooOjpooooooooooooSS I 30 S CO 00 00 X X X 30 30 X X 00 X CO 00 00 OC 00 00 00 00 OO 06 3 S3 .2 sippilil S5*srsfrls2 lilliillll )M5fMO9*d)(F3Of4T jO^HfefeccHfeOH&H O OJ |8 Ifc ^a H ~Z~2 > > > > i <Z,Zijj*5^.4i^.^ oSsSojoScSoSoSoj C C C-C H C E C 1^ CL, P, ^ fL, CU PL, C!H S > . is i i ii o>c4 j CD t2 ! is|ii!i,llWii|lJ^^ ^llSails s^.a"* 5 B- = S H ss js i*lsS^|l .^-^Pl^Z- " c " SI ^3 cs MUSTER ROLLS. 667 M u ~ 38 OOOCCOCOCOOOCOCOOOC 6t 3 s -o ,/; v a -"^ saaaseg sl -s" INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 3 55 *Z & -"3 g || O tucO o ^L 111 11! ll sli^ifs^i^iilllj g s n^^s g ^5 ^S^5g >-c MUSTER ROLLS. 669 r E.C si to 10 10*10 l ^ o^o"^ -O >o" C o"io i-c o^c ic irtTio io io ^T O inr>o~io"io~io"o S, o 3 .5 so ~) bc C ^ ^2 2 O o 2 O o5 r 670 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 32 i! ,P p *g3 I iii O SH O O & J2 >> S 1-5 tj "sl o iii So ^a"- ^c 5? S^-S 3;. 2 i I S5 o o e-3 H l 3 I s totototo 1 j ! 1 . ills SE | l! 2S iMf 2g " 111 -3 MUSTER ROLLS. 671 38S888388S8338388S88S3883S388S88 672 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. | Sb 1 g 1 ^ " 5 s x S OD tS ! ttQCO^O;QCOO9C*^^<e*Q9CbCN)3kCQOQCQaOc0-<* OOC lX>t^O<O:3CO CO ^* y5 l^ C5 C<l r-l <N r-l OSrHT^OO COOrfOOlOrHCOt-- "*i O OS 5 CO 1-- CS Q sJ : 88SSSS8SS8888gSS8SSS88 CO CO CO r-< rH CO rH CO CO CO CO <N rH !Nr-I MUSTER BOLLS. 673 88838838888888888888883888888888888888888888 * 3 ^^3ll^ rt "*"9"^$f^S"^S*8^ rf S^^ < ^8f^ ^ ^S rf 8"jfrfgf rfJ - r 4!rf SF I | 1 ! Q / 1 9 | . ! 1 . a \ ~ f : 1 r c inghlin, John __ Expressman inson, George .. Packer .. 1 ^: pi b u - Jt : A 1 E i i ^ . I 1 ;e t E_ I I > | - c I E i 1 \ ~- a i ^ -: h j H ; 1 i 1 c c - j " -v 1 Carieton A. _. Packer - lies, Andress Packer o.Cravol Packer i. I ^ ic. S | 5 "? 1. 4 A E _r = "I s 4- ! j - t - ~ ! < ii . "r _ C C 7 |j ^ c li i J- s a i 1 ? ev,John W. J Teamster i- a _ I i :- 4 ^ C. - - 1 ^ 1 ^ \ ! r- V I 7 ,, ! i. 1 V j| J _ ^ s i / = a h- ^ g 1 i ),John Wagonmaster . Fsflflpr 1 TpnmstPr I Z- 1 ~ r i u i ^ i ! ^ r- | i j c i - 1 ! j r c ^ r I - i 1 ;_ a T ^_ f ^ s : i ! 1 ^. ^ c. J- ^ B - L = r ^ a it ;. r ^ 1 r ~ I _^ 5 r $ 9 I - i- ; M C c fl r B ] [ - I \ z f. 7 s 1 2 1 p E i G74 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON. MUSTER ROLLS CONTINUED. t of persons employed by James R. Peters, assistant quartermaster-general for the second regiment Oregon mounted volunteers. 1 j lummiAWfteesMems^MQasfM^^ii O j j ^ ! ! i i i i i i i i ! 1 i i i i S i i i i ii J| gooogooggogooooooooooooo gggogogo a T I. ~ ^j i-HrH ^(MCOCOCOCO.- co cq <M co co co ca co IH i- cj cS o3 aS IllIIlllIIIIIIj Illllllllllll 1 tlti *, ss ^ Illlllllllll IIIIIIIIIII !!!!! By whom employed. | ! i ^ ~ a - n f P eeee pi L 1 PnCtHCdi^ 0^ O O ^ Igll 1 . I 1 t 1 1 master . 5 A i s "5 5t 1! c. A 1 a : i ^O C i! ;^;~ s. c A c 7 ^ c ^ 1 1 532a III I, C C. "i ^ <D cl> ^ (^ ^ (5(2^5(2 , * - ^ - a ^ 1 35 III p i c^ Z i c 4. 1 S I "< . o t a \ i, * ^ 1 j "3 o o 3 c *s" i2; ^ a || s C ^ II ff S si ,^ ^ i ii Sac ^3-C " -/r5 ^ T; J T a S ^ I -j w c | M 5 S_.o<jsi "S Ifr^ .,- r n, Daniel HRmiiel & lc a .Q -/j fill! iH M CO Tl* >O SO * 00 O> O T-H C^4O *4* iC SO I <M C<1 (M IM C<) CJ C<1 (M -M CO CO tC CO CO CO CO MUSTEK ROLLS. 675 gggooooggogoggogoggggooggggggggggoggogoggog g g-g 5 g "S^^^ 676 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. iifi .5 < o3 S" S Il6& 35 =3 ^3 ^r-3 o o3t_ t, O -S A^ o a> "O j c.S -u *-" Oj o I sill i o e 2 co u, 5 CO 03 S CUiO oS 2 S B s-fl a g S >g 9^ C t/a w aJ 73 w ^3 fl i I! E |p 6 111 tf co c 5 |, I i q .harged. a S /: ~ r 8 t t c S P - 4 - < 1 J t I !J 1 - 9 E E i 4| . ; J i i 3 ~ "a 25 fc 1 i ? i & r C I | a "i 1 & s * - *7 b ( I E 1 1 j i .^ "3 J | .2 7 jr 1 a f fc < K o r- r r MUSTER ROLLS. 677 55 678 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. 8 5: I o 03 -*H w I ; | g ?^ n 1! 3l o . 2o s i \ * Period serv 1 "8 1 1 i 3 1 * 11 a a / o o : ^3^ \ 8 >> *t<<* : - 1 \ IIII a \ srsfc-s- 0) o> CD . ~ d fl 2" 5 s S S 1 0) c Sa l> P Ut P-I& a> c 3 > t- tT ^ PLiO 1 ft 1 i Ml Illl ,0 so-^jj >o<o <N<N<N<N MUSTER ROLLS. 679 jjj ItJJi, c s a oflsSdCHecscsa aassflccace.asaa v^j$j~22~~~~ ~ P 3 p^Spp o c c p p p o o o c c c oppp ppppp c .*" ^ 680 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. It 1 1 1 ! .11 (^ i! 1 1 rt.S o II 1 fe rCj 1 M oo >1-H | 85? ss Pg 3* S>.oS J&-O If | X o> ii Cq a a) 1 q 85 S|j o> <u XI X3 2.Q g ss g as ^^^ ^^ M C~ H g" 1 1 awti WW wa I ^ 1 | gtf 15 1 o 9 i CO -38 H fl-o |k a c3 a c H G a II lulls! ^S P^ s2 a 5 i . H "sa W C^ C^ <N C^ co s * ^ m (U d) P | ^ S S S S ^ JSS^^SS-s n ! ! sl i sN si ? *i II g > ^^ 8J "S s "So g feo PnC >_>_> > > w| c= 5 a * ab 93 d ^a Muster roll of Ca ice of the territo: une, 1856. i 5 33 ".ff Sdii5* > 8S ^it-i::t- ^-wgjSsjs *aee number 274 ^ ! S^ w O ^ (NCQC^^^^CO j MUSTER ROLLS. 681 I! II O fl = I H X2X! Sa 1 j O O O O O O OOO O i i t i ( i . I <N " i j i i ! i Mlllf! I | | eo<N<Ncoecoeocoweoe O CO CO IN <N iH A a a 5^3 i^si&iili III li IS II II s^gsssssss 682 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo M^tibcbJD^bc^fccMfcitifci^tcbJDtiMbititibifcibJD^bibcMdbisibtiC r3D^333r!333DSDD33P3SI3O3DSC33SCD33 dcooooooco ZO "~O tO -O ^O O ^ O O O O C ^ O -C "^ ~2 -O ^ ~-2 C ~~ . ~ ^ O >O O oo x 5 5 a: x x x x x x x x so x 36 oo oo x> oo -x do ao oc so oc co MUSTER ROLLS. 683 *~ " * " ^ II o> <s o> o o> o CO O O O O c a a a a a a a a a s c a a a a a a" a a c a a a a" a" a" a X O> O r-l <MCC 684 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON, MUSTER ROLLS. 685 5 >! I Is OQ - -a a s s>- !l 1 I ; C,N<NOIC,e,CM<N : r : Cs : Cv r i IN 71 : - i r i f | 1 | <N(N<> <N<NCs l I d^C- <NWW<N (M 1 r ~ Discharged. 9 c 1 o. 1 fc 2 j Harris farrlB i r i -j T / il r - I .2 .? S-i t- S- *^s -/ E :- j i 1 "! . ~ r ^~ 1 - - r i ~ j 1 I / 1 -/ i r ^ E r i "E / E r 1 1 7 ~. - g Harris _"_ / ri "" ^^ b: ~ > d ft ~ ft a arts r ~ :~ -:= s ^ ^ - - ^^^ * - : 1 ! | | >.>.> . > : , . * ,b -- .>.>>> .>.> t ,>>>>>.> ^.> . > > .> | ^ga 2j i 1) O) <U C - c S ^ i C :, | U O C> "D 1 t. s- fc. - BS - -. 5? E :- -^ i. E E E aaac E S E 8J - c E "slss z. ^ = r E L o. a c. a. c SSSSE Z- Z - -z. C - _ S = = Pt ~- ^ - i] y b3 w i. ! ! 5 gf i = s s? : as l ! ! | ! 1 j | | a , Ill 1 III l^of si - : ^> r " s| w - -: i j 1 . r J - I I ! ill HI E^b- i j i . S i > i c] t ^ -^ S - ^ | c fl r > i 1 > fill! 0> i r t r i c i * t 7 ^PH-i-^- -_ ^ c i ! ! ! : j ! ! \^ || > |Jlf c|j \. = !> |1 -^^^ 56 686 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON. 2 if fQ <D ^ 5-S GC " I! 11 I IBSBB aaaaaaaa aa MUSTER ROLLS. 087 i It og SB Is aj ll o^ ll . 1 CO CO CO IN <N r-1 < COC<1 r-l CM T-H C^ rl rHiH CN C-I7I - r-l ! S^ S H55555555S H5 r S S r S S E5 H S^ S S S H S r S5 ! a) o> o> a; o> <oj5 oj.S^S.StS.S ^t2^S<2<2<S<2-2<2 <D< ~-^^o : ~cococ : 3oocooocoo : So CBZi; WO o o o a o o o i: ^CtCliM c-Z-T-i: ooooooocoooocoooococccoc OiCufe 0,00000000 ocuoa, o, o, o, 0,00,0^0^ JOTS roll of C laraation 688 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. lamation of the governor, dated ,, __, 1856, from the twenty-sixth day of March, 1856. to the twenty-fifth day of June, 1856. Period served. ! s Cl ^* 1> O OOCOOOvO OiOiCiO H "fi CO " I ^ r* : rH rHO^ Discharged. 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M ^O s I il ! PL, fin f^ Cn PH P- (X, MUSTER ROLLS. 095 oooocooooooooo j o> a i 1 1 ) o <D a a 1 i - - P P sdS 7 3 03 c3 si r T r j r r oj 03 -Pi p. P HdQ-P- - X i a s - Pi PL, ! ! i 1 j ! ! ! > ^ -^ K- 5 E 3 ja :^ i PC ^ 696 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. I! II a* B II ^ a o 8 II a M i! SI is? I ts g 1 rH rH r-l rH T}l Tj< r-l rH r-l r-l t- I> r-l r-l r-l r-1 CO l^ r- 1 ^33 3:JS r j s I i i Q i [ ! | ! ] j j A 1 j Oi i | i 1 ! i H | j * | \ i i t ! 1 ] I ft 1 a 1 CO CO CO CC iH rH i 1 T 1111111 111 ||| || Ill cT oT co" r-T oT ec" S2S co*aro- * r- ! "sss jSjS 0} 01 aftaS,* C.,* J ass 03 O.33 ^<JS y ^ C tn"C oj d, * CX Jg j So 1 1 . c2 1 1 1 || j ! Irll a 9 r o aj a cSrf S r! " c, a i :z ^ 1 1 1 1 1 1 Q^G)O<DOG)Q^QJU flSfljsScjaSaJoJaj S PS c^fe^ > p- > > ; > ^ > > > C S z. DN &H&H^ ~i- $. ^Z. X X, z. ; ; i ! i i i H- j ] j j j 4 * >. i ! *j ^ \ M ^ s I lldl Ii * fl| al* ils-^! sag*5-gg||4*.a|^!: S>^ g.J| s w S ^ 3J 5J* ^^ ^ 5 c"-s "". & ^ C-^ ^ o b - |fgx^i^fl^ill5"5sl|gl|^l || a o | |5 2 s gaig^ a ?| W<3HCq3oaOC5^Sctf^cHH>^?^^JH jjorris.ueo. t Mouaghan, Jam Arnett.Thomasf !^ r-l i-H r-l T-( i-H iH i-l rH iH r-l <M 1 I j MUSTER ROLLS. OUT l II si z 2.S 3 II I I* <u > 3* P3 ji H g, OD ^! P 2 a ^"ft w ill C >2 PI -oil III 1=5 S l o a 698 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. Muster roll of Captain James W Nesmith s company in regiment of volunteers, called into the service of the United States by the proclama tion of Oregon the twenty-fourth day of August, A. D. 1853, to serve for the term of thirty days, from the date of enrollment and discharge, at Salem, in said territory, on the twenty-fourth of September, 1853. j I 1 \ Discharged. \ | 1 j j i 1 I M 1 i u a< ^ ^ a i) &S O3a3 Slf^l V ^ ~T- (D ^ V> 05 i. i IS o3 -13 03 03 33 ^ S3 as ai ?gt ^ i i = 2-,^ CLI CUfL, L,OHDHO-,CL T: 46 Sergeant,! Pri s i i o5 o^5o5SjHWstc \ f! ^J .0 C *T* |1 \ !zi ? . 2"i "4^ a I gi ^i-JO: stft o o c ^ D-JIV ^ 3 00 CO a> 03 il .* ," " 3. a a 3 % MUSTER ROLLS, (31)9 222 2222 700 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON. I* II si III i 1 j is 1 1 j t 11 \ t^t> | i 1 1" \ j ^ 1 I i Ik ! s m i csioa sr M 3 3 -<< i i g a \ S * p g.| ! ! SuD 00 J 11 |> ; 4 . INDEX INDEX. A.B.C.F. M. policy toward the missions, 31. Abemethy.G , elected gov.84; message to legislature 1846, 89; message of 1847, 91; asked to send peace commissioners to Nez Perces, 114; letter to Ogden,124; re ceives reply, 125: message to legislature, 127; letter to the assembly, 132; first gen eral order to army, 138; proclamation, 144-5; determines "upon an express to Cal , 145; letter to Applegate, 146; sends a spyglass to Major Lee, 157; find it hard to raise an army, 158; answers Douglas war letter, 162; orders to Col. Gilliam, 163-5; letter to the Nez Perces, 182, 191; letter to Gilliam, 194; proclamation, 196; letter to Lee, 207; colonization of Cayu-e lands approved, 217; effort to quiet re ligious quarrels, 221; letters to Commo dore shubrick, 227-8; to Gov. Mason of Cal., 230: to Ogden, 233; to Maj. Hardie, 234; to Pres. Polk, 236-8; message to the legislature, 251. Abiqua creek, battle of, 224. Abbott, Geo. H., interpreter, and capt. of vols., 323-4; on recruiting service, 381; fights the Chetcoe Indians, 383-4. Abbott, Charles C., dies of wounds re ceived in battle of Evans Creek, 313. Achekaia, ( Five Crows,) Cayuse chief, 47. Accolti, Jesuit priest, writes to Major Lee, Adams, I. D , serg., mortally wounded, 351. Addington, A. M., wounded in battle, 447. Addison, J. McL., lieut., escorts Lane, 248. Ahtanahm mission, 424-471. Albin, John, wounded in a skirmish, 310. Alcorn, Miles T., captain Ross reg., 349; elected capt. in southern battalion, 360; in fight on Little Butte creek, 364; scout ing, 367. Alden, Capt., U. S. A., aids volunteers, 309, is given the command; resigns to Lane, 311; is wounded, 312. Allen, Beverly S., appointed treaty com missioner, 270. Allen. L. F., wounded in battle of Grave creek, 354. Allen, Ira, wounded in battle, 448. Anatashiu, a Nez Perce, 171. Ambrose, G. H., Dr., settler in Rogue-river valley, 294; appointed commissioner to settle war accounts. 319; appointed In dian agent, 333; his letters over the sig nature of "A Miner," 342; his orders, 355. Americanism in the United States, 2. American consul at Sandwich Islands, 14.-). Apashavakaikt, a Nez Perce, 171. Applegate, Jesse, friendly to H. B.Co., 86; explores for a southern route, 87-8; com missioned to effect a war loan, 134-8; communication to the legislature, 141; his qualifications and character, 147; writes to Palmer, 147; his account of an attempt to go to Cal. with dispatches, 149-51; letter to Palmer, 200, 201; letter to Lee, 202; pioneering for Kearney; en courages volunteering, 277. Applegate, Lindsay, volunteers for the southern road expedition, 87. Appraisers appointed to value war sup plies, 141. Armstrong, Pleasant, killed at the battle of Evanh creek, 311, 313. Armstrong, Lieut., engages the Indians, 367. Armstrong, Ambrose N.,mnjor, in the Yak- ima country, 429,439,454. Ashburton, Lord, plenipotentiary from Great Britain, 33. Ashley, W. H. expedition of in 1822, 3. Astoria, troubled by deserting sailor, 52. Anderson, A. C., of H. B. Co., in confer ence at Fort Walla Walla, 434. Anderson, J. F., elected second lieut., sec ond reg., 360. Angell, Martin, settler on Rogue river, 296; shoots an Indian, 314; Anita, U.S. transport in the Columbia, 239. Aubrey, Thomas J., wounded in battle, 355. Auger, Capt. U. S. A., ordered to Port Or- ford. 386; relieves Capt. Smith, 410; in the Yakiraa country, 429. "Authentic Account " of Brouillet, 177. Baber, Granville H., raises a company of volunteers. 198. Badger, Johu, murdered by Indians, 328. Bailey, Wm. J., wounded by Indians, 12. Bailey, Holland, killed by Indians, 352. Bailey, W., wounded by Indians, 469. Bailey, Joseph, captain, 353; in battle on Grave creek, 354; capt. in 2d reg., O. M. V., 361. Banahi, a Cascades chief, 475. Barkwell, M. C.,asks for protection, 3-ls. Barnes, James, captain of a spy company, 397. Barnum, E. M., adj. -gen., 359; visits south ern Oregon, 361. Battalions, northern and southern, ."."*, 359. Battle of Abiqua, 224,22."). Battle of Touchet, 187-189. Battle of Evans creek, 311-:n::. Battle of Skull bar, 3.50,351. 704 INDEX. Battle of Grave creek on Hungry hill, 353-355. Battle of The Meadows, 399-403. Battle of the regulars with John s force, near The Meadows, 408-411. Battle of Walla Walla, 444. Battle of Four Lakes, 491-495. Barlow, Samuel K., road pioneer, 85,86. Barlow, James, attacked by Indians, 275. Beale, W. K. 2d lieut. of volunteers, 309. Beardy, Des Chutes chief, explains his conduct, 172; gets a letter from Gilliam, 173; appears on Snake river, 210. Bennett, Charles, captain, 440; killed in battle, 444. Bentley, I. N., lieutenant, 349. Berry, William, sergeant, wounded, 155. Bewley, Lorinda, assistant teacher at Waiilatpu, 94, 95; taken to the lodges of chiefs, 104, 106. Bewley, sister of Lorinda at Chemekary, 215. Bewley, Crockett A., 94, 98; killed by In dians, 102. Big Bend of Rogue-river encampment, 374. Big Star, Spokane chief, 479. Bill, sub-chief in Shasta vallev, 202, 321, 322. Birdseye, David, shot by Indians, 309. Birkheimer, Wm. E., captain, U. S. A., ex aminer of Cayuse Indian war accounts, 262. Blackledge, Milton, wounded in battle, 351. Blake, C. F., elected first lieutenant, 360. Blair, Charles, lieutenant at Evans creek, 311. Blanchet, F. N., Rev., missionary, 28. Blanchet, A, M. A., bishop at Walla Walla, meets Dr. Whitman at the fort, 95, 96; is questioned by the Cayuses, 96; confers with the Nez Perces, 113; letter to Gov. Abernethy, 123; writes a letter for the Yakimas, 173. Bledsoe, Relf, lieutenant, elected to com mand Poland s company, 381, 383. Bloody Chief of the Nez Percys, speech of, 47. Bloody Point, pass at the head of Tule lake, 299. Bloody Spring, camp on Grave creek, 354. Blue Cloak, Fiathead chief, 24. Bogus, Henry, exploring expedition, 87. Bolan, A. J. appointed agent to the Yak imas, 339; sets out for Colville, 424; killed by Indians, 425. Bonneville, Col., U. S. A., view of Indian character, 20, 22; arrives at Vancouver, 306; furnishes artillery for the Rogue- river war, 309; refuses arms and sup plies, 331. Bonnycastle, lieutenant, U. S. A , attacks Indians, 322. Boundary question, writings on, 3. Bourbon, ., killed by Indians, 469. Bowman, Nathaniel, joins Meek s party, 108. Bradford & Co., store beseiged, 460. Bradley, Isaac, killed in battle of Evans creek, 313. Braun, J. IL, killed by Indians, 380. Bray s house burned by Indians, 352. Brewer, H. B., farmer at The Dalles mis sion, 52; letter of, 55; in charge of prop erty, 73. Bridges, James, his daughter at Waiilat pu, death of, 95. Britton, Daniel, wounded by Indians, 342. Brooks, C. B., appointed surgeon, 349. Brooks, Lloyd, settler in Waila Walla val ley, 441. Brown, James Henry, warned by Dr. Whitman, 93; publishes a history of Oregon, 213. Brown, B. W., killed by Indians, 461. Browne, Ross, appointed by government to examine Indian affairs in Oregon, 417. Bruce, James, volunteers to pursue In dian murderers, 293; interpreter, 313; captain of volunteers, 349; iu battle at Grave creek, 354; elected major, 360; his order, 360; moves his command. 362; attacks " The Cabins," 364-366; reflected major of southern battalion, 387. Brush, Gilbert, wounded by Indians. 283. Brouillet, J. B. A , Rev., looking for a mission site, 97; his "Authentic Ac count," 98; assists to bury Whitman and others, 103; helps Spalding to escape, 110,111; confers with the Nez Perces, 113, 117; letters to Indian Agent Olney, 425. Buchanan, lieut.-col., U. S. A.. 383, 384, 385. Buford, James, wounded by Indians, 341. Bullen, Henry, killed by Indians, 380. Bumford. settler in Walla Walla valley, 441. Bunch, killed by Indians, 345. Buoy, Tobau, elected captain in2dreg., 361; escorts prisoners to Grand Rond, 368; reports, 390. Burch, Benjamin, exploring expedition, 87. Burch, sergeant, in battle of the Touchet, 189. Burch, Samuel, appointed to examine Cayuse war claims, 260. Burgess, John C., denies the story of poisoning Modocs, 306. Buris, Dennis, joins Meek s party for the states, 180. Burnett, G. W., elected captain, 203. Burns, Hugh, appointed loan commis sioner, 140; reports, 253-255. Burrows, J. M., lieutenant, killed in bat tle, 444. Bushey, M., elected second lieutenant, 360; reports as captain, 387. C " Cabins, The," at the cascades, 156, 163. Cadwallader, Jesse, letter of, 195. Calapooya Chief, makes trouble, 55. Caleb, chief of Calapooyas, receives friends, 74. Calderwood, killed by Indians, 469. Caldwell, Alex, killed by Indians, 392. Caldwell, W. S., raises a company of volunteers, 428. Camas valley station, 368. Comospelo, Cayuse chief, interrogates the priests, 90; denies taking part in the Whitman massacre, 114; speech in coun cil, 183. Camp Castaway, on Coos bay beach, 290. INDEX. 705 Camp Eliff, at south end of Umpqua canyon, 368. Camp Gordon, 8 miles above the mouth of Cow creek, 368. Camp Spencer, on lower Applegate creek, 366. Campbell, James, volunteer for Cal. ex pedition, 148. Campbell, Hamilton, called on for money by loan commissioners, 254. Canadian catholics, good neighbors. 28. Caw field, William D., at \Vaiilatpu, 95, 99; escape from the massacre, 102, 108. Capron, 2d lieut. in battle on Cow creek. 393. Card well, J. A., joins the volunteers, 278. Carroll, James, wounded in a skirmish, 310. Cartwright, James W., killed by Indians, 345. Cascades, The, as a military station, 156, 495. Cascades attacked by Indians, 460. Casey, Silas, lieut.-col. .U.S.A., and troop in Oregon, 288; fight in the Coquille, 289; returns to Cal., 290; assigned to Puget sound, 458. Cash, Wiley, killed by Indians, 367. Caster.lieut., U. S. A., pursues Indians, 319. Castle, S. N., of Honolulu, 227. Castle. B.. lieut., killed by Indians, 380. Catholic Ladder, 28. Catholic teaching on element of discord, 28,29; the legislature petitioned to ex pel them from the country, 221. Cattle company of the \Villamet mission, 12,13. Cattle company of Cayuses and Walla Walla Indians, 77, 78. Cayuses, their characteristics. 18, 19; their begging habits, 20; their religion, 22; treatment of Dr. Whitman, 30; cause of the Cayuse war, 92, 97, 98; their trickery, 186,187; attack the volunteers, 189. Ciaies, Yakima chief, writes to Gilliam, 173. Chamberlin, A., member of legislature, 127. Chance, Wm., Indian agent, pursues In dians, 275. Chance, John, wounded by Indian, kills him. 461. Chaplin, Wm., lieut., resigned, 391. Chaplin, F. D., serg., discharged, 391. Chapman, W. W., captain iu2dreg., O. M. V., 361; report, 369; elected lieut.-col., 387; moves down Rogue river, 399. Chemekane mission, failure of, 27. Chenoweth, Hardin, saves the steamboat Mary from the Indians, 461. Chenoweth, a Cascades chief, tried for treachery and hung, 470. Chinn, Mark A., junior major, O. M.V., 1st reg., erects Fort Henrietta, 439; proceeds to Walla Walla, 440. Chucklehead, Rogue-river chief, attacks a party, 274. Clark, John, killed by Indians, 321. Clarke, Newman S., general, U. S. A., ap pointed to the command of Columbia- river district, 484; fits out an expedition to punish the Coeur d Alenes, 489; is succeeded by Gen. Harney, 499. Claiburne, Thomas, junior captain, U. S. A., deiends the Cayuses on trial for murder, 250. Clifton, John Henry, wounded in battle, 403. Cluggage, James, joins the volunteers, 311. Coekstock, chief of Dalles Indians, 7:!; in cites a feud at Oregon City, 74; is killed, 75, 90. Colburn, A. C., killed in skirmish with Indians, 310. "Colonel Wright," first steamboat on up per Columbia, 483. Cook, Grove, kills Elijah, son of Peu-peu- mox-mox, 82. Cooke, C. W., sergeant, in battle of the Touchet, 189; returns his adjutant s commission, 205; letter to Lee, 222. Cook, J. D., pursues Indian murderers, 293. Cooley, Daniel, wounded by Indians, 412. Counoyer, Capt., in battle of Walla Walla, 446. Conroy, H. P., lieutenant of volunteers, 349. Cornelius, Thomas R., elected colonel of 1st reg. ,O. M. V., 448; returns to Dalles, skirmishing with Kamiakiu. 456: iv|ly to Gen. Wool, 470. Council in Rogue-river valley, 315; terms of treaty, 310,317; names of witnesses (see note), 317. Council of Oak Flat on Illinois river, 40(, 407. Coquille guards, 373, 375. Coquille miuutemeu. 377. Cox, A., member of legislature, 127. Coy, James, attacked by Rogue-river In dians, 273. Cratibru, Frank, wounded in battle, 445. Craig, NVilliam. shelters Mrs. Spalding, 109; joins the army to aid the peace commissioners, 180; leaves Lapwai, 214; joins Gov. Stevens, 448; arranges a conn oil with Xez Perec s, 451; appointed aid to Stevens, 452; letter to Stevens, 477, 478. Craumer, J. M., adjutant to Major Bruce, 400. Crawford. Peter W., keeps a journal, 93, Crawford, Medorum, member of legisla ture, 127. Crawford, Mrs., clothes the volunteers, 196. Creighton, John, raises a company and reports, 394,395. Crittendeu, John, wounded by Indians, 828. Crook, J. M., orderly sergeant of volun teers. 309. Crook, lieut., U. S. A., mission to Fort Lane, 322. Crook, Theron, authorized to raise a com pany (names in note), 348. Crouch, W. H., wounded in battle of Graves creek, 355. Crow, Henry, mortally wounded in battle of Walla Walla, 444. Culver, Samuel H, Indian agent in Rogue- river valley, 318; superseded by G. 11. Ambrose, 333. Cunningham, Ed ward, purchases blanker of Major Hardie, ::->. Cunningham, John, killed by Indians, 342. Curry, George L., acting governor, 808; req uisition on Col. Bonneville honored, 706 INDEX. 309; sends a commission to Lane, 315; approves of protecting the immigration, 329: calls for volunteers, 331; companies called, 353; disbands the militia in the field, 359; visits the seat of war, 361; authorizes minutemen, 381; answers to requisition of Major Rains with a regi ment, 427; proclamation, 428; his reasons for occupying the Walla Walla country, 434; letter to Adj. -Gen. Barnum, 438; proclamation. 454; disbands the first regiment, 457.; D Dalles, The, Methodist mission station, 52; site of Fort Lee, 155, 168; U. S. A. army headquarters for E.G., 425, 427, 433. Dandy, G. B., lieut., U. S. A., at Four Lakes, 491. Dart, Anson, appointed superintendent Indian affairs, 270; expenditures, 271: re port of, 272; visits Port Orford, 286-287; resigns his office, 298; is superseded by Palmer, 308. Dart, P. 0., secretary to superintendent Indian affairs, 270. Dart, George, military commissioner, 310. Davenport, T. J., wounded by Indians, 283. Davidson, lieut., U. S. A., at Four Lakes, 494. Davis, ..wounded by Indians, 308. Davis, John W., governor, asks Gen. Wool for troops, 329. Davis, John, killed by Indians,392. Davy, Allen, captain of volunteers to pro tect settlements, 224. "Decatur," government steamer on Puget sound, 427. Deer creek ( Roseburg) asks permission to arm, 394. Demers, Modeste, Rev., Catholic mission ary, 28. Deuuison, A. P, captain of volunteers, 469. Dent, F. T. , captain, U. S. A , at Four Lakes, 491. Des Chutes, its dangers from Indians, 94. Dice, E. C., volunteer in California expe dition, 148. Dilley, David, killed by Indians, 274. Dimmick,Z., 1st lieut. in 2d reg.,O. M. V., 361. Dodson , . , attacked by Indians, 275. Dollein, Augustus, appointed enrolling officer. 455. Dooley, William, killed in battle, 393. Dorion, Baptiste, interpreter for Dr. White, 44; charged with inciting the Indians to hostilities, 52; son of Madame Doriou of Irving s Astoria, 210. Doty, James, aid to Gov. 1. 1. Stevens, 334, 449. Dougherty, A. S., killed by Indians,283. Douglas, James, furnishes McBean s letter to Gov. Abemethy,128,131; a Protestant, 160; his letter to the governor, 162; letter to H. B. Co. s agent at the Sandwich Islands, 239. Douglas, A., killed in skirmish with In dians, 310. Do well, B. F., claim agent to settle Indian war accounts, 320; furnished facts for history, 349. Drew, E. P., appointed Indian agent at the Umpqua, 333; instructed, 335; in charge of Coos bay Indians, 378. Drew, C. S., acts as quartermaster-general criticized, 329; appointed adjutant of Ross regiment, 349. Driggs, Jeremiah, 1st lieut., 198. Drolley,., settler on the Coquille river, 378. Dugan, Richard, military commissioner, 310. Duncan, L. J. C., remarks on the Indian murders, 309. Duval, Frank, wounded in battle, 447. Dyar, Jerome, murdered by Indians, 340. E Eagle -from -the- Light, Nez Perce" chief, 482. Ebberts, G. W., joins Meek s party for the journey to Washington, 180. Edwards, Philip L., missionary, 5. Edwards, Richard, murdered by Indians, 308. Eddy,., visits the caves on the Klam- ath,322. Eells, Cushing, missionary at Chemekane. 17; in fear of Indians, 178; writes to Col. Waters, 209. Elgin, J., wounded by Indians, 469. Elk, a Coquille chief, 374. Elliott, E. K., sergeant in volunteer com pany, 349. Ellis, Flathead chief, 24; trouble with Spalding,25; threat to bury A. B. Smith, 26, elected chief of the Nez Percys, 49; influence with the Cayuses, 61, 62; pa rades his force, 62,63; his education, 63; in council, 66,69; visits Dr. McLoughlin and Dr. White at Vancouver, 80; on a hunt after buffalo, 182; dies of measles, 215. Ely, lieutenant, has a skirmish, is wounded, 310. Empire Ciiy.on Coos Bay, 378. English, L. N., captain at Fort Gilliam, 169; in charge of Fort Waters, 189; date of first commission. 257. Ericson, John, wounded at Skull bar, 351. Ermatinger, Frank, a Protestant, 160. Escalcom, Frank, missionary name for Tintinmitsi,a Cayuse,104. Evans, W. M., orderly sergeant of volun teers, 349. Evans, Allen, wounded at Skull bar, 351. Eveline, ship from California with mail, 240. Everman, N. H. , volunteer from Clatsop, 198. F Farnham, T. J., impressions of mission work, 27. Fawn, brig chartered to carry troops, 291. Feather Cap, Cayuse chief, his heart is sick, 51; costume and dignity, 60. Fellows, A. M., lieutenant, in battle of Walla Walla, 446; elected captain, 448. Penning, William, his denial of the charge of poisoning Modocs,306 (note). Fickas, John L., killed by Indians, 341. Fields, James M., on the California expe dition, 148. Fields, Calvin, killed by Indians, 342. Finlay, Nicholas, employed at Waiilatpu, 95; visits Gilliam s camp, 176. First Regiment, Oregon Mounted Volun teers, 439. INDEX. 707 Fitzgerald, Major, U. S. A., succors Mrs. Harris, 345; pursues Indians, 352; not in battle of Grave creek, 353; ordered to Fort Dalles, 362, 427. Five Crows, Cayuse chief, in council, 47; elected head chief, 70; takes a white wife, 106; in council with Catholic pries;s, 115; wounded in battle, 175; charge to the Cayuses, 176. Flasher, Henry, wo unded in battle, 313. Flatheads jourcey to St. Louis, 4; charac teristics, 19-21. Fleming, Jesse, wounded mortally in bat tle, 447. Floyd s bill in congress for the occupa tion of Oregon in 1821,3. Force, James, commissary at Salem, 199. Ford, M. A., member of legislature, 127. Ford, John, appointed to raise volunteers, 144. Ford, R. W., writes for a sectarian paper, 221. Ford, Sidney S., captain, Washington vol unteers, 452. Fordyce, A. G., wounded by Indians, 309. Fordyce, J. M., wounded in battle, 355. Fort Vancouver in danger, 84. Fort Boise, H. B. Co. post on Boise river, 180, 330. Fort Hall, new route to, 88. Fort Laramie, trading post on the Platte river, 9. Fort Gilliam, at the cascades of the Co lumbia, 156. Fort Orford, U.S. military post at Port Or- ford,290; force inadequate, 397. Fort Jones, U. S. post in Scott valley, 308. Fort Lane, U. S. post in Rogue-river val ley, 314. Fort Bailey, volunteer station five miles south of Cow creek, 368. Fort Leland, volunteer station on Grave creek, 368. Fort Vannoy, volunteer headquarters on Rogue river, 389, 390. Fort Smith, volunteer station at the house of W. H. Smith, Cow creek, 368. Fort Lamerick.-at The Meadows, volun- unteer station, 403. Fort Umpqua, U. S. post at the mouth of Umpqua river, 418. Fort Kitchen, volunteer station on Co- quille river, 373. Fort Roland, volunteer station in Co- quille valley, 374. Fort Johnson, volunteer station in Chet- coe valley, 383. Fort Miner, volumeer station at Gold Beach ,381. Fort Sheridan, U. S. post on Grand Rond reservation, 418. Fort Hoskins, U. S. post in the county of Polk, 418. Fort Walla Walla, Hudson s Bay post on the Columbia, destroyed by Indians, 435,440,441. Fort Walla Walla, U. S. post in Walla Walla valley, established by Col. Wright in 1850,465,480,483. Fort Owen, in Bitter-root valley, a trad ing house and mission, 449. Fort Bennett, volunteer station two miles above Waiilatpu, 448. Fort Waters, volunteer station at Waiilat pu, 179, 180, 190. Fort Lee, volunteer station at The Dalles, 168. Fort Henrietta, volunteer station on the Umatilla,440. Fort Wascopam.same as Fort Lee, ins. Fort Taylor, U. S. post on Tucannon river, 490. Fort Nesqually ,H.B. trading post on N es qually river, 242. Fort Naohess, U. S. station on Naohess river, 474. Fort Simcoe, U. S. post on the Yakima reservation, 484. Fort Steilacoom, on Puget sound, U. S. post, 245. Fort Colville, H. B. Co. post on Colville river, 17. Fortune, ., house burned by Indians, 352. Foster, Philip, subscribed to war fund, 225. Foster, Charles, survives the massacre on Rogue river, 379, 381. Fox, ., killed by Indians, 345. Fra/ell, Thomas, lieutenant, killed in skirmish, 314. Fremont, captain, U. S. A., attacked by Modocs, 299; employs Walla Wallas in California, 83. French and Spanish titles transferred, 1. French, Alfred, killed by Indians, 328. Frost, J. H., missionary at Clatsop,15. Fry, Nathan, wounded in battle, 447. Frye, S. A. , captain of volunteers, 349. Fulkerson, J.M., commissary in Polk, 201, 202. G Gage, Daniel, killed by Indians, 328. Gaines, John P., appointed governor of Oregon and Indian superintendent, 270; unable to raise troops, 276; treaty with Rogue-river Indians, 287. Gallice creek settlers ask leave to arm, 349. Galvin, John, volunteers to pursue In dians, 293. Gardner, T. J., captain of volunteers, 349. Garrison, Joseph M., captain, at The Dalles, 195; returns home, 203; commis sioned captain, 257. Garrison, A. E., first lieutenant, takes his command, 203. Garry, chief of Spokane Indians, for peace, 496. Garnett, R. S., major, U.S. A., at Fort Sim coe, 484. Gaston, Wm., lieutenant, U. S. A., killed in battle, 488. Gay, George, escapes from Indians, VI. Gay, Richard, drowned, 381. Geary, E. R., appointed to duty as Indian agent, 357. Geddes, corporal, Button s account of him, 387. Geer, Ralph C., warned by Dr. Whitman, 93: captain of volunteer home guards, 224. Geer, Mrs., in danger from Indians, 94. Geisell, John, killed by Indians, with four children, 380. Geisell, Mrs., and daughter, raptured, :;si>. Geiger, Wm., assistant to Dr. Whitman,:::;: MLVet Mrs. Whitman from assault, 4 1; his appearance on the donkey, 61. George, Abel, second lieutenant of volun teers, 309; captain, 3-19; reports, 391. Gerow, H. C., drowned, 381. 708 INDEX. Gervais, Joseph, goes to meet the Nez Percys, 180; wounded in battle, 447. Gibbs, John, killed by Indians, 309. Gibbs, A. C., appointed commissioner to settle war accounts, 319. Gibson, H.S., lieutenant, U.S. A. .wounded at Grave creek, 355; in battle of Four Lakes, 491. Gill, Thomas, wounded in battle, 354. Gillespie, John, killed in battle, 385. Gilleland, Isaac, tailor at Waiilatpu, 94, 99; killed by Indians, 102. Gilliam, volunteer for California expedi tion, 148. Gilliam, Cornelius, appointed colonel of Oregon riflemen, 145, 152; proceeds to The Dalles, 158, 163; his orders to Major Lee and the army, 169; speech to the volunteers, 172; troubles, 173; letter to Brouillet, 177; visits the mission ruins, council with officers, 179; marches for the Cayuse camp, 186; has a fight on the Touchet, 187-189; accidentally killed, 190; remarks on his policy, 191, 192; reso lution of legislature, 103. Gilmore, Thomas, wounded in battle, 393. Given, William, killed by Indians, 345. Goff, David, explores southern route to Oregon, 87. Goff, captain of Washington volunteers on John Day, 476. Goodall, captain of Yreka volunteers, 309; in the fight on Evans creek, 310; with Lane s command, 311. Goodwin, Charles, mortally wounded at Grave creek, 354. Goodhue, quartermaster to Gilliam s com mand, 189. Goodhue, Samuel, explores southern route, 87. Gold, discovery a blessing, 240. Gold Beach, mining camp near the mouth of Rogue river, . Gold Beach Guards, volunteer company, 418. "Gold Beach," a schooner belonging to Crescent City, 381. Goldsby, John, wounded at Grave creek, 364. Gordon, Samuel, captain in battle of Grave creek, 354; captain in second regi ment. O.M.V., 361. Gray, W. FL, lay missionary, 17; visit to the states, 24; trouble with the Cayuses, 30; remarks on Haines writings, 66. Gray Eagle, Cayuse chief, killed by Thos. McKay, 175. Gray, Thomas, killed by Indians, 341. Gracie, Archibald, lieutenant, U. S. A., pursues Indians, 335. Great Britian surrenders forts to the U. S. , 1; controversy over title, 2. Gregg, lieutenant, U. S. A., at Steptoe s Butte,488,494. Greigor, captain of volunteers, killed on the Klamath,322. Grier, W. N., major, U. S. A., in battle of Four Lakes, 494. Griffin, Burrell F., wounded by Indians, 308. Griffin, Buford B., first lieutenant of vol unteers, 309. Griffin, J. S., editor of Oregon American and Evangelical Unionist, 221. Grim, J. W., warned by Dr. Whitman, 93. Griswold, George, Indian agent at the cascades, 464; killed by Indians, 469. Grolouise, John, half-breed interpreter, 324. Grover, L. F., first lieutenant of volun teers, 309; appointed commissioner to settle war accounts, 319; appointed to raise a company, 428. Guess, ..settler killed by Indians, 387. Hadley, S. B., first lieutenant in second regiment, O.M. V.,361. Hager, Henry, killed by Indians, 469. Haines, family of four killed by Indians, 345. Haller, Grauville O., major, U. S. A ,goes to chastise the Snake tribe, 330; ordered into the Yakima country, 425; fighting and defeat, 426, 427; further pursuit, 429; his losses, 471. Hall, Lawrence, captain, bill for relief of, 262. Hall, S. B., volunteer from Clatsop, 198. Hall, ., captain in the battle of the Touchet, 188. Hall, Peter D., at Waiilatpu, 95, 99; his es cape to Fort Walla Walla, and unknown fate, 102, 106. Hall, David, appointed Indian agent, ap peal of the settlers, 372; agreement with them, and troubles, 373, relieved by Wm. Chance, 374. Hallick, John S., denies the story of poi soning Modocs, 306 (note), Hamilton, killed by Indians, 345. Hans, William, wounded at Grave creek, 354. Hand, lieutenant, in battle of Walla Walla, 446. Hanna, lieutenant, in battle of Walla Walla, 446; in the Yakima country, 429. Hardie, J. A. .major, U. S. A., sent to Ore gon for recruits, 229; Ogden s remarks on him, 232; letter to Abernethy,234, 235. Hardie, J. A., captain, U. S. A., at Four Lakes, 491. Harding, B. F., secretary of Oregon terri tory, 429. Harding, lieutenant, U. S. A., at Fort Ump- qua,418. Hardin, John R. , mortally wounded by Indians, 309. Harkness, McDonald, murdered by In dians, 398. Harney, general, U. S. A. .succeeds Gen. Clarke, 499. Harris, Moses, exploring southern route, 89. Harris, George H., killed by Indians, 344- 345. Harris, Mrs., defends herself and child, 345. Harris, W. H., captain of minutemen, re port, 395-397. Harris, T.S., captain of volunteers, 349; in battle, 354. Harry, a boy volunteer in pursuit of In dians, 293. Hart, brother of Mrs. Spalding,109. Hat, Flathead chief, killed by Sioux, 25. Hathaway, brevet major, U.S.A., arrives in the Columbia, 243; at Vancouver, re moves to Astoria, 247. Hawking, lieutenant, U.S. A., in command of Lane s escort, 243. INDEX. 709 Hawkins, a trader, shot by soldiers, 341. Hays, Rebecca, stopping at Waiilatpu,95. Hayes, H. B., captain of Independent Rangers, 340, 349. Hayes, Thomas, wounded in light at Evans creek, 391. Hayes house attacked by Indians, 391. Hayden, captain, U. S. A., in Yakima country, 429. Hedges, A. F., appointed Indian agent at Siletz,416. Hedden, Cyrus, attacked by Indians, 283. Hedding, Elijah, sou of Peu-peu-mox- mox.61; killed in California, 79, 80. Heinrich, Peter, killed by Indians, 340. Helm, L. S., appointed enrolling officer, Hembree, A. J., member of legislature, 127; commissary in Yamhill county, 200; obtained a loan for war expenses, 255; appointed enrolling officer, 128. Heminelpelp, a Nez Perc6, 171. Hendrick, Samuel, killed by Indians, 380. Henry, A. G., appointed sub-Indian agent, 270. Hennessey, William, killed by Indians, 340. Henry, R. W., lieutenant in volunteer service, 349. Henry, major, fur hunting expedition, in 1808,2. Henry s Fork of Snake river, name, 3. Hereford, Mrs., clothes the volunteers, 1%. Hess, Edwin, second lieutenant in volun teer service, 360. Hibbler, George F., volunteer for Cali fornia expedition, 148. Hill, Isaac, attacked by Indians, 309. Hill, J.J., house robbed by Indians, 374. Hill, David, member of legislature, 127. Hill.B. H., captain, U.S. A", at Astoria and Nesqually, establishes a post, 244. Hill, F. R., captain in volunteer service, Hillman.John, express rider, 349. Hines, Gustavus, excursion to the Ump- qua, 13; to the Cayuse country, 57: view of White s laws, 53; his attitude towards White, 64, 65; report of the Indian coun cil of 1843,65,66. Hinman, Alanson, stationed at The Dalles, 156 ; visits Vancouver, 131. Hitchcock, general, U. S. A., receives lalse reports, 285; orders troops to Port Or- ford,288. Hodgkins, William, wounded by Indians, 309. Hoffman, Jacob, at Waiilatpu, 95; killed by the ( ayuses, 102. Hort raan, house burned by Indians, 374. Hohoselpelp, a Nez Perce, 171. Holbrook, Arnory, prosecutes the Cayuses, 249. Holcomb.G.C., killed by Indians, 380. Holland, John P., killed by Indians, 283. Hollinger, Lot, corporal, killed by In dians, 457. Holman, Dillard, attacked on Rogue river, 275. Hood, Mrs., clothes the volunteers, 196. Howard, M. P., captain in volunteer serv ice, 349. Howe, E. W., killed by Indians, 380. Howlish Wainpool, Cayuse chief, 482. Hoxie, O. D., adjutant-general of southern battalion, 360. 59 Hudson s Bay Company, 2, 3; memorial against, 55; joins" in the government com pact, 84; inlluence with the Cayusrs, 118; appealed to for money, l::-J, 1 :>:>, li!7; prohibited from selling ammunition to Indians, 244; denounced as Catholic, 160,161; respect for law, 272 Hudson, Miss, killed by Indians,::)-,. Hulan, Hiram, killed by Indians, :;21. Humason.O., appointed enrolling officer, 1-JS, 439. Huston, H.C., wounded by Indians, 412. Hutehinson, appointed enrolling officer, Idles, John, killed by Indians, 380. Ihrie, lieutenant, U.~S. A., attacked by In dians. Illinois Valley asks for permission to arm, 349. Illutin, Cayuse chief, speech of, 68. Iman s house burned, 462. Immigration, perils of, 84; winters at Whitman s station, 88. Independent Rangers, 340. Ingails, Rufus, captain, U. S. A., sent to es tablish a post at Vancouver, 246. Intemperance of Indians, 89. Inlmilpilp, Nez Perc, carries a letter for Spalding,113. Irving, lieutenant, U. 8. A., in Kearney s command, 276, 279. Isaiachlakis, surrenders, 247; is hung, 251. Ishtooplo-opnin, Nez Perec, 171. Jacob, a Nez Perce, his cunning, 171. Jackson, assistant at Lapwai mission, 109. James, Nez Perce chief, robs the mission at Lapwai, 110; friendly professions, 182. Jason, a Nez Perce, 171. Jeff Davis, government steamer, 428. Jeffrys, lieutenant in volunteer service at Walla Wai IH, 446. Jennings, Berryman, appointed special Indian agent, 857. Jenner, E. P., denies the poisoning of Mqdocs,306 (note). Jesuit priests, at Colville and Coeur d Alene,450. Jewett, house attacked by Indian--, 344. Jim, brother of Chief John of Scott val ley, 293. Jo, name given to Rogue-river chief by Lane, 269, 292. John, Rogue-river chief in Scott vall<\v, 292; arrested, and escapes, 293; speech to Col. Buchanan, 407; mockery of Capt. Smith, 409; submission, 414: speech to Ross Browne, arid attempt to take the steamer Columbia, 417, 418." John Day river, robberies bv Indians at, 94. Johnson, Miss, assistant teacher at Lap wai, 109. Johnson, settler in Scott valley, -Jit: 1 ,. Jones, John, explores southern route, 87. Jones, Thomas Ap. C., commanding Pa cific fleet, 239L Jones, J.K., killed by Indians, :544. Jones, Mrs., mortally wounded, : II. Jones, Floyd, captain, U.S. A. .ordered to Crescent City, 386. Jordan, captain, U.S. A., at The Dalles, 483. 710 INDEX. Joset, Catholic priest at Cceur d Alene, 450; his account of the hostility of the Indians, 489. Joseph, Nez Perce chief, gives a parade, 62,63; robs the mission at Lapwai,109, 171; his speech as acting head chief, 182; opposed to the treaty of Walla Walla, 337, 338. Joseph, Young, cause of war of 1877. Judah, captain U. S. A., at Fort Jones, 321; affair on the Klamatb.,322; pursues hos tile Indians, 351; gives aid to volun teers, 262, 263. Jump-off-Joe creek, engagement of, 362. Justin, Thomas, loaned money to com missioners, 255. K Katniakin, chief of Yakimas, opposes treaty, 337-8: informs the agent of a war council, 424; at a later war council, 472; refuses to treat, 480; in battle of Four Lakes, 495; flees to British Columbia, 498. Kansoot.a Nez Perce, 171. Kassass.Snoqualimich chief, executed for murder, 245. Kautz, A. V., lieutenant, U. S. A. .sent to Port Orford, 285; to Rogue-river valley, 300,314,326; incident at Port Orford, 342; explores a wagon road, 346. Keath, F., killed in a skirmish, 310. Kearney, major, U. S. A., marches for Cali fornia, 275; fights on the road, 276. Keeney, Jonathan, captain in second regiment, O. M.V.,361. Keene, Granville M., killed by Indians, 342. Keith, Daniel W., first lieutenant in sec ond regiment, O. M.V.,361. Kelley, James K., lieutenant colonel of first regiment, O. M. V., 439; meets the Indians in Walla Walla valley, 440; re marks on the death of Peu-peu-mox- mox, 445; takes seat in the legislature, 448; losses, 457. Kelly, Matthew, "sergeant, U. S. A., com mand block house at the cascades, 459. Kelso, Eleazer, B., killed in battle, 444. Kelsey, John, colonel, second regiment. O.M.V., reports, 397, 398; final pursuit of the enemy, 400, 403. Kempton, Jesse, wounded by Indians, 469. Kennedy, John, mortally wounded in the battle of Grave creek, 355. Kent, ..settler on Cow creek, 390. Kentuck.Nez Perce, pilot of Dr. Parker in 1835, speech in council, 183. Keyes, E. D., major, U. S. A., at Four Lakes, 491-494. Kiamasumpkin, Cayuse murderer, sur renders, 248; is executed, 251. Kilborne, captain of brig Henry, 195. Kimball, employed at Waiilatpu, 95, 99; wounding and killing of, 101, 102. Kimball, Nathan, life spared by Cayuses, 105. Kinder, D. H. , volunteer from Clatsop, 198. Kip, Lawrence, lieutenant, U. S. A. .opin ion of Lawyer, 337; at battle of Four Lakes, 491-494. Kirkpatrick, J. M., adventures at Port Or ford, 281. Klamaths invade the Willamette valley, 73; trouble with this tribe, 88. Klickitats threaten the settlers, 54. Klokomas, Cayuse murderer, surrenders, 248; is executed, 251. Knighton, Henry M., wagon road pioneer, 85. Knox, S. B., appointed paymaster, his let ter, 192. Knox, .carries first government mail in Oregon, 224. Kohsh.aNez Perce, 171. Kone, W. W., missionary at Clatsop, 15. Kyle, James C., murdered by Indians, 321. Kyle, H, wounded by Indians, 469. Kyle, Jacob, killed by Indians, 464. Lamerick, J. K., captain of volunteer company, 294, 297, 309; mustering officer of southern battalion, 360; elected briga dier-general, 386; stays with the enemy, 399. Lane, Joseph, general, appointed gov ernor of Oregon and superintendent of Indian affairs, arrives, proceeds to his duties as superintendent, 242, 243; meets Major Hathaway, 243; pursues deserters. 247; secures surrender of Cayuse mur derers, 248; goes to the mines, 251; elected delegate to congress, 277; secures payment of Cayuse claims, 262; holds a council with Rogue-river Indians, re ceives a present of a slave, joins Kear ney s command, 277; work in congress. 299; returns to Oregon as governor, and is. reflected delegate, 308; joins the vol unteers and takes the command, 311; is wounded, 312; Curry s commission, 315. Lane, W. B., lieutenant, U.S. A., guards Cayuse prisoners, 249. Lans dale, R. H., Indian agent on the Bit ter Root, 449. Laphar, James, wounded in Grave creek fight, 355. Larkin, Thomas O., U.S. agent in Califor nia, 82. La Roche, settler in Walla Walla valley, 443-4. Latter Day Saints interfere with Oregon Indians,"272. Latshaw, Wm.H., elected major of north ern battalion, 387. Lawrence, H^nry, killed by Indians, 380. Lawyer, Nez Perce, educated and shrewd, 63; wants pay for being chief, 69; policy at the council of Walla Walla, 335; favorable to a treaty, 337, 338. Laws, given by Dr. White to Nez Perces and Cayuses, 48. Layton, Davis, captain in battle of Walla Walla, 445; wounded, 447; commands battalion, 457. Leabo, Jacob, joins Meek s party to the states, 180. Leolaire, Catholic priest, in council at Umatilla,114. LeBreton, G. W , accompanies White to Waiilatpu, 56, 58; is killed by an Indian at Oregon City, 75,76. Lee, Jason, superintendent of Methodist mission, 5, 6,7. Lee, Daniel, missionary, 5, 14. Lee, H. A. G., raises first company for Cayuse war, 133; appointed major, 146, 152; peace commissioner, 152; proceeds to The Dalles, com plaint against Ogden, 155; ordered by Col. Gilliam to pursue INDEX, 711 the Indians, 170, 171; presses powder from H. B. Co., 178; returns to Oregon City and is appointed to the command of the army, 193; his appeal to the peo ple, 197; troubles in ottice, 202, 203; leaves for Fort Waters, 204; returns his com mission, 205; council with the Indians, 207; expedition to Lapwai, 209; Gov. Abernethy s appointment, 233; offers Cay use lauds to volunteers, 217; letter to the governor , 218, 219. Lemiiu, James, volunteer for California expedition ,148. Leroe, Joseph, and sons, killed by In dians, 380. Leslie, Mrs. D., clothes the volunteers, 196. Lewis and Clarke explorations,!; Bloody Chief s account of them, 47; allusions to, 68. Lewis, Joe, half-breed at Waiilatpu,95. Lewis, W. B., captain of volunteers, wounded at Skull bar, 351. Lewis, J. Uncommissioned captain,257. Lewis, C., captain and assistant adjutant- general, 311. Limpy, sub-chief of the Rogue-river In dians, 315. Lindsay, James, wounded by Indians, 461,469. Linn, Dr., U.S., senator, bill for the occu pation of Oregon, 8, 33; effect of an im migration , 34. 86, 89. Littlejohn, P. B.,aud wife, go to the relief of Spalding,44; at Lapwai,62. Loan commissioners, 134, 135; reply of H. B. Co. to their letter, 137; change in the board, 140; report to the legislature, 253- Locktirg.L., killed in a skirmish, 310. Long, ., leads a party to puuish Indians, 274. Long, Sylvester, drowned, 381. Long John, Coquille chief, arrested, 374; killed, 376. Loomis, L. A., military commissioner, 310. Looking Glass, Nez Perc6 chief, opposed to treaty, 335, 337, 338; conduct while with Stevens, 449-452. Loraiue, lieutenant, U.S. A., 418. Loring, W. W .brevet-colonel, U. 3. A., commanding mounted rifle regiment, 245; quartered at Vancouver, 247; makes reservations for military purposes, 248. Lount, Seth, local Indian agent at Port Orford,386. Loyelady, Presley, attacked by Rogue- river Indians, 275. Lovejoy, A. L., goes to Santa Fe with Whitman, 33; loan commissioner, 134, 136, 140; adjutant-general, 145; report, 255-2".7. Lowe, Thomas, testifies against Indians, 334. Lupton, J. A., major, attacks an Indian camp, is killed, 343. Lyon, H. B., lieutenant, U. S. A., at Four Lakes, 491. M Magone, Joseph, paymaster in volunteer army, 180; letter of, 101; crosses Snake river, 209; goes to relief of missionaries. 215; remarks on his command, 260. Magruder, Thomas, appointed to examine Cayuse war claims, 260. Malcolm, ., testifies against Indians, 324. Maloney, M., captain, U. S. A., ordered to the field, 427. Mango, J a mi s, killed in skirmish at Long s ferry, 314. Mann, S. S., quartermaster of volunteers, 395. Mansop, Donald, two sons of, at Waiilat pu, 95; spared by the Cayuses,129. Marsh,., and daughter, at Waiilatpu, miller, 95, 99; killed by Cayuses, lu-j. Martin. Wm. J., raises a company, 198; re signed, 203; special Indian agent, 358; major of northern battalion, lieutenant- colonel, 361; his order," no prisoners," 368; resigns, 387. Martin, William, captain of company,:; II. " Mary," steamboat above the cascades. Massacre of Waiilatpu, 100-103, 130. Massacre of Rogue river, 345. Massacre of Gold Beach, 380. Massacre of Ward s train, 330. "Massachusetts," war steamer in the Columbia, 224. Mason, R. B., colonel, governor of Califor nia, 144; letters to him, 147; letters to Gov. Abernethy, 229. Mason, acting governor of Washington, requisition for troops, 425; called upon by Major Rains for volunteers, 426; at tempts to relieve Stevens, 427, 428, 433; commissions Rains brigadier-general of volunteer army, 438. Mattice.T. D., killed by Indians. 341. Mattice, F. IX, killed by Indians, 341. Matney, James M., elected first lieuten ant, 360. Maxon, captain, his company insubordi nate, 172; in battle on the Touchet, 189; at The Dalles, 195; appeal for aid, 196; writes to Lovejoy, 204. Maydeu, Wesley, killed by Indians, 321. Mayfield, Ira, wounded at Grave creek, 354. McAmy, ..killed by Indians, 328. McAuliff, James, raises a company at The Dalles, 349; in battle of Walla Walla, 447. McBean, reception of fugitives from Waiilatpu, 106, 107; letters to his supe riors, 128; letter from Spalding to him, 171,177; peace commissioners visit him, 178. McBean, John, express rider, 439. McBride, James, Dr., contribution to war fund, 199; attacked by Rogue-river In dians, 274. McCafferty, Greene, first lieutenant Wash ington volunteers, 4">2. McCiure, lieutenant, ordered to The Mead ows, 412. McClusky, P., killed by Indians, 380. McConuell, J. M. , sergeant, 198. McCracken, John, assistant quartermaster- general, 331. McCue, Felix, drowned, 381. McCully, William, settler, 390. McCullough, Patrick, killed by Indians, 380. McCurdy, J. D., Dr., surgeon to southern army ,309. ticDermitt, Charles, raises a company to relieve immigrants, 300. McDonald, Greene, wounded on the march, 175. McDonald, Angus, in charge of Fort Col- ville,450. McGuire, J., settler on Rogue river, 380. 712 INDEX. McKay, Thomas, H. B. Co. leader, aids Dr. White to quiet the Cay uses and Nez Perec s, 44, 46, 96; captain of a volunteer company, 144, 168; aids the peace com missioners, 168; leaves the army, 185. McKay, William, settler in the Cayuse country, 446. McKaw, Daniel, murdered by Indians, 340. McKinlay, Archibald, successor to Pam- burn at Fort Walla Walla, friendship for Whitman, 30; aids him to go east, 33; aids Dr. White with the Cayuses, 44,45; a Protestant, 160; asked to build boats for the volunteers, 167; his question to Abernethy, 234; in conference at Walla Walla, 434. McLeod, John, volunteers to pursue In dians, 293. McLoughlin, John, Dr., gives advice to Peu-peu-mox-mox, 53; view of White s proceedings, 56; resents the settlers me morial, 57; aids White to keep the peace, 81; letter to the H. B. Co. in Canada, 90; converted to Catholicism, 160. McMillan, carries a spyglass to Major Lee, 157. McNamara, chairman of settlers meet ing, 326. Meek & Tuelliug, first orchard ists, 248. Meek, Joseph L., member of legislature, 127; appointed messenger to Washing ton, 143-144, 146; assists the peace com missioners, 169; saves some of Mrs. Whitman s hair, 179; starts for Wash ington, 180; returns with the appoint ment of U. S. marshal, 242. Meek, Helen Mar, daughter of J.L. Meek, 95; died during the massacre of Waiiiat- pu, 102. Mercer, Elias D., wounded in battle, 402. Merrick, J. M., second lieutenant m sec ond regiment, O. M. V.,361. Merritt, F. W., volunteers to pursue In dians, 293. Messenger authorized to proceed to United States, 143. Meservey, Elisha H., captain of Gold Beach guards, 418; report, 419. Metawaptosh,a Nez Perec, 171. Metcalf, Robert B., volunteer and in terpreter, 313; appointed Indian agent, 333; refuses 10 submit to military order, 368; agent at Siletz, 316. Methodists withdrawn i rom The Dalles, 73. Methodist missionaries for Oregon, 4, 5. Miller, Samuel, joins Meek s party, 180. Miller. ., U. S. quartermaster, 291. Miller, Richard, house attacked by In dians, 224. Miller, John F., captain of volunteers, 309; visits the camp of the hostile Rogue- river Indians with Lane, "15, 316; or dered to the Modoc country, 318; elected first lieutenant in southern battalion, 360. Miller, Enoch, wounded at Grave creek, 354. Miller, Jacob W., killed in battle of Grave creek, 354. Miller, Kirby, mortally wounded in fight on Pistol river, 384. Miller, Isaac, sergeant, wounded by Peu- peu-mox-mox, 445; appointed recruiting officer, 454. Minto, John, scenes at the cascades, 85; volunteers for California expedition, 148. Mission in Willamet valley, 6; applied to for money to carry on a war against the Indians, 133; mission politics, 160. Mitchell, J. H., U. S. senator, advocates Cayuse war claims, 262. Modoc Indians, troubles with, 88. Moffatt, wounded at attack on the cas cades, 469. Mollalas, bent on mischief, 73. Monteith, Thomas, volunteers for Califor nia expedition, 148. Monteith, Walter, volunteers for Califor nia expedition, 148. Moore, W. A. J., lieutenant, wounded at Skull bar, 349, 351. Morgan, lieutenant, U. S. A., shoots Owhi, 498. Morris, M.B., wounded by Indians, 309. Morrison, ., lieutenant in volunteer service, 349. Morrison, R. W., volunteer from Clatsop, 198; in charge of Fort Lee, 203. Mosher, L. F., assistant adjutant-general, 311. Mounted Rifle Regiment, sent to Mexico, 236, 241; establish forts Laramie and Hall, 245; arrive in Oregon, 246; desert for the gold mines, 247. Mounts, Elijah, witness to agreement, 393. Mulkey, Cyremes, second lieutenant in second regiment, 361. Mullau, John, lieutenant, U. S. A., ex plores for a wagon road, 489; commands Wright s Nez Perce auxiliary at Four Lakes, 491. Muuson, L. B., caotain, wounded in the battle of Walla Walla, 444, 447. Murphy, Patrick, killed by Coquille In dians, 283. Murphy, Fletcher, wounded by Indians, 469. N Naghel, captain of schooner " Lincoln," 290. "Nassau," schooner, first vessel in Coos bay, 291. Nikatani.Klickitat chief, 475. Nisqually, visited by Gov. Lane, 243. Nelson, George, appointed captain to raise a company, 144. Nesmitb, J.* W., member of legislature, 127; resolution by, 133; efforts to raise volunteers, 133, 134, 198; captain of vol unteers, 309, 315; appointed commis sioner to correspond with foreign pow ers, 146; as brigadier-general discour ages expedition to Boise, 331; appointed Indian agent at Siletz, 416; joins Rains in the Yakima country, 429; proceeds to Walla Walla, 432; chosen colonel of first regiment, O. M. V.,439; resigned, 448; ap pointed superintendent of Indian af fairs ,484. Newell, Robert, member of legislature and speaker of the house, 127; ap pointed peace commissioner, 182; opin ion of the army, 169, 178, 181, 185; ap pointed Indian agent, 244. Nez Perces, compact with Lewis and Clarke, 18; character, dialect, etc., 19; pull down Spaldiny s mill, and insult Mrs. Spalding, 31,44; their traits as seen by Spalding,50; they release their cap tives for a ransom, 119; refuse to ac knowledge treaty obligations, 480. INDEX. 71 Noah,aNezPerce,171. Noble, settler in Walla Walla valley, 441. Noland, Rhodes, murdered by Indians, 308. Xoland, P. C., second lieutenant in sec- oud regiment, 361; elected captain, re port, 393. Norris, Shubrick, authorized to raise a company, 428. Nuttall, scieii list, ex plores Oregon , 5. Oatman, Harrison, wounded by Indians, 342. O Brien, . , shot by U. S. soldiers, 341. O Brien, John, drowned, 381. Officer, James, appointed captain to raise a company, 144. Ogden, Peter Skeeii, chief factor II. B. Co., 92; speech to the Cayuses, 117,118; writes to Spaldiug, 119; to the missionaries at Ohemekane, 120; at The Dalles, 123; ar rives at Vancouver and delivers the captives to Gov. Abernethy, 123; a Protestant, 160; pnblisnes Hpaming a let ter, 161; letter to ADeruethy, 231; writes Gilliain s obituary, letter to Abernethy, 232; opinion of the U.S. government. Ogle, lieutenant, U. S. A., arrives at the Klamath caves, 322. O Neal, Thomas, killed by Indians, 328. O Neal, elected first lieutenant in south ern battalion, 360; marches with Major Burns, 366; Suttou s account of him, 387; his reports, 389, 391. Oldfield, John, killed by Indians, 321. Oliver, L. W., killed by Indians, 380. Olney, Nathan, appointed Indian agent, 333; goes to Walla Walla to prevent combination of Indians, 434; his letter, 435. O Meally, J. B., secretary of settlers meet ing, 326. Ord, E. O. C., lieutenant, U. S. A., sends artillery and ammunition to Oregon, 240; destroys an Indian village, 405. "Oregon Territory" declined by colo nists, 90. Oregon, already a state, 241; attachment to the U.S. government, 242; organized into a territory, 242. "Oregon Rangers," names, place of meet ing, 77. Oregon City merchants called on for money to carry on the war, 133. Oregon First Regiment, disbanded in August, 479. Osborne, J. M., lieutenant, in volunteer service, 349, 360. Osborne, Bennett, explores southern route, 87. Osborne, Josiah, and family, at Waiilatpu, 95,98; escapes the massacre, 102, 106, 107. Otter-skin Shirt, a Cayuse chief, 205. Owens, John, appointed to raise a com pany, 144; in the battle of the Touchet, 188. Owens, John, explores southern route, 87; joins Meek s party, 180. Owens, ..captain, gains revenge, 314. Owhi, chief of the Yakimas, opposed to treaty, 337, 425; refuses to treat, 480; shot by Lieut. Morgan, of Col. Wright s com mand, 498. Pack wood, Wm. II., secretary of miner s meeting, 323, 324; captain of com puny, scouting on the Coquille, 373; dealings with lniiaiis,:;74; report to Gov. Curry, 375; discharges his company, 376; letter to the governor, 377. Palmer, Joel, wagon road pioneer, 85; meeting with Dr. Whitman, i): .; ap pointed commissary-general and super intendent of Indian arlairs, 145; peace commissioner, 152, 157; purchases army supplies on his own account, 16:>; report to the governor, 166, 167; outcome <M ef forts as peace commissioner, 1M. 186; report as commissary-general, 2.V.), 260; his character, 200; resigns from In dian office, 206; account of the army, 218; holds a council in Rogue-river val ley, 314; his plans for the Indians,:::;:;; appointed to treat with the Indians of eastern Oregon and Washington, 334; treats with coast tribes, 339; issues "regulations," 356, 358; removes Indians to reservations, 415,473. Palmer, Norman, killed by Indians, 469. Pambrun, P. C., teaching of the Indians, 22; his religion, 28; attacked by Cavuses, 69. Pankey, John, wounded at Grave creek, 355. Pandozy, Catholic priest in Yakirna coun try, 430. Parker, Samuel, Rev., visit to Oregon in 1835,18; his promise to the Cayusi-s, _ !; influence of his intercourse with them, 28,29. Parker, William, explores southern route, 87. Parker, Samuel, captain of volunteer company, 224. Parrish, J. L., interview with the Co- quilles, 285, 286; story of Peu-peu-mox mox,119; services to the superintendent of Indian affairs, 272. Parrish, Ed ward, killed by Indians, 341. Patkanim, Snoqualimich chief, his treach ery, 242, 243. Patterson, A. W., first lieutenant in sec ond regiment, 361. Patton, T. McFadden, rides express to Salem from Jacksonville, 346. Payne, Aaron, attacked by Rogue-river Indians, 275. Payne, T. J., wounded in battle of Walla Walla, 447. Pearcy, James, killed at Grave creek, :>~>l. Pearson, W. II., express rider, 1 1*. Pearl, Henry, killed at Grave creek, 35-1. Peck, ., captain, U. S. A., wounded in skirmish, 276. Pedigo, Jonathan, mortally wounded in battle, 354. Pedro, ..killed by Indians, 341. Pellet, Miss, temperance lecturer, her es cape,:; It. Pension, John A., evidence against In dians, :;2::. Pepper, J. P., killed by Coquille Indians, 284. Perkins, H. K. W ., missionary efforts, 11: letter of, 54; at Waiilatpu witli White, ."-x visits the Umatilla,61; attacked by In dians,?:;. Perry, Frank, killed in a skirmish, 310. 714 INDEX. Peterson, H.J., raises a company of volun teers, 198. Pettygrove, F. W., Hasting s letter to, 233. Peu-peu-mox-mox, chief of Walla Wallas, 53; visited by Hines,61; speech in coun cil, 66; leads an expedition to California for cattle, 78; goes a second time to Cali fornia, 83; policy of peace, 119; friendiy overtures, 180, 187; brought to confes sion, 208, 214; opposed to the treaty of Walla Walla, 337; declares the valley not sold, 434, 435, 440; his hostility, 441, 442; his death and mutilation, 445. Peu-peu-mox-mox, young, 472. Phoenix mills, asks permission to arm, 349. Phillips, Edward, killed by Indians, 328. Phillips, Thomas, killed in battle, 314. Philip, son of chief Tolo,293. Pickett, Charles E., appointed Indian agent for Oregon, 238; Aberuethy writes to him, 239. Pickett, J. W., killed in battle of Skull bar, 351. Pillow, lieutenant, in battle of Walla WaUa,446. Piper, lieutenant, U. S. A. , 418. Plante, Antoine, settler on the Spokane, 450. Plomendeau, S., member of legislature, 127. Pocatosh.a Nez Perc<S chief, 171. Poland, John, captain of Gold Beach vol unteers, 379; killed by Indians, 380. Polatkin, chief of Spokanes,469. Polk, elected president on "fifty-four- forty-or-fi yht " principles, 242. Pollock, John, killed by Indians, 340. Powell, captain of volunteers to rescue the cascades, 469. Prather, Thomas W., second lieutenant, in second regiment, 361; captain of spy company, 399. Pratt, O. C., judge, tries the Cayuse mur derers, 250. Prentiss, Narcessa, married Dr. Whitman, 18. Presbyterian mission, founded, 17. Preston, George C., Indian agent, 244. Price, John B., subscribed to war fund, 255. Price, Thomas, wounded by Indians, 469. Prince, The, Cayuse chief, in council, 67, 68,69; his attack on Pambrun,69. Pritchett, Knitzing, defends ihe Cayuses, 249,251. Pugh, Wm. P., raises a company of volun teers, 198. Purnell, William, wounded at Grave creek, 354. Q Quatley, chief of Rogue-river tribe, 267, 268. Quallawort, chief of Snoqualiinichs, is hung, 245. Qualehin, chief of Yakimas, refuses to treat, 480; hanged by order of Col. Wright, 498. B Radeford, R. C. W., lieutenant, U. S.A., pursues Indians, 319. Rains, major, U. S. A., honors requisition of Gov. Mason for arms, 425; calls on Mason for volunteers, 427; marches for the Yakima country, 429; reply to Kam- iakin s letter, 430; reports to Gen. Wool, 432; commissioned brigadier-gen eral of volunteer forces, 438; cost of his expedition, 471. Randolph City, mining camp on the coast, 326. Ilavelli, Catholic priest at Colville, 450, 480. Raymond, Narcisse, letter oty435. Raymond, ., killed by Indians, 341. Raymond, W. W., appointed Indian agent, 333. Rector, W. H., member of legislature, 127; wagon road pioneer, 85,86. Redfield s house burned by Indians, 352. Red Wolf, Nez Perc6 chief, speech of, 182, 183. Regiment of mounted riflemen author ized, 134. Reed, Frank A., killed by Indians, 345. Reed, Martin, killed by Indians, 380. Reed, George, killed by Indians, 380. Reese, George, appointed enrolling officer, 455. Rees, W. H., member of legislature, 127. Reward offered by volunteers for arrest of Cayuse murderers, 212. Reynolds, R. B., major, U. S. A. .defends the Cayuses, 249; commands at Fort Or- ford,381. Rhodes, ..captain, of Yreka volunteers, 309; joins Lane s command, 311. Rhodes, F. M., transferred from one com pany to another, 391. Rice, "E. A., elected captain in southern battalion, 360. Richard, Nez Perec chief, 171; speech of, 183; appointed iu place of Ellis, 208; gives Magone information, 210. Richardson, A., attacked bv Rogue-river Indians, 275. Richardson, John C., wounded at Grave creek, 355. Richardson, Daniel, lieutenant, of volun teers, 349; severely wounded, 367; killed at Gold Beach, 380. Richey, John, volunteer from Clatsop, 198. Richmond, J. P., missionary on Puget sound, 15. Riuearson, judge advocate, in the battle on the Touchet, 189; captain in Ross regiment, 349; leads in a charge, 354. Robb, Mrs., clothes the volunteers, 196. Roberts, William, Rev., mission superin tendent, asked for aid, 139,254. Robinson, J., member of legislature, 127. Robinson, A. E., volunteers for California expedition, 148. Rogers, Cornelius, lay missionary, 17, 46. Rogers, ., killed by Indians at Oregon City, 76. Rosers, Andrew, teacher at Waiilatpu,95, 97,99; killed by Cayuses, 100, 102; dying statement, 129. Rogers, A. T., lieutenant in charge of Fort Lee, 218; his charge against the Catho lics, 219. Rogers, L., member of the legislature. Rogue-river Indians attack travelers, 12. Root, Orrin, captain of volunteers, 349. Rose, William R., D"., killed by Indians, 309. INDEX. 715 Ross, John E., takes advice, 93; rescues a family, 94; captain of a Jacksonville company raised for the relief of im migrants, 303, :?04; colonel of militia, 811; recognizes the " Rangers." 340; organ izes the ninth regiment, 350; discharges it, 360; the regiment transferred, 369. Rosseau, Catholic priest at Umatilla, 97, 114,217. Rousch, Jacob, mortally wounded by In dians, 469. Runnels, Jesse, attacked by Rogue-river Indians, 275. Russell, James H., major of militia.348. Russell, captain, U.S. A., with Haller s ex pedition, 427. Rvau, Thomas, wounded at Grave creek, ;;.V). Ryland, Jeremiah, killed by Coquille In dians, 284. Saffarans, Henry, Dr., Indian agent at The Dalles, 156. Sager, John, adopted son of Dr. Whitman, 95; sick of measles, 99; killed by In dians, 100, 102. Sager, Francis, adopted son of Dr. Whit man, 95; killed by Cayuses.101. Sales, Amos, 95, 98; killed by Cayuses, 102. "Sam," Rogue-river chief, 292, 294; treaty with him unreliable, 306; his policy, 347. Sanford, H. W., witness to agreement, 373. Sandwich Island missionaries decline to come to Oregon, 31. Sandwich Island route, 89. Saunders, Luke, and wife, teachers at \Vaiilatpu,94; last session of school, 99. Saunders, Mrs. .testimony, 99. Sawyer, Alexander, killed by Indians, 328. Saxton, John, wrote a book about Oregon biography, 226. Scarface, Shasta chief, 292. Scarborough, John, killed in battle of Evana creek, 313. Scott, Felix, appointed captain to raise a company, 144; sub-Indian agent, 225; biography, 226; commissioned captain, 257. Scott, Levi, explores southern route, 87; volunteers for California expedition, 148; commissioned captain, 257; joins Kearney s command, 277. Scott, John, explores southern route, 87. Scott, major, U. S. A , 418. Scott, H. R., chairman of settlers meet ing, 326. Scott, Wm.J.J., volunteers for California expedition, 148. Seaman, Nelson, killed by Indians, 380. Seattle, beseiged , 476. Second Regiment, Oregon Mounted Vol unteers, 361. Seige of "The Cabins," on Applegate creek, 365. Settlers petition, 7. Shannon, Wesley, appointed captain to raise a company, 144; ordnance officer, 166; appointed to examine Cayuse war accounts, 260. Sharp, T. J., wounded in light on Pistol river, 384. Shasta Indians hung for murder, 308. Shaw, captain, In the battle of the Touchet, 188. Shaw, J., killed in a skirmish, 310. Shaw, B. F., colonel, of Washington terri tory volunteers, 452; crosses the Cascade mountains to reinforce Wright, 476; message to the hostiles,479. Sheffield, Edward, captain, report. 292, 296. Shcil, Edward, military commissioner, 810. Sheil, George K., adjutant-general, 331. Shelton, Isaac, mortally wounded by In dians, 344. Shelton, Hawkins, wounded at Grave creek, 355. Shepard A., wounded in battle of Walla Walla, 448. Shepard, Cyrus, missionary in 1834,5. Shepard, ., killed by Indians at The Dalles, 94. Sheridan, Philip, lieutenant, ordered to join Haller, 427; share in the relief of the cascades, 468. Showaway, chief of Yakimas,472. Shubrick, W. B., commodore, letter to, 147, 227. Shultz, Z., wounded in skirmish, 310. Siletza, Des Chutes chief, 155, 153, 170. Sinclair, James, in charge of Fort Walla Walla, 335: destroys the ammunition at the post, 435; killed by Indians, 462. Silton, Nathan K., appointed enrolling officer, 445. Six-Bit house, 391. Skinner, Alonzo A., appointed treaty commissioner, 270; trouble with E. Steele, 294, 296; resigns, 308; appointed Indian agent, transactions, 288, 298, 306. Skloom, Yakima chief, writes to Gilliam, 173; his policy, 424, 471, 472, 474, 498. Skull bar, battle of, 350. Slacum, government agent and spy, 6. Slaughter, W. A., lieutenant, U. S. A. .or dered to the Yakima country, 425. Sloan, citizen, wounded at Pistol river, 384. Smith, Jedediah, fur trader, attacked by Umpqua Indians, 11. Smith, A. B., missionary at Kamiah, on the Clearwater river, 17; his labors and trials, 26. Smith, Persifer F., general, arrived in Ore gon, 247. Smith, Robert, explores southern route, 87. Smith, 8. H., Indian agent at PortOrford, 326. Smith, Hugh, killed by Indians, 309. Smith, I. W., appointed captain to raise a company, 144. Smith, G. W., wounded in battle of Walla Walla, 447. Smith. Joseph, sawyer at Whitman s mill, 95; gives his daughter to the Indians, 104. Smith, Hannah, wife of Joseph, 95. Smith, John, wounded in battle of Walla Walla, 447. Smith, T., captain of volunteers, ::i .. Smith, A. J., captain, U. S. A. .arrives at tlic seat of war, 314; pursues Indian*. 322: refuses to surrender murderer*. :;n : in battle on Grave creek, .".>:!: atirees to aid the volunteers, 3ti2: turned back by weather, 363; ordered to join Buchanan on Illinois river with his troop, 386, 405; battle with John s force, 407, 410; joins Steptoe at Walla Walla, 484. Smoldt, Adolf, killed by Indiana, 380. 716 INDEX. Snellback, Peter, volunteers to pursue In dians, 293. Snohoniish Indians rebukes the Snoquali- michs, 243. Snook, Casper, mortally wounded in bat tle, 447. Snooks, P., wounded by Indians, 469. Suoqualimichs order the settlers on Puget sound to leave, 243. Soap, A. F., chairman of settlers meet ing, 323. Solomon, a Nez Perce, 171. South Pass, reached by traders in 1822,3. Sorrel), D., mission to Fort Lane, 322. Spalding, H. H., Rev., missionary at Lap- wai,17, 18; punishes chiefs for deserting Gray, 24; imprisoned in his house, 25; teaching, farming, and trials, 26, 28, 44; report, 50; receives Nez Perec s imo the church, 62; ceases to teach, 92; goes to Umatilla, 64, 97, 98, 104; meeting with Brouillet.llO; writes a letter to Blanchet and Brouillet, 112, 123; offers to furnish money to aid the Oregon government, 145; letter to the Nez Perces, 171; to Me- Bean,171; appointed sub-Indian agent, 270,271; goes to Port Orford,285. Spalding, Eliza Hart, Mrs., wife of H.H., character and work, 26,27; receives the news of the massacre, 108, 109. Spalding, Eliza, daughter of H. H. and Eliza 11. ,95. Sparks, Richard, attacked by Rogue-river Indians. 275. Speaking Eagle, Nez Perce chief, 490. Spencer, John C., secretary of war, U.S., 8. Spencer s Butte, named after the secre tary of war, 83. SpSitled Lip, Cayuse chief, orders Dr. Whitman off his land, 24, 30. Spokane boy s bravery, 463. Sportsman, "William, explores southern route, 87. Spotted Eagle, Nez Perce chief, 449. Stanfield, Joseph, 95, 99, 101, 104, 108. Stannard, A. W., lieutenant in second regiment, 361. Stanness, John, wounded at Grave creek, 356, 387. Stanley, J. M., Indian painter in Oregon, 107. Stanton, lieutenant, U. S. A., at Port Or- ford,288; in fight on Coquille river, 289; shipwrecked, 290; escort to Lieut. Will iamson, 291. Steel, James, joins Meek s party, 180. Steele, Elisha.293,294; trouble with Agent Skinner, 294, 296. Steptoe, colonel, U. S. A., joins Wright in the Yakima country, 473; sent to occupy the Walla Walla valley, 479; assists Gov. Stevens, 481; opinion of his course, 482; in charge of Fort Walla Waha,483; bat tle of Steptoe s Butte, 487, 488. Sterling, E. A., appointed Indian agent, Stevens, 1. 1. , appointed governor of Wash ington territory, 333; appointed to treat with the Indians of Oregon and Wash ington, 334; in the Spokane and Coeur d Alene countries, 339, 433, 437; arrival at Fort Bennet and Olympia,448; attempt to treat with the eastern Oregon and Washington tribes, 480, 481; view of the policy of Gen. Wool. "Stevens Guards and Spokane Invinci- bles," 451. Sticcas, Caynse chief, makes overtures of peace, 176, 185, 205, 482. Still well, William, wounded at The Dalles, 166. Sterling men join the volunteers, 365. St"Ckton, Commodore, goes against the Walla Wallas, 83. Stone, E. B., lieutenant, in volunteer service, 349. Stouemau, George, lieutenant in Casey s command at Port Orford, 288; fights on Coquille river, 290. Stuart, James, captain, attacks the In dians on a branch of Rogue river, 275; is killed in the fight,276. Stuart, Camp, on Stuart creek, 294. Sturdevant, Joseph, mortally wounded, 447. Stewart, John, appointed captain to raise a company, 144. Stewart, ., killed by Indians, 328. sullix, Shasta chief, at Ashland, 229; his hideousness, 298. Suiter, J. A., captain, 82. Sutton, J.M., reminiscences of, 387, 389. Sweitzer, lieutenant, U. S. A., in battle with John, 408. Table Rock, Indian stronghold, 275, 276. Taft, Benjamin, mortally wounded at Skull bar, 351. Tamahas, Cayuse, surrenders, 248; is hung, 251. Tamsucky, Cayuse, questions the Catho lic priests, 96; designs to kill Whitman, 98; at the massacre, 101; carries off Miss Bewley, 104; is protected by the tribe, 185. Tappan, W. H , appointed agent of the Nez Perces, 339. Tauitowe, Cayuse, opinion of white men, 21; observes religious forms, 51; hau teur, 64; attacks Pambrun, 69; invites the Catholic priests to settle among his people, 95, 97; at the council, 114, 115; confers with Ogdeu, 117; intercepts let ters, 177; is protected by the tribe, 185; professes friend .ship, 205. Taylor, Oliver H. P., captain, U. S. A., killed in battle, 488. Taylor, sub-chief of the Umpquas. mur ders seven men, 307; is executed, 308. Teies, Yakima chief, 472. Temperance societies, 89. Ten Eyck, A., U. S. commissioner at the Sandwich Islands, 239; letter to Gov. Abernethy,240. Ten-Mile prairie, volunteer station near Kent s house, 368. Tetherow, Solomon, volunteers for Cali- iornia expedition, 148. Thomas, a Dalles Indian, services, 155, 156. Thomas, a Cayuse, murdered the miller at Whitman s, 214. Thompson, Philip, appointed captain to raise a company, 144; assists the peace commissioners, 169; in the battle of the Touchet, 188; sent to bring Craig out of the Nez Perc country, 214; attempt to colonize the Walla Walla valley, 216; appointed Indian agent, 333. Thompson, L.S., volunteers to pursue In dians, 293. Thompson, Isaac, sergeant, 198. INDEX. 717 Thompson, William, drowned, 381. Thorn pson.R. R., appointed Indian agent, 333,357,339,434. Thornton, J. Q., private delegate to Wash ington, 141; appointed Indian agent, official acts, 244. Thornton, N. M., Mrs., clothes the volun teers, 1%. Three Feathers, Nez Perce" chief, 449, 490. Thurston, Samuel R., war claims advo cated by, 261. Thurston, E. F., Mrs., clothes the volun teers, 196. Tichenor, William, captain of the "Sea gull," founds Port Orford,280; its de sertion, 281; sends the " Nelly " to rescue the people in " Miners Fort," 381; spe cial Indian agent, report, 419. Tierney, T. T., captain of volunteers, 309. Tiloukaikt, chief of Cayuses at Waiilatpu, attacks Whitman, 30; speech of, 67; questions the Catholic priests, 96; offers Whitman s place, 97; leads the massa cre, 100; in council at Umatilla, 114, 116; speech to Ogden, 118; flees to the moun tains, 210; surrenders, 248; is executed, 251. Tiloukaikt, Edward, carries off Miss Smith, 104; meets with Spalding.lll; in council, 115; confers with Ogden, 117; attacks the volunteers at The Dalles, Tinurthy, Nez Perce, 62, 171, 183, 490. Tintiumitsi, Cayuse chief, carries off Susan Kimball.104,482. Tipialanahkaikt, Nez Perce", bears a let ter, 113. Tipso, Shasta chief, at Ashland, 292. Tolman, J.C., attacked by Modocs,300. Tolmie, W. T., Dr., story of Peu-peu-mox- mox, 119; shot at by a Snoqualimich, 243; letter from Lane, 243; services, 245 Tolo, chief of Shastas.near Yreka,292 Totomaluin, Nez Perc6,171. Treaty of Walla Walla, 335, 339. Trevitt, Victor, assistant commissary and quartermaster, 331. Tricky, John, killed by Indians, 380. Tselsootalalmekum, Nez Perc6,171. Tucker, Benj. Q., appointed captain to raise a company, 144. Tucker, S. S., major, U. S. A., ordered to establish a post at The Dalles, 248 Tulles, W.R., killed by Indians, 380. Tumwater. settlement on Puget sound 243. Turner s house burned, 352. Turner, John, appearance at the Wal- lamet mission, 10; story of his flight 11 Turpin, captain, attacked by Rogue-river Indians, 275. Turpin, Richard, killed by Indians 469 T Vault, G. W., adventures on the Co- quille, 282; joins Kearney s command 277; is shot at, 309; appointed aid to Lane, 311. Townsend, naturalist, 5; view of Indian traits, 23. Tyler, lieutenant, U. S.A.,at Four Lakes, 4 Jo. u Umatilla, road from, to Dalles, dangerous, Umpqua, Joseph, wounded at Skull bar 351. Underwood, lieutenant, U. S. A., aids the volunteers, 365, 366. United States force in Oregon in is,,,,:;is United States troops arrive from Iluin- boldt.381. V Van Hagerman.S.S., mortally wounded, 444. Van Voarst, lieutenant, U. S. A., in the Yak i ma country, 474. Vegret, Father, attends the Cayuses to the scaffold, 251. Vinton, H. D., chief quartermaster, U.S. A., arrives iu Oregon to establish posts, Volunteering to protect the settlements, Volunteer officers, names, 349. W Wagoner, J. B. , express rider, 349. Wagoner, J., Mrs., killed by Indians, 344. Wagoner, J., killed by Indians,380. Waiilatpu, massacre at, 100, 103. Wair, J. M., member of the legislature, 127. Wait, A. E., aid to commissary-general, 167; appointed commissioner to settle war accounts, 261, 262. Walden, John, wounded in battle of Grave creek, 355. Waldo, Daniel, colonel of militia, 224. Waldo, Joseph, volunteer for California expedition, 148. Wall.S. S .shot by Indians, 309. Walla Wallas friendly, threatened by Cayuses, 130. Wallace, Leander C., killed by Snoquali- michs,243. Walker, Courtney M., assistant mission ary, 5. Walker, Elkanah, missionary at Cheme- kane, 17; in fear of the Indians, 178. Walker, captain, U. S. A. .attacks Rogue- river, Indians, 27. r >, 279. Walker, Jesse, captain of patrol on south ern route, 329. Wallen, John M., captain, sees Mrs. Wag oner s scalp, 344; relates an incident of the service, 393; at " The Meadows." 411. W allen, captain, U. S. A., erects a block house at the cascades, 459, 483. Waller, A. F., missionary at The Dalles, 94. Wallowa valley, claimed by Joseph, 338. "Walpole," a government transport in the Columbia, 246. Wampool,Ho\ylish, Cayuse chief, 441. Wampole, Elias, appointed sub-Indian agent, 270. Ward massacre by Snake Indians, 330. War claimants, names of, 320. War fleet in the Pacific, 88. Warfield, ., in the battle of Walla Walla, 445. Warner, W. H., captain, U. S. A., murdered in Oregon, 299. Warner, Lorenzo, killediby Indians, 380. "Wasco," a steamboat above the cas cades, 461. Washington, a Coquille chief, 374, 375. Waters, James, appointed lieutenant-col onel, 145, 152; wounded, 175; letter of, 718 INDEX. 192; succeeds Gilliam, 193; writes to Lovejoy,204; to Col. Lee, 205; leaves the field, 214; is ordered to close the war, 215; returns home, 218. Watkins, George, mortally wounded by Indians, 469. Watkins, James, mortally wounded by In dians, 462, 469. Wagmire, Fred, appointed enrolling of ficer, 428. Weaver, Philip, guide, 387. Webster, Daniel, negotiates with Ford Ashburton for the boundary of Maine, 33. Welton, A. S., captain, 349; leads in a charge, 354. Welaptulekt, Des Chutes chief, makes a present, 173. Westfelt,C.,309; appointed quartermaster and commissary, 349. Whitcomb, Lot, acting commissary-gen eral, report, 258, 259; property of, at The Dalles, 157. White, Elijah, Dr., 8; commissioned In dian agent and to colonize Oregon, 8, 9; acts as Indian agent, 44, 45, 50, 51, 52, 55, 57, 58, 64, 67, 76, 81 ; his treasury drafts, 81 ; temperance law enforced, 89; letter to Secretary John E. Spencer, 90; warns the immigrants on the road, 72; trouble at Oregon City, 75. White, J. L., U. S. A., at Four Lakes, 491, 493. White, ..killed by Indians, 345. White, ., lieutenant, in volunteer serv ice, 349. White, Jacob, killed by Indians, 469. White, Dr., settler in Deer creek, 387, 383. White, James, volunteers to pursue In dians, 293. Whike,., settler, robbed by Indians, 323. Whitman, Marcus, Dr., superintendent of Presbyterian missions, 93; journey to the Rocky Mountains in 1835, to Ore gon in 1836, 17, 18; to the east in 1842, 32, 33: return to Oregon, 38; letter to Secre tary Porter, and proposed bill, 34, 42; alarm at the attitude of the Walla Wallas and Cay uses, 80; ceases to teach, 92; adopts a family, 92; address to the immigration in 1847, 93; purchases the mission at The Dalles from the Metho dists, 93; hostility to the Catholics, 95; visit to Umatilla, 98; his death, 100; In dian rumors, 115, 121: aware of his dan ger, 179. Whitman, Narcissa, Mrs., teaches the In dians, 24; forced to flee from home, 44, 59, 61, 70; death by violence, 100, 101, 179. Whitman, Perrin B., nephew of Dr. Whit man, 93. Whitman, Brice, wounded by Indians, 309. Wilcox.R., member of legislature, 127. Wilkes expedition,?, Wilkinson, Joseph, killed by Indians, 380. Wilkinson, W. A., captain in southern bat talion, 349, 369, 397. Williams, L. L., wounded by Coquilles, 283. Williams, Wm., appointed cap tain to raise a company, 144; in command at Fort Lee, 170. Williams, Robert L., reported to have slain twelve Indians, 314; raises a com pany, 348, 349; elected captain in south ern battalion, 360; elected colonel of second regiment, O. M. V., 361; super seded by Kelsey, 387. Williams, M. M., captain of volunteer company, 349. Williams, George II., appointed enrolling office, 455. Williamson, lieutenant, U. S. A., at Van couver, 427; joins Kearney s command, 276,279. Wilson, Miss, killed by Indians, 345. Wilson, William, wounded at Grave creek, 355. Wilson, David, corporal on guard, 393. Wilson, Albert E., assistant adjutant-gen eral, report, 257, 258. Wilson, A. V., captain, en route to Walla Walla, 440; wounded in battle, 444. Willson, W. H., appointed loan commis sioner, 140, 254. Wilson, ..wounded by Indians. Wills, Thomas J., murdered by Indians, 308. Winder, captain, U. S. A., at Fort Walla Walla, 483. Wing, W. P., lieutenant, in volunteer serv ice, 349. Winters, John D., killed at Grave creek, 355. Wood, lieutenant, U.S. A., at The DMles, 430. Wood, killed by Indians, 328. Woodman, Calvin, murdered by Shastas, 293. Woodruff, A. H., wounded in battle of Meadows, 393. Woodward s house robbed by Indians, 375. Woodworth, Selim C., captain, U.S.N., in Oregon, 229. Wool, General, reports against volunteers, 306; arbitrary sentiments, 328, 329, 330; order to army officers, 385; petition of settlers, 385; visits to Vancouver, 386; ordered not to coooperate with volun teers, 404; letter to National Intelli gencer, 426, 433; disapproval of Rains, 438; reproves Steptoe for escorting vol unteers, 481; is relieved by Gen. Clarke, 484. Wright, Thomas, lieutenant, U. S. A., at Port Orford; attacked by a Coquille In dian, 288; fight on the Coquille river, 289; reenforces Capt. Smith, 329. Wright, Ben, 293, 294; elected captain of a company raised for the relief of immi grants, 299, 302, 304,305; falsehoods con cerning Wright, 306; appointed Indian agent, 333; official acts, 341,358,371; let ter to Major Reynolds, 372, 373, 376; mur dered by Indians, 380. Wright, George, colonel, U. S. A., arrives in Oregon, 458; is assigned the command of the district of the Columbia river, headquarters at The Dalles, 458; leaves Vancouver in March, 459; en route to Walla Walla to erect a fort, is turned back by massacre at the cascades, 465, 466; orders two blockhouses built, 469; advances into the Yakima country, 471, 472,474; holds a council at Walla Walla, 482; goes against the northern tribes, 490; treaty of friendship with the Nez Percys, 490; sternness to the conquered tribes, 497, 498. 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