IN MEMORIAM 
 BERNARD MOSES 
 
THE 
 
 WORDS OF 
 
 \i 
 
 Selections from his Most Celebrated State Papers. 
 
 NEW YORK : 
 JOHN B. ALDEN, PUBLISHER. 
 
 1886. 
 
55 
 
 BERNARD to OSES 
 
THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS 
 
 Newburgh, N. F., June 18, 1783. 
 
 SIE The object for which I had the honor to hold 
 an appointment in the service of my country being 
 accomplished, I am now preparing to resign it into 
 the hands of Congress, and return to that domestic 
 retirement, which, it is well known, I left with the 
 greatest reluctance ; a retirement for which 1 have 
 never ceased to sigh through a long and painful ab 
 sence, in which (remote from the noise and trouble 
 of the world), I meditate to pass the remainder of 
 life in a state of undisturbed repose; but, before I 
 carry this resolution into effect, I think it a duty in- . 
 cumbent on me to make this my last official commu 
 nication, to congratulate you on the glorious events 
 which heaven has been pleased to produce in our 
 favor; to offer my sentiments respecting some im 
 portant subjects, which appear to me to be intimately 
 connected with the tranquility of the United States; 
 to take my leave of your excellency as a public char 
 acter; and to give my final blessing to that country, 
 in whose service I have spent the prime of my life; 
 for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious 
 
 776239 
 
6 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, 
 being extremely dear to me, will always constitute 
 no inconsiderable part of my OWD. 
 
 Impressed with , the liveliest sensibility on this 
 pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of 
 dilating the more copiously on the subject of our 
 mutual felicitation. . When we consider the magni 
 tude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful 
 nature of the contest and the favorable manner in 
 which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest 
 possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is 
 a theme that will afford infinite delight to every be 
 nevolent and liberal mind; whether the event in 
 contemplation be considered as a source of present 
 enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and 
 we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves 
 on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether 
 we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of 
 light. 
 
 The citizens of America, placed in the most en 
 viable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of 
 a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the vari 
 ous soils and climates of the world, and abounding 
 with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are 
 now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowl 
 edged to be possessed of absolute freedom and inde 
 pendency; they are from this period to be considered 
 as the actors on a most conspicuous theater, which 
 seems to be peculiarly designed by Providence for 
 the display of human greatness and felicity. Here 
 they are not only surrounded with everything that 
 can contribute to the completion of private and do- 
 
LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS. 7 
 
 mestic enjoyment, but heaven has crowned all its 
 other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for 
 political happiness, than any other nation has ever 
 been favored with. Nothing can illustrate these ob 
 servations more forcibly than a recollection of the 
 happy conjuncture of times and circumstances, under 
 which our republic assumed its rank among the 
 nations. The foundation of our empire was not laid 
 in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but 
 at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better 
 understood and more clearly defined, than at any 
 former period. Researches of the human mind after 
 social happiness have been carried to a great extent ; 
 the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of 
 philosophers, sages,* and legislators, through a long 
 succession of years are laid open for us, and their 
 collected wisdom may be happily applied in the es 
 tablishment of our forms of government. The free 
 cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of 
 commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, 
 the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, 
 the pure and benign light of revelation, have had a 
 meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the 
 blessings of society. At this auspicious period, the 
 United States came into existence as a nation; and if 
 their citizens should not be completely free and 
 happy, the fault will be entirely their own. 
 
 Such is our situation, and such are our prospects, 
 But notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus 
 reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, 
 if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and 
 make it our own, yet it appears to me there is an 
 
8 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 option still left to the United States of America, 
 whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or 
 contemptible and miserable as a nation. This is the 
 time of their political probation: this is the moment 
 when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon 
 them ; this is the time to establish or ruin their na 
 tional character forever; this is the favorable moment 
 to give such a tone to the federal government, as will 
 enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or, 
 this may be the ill fated moment for relaxing the 
 powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the 
 confederation, and exposing us to become the sport 
 of European politics, which may play one state 
 against another, to prevent their growing importance, 
 and to serve their own interested purposes. For, 
 according to the system of policy the states shall 
 adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and 
 by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, 
 whether the revolution must ultimately be considered 
 as a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, 
 for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions 
 be involved. 
 
 With this conviction of the importance of the pres 
 ent crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I will 
 therefore speak to your excellency the language of 
 freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am aware, 
 however, those who differ from me in political senti 
 ments may, perhaps, remark, I am stepping out of 
 the proper line of my duty; and they may probably 
 ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know is 
 alone the result of the purest intention. But the 
 rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such un- 
 
LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS. 9 
 
 worthy motives ; the part I have hitherto acted in 
 life; the determination I have formed of not taking 
 any share in public business hereafter, the ardent 
 desire I feel, and shall continue to manifest, of 
 quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of 
 war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, 
 will, I flatter myself, sooner or later, convince my 
 country, that I could have no sinister views in de 
 livering, with so little reserve, the opinion contained 
 in this address. 
 
 There are four things which, I humbly conceive, 
 are essential to the well being, I may even venture 
 to say, to the existence, of the United States, as an 
 independent power, 
 
 1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one 
 federal head. 
 
 2dly. A sacred regard to public justice. 
 
 3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establish 
 ment. And, 
 
 4thly. The prevalence of that pacific arid friendly 
 disposition among the people of the United States, 
 which will induce them to forget their local preju 
 dices and policies; to make those mutual concessions, 
 which are requisite to the general prosperity; and in 
 some instances, to sacrifice their individual advant 
 ages to the interest of the community. 
 
 These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric 
 of our independency and national character must be 
 supported. Liberty is the basis and whoever would 
 dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, 
 under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, 
 will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest 
 
10 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured 
 country. 
 
 On the three first articles I will make a few obser 
 vations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious 
 consideration of those immediately concerned. 
 
 Under the first head, although it may not be 
 necessary or proper for me in this place to enter 
 into a particular disquisition of the principles of the 
 union, and to take up the great question which has 
 been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient 
 and requisite for the states to delegate a larger pro 
 portion of power to Congress, or not; yet it will >/e 
 a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to 
 assert, without reserve, and to insist upon the fol 
 lowing positions : That, unless the states will saffer 
 Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are 
 undoubtedly invested with by the constitution, f very- 
 thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and con 
 fusion: That it is indispensable to the happiness of 
 the individual states, that there should be lodged, 
 somewhere, a supreme power to regulate an J govern 
 the general concerns of the confederated republic, 
 without which the union cannot be of long duration. 
 That there must be a faithful and pointed compli 
 ance on the part of every state with the late proposals 
 and demands of Congress, or the most fatal con 
 sequences will ensue: That whatever measures have 
 a tendency to dissolve the union, or contribute to 
 violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be 
 considered as hostile to the liberty and independence 
 of America, and the authors of them treated accord 
 ingly. And, lastly, that, unless we can be enabled 
 
LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS. H 
 
 by the concurrence of the states to participate in the 
 fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential 
 benefits of civil society, under a form of government 
 so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against 
 the danger of oppression, as has been devised and 
 adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a 
 subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure 
 have been lavished for no purpose; that so many 
 sufferings have been encountered without a compen 
 sation, and that so many sacrifices have been made 
 in vain. Many other considerations might here be 
 adduced to prove, that, without an entire conformity 
 to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an 
 independent power. It will be sufficient for my 
 purpose to mention but one or two, which seem to 
 me of the greatest importance. It is only in our 
 united character as an empire, that our independence 
 is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or 
 our credit supported among foreign nations. The 
 treaties of the European powers with the United 
 States of America, will have no validity on a dis 
 solution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a 
 state of nature ; or we may find, by our own unhappy 
 experience, that there is a natural and necessary 
 progression from the extreme of anarchy to the 
 extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is 
 most easily established on the ruins of liberty, abused 
 to licentiousness. 
 
 As to the second article, which respects the per 
 formance of public justice, Congress have, in their 
 late address to the United States, almost exhausted 
 the subject ; they have explained their ideas so fully, 
 
12 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and have enforced the obligations the states are 
 under to render complete justice to all the public 
 creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in 
 my opinion, no real friend to the honor and inde 
 pendency of America can hesitate a single moment 
 respecting the propriety of complying with the just 
 and honorable measures proposed. If their argu 
 ments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing 
 that will have greater influence, especially when we 
 reflect that the system referred to, being the result 
 of the collected wisdom of the continent, must be 
 esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objec 
 tionable, of any that could be devised; and that, if 
 it should not be carried into immediate execution, a 
 national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable conse 
 quences, will take place before any different plan 
 can possibly be proposed or adopted ; so pressing are 
 the present circumstances, and such is the alternative 
 now offered to the states. 
 
 The ability of the country to discharge the debts 
 which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be 
 doubted; and inclination, I flatter myself, will not 
 be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before 
 us ; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to 
 be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as a 
 nation, be just; let us fulfill the public contracts 
 which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for 
 the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same 
 good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform 
 our private engagements. Iti the mean time, let an 
 attention to the cheerful performance of their proper 
 business, as individuals, and as members of society, 
 
LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS. 13 
 
 be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America ; 
 then will they strengthen the bands of government, 
 and be happy under its protection. Every one will 
 reap the fruit of his labors; every one will enjoy his 
 own acquisitions, without molestation and without 
 danger. 
 
 In this state of absolute freedom and perfect secur 
 ity, who will grudge to yield a very little of his 
 property to support the common interests of society, 
 and ensure the protection of government? Who 
 does not remember the frequent declarations at the 
 commencement of the war that we should be com 
 pletely satisfied if, at the expense of one half, we 
 could defend the remainder of our possessions? 
 "Where is the man to be found who wishes to remain 
 in debt, for the defence of his own person and prop 
 erty, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of 
 others, without making one generous effort to pay 
 the debt of honor and of gratitude? In what part 
 of the continent shall we find any man, or body of 
 men, who would not blush to stand up and propose 
 measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of 
 his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? And 
 were it possible that such a flagrant instance of in 
 justice could ever happen, would it not excite the 
 general indignation, and tend to bring down upon, 
 the authors of such measures the aggravated venge 
 ance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of disunion, 
 or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness should 
 manifest itself in any ef the states; if such an un 
 gracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all 
 the happy effect that might be expected to flow from 
 
14 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the union; if there should be a refusal to comply 
 with requisitions for funds to discharge the annual 
 interest of the public debt; and if that refusal should 
 revive all those jealousies, and produce all those 
 evils, which are now happily removed, Congress, 
 who have in all their transactions shown a great 
 degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justi 
 fied in the sight of God and man! and that state 
 alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate 
 wisdom of the continent, and follows such mistaken 
 and pernicious counsels, will be responsible for all 
 the consequences. 
 
 For my own part, conscious of having acted, while 
 a servant of the public, in the manner I conceived 
 best suited to promote the real interests of my 
 country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief 
 in some measure pledged myself to the army, that 
 their country would finally do them complete and 
 ample justice, and not wishing to conceal any in 
 stance of my official conduct from the eyes of the 
 world, I have thought proper to transmit to your 
 excellency the enclosed collection of papers relative 
 to the half-pay and commutation granted by Con 
 gress to the officers of the army. From these com 
 munications my decided sentiment will be clearly 
 comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons 
 which induced me, at an early period, to recommend 
 the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and 
 serious manner. As the proceedings of Congress, 
 the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, 
 in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the 
 prejudices and errors which may have been enter- 
 
LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS. 15 
 
 tained by any, I think it unnecessary to say anything 
 more than just to observe, that the resolutions of 
 Congress, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and 
 absolutely binding upon the United States, as the 
 most solemn acts of confederation or legislation. 
 
 As to the idea which, 1 am informed, has in some 
 instances prevailed, that the half-pay and commuta 
 tion are to be regarded merely in the odious light of 
 a pension, it ought to be exploded forever; that pro 
 vision should be viewed, as it really was, a reason 
 able compensation offered by Congress, at a time 
 when they had nothing else to give to officers of the 
 army, for services then to be performed. It was the 
 only means to prevent a total dereliction of the 
 service. It was a part of their hire. I may be 
 allowed to say, it was the price of their blood and of 
 your independency. It is therefore more than a 
 common debt; it is a debt of honor; it can never be 
 considered as a pension, or gratuity, nor canceled 
 until it is fairly discharged. 
 
 With regard to the distinction between officers 
 and soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experi 
 ence of every nation of the world, combined with 
 our own, proves the utility and propriety of the dis 
 crimination. Rewards, in proportion to the aid the 
 public draws from them, are unquestionably due to 
 all its servants. In some lines, the soldiers have, 
 perhaps, generally, had an ample compensation for 
 their sefvices, by the large bounties which have been 
 paid them, as their officers will receive in the pro 
 posed commutation, in others, if, besides the dona 
 tion of land, the payment of arreages of clothing 
 
16 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and wages (in which articles all the component parts 
 of the army must be put upon the same footing), we 
 take into the estimate the bounties many of the 
 soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year s 
 full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their 
 situation (every circumstance being duly considered) 
 will not be deemed less eligible than that of the 
 officers. Should a farther reward, however, be 
 judged equitable, I will venture to assert, no man 
 will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself in an 
 exemption from taxes for a limited time (which has 
 been petitioned for in some instances), or any other 
 adequate immunity or compensation granted to the 
 brave defenders of their country s cause. But neither 
 the adoption or rejection of this proposition will, in 
 any manner, affect, much less militate against the 
 act of Congress, by which they have offered five 
 years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for life, which 
 had been before promised to the officers of the 
 army. 
 
 Before I conclude the subject on public justice, I 
 cannot omit to mention the obligations this country 
 is under to that meritorious class of veterans, the 
 non-commissioned officers and privates, who have 
 been discharged for inability, in consequence of the 
 resolution of Congress, of the 23d of April, 1782, on 
 an annual pension for life. Their peculiar suffer 
 ings, their singular merits and claims to that pro 
 vision, need only to be known, to interest the feelings 
 of humanity in their behalf. Nothing but a punc 
 tual payment of their annual allowance can rescue 
 them from the most complicated misery; and nothing 
 
LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS. 17 
 
 could be a more melancholy and distressing sight 
 than to behold those who have shed their blood, or 
 lost their limbs in the service of their country, with 
 out a shelter, without a friend, and without the 
 means of obtaining any of the comforts or neces 
 saries of life, compelled to beg their bread daily 
 from door to door. Suffer me to recommend those 
 of this description, belonging to your state, to the 
 warmest patronage of your excellency and your 
 legislature. 
 
 It is necessary to say but a few words on the third 
 topic which was proposed, and which regards par 
 ticularly the defence of the republic as there can 
 be little doubt but Congress will recommend a proper 
 peace estaDlishment for the United States, in which 
 a due attention will be paid to the importance of 
 placing the militia of the union upon a regular and 
 respectable footing. If this should be the case, I 
 should beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in 
 the strongest terms. 
 
 The militia of this country must be considered as 
 the palladium of our security, and the first effectual 
 resort in case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, 
 that the same system should pervade the whole ; that 
 the formation and discipline of the militia of the con 
 tinent should be absolutely uniform ; and that the 
 same species of arms, accoutrement, and military 
 apparatus, should be introduced in every part of the 
 United States. No one, who has not learned it from 
 experience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, and 
 confusion, which result from a contrary system, or the 
 vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed. 
 
18 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude 
 than usual has been taken in the course of the ad 
 dress, the importance of the crisis, and the magnitude 
 of the objects in discussion, must be my apology. 
 It is, however, neither my wish nor expectation, 
 that the preceding observations should claim any re 
 gard, except so far as they shall appear to be dic 
 tated by a good intention, consonant to the immuta 
 ble rules of justice ; calculated to produce a liberal 
 system of policy, and founded on whatever experi 
 ence may have been acquired by a long and close 
 attention to public business. Here I might speak 
 with more confidence from my actual observations; 
 and, if it would not swell this letter (already too 
 prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed myself, 
 L could demonstrate to every mind open to con 
 viction, that, in less time, and with much less ex 
 pense than has been incurred, the war might have 
 been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the 
 resources of the continent could have been properly 
 called forth ; that the distresses and disappointments 
 which have very often occurred, have, in too many 
 instances, resulted more from a want of energy in 
 the continental government than a deficiency of 
 means in the particular states ; that the inefficacy 
 of the measures, arising from the want of an ade 
 quate authority in the supreme power, from partial 
 compliance with the requisitions of Congress, in 
 some of the states, and from a failure of punctuality in 
 others, while they tended to damp the zeal of those 
 who were more willing to exert themselves, served 
 also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to frus- 
 
LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS. 19 
 
 trate the best concerted plans ; and that the discour 
 agement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and 
 embarrassments, in which our affairs were by this 
 means involved, would have long ago produced the 
 dissolution of any army, less patient, less virtuous 
 and less persevering, than that which I have had 
 the honor to command. But, while I mention 
 those things which are notorious facts, as the de 
 fects of our federal constitution, particularly in the 
 prosecution of a war, I beg it may be understood, 
 that, as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully 
 acknowledging the assistance and support I have 
 derived from every class of citizens, so I shall al 
 ways be happy to do justice to the unparalleled 
 exertions of the individual states on many interest 
 ing occasions. 
 
 I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to 
 make known before I surrendered up my public 
 trust to those who committed it to me. The task is 
 now accomplished; I now bid adieu to your excel 
 lency, as the chief magistrate of your state ; at the 
 same time I bid a last farewell to the cares of 
 office, and all the employments of public life. 
 
 It remains, then, to be my final and only request, 
 that your excellency will communicate these senti 
 ments to your Legislature at their next meeting, and 
 that they may be considered as the legacy of one who 
 has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful 
 to his country, and who, even in the shade of re 
 tirement, will not fail to implore the Divine benedic* 
 tion upon it. 
 
 I now make it my earnest prayer, that GtocJ would 
 
20 THE W02WX UJf 
 
 have you, and the state over which you preside, in 
 his holy protection; that he would incline the 
 hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordi 
 nation and obedience to government; to entertain a 
 brotherly affection and love for one another; for 
 their fellow-citizens of the United States at large; 
 and particularly for their brethren who have served 
 in the field; and, finally, that he would most gra 
 ciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to 
 love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that 
 charity, humility, and pacific temper of the mind, 
 which were the characteristics of the Divine Author 
 of our blessed religion, without an humble imitation 
 of whose example, in these things, we can never 
 hope to be a happy nation. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with much esteem and re 
 spect, sir, your excellency s most obedient and most 
 humble servant. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 FAREWELL TO THE AKMY. 
 
 Princeton^ November 2, 1783. 
 
 THE United States in Congress assembled, after 
 giving the most honorable testimony to the merits of 
 the federal armies, and presenting them with the 
 thanks of their country for their long, eminent, and 
 faithful services, having thought proper, by their 
 proclamation bearing date the 18th day of October 
 last, to discharge such part of the troops as were 
 engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on 
 
FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. 21 
 
 furloughs to retire from service, from and after to 
 morrow; which proclamation having been commu 
 nicated in the public papers for the information and 
 government of all concerned, it only remains for the 
 Commander-in chief to address himself once more, 
 and that for the last time, to the armies of the 
 United States (however widely dispersed the individ 
 uals who composed them may be), and to bid them 
 an affectionate, a long farewell. 
 
 But before the Commander-in-chief takes his final 
 leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to in 
 dulge himself a few moments in calling to mind a 
 slight review of the past. He will then take the 
 liberty of exploring with his military frienOis their 
 future prospects, of advising the general line ot con 
 duct, which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued; 
 and he will conclude the address by expressing the 
 obligations he feels himself under for the spirited 
 and able assistance he has experienced from them, 
 in the performance of an arduous office. 
 
 A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a 
 period earlier than could have been expected) of the 
 object, for which we contended against to lurmidable 
 a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment 
 and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances 
 on our part, under which the war w;*3 undertaken, 
 can never be forgotten. The singutar interpositions 
 of Providence in our feeble condition were such, as 
 could scarcely escape the attention of the most unob- 
 serving; while the unparalleled pet-severance of the 
 armies of the United States, through almost every 
 possible suffering and discouragement for the space 
 
22 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 of eight long years, was little short of a standing 
 miracle. 
 
 It is not the meaning nor within the compass of 
 this address, to detail the hardships peculiarly inci 
 dent to our service, or to describe the distresses 
 which in several instances have resulted from the ex 
 tremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the 
 rigors of an inclement season; nor is it necessary to 
 dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. Every 
 American officer and soldier must now console him 
 self for any unpleasant circumstances which may 
 have occurred, by a recollection of the uncommon 
 scenes of which he has been called to act no in 
 glorious part, and the astonishing events of which he 
 has been a witness; events which have seldom, if 
 ever before, taken place on the stage of human action 
 nor can they probably ever happen again. For who 
 has before seen a disciplined army formed at once 
 from such raw materials? "Who, that was not a wit 
 ness, could imagine, that the most violent local 
 prejudices would cease so soon; and that men, who 
 came from the different parts of the continent, 
 strongly disposed by the habits of education to de- 
 pise and quarrel with each other, would instantly 
 become but one patriotic baud of brothers ? Or 
 who, that was not on the spot, can trace the steps by 
 which such a wonderful revolution has been effected, 
 and such a glorious period put to all our warlike 
 toils? 
 
 It is universally acknowledged that the enlarged 
 prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation 
 of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceed 
 
FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. 23 
 
 the power of description. And shall not the brave 
 men, who have contributed so essentially to these 
 inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the 
 field of war to the field of agriculture, participate in 
 all the blessings which have been obtained? In 
 such a republic, who will exclude them from the 
 rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labor? In 
 such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pur 
 suits of commerce and the cultivation of the soil will 
 unfold to industry the certain road to competence. 
 To those hardy soldiers, who are actuated by the 
 spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample 
 and profitable employment; and the extensive and 
 fertile regions of the West will yield a most happy 
 asylum to those who, fond of domestic enjoyment, 
 are seeking for personal independence. JSTor is it 
 possible to conceive that any one of the United 
 States will prefer a national bankruptcy, and a dis 
 solution of the Union, to a compliance with the 
 requisitions of Congress, and the payment of its just 
 debts; so that the officers and soldiers may expect 
 considerable assistance, in recommencing their civil 
 occupations, from the sums due to them from the 
 public, which must and will most inevitably be paid. 
 In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to 
 remove the prejudices which may have taken pos 
 session of the minds of any of the good people of the 
 states, it is earnestly recommended to all the troops 
 that, with strong attachments to the Union, they 
 should carry with them into civil society the most 
 conciliating dispositions, and that they should prove 
 themselves not less virtuous and useful as citizens 
 
24 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 than they have been persevering and victorious as 
 soldiers. What though there should be some envious 
 individuals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the 
 public has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to 
 merit; yet let such unworthy treatment produce no 
 invectives, nor any instance of intemperate conduct. 
 Let it be remembered that the unbiased voice of the 
 free citizens of the United States has promised the 
 just reward and given the merited applause. Let it 
 be known and remembered that the reputation of the 
 federal armies is established beyond the reach of 
 malevolence; and let a consciousness of their 
 achievements and fame still incite the men who 
 composed them to honorable actions; under the per 
 suasion that the private virtues of economy, pru 
 dence and industry will not be less amiable in civil 
 life than the more splendid qualities of valor, perse 
 verance and enterprise were in the field. Every one 
 may rest assured that much, very much of the future 
 happiness of the officers and men will depend upon 
 the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted 
 by them when they are mingled with the great body 
 of the community. And although the General has 
 so frequently given it as his opinion in the most 
 public and explicit manner that, unless the princi 
 ples of the Federal Government were properly sup 
 ported, and the powers of the Union increased, the 
 honor, dignity and justice of the nation would be 
 lost forever; yet he cannot help repeating on this 
 occasion so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as 
 his last injunction to every officer and every soldier, 
 who may view the subject in the same serious point 
 
FAREWELL TO THE ARMY 25 
 
 of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his 
 worthy fellow-citizens toward effecting these great 
 and valuable purposes, on which our very existence 
 as a nation so materially depends. 
 
 The Commander-in-chief conceives little is now 
 wanting to enable the soldiers to change the military 
 character into that of the citizen, but that steady and 
 decent tenor of behavior which has generally distin 
 guished, not only the army under his immediate 
 command, but the different detachments and separate 
 armies through the course of the war. From their 
 good sense and prudence he anticipates the happiest 
 consequences, and while he congratulates them on 
 the glorious occasion which renders their services in 
 the fieki no longer necessary, he wishes to express 
 the strong obligations he feels himself under for the 
 assistance he has received from every class and in 
 every instance. He presents his thanks in the most 
 serious and affectionate manner to the general officers, 
 as well for their counsel on many interesting occa 
 sions, as for their ardor in promoting the success of 
 the plans he had adopted; to the commandants of 
 regiments and corps, and to the other officers, for 
 their great zeal and attention in carrying his orders 
 promptly into execution ; to the staff, for their alac 
 rity and exactness in performing the duties of their 
 several departments; and to the non-commissioned 
 officers and private soldiers, for their extraordinary 
 patience and suffering, as well as their invincible 
 fortitude in action. To the various branches of the 
 army the General takes this last and solemn oppor 
 tunity of professing his inviolable attachment and 
 
26 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 friendship. He wishes more than bare professions 
 were in his power; that he were really able to be 
 useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself, 
 however, they will do him the justice to believe, that 
 whatever could with propriety be attempted by him 
 has been done. 
 
 And being now to conclude these his last public 
 orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of 
 the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the 
 armies he has so long had the honor to command, he 
 can only again offer in their behalf his recommenda 
 tions to their grateful country, and his prayers to the 
 God of armies. May ample justice be done them 
 here, and may the choicest of Heaven s favors, both 
 here and hereafter, attend those who, under the 
 Divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings 
 for others. With these wishes and his benediction, 
 the Commander-in-chief is about to retire from ser 
 vice. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, 
 and the military scene to him will be closed forever. 
 
 RESIGNATION OF COMMISSION. 
 
 New York, December 23. 1783. 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT: The great events on which my 
 resignation depended having at length taken place, 
 I have now the honor of offering my sincere con 
 gratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself 
 before them to surrender into their hands the trust 
 committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of 
 retiring from the service of my country. 
 
RESIGNATION OF COMMISSION. 27 
 
 Happy in the confirmation of our independence 
 and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity 
 afforded the United States of becoming a respectable 
 nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appointment I 
 accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities 
 to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, 
 was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of 
 our cause, the support of the Supreme Power of the 
 Union, and the patronage of Heaven. 
 
 The successful termination of the war has verified 
 the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude 
 for the interposition of Providence, and the assist 
 ance I have received from my countrymen, increases 
 with every review of the momentous contest. 
 
 While I repeat my obligations to the army in gen 
 eral, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to 
 acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and 
 distinguished merits of the persons who have been 
 attached to my person during the war. It was im 
 possible the choice of confidential officers to compose 
 my family could have been more fortunate. Permit 
 me, sir, to recommend in particular those who have 
 continued in the service to the present moment as 
 worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of 
 Congress. 
 
 I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this 
 last solemn act of my official life, by commending 
 the interests of our dearest country to the protection 
 of Almighty God, and those who have the superin 
 tendence of them to his holy keeping. 
 
 Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire 
 from the great theater of action; and, bidding an af- 
 
28 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 fectionate farewell to this august body under whose 
 orders I have long acted, I here offer my commission, 
 and take my leave of all the employments of public 
 life. 
 
 INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 
 
 New York, April 30, 1789. 
 
 FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND OF THE 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Among the vicissi 
 tudes incident to life, no event could have filled me 
 with greater anxieties than that, of which the notifi 
 cation was transmitted by your order, and received 
 on the fourth day of the present month. On the one 
 hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice 
 I can never hear but with veneration and love, from 
 a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predi 
 lection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immuta 
 ble decision as the asylum of my declining years ; a 
 retreat which was rendered every day more necessary 
 as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit 
 to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my 
 health to the gradual waste committed on it by time, 
 on the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of 
 the trust to which the voice of my country called 
 me, being sufficient to awaken, in the wisest and 
 most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scru 
 tiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm 
 with despondence one who, inheriting inferior en 
 dowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties 
 of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly consci- 
 
INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 29 
 
 ous of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emo 
 tions, all I dare aver is, that it has been my faithful 
 study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of 
 every circumstance by which it might be affected. 
 All I dare hope is, that if, in executing this task, I 
 have been too much swayed by a grateful remem 
 brance of former instances, or by an affectionate sen 
 sibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence 
 rf my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little con 
 sulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the 
 weighty and untried cares before me, my error will 
 be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its 
 consequences be judged by my country, with some 
 share of the partiality in which they originated. 
 
 Such being the impressions under which I have, 
 in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the 
 present station, it would be peculiarly improper to 
 omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplica 
 tions to that Almighty Being, who rules over the 
 universe, who presides in the councils of nations, 
 and whose providential aids can supply every human 
 defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the 
 liberties and happiness of the people of the United 
 States, a government instituted by themselves for 
 these essential purposes, and may enable every in 
 strument emplo3 ed in its administration, to execute, 
 with success, the functions allotted to his charge. 
 In tendering this homage to the Great Author of 
 every public and private good, I assure myself that 
 it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; 
 nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than 
 either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and 
 
30 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs 
 of men, more than the people of the United States. 
 Every step by which they have advanced to the 
 character of an independent nation, seems to have 
 been distinguished by some token of providential 
 agency. And, in the important revolution just ac 
 complished, in the system of their united govern 
 ment, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary con 
 sent of so many distinct communities, from which 
 the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the 
 means by which most governments have been estab 
 lished, without some return of pious gratitude, along 
 with an humble anticipation of the future blessings, 
 which the past seems to presage. These reflections, 
 arising out of the present crisis, have forced them 
 selves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. 
 You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that 
 there are none under the influence of which the pro 
 ceedings of a new and free government can more au 
 spiciously commence. 
 
 By the article establishing the executive depart 
 ment, it is made the duty of the president "to re 
 commend to your consideration such measures as he 
 shall judge necessary and expedient." The circum 
 stances under which I now meet you will acquit me 
 from entering into that subject farther than to refer 
 you to the great constitutional charter under which 
 we are assembled; and which, in defining your 
 powers, designates the objects to which your atten 
 tion is to be given. It will be more consistent with 
 those circumstances, and far more congenial with the 
 feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of 
 
INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 31 
 
 a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute 
 that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the pa 
 triotism which adorn the characters selected to devise 
 and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications, 
 I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no 
 local prejudices or attachments, no separate views 
 nor party animosities will misdirect the comprehen 
 sive and equal eye which ought to watch over this 
 great assemblage of communities and interests so, 
 on another, that the foundations of our national po 
 licy will be laid in the pure and immutable princi 
 ples of private morality; and the pre-eminence of a 
 free government be exemplified by all the attributes 
 which can win the affections of its citizens, and 
 command the respect of the world. 
 
 I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction 
 which an ardent love for my country can inspire; 
 since there is no truth more thoroughly established 
 than that there exists, in the economy and course of 
 nature, an indissoluble uuion between virtue and 
 happiness between duty and advantage between 
 the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous 
 policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and 
 felicity since we ought to be no less persuaded that 
 the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be ex 
 pected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules 
 of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained 
 and since the preservation of the sacred life of li 
 berty, and the destiny of the republican model of 
 government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps, 
 as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the 
 hands of the American people. 
 
32 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your 
 care, it will remain with your judgment to decide 
 how far an exercise of the occasional power dele 
 gated by the fifth article of the constitution is rendered 
 expedient, at the present juncture, by the nature of 
 objections which have been urged against the system 
 or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth 
 to them. Instead of undertaking particular recom 
 mendations on this subject, in which I could be guided 
 by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall 
 again give way to my entire confidence in your dis 
 cernment and pursuit of the public good. For, I as 
 sure myself, that, whilst you carefully avoid every 
 alteration which might endanger the benefits of an 
 united and effective government, or which ought to 
 await the future lessons of experience, a reverence 
 for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard 
 for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence 
 your deliberations on the question, how far the 
 former can be more impregnably fortified, or the 
 latter be safely and more advantageously promoted. 
 
 To the preceding observations I have one to add, 
 which will be most properly addressed to the House 
 of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will 
 therefore be as brief as possible. 
 
 When I was first honored with a call into the ser 
 vice of my country, then on the eve of an arduous 
 struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contem 
 plated my duty, required that I should renounce 
 every pecuniary compensation. From this resolu 
 tion I have in no instance departed. And being still 
 under the impression which produced it, I must de 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 33 
 
 cline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the 
 personal emoluments, which may be indispensably 
 included in a permanent provision for the executive 
 department: and must accordingly pray that the pe 
 cuniary estimates for the station in which I am 
 placed, may, during my continuation in it, be lim 
 ited to such actual expenditures as the public good 
 may be thought to lequire. 
 
 Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as 
 they have been awakened by the occasion which 
 brings us together, I shall take my present leave, but 
 not without resorting once more to the benign 
 Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, 
 that, since he has been pleased to favor the American 
 people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect 
 tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with un 
 paralleled unanimity, on a form of government for 
 the security of their union, and the advancement of 
 their happiness, so his divine blessing may be equally 
 conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate 
 consultations, and the wise measures on which the 
 success of this government must depend. 
 
 FAREWELL ADDRESS. 
 
 United States, September 17, 1796. 
 FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS The period for 
 a new election of a citizen, to administer the execu 
 tive government of the United States, being not far 
 distant, and the time actually arrived, when your 
 thoughts must be employed in designating the person 
 
34 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 who is to be clothed with that important trust, it ap 
 pears to me proper, especially as it may conduct to 
 a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I 
 should now apprise you of the resolution I have 
 formed, to decline being considered among the num 
 ber of those out of whom a choice is to be made. 
 
 I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice 
 to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken 
 without a strict regard to all the considerations ap 
 pertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citi 
 zen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the 
 tender of service, which silence in my situation might 
 imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for 
 your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect 
 for your past kindness; but am supported by a full 
 conviction that the step is compatible with both. 
 
 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, 
 the office to which your suffrages have twice called 
 me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to 
 the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what ap 
 peared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that 
 it would have been much earlier in my power, con 
 sistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to 
 disregard, to return to that retirement from which I 
 had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my 
 inclination to do this, previous to the last election, 
 had even led to the preparation of an address to de 
 clare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then per 
 plexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign 
 nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled 
 to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 
 
 I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 35 
 
 as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of 
 inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty 
 or propriety; and ana persuaded whatever partiality 
 may be retained for my services, that, in the present 
 circumstances of our country, you will not disap 
 prove my determination to retire. 
 
 The impressions with which I first undertook the 
 arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. 
 In the discharge of this trust I will only say that I 
 have with good intentions contributed toward the 
 organization and administration of the government 
 the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment 
 was capable. Kot unconscious in the outset of the 
 inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my 
 own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, 
 has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; 
 and every day the increasing weight of years admon 
 ishes me more and more that the shade of retirement 
 is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied 
 that if any circumstances have given peculiar value 
 to my services, they were temporary, I have the con 
 solation to believe that, while choice and prudence 
 invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does 
 not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment which is in 
 tended to terminate the career of my public life, my 
 feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac 
 knowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe 
 to my beloved country for the many honors it has 
 conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast con 
 fidence with which it has supported me; and for the 
 opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting 
 
36 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 my inviolable attachment by services faithful and 
 persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my 
 zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from 
 these services, let it always be remembered to your 
 praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, 
 that under circumstances in which the passions, agi 
 tated in every direction, were . liable to mislead, 
 amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes 
 of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which 
 not unfrequently want of success has countenanced 
 the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support 
 was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee 
 of the plans by which they were effected. Pro 
 foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it 
 with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to un 
 ceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the 
 choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union 
 and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the 
 free constitution, which is the work of your hands, 
 may be sacredly maintained; that its administration 
 in every department may be stamped with wisdom 
 and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people 
 of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be 
 made complete, by so careful a preservation and so 
 prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them 
 the glory of recommending it to the applause, the 
 affection and adoption of every nation, which is yet 
 a stranger to it. 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude 
 for your welfare, which cannot end but with my 
 life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that 
 solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 37 
 
 to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recom 
 mend to your frequent review, some sentiments, 
 which are the result of much reflection, of no incon 
 siderable observation, and which appear to me all- 
 important to the permanency of your felicity as a 
 people. These will be offered to you with the more 
 freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested 
 warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have 
 no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I 
 forget, as an. encouragement to it, your indulgent 
 reception of my sentiments on a former and not 
 dissimilar occasion. 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every 
 ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of 
 mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach 
 ment. 
 
 The unity of government, which constitutes you 
 one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; 
 for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real inde 
 pendence, the support of your tranquility at home, 
 your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosper, 
 ity ; of that very liberty, which you so highly prize. 
 But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes 
 and from different quarters much pains will be taken, 
 many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds 
 the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in 
 your political fortress against which the batteries of 
 internal and external enemies will be most constantly 
 and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) 
 directed, it is of infinite moment that you should 
 properly estimate the immense value of your national 
 union to your collective and individual happiness; 
 
38 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and im 
 movable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to 
 think and speak of it as of the palladium of your 
 political safety and prosperity; watching for its 
 preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing 
 whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in 
 any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning 
 upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate 
 any portion of our country from the rest, or to en 
 feeble the sacred ties which now link together the 
 various parts. 
 
 For this you have every inducement of sympathy 
 and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common 
 country, that country has a right to concentrate your 
 affections. The name of America, which belongs to 
 you, in your national capacity, must always exalt 
 the just pride of patriotism, more than any appella 
 tion derived from local discriminations. With slight 
 shades of difference, you have the same religion, 
 manners, habits and political principles. You have 
 in a common cause fought and triumphed together; 
 the independence and liberty you possess are the 
 work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common 
 dangers, sufferings and successes. 
 
 But these considerations, however powerfully they 
 address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly 
 outweighed by those which apply more immediately 
 to your interest. Here every portion of our country 
 finds the most commanding motives for carefully 
 guarding and preserving the union of the whole. 
 
 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
 South, protected by the equal laws of a common 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 39 
 
 government, finds in the productions of the latter, 
 great additional resources of maritime and commer 
 cial enterprise and precious materials of manufac- 
 ing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, 
 benefiting by the agency of the North, see its agri 
 culture grow and its commerce expand. Turning 
 partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, 
 it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, 
 while it contributes in different ways to nourish and 
 increase the general mass of the national navigation, 
 it looks forward to the protection of a maritime 
 strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The 
 East, in a like intercourse with the West, already 
 finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior 
 communications by land and water will more and 
 more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which 
 it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. 
 The West derives from the East supplies requisite to 
 its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still 
 greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the 
 secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own 
 productions to the weight, influence and the future 
 maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, 
 directed by an indissoluble community of interest as 
 one nation. Any other tenure by which the West 
 can hold this essential advantage, whether derived 
 from its own separate strength, or from an apostate 
 and unnatural connection with any foreign power, 
 must be intrinsically precarious. 
 
 While, then, in every part of our country thus 
 feels an immediate and particular interest in union, 
 all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united 
 
40 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater 
 resource, proportionally greater security from exter 
 nal danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace 
 by foreign nations, and, what is of inestimable value, 
 they must derive from union an exemption from 
 those broils and wars between themselves, which so 
 frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied to 
 gether by the same governments, which their own 
 rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but 
 which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and 
 intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, 
 likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those over 
 grown military establishments, which, under any 
 form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and 
 which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to re 
 publican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union 
 ought to be considered as a main prop of your liber 
 ty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to 
 you the preservation of the other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive language 
 to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit 
 the continuance of the Union as a primary object of 
 patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common 
 government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let 
 experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation 
 in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to 
 hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with 
 the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective 
 subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experi 
 ment. It is well worth a fair and full experi 
 ment. With such powerful and obvious motives to 
 union, affecting all parts of our country, while ex- 
 
p FAREWELL ADDRESS. 41 
 
 perience shall not have demonstrated itsimpractica^. 
 bility, there will always be reason to distrust the 
 patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endea - 
 vor to weaken its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may disturb 
 our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, 
 that any ground should have been furnished for 
 characterizing parties by geographical discriminations 
 Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; 
 whence designing men may endeavor to excite a be 
 lief that there is a real difference of local interests 
 and views. One of the expedients of party to ac 
 quire influence, within particular districts, is to mis 
 represent the opinions and aims of other districts. 
 You cannot shield yourselves too much against the 
 jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from 
 these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to 
 each other those who ought to be bound together 
 by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our west 
 ern country have lately had a useful lesson on this 
 head ; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Ex 
 ecutive, and in the unanimous ratification by the 
 Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the univer 
 sal satisfaction at that event, throughout the Uniled 
 States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the 
 suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the 
 General Government and in the Atlantic States un 
 friendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; 
 they have been witnesses to the formation of two 
 treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, 
 which secure to them every thing they could desire, 
 in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirm- 
 
42 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ing their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to 
 rely for the preservation of these advantages on the 
 Union by which they were procured? Will they not 
 henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there 
 are, who would sever them from their brethren and 
 connect them with aliens? 
 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a 
 Government for the whole is indispensable. No al 
 liances, however strict, between the parts can be an 
 adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience 
 the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances 
 in all times have experienced. Sensible of this mo 
 mentous truth, you have improved upon your first 
 essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Govern 
 ment better calculated than your former for an inti 
 mate Union, and for the efficacious management of 
 your common concerns. This Government, the off 
 spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, 
 adopted upon full investigation and mature delibera 
 tion, completely free in its principles, in the distri 
 bution of its powers, uniting security with energy, 
 and containing within itself a provision for its own 
 amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and 
 your support. Respect for its authority, compliance 
 with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are 
 duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true 
 Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right 
 of the people to make and to alter their constitutions 
 of government. But the constitution which at any 
 time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic 
 act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon 
 all. The very idea of the power and the right of the 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 43 
 
 people to establish Government presupposes the duty 
 of every individual to obey the established Govern 
 ment. 
 
 All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all 
 combinations and associations, under whatever 
 plausible character, with the real design to direct, 
 control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation 
 and action of the constituted authorities, are destruc 
 tive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal ten 
 dency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an 
 artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the 
 place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of 
 a party, often a small but artful and enterprising 
 minority of the community; and, according to the 
 alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the 
 public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted 
 and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the 
 organ of consisted and wholesome plans digested by 
 common counsels, and modified by mutual inter 
 ests. 
 
 However combinations or associations of the above 
 description may now and then answer popular ends, 
 they are likely in the course of time and things, to 
 become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, 
 and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the 
 power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the 
 reins of government; destroying afterwards the very 
 engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 
 
 Towards the preservation of your government, 
 and the permanency of your present happy state, it 
 is requisite, not only that you steadily discounte 
 nance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged au* 
 
44 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 thority, but also that you resist with care the spirit 
 of innovation upon its principles, however specious 
 the pretexts. One method of assault may be to 
 effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, 
 which will impair the energy of the system, and 
 thus to undermine what cannot be directly over 
 thrown. In all the changes to which you may be 
 invited, remember that time and habit are at least 
 as necessary to fix the true character of governments, 
 as of other human institutions; that experience is 
 the surest standard by which to test the real tend 
 ency of the existing constitution of a country; that 
 facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypoth 
 esis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from 
 the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and 
 remember, especially, that, for the efficient manage 
 ment of your common interests, in a country so ex 
 tensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is 
 consistent with the perfect security of liberty is in 
 dispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a gov 
 ernment, with powers properly distributed and ad 
 justed, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else 
 than a name, where the government is too feeble to 
 withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each 
 member of the society within the limits prescribed 
 by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and 
 tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and prop 
 erty. 
 
 I have already intimated to you the danger of par 
 ties in the state, with particular reference to the 
 founding of them on geographical discrimination. 
 Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 45 
 
 warn you in the most solemn manner against the 
 baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 
 
 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our 
 nature, having its root in the strongest passions of 
 the human mind. It exists under different shapes 
 in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, 
 or repressed; but, in those of the popular form it is 
 seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst 
 enemy. 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction over an 
 other, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to 
 party dissension, which in different ages and coun 
 tries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is 
 itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length 
 to a more formal and permanent despotism. The 
 disorders and miseries, which result, gradually in 
 cline the minds of men to seek security and repose 
 in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner 
 or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more 
 able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns 
 this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, 
 on the ruins of public liberty. 
 
 Without looking forward to an extremity of this 
 kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely 
 out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs 
 of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the 
 interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and 
 restrain it. 
 
 It serves always to distract the public councils, 
 and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates 
 the community with ill-founded jealousies and false 
 alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against an- 
 
46 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 other, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. 
 It opens the doors to foreign influence and corrup 
 tion, which find a facilitated access to the govern 
 ment itself through the channels of party passions. 
 Thus the policy and the will of one country are sub 
 jected to the policy and will of another. 
 
 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries 
 are useful checks upon the administration of the gov 
 ernment, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. 
 This within certain limits is probably true, and in 
 governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may 
 look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the 
 spirit of party. But in those of the popular charac 
 ter, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not 
 to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it 
 is certain there will always be enough of that spirit 
 far every salutary purpose. And, there being con 
 stant danger of excess, the etfort ought to be, by 
 force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. 
 A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigi 
 lance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, in 
 stead of warming, it should consume. 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits of think 
 ing in a free country should inspire caution, in those 
 intrusted with its administration, to confine them 
 selves within their respective constitutional spheres, 
 avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one depart 
 ment to encroach upon another. The spirit of en 
 croachment tends to consolidate the powers of all 
 the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever 
 the form of government, a real despotism. A just 
 estimate of that love of power, and proneness to 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 4T 
 
 abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is 
 sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. 
 The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of 
 political power, by dividing and distributing it into 
 different depositories, and constituting each the 
 guardian of the public weal against invasions by the 
 others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and 
 modern; some of them in our country and under our 
 own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary 
 as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the peo- 
 pie, the distribution or modification of the constitu 
 tional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be 
 corrected by an amendment in the way which the 
 constitution designates. But let there be no change 
 by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, 
 may be the instrument of good, it is the customary 
 weapon by which free governments are destroyed. 
 The precedent must always greatly overbalance in 
 permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which 
 the use can at any time yield. 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to 
 political prosperity, religion and morality are indis 
 pensable supports. In vain would that man claim 
 the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to sub 
 vert these great pillars of human happiness, these 
 firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The 
 mere politician equally with the pious man, ought 
 to respect and to cherish them. A volume could 
 not trace all their connexions with private and public 
 felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the 
 security for property, for reputation, for life, if the 
 sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which 
 
48 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 are the instruments of investigation in courts of 
 justice? And let us with caution indulge the sup 
 position, that morality can be maintained without 
 religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influ 
 ence of refined education on minds of peculiar struc 
 ture, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, 
 that national morality can prevail in exclusion of 
 religious principle. 
 
 It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a 
 necessary spring of popular government. The rule, 
 indeed, extends with more or less force to every 
 species of free government. Who, that is a sincere 
 friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts 
 to shake the foundation of the fabric? 
 
 Promote, then, as an object of primary import 
 ance institutions for the general diffusion of knowl 
 edge. In proportion as the structure of a govern 
 ment gives force to public opinion, it is essential that 
 public opinion should be enlightened. 
 
 As a very important source of strength and 
 security, cherish public credit. One method of pre 
 serving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoid 
 ing occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but 
 remembering also that timely disbursements to pre 
 pare for danger frequently prevent much greater 
 disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the ac 
 cumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions 
 of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of peace 
 to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may 
 have occasioned not ungenerously throwing upon 
 posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to 
 bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 49 
 
 your representatives, but it is necessary that public 
 opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the 
 performance of their duty it is essential that you 
 should practically bear in mind, that towards the 
 payment of debts there must be revenue; that to 
 have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can 
 be devised which are not more or less inconvenient 
 and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, 
 inseparable Jfrom the selection of the proper objects 
 (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be 
 a decisive motive for a candid construction of the 
 conduct of the government in making it, and for a 
 spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining 
 revenue, which the public exigencies may at any 
 time dictate. 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards alt nations; 
 cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and 
 morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that 
 good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be 
 worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant 
 period, a great nation, to give to mankind the mag 
 nanimous and too novel example of a people always 
 guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who 
 can doubt, that in the course of time and things, the 
 fruits of such a plan would richly repay any tempor 
 ary advantages, which might be lost by a steady ad 
 herence to it? Can it be that Providence has not 
 connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its 
 virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended 
 by every sentiment which ennobles human mature. 
 Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan, nothing i* more 
 
50 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies 
 against particular nations, and passionate attach 
 ments for others, should be excluded; and that, in 
 place of them, just and amicable feelings towards 
 all should be cultivated. The nation, which indulges 
 towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual 
 fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to 
 its animosity or to its affection, either of which is 
 sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its in 
 terest. Antipathy in one nation against another dis 
 poses each more readily to offer insult and injury, to 
 lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be 
 haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling 
 occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collis 
 ions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. 
 The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, 
 sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary 
 to the best calculations of policy. The Government 
 sometimes participates in the national propensity, 
 and adopts through passion what reason would re 
 ject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the 
 nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated 
 by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious 
 motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the 
 liberty, of nations has been the victim. 
 
 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation 
 for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy 
 for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an 
 imaginary common interest in cases where no real 
 common interest exists, and infusing into one the 
 enmities of the other, betrays the former into a par 
 ticipation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 51 
 
 without adequate inducement or justification. It 
 leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of 
 privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to 
 injure the nation making the concessions; by unne 
 cessarily parting with what ought to have been re 
 tained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a 
 disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom 
 equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to am 
 bitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote 
 themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray 
 or sacrifice the interests of their own country, with 
 out odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding 
 with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obliga 
 tion, a commendable deference for public opinion, 
 or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish 
 compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation. 
 
 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable 
 ways; such attachments are particularly alarming to 
 the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How 
 many opportunities do they afford to tamper with 
 domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, 
 to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the 
 public councils! Such an attachment of a small or 
 weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms 
 the former to be the satellite of the latter. 
 
 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence 
 (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the 
 jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly 
 awake, since history and experience prove that for 
 eign influence is one of the most baneful foes of re 
 publican goverment. But that jealously, to be useful, 
 must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of 
 
52 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the very influence be avoided, instead of a defence 
 against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign na 
 tion, and excessive dislike of another, cause those 
 whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, 
 and serve to veil and even second the arts of in 
 fluence on the other. Real patriots who may resist 
 the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become sus 
 pected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp 
 the applause and confidence of the purpose, to sur 
 render their interests. 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to for 
 eign nations, is, in extending our commercial rela 
 tions, to have with them as little political connexion 
 as possible. So far as we have already formed en 
 gagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good 
 faith. Here let us stop. 
 
 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
 have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she 
 must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes 
 of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. 
 Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to impli 
 cate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicis 
 situdes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations 
 and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation invites and en 
 ables us to pursue a different course. If we remain 
 one people, under an efficient government, the period 
 is not far off when we may defy material injury from 
 external annoyance; when we may take such an atti 
 tude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any 
 time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; 
 when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 53 
 
 making acquisitions upon us, -will not lightly hazard 
 the giving us provocation; when we may choose 
 peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice shall 
 counsel. 
 
 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa 
 tion? "Why quit our own to stand upon foreign 
 ground. Why, by interweaving our destiny with 
 that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and 
 prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival- 
 ship, interest, humor or caprice? 
 
 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent al 
 liances with any portion of the foreign world ; so 
 far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let 
 me not be understood as capable of patronizing infi 
 delity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim 
 no less applicable to public than to private affairs, 
 that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, 
 therefore, let those engagements be observed in their 
 genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary 
 and would be unwise to extend them. 
 
 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable 
 establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, 
 we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extra 
 ordinary emergencies. 
 
 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are 
 recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. 
 But even our commercial policy should hold an equal 
 and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting 
 exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the na 
 tural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by 
 gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing 
 nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in 
 
54 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights 
 of our merchants, and to enable the government to 
 support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the 
 best that present circumstances and mutual opinion 
 will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from 
 time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and 
 circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in 
 view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disin 
 terested favors from another; that it must pay with 
 a portion of its independence for whatever it may 
 accept under that character; that, by such accept 
 ance, it may place itself in the condition of having 
 given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of be 
 ing reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. 
 There can be no greater error than to expect or cal 
 culate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is 
 an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just 
 pride ought to discard. 
 
 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels 
 of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope 
 they will make the strong and lasting impression I 
 could wish; that they will control the usual current 
 of the passions, or prevent our nation from running 
 the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny 
 of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that 
 they may be productive of some partial benefit, some 
 occasional good; that they may now and then recur 
 to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against 
 the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against 
 the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope 
 will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your 
 welfare, by which they have been dictated. 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS. 55 
 
 How far in the discharge of my official duties I 
 have been guided by the principles which have been 
 delineated, the public records and other evidences of 
 my conduct must witness to you and to the worli. 
 To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that 
 I have at least believed myself to be guded by them. 
 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, 
 my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is ue 
 index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving 
 voice, and by that of your Representatives in both 
 Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has 
 continually governed me, uninfluenced by any at 
 tempts to deter or divert me from it. 
 
 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the 
 best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that 
 our country, under all the circumstances of the case, 
 had a right to take, and was bound in duty and in 
 terest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I 
 determined, as far as should depend unon me, to main 
 tain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness. 
 The considerations which respect the right to hold 
 this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to 
 detail. I will only observe, that, according to my 
 understanding of the matter, that right, so far from 
 being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has 
 been virtually admitted by all. 
 
 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in 
 ferred, without anything more, from the obligation 
 which justice and humanity impose on every nation, 
 in cases in winch it is free to act, to maintain invio 
 late the relations of peace and amity towards other 
 nations. 
 
56 THE WORDS OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 The inducements of interest for observing that con 
 duct will best be referred to your own reflections and 
 experience. With me a predominant motive has been 
 to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and 
 mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress 
 without interruption to that degree of strength and 
 consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly 
 speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 
 
 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my admin 
 istration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am 
 nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think 
 it probable that I may have committed many errors. 
 Whatever they may be I fervently beseech the Al 
 mighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they 
 may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that 
 my country will never cease to view them with in 
 dulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life 
 dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the 
 faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to ob 
 livion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 
 
 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, 
 and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which 
 is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil 
 of himself and his progenitors for several generations; 
 I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, 
 in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, 
 the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of 
 my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good 
 laws under a free government, the ever favorite ob 
 ject of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, 
 of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 
 
 GEOKQE WASHINGTON. 
 
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