THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESENTED BY PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID GENERAL EDITOR WILBUR LUCIUS CROSS PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH IN YALE UNIVERSITY Benjamin Franklin After a portrait by J. A. Duplessis FRANKLIN S AUTOBIOGRAPHY EDITED BY FRANK WOODWORTH PINE HEAD MASTER OF THE OILMAN COUNTRY SCHOOL, BALTIMORE NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY COPYRIGHT, 1912 BY HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY August, 1931 PRINTED IN THE U. 3, A. F8A3 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION PAGE I. Franklin s Career vii II. Autobiography xxiii DESCRIPTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY xxvii AUTOBIOGRAPHY i ELECTRICAL KITE 197 THE WAY TO WEALTH 199 THE WHISTLE 203 A LETTER TO SAMUEL MATHER 206 NOTES AND COMMENT 207 Portrait of Franklin Frontispiece Father Abraham in his Study 196 INTRODUCTION FRANKLIN S CAREER THE life of Benjamin Franklin is of importance to every American primarily because of the part he played in securing the independence of the United States and ja_jestablishing it as a nation. Franklin shares with Washington the honors of the Revolution, and of the events leading to the birth of the new nation. While Washington was- the. animating spirit of the struggle in the, colonies, Franklin was its ablest champion abroad. To Franklin s cogent reasoning and keen satire, we owe the clear and forcible presentation of the American case in England and France; while to his personality and di plomacy as well as to his facile pen, we are indebted for the foreign alliance and the funds without which Wash ington s work must have failed. His patience, forti tude, and practical wisdom, coupled with self -sacrificing devotion to the cause of his country, are hardly less no ticeable than similar qualities displayed by Washington. In fact, Franklin as a public man was much like Wash ington, especially in the entire disinterestedness of his public service. Franklin is also interesting to us because by his life and teachings he has done more than any other American to advance the material prosperity of his countrymen. It is said that his widely and faithfully read maxims made Philadelphia and Pennsylvania wealthy, while Poor vii viii Introduction Richard s pithy sayings, translated into many languages, have had a world-wide influence. Franklin is a good type of our American manhood. Although not the wealthiest or the most powerful, he is undoubtedly, in the versatility of his genius and achieve ments, the greatest of our self-made men. The simple yet graphic story in the Autobiography of his steady rise from humble boyhood in a tallow-chandler shop, by in dustry, economy, and perseverance in self-improvement, to eminence, is the most remarkable of all the remarkable histories of our self-made men. It is in itself a wonder ful illustration of the results possible to be attained in a land of unequaled opportunity by following Franklin s maxims. Franklin s fame, however, was not confined to his own country. Although he lived in a century notable for the rapid evolution of scientific and political thought and ac tivity, yet no less a keen judge and critic than Lord Jeffrey, the famous editor of the Edinburgh Review, a century ago said that " in one point of view the name of Frank lin must be considered as standing higher than any of the others which illustrated the eighteenth century. Distin guished as a statesman, he was equally great as a phi losopher, thus uniting in himself a rare degree of excellence in both these pursuits, to excel in either of which is deemed the highest praise." Franklin has indeed been aptly called " many-sided." He was eminent in science and public service, in diplo macy and in literature. He was the Edison of his day, turning his scientific discoveries to the benefit of his fel low-men. He perceived the identity of lightning and electricity and set up the lightning rod. He invented the Franklin stove, still widely used, and refused to patent it. He possessed a masterly shrewdness in business and Franklin s Career ix practical affairs. Carlyle called him the father of all the Yankees. He_^ojjad^---4r^companj, assisted in found ing a hospital, and improved the cleaning and lighting of streets. He developed journalism, established the Ameri can Philosophical Society, the public library in Philadel phia, and the University of Pennsylvania. He organized a postal system for the colonies, which was the basis of the" present United States Post Office. Bancroft^ the eminent historian, called him " the greatest diplomatist of his century." He perfected the Albany Plan of Union for the colonies. He is the only statesman who signed the Declaration of Independence, the Treaty of Alliance with France, the Treaty of Peace with England, and the Con stitution. As a writer, he has produced, in his Autobi ography andin Poor Richard s Almanac, two works that are not surpassed by similar writing. He received hon orary degrees from Harvard and Yale, from Oxford and St. Andrews, and was made a fellow of the Royal So ciety, which awarded him the Copley gold medal for im proving natural knowledge. He was one of the eight foreign associates of the French Academy of Science, an honor which he has shared with only one other American. Franklin s life falls naturally into three parts; his early years in Boston, his business and scientific career in Phil adelphia, and his political career at home and abroad. It is a strange coincidence that the sturdy, democratic blacksmiths from whom Franklin was descended, lived for at least two hundred years at Ecton in Northamp tonshire, England, only twelve miles from the manor house of Washington s aristocratic ancestors at Sulgrave. One of Franklin s latest biographers notes that " the pink-coated huntsmen of the Washington family may often have stopped in Ecton to have their horses shod by the leather-aproned Franklins at the forge." x Introduction Benjamin Franklin was born opposite the old South Church in Boston, Massachusetts, on January 17, 1706. From his father he inherited his marked business capacity; and from his mother, a descendant of a progressive New England family, his fine physique and liberal mind. Af ter a brief schooling, which ended when he was only ten years old, he began his career humbly in the tallow- chandler shop of his father. A little later he was appren ticed to his brother, James, a printer and editor of a newspaper. Young Franklin had already begun that eager and care ful reading which was to fortify him for his life work better than a school or college education could have done. In the New England libraries and book-shops, almost bar ren of reading matter except treatises on religious subjects, which had little or no claim to be called literature, Frank lin managed to get hold of Plutarch s Lives, some of De foe s writings, Bunyan s Pilgrims Progress which the boy read and re-read and a volume of Addison s Spec tator. The witty, graceful, worldly-wise style of Ad- dison appealed to Franklin, and he imitated it with pa tient zeal, thus laying the foundation for his own style. He soon put his new accomplishment to the test by contrib uting to his brother s paper a series of letters signed by " Silence Dogood." These Dogood papers were a pal pable imitation of Addison, but they were so fair an imi tation as to give Franklin a start in journalism. As a result of these contributions young Franklin soon came to manage the paper. However, the two brothers could not agree; and Benjamin finally declared himself free and sailed away from the Puritan town, which was too nar row and strict for his rapidly developing tendency to free- thinking. After an interesting journey, Franklin landed in Phil adelphia on an October Sunday in 1723. His awkward Franklin s Career xi appearance as he walked up Market Street, and the amusement it afforded his future wife, is one of the fa miliar pictures of the Autobiography. The period which now began (1723-1756) saw the struggle of the young printer to secure a foothold in the world, and his gradual rise to independence, wealth, and eminence as a scientist and man of affairs. During this time Franklin laid the foundation for his later reputation by many of the most remarkable of his achievements. At this time, Franklin had no strong religious principle of morals. He was a free-thinker and even wrote a pam phlet, while spending a year in London, to prove that man is no better than the brutes that there is no future life and no religion. Of these early irregularities or " errata," as he calls them, he was later heartily ashamed, and he made amends for them as far as he could by pre cept and practice. While he never professed any partic ular form of the Christian faith; he taught and practiced consistently the fundamental principles of Christianity. ~ TranHirf soon settled down in his adopted city to the steady occupation of printer. By enterprise, shrewdness and common sense, he developed the character, the key note of which is cleverly expressed in a comparison made by Mr. Brander Matthews between Emerson s teachings and Franklin s. " Emerson," says Mr. Matthews, " ex horts you to hitch your wagon to a star, Franklin is ready with an improved axle-grease for the wheels." Frank lin s ideals were circumscribed by the practicable. His virtues did not find their reward in themselves but in tangible benefits. If he was honest it was not because of the commandment " Thou shalt not steal," but because " honesty is the best policy." He found by experience that the way to health, wealth, and happiness lay in obeying the commandment of God to live a virtuous life. He wrote a clear argument in favor of paper money xii Introduction and then secured the printing of the large issue that fol lowed as a result of his pamphlet. He contributed a series of breezy papers to the Mercury signed " The Busybody," in order to destroy a rival newspaper that had unfairly forestalled his own scheme to start a paper in opposition to the Mercury. When his plan suc ceeded, he bought the defeated rival s publication at his own price and set up the Pennsylvania Gazette^ which soon became the most popular newspaper in the colonies. To the Gazette, Franklin contributed for almost twenty years, his writings ranging all the way from stories of his own mishaps or bits of foolish pleasantry to moral and po litical essays. Most of the reforms he brought about were first suggested in letters to the paper signed by some fictitious name. Franklin would then carry on with him self a lively discussion for and against the proposed change. Thus the Council or Assembly would soon have the mat ter under advisement and the reform would be secured. He obtained the public printing, bought out his partner, and became the chief printer in the province. He soon added to his fame as well as to his wealth by Poor Richard s Almanac, the most successful and widely influential of his publications. For the twenty-five years of its existence it had an annual sale of 10,000 copies. Its homely wit and wisdom, its shrewd maxims, its worldly honesty, not only became a great force in shaping Ameri can national character, but the little book was translated into many languages and proved a guide and teacher to no small part of humanity. Having thus acquired a fortune, Franklin now retired from business at the age of forty-two, in order that he might devote his entire time to the scientific studies in which he had already become interested. Franklin s success in practical affairs brought him at tention and influence. He was public-spirited and soon Franklin s Career xiii became a leader in the community, which he greatly bene fited by his genius and practical wisdom. He started and urged forward scheme after scheme of social and pub lic improvement; among others, a circulating library, the Union Fire Company, a plan for defending the city and province, the Philadelphia Academy, which developed later into the University of Pennsylvania, a hospital, and a sys tem of cleaning and lighting the streets. He also in vented the Franklin stove, which marks the beginning of the great American stove industry. In the midst of all these employments Franklin found time to indulge his fondness for experiments in science. Here again his philosophy was the philosophy of the use ful. He pursued scientific studies only to make life safer or easier for mankind. He became deeply engrossed in the study of electricity, but his experiments aimed to demonstrate the practical application of the newly discov ered energy, or the means of protecting property and life from the effects of its destructive power as displayed in lightning. He wrote numerous letters explaining his ex periments, many of which were published in magazines and pamphlets. The most important of these publications was Opinions and Conjectures, containing the paragraph on the uses of the lightning-rod. This pamphlet, published in England and France, and later printed in German, Latin, and Italian, created a great sensation among the leading scientists of the world, and led to the famous kite experiment of Franklin himself, by which he proved that lightning and electricity are the same. He was now made a member of the Royal Society and honored with the Copley medal. His fame in the scientific world was due almost as much to his modest, simple, and sincere manner of presenting his discoveries and to the precision and clear ness of the style in which he described his experiments, as to the results he was able to announce. Sir Humphrey xiv Introduction Davy, the celebrated English chemist, himself an ex cellent literary critic as well as a great scientist, said: " A singular felicity guided all Franklin s researches, and by very small means he established very grand truths. The style and manner of his publication on electricity are almost as worthy of admiration as the doctrine it con tains." Science was always a diversion with Franklin, sharing with politics his interest and spare time. He was early elected to various offices in the city and province, and was finally made joint Postmaster-General of the colonies. He reformed the entire postal service of the country and made it pay. He drew up for the colonies the details of the Albany Plan of Union, which he adapted from an ear lier plan. This was one of the first practical applications of the national idea later embodied in the Articles of Con federation and the Constitution. He secured the trans portation for Braddock s ill-fated army through Pennsyl vania, and advanced the money to pay for the horses and wagons, most of which were destroyed in the battle and rout. For this outlay he was never wholly repaid. This is only one of many illustrations of the patriot ism and liberality of Franklin. His shrewdness never degenerated into meanness or sordidness. He was care ful always, but generous and humane. No man was less sparing of himself or of his means when an individual or a cause that he had an interest in, needed help. When a young printer in London, he loaned his money freely to his friends. He advanced nearly his entire fortune to pay for the transportation of Braddock s army, and before leaving for France he loaned Congress all the ready money he could get together. In 1757 Franklin entered upon the diplomatic and po litical career which was to engage most of his attention Franklin s Career XV until the end of his life. For eighteen years he was al most continuously in England; first, as representative of Pennsylvania in the controversy between that province and the proprietors; and second, as agent of Pennsylvania and several other colonies in opposing the Parliamentary taxa tion of America that led to the Revolution. He won his first diplomatic victory when he succeeded in establishing the right of the Pennsylvania Assembly to tax the estates of the proprietors. He was the ablest of all the American advocates of the principle of " no taxation without repre sentation." His famous contemporary, Dr. Samuel John son, who was by nature a lover of liberty, but by his prejudices an ardent Tory, called Franklin, " the master of mischief." During all the period of agitation preceding the Revolution, he was conservative, hoping to the end for a compromise that might prevent the separation of Eng land and the colonies. He even incurred the temporary hostility of his country by advocating the acceptance of the Stamp Act, after he had exhausted every means at his command to prevent its passage. His vigorous and effective opposition to the various measures of Parliament for the taxation and coercion of the Americans finally made him so unpopular with the British government that he felt his usefulness in England to be at an end, and so sailed for home in 1775. Finding on his arrival that the die had already been cast by the conflicts at Lexington and Concord, he threw himself heart and soul into the strug gle for independence. Much of Franklin s work for the colonies as their agent in England was accomplished by his writings. When he first went to London he wrote a letter, which attracted considerable attention at the time, satirizing the party that wished to make peace with France ; and he was the principal author of the pamphlet that argued success^ xvi Introduction fully for the retention of Canada at the close of the French and Indian wars. Between 1765 and 1775 he wrote some thirty articles attacking the government s attitude toward America. Two of these were satires in his best vein. One he called Rules by which a Great Empire May Be Reduced To a Small One. He addressed some twenty rules to all ministers charged with the management of dominions so extensive as to be troublesome to govern, and advocated as the best means of reducing such an em pire, the line of conduct England was pursuing with Amer ica. The other satire he named An Edict of the King of Prussia. It purported to be a decree of the King of Prussia declaring that England was a colony of Prussia, that the island had been originally settled by emigrants from Germany under Hengist, Horsa, and Hella, that it had flourished for ages under Prussian tutelage, and that only recently the King of Prussia had been compelled to assist his British subjects against France. The edict added that the English colony for years had not contrib uted properly to the expense incurred in its defense. Therefore it was decreed that taxes and commercial re strictions should be laid on all English exports and im ports. The decree went on to describe in detail measures exactly similar to those of which the Americans were com plaining. The success of these pieces was great. Franklin re lates that he was one of a group of public men visiting at a country house when the newspaper containing the Edict was received. One of the gentlemen, who usually looked over the mail early, came running into the room where the others sat, and shouted, " Here! here s news for ye! Here s the King of Prussia claiming a right to this kingdom 1 " An excited discussion followed. One of the group said he had no doubt Frederic was even then Franklin s Career xvii on his way with a hundred thousand men to make good his proclamation. It was not for some minutes that any one saw through the jest. This was not the only time that Franklin s humor proved too subtle for great minds. Later in life he wrote a Biblical paraphrase that deceived at least one eminent scholar. Pretending to think that he could improve on the language and style of the King James version of the Bible, he parodied a part of the first chapter of Job, making it a satire on monarchical government. No less skilled a critic than Matthew Arnold was so deceived by this clever bit of irony that he wrote of his relief at finding Franklin s usual common sense so far deserting him as to make him think he could improve on the match less style of the standard version of the Bible story. Perhaps the best illustration, however, of Franklin s skilful use of satire as a weapon is a letter that he had printed purporting to be written by a petty German prince to the commander of the troops he had sold to England for the war against the Americans. Franklin makes the writer say in part: " I am about to send you some new recruits. Don t economize them. . . . You did right to send back to i Europe that Dr. Crumerus, who was so successful in curing dysentery. That disease makes bad soldiers. One coward will do more mischief in an engagement than two brave men will do good. Besides, you know that they pay me as killed for all who die from disease, and I don t get a farthing for runaways. My trip to Italy, which has cost me enormously, makes it desirable that there should be a great mortality among them. . . . You will say to Major Maundorfr" that I am not at all content with his saving 345 men, who escaped the massacre at Trenton. Through the whole campaign he has not had ten men xviii Introduction killed in consequence of his orders. Finally, let it be your principal object to prolong the war and avoid a decisive engagement on either side, for I have made arrangements for a grand Italian opera, and I do not wish to be obliged to give it up." After serving on the committee to draw up the Declar ation of Independence and on several important com missions, Franklin was chosen, in 1776, as one of three commissioners to secure the support of the French govern ment for the American cause. Already a member of every important learned society of Europe, Franklin was received in Paris as one of the very greatest men of the age. His simplicity of dress and manner, his supreme good taste and apparent humility, won the friendship of the French nobility for the cause of liberty. To the people he was the apostle of freedom and its exemplar. They named him Bonhomme Richard. His maxims of Poor Richard, published under the title of The Way to Wealth, became a text-book for the French schools. When he appeared on the streets of Paris, " his dress, his wigless head, his spectacles, his walking-stick, and his great fur cap," became at once the center of attraction. Crowds followed him, and his appearance in public places was greeted with applause. Franklin wrote to his daughter that so many pictures, busts, and prints of him had been spread abroad as to make her " father s face as well known as the moon, so that he durst not do anything that would oblige him to run away, as his phiz would dis cover him wherever he should venture to show it." Franklin had the wisdom to make the most of this personal popularity for the interest of his country. He took up his residence in Passy, a quiet suburb of Paris in the house of a French gentleman, through whose in fluence at court he was able to communicate with the Franklin s Career xix French ministers, without embarrassment to their gov ernment. At this house he received the great men of Paris, and from it he returned their calls and made the famous social visits that increased his renown and popu larity. He thus created in all classes of the French people such enthusiasm for the American cause that when the news of the victories of Trenton and Saratoga reached Paris, the government could no longer resist the popular demand for active assistance to the rebels. Louis XVI recognized the independence of the colonies, signed a treaty of alliance, and officially received the American envoys. This was only a part of the service that Franklin ren dered the cause of the colonies at this time. As Ameri can agent in Paris and later as our first minister to the court of France, he succeeded in borrowing the large sums of money that formed the most important source of income to the Revolutionary government. It is a re markable fact that this money was obtained from a bank rupt government against the strong protests of its able minister of finance. These diplomatic successes were due largely to Frank lin s personality and character. Like his contemporary, Dr. Johnson, Franklin was a keen observer. He knew men and affairs thoroughly. He had, too, a fine sense of the fitness of things, absolute good taste, and an invincible self-control, which neither obstinacy, nor stupidity, nor duplicity, nor wearisome delay, could ever break down. He never irritated the French government by pressing his cause unduly. He never antagonized as did John Adams. Vergennes, the French minister, spoke of his conduct as wise and circumspect, as well as zealous and patriotic, and added that Franklin s success \vas largely due to the perfect confidence of the French people in his xx Introduction veracity. To these qualities of the successful diplomat must be added his optimism and cheerfulness, which were so contagious as to keep all about him in good spirits. In spite of his many official duties in Paris, Franklin still found time to indulge his love of social pleasure. In order to amuse the delighted circle of which he had be come the center, he wrote his famous Bagatelles, or essays in a light vein. The most notable are The Story of the Whistle, The Ephemera, A Petition of the Left Hand (a plea for teaching children to use both hands with equal facility), The Morals of Chess, and the famous Dia logue between Franklin and the Gout. Franklin was now seventy-five years old ; and he sent an appealing letter to Congress asking permission to give up the duties of his office, which, by reason of ill-health and old age, had become a greater burden than he felt he ought to bear. But his pleading was in vain, and he remained in Paris another four years to play a principal part in negotiating the treaty of peace with England. Finally, in 1785, Congress permitted Franklin to come home, sending out Jefferson as Minister to France. When Count de Vergennes first met the new minister he said, " You replace Dr. Franklin, I hear." Jefferson re plied, " I succeed, no one can replace him." Even at seventy-nine Franklin was not, however, to find the rest for which he longed. He had hardly done receiving the congratulations and thanks of his country men on his return home, when he was elected Chairman of the Council of Philadelphia and later President of Pennsylvania. He wrote an old friend that he was again harnessed to the service of his countrymen. " They en grossed the prime of my life. They have eaten my Mesh, and seem resolved now to pick my bones." He was elected a member of the convention to frame the Consti- Franklin s Career xxi tutlon, and to his influence and Washington s was largely due the final adoption of the Constitution. " It is not too much to say that to Franklin, perhaps more than to any other one man, the present Constitution of the United States owes most of those features which have given it durability and have made it the ideal by which all other systems of government are tested by Americans." 1 During all this time Franklin s pen continued active. He wrote on the abolition of slavery, of which he was one of the first advocates ; satires on the " liberty of the press," which had degenerated into slander; and on the British demands for the payment of American debts. His last writing, a satirical answer to a pro-slavery speech in Congress, was in his best style, and is thought to be as good as the pleasantries of Swift. Soon afterwards, on April 17, 1790, he died quietly at his home, and was buried beside his wife in the graveyard of Christ Church, Philadelphia. The mourning for his death was general. The Members of Congress wore black badges for thirty days. The French National As sembly also put on mourning and many eulogies were de livered in his memory. His service may be summed up by Turgot s famous adaptation of the Latin motto uni versally applied to Franklin at the time. " He snatched the lightning from the heavens and the scep ter from the tyrant s hand." Franklin s place in literature is hard to determine be cause he was not primarily a literary man. His aim in his writings as in his life work was to be helpful to his fellowmen. For him writing was never an end in itself, but always a means to an end. Yet his success as a scientist, a statesman, and a diplomat, as well as socially, 1 Bigelow, The Life of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. Ill, p. 383. xxii Introduction was in no little part due to his ability as a writer. " His letters charmed all, and made his correspondence eagerly sought. His political arguments were the joy of his party and the dread of his opponents. His scientific dis coveries were explained in language at once so simple and so clear chat plow-boy and exquisite could follow his thought or his experiment to its conclusion." 1 As far as American literature is concerned, Franklin had no contemporaries. Before the Autobiography only one literary work of importance had been produced in this country Cotton Mather s Magnalia, a church his tory of New England in a ponderous, stiff style. Frank lin was the first American author to gain a w r ide and per manent reputation in Europe. The Autobiography, Poor Richard, Father Abraham s Speech or The Way to Wealth, as well as some of the Bagatelles, are as widely known abroad as any American writings. Franklin must also be classed as the first American humorist. English literature of the eighteenth century was char acterized by the development of prose. Periodical lit erature reached its perfection early in the century in The Tatler and The Spectator of Addison and Steele. Pam phleteers flourished throughout the period. The home lier prose of Bunyan and Defoe gradually gave place to the more elegant and artificial language of Samuel John son, who set the standard for prose writing from 1745 onward. This century saw the beginnings of the modern novel, in Fielding s Tom Jones, Richardson s Clarissa Harlowe, Sterne s Tristram Shandy, and Goldsmith s Vicar of Wakefield. Gibbon wrote The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Hume his History of England, and Adam Smith the Wealth of Nations. In the simplicity and vigor of his style Franklin more 1 The Many-Sided Franklin. Paul L. Ford. Franklin s Career xxiii nearly resembles the earlier group of writers. In his first essays he was not an inferior imitator of Addison. In his numerous parables, moral allegories, and apologues he showed Bunyan s influence. But Franklin was essen tially a journalist. In his swift terse style, he is most like Defoe, who was the first great English journalist and mas-^ ter of the newspaper narrative. The style of both writers is marked by homely, vigorous expression, satire, bur lesque, repartee. Here the comparison must end. Defoe and his contemporaries were authors. Their vocation was writing and their success rests on the imaginative or crea tive power they displayed. To authorship Franklin laid no claim. He wrote no work of the imagination. He developed only incidentally a style in many respects as re markable as that of his English contemporaries. He wrote the best autobiography in existence, one of the most widely known collections of maxims, and an unsur passed series of political and social satires, because he was a man of unusual scope of power and usefulness, who knew how to tell his fellowmen the secrets of that power and that usefulness. II AUTOBIOGRAPHY The Autobiography is FranklinlsJongesLwpri^arid yet it is only a fragment The first part, written as a letter to his son T William FranMia^was not intended io,r..mib- lipatinn and the_composition is more informal and the narrative more personal than in the_second part, from 1730 on, which was written with a view "to publication. The entire manuscript shows little evidene_.flf ^igyisioiu. In fact the expression is so homely and natural that his r " -~ - j xxiv Introduction grandson, William Temple Franklin, in editing the work changed some of the phrases because he thpu^ht them in- elegant and vulgar. Franklin began the story of his life while on a visit to his friend, Bishop Shipley, at Twyford, in Hampshire. southern England, in ..1771. He took the manuscript, completed to 1731, with him when he returned to Phila delphia in 1775. It was left there with his other papers when he went to France in the following year, and dis appeared during the confusion incident to the Revolution. Twenty-three pages of closely written manuscript fell into the hands of Abel James, an old friend, who sent a copy to Franklin at Passy, near Paris, urging him to com plete the story. Franklin took up the work at Passy in 1784 and carried the narrative forward a few months. He changed the plan to meet his new purpose of writing to benefit the young readej\ His work was soon inter rupted and was not resumed until 1788, when he was at home in Philadelphia. He was now old, infirm, and suffering anj was still en^ap;pd jp these discouraging conditions the work progressed It finally stopped when the narrative reached the year J 757- Copies of the manuscript were sent to friends of Franklin in England and France, among others to Mon sieur Le Veillard at Paris. The first edition of the Autobiography was published in French at Paris in 1791. It was clumsily and care lessly translated, and was imperfect and unfinished. Where the translator got the manuscript is not known. Le Veillard disclaimed any knowledge of the publication. From this faulty French edition many others were printed, some in Germany, two in England, and another in France, so great was the demand for the work. In the meantime the original manuscript of the Auto- Autobiography xxv biography had started on a varied and adventurous career. It was left by Franklin with his other works to his grand son, William Temple Franklin, whom Franklin desig nated as his literary executor. When Temple Franklin came to publish his grandfather s works in 1817, he sent the original manuscript of the Autobiography to the daughter of Le Veillard in exchange for her father s copy, probably thinking the clearer transcript would make better printer s copy. The original ^manuscript thus found its way to the Le Veillard family and connections, where it remained until sold in 1867 to Mr. John Bigelow, United States Minister to France. It is now owned by Mr. E. B. Church of New York. When Mr. Bigelow came to examine his purchase,^ he was astonished to find that what people had been reading for years as the authentic Life of Benjamin Franklin by Himself, was only a garbled and incomplete version of the real Autobiography. Temple Franklin had taken un warranted liberties with the original. Mr. Bigelow says he found more than twelve hundred changes in the text. In 1868, therefore, Mr. Bigelow published the stand ard edition of Franklin s Autobiography. It corrected errors in the previous editions and was the first^ English edition to contain the short fourth part, comprising the last few pages of the manuscript, written during the last year of Franklin s life. Mr. Bigelow republished the Autobiography, with additional interesting matter, in three volumes in 1875, in 1905, and in 1910. The text in this volume is substantially that of Mr. Bigelow s editions. . The Autobiography has been reprinted in ^the United States many scores of times and translated into all the languages of Europe. It has never lost its popularity and is still in constant demand at circulating libraries. The xxvi Introduction reason for this popularity is not far to seek. For in this work Franklin told in a remarkable manner the story of a remarkable life. He displayed hard common sense and a practical knowledge of the art of living. He selected and arranged his material, perhaps unconsciously, with the unerring instinct of the journalist for the best effects. His success is not a little due to his plain, clear, vigorous English. He used short sentences and_worjs, homely expressbn_s L ant illustrations, and Dointedjallu- sjonj-u Ffanklin had one of the most interesting, varied and unusual lives of any American. He greatest conversationalists- of -his 4Jme; His book is the record of that unusual life told in Franklin s own unex celled conversational style. It is said that the best parts of Boswell s famous biography of Samuel Johnson are those parts where Boswell permits Johnson to tell his own story. In the Autobiography a no less remarkable man and talker than Samuel Johnson is telling his own story throughout. DESCRIPTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY THE last and most complete edition of Franklin s works is that by the late Professor Albert H. Smyth, published in ten volumes by the Macmillan Company, New York, under the title, The Writings of Benjamin Franklin. The other standard edition is the Works of Benjamin Franklin by John Bigelow (New York, 1887). The 7 standard edition of the Autobiography is John Bigelow s fifth edition of The Life of Benja?nin Franklin Written by Himself, three volumes, published by the J. B. Lip- pincott Company of Philadelphia, in 1905. Mr. Bige low s first edition of the Autobiography in one volume was published by the same company in 1868. The life of Franklin as a writer is well treated by J. B. McMas- ter in a volume of The American Men of Letters Series; his life as a statesman and diplomat, by J. T. Morse, American Statesmen Series, one volume; Houghton, Mif- flin Company publish both books. A more exhaustive account of the life and times of Franklin may be found in James Parton s Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin (2 vols., New York, 1864). Paul Leicester Ford s The Many-Sided Franklin is a most chatty and readable book, replete with anecdotes and excellently and fully illus trated. An excellent criticism by Woodrow Wilson in troduces an edition of the Autobiography in The Cen tury Classics (Century Co., New York, 1901). Inter esting magazine articles are those of E. E. Hale, Chris tian Examiner, Ixxi, 447 ; W. P. Trent, McClure s Mag- xxvii xxviii Descriptive Bibliography azine, viii, 273 ; John Hay, The Century Magazine, Ixxi, 447- See also the histories of American literature by C. F. Richardson, Moses Coit Tyler, Brander Matthews, John Nichol, and Barrett Wendell, as well as the various en cyclopedias. An excellent bibliography of Franklin is that of Paul Leicester Ford, entitled A List of Books Written by, or Relating to Benjamin Franklin (New York, 1889). The following list of Franklin s works contains the more interesting publications, together with the dates of first issue. Where the publication has not been described in the Introduction, a sentence of explanation is added to the title. 1722. Dogood Papers. 1729. The Busybody. A series of essays published in Bradford s Philadel phia Weekly Mercury, six of which only are ascribed to Franklin. They are essays on morality, philosophy and politics, similar to the Dogood Papers. 1729. A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of & Paper Currency. 1732. Prefaces to Poor Richard s Almanac. to Among these are Hints for those that would be Rich, I 757- I 737> ant l Plan for saving one hundred thousand pounds to New Jersey, 1756. 1743. A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge Among the British Plantations in America. "This paper appears to contain the first suggestion, in any public form, for an American Philosophical Society." Sparks. 1744. An Account of the New Invented Pennsylvanian Tire- Places. 1749. Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Penn sylvania. Contains the plan for the school which later became the University of Pennsylvania. 1752. Electrical Kite. Descriptive Bibliography xxix A description of the famous kite experiment, first written in a letter to Peter Collinson, dated Oct. 19, 1752, which was published later in the same year in The Gentleman s Magazine. 1754. Plan of Union. A plan for the union of the colonies presented to the colonial convention at Albany. 1755. A Dialogue Between X, Y and Z. An appeal to enlist in the provincial army for the defense of Pennsylvania. 1758. Father Abraham s Speech. Published as a preface to Poor Richard s Almanac and gathering into one writing the maxims of Poor Richard, which had already appeared in previous numbers of the Almanac. The Speech was after wards published in pamphlet form as the Way to Wealth. 1760. Of the Means of disposing the Enemy to Peace. A satirical plea for the prosecution of the war against France. 1760. The Interest of Great Britain Considered, with regard to her Colonies, and the Acquisitions of Canada and Guadaloupe. 1764. Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of our Public Affairs. A pamphlet favoring a Royal Government for Penn sylvania in exchange for that of the Proprietors. 1766. The Examination of Doctor Benjamin Franklin, etc., in The British House of Commons, Relative to The Re peal of The American Stamp Act. 1773. Rules by which A Great Empire May Be Reduced To a Small One. 1773. An Edict of The King of Prussia. 1777. Comparison of Great Britain and The United States in Regard to the Basis of Credit In The Two Countries. One of several similar pamphlets written to effect loans for the American cause. 1782. On the Theory of the Earth. The best of Franklin s papers on geology. 1782. Letter purporting to emanate from a petty German xxx Descriptive Bibliography Prince and to be addressed to his officer in Command in America. 1785. On the Causes and Cure of Smoky Chimneys. 1786. Retort Courteous. Sending Felons to America. Answers to the British clamor for the payment of American debts. 1789. Address to the Public from the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting Abolition of Slavery. 1789. An Account of the Supremest Court of Judicature in Pennsylvania, viz. The Court of the Press. 1790. Martin s Account of his Consulship. A parody of a pro-slavery speech in Congress. 1791. Autobiography. The first edition. 1818. Bagatelles. The Bagatelles were first published in 1818 in Wil liam Temple Franklin s edition of his grandfather s works. The following are the most famous of these essays and the dates when they were written: 1774? A Parable Against Persecution. Franklin called this the LI Chapter of Genesis. 1774? A Parable on Brotherly Love. 1778. The Ephemera, an Emblem of Human Life. A new rendition of an earlier essay on Hu man Vanity. 1779. The Story of the Whistle. 1779? The Levee. 1779? Proposed New Version of the Bible. Part of the first chapter of Job modernized (1779. Published) The Morals of Chess. 1780? The Handsome and Deformed Leg. 1780. Dialogue between Franklin and the Gout. (Published in 1802.) 1802. A Petition of the Left Hand. 1806. The Art of Procuring Pleasant Dreams. FRANKLIN S AUTOBIOGRAPHY ANCESTRY AND EARLY YOUTH IN BOSTON TWYFORD, at the Bishop of St. Asaph s, 1771. DEAR SON : I have ever had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may remember the inquiries I made among the remains of my relations when you were with me in England, and the journey 1 5 undertook for that purpose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable to you to know the circumstances of my life, many of which you are yet unacquainted with, and ex pecting the enjoyment of a week s uninterrupted leisure in my present country retirement, I sit down to write 1C them for you. To which I have besides some other induce ments. Having emerged from the poverty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a state of affluence and some degree of reputation in the world, and having gone so far through life with a considerable share of felicity, 15 the conducing means I made use of, which with the bless ing of God so well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as they may find some of them suitable to their own situations, and therefore fit to be imitated. That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me 20 sometimes to say, that were it offered to my choice, I should have no objection to a repetition of the same life 2 Franklin s Autobiography from its beginning, only asking the advantages authors have in a second edition to correct some faults of the first. So I might, besides correcting the faults, change some sinister accidents and events of it for others more Sfavorable. But though this were denied, I should still accept the offer. Since such a repetition is not to be expected, the next thing most like living one s life over again seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recollection as durable as possible by putting it down loin writing. Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural in old men, to be talking of themselves and their own past actions; and I shall indulge it without being tire some to others, who, through respect to age, might con- isceive themselves obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read or not as anyone pleases. And, lastly (I may as well confess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody), perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. Indeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the 2ointroductory words, " Without vanity I may say" etc., but some vain thing immediatel} 7 " followed. Most people dislike vanity in others, whatever share they have of it themselves; but I give it fair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded that it is often productive of 2 5 good to the possessor, and to others that are within his sphere of action; and therefore, in many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank God for his vanity among the other comforts of life. And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all Sohumility to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned hap piness of my past life to His kind providence, which led me to the means I used and gave them success. My belief of this induces me to hope, though I must not pre- tume, that the same goodness will still be exercised Franklin s Autobiography 3 toward me, in continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, which I may experience as others have done; the complexion of my future fortune being known to Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our afflictions. The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me with several particulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the family had lived in the same village, Ecton, in North- 10 amptonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of Franklin, that before was the name of an order of people, was assumed by them as a surname when others took surnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of 15 about thirty acres, aided by the smith s business, which had continued in the family till his time, the eldest son being always bred to that business; a custom which he and my father followed as to their eldest sons. When I searched the registers at Ecton, I found an account of 20 their births, marriages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By that register I perceived that I was the youngest son of the youngest son for five generations back. My grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598,26 lived at Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer, when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son 30 Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his only child, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, of Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the manor there. My grandfather had four sons 4 Franklin s Autobiography that grew up, viz., Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give you what account I can of them, at this dis tance from my papers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you will among them find many more partic- 5ulars. Thomas was bred a smith under his father; but, being ingenious, and encouraged in learning (as all my brothers were) by an Esquire Palmer, then the principal gentle man in that parish, he qualified himself for the business lOof scrivener; became a considerable man in the county; was a chief mover of all public-spirited undertakings for the county or town of Northampton, and his own village, of which many instances were related of him; and much taken notice of and patronized by the then Lord Halifax. 15He died in 1702, January 6, old style, just four years to a day before I was born. The account we received of his life and character from some old people at Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extraordinary, from its similarity to what you knew of mine. " Had he died 20on the same day," you said, " one might have supposed a transmigration." John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens. Benjamin was bred a silk dyer, serving an apprenticeship at Lon don. He was an ingenious man. I remember him well, 25 for when I was a boy he came over to my father in Bos ton, and lived in the house with us some years. He lived to a great age. His grandson, Samuel Franklin, now lives in Boston. He left behind him two quarto volumes, MS., of his own poetry, consisting of little occasional SOpieces addressed to his friends and relations, of which the following, sent to me, is a specimen. He had formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, but, never practising it, I have now forgot it. I was named after this uncle, there being a particular affection between him Franklin s Autobiography 5 and my father. He was very pious, a great attender of sermons of the best preachers, which he took down in his short-hand, and had with him many volumes of them. He was also much of a politician ; too much, perhaps, for his station. There fell lately into my hands, in London, 5 a collection he had made of all the principal pamphlets relating to public affairs, from 1641 to 1717; many of the volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but there still remain eight volumes in folio, and twenty- four in quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books metio with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them to me. It seems my uncle must have left them here when he went to America, which was above fifty years since. There are many of his notes in the margins. 15 This obscure family of ours was early in the Refor mation, and continued Protestants through the reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against popery. They had got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, 20 it was fastened open with tapes under and within the cover of a joint-stool. When my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One of the children stood at the door to give notice 2 5 if he saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual court. In that case the stool was turned down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as before. This anecdote I had from my uncle Benjamin. The family continued all of the Church of 30 England till about the end of Charles the Second s reign, when some of the ministers that had been outed for non conformity, holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benjamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued 6 Franklin s Autobiography all their lives: the rest of the family remained with the Episcopal Church. Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with three children into New England, about 1682. The Bconventicles having been forbidden by law, and frequently disturbed, induced some considerable men of his acquaint ance to remove to that country, and he was prevailed with to accompany them thither, where they expected to enjoy their mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife lOhe had four children more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen; of which I remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table, who all grew up to be men and women, and married; I was the youngest son, and the youngest child but two, and was born in IsBoston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England, of whom honorable mention is made by Cotton Mather, in his church history of that country, entitled Magnolia Christi Americana, as "a 20 godly, htorned Englishman" if I remember the words rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small occa sional pieces, but only one of them was printed, which I saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the home-spun verse of that time and people, and ad- 25dressed to those then concerned in the government there. It was in favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and other sectaries that had been under persecution, ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses thai had befallen the country, to that perse- Socution, as so many judgments of God to punish so heinous an offence, and exhorting a repeal of those unchari table laws. The whole appeared to me as written with a good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom. The six concluding lines I remember, though I have for- Franklin s Autobiography 7 gotten the two first of the stanza; but the purport of them was, that his censures proceeded from good will, and, therefore, he would be known to be the author. " Because to be a libeller (says he) I hate it with my heart; 5 From Sherburne town, where now I dwell My name I do put here; Without offence your real friend, It is Peter Folgier." My elder brothers were all put apprentices to different 10 trades. I was put to the grammar-school at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the Church. My early readi ness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when I could not read), 15 and the opinion of all his friends, that I should certainly make a good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and pro posed to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as a stock to set up with, if I would learn his20 character. I continued, however, at the grammar-school not quite one year, though in that time I had risen gradu ally from the middle of the class of that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed into the next class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the 2 5 end of the year. But my father, in the meantime, from a view of the expense of a college education, which having so large a family he could not well afford, and the mean living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain reasons that he gave to his friends in my hearing 30 altered his first intention, took me from the grammar- school, and sent me to a school for writing and arithme tic, kept by a then famous man, Mr. George Brownell, 8 Franklin s Autobiography very successful in his profession generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At ten years old I was taken 5 home to assist my father in his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and soap-boiler; a business he was not bred to, but had assumed on his arrival in New Eng land, and on finding his dyeing trade would not maintain his family, being in little request. Accordingly, I was lOemployed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the dip ping mould and the moulds for cast candles, attending the shop, going of errands, etc. I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but my father declared against it ; however, living 15 near the water, I was much in and about it, learned early to swim well, and to manage boats; and when in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was commonly allowed to govern, especially in any case of difficulty; and upon other occasions I was generally a leader among the boys, 20and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which I will mention one instance, as it shows an early projecting public spirit, though not then justly conducted. There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill- pond, on the edge of which, at high water, we used to 25stand to fish for minnows. By much trampling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My proposal was to build a wharf there fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for a new house near the marsh, and which would very well 30suit our purpose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the workmen were gone, I assembled a number of my play fellows, and working with them diligently like so many emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought them all away and built our little wharf. The next morn- Franklin s Autobiography 9 ing the workmen were surprised at missing the stones, which were found in our wharf. Inquiry was made after the removers; we were discovered and complained of; several of us were corrected by our fathers; and, though of the work, mine convinced me5 l:hat nothing was useful which was not honest. I think you may like to know something of his person and character. He had an excellent constitution of body, was of middle stature, but well set, and very strong; he was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in 10 music, and had a clear, pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his violin and sung withal, as he sometimes did in an evening after the business of the day was over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handyis in the use of other tradesmen s tools; but his great ex cellence lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment in prudential matters, both in private and public affairs. In the latter, indeed, he was never employed, the numer ous family he had to educate and the straitness of his 20 circumstances keeping him close to his trade; but I re member well his being frequently visited by leading peo ple, who consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the town or of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal of respect for his judgment and advice: he was also25 much consulted by private persons about their affairs when any difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator between contending parties. At his table he liked to have, as often as he could, some sensible friend or neighbor to converse with, and always took care to 30 start some ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his children. By this means he turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life; and little or no io Franklin s Autobiography notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind, so that I was brought 5up in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what I dined upon. This has been a convenience to me in traveling, where lOmy companions have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratification of their more delicate, be cause better instructed, tastes and appetites. My mother had likewise an excellent constitution: she suckled all her ten children. I never knew either 15my father or mother to have any sickness but that of which they died, he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years since placed a marble over their grave, with this inscrip tion: 20 JOSIAH FRANKLIN, and ABIAH his wife, lie here interred. They lived lovingly together in wedlock 25 fifty-five years. Without an estate, or any gainful employment, By constant labor and industry, with God s blessing, They maintained a large family 30 comfortably, and brought up thirteen children and seven grandchildren reputably. From this instance, reader, 35 Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling, And distrust not Providence. He was a pious and prudent man; Franklin s Autobiography 1 1 She, a discreet and virtuous woman. Their youngest son, In filial regard to their memory, Places this stone. J. F. born 1655, died 1744, ^Etat 89. 5 A. F. born 1667, died 1752, 85. By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to be grown old. I used to write more methodically. But one does not dress for private company as for a public ball. Tis perhaps only negligence. To return: I continued thus employed in my father s business for two years, that is, till I was twelve years old ; and my brother John, who was bred to that business, having left my father, married, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there was all appearance that I was des-15 tined to supply his place, and become a tallow-chandler, but my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was under apprehensions that if he did not find one for me more agreeable, I should break away and get to sea, as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. He there- 20 fore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners, bricklayers, turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that he might observe my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on some trade or other on land. It has ever since been a pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools; 25 and it has been useful to me, having learned so much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself in my house when a workman could not readily be got, and to construct little machines for my experiments, while the intention of making the experiment was fresh and warm in my mind. 30 My father at last fixed upon the cutler s trade, and my uncle Benjamin s son Samuel, who was bred to that busi ness in London, being about that time established in Bos ton, I was sent to be with him some time on liking. But 12 Franklin s Autobiography his expectations of a fee with me displeasing my father, I was taken home again. II BEGINNING LIFE AS A PRINTER 5 FROM a child I was fond of reading, and all the little money that came into my hands was ever laid out in books. Pleased with the Pilgrim s Progress, my first collection was of John Bunyan s works in separate little volumes. I afterward sold them to enable me to buy 10R. Burton s Historical Collections; they were small chapmen s books, and cheap, 40 or 50 in all. My father s little library consisted chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted that, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge, more ISproper books had not fallen in my way, since it was now resolved I should not be a clergyman. Plutarch s Lives there was in which I read abundantly, and I still think that time spent to great advantage. There was also a book of DeFoe s, called an Essay on Projects and another 20of Dr. Mather s called Essays to do Good, which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the principal future events of my life. This bookish inclination at length determined my father to make me a printer, though he had already one 25son (James) of that profession. In 1717 my brother James returned from England with a press and letters to set up his business in Boston. I liked it much better than that of my father, but still had a hankering for the sea. To prevent the apprehended effect of such an 30inclination, my father was impatient to have me bound Franklin s Autobiography 13 to my brother. I stood out some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old. I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one years of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman s wages during the last year. In a little time 5 I made great proficiency in the business, and became a use ful hand to my brother. I now had access to better books. An acquaintance with the apprentices of booksellers en abled me sometimes to borrow a small one, which I was careful to return soon and clean. Often I sat up in 10 my room reading the greatest part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the evening and to be returned early in the morning, lest it should be missed or wanted. And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr. Matthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, 15 and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of me, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent me such books as I chose to read. I now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces; my brother, think ing it might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me 20 on composing occasional ballads. One was called The Lighthouse Tragedy, and contained an account of the drowning of Captain Worthilake, with his two daughters: the other was a sailor s song, on the taking of Teach (or Blackbeard) the pirate. They were wretched stuff, in 25 the Grub-street-ballad style; and when they were printed he sent me about the town to sell them. The first sold wonderfully, the event being recent, having made a great noise. This flattered my vanity; but my father discour aged me by ridiculing my performances, and telling me 30 verse-makers were generally beggars. So I escaped being a poet, most probably a very bad one; but as prose writing has been of great use to me in the course of my life, and was a principal means of my advancement, I 14 Franklin s Autobiography shall tell you how, in such a situation, I acquired what little ability I have in that way. There was another bookish lad in the town, John Col lins by name, with whom I was intimately acquainted. 5 We sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of argu ment, and very desirous of confuting one another, which disputatious turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad habit, making people often extremely disagreeable in company by the contradiction that is necessary to lObring it into practice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling the conversation, is productive of disgusts and, perhaps enmities where you may have occasion for friend ship. I had caught it by reading my father s books of dispute about religion. Persons of good sense, I have 15 since observed, seldom fall into it, except lawyers, uni versity men, and men of all sorts that have been bred at Edinborough. A question was once, somehow or other, started be tween Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the 2ofemale sex in learning, and their abilities for study. He was of opinion that it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary side, per haps a little for dispute s sake. He was naturally more eloquent, had a ready plenty of words ; and sometimes, 25as I thought, bore me down more by his fluency than by the strength of his reasons. As we parted without settling the point, and were not to see one another again for some time, I sat down to put my arguments in writing, which I copied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I replied. SoThree or four letters of a side had passed, when my father happened to find my papers and read them. With out entering into the discussion, he took occasion to talk to me about the manner of my writing; observed that, though I had the advantage of my antagonist in correct Franklin s Autobiography 15 spelling and pointing (which I owed to the printing- house), I fell far short in elegance of expression, in method and in perspicuity, of which he convinced me by several instances. I saw the justice of his remarks, and thence grew more attentive to the manner in writing, ands determined to endeavor at improvement. About this time I met with an odd volume of the Spec tator. It was the third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought it, read it over and over, and was much delighted with it. I thought the writing excellent, and 10 wished, if possible, to imitate it. With this view I took some of the papers, and, making short hints of the senti ment in each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then, without looking at the book, tried to complete the papers again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at 15 length, and as fully as it had been expressed before, in any suitable words that should come to hand. Then I compared my Spectator with the original, discovered some of my faults, and corrected them. But I found I wanted a stock of words, or a readiness in recollecting 20 and using them, which I thought I should have acquired before that time if I had gone on making verses ; since the continual occasion for words of the same import, but of different length, to suit the measure, or of different sound for the rhyme, would have laid me under a constant neces-25 sity of searching for variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in my mind, and make me master of it. Therefore I took some of the tales and turned them into verse ; and, after a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned them back again. I also sometimes jum-so bled my collections of hints into confusion, and after some weeks endeavored to reduce them into the best order, before I began to form the full sentences and complete the paper. This was to teach me method in the arrange- 1 6 Franklin s Autobiography ment of thoughts. By comparing my work afterwards with the original, I discovered many faults and amended them; but I sometimes had the pleasure of fancying that, in certain particulars of small import, I had been lucky Senough to improve the method of the language, and this encouraged me to think I might possibly in time come to be a tolerable English writer, of which I was extremely ambitious. My time for these exercises and for reading was at night, after work, or before it began in the morn- lOing, or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the print ing-house alone, evading as much as I could the common attendance on public worship, which my father used to exact of me when I was under his care, and which indeed I still thought a duty, though I could not, as it seemed to 15me, afford time to practise it. When about 16 years of age I happened to meet with a book, written by one Tryon, recommending a vegetable diet. I determined to go into it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not keep house, but boarded himself and 20his apprentices in another family. My refusing to eat flesh occasioned an inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my singularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon s manner of preparing some of his dishes, such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty pudding, and a 25 few others, and then proposed to my brother, that if he would give me, weekly, half the money he paid for my board, I would board myself. He instantly agreed to it, and I presently found that I could save half what he paid me. This was an additional fund for buying SObooks. But I had another advantage in it. My brother and the rest going from the printing-house to their meals, I remained there alone, and, dispatching presently my light repast, which often was no more than a biscuit or a slice of bread, a handful of raisins or a tart from the Franklin s Autobiography 17 pastry-cook s, and a glass of water, had the rest of the time till their return for study, in which I made the greater progress, from that greater clearness of head and quicker apprehension which usually attend temperance in eating and drinking. 5 And now it was that, being on some occasion made ashamed of my ignorance in figures, which I had twice failed in learning when at school, I took Cocker s book of Arithmetic, and went through the whole by myself with great ease. I also read Seller s and Shermy s bookslO of Navigation, and became acquainted with the little geometry they contain; but never proceeded far in that science. And I read about this time Locke On Human Understanding, and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs, du Port Royal. 15 While I was intent on improving my language, I met with an English grammar (I think it was Greenwood s), at the end of which there were two little sketches of the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing with a speci men of a dispute in the Socratic method ; and soon after20 I procured Xenophon s Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many instances of the same method. I was charmed with it, adopted it, dropped my abrupt con tradiction and positive argumentation, and put on the humble inquirer and doubter. And being then, from 2 5 reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter in many points of our religious doctrine, I found this method safest for myself and very embarrassing to those against whom I used it; therefore I took a delight in it, practised it continually, and grew very artful and experts^ in drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into con cessions, the consequences of which they did not foresee, entangling them in difficulties out of which they could not extricate themselves, and so obtaining victories that 1 8 Franklin s Autobiography neither myself nor my cause always deserved. I con tinued this method some few years, but gradually left it, retaining only the habit of expressing myself in terms of modest diffidence; never using, when I advanced any- 5thing that may possibly be disputed, the words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that give the air of positive- ness to an opinion; but rather say, I conceive or appre hend a thing to be so and so; it appears to me, or / should think it so or so, for such and such reasons; or / im~ IQagine it to be so; or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit, I believe, has been of great advantage to me when I have had occasion to inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into measures that I have been from time to time engaged in promoting ; and, as the chief ends of con- ISversation are to inform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I wish well-meaning, sensible men would not lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create op position, and to defeat everyone of those purposes for 20which speech was given to us, to wit, giving or receiving information or pleasure. For, if you would inform, a positive and dogmatical manner in advancing your senti ments may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. If you wish information and improvement 25from the knowledge of others, and yet at the same time express yourself as firmly fixed in your present opinions, modest, sensible men, who do not love disputation, will probably leave you undisturbed in the possession of your error. And by such a manner, you can seldom hope to SOrecommend yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to per suade those whose concurrence you desire. Pope says, judiciously: " Men should be taught as if you taught them not, And things unknown propos d as things forgot? Franklin s Autobiography 19 farther recommending to us "To speak, tho sure, with seeming diffidence." And he might have coupled with this line that which he has coupled with another, I think, less properly, " For want of modesty is want of sense." 5 If you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the lines, " Immodest words admit of no defense, For want of modesty is want of sense." Now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as to want it) some apology for his want of modesty? ic and would not the lines stand more justly thus? " Immodest words admit but this defense, That want of modesty is want of sense." This, however, I should submit to better judgments. My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a news-15 paper. It was the second that appeared in America, and was called the New England Courant. The only one before it was the Boston News-Letter. I remember his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the under taking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper being, in 20 their judgment, enough for America. At this time (1771) there are not less than fwe-and-twenty. He went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having worked in composing the types and printing off the sheets, I was employed to carry the papers through the streets to the 2 5 customers. He had some ingenious men among his friend*, who 2O Franklin s Autobiography amused themselves by writing little pieces for this paper, which gained it credit and made it more in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conver sations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers 5were received with, I was excited to try my hand among them; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would object to printing anything of mine in his paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at lOnight under the door of the printing-house. It was found in the morning, and communicated to his writing friends when they called in as usual. They read it, commented on it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their approbation, and that, in their 15 different guesses at the author, none were named but men of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I then esteemed them. 20 Encouraged, however, by this, I wrote and conveyed in the same way to the press several more papers which were equally approved; and I kept my secret till my| small fund of sense for such performances was pretty well exhausted, and then I discovered it, when I began to be 25considered a little more by my brother s acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as hei thought, probably with reason, that it tended to make me 1 too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of the differences that we began to have about this time. SoThough a brother, he considered himself as my master, and me as his apprentice, and, accordingly, expected the! same services from me as he would from another, while* I thought he demeaned me too much in some he required of me, who from a brother expected more indulgence. Franklin s Autobiography 21 Our disputes were often brought before our father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, or else a better pleader, because the judgment was generally in my favor. But my brother was passionate, and had often beaten me, which I took extremely amiss; and, thinkings my apprenticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing for some opportunity of shortening it, which at length offered in a manner unexpected. One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point, which I have now forgotten, gave ofTense to the 10 Assembly. He was taken up, censured, and imprisoned for a month, by the speaker s warrant, I suppose, because he would not discover his author. I too was taken up and examined before the council; but, though I did not give them any satisfaction, they contented themselves W 7 ith ad- 15 monishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, per haps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his master s secrets. During my brother s confinement, which I resented a good deal, notwithstanding our private differences, I had 20 the management of the paper; and I made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my brother took very kindly, while others began to consider me in an unfavor able light, as a young genius that had a turn for libeling and satire. My brother s discharge was accompanied 25 with an order of the House (a very odd one), that " James Franklin should no longer print the paper called the New England Courant" There was a consultation held in our printing-house among his friends, what he should do in this case. Some 30 proposed to evade the order by changing the name of the paper; but my brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on as a better way, to let it be printed for the future under the name of BENJAMIN 22 Franklin s Autobiography FRANKLIN; and to avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall on him as still printing it by his appren tice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should be returned to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, 5 to be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of my service, I was to sign new indentures for the re mainder of the term, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was; however, it was immediately executed, and the paper went on accordingly, under my lOname for several months. At length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and me, I took upon me to assert my freedom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new indentures. It was not fair in me to take this advantage, and this I 15therefore reckon one of the first errata of my life; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under the impressions of resentment for the blows his passion too often urged him to bestow upon me, though he was otherwise not an ill-natured man: perhaps I was too 20saucy and provoking. When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting employment in any other printing- house of the town, by going round and speaking to every master, who accordingly refused to give me work. I then 2 5 thought of going to New York, as the nearest place where there was a printer; and I was rather inclined to leave Boston when I reflected that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my brother s SOcase, it was likely I might, if I stayed, soon bring myseli into scrapes; and farther, that my indiscreet disputations about religion began to make me pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. I determined on the point, but my father now siding with my brother, I Franklin s Autobiography 23 was sensible that, if I attempted to go openly, means would be used to prevent me. My friend Collins, there fore, undertook to manage a little for me. He agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaintance of5 his. So I sold some of my books to raise a little money, was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a boy of but 17, without the least recommendation to, or knowledge of, any person in thelO place, and with very little money in my pocket. Ill ARRIVAL IN PHILADELPHIA MY inclinations for the sea were by this time worn out, or I might now have gratified them. But, having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I offered my service to the printer in the place, old Mr. William 15 Bradford, who had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could give me no employment, having little to do, and help enough already ; " but," says he, " My son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand, Aquilla2U Rose, by death ; if you go thither, I believe he may em ploy you." Philadelphia was a hundred miles further; I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest and things to follow me round by sea. In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our25 rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill, and drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell overboard ; when 24 Franklin s Autobiography he was sinking, I reached through the water to his shock pate, and drew him up, so that we got him in again. His ducking sobered him a little, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his pocket a book, which he desired I would Bdry for him. It proved to be my old favorite author, Bun- yan s Pilgrim s Progress, in Dutch, finely printed on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress better than I had ever seen it wear in its own language. I have since found that it has been translated into most of the languages lOof Europe, and suppose it has been more generally read than any other book, except perhaps the Bible. Honest John was the first that I know of who mixed narration and dialogue ; a method of writing very engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting parts finds himself, as it were, isbrought into the company and present at the discourse. De Foe in his Crusoe, his Moll Flanders, Religious Court ship, Family Instructor, and other pieces, has imitated it with success; and Richardson has done the same in his Pamela, etc. 20 When we drew near the island, we found it was at a place where there could be no landing, there being a great surf on the stony beach. So we dropped anchor, and swung round towards the shore. Some people came down to the water edge and hallooed to us, as we did to 25them; but the wind was so high, and the surf so loud, that we could not hear so as to understand each other. There were canoes on the shore, and we made signs, and hallooed that they should fetch us; but they either did not understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they 30 went away, and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait till the wind should abate ; and, in the meantime, the boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could; and so crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray beating over the head of our boat, Franklin s Autobiography 25 leaked through to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. In this manner we lay all night, with very little rest ; but, the wind abating the next day, we made a shift to reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on the water, without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of 5 filthy rum, and the water we sailed on being salt. In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to bed; but, having read somewhere that cold water drunk plentifully was good for a fever, I followed the pre scription, sweat plentifully most of the night, my fever left 10 me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told I should find boats that would carry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia. It rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughlylS soaked, and by noon a good deal tired; so I stopped at a poor inn, where I stayed all night, beginning now to wish that I had never left home. I cut so miserable a figure, too, that I found, by the questions asked me, I was sus pected to be some runaway servant, and in danger of 20 being taken up on that suspicion. However, I proceeded the next day, and got in the evening to an inn, within eight or ten miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown. He entered into conversation with me while I took some refreshment, and, finding I had read a little, became 2 5 very sociable and friendly. Our acquaintance continued as long as he lived. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor, for there was no town in England, or country in Europe, of which he could not give a very particular ac count. He had some letters, and was ingenious, but 30 much of an unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years after, to travesty the Bible in doggerel verse, as Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the facts in a very ridiculous light, and might have hurt 26 Franklin s Autobiography weak minds if his work had been published; but it never was. At his house I lay that night, and the next morning reached Burlington, but had the mortification to find 5 that the regular boats were gone a little before my coming, and no other expected to go before Tuesday, this being Saturday; wherefore I returned to an old woman in the town, of whom I had bought gingerbread to eat on the water, and asked her advice. She invited me to lodge at lOher house till a passage by water should offer; and being tired with my foot traveling, I accepted the invitation. She understanding I was a printer, would have had me stay at that town and follow my business, being ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with. She was very hos- 15pitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek with great good will, accepting only of a pot of ale in return; and I thought myself fixed till Tuesday should come. However, walking in the evening by the side of the river, a boat came by, which I found was going towards Philadelphia, 20with several people in her. They took me in, and, as there was no wind, we rowed all the way ; and about mid night, not having yet seen the city, some of the company were confident we must have passed it, and would row no farther; the others knew not where we were; so we put 25toward the shore, got into a creek, landed near an old fence, with the rails of which we made a fire, the night being cold, in October, and there we remained till day light. Then one of the company knew the place to be Cooper s Creek, a little above Philadelphia, which we saw 30as soon as we got out of the creek, and arrived there about eight or nine o clock on the Sunday morning, and landed at the Market Street wharf. I have been the more particular in this description of my journey, and shall be so of my first entry into that Franklin s Autobiography 27 city, that you may in your mind compare such unlikely beginnings with the figure I have since made there. I was in my working dress, my best clothes being to come round by sea. I was dirty from my journey ; my pockets were stuffed out with shirts and stockings, and I knew no 5 soul nor where to look for lodging. I was fatigued with traveling, rowing, and want of rest; I was very hungry; and my whole stock of cash consisted of a Dutch dollar, and about a shilling in copper. The latter I gave the people of the boat for my passage, who at first refused it,10 on account of my rowing; but I insisted on their taking it a man being sometimes more generous when he has but a little money than when he has plenty, perhaps through fear of being thought to have but little. Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near the 15 market-house I met a boy with bread. I had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, I went immediately to the baker s he directed me to, in Second Street, and asked for biscuit, intending such as we had in Boston; but they, it seems, were not made in Philadel-20 phia. Then I asked for a three-penny loaf, and was told they had none such. So not considering or knowing the difference of money, and the greater cheapness nor the names of his bread, I bade him give me three-penny worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three great25 puffy rolls. I was surprised at the quantity, but took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walked off with a roll under each arm, and eating the other. Thus I went up Market Street as far as Fourth Street, passing by the door of Mr. Read, my future wife s father; when she, standingso at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous appearance. Then I turned and went down Chestnut Street and part of Walnut Street, eating my roll all the way, and, coming round, 28 Franklin s Autobiography found myself again at Market Street wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for a draught of the river water; and, being filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child that came down the 5 river in the boat with us, and were waiting to go farther. Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which by this time had many clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking the same way. I joined them, and thereby was led into the great meeting-house of the Quakers near 10 the market. I sat down among them, and, after looking round awhile and hearing nothing said, being very drowsy through labor and want of rest the preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continued so till the meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me. This was, there- 15 fore, the first house I was in, or slept in, in Philadelphia. Walking down again toward the river, and looking in the faces of people, I met a young Quaker man, whose countenance I liked, and, accosting him, requested he would tell me where a stranger could get lodging. We 20were then near the sign of the Three Mariners. " Here," says he, " is one place that entertains strangers, but it is not a reputable house; if thee wilt walk with me, I ll show thee a better." He brought me to the Crooked Billet in Water Street. Here I got a dinner; and, while 2ol was eating it, several sly questions were asked me, as it seemed to be suspected from my youth and appearance that I might be some runaway. After dinner, my sleepiness returned, and being shown to a bed, I lay down without undressing, and slept till six 30in the evening, was called to supper, went to bed again very early, and slept soundly till next morning. Then 1 made myself as tidy as I could, and went to Andrew Bradford, the printer s. I found in the shop the old man, his father, whom I had seen at New York, and who, Franklin s Autobiography 29 traveling on horseback, had got to Philadelphia before me. He introduced me to his son, who received me civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not at present want a hand, being lately supplied with one; but there was another printer in town, lately set up, one 5 Keimer, who, perhaps, might employ me; if not, I should be welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give me a little work to do now and then till fuller business should offer. The old gentleman said he would go with me to the 10 new printer; and when we found him, " Neighbor," says Bradford, " I have brought to see you a young man of your business; perhaps you may want such a one." He asked me a few questions, put a composing stick in my hand to see how I worked, and then said he would em-i5 ploy me soon, though he had just then nothing for me to do; and, taking old Bradford, whom he had never seen before, to be one of the town s people that had a good will for him, entered into a conversation on his present undertaking and prospects: while Bradford, not discov-20 ering that he was the other printer s father, on Keimer s saying he expected soon to get the greatest part of the business into his own hands, drew him on by artful ques tions, and starting little doubts, to explain all his views, what interest he relied on, and in what manner he in- 2 5 tended to proceed. I, who stood by and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a crafty old sophister, and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly surprised when I told him who the old man was. 30 Keimer s printing-house, I found, consisted of an old shattered press, and one small, worn-out font of English, which he was then using himself, composing an Elegy on Aquilla Rose, before mentioned, an ingenious young man. 30 Franklin s Autobiography of excellent character, much respected in the town, clerk of the Assembly, and a pretty poet. Keimer made verses too, but very indifferently. He could not be said to write them, for his manner was to compose them in the types 5 directly out of his head. So there being no copy, but one pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require all the letter, no one could help him. I endeavored to put his press (which he had not yet used, and of which he under stood nothing) into order fit to be worked with; and, lOpromising to come and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I returned to Bradford s, who gave me a little job to do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted. A few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off the Elegy. And now he had got another pair 15of cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work. These two printers I found poorly qualified for their business. Bradford had not been bred to it, and was very illiterate ; and Keimer, though something of a scholar, 20was a mere compositor, knowing nothing of presswork. He had been one of the French prophets, and could act their enthusiastic agitations. At this time he did not pro fess any particular religion, but something of all on occa sion; was very ignorant of the world, and had, as I 25afterward found, a good deal of the knave in his com position. He did not like my lodging at Bradford s while I worked with him. He had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he could not lodge me; but he got me a lodging at Mr. Read s, before mentioned, who was the Soowner of his house; and, my chest and clothes being come by this time, I made rather a more respectable appearance in the eyes of Miss Read than I had done when she first happened to see me eating my roll in the street. Franklin s Autobiography 31 I began now to have some acquaintance among the young people of the town, that were lovers of reading, with whom I spent my evenings very pleasantly; and gaining money by my industry and frugality, I lived very agreeably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not 5 desiring that any there should know where I resided, except my friend Collins, who was in my secret, and kept it when I wrote to him. At length, an incident happened that sent me back again much sooner than I had intended. I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, 10 master of a sloop that traded between Boston and Dela ware. He being at Newcastle, forty miles below Phila delphia, heard there of me, and wrote me a letter men tioning the concern of my friends in Boston at my ab rupt departure, assuring me of their good will to me, 15 and that everything would be accommodated to my mind if I would return^ to which he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an answer to his letter, thanked him for his advice, but stated my reasons for quitting Boston fully and in such a light as to convince him I was not so wrong as he had 20 apprehended. IV FIRST VISIT TO BOSTON SIR WILLIAM KEITH, governor of the province, was then at Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening to be in company with him when my letter came to hand, spoke to him of me, and showed him the letter. The governor25 read it, and seemed surprised when he was told my age. He said I appeared a young man of promising parts, and therefore should be encouraged; the printers at Philadel phia were wretched ones; and, if I would set up there, 32 Franklin s Autobiography he made no doubt I should succeed; for his part, he would procure me the public business, and do me every other service in his power. This my brother-in-law after wards told me in Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of Bit; when, one day, Keimer and I being at work together near the window, we saw the governor and another gen tleman (which proved to be Colonel French, of Newcas tle), finely dressed, come directly across the street to our house, and heard them at the door. 10 Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to him; but the governor inquired for me, came up, and with a condescension and politeness I had been quite unused to, made me many compliments, desired to be ac quainted with me, blamed me kindly for not having made 15myself known to him when I first came to the place, and would have me away with him to the tavern, where he was going with Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excellent Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer stared like a pig poisoned. I went, however, with 20the governor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the cor ner of Third Street, and over the Madeira he proposed my setting up my business, laid before me the probabilities of success, and both he and Colonel French assured me I should have their interest and influence in procuring 26the public business of both governments. On my doubt ing whether my father would assist me in it, Sir William said he would give me a letter to him, in which he would state the advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston 30in the first vessel, with the governor s letter recommend ing me to my father. In the meantime the intention was to be kept a secret, and I went on working with Keimer as usual, the governor sending for me now and then to dine with him, a very great honor I thought it. Franklin s Autobiography 33 and conversing with me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable. About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offered for Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see my friends. The governor gave me an ample letter, sayings many flattering things of me to my father, and strongly recommending the project of my setting up at Philadel phia as a thing that must make my fortune. We struck on a shoal in going down the bay, and sprung a leak; we had a blustering time at sea, and were obliged to pump 10 almost continually, at which I took my turn. We arrived safe, however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been absent seven months, and my friends had heard nothing of me; for my brother Holmes was not yet re turned, and had not written about me. My unexpectedlB appearance surprised the family; all were, however, very glad to see me, and made me welcome, except my brother. I went to see him at his printing-house. I was better dressed than ever while in his service, having a genteel new suit from head to foot, a watch, and my pockets 20 lined with near five pounds sterling in silver. He re ceived me not very frankly, looked me all over, and turned to his work again. The journeymen were inquisitive where I had been, what sort of a country it was, and how I liked it. 1 25 praised it much, and the happy life I led in it, expressing strongly my intention of returning to it ; and, one of them asking what kind of money we had there, I produced a handful of silver, and spread it before them, which was a kind of raree-show they had not been used to, paperSO being the money of Boston. Then I took an opportunity of letting them see my watch; and, lastly (my brother still grum and sullen), I gave them a piece of eight to drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine offended 34 Franklin s Autobiography him extremely; for, when my mother some time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of her wishes to see us on good terms together, and that we might live for the future as brothers, he said I had insulted him in such a 5 manner before his people that he could never forget or forgive it. In this, however, he was mistaken. My father received the governor s letter with some ap parent surprise, but said little of it to me for some days, . when Capt. Holmes returning, he showed it to him, asked lOhim if he knew Keith, and what kind of man he was; adding his opinion that he must be of small discretion to think of setting a boy up in business who wanted yet three years of being at man s estate. Holmes said what he could in favor of the project, but my father was clear in 15the impropriety of it, and at last gave a flat denial to it. Then he wrote a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him for the patronage he had so kindly offered me, but declin ing to assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in his opin ion, too young to be trusted with the management of a 20business so important, and for which the preparation must be so expensive. My friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in the post-office, pleased with the account I gave him of my new country, determined to go thither also; and, 2 5 while I waited for my father s determination, he set out before me by land to Rhode Island, leaving his books, which were a pretty collection of mathematics and natu ral philosophy, to come with mine and me to New York, where he proposed to wait for me. 30 My father, though he did not approve Sir William s proposition, was yet pleased that I had been able to obtain so advantageous a character from a person of such note where I had resided, and that I had been so industrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely in so short Franklin s Autobiography 35 a time; therefore, seeing no prospect of an accommoda tion between my brother and me, he gave his consent to my returning again to Philadelphia, advised me to behave respectfully to the people there, endeavor to obtain the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libeling, to 5 which he thought I had too much inclination ; telling me, that by steady industry and a prudent parsimony I might save enough by the time I was one-and-twenty to set me up; and that, if I came near the matter, he would help me out with the rest. This was all I could obtain, except 10 some small gifts as tokens of his and my mother s love, when I embarked again for New York, now with their approbation and their blessing. The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, I visited my brother John, who had been married and 15 settled there some years. He received me very affection ately, for he always loved me. A friend of his, one Ver- non, having some money due to him in Pennsylvania, about thirty-five pounds currency, desired I would receive it for him, and keep it till I had his directions what20 to remit it in. Accordingly, he gave me an order. This afterwards occasioned me a good deal of uneasi ness. At Newport we took in a number of passengers for New York, among which were two young women, com- 2 5 panions, and a grave, sensible, matronlike Quaker woman, with her attendants. I had shown an obliging readiness to do her some little services, which impressed her I sup pose with a degree of good will toward me; therefore, when she saw a daily growing familiarity between me and 30 the two young women, which they appeared to encourage, she took me aside, and said, "Young man, I am con cerned for thee, as thou hast no friend with thee, and seemest not to know much o$ the world, or of the snares 36 Franklin s Autobiography youth is exposed to; depend upon it, those are very bad women; I can see it in all their actions; and if thee art not upon thy guard, they will draw thee into some dan ger; they are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, in a 5 friendly concern for thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with them." As I seemed at first not to think so ill of them as she did, she mentioned some things she had observed and heard that had escaped my notice, but now convinced me she was right. I thanked her for her kind lOadvice, and promised to follow it. When we arrived at New York, they told me where they lived, and invited me to come and see them; but I avoided it, and it was well I did; for the next day the captain missed a silver spoon and some other things, that had been taken out of 15 his cabin, and, knowing that these were a couple of thieves, he got a warrant to search their lodgings, found the stolen goods, and had the thieves punished. So, though we had escaped a sunken rock, which we scraped upon in the passage, I thought this escape of rather more impor- 20tance to me. At New York I found my friend Collins, who had arrived there some time before me. We had been intimate from children, and had read the same books together; but he had the advantage of more time for reading and 25studying, and a wonderful genius for mathematical learn ing, in which he far outstripped me. While I lived in Boston, most of my hours of leisure for conversation were spent with him, and he continued a sober as well as an industrious lad ; was much respected for his learning by 30several of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to promise making a good figure in life. But, during my absence, he had acquired a habit of sotting with brandy j and I found by his own account, and what I heard from others, that he had been drunk every day since his ar- Franklin s Autobiography 37 rival at New York, and behaved very oddly. He had gamed, too, and lost his money, so that I was obliged to discharge his lodgings, and defray his expenses to and at Philadelphia, which proved extremely inconvenient to me. The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of Bishop 5 Burnet), hearing from the captain that a young man, one of his passengers, had a great many books, desired he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him ac cordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but that he was not sober. The governor treated me with great 10 civility, showed me his library, which was a very large one, and we had a good deal of conversation about books and authors. This was the second governor who had done me the honor to take notice of me ; which, to a poor boy like me, was very pleasing. 15 We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the way Vernon s money, without which we could hardly have finished our journey. Collins wished to be employed in some counting-house; but, whether they discovered his dramming by his breath, or by his behavior, though he 20 had some recommendations, he met with no success in any application, and continued lodging and boarding at the same house with me, and at my expense. Knowing I had that money of Vernon s, he was continually borrow ing of me, still promising repayment as soon as he should 2 5 be in business. At length he had got so much of it that I was distressed to think what I should do in case of being called on to remit it. His drinking continued, about which we sometimes quarreled; for, when a little intoxicated, he was very 30 fractious. Once, in a boat on the Delaware with some other young men, he refused to row in his turn. " I will be rowed home," says he. " We will not row you," says I. " You must, or stay all night on the water," says he, 38 Franklin s Autobiography " just as you please." The others said, " Let us row ; what signifies it? " But, my mind being soured with his other conduct, I continued to refuse. So he swore he would make me row, or throw me overboard ; and coming along, Sstepping on the thwarts, toward me, when he came up and struck at me, I clapped my hand under his crotch, and, rising, pitched him head-foremost into the river. I knew he was a good swimmer, and so was under little concern about him; but before he could get round to lolay hold of the boat, we had with a few strokes pulled her out of his reach; and ever when he drew near the boat, we asked if he would row, striking a few strokes to slide her away from him. He was ready to die with vexation, and obstinately would not promise to row. However, ir,seeing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him in and brought him home dripping wet in the evening. We hardly exchanged a civil word afterwards, and a West India captain who had a commission to procure a tutor for the sons of a gentleman at Barbados, happening to 20meet with him, agreed to carry him thither. He left me then, promising to remit me the first money he should receive in order to discharge the debt ; but I never heard of him after. The breaking into this money of Vernon s was one of 25the first great errata of my life; and this affair showed that my father was not much out in his judgment when he supposed me too young to manage business of impor tance. But Sir William, on reading his letter, said he was too prudent. There was great difference in persons; 30and discretion did not always accompany years, nor was youth always without it. " And since he will not set you up," says he, " I will do it myself. Give me an inventory of the things necessary to be had from England, and I will send for them. You shall repay me when you Franklin s Autobiography 39 are able; I am resolved to have a good printer here, and I am sure you must succeed." This was spoken with such an appearance of cordiality, that I had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept the proposition of my setting up, a secret in Philadelphia, 5 and I still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on the governor, probably some friend, that knew him better, would have advised me not to rely on him, as I afterwards heard it as his known character to be liberal of promises which he never meant to keep. Yet, unsolic-10 ited as he was by me, how could I think his generous offers insincere? I believed him one of the best men in the world. I presented him an inventory of a little printing-house, amounting by my computation to about one hundred 15 pounds sterling. He liked it, but asked me if my being on the spot in England to choose the types, and see that everything was good of the kind, might not be of some advantage. " Then," says he, " when there, you may make acquaintances, and establish correspondences in 20 the bookselling and stationery way." I agreed that this might be advantageous. " Then," says he, " get yourself ready to go with Annis ; " which was the annual ship, and the only one at that time usually passing between London and Philadelphia. But it would be some months before 25 Annis sailed, so I continued working with Keimer, fretting about the money Collins had got from me, and in daily apprehensions of being called upon by Vernon, which, however, did not happen for some years after. I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first 30 voyage from Boston, being becalmed off Block Island, our people set about catching cod, and hauled up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to my resolution of not eat ing animal food, and on this occasion I considered, with 4O Franklin s Autobiography my master Tryon, the taking every fish as a kind of un provoked murder, since none of them had, or ever could do us any injury that might justify the slaughter. All this seemed very reasonable. But I had formerly been a 5 great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the frying-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanced some time between principle and inclination, till I recollected that, when the fish were opened, I saw smaller fish taken out of their stomachs; then thought I, "If you eat one lOanother, I don t see why we mayn t eat you." So I dined upon cod very heartily, and continued to eat with other people, returning only now and then occasionally to a vegetable diet. So convenient a thing is it to be a reason able creature t since it enables one to find or make a reason 15 for everything one has a mind to do. V EARLY FRIENDS IN PHILADELPHIA KEIMER and I lived on a pretty good familiar footing, and agreed tolerably well, for he suspected nothing of my setting up. He retained a great deal of his old enthu siasms and loved argumentation. We therefore had 20many disputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic method, and had trepanned him so often by questions apparently so distant from any point we had in hand, and yet by degrees led to the point, and brought him into difficulties and contradictions, that at last he 25grew ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most common question, without asking first, ft What do you intend to infer from that? " However, it gave him so high an opinion of my abilities in the confuting way, that he seriously proposed my being his colleague in a Franklin s Autobiography 41 project he had of setting up a new sect. He was to preach the doctrines, and I was to confound all op ponents. When he came to explain with me upon the doctrines, I found several conundrums which I objected to, unless I might have my way a little too, and introduces some of mine. Keimer wore his beard at full length, because some where in the Mosaic law it is said, " Thou shall not mar the corners of thy beard." He likewise kept the Seventh day, Sabbath; and these two points were essentials withio him. I disliked both; but agreed to admit them upon condition of his adopting the doctrine of using no animal food. " I doubt," said he, " my constitution will not bear that." I assured him it would, and that he would be the better for it. He was usually a great glutton, and I prom-15 ised myself some diversion in half starving him. He agreed to try the practice, if I would keep him company. I did so, and we held it for three months. We had our victuals dressed, and brought to us regularly by a woman in the neighborhood, who had from me a list of forty 20 dishes, to be prepared for us at different times, in all which there was neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the w r him suited me the better at this time from the cheapness of it, not costing us above eighteenpence sterling each per week. I have since kept several Lents most strictly, leav-25 ing the common diet for that, and that for the common, abruptly, without the least inconvenience, so that I think there is little in the advice of making those changes by easy gradations. I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered grievously, tired of the project, longed for the 30 flesh-pots of Egypt, and ordered a roast pig. He invited me and two women friends to dine with him; but, it being brought too soon upon table, he could not resist the temptation, and ate the whole before we came. 42 Franklin s Autobiography I had made some courtship during this time to Miss Read. I had a great respect and affection for her w and had some reason to believe she had the same for me; but, as I was about to take a long voyage, and we 5were both very young, only a little above eighteen, it was thought most prudent by her mother to prevent our going too far at present, as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more convenient after my return when I should be, as I expected, set up in my business. Per- lOhaps, too, she thought my expectations not so well founded as I imagined them to be. My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all lovers of reading. The two first were clerks to an eminent scriv- 15ener or conveyancer in the town, Charles Brogden; the other was clerk to a merchant. Watson was a pious, sensible young man, of great integrity; the others rather more lax in their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, who, as well as Collins, had been unsettled by me, for 20which they both made me suffer. Osborne was sensible, candid, frank ; sincere and affectionate to his friends ; but, in literary matters, too fond of criticizing. Ralph was in genious, genteel in his manners, and extremely eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier talker. Both of them 25were great admirers of poetry, and began to try their hands in little pieces. Many pleasant walks we four had to gether on Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill, where we read to one another, and conferred on what we read. Ralph was inclined to pursue the study of poetry, not SOdoubting but he might become eminent in it, and make his fortune by it, alleging that the best poets must, when they first began to write, make as many faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him, assured him he had no genius for poetry, and advised him to think of nothing beyond the Franklin s Autobiography 43 business he was bred to ; that, in the mercantile way, though he had no stock, he might, by his diligence and punctual ity, recommend himself to employment as a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on his own account. I approved the amusing one s self with poetry now and 5 then, so far as to improve one s language, but no farther. On this it was proposed that we should each of us, at our next meeting, produce a piece of our own composing, in order to improve by our mutual observations, criti cisms, and corrections. As language and expression were 10 what we had in view, we excluded all considerations of invention by agreeing that the task should be a version of the eighteenth Psalm, which describes the descent of a Deity. When the time of our meeting drew nigh, Ralph called on me first, and let me know his piece was ready. 15 I told him I had been busy, and, having, little inclination, had done nothing. He then showed me his piece for my opinion, and I much approved it, as it appeared to me to have great merit. " Now," says he, " Osborne never will allow the least merit in anything of mine, but makes 20 1000 criticisms out of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you ; I wish, therefore, you would take this piece, and produce it as yours; I will pretend not to have had time, and so produce nothing. We shall then see what he will say to it." It was agreed, and I immediately transcribed 25 it, that it might appear in my own hand. We met; Watson s performance was read; there were some beauties in it, but many defects. Osborne s was read; it was much better; Ralph did it justice; re marked some faults, but applauded the beauties. He 30 himself had nothing to produce. I was backward ; seemed desirous of being excused; had not had sufficient time to correct, etc.; but no excuse could be admitted; pro duce I must. It was read and repeated; Watson and 44 Franklin s Autobiography Osborne gave up the contest, and joined in applauding it. Ralph only made some criticisms, and proposed some amendments; but I defended my text. Osborne was against Ralph, and told him he was no better a critic 5 than poet, so he dropped the argument. As they two went home together, Osborne expressed himself still more strongly in favor of w r hat he thought my production ; having restrained himself before, as he said, lest I should think it flattery. " But who would have imagined," said lOhe, "that Franklin had been capable of such a perform ance; such painting, such force, such fire! He has even improved the original. In his common conversation he seems to have no choice of words; he hesitates and blunders; and yet, good God! how he writes!" When 15 we next met, Ralph discovered the trick we had played him, and Osborne was a little laughed at. This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of be coming a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from it, but he continued scribbling verses till Pope cured him. 20He became, however, a pretty good prose writer. More of him hereafter. But, as I may not have occasion again to mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died in my arms a few years after, much lamented, being the best of our set. Osborne went to the West 25lndies, where he became an eminent lawyer and made money, but died young. He and I had made a serious agreement, that the one who happened first to die should, if possible, make a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint him how he found things in that separate state. But he SOnever fulfilled his promise. Franklin s Autobiography 45 VI FIRST VISIT TO LONDON THE governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequently to his house, and his setting me up was always mentioned as a fixed thing. I was to take with me Ietters5 recommendatory to a number of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish me with the necessary money for purchasing the press and types, paper, etc. For these letters I was appointed to call at different times, when they were to be ready; but a future time was still named. 10 Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too had been several times postponed, was on the point of sailing. Then, when I called to take my leave and receive the letters, his secretary, Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the governor was extremely busy in writing, 15 but would be down at Newcastle before the ship, and there the letters would be delivered to me. Ralph, though married, and having one child, had de termined to accompany me in this voyage. It was thought he intended to establish a correspondence, and 20 obtain goods to sell on commission; but I found after wards, that, through some discontent with his wife s rela tions, he purposed to leave her on their hands, and never return again. Having taken leave of my friends, and interchanged some promises with Miss Read, I left Phila-25 delphia in the ship, which anchored at Newcastle. The governor was there; but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came to me from him with the civilest message in the world, that he could not then see me, being en gaged in business of the utmost importance, but should 2? send the letters to me on board, wished me heartily a 46 Franklin s Autobiography good voyage and a speedy return, etc. I returned on board a little puzzled, but still not doubting. Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadel phia, had taken passage in the same ship for himself and 5son, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russel, masters of an iron work in Maryland, had engaged the great cabin; so that Ralph and I were forced to take up with a berth in the steerage, and none on board knowing us, were considered as ordinary lOpersons. But Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, since governor) returned from Newcastle to Philadelphia, the father being recalled by a great fee to plead for a seized ship; and, just before we sailed, Colonel French coming on board, and showing me great respect, I was 15more taken notice of, and, with my friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen to come into the cabin, there being now room. Accordingly, we moved thither. Understanding that Colonel French had brought on board the governor s despatches, I asked the captain for 20those letters that were to be under my care. He said all were put into the bag together and he could not then come at them; but, before we landed in England, I should have an opportunity of picking them out; so I was satisfied for the present, and we proceeded on our 2 5 voyage. We had a sociable company in the cabin, and lived uncommonly well, having the addition of all Mr. Hamilton s stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me that continued during his life. The voyage was otherwise not 30a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad weather. When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his word with me, and gave me an opportunity of examining the bag for the governor s letters. I found none upon which my name was put as under my cire. I picked out Franklin s Autobiography 47 six or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might be the promised letters, especially as one of them was di rected to Basket, the king s printer, and another to some stationer. We arrived in London the 24th of December, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came first in my 5 way, delivering the letter as from Governor Keith. " I don t know such a person," says he; but, opening the letter, " O ! this is from Riddlesden. I have already found him to be a complete rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor receive any letters from him." So, put- 10 ting the letter into my hand, he turned on his heel and left me to serve some customer. I was surprised to find these were not the governor s letters ; and, after recollect ing and comparing circumstances, I began to doubt his sin cerity. I found my friend Denham, and opened the 15 whole affair to him. He let me into Keith s character; told me there was not the least probability that he had written any letters for me; that no one, who knew him, had the smallest dependence on him ; and he laughed at the notion of the governor s giving me a letter of credit, 20 having, as he said, no credit to give. On my expressing some concern about what I should do, he advised me to endeavor getting some employment in the way of my business. " Among the printers here," said he, " you will improve yourself, and when you return to America, 25 you will set up to greater advantage." We both of us happened to know, as well as the sta tioner, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very knave. He had half ruined Miss Read s father by persuading him to be bound for him. By this letter it appeared there 30 was a secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of Hamilton (supposed to be then coming over with us) ; and that Keith was concerned in it with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of Hamilton s, thought he ought to be ac- 48 Franklin s Autobiography quainted with it; so, when he arrived in England, which was soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith and Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, I waited on him, and gave him the letter. He thanked 5me cordially, the information being of importance to him; and from that time he became my friend, greatly to my advantage afterwards on many occasions. But what shall we think of a governor s playing such pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant lOboy! It was a habit he had acquired. He wished to please everybody; and, having little to give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and a good governor for the people, though not for his constituents, the proprietaries, 15whose instructions he sometimes disregarded. Several of our best laws were of his planning and passed during his administration. Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took lodgings together in Little Britain at three shillings and 20sixpence a week as much as we could then afford. He found some relations, but they were poor, and unable to assist him. He now let me know his intentions of re maining in London, and that he never meant to return to Philadelphia. He had brought no money with him, the 25whole he could muster having been expended in paying his passage. I had fifteen pistoles; so he borrowed occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking out for business. He first endeavored to get into the play house, believing himself qualified for an actor; but SOWilkes, to whom he applied, advised him candidly not to think of that employment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it. Then he proposed to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a weekly paper like the Spectator, on certain conditions, which Roberts did Franklin s Autobiography 49 not approve. Then he endeavored to get employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the Temple, but could find no vacancy. I immediately got into work at Palmer s, then a famous printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continueds near a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph a good deal of my earnings in going to plays and other places of amusement. We had together consumed all my pistoles, and now just rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seemed quite to forget his wife and child, and I, bylO degrees, my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return. This was another of the great errata of my life, which I should wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In fact, by 15 our expenses, I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage. At Palmer s I was employed in composing for the second edition of Wollaston s Religion of Nature. Some of his reasonings not appearing to me well founded, 1 20 wrote a little metaphysical piece in which I made remarks on them. It was entitled A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain. I inscribed it to my friend Ralph; I printed a small number. It occasioned my being more considered by Mr. Palmer as a young man of 25 some ingenuity, though he seriously expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet, which to him ap peared abominable. My printing this pamphlet was an other erratum. While I lodged in Little Britain, I made an acquaint-30 ance with one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next door. He had an immense collection of second hand books. Circulating libraries were not then in use; but we agreed that, on certain reasonable terms, which I 50 Franklin s Autobiography have now forgotten, I might take, read, and return any of his books. This I esteemed a great advantage, and I made as much use of it as I could. My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of 5one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled The Infallibility of Human Judgment, it occasioned an ac quaintance between us. He took great notice of me, called on me often to converse on those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale alehouse in Lane, Cheap- lOside, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the Fable of the Bees, who had a club there, of which he was the soul, being a most facetious, entertaining com panion. Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson s Coffee-house, who promised to give me an 15opportunity, sometime or other, of seeing Sir Isaac New ton, of which I was extremely desirous; but this never happened. I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the principal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies 20by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he showed me all his curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to the number, for which he paid me hand somely. 25 In our house there lodged a young woman, a milliner, who, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleasing conversation. Ralph read plays to her in the evenings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging, 30and he followed her. They lived together some time; but, he being still out of business, and her income not sufficient to maintain them with her child, he took a resolution of going from London, to try for a country school, which he thought himself well qualified to under- Franklin s Autobiography 51 take, as he wrote an excellent hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. This, however, he deemed a business below him, and confident of future better for tune, when he should be unwilling to have it known that he once was so meanly employed, he changed his name, 5 and did me the honor to assume mine; for I soon after had a letter from him, acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think it was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys, at six pence each per week), recommending Mrs. T tolO my care, and desiring me to write to him, directing for Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at such a place. He continued to write frequently, sending me large specimens of an epic poem which he was then composing, and desiring my remarks and corrections. These I gave 15 him from time to time, but endeavored rather to discour age his proceeding. One of Young s Satires was then just published. I copied and sent him a great part of it, which set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the Muses with any hope of advancement by them. All was in vain; 20 sheets of the poem continued to come by every post. I now began to think of getting a little money beforehand, and, expecting better work, I left Palmer s to work at Watts s, near Lincoln s Inn Fields, a still greater printing- house. Here I continued all the rest of my stay in Lon-25 don. At my first admission into this printing-house I took to working at press, imagining I felt a want of the bodily exercise I had been used to in America, where presswork is mixed with composing. I drank only water; 30 the other workmen, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers of beer. On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large form of types in each hand, when others carried but one in both hands. They wondered to sec, 52 Franklin s Autobiography from this and several instances, that the Water- American, as they called me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong beer! We had an alehouse boy who at tended always in the house to supply the workmen. My Scompanion at the press drank every day a pint before breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon about six o clock, and another when he had done his day s work. I thought it a detestable cus- lOtom; but it was necessary, he supposed, to drink strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince him that the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be in proportion to the grain or flour of the barley dissolved in the water of which it was made; 15that there was more flour in a pennyworth of bread; and therefore, if he would eat that with a pint of water, it would give him more strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, however, and had four or five shillings to pay out of his wages every Saturday night 20for that muddling liquor; an expense I was free from. And thus these poor devils keep themselves always under. Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the composing-room, I left the pressmen ; a new bien venu or sum for drink, being five shillings, was demanded 25of me by the compositors. I thought it an imposition, as I had paid below; the master thought so too, and forbade my paying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was accordingly considered as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces of private mischief done me, 30by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc., etc., if I were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed to the chapel ghost, which they said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that, not withstanding the master s protection, I found myself Franklin s Autobiography 53 obliged to comply and pay the money, convinced of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is to live with continually. I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquired considerable influence. I proposed some reason-5 able alterations in their chapel laws, and carried them against all opposition. From my example, a great part of them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding they could with me be supplied from a neighboring house with a large porringer of hot water-10 gruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumbed with bread, and a bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three half-pence. This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those who continued sotting with beer all day, were 15 often, by not paying, out of credit at the alehouse, and used to make interest with me to get beer; their light f as they phrased it, being out. I watched the pay-table on Saturday night, and collected what I stood engaged for them, having to pay sometimes near thirty shillings a20 week on their accounts. This, and my being esteemed a pretty good riggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in the society. My constant attendance (I never making a St. Monday) recommended me to the master; and my uncommon quickness at com- 2 5 posing occasioned my being put upon all work of dispatch, which was generally better paid. So I went on now very agreeably. My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found another in Duke Street, opposite to the Romish 30 Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at an Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the house; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but lodged abroad. After 54 Franklin s Autobiography sending to inquire my character at the house where I last lodged, she agreed to take me in at the same rate, 33. 6d. per week; cheaper, as she said, from the protection she expected in having a man lodge in the house. She 5was a widow, an elderly woman ; had been bred a Prot estant, being a clergyman s daughter, but was converted to the Catholic religion by her husband, whose memory she much revered; had lived much among people of dis tinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far lOback as the times of Charles the Second. She was lame in her knees with the gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted company ; and hers was so highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an evening with her whenever she desired it. Our supper 15was only half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread and butter, and half a pint of ale between us; but the entertainment was in her conversation. My always keeping good hours, and giving little trouble in the family, made her unwilling to part with me ; so that, when I talked 20of a lodging I had heard of, nearer my business, for two shillings a week, which, intent as I now was on sav ing money, made some difference, she bid me not think of it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for the future ; so I remained with her at one shilling and six- 25pence as long as I stayed in London. In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my land lady gave me this account: that she was a Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young, and lodged 30in a nunnery with an intent of becoming a nun; but, the country not agreeing with her, she returned to England, where, there being no nunnery, she had vowed to lead the life of a nun, as near as might be done in those circum stances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to Franklin s Autobiography 55 charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and out of this sum she still gave a great deal in charity, living herself on water-gruel only, and using no fire but to boil it. She had lived many years in that garret, being permitted to remain there gratis by succes-5 sive Catholic tenants of the house below, as they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A priest visited her to confess her every day. " I have asked her," says my land lady, " how she, as she lived, could possibly find so much employment for a confessor?" " Oh," said she, "it islO impossible to avoid vain thoughts/ I was permitted once to visit her. She was cheerful and polite, and con versed pleasantly. The room was clean, but had no other furniture than a mattress, a table with a crucifix and book, a stool, which she gave me to sit on, and a picture over!5 the chimney of Saint Veronica displaying her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of Christ s bleeding face on it, which she explained to me with great seriousness. She looked pale, but was never sick; and I give it as another instance on how small an income, life and health may20 be supported. At Watts s printing-house I contracted an acquaintance with an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been better educated than most printers; was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, and 25 loved reading. I taught him and a friend of his to swim at twice going into the river, and they soon became good swimmers. They introduced me to some gentlemen from the country, who went to Chelsea by water to see the College and Don Saltero s curiosities. In our return, 30 at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfriar s performing on the way many feats of activity, both upon and under water, 56 Franklin s Autobiography that surprised and pleased those to whom they were novelties. I had from a child been ever delighted with this ex ercise, had studied and practised all Thevenot s motions 5and positions, added some of my own, aiming at the graceful and easy as well as the useful. All these I took this occasion of exhibiting to the company, and was much flattered by their admiration ; and Wygate, who was desirous of becoming a master, grew more and more lOattached to me on that account, as well as from the simi larity of our studies. He at length proposed to me trav eling all over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by working at our business. I was once in clined to it; but, mentioning it to my good friend Mr. ISDenham, with whom I often spent an hour when I had leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning to Pennsylvania, which he was now about to do. I must record one trait of this good man s character. 20He had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failed in debt to a number of people, compounded and went to America. There, by a close application to business as a merchant, he acquired a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to England in the ship with me, he invited his 25old creditors to an entertainment, at which he thanked them for the easy composition they had favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but the treat, every man at the first remove found under his plate an order on a banker for the full amount of the unpaid re- SOmainder with interest. He now told me he was about to return to Philadel phia, and should carry over a great quantity of goods in order to open a store there. He proposed to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct Franklin s Autobiography 57 me, copy his letters, and attend the store. He added, that, as soon as I should be acquainted with mercantile business, he would promote me by sending me with a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and procure me commissions from others which would be 5 profitable; and, if I managed well, would establish me handsomely. The thing pleased me; for I was grown tired of London, remembered with pleasure the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wished again to see it; therefore I immediately agreed on the terms of 10 fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money; less, indeed, than my present gettings as a compositor, but affording a better prospect. I now took leave of printing, as I thought, forever, and was daily employed in my new business, going about 15 with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to purchase various articles, and seeing them packed up, doing er rands, calling upon workmen to dispatch, etc. ; and, when all was on board, I had a few days leisure. On one of these days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great20 man I knew only by name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I waited upon him. He had heard by some means or other of my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriars, and of my teaching Wygate and another young man to swim in a few hours. He had two sons, about to set out on their 2 5 travels; he wished to have them first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely if I would teach them. They were not yet come to town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it; but, from this incident, I thought it likely that, if I were to re-so main in England and open a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of money; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the overture been sooner made me, probably I should not so soon have returned to America. After 58 Franklin s Autobiography many years, you and I had something of more impor tance to do with one of these sons of Sir William Wynd- ham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall mention in its place. 5 Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; most part of the time I worked hard at my business, and spent but little upon myself except in seeing plays and in books. My friend Ralph had kept me poor; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which I was now never lOlikely to receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I loved him, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. I had by no means improved my fortune; but I had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose conversation was of great advantage to me; and I had 15 read considerably. VII BEGINNING BUSINESS IN PHILADELPHIA WE sailed from Gravesend on the 23rd of July, 1726. For the incidents of the voyage, I refer you to my Jour- 20nal, where you will find them all minutely related. Per haps the most important part of that journal is the plan to be found in it, which I formed at sea, for regulating my future conduct in life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed when I was so young, and yet being 25pretty faithfully adhered to quite through to old age. We landed in Philadelphia on the nth of October, where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no longer governor, being superseded by Major Gordon. I met him walking the streets as a common citizen. He seemed SOa little ashamed at seeing me, but passed without saying anything. I should have been as much ashamed at see- Franklin s Autobiography 59 ing Miss Read, had not her friends, despairing with reason of my return after the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in my absence. With him, however, she was never happy, and soon parted from him. He was a worthlessS fellow, though an excellent workman, which was the temp tation to her friends. He got into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and died there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop well supplied with stationery, plenty of new types, a number of hands, thoughlO none good, and seemed to have a great deal of business. Mr. Denham took a store in Water Street, where we opened our goods; I attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time, expert at selling. We lodged and boarded together; he counseledlS me as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I re spected and loved him, and we might have gone on to gether very happy; but, in the beginning of February, 1726-7, when I had just passed my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which 20 very nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I found myself recovering, regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some time or other, have all that disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what25 his distemper was; it held him a long time, and at length carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nun cupative will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide world ; for the store was taken into the care of his executors, and my employmentSO under him ended. My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, advised my return to my business; and Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages by the year, to come 60 Franklin s Autobiography and take the management of his printing-house, that he might better attend his stationer s shop. I had heard bad character of him in London from his wife and her friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with Shim. I tried for farther employment as a merchant s clerk; but, not readily meeting with any, I closed again with Keimer. I found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pennsylvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country work; honest, sensible, had a great deal lOof solid observation, was something of a reader, but given to drink. Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and humor, but a little idle. These he had agreed with at extreme low wages per week to be raised a shil- 15ling every three months, as they would deserve by im proving in their business; and the expectation of these high wages, to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at press, Potts at book-binding, which he, by agreement, was to 20teach them, though he knew neither one nor t other. John , a wild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose service, for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain of a ship; he, too, was to be made a press man. George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for 25four years he had likewise bought, intending him for a compositor, of whom more presently; and David Harry, a country boy, whom he had taken apprentice. I soon perceived that the intention of engaging me at wages so much higher than he had been used to give, 30was, to have these raw, cheap hands formed through me; and, as soon as I had instructed them, then they being all articled to him, he should be able to do without me. I went on, however, very cheerfully, put his printing- house in order, which had been in great confusion, and Franklin s Autobiography 61 brought his hands by degrees to mind their business and to do it better. It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the situation of a bought servant. He was not more than eighteen years of age, and gave me this account of him-5 self; that he was born in Gloucester, educated at a gram mar-school there, had been distinguished among the scholars for some apparent superiority in performing his part, when they exhibited plays; belonged to the Witty Club there, and had written some pieces in prose and 10 verse, which were printed in the Gloucester newspapers; thence he was sent to Oxford; where he continued about a year, but not well satisfied, wishing of all things to see London, and become a player. At length, receiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of dis-15 charging his debts he walked out of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and footed it to London, where, having no friend to advise him, he fell into bad company, soon spent his guineas, found no means of being introduced among the players, grew necessitous, pawned his clothes, 20 and wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry, and not knowing what to do with himself, a crimp s bill was put into his hand, offering immediate entertain ment and encouragement to such as would bind them selves to serve in America. He went directly, signed the-25 indentures, was put into the ship, and came over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what was become of him. He was lively, witty, good-natured, and a pleas ant companion, but idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to the last degree. 30 John, the Irishman, soon ran away; with the rest I began to live very agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they found Keimer incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learned something daily. 62 Franklin s Autobiography We never worked on Saturday, that being Keimer s Sab bath, so I had two days for reading. My acquaintance with ingenious people in the town increased. Keimer himself treated me with great civility and apparent regard, Band nothing now made me uneasy but my debt to Vernon, which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor economist. He, however, kindly made no demand of it. Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-founder in America; I had seen types cast at lOjames s in London, but without much attention to the manner; however, I now contrived a mould, made use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, and thus supplied in a pretty tolerable way all defi ciencies. I also engraved several things on occasion ; I 15made the ink; I was warehouseman, and everything, and, in short, quite a factotum. But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my services became every day of less importance, as the other hands improved in the business; and, when Keimer 20paid my second quarter s wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an abate ment. He grew by degrees less civil, put on more of the master, frequently found fault, was captious, and seemed ready for an outbreaking. I went on, nevertheless, with 25a good deal of patience, thinking that his encumbered circumstances were partly the cause. At length a trifle snapped our connections ; for, a great noise happening near the court-house, I put my head out of the window to see what was the matter. Keimer, being in the street, looked 30up and saw me, called out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind my business, adding some reproach ful words, that nettled me the more for their publicity, all the neighbors who were looking out on the same occasion being witnesses how I was treated. He came up imme- Franklin s Autobiography 63 diately into the printing-house, continued the quarrel, high words passed on both sides, he gave me the quarter s warning we had stipulated, expressing a wish that he had not been obliged to so long a warning. I told him his wish was unnecessary, for I would leave him that in-5 stant; and so, taking my hat, walked out of doors, desir ing Meredith, whom I saw below, to take care of some things I left, and bring them to my lodgings. Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked my affair over. He had conceived a great regard 10 for me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the house while he remained in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native country, which I began to think of; he reminded me that Keimer was in debt for all he possessed; that his creditors began to be uneasy; thatlS he kept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for ready money, and often trusted without keeping accounts ; that he must therefore fail, which would make a vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of money. He then let me know that his father had a high opinion of20 me, and, from some discourse that had passed between them, he was sure would advance money to set us up, if I would enter into partnership with him. " My time," says he, " will be out with Keimer in the spring ; by that time we may have our press and types in from London. 2 5 I am sensible I am no workman ; if you like it, your skill in the business shall be set against the stock I furnish, and we will share the profits equally." The proposal was agreeable, and I consented; his father was in town and approved of it; the more as he30 saw I had great influence with his son, had prevailed on him to abstain long from dram-drinking, and he hoped might break him of that wretched habit entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. I gave an inventory 64 Franklin s Autobiography to the father, who carried it to a merchant; the things were sent for, the secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the meantime I was to get work, if I could, at the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy 5there, and so remained idle a few days, when Keimer, on a prospect of being employed to print some paper money in New Jersey, which would require cuts and various types that I only could supply, and apprehending Brad ford might engage me and get the job from him, sent me a lOvery civil message, that old friends should not part for a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more opportunity for his improvement under my daily instructions ; so I returned, and we went on more ISsmoothly than for some time before. The New Jersey job was obtained, I contrived a copperplate press for it, the first that had been seen in the country; I cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the whole to satisfaction ; 20and he received so large a sum for the work as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much longer above water. At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many principal people of the province. Several of them had 25been appointed by the Assembly a committee to attend the press, and take care that no more bills were printed than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and generally he who attended, brought with him a friend or two for company. My SOmind having been much more improved by reading than Keimer s, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation seemed to be more valued. They had me to their houses, introduced me to their friends, and showed me much civility; while he, though the master, was a little neglected. Franklin s Autobiography 65 In truth, he was an odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely opposing received opinions, slovenly to extreme dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a little knavish withal. We continued there near three months; and by thats time I could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the Smiths, mem bers of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-gen eral. The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who 10 told me that he began for himself, when young, by wheel ing clay for the brickmakers, learned to write after he was of age, carried the chain for surveyors, who taught him surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquired a good estate; and says he, " I foresee that you will soonis work this man out of his business, and make a fortune in it at Philadelphia." He had not then the least intima tion of my intention to set up there or anywhere. These friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occasion ally was to some of them. They all continued their re- 20 gard for me as long as they lived. Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, it may be well to let you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles and morals, that you may see how far those influenced the future events of my life. 2 5 My parents had early given me religious impressions, and brought me through my childhood piously in the Dissent ing way. But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of several points, as I found them disputed in the different books I read, I began to doubt of Revelationso itself. Some books against Deism fell into my hands; they were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle s Lectures. It happened that they wrought an effect on me quite contrary to what was intended by 66 Franklin s Autobiography them ; for the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger than the refutations; in short, I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments perverted some others, particularly Collins 5and Ralph; but, each of them having afterwards wronged me greatly without the least compunction, and recollect ing Keith s conduct towards me (who was another free thinker), and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect lOthat this doctrine, though it might be true, was not very useful. My London pamphlet, which had for its motto these lines of Dryden : "* f <^*-c " Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man Sees but a part o the chain, the nearest link: 15 His eyes not carrying to the equal beam, That poises all above;" and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, good ness and power, concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and virtue were empty 20distinctions, no such things existing, appeared now not so clever a performance as I once thought it; and I doubted whether some error had not insinuated itself unperceived into my argument, so as to infect all that followed, as is common in metaphysical reasonings. 25 I grew convinced that truth, sincerity and integrity in dealings between man and man were of the utmost im portance to the felicity of life; and I formed written resolutions, which still remain in my journal book, to practise them ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed 30no weight with me, as such; but I entertained an opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad because they were forbidden by it, or good because it commanded them, yet probably those actions might be forbidden be cause they were bad for us, or commanded because they Franklin s Autobiography 67 were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circum stances of things considered. And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable circumstances and situations, or all together, preserved me, through this dangerous time of5 youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in among strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my father, without any willful gross immorality or injustice, that might have been expected from my want of religion. I say willful, because the instances I have mentioned had 10 something of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperi ence, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable character to begin the world with; I valued it properly, and determined to preserve it. We had not been long returned to Philadelphia beforelS the new types arrived from London. We settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of it. We found a house to hire near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent, which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, though I have since known it to let for 20 seventy, we took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our letters and put our press in order, before George House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a countryman to us, 25 whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended in the variety of particu lars we had been obliged to procure, and this country man s five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown I have 30 since earned; and the gratitude I felt toward House has made me often more ready than perhaps I should other wise have been to assist young beginners. There are croakers in every country, always boding its 68 Franklin s Autobiography ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a very grave manner of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopped one day at my 5 door, and asked me if I was -the young man who had lately opened a new printing-house. Being answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would be lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people lOalready half bankrupts, or near being so; all appearances to the contrary, such as new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his certain knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact, among the things that would soon ruin us. And he gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, 15or that were soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged in this business, probably I never should have done it. This man con tinued to live in this decaying place, and to declaim in the same strain, refusing for many years to buy a house 20there, because all was going to destruction ; and at last I had the pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as he might have bought it for when he first began his croaking. I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of 25the preceding year, I had formed most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual improvement, which we called the JUNTO; we met on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up required that every member, in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any point 30of Morals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discussed by the company; and once in three months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any subject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of Franklin s Autobiography 69 inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of victory; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of positiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were after some time made contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary penalties. 5 The first members were Joseph Brientnal, a copyer of deeds for the scriveners, a good-natured, friendly middle- aged man, a great lover of poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was tolerable; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible 10 conversation. Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is now called Hadley s Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was not a pleasing companion; as like most great 15 mathematicians I have met with, he expected universal precision in everything said, or was forever denying or distinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all con versation. He soon left us. Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-gen- 20 eral, who loved books, and sometimes made a few verses. William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but, loving read ing, had acquired a considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a view to astrology, that he afterward laughed at it. He also became surveyor-25 general. William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and a solid, sensible man. Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb I have characterized before. 30 Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively, and witty; a lover of punning and of his friends. And William Coleman, then a merchant s clerk, about 70 Franklin s Autobiography my age, who had the coolest, clearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any man I ever met with. He became afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship Bcontinued without interruption to his death, upwards of forty years; and the club continued almost as long, and was the best school of philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the province; for our queries, which were read the week preceding their discussion, put us lOupon reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose; and here, too, we acquired better habits of conversation, everything being studied in our rules which might prevent our dis gusting each other. From hence the long continuance of 15the club, which I shall have frequent occasion to speak further of hereafter. But my giving this account of it here is to show some thing of the interest I had, everyone of these exerting themselves in recommending business to us. Breintnal 20particularly procured us from the Quakers the printing forty sheets of their history, the rest being to be done by Keimer; and upon this we worked exceedingly hard, for the price was low. It was a folio, pro patria size, in pica, with long primer notes. I composed of it a sheet a day. 25and Meredith worked it off at press; it was often eleven at night, and sometimes later, before I had finished my dis tribution for the next day s work, for the little jobs sent in by our other friends now and then put us back. But so determined I was to continue doing a sheet a day of the SOfolio, that one night, when, having imposed my forms, I thought my day s work over, one of them by accident was broken, and two pages reduced to pi, I immediately distributed and composed it over again before I went to bed; and this industry, visible to our neighbors, began Franklin s Autobiography 71 to give us character and credit; particularly, I was told, that mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants Every-night club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there being already two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you5 and I saw many years after at his native place, St. An drew s in Scotland) gave a contrary opinion: "For the industry of that Franklin," says he, " is superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind; I see him still at work when I go home from club, and he is at work again be- 10 fore his neighbors are out of bed." This struck the rest, and we soon after had offers from one of them to supply us with stationery ; but as yet we did not choose to engage in shop business. I mention this industry the more particularly and the 15 more freely, though it seems to be talking in my own praise, that those of my posterity, who shall read it, may know the use of that virtue, when they see its effects in my favor throughout this relation. George Webb, who had found a female friend that Ient20 him wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, now came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. We could not then employ him; but I foolishly let him know as a secret that I soon intended to begin a newspaper, and might then have work for him. My hopes of success, as I told 25 him, were founded on this, that the then only newspaper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly managed, no way entertaining, and yet was profitable to him ; I therefore thought a good paper would scarcely fail of good encouragement. I requested Webb not to 30 mention it; but he told it to Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with me, published proposals for print ing one himself, on which Webb was to be employed. I resented this; and, to counteract them, as I could not 72 Franklin s Autobiography yet begin our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertain ment for Bradford s paper, under the title of the BUSY BODY, which Breintnal continued some months. By this means the attention of the public was fixed on that 5paper, and Keimer s proposals, which we burlesqued and ridiculed, were disregarded. He began his paper, how ever, and, after carrying it on three-quarters of a year, with at most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and I, having been ready some time to go lOon with it, took it in hand directly; and it proved in a few years extremely profitable to me. I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular num ber, though our partnership still continued ; the reason may be that, in fact, the whole management of the business islay upon me. Meredith was no compositor, a poor press man, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my con nection with him, but I was to make the best of it. Our first papers made a quite different appearance from any before in the province; a better type, and better 20printed; but some spirited remarks of my writing, on the dispute then going on between Governor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal people, oc casioned the paper and the manager of it to be much talked of, and in a few weeks brought them all to be our sub- 25scribers. Their example was followed by many, and our number went on growing continually. This was one of the first good effects of my having learned a little to scribble; an other was, that the leading men, seeing a newspaper now 30i*n the hands of one who could also handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed the votes, and laws, and other public business. He had printed an address of the House to the governor, in a coarse, blundering manner; we reprinted it elegantly Franklin s Autobiography 73 an4 correctly, and sent one to every member. They were sensible of the difference: it strengthened the hands of our friends in the House, and they voted us their print ers for the year ensuing. Among my friends in the House I must not forget 5 Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from England, and had a seat in it. He interested himself for me strongly in that instance, as he did in many others afterward, continuing his patronage till his death. 10 Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt I owed him, but did not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, craved his forbear ance a little longer, which he allowed me, and as soon as I was able, I paid the principal with interest, and manylS thanks; so that erratum was in some degree corrected. But now another difficulty came upon me which I had never the least reason to expect. Mr. Meredith s father, who was to have paid for our printing-house, according to the expectations given me, was able to advance only 20 one hundred pounds currency, which had been paid ; and a hundred more was due to the merchant, who grew impatient, and sued us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the money could not be raised in time, the suit must soon come to a judgment and execution, and our hope- 25 ful prospects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half price. In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have never forgotten nor ever shall forget while I can remember anything, came to me separately, unknown to 30 each other, and, without any application from me, offer ing each of them to advance me all the money that should be necessary to enable me to take the whole business upon myself, if that should be practicable; but they did not 74 Franklin s Autobiography like my continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing at low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These two friends were William Coleman and Robert 5 Grace. I told them I could not propose a separation while any prospect remained of the Merediths fulfilling their part of our agreement, because I thought myself under great obligations to them for what they had done, and would do if they could; but, if they finally failed in lOtheir performance, and our partnership must be dissolved, I should then think myself at liberty to accept the assist ance of my friends. Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to my partner, " Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the 15part you have undertaken in this affair of ours, and is un willing to advance for you and me what he would for you alone. If that is the case, tell me, and I will resign the whole to you, and go about my business." " No," said he, " my father has really been disappointed, and is really 20unable; and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see this is a business I am not fit for. I was bred a farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town, and put myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to settle in North 25Carolina, where land is cheap. I am inclined to go with them, and follow my old employment. You may find friends to assist you. If you will take the debts of the company upon you; return to my father the hundred pounds he has advanced ; pay my little personal debts, 30and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will re linquish the partnership, and leave the whole in your hands." I agreed to this proposal; it was drawn up in writing, signed, and sealed immediately. I gave him what he demanded, and he went soon after to Carolina, Franklin s Autobiography 75 from whence he sent me next year two long letters, con taining the best account that had been given of that coun try, the climate, the soil, husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very judicious. I printed them in the papers, and they gave great satisfaction to the public. 5 As soon as he was gone, I recurred to my two friends; and because I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took half of what each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; paid off the company s debts, and went on with the business in my own name, advertis-10 ing that the partnership was dissolved. I think this was in or about the year 1729. VIII BUSINESS SUCCESS AND FIRST PUBLIC SERVICE ABOUT this time there was a cry among the people for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. Thei5 wealthy inhabitants opposed any addition, being against all paper currency, from an apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in New England, to the prej udice of all creditors. We had discussed this point in our Junto, where I was on the side of an addition, being20 persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and number of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building: whereas I remembered well, that when I first25 walked about the streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of the houses in Walnut Street, between Second and Front Streets, with bills on their doors, " To 76 Franklin s Autobiography be let ; " and many likewise in Chestnut Street and othej streets, which made me then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after another. Our debates possessed me so fully of the subject, that 6l wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Cur- rency. It was well received by the common people in general; but the rich men disliked it, for it increased and strengthened the clamor for more money, and they hap- lOpening to have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their opposition slackened, and the point was carried by a majority in the House. My friends there, who conceived I had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by employing me in printing the money; 15a very profitable job and a great help to me. This was another advantage gained by my being able to write. The utility of this currency became by time and expe rience so evident as never afterwards to be much dis puted ; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, 20and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose during war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, building, and inhabitants all the while increasing, though I now think there are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful. 25 I soon after obtained, through my friend Hamilton, the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profit able job as I then thought it; small things appearing great to those in small circumstances; and these, to me, were really great advantages, as they were great encour- SOagements. He procured for me, also, the printing of the laws and votes of that government, which continued in my hands as long as I followed the business. I now opened a little stationer s shop. I had in it blanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appeared Franklin s Autobiography 77 among us, being assisted in that by my friend Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment, chapmen s books, etc. One Whitemash, a compositor I had known in London, an excellent workman, now came to me, and worked with me constantly and diligently; and I took an apprentice^ the son of Aquila Rose. I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under for the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid all appearancesio to the contrary. I dressed plainly ; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting ; a book, indeed, sometimes debauched me from my work, but that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to show that I was not above my business, I sometimes 15 brought home the paper I purchased at the stores through the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteemed an industrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for what I bought, the merchants who imported stationery solicited my custom; others proposed supplying me with books, 20 and I went on swimmingly. In the meantime, Keimer s credit and business declining daily, he was at last forced to sell his printing-house to satisfy his creditors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years in very poor circumstances. 25 His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while I worked with him, set up in his place at Philadel phia, having bought his materials. I was at first appre hensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends were very able, and had a good deal of interest. I thereforeso proposed a partnership to him, which he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. He was very proud, dressed like a gentleman, lived expensively, took much diversion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business; 78 Franklin s Autobiography upon which, all business left him; and, finding nothing to do, he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, taking the print ing-house with him. There this apprentice employed his former master as a journeyman ; they quarrelled often ; 5 Harry went continually behindhand, and at length was forced to sell his types and return to his country work in Pennsylvania. The person that bought them employed Keimer to use them, but in a few years he died. There remained now no competitor with me at Phila- lOdelphia but the old one, Bradford ; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by straggling hands, but was not very anxious about the business. However, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he had better opportunities of obtaining news; his paper 15was thought a better distributer of advertisements than mine, and therefore had many more, which was a profit able thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, though I did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the public opinion was otherwise, for what I did send 20was by bribing the riders, who took them privately, Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which occa sioned some resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I afterw r ard came into his situation, I took care never to imitate it. 25 I had hitherto continued to board with Godfrey, who lived in part of my house with his wife and children, and had one side of the shop for his glazier s business, though he worked little, being always absorbed in his mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey projected a match for me with a relation s SOdaughter, took opportunities of bringing us often together, till a serious courtship on my part ensued, the girl being in herself very deserving. The old folks encouraged me by continual invitations to supper, and by leaving us to gether, till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. God- Franklin s Autobiography 79 frey managed our little treaty. I let her know that I ex pected as much money with their daughter as would pay off my remaining debt for the printing-house, which I believe was not then above a hundred pounds. She brought me word they had no such sum to spare; I said 5 they might mortgage their house in the loan-office. The answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not approve the match; that, on inquiry of Bradford, they had been informed the printing business was not a profit able one; the types would soon be worn out, and morelO wanted ; that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one after the other, and I should probably soon follow them; and, therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daugh ter shut up. Whether this was a real change of sentiment or onlylS artifice, on a supposition of our being too far engaged in affection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a marriage, which would leave them at liberty to give or withhold what they pleased, I know not; but I suspected the latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey 20 brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of their disposition, and would have drawn me on again; but I declared absolutely my resolution to have nothing more to do with that family. This was resented by the Godfreys; we differed, and they removed, leaving me the25 whole house, and I resolved to take no more inmates. But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I looked round me and made overtures of acquaintance in other places ; but soon found that, the business of a printer being generally thought a poor one, I was not to expect 30 money with a wife, unless with such a one as I should not otherwise think agreeable. A friendly correspond ence as neighbors and old acquaintances had continued between me and Mrs. Read s family, who all had a re^ 80 Franklin s Autobiography gard for me from the time of my first lodging in their house. I was often invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was of service. I pitied poor Miss Read s unfortunate situation, who was gen- 5erally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided company. I considered my giddiness and inconstancy when in Lon don as in a great degree the cause of her unhappiness, though the mother was good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she had prevented our lOmarrying before I went thither, and persuaded the other match in my absence. Our mutual affection was revived, but there were now great objections to our union. The match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preceding wife being said to be living in England ; but this could not ISeasily be proved, because of the distance; and, though there was a report of his death, it was not certain. Then, though it should be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might be called upon to pay. We ventured, however, over all these difficulties, and I took her to wife 20September 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences hap pened that we had apprehended ; she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending the shop ; we throve together, and have ever mutually en deavored to make each other happy. Thus I corrected 2 5 that great erratum as well as I could. About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a little room of Mr. Grace s, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since our books were often referred to in our disquisitions upon the SOqueries, it might be convenient to us to have them alto gether where we met, that upon occasion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our books to a common library, we should, while we liked to keep them together, have each of us the advantage of using the books of all Franklin s Autobiography 8 1 the other members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each owned the whole. It was liked and agreed to, and we filled one end of the room with such books as we could best spare. The number was not so great as we expected; and though they had been of great use, yet5 ome inconveniences occurring for want of due care of them, the collection, after about a year, was separated, and each took his books home again. And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature, that for a subscription library. I drew up the 10 proposals, got them put into form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our company was to continue. We afterwards obtained al5 charter, the company being increased to one hundred; this was the mother of all the North American subscrip tion libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great thing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries have improved the general conversation of the Americans, 20 made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps have contributed in some degree to the stand so gen erally made throughout the colonies in defense of their privileges. 25 Mem . Thus far was written with the intention ex pressed in the beginning and therefore contains several little family anecdotes of no importance to others. What follows was written many years after. The affairs of the Revolution occasioned the interruption. 30 [Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at Passy, near Paris, 1784.] It is some time since I received the above letters [two 82 Franklin s Autobiography letters omitted in this edition], but I have been too busy till now to think of complying with the request they contain. It might, too, be much better done if I were at home among my papers, which would aid my Bmemory, and help to ascertain dates; but my return being uncertain, and having just now a little leisure, I will endeavor to recollect and write what I can; if I live to get home, it may there be corrected and improved. Not having any copy here of what is already written, I loknow not whether an account is given of the means I used to establish the Philadelphia public library, which, from a small beginning, is now become so considerable, though I remember to have come down to near the time of that transaction (1730). I will therefore begin here 15with an account of it, which may be struck out if found to have been already given. At the time I established myself in Pennsylvania, there was not a good bookseller s shop in any of the colonies to the southward of Boston. In New York and Philadel- 20phia the printers were indeed stationers; they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads, and a few common school- books. Those who loved reading were obliged to send for their books from England ; the members of the Junto had each a few. We had left the alehouse, where we 25first met, and hired a room to hold our club in. I pro posed that we should all of us bring our books to that room, where they would not only be ready to consult in our conferences, but become a common benefit, each of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wished to read 30at home. This was accordingly done, and for some time contented us. Finding the advantage of this little collection, I pro posed to render the benefit from books more common, by commencing a public subscription library. I drew Franklin s Autobiography 83 a sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of agreement to be subscribed, by which each subscriber engaged to pay a certain sum down for the first purchase of books, and an 5 annual contribution for increasing them. So few were the readers at that time in Philadelphia, and the ma jority of us so poor, that I was not able, with great industry, to find more than fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, willing to pay down for this purpose forty 10 shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. On this little fund we began. The books were imported; the library was opened one day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on their promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. The institution soon 15 manifested its utility, was imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The libraries were augmented by donations; reading became fashionable; and our people, having no public amusements to divert their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and in 20 a few years were observed by strangers to be better instructed and more intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in other countries. When we were about to sign the above-mentioned arti cles, which were to be binding on us, our heirs, etc., for25 fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, " You are young men, but it is scarcely probable that any of you will live to see the expiration of the term fixed in the instrument." A number of us, however, are yet living; but the instrument was after a few yearsso rendered null by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company. The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting the subscriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of 84 Franklin s Autobiography presenting one s self as the proposer of any useful proj ect, that might be supposed to raise one s reputation in the smallest degree above that of one s neighbors, when one has need of their assistance to accomplish that proj- 5ect. I therefore put myself as much as I could out of sight, and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had requested me to go about and propose it to such as they thought lovers of reading. In this way my affair went on more smoothly, and I ever after practised it on lOsuch occasions; and, from my frequent successes, can heartily recommend it. The present little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be amply repaid. If it re- main a while uncertain to whom the merit belongs, someone more vain than yourself will be encouraged to Hclaim it, and then even envy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those assumed feathers, and restoring them to their right owner. This library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two each EOday, and thus repaired in some degree the loss of the learned education my father once intended for me. Reading was the only amusement I allowed myself. I spent no time in taverns, games, or frolics of any kind; and my industry in my business continued as indefatiga- J5ble as it was necessary. I was indebted for my printing- house; I had a young family coming on to be educated, and I had to contend for business with two printers, who were established in the place before me. My circum stances, however, grew daily easier. My original habits |0of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a prov erb of Solomon, " Seest thou a man diligent in his call ing, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before mean men," I from thence considered industry as a means of obtaining wealth and distinction, which encouraged me 2 Franklin s Autobiography 85 though I did not think that I should ever literally stand before kings, which, however, has since happened; for I have stood before five, and even had the honor of sit ting down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner. We have an English proverb that says, " He that wouldS thrive, must ask his wife." It was lucky for me that I had one as much disposed to industry and frugality as my self. She assisted me cheerfully in my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen rags for the paper-makers, etc., etc. We kept no 10 idle servants, our table was plain and simple, our furni ture of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, 15 in spite of principle; being called one morning to break fast, I found it in a china bowl, with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and- twenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or 20 apology to make, but that she thought her husband de served a silver spoon and china bowl as well as any of his neighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and china in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, as our wealth increased, augmented gradually to several 25 hundred pounds in value. I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and though some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented 30 myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never was without some religious prin ciples. I never doubted, for instance, the existence of the Deity; that he made the world, and governed it by his Providence; that the most acceptable service of God 86 Franklin s Autobiography was the doing good to man; that our souls are immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. These I esteemed the essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all the reli- Bgions we had in our country, I respected them all, though with different degrees of respect, as I found them more or less mixed with other articles, which, without any tend ency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, served principally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one lOanother. This respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good effects, induced me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his own religion ; and as our prov ince increased in people, and new places of worship were 15continually wanted, and generally erected by voluntary contribution, my mite for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused. Though I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when 2orightly conducted, and I regularly paid my annual sub scription for the support of the only Presbyterian min ister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He used to visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to at tend his administrations, and I was now and then prevailed 25on to do so, once for five Sundays successively. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday s leisure in my course of study; but his dis courses were chiefly either polemic arguments, or explica- BOtions of the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was inculcated or enforced, their aim seeming to be rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens. Franklin s Autobiography 87 At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of Philippians, "Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good re port, if there be any virtue, or any praise, think on these things." And I imagined, in a sermon on such a text, 5 we could not miss of having some morality. But he confined himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: I. Keeping holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being dili gent in reading the holy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the public worship. 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5.10 Paying a due respect to God s ministers. These might be all good things; but, as they were not the kind of good things that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some years be- 15 fore composed a little Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled, Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I returned to the use of this, and went no more to the public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but I leave it, without attempting 20 further to excuse it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make apologies for them. IX PLAN FOR ATTAINING MORAL PERFEC TION IT was about this time I conceived the bold and ar duous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wished to live without committing any fault at any time; I would25 conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid the other. But I 88 Franklin s Autobiography soon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employed in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another: habit took the advantage of inattention; in- Bclination was sometimes too strong for reason. I con cluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the con trary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and lOestablished, before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the following method. In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or 15less numerous, as different writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, for ex ample, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or 20mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I proposed to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, with fewer ideas annexed to each, than a few names with more ideas; and I included under thirteen names of virtues all that at that time occurred to me 25as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully expressed the extent I gave to its meaning. These names of virtues, with their precepts, were: 1. TEMPERANCE. 30 Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation. 2. SILENCE. Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling conversation. Franklin s Autobiography 89 3. ORDER. Let all your things have their places; let each part of your business have its time. 4. RESOLUTION. Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without5 fail what you resolve. 5. FRUGALITY. Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself ; i. e. f waste nothing. 6. INDUSTRY. 10 Lose no time; be always employed in something use ful; cut off all unnecessary actions. 7. SINCERITY. Use no hurtful deceit ; think innocently and justly ; and, if you speak, speak accordingly. 15 8. JUSTICE. Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your duty. 9. MODERATION. Avoid extremes; forbear resenting injuries so much as20 you think they deserve. 10. CLEANLINESS. Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, clothes, or habitation. 11. TRANQUILLITY. Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or 2 5 unavoidable. 12. CHASTITY. 13. HUMILITY. Imitate Jesus zni Socrates. 9<3 Franklin s Autobiography My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues, I judged it would be well not to distract my at tention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I should be master of 5that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should have gone through the thirteen; and, as the previous ac quisition of some might facilitate the acquisition of cer tain others, I arranged them with that view, as they stand above. Te?nperance first, as it tends to procure lOthat coolness and clearness of head, which is so nec essary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This being acquired and established, Silence would be 15more easy; and my desire being to gain knowledge at the same time that I improved in virtue, and considering that in conversation it was obtained rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, and 20Joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling com pany, I gave Silence the second place. This and the next, Order, I expected would allow me more time for attending to my project and my studies. Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in my en- 25deavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues; Frugality and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and producing affluence and independence, would make more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Con ceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras 30in his Golden Verses, daily examination would be neces sary, I contrived the following method for conducting that examination. I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of the virtues. I ruled each page with red ink, so Franklin s Autobiography 9 1 as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the day. I crossed these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the begin ning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by 5 a little black spot, every fault I found upon examination to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that day. Form of the pages. TEMPERANCE. BAT NOT TO DULLNESS; DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION. S. M. T. W. T. F. S. T. S. * # # ft o. * * # * * * R. * # F. * * I. * S. J. M. C. T. C. H. I determined to give a week s strict attention to each 92 Franklin s Autobiography of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, ray great guard was to avoid every the least offense against Temperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults of the day. 5 Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, marked T, clear of spots, I supposed the habit of that virtue so much strengthened, and its opposite weakened, that I might venture extending my attention to include the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear lOof spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go through a course complete in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works I5on one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplished the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the prog ress I made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I 2oshould be happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks daily examination. This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison s Cato: " Here will I hold. If there s a power above us 2 5 (And that there is, all nature cries aloud Through all her works), He must delight in virtue; And that which he delights in must be happy." Another from Cicero: "O vitae Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix expul- 3Qtrixque vitiorum ! Unus dies, bene et ex praeceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus." Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue: Franklin s Autobiography 93 "Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honor. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace." iii. 16, 17. And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for 5 obtaining it; to this end I formed the following little prayer, which was prefixed to my tables of examination, for daily use. " powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide! Increase In me that wisdom which discovers my truest Interest.^ Strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom die- tales. Accept my kind offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual favors to me." I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson s Poems, viz.: 15 "Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme! O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself! Save me from folly, vanity, and vice, From every low pursuit; and fill my soul With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure; 20 Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!" The precept of Order requiring that every part of my business should have Its allotted time, one page in my little book contained the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day. 25 THE MORNING. Question. What good shall I do this day? Rise, wash, and ad dress Powerful Goodness! Contrive day s business, and take the resolution of the day; prosecute the 30 present study, and break fast. Franklin s Autobiography NOON. 10 EVENING. Question. What good have I have done to-day? 15 20 NIGHT, Work. Read, or overlook my accounts, and dine. Work. Put things in their places. Supper. Music or diversion, or conversa tion. Examination of the day. Sleep. I entered upon the execution of this plan for self- examination, and continued it with occasional intermis- 25sions for some time. I was surprised to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined ; but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to SOmake room for new ones in a new course, became full of holes, I transferred my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines I marked my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. Franklin s Autobiography 95 After a while I went through one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employed in voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that inter fered; but I always carried my little book with me. 5 My scheme of ORDER gave me the most trouble; and I found that, though it might be practicable where a man s business was such as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who 10 must mix with the world, and often receive people of business at their own hours. Order, too, with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found extremely dif ficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding good memory, I was not so!5 sensible of the inconvenience attending want of method. This article, therefore, cost me so much painful atten tion, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, 20 and content myself with a faulty character in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my neigh bor, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel; he turned, while the 25 smith pressed the broad face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without farther grinding. " No," said the30 smith, " turn on, turn on ; we shall have it bright by-and- by; as yet, it is only speckled." "Yes," says the man, " but I think I like a speckled ax best." And I believe this may have been the case with many, who, having, for 96 Franklin s Autobiography want of some such means as I employed, found the diffi culty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that " a speckled ax was best; Jf for some- 5thing, that pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extreme nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous ; that a perfect character might be attended with the incon- lOvenience of being envied and hated ; and that a benevo lent man should allow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in countenance. In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, 15l feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, though I never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the endeavor, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted it; 20as those who aim at perfect writing by imitating the en graved copies, though they never reach the wished-for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible. 25 It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor owed the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence; but, 30if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoyed ought to help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what is still left to him of a good constitution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his circum- Franklin s Autobiography 97 stances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowl edge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon him; and to the5 joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, thatlO some of my descendants may follow the example and reap the benefit. It will be remarked that, though my scheme was not wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had pur-15 posely avoided them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all religions, and intending some time or other to publish it, I would not have anything in it that should prejudice anyone, of any sect, against20 it. I purposed writing a little comment on each virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and I should have called my book THE ART OF VIRTUE, because it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining 25 virtue, which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not instruct and in dicate the means, but is like the apostle s man of verbal chanty, who only without showing to the naked and hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals, 30 exhorted them to be fed and clothed. James ii. 15, 16. But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did, in deed, from time to time, put down short hints of the sen- 98 Franklin s Autobiography timents, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which I have still by me; but the necessary close attention to private business in the earlier part of my life, and public business since, have occasioned my postpon- 5 ing it; for, it being connected in my mind with a great and extensive project, that required the whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remained un finished. 10 In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurt ful, the nature of man alone considered; that it was, therefore, everyone s interest to be virtuous who wished 15to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this circumstance (there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the management of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavored to 20convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man s fortune as those of probity and integrity. My list of virtues contained at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend having kindly informed me that I was gen- 25erally thought proud; that my pride showed itself fre quently in conversation; that I was not content with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinced me by mentioning several instances; I determined en- SOdeavoring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and I added Humility to my list, giving an extensive meaning to the word. I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the Franklin s Autobiography 99 appearance of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or ex pression in the language that imported a fixed opinion, 5 such as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, / conceive, I apprehend, or / imagine a thing to be so or so; or it so appears to me at present. When another asserted something that I thought an error, I denied myself the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly,10 and of showing immediately some absurdity in his propo sition; and in answering I began by observing that in certain cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there appeared or seemed to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advantage of thislS change in my manner; the conversations I engaged in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I proposed my opinions procured them a readier reception and less contradiction; I had less mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevailed 20 with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in the right. And this mode, which I at first put on with some vio lence to natural inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past no25 one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or alterations in the old, and so much influence in public 30 councils when I became a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I generally carried my points. ioo Franklin s Autobiography In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural pas sions so hard to subdue as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and show itself ; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I had com pletely overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility. [Thus far written at Passy, 1784.] 10["/ dm now about to write at home, August, 1788, but cannot have the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. I have, however, found the following"] HAVING mentioned a great and extensive project which 151 had conceived, it seems proper that some account should be here given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the following little paper, ac cidentally preserved, viz.: Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 2019th, I73L " That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolu tions, etc., are carried on and effected by parties. " That the view of these parties is their present general interest, or what they take to be such. 25 " That the different views of these different parties occasion all confusion. " That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his particular private interest in view. " That as soon as a party has gained its general point, SOeach member becomes intent upon his particular interest, which, thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion. Franklin s Autobiography 101 " That few in public affairs act from a mere view of the good of their country, whatever they may pretend; and, though their actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and their country s interest was united, and did not act from a5 principle of benevolence. " That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good of mankind. " There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the 10 virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular body, to be governed by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their obedience to, than common people are to common laws. " I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, 15 and is well qualified, cannot fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with success. B. F." Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time, on pieces 20 of paper, such thoughts as occurred to me respecting it; Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting to be the substance of an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the essentials of every known religion, and being free of everything that might shock the professors of any25 religion. It is expressed in these words, viz.: " That there is one God, who made all things. " That he governs the world by his providence. " That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and thanksgiving. 30 " But that the most acceptable service of God is doing j good to man. " That the soul is immortal. IO2 Franklin s Autobiography " And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice, either here or hereafter." My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread at first among young and single men Sonly; that each person to be initiated should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should have ex ercised himself with the thirteen weeks examination and practice of the virtues, as in the before-mentioned model ; that the existence of such a society should be kept a lOsecret, till it was become considerable, to prevent solici tations for the admission of improper persons, but that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent caution, the scheme should be grad- ISually communicated ; that the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another s interests, business, and advance ment in life; that, for distinction, we should be called The Society of the Free and Easy: free, as being, by 20the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice; and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to his creditors. 25 This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was under of sticking close to my business, occasioned my postponing SOthe further prosecution of it at that time; and my multi farious occupations, public and private, induced me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise; though I am still of opinion that it was a Franklin s Autobiography 103 practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great number of good citizens; and I was not discouraged by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairsS among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements or other employments that would di vert his attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study and business. POOR RICHARD S ALMANAC AND OTHER ACTIVITIES IN 1732 I first published my Almanac, under theio name of Richard Saunders; it was continued by me about twenty-five years, commonly called Poor Richard s Al manac. I endeavored to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, that I reaped considerable profit from it, vending an-15 nually near ten thousand. And observing that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the province being without it, I considered it as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people, who bought scarcely any other books ; I therefore filled all the20 little spaces that occurred between the remarkable days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly, 2 5 as, to use here one of those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand upright. These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many IO4 Franklin s Autobiography ages and nations, I assembled and formed into a connected discourse prefixed to the Almanac of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auction. The bringing all these scattered councils thus into a 5 focus enabled them to make greater impression. The piece, being universally approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted in Britain on a broadside, to be stuck up in houses ; two translations were made of it in French, and great numbers bought by the lOclergy and gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it dis couraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several 15years after its publication. I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes published little pieces of 20my own, which had been first composed for reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was 25not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735. In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libeling and personal abuse, which is of late years SObecome so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was solicited to insert anything of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was like a stage-coach, in which anyone who would pay had a right to a place, my Franklin s Autobiography 105 answer was, that I would print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread his detraction ; and that, having contracted with my subscribers to furnish them with whatS might be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation, in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice. Now, many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of individuals by false accusations of the fairestltf characters among ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels; and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended with the most per- 15 nicious consequences. These things I mention as a cau tion to young printers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct 20 will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests. In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I fur nished him with a press and letters, on an agreement of partnership, by which I was to receive one-third of the 25 profits of the business, paying one-third of the expense. He was a man of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of account; and, though he sometimes made me remittances, I could get no account from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. On 30 his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been informed, the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female education, she not only sent me as clear a state io6 Franklin s Autobiography as she could find of the transactions past, but continued to account with the greatest regularity and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the business with such success, that she not only brought up reputably a Sfamily of children, but, at the expiration of the term, was able to purchase of me the printing-house, and estab lish her son in it. I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recom mending that branch of education for our young females, lOas likely to be of more use to them and their children, in case of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, with established correspondence, till a 15son is grown up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting advantage and enriching of the family. About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and apparently extem- 20pore, most excellent discourses, which drew together con siderable numbers of different persuasions, who joined in admiring them. Among the rest, I became one of his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the 25practice of virtue, or what in the religious style are called good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who considered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disapproved his doctrine, and were joined by most of the old clergy, who arraigned him of heterodoxy before the SOsynod, in order to have him silenced. I became his zeal ous partisan, and contributed all I could to raise a party in his favor, and we combated for him awhile with some hopes of success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon the occasion; and finding that, though an elegant Franklin s Autobiography 107 preacher, he was but a poor writer, I lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is gen erally the case with controversial writings, though eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I questions whether a single copy of them now exists. During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause exceedingly. One of our adversaries having heard him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least alO part of it. On search, he found that part quoted at length, in one of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Foster s. This detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause, and oc casioned our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. 1 15 stuck by him, however, as I rather approved his giving us good sermons composed by others, than bad ones of his own manufacture, though the latter was the practice of our common teachers. He afterward acknowledged to me that none of those he preached were his own; adding, 20 that his memory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any sermon after one reading only. On our de feat, he left us in search elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never joining it after, though I continued many years my subscription for the support25 of its ministers. I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much a master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it, used often to 30 tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refused to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every game should have a right to impose a io8 Franklin s Autobiography task, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquished was to perform upon honor, before our next meeting. As we played pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that Slanguage. I afterwards with a little painstaking, ac quired as much of the Spanish as to read their books also. I have already mentioned that I had only one year s instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that language entirely. But, lOwhen I had attained an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surprised to find, on looking over a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more of that language than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study of it, and I met 15with more success, as those preceding languages had greatly smoothed my way. From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper to begin first 20with the Latin, and, having acquired that, it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are derived from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase with- 25out using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will with more ease ascend to the top; and I would therefore offer it to the consideration of those who super intend the education of our youth, whether, since many 30of those who begin with the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the French, proceed- Franklin s Autobiography 109 ing to the Italian, etc.; for, though, after spending the same time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be serviceable to them in common 5 life. After ten years absence from Boston, and having be come easy in my circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my relations, which I could not sooner well afford. In returning, I called at Newport to see my 10 brother, then settled there with his printing-house. Our former differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He was fast declining in his health, and requested of me that, in case of his death, which he apprehended not far distant, I would take 15 home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up to the printing business. This I accordingly per formed, sending him a few years to school before I took him into the office. His mother carried on the business till he was grown up, when I assisted him with an as- 20 sortment of new types, those of his father being in a manner worn out. Thus it was that I made my brother ample amends for the service I had deprived him of by leaving him so early. In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years 25 old, by the small-pox, taken in the common way. I long regretted bitterly, and still regret that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This I mention for the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the supposition that they should never forgive themselves if a child died underso it; my example showing that the regret may be the same either way, and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen. Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded no Franklin s Autobiography such satisfaction to the members, that several were de sirous of introducing their friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the be- Sginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty well observed; the intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to re fuse. I was one of those who were against any addition lOto our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a pro posal, that every member separately should endeavor to form a subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing them of the connection with the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the 15 improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our institutions; our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what 20passed in his separate club; the promotion of our par ticular interests in business by more extensive recommen dation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading through the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto. 25 The project was approved, and every member under took to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were completed, which were called by differ ent names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of SOamusement, information, and instruction, besides answer ing, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course of time as they hap pened. Franklin s Autobiography in My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was made that year without opposition ; but the year following, when I was again proposed (the choice, like that of the members, being annual), a new member made a long 5 speech against me, in order to favor some other candi date. I was, however, chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the immediate service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among the members, which 10 secured to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobs for the public, that, on the whole, were very profitable. I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was a gentleman of fortune and education, 15 with talents that were likely to give him, in time, great influence in the House, which, indeed, afterwards hap pened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favor by paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time, took this other method. Having heard that he had in 20 his library a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire of perusing that book, and requesting he would do me the favor of lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I re turned it in about a week with another note, expressing 2 5 strongly my sense of the favor. When we next met in the House, he spoke to me (which he had never done be fore), and with great civility; and he ever after manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we be came great friends, and our friendship continued to hisSO death. This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which says, " He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another, than he whom you yourself have obliged" And it shows how 1 1 2 Franklin s Autobiography much more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings. In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the 5conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some negligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts, took from him the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily, and found it of great advantage; for, though the salary was small, it facilitated the correspond- lOence that improved my newspaper, increased the number demanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable income. My old competitor s newspaper declined proportionably, and I was satisfied without retaliating his refusal, while post- 15master, to permit my papers being carried by the riders. Thus he suffered greatly from his neglect in due account ing; and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be employed in managing affairs for others, that they should always render accounts, and make remittances, 20with great clearness and punctuality. The character of observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all rec ommendations to new employments and increase of busi ness. XI FRANKLIN S INTEREST IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS I BEGAN now to turn my thoughts a little to public 25affairs, beginning, however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the first things that I conceived to want regulation. It was managed by the constables of the respective wards in turn ; the constable warned a number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to attend, paid him six shillings a year to be Franklin s Autobiography 113 excused, which was supposed to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respect-5 able housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walk ing the rounds, too, was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper to be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more particularly on the inequality of this six- 10 shilling tax of the constables, respecting the circum stances of those who paid it, since a poor widow house keeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of 15 pounds worth of goods in his stores. On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that busi ness; and as a more equitable way of supporting the charge, the levying a tax that should be proportioned to the20 property. This idea, being approved by the Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in each of them ; and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the way for the law obtained a few 2 5 years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more influence. About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it was afterward published) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by which houses were set on 30 fire, with cautions against then, and means proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming a company for the more ready extinguishing of 114 Franklin s Autobiography fires, and mutual assistance in removing and securing of goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement obliged every member to keep always in good Border, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for packing and transport ing of goods), which were to be brought to every fire;] and w r e agreed to meet once a month and spend a social evening together, in discoursing and communicating such lOideas as occurred to us upon the subjects of fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such occasions. The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were advised to form another, ISwhich was accordingly done; and this went on, one new company being formed after another, till they became so numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property; and now, at the time of my writing this, though upward of fifty years since its establishment, 20that which I first formed, called the Union Fire Com pany, still subsists and flourishes, though the first members are all deceased but myself and one, who is older by a year than I am. The small fines that have been paid by mem bers for absence at the monthly meetings have been applied 25to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for each company, so that I ques tion whether there is a city in the world better provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagra tions; and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has SOnever lost by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed. In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there Franklin s Autobiography 115 as an itinerant preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refused him their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects and denominations that attended his sermons were5 enormous, and it was matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the extraordinary in fluence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admired and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them they were naturally 10 half beasts and half devils. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk through the town in an evening with-15 out hearing psalms sung in different families of every street. And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner proposed, and persons ap-20 pointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were soon received to procure the ground and erect the build ing, which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad, about the size of Westminster Hall; and the work was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much 25 shorter time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia; the design in building not being to accommodate any30 particular sect, but the inhabitants in general; so that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a mis sionary to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at his service. Ii6 Franklin s Autobiography Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way through the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had lately been begun, but, instead of being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accus- 5tomed to labor, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken shop-keepers and other in solvent debtors, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who, being set down in the woods, unquali fied for clearing land, and unable to endure the hardships lOof a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable situation inspired the benevolent heart of Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they might be supported and educated. IBReturning northward, he preached up this charity, and made large collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance. I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia 20was then destitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a great ex pense, I thought it would have been better to have built the house here, and brought the children to it. This I advised; but he was resolute in his first project, rejected 25my counsel, and I therefore refused to contribute. I hap pened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or SOfour silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he pro ceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the cop pers. Another stroke of his oratory made me ashamed of that, and determined me to give the silver; and he finished so admirably, that I emptied my pocket wholly Franklin s Autobiography 117 into the collector s dish, gold and all. At this sermon there was also one of our club, who, being of my senti ments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emp tied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the 5 conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong desire to give, and applied to a neighbor who stood near him, to borrow some money for the purpose. The application was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not tolO be affected by the preacher. His answer was, "At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy right senses." Some of Mr. Whitefield s enemies affected to suppose that he would apply these collections to his own private 15 emolument; but I, who was intimately acquainted with him (being employed in printing his Sermons and Jour nals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity, but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly honest man; and methinks my20 testimony in his favor ought to have the more weight, as we had no religious connection. He used, indeed, some times to pray for my conversion, but never had the satis faction of believing that his prayers were heard. Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and 2 5 lasted to his death. The following instance will show something of the terms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodgeso when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was, " You know my house ; if you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily wel- n8 Franklin s Autobiography come." He replied, that if I made that kind offer for Christ s sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I re turned, " Dont let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ s sake, but for your sake." One of our common acquaint- 5ance jocosely remarked, that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when they received any favor, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had contrived to fix it on earth. 10 The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college. He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words 15and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his audi tories, however numerous, observed the most exact silence. He preached one evening from the top of the Court house steps, which are in the middle of Market Street, 20and on the west side of Second Street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were filled with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost in Mar ket Street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard,, by retiring backwards down the street towards 25the river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front Street, when some noise in that street obscured it. Imagining then a semicircle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that it were filled with audi tors, to each of whom I allowed two square feet, I com- SOputed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconciled me to the newspaper accounts of his having preached to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the ancient histories of generals harangu ing whole armies, of which I had sometimes doubted. Franklin s Autobiography 119 By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily be tween sermons newly composed, and those which he had often preached in the course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improved by frequent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of voice, 5 was so perfectly well turned and well placed, that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleased with the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that received from an excellent piece of music. This is an advantage itinerant preachers have over thoselO who are stationary, as the latter cannot well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals. His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to his enemies ; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might havelS been afterwards explained or qualified by supposing others that might have accompanied them, or they might have been denied; but lit era scripta manet* Critics attacked his writings violently, and with so much appearance of reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and 20 prevent their increase; so that I am of opinion if he had never written anything, he would have left behind him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputa tion might in that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing of his writing on 25 which to found a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes would be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of excellences as their enthusiastic admira tion might wish him to have possessed. My business was now continually augmenting, and my30 circumstances growing daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable, as being for a time almost the only one in this and the neighboring provinces. I ex perienced, too, the truth of the observation, " that after I2O Franklin s Autobiography getting the first hundred pound, it is more easy to get the second money itself being of a prolific nature. The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was encouraged to engage in others, and to promote several 5of my workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing them with printing-houses in different colonies, on the same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of our term, six years, to pur chase the types of me and go on working for themselves, loby which means several families were raised. Partner ships often finish in quarrels; but I was happy in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly settled, in our articles, everything to be done by 15or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dispute, which precaution I would therefore recom mend to all who enter into partnerships; for, whatever esteem partners may have for, and confidence in each other at the time of the contract, little jealousies and 20<iisgusts may arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and burden of the business, etc., which are attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection, perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences. XII DEFENSE OF THE PROVINCE I HAD, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied 25with my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that I regretted, there being no pro vision for defense, nor for a complete education of youth ; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that Franklin s Autobiography 121 time, thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to him; but he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which succeeded, declined the undertaking; and, not knowing5 another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie awhile dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected. 10 With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at war against Great Britain, and being at length joined by France, which brought us into great danger; and the labored and long-continued endeavor of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly 15 to pass a militia law, and make other provisions for the security of the province, having proved abortive, I de termined to try what might be done by a voluntary as sociation of the people. To promote this, I first wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled PLAIN TRUTH, in 20 which I stated our defenseless situation in strong lights, with the necessity of union and discipline for our defense, and promised to propose in a few days an association, to be generally signed for that purpose. The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was called upon for 2 5 the instrument of association, and having settled the draft of it with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citi zens in the large building before mentioned. The house was pretty full; I had prepared a number of printed copies, and provided pens and ink dispersed all over the 30 room. I harangued them a little on the subject, read the paper, and explained it, and then distributed the copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made. 122 Franklin s Autobiography When the company separated, and the papers were collected, we found above twelve hundred hands; and, other copies being dispersed in the country, the sub scribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. 5These all furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms, formed themselves into companies and regiments, chose their own officers, and met every week to be in structed in the manual exercise, and other parts of mili tary discipline. The women, by subscriptions among 10 themselves, provided silk colors, which they presented to the companies, painted with different devices and mottoes, which I supplied. The officers of the companies composing the Philadel phia regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel; 15but, conceiving myself unfit, I declined that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person, and man of influence, who was accordingly appointed. I then pro posed a lottery to defray the expense of building a battery below the town, and furnishing it with cannon. It filled 20expeditiously, and the battery was soon erected, the mer lons being framed of logs and filled with earth. We bought some old cannon from Boston, but these not being sufficient, we wrote to England for more, solicit ing, at the same time, our proprietaries for some assist- 25ance, though without much expectation of obtaining it. Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the associators, commissioned to borrow some cannon of Gov ernor Clinton. He at first refused us peremptorily; 30but at dinner with his council, where there was great drinking of Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was, he softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more bumpers he advanced to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. Franklin s Autobiography 123 They were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages, which we soon transported and mounted on our battery, where the associators kept a nightly guard while the war lasted, and among the rest I regularly took my turn of duty there as a common soldier. 5 My activity in these operations was agreeable to the governor and council ; they took me into confidence, and I was consulted by them in every measure wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the association. Call ing in the aid of religion, I proposed to them the pro-10 claiming a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the blessing of Heaven on our undertaking. They embraced the motion; but, as it was the first fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary had no precedent from which to draw the proclamation. My education in Newl5 England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some advantage; I drew it in the accustomed style, it was translated into German, printed in both languages, and divulged through the province. This gave the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of influencing their20 congregations to join in the association, and it would probably have been general among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon intervened. It was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity in these affairs, I should offend that sect, and 25 thereby lose my interest in the Assembly of the province, where they formed a great majority. A young gentleman who had likewise some friends in the House, and wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that it was decided to displace me at the next election; and he, 30 therefore, in good will, advised me to resign, as more consistent with my honor than being turned out. My answer to him was, that I had read or heard of some public man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, 124 Franklin s Autobiography and never to refuse one when offered to him. " I ap prove," says I, " of his rule, and will practise it with a small addition; I shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. If they will have my office of clerk to 5dispose of to another, they shall take it from me. I will not, by giving it up, lose my right of some time or other making reprisals on my adversaries." I heard, however, no more of this; I was chosen again unanimously as usual at the next election. Possibly, as they disliked my lOlate intimacy with the members of council, who had joined the governors in all the disputes about military prepara tions, with which the House had long been harassed, they might have been pleased if I would voluntarily have left them; but they did not care to displace me on account ISmerely of my zeal for the association, and they could not well give another reason. Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense of the country was not disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not required to assist in it. And I found that 20a much greater number of them than I could have im agined, though against offensive war, were clearly for the defensive. Many pamphlets pro and con were published on the subject, and some by good Quakers, in favor of defense, which I believe convinced most of their younger 25people. A transaction in our fire company gave me some in sight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been pro posed that we should encourage the scheme for building a battery by laying out the present stock, then about sixty SOpounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules, no money could be disposed of till the next meeting after the pro posal. The company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions. We eight punctually attended the meeting; Franklin s Autobiography 125 but, though we thought that some of the Quakers would join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appeared to oppose the measure. He expressed much sorrow that it had ever been proposed, as he said Friends were all against it, and 5 it would create such discord as might break up the com pany. We told him that we saw no reason for that; we were the minority, and if Friends were against the meas ure, and outvoted us, we must and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for 10 business arrived it was moved to put the vote ; he allowed we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure us that a number of members intended to be present for the purpose of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their appearing. 15 While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two gentlemen below desired to speak with me. I went down, and found they were two of our Quaker members. They told me there were eight of them assembled at a tavern just by; that they were determined to come and 20 vote with us if there should be occasion, which they hoped would not be the case, and desired we would not call for their assistance if we could do without it, as their voting for such a measure might embroil them with their elders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I went up, 25 and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay of another hour. This Mr. Morris allowed to be extremely fair. Not one of his opposing friends appeared, at which he expressed great surprise; and, at the expiration of the hour, we carried the resolution eight to one; and as, of 30 the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote with us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that they were not inclined to oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the proportion of Quakers sincerely against defense as 126 Franklin s Autobiography one to twenty-one only; for these were all regular mem bers of that society, and in good reputation among them, and had due notice of what was proposed at that meeting. The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always Sbeen of that sect, was one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation of defensive war, and support ing his opinion by many strong arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions to apply what lOprizes might be drawn wholly to that service. He told me the following anecdote of his old master, William Penn, respecting defense. He came over from England, when a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It was war-time, and their ship was chased by 15an armed vessel, supposed to be an enemy. Their cap tain prepared for defense; but told William Penn, and his company of Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance, and they might retire into the cabin, which they did, except James Logan, who chose to stay upon 2()deck, and was quartered to a gun. The supposed enemy proved a friend, so there was no fighting; but when the secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn rebuked him severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist in defending the vessel, 25contrary to the principles of Friends, especially as it had not been required by the captain. This reproof, being before all the company, piqued the secretary, who an swered, " I being thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But thee was willing enough that I should SQStay and help to fight the ship when thee thought there was danger. 39 My being many years in the Assembly, the majority of which were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment given them Franklin s Autobiography 127 by their principle against war, whenever application was made to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for military purposes. They were unwilling to offend gov ernment, on the one hand, by a direct refusal; and their friends, the body of the Quakers, on the other, by a5 compliance contrary to their principles; hence a variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the compliance when it became unavoidable. The com mon mode at last was, to grant money under the phrase of its being " for the king s use" and never to inquire howlO it was applied. But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that phrase was found not so proper, and some other was to be invented. As, when powder was wanting (I think it was for the garrison at Louisburg), and the government 15 of New England solicited a grant of some from Penn sylvania, which was much urged on the House by Gov ernor Thomas, they could not grant money to buy pow der, because that was an ingredient of war ; but they voted an aid to New England of three thousand pounds, to be20 put into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat or other grain. Some of the council, desirous of giving the House still further embarrassment, advised the governor not to accept provision, as not being the thing he had demanded; but25 he replied, " I shall take the money, for I understand very well their meaning; other grain is gunpowder," which he accordingly bought, and they never objected to it. It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire 30 company we feared the success of our proposal in favor of the lottery, and I had said to my friend Mr. Syng, one of our members, " If we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; the Quakers can have no 128 Franklin s Autobiography objection to that; and then, if you nominate me and I you as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire-engine * " I see," says he, "you have improved by being so long in the Assembly; 5 your equivocal project would be just a match for their wheat or other grain/ These embarrassments that the Quakers suffered from having established and published it as one of their princi ples that no kind of war was lawful, and which, being lOonce published, they could not afterwards, however they might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me of what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect among us, that of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with one of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it ap- 1 Speared. He complained to me that they were grievously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and charged with abominable principles and practices to which they were utter strangers. I told him this had always been the case with new sects, and that, to put a stop to 20such abuse, I imagined it might be well to publish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their dis cipline. He said that it had been proposed among them, but not agreed to, for this reason : " When we were first drawn together as a society," says he, " it had pleased 25 God to enlighten our minds so far as to see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths were errors; and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real truths. From time to time He has been pleased to afford us farther light, and our principles have been improving, SOand our errors diminishing. Now we are not sure that we are arrived at the end of this progression, and at the per fection of spiritual or theological knowledge; and we fear that, if we should once print our confession of faith, we should feel ourselves as if bound and confined by it, and Franklin s Autobiography 129 perhaps be unwilling to receive farther improvement, and our successors still more so, as conceiving what we their elders and founders had done, to be something sacred, never to be departed from." This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in 5 the history of mankind, every other sect supposing itself in possession of all truth, and that those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man traveling in foggy weather, those at some distance before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind him, and 10 also the people in the fields on each side, but near him all appears clear, though in truth he is as much in the fog as any of them. To avoid this kind of embarrassment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually declining the public service in the Assembly and in the magistracy, 15 choosing rather to quit their power than their principle. In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the better warming of rooms, and at the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, I made a20 present of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who, having an iron-furnace, found the cast ing of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as they were growing in demand. To promote that de mand, I wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled An25 Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces; wherein their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised against the Use of themSQ answered and obviated, etc. This pamphlet had a good effect. Governor Thomas was so pleased with the con struction of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vending of them for a 130 Franklin s Autobiography term of years; but I declined it from a principle which has ever weighed with me on such occasions, viz., That, as we enjoy great advantages from the inventions of oth ers, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others 5by any invention of ours; and this we should do freely and generously^ An ironmonger in London, however, assuming a good deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the machine, which rather lOhurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made, as I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the only instance of patents taken out for my inventions by others, though not always with the same success, which I never contested, as having no desire of profiting by patents my- 15self, and hating disputes. The use of these fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the neighboring colon ies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhab itants. XIII PUBLIC SERVICES AND DUTIES (I749-I753) PEACE being concluded, and the association business 20therefore at an end, I turned my thoughts again to the affair of establishing an academy. The first step I took was to associate in the design a number of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good part; the next was to write and publish a pamphlet, entitled Proposals Re- 2lating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania. This I distributed among the principal inhabitants gratis; and as soon as I could suppose their minds a little prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening and supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas Franklin s Autobiography 131 yearly for five years; by so dividing it, I judged the sub scription might be larger, and I believe it was so, amount ing to no less, if I remember right, than five thousand pounds. In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their5 publication, not as an act of mine, but of some public- spirited gentlemen, avoiding as much as I could, according to my usual rule, the presenting myself to the public as the author of any scheme for their benefit. The subscribers, to carry the project into immediatelO execution, chose out of their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed Mr. Francis, then attorney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the government of the academy; which being done and signed, a house was hired, masters engaged, and the schools opened, I think, 15 in the same year, 1749. The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found too small, and we were looking out for a piece of ground, properly situated, with intention to build, when Provi dence threw into our way a large house ready built, which, 20 with a few alterations, migh well serve our purpose. This was the building before mentioned, erected by the hearers of Mr. Whitefield, and was obtained for us in the following manner. It is to be noted that the contributions to this build-25 ing being made by people of different sects, care was taken in the nomination of trustees, in whom the build ing and ground was to be vested, that a predominancy should not be given to any sect, lest in time that pre dominancy might be a means of appropriating the whole 30 to the use of such sect, contrary to the original intention. It was therefore that one of each sect was appointed, viz., one Church-of-England man, one Presbyterian, one Bap tist, one Moravian, etc. ; those, in case of vacancy by death. 132 FranklirTs Autobiography were to fill it by election from among the contributors. The Moravian happened not to please his colleagues, and on his death they resolved to have no other of that sect. The difficulty then was, how to avoid having two of some 5other sect, by means of the new choice. Several persons were named, and for that reason not agreed to. At length one mentioned me, with the obser vation that I was merely an honest man, and of no sect at all, which prevailed with them to choose me. The en- lOthusiasm which existed when the house was built had long since abated, and its trustees had not been able to pro cure fresh contributions for paying the ground-rent, and discharging some other debts the building had occasioned, which embarrassed them greatly. Being now a member 15of both sets of trustees, that for the building and that for the academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating with both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by which the trustees for the building were to cede it to those of the academy, the latter undertaking to dis- 20charge the debt, to keep forever open in the building a large hall for occasional preachers, according to the orig inal intention, and maintain a free-school for the instruc tion of poor children. Writings were accordingly drawn, and on paying the debts the trustees of the academy were 25put in possession of the premises; and by dividing the great and lofty hall into stories, and different rooms above and below for the several schools, and purchasing some additional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our purpose, and the scholars removed into the building. The SOcare and trouble of agreeing with the workmen, purchas ing materials, and superintending the work, fell upon me ; and I went through it the more cheerfully, as it did not then interfere with my private business, having the year before taken a very able, industrious, and honest partner, Franklin s Autobiography 133 Mr. David Hall, with whose character I was well ac quainted, as he had worked for me four years. He took off my hands all care of the printing-office, paying me punctually my share of the profits. This partnership continued eighteen years, successfully for us both. 5 The trustees of the academy, after a while, were incor porated by a charter from the governor; their funds were increased by contributions in Britain and grants of land from the proprietaries, to which the Assembly has since made considerable addition; and thus was establishedlO the present University of Philadelphia. I have been continued one of its trustees from the beginning, now near forty years, and have had the very great pleasure of seeing a number of the youth who have received their education in it, distinguished by their improved abilities, 15 serviceable in public stations, and ornaments to their country. When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from private business, I flattered myself that, by the sufficient though moderate fortune I had acquired, I had secured 20 leisure during the rest of my life for philosophical studies and amusements. I purchased all Dr. Spence s apparatus, who had come from England to lecture here, and I pro ceeded in my electrical experiments with great alacrity; but the public, now considering me as a man of leisure, 25 laid hold of me for their purposes, every part of our civil government, and almost at the same time, imposing some duty upon me. The governor put me into the commis sion of the peace; the corporation of the city chose me of the common council, and soon after an alderman; andSO the citizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them in Assembly. This latter station was the more agreeable to me, as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear debates, in which, as clerk, I could take no part, and 134 Franklin s Autobiography which were often so imentertaining that I was induced to amuse myself with making magic squares or circles, or anything to avoid weariness; and I conceived my be coming a member would enlarge my power of doing 5 good. I would not, however, insinuate that my ambition was not flattered by all these promotions ; it certainly was ; for, considering my low beginning, they were great things to me; and they were still more pleasing, as being so many spontaneous testimonies of the public good opinion, lOand by me entirely unsolicited. The office of justice of the peace I tried a little, by attending a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear causes; but finding that more knowledge of the common law than I possessed was necessary to act in that station 15with credit, I gradually withdrew from it, excusing myself by my being obliged to attend the higher duties of a legislator in the Assembly. My election to this trust was repeated every year for ten years, without my ever asking any elector for his vote, or signifying, either directly or 20indirectly, any desire of being chosen. On taking my seat in the House, my son was appointed their clerk. The year following, a treaty being to be held with the Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the House, proposing that they should nominate some of their 25members, to be joined with some members of council, as commissioners for that purpose. The House named the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself; and, being commis sioned, we went to Carlisle, and met the Indians accord ingly. 30 As those people are extremely apt to get drunk, and, when so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly forbade the selling any liquor to them; and when they complained of this restriction, we told them that if they would continue sober during the treaty, we would give Franklin s Autobiography 135 them plenty of rum when business was over. They promised this, and they kept their promise, because they could get no liquor, and the treaty was conducted very orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction. They then claimed and received the rum; this was in the afternoon :5 they were near one hundred men, women, and children, and were lodged in temporary cabins, built in the form of a square, just without the town. In the evening, hearing a great noise among them, the commissioners walked out to see what was the matter. We found they had made alO great bonfire in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and women, quarreling and fighting. Their dark-colored bodies, half naked, seen only by the gloomy light of the bonfire, running after and beating one another with firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yellings,15 formed a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that could well be imagined; there was no appeasing the tumult, and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a number of them came thundering at our door, demanding more rum, of which we took no notice. 20 The next day, sensible they had misbehaved in giving us that disturbance, they sent three of their old counselors to make their apology. The orator acknowledged the fault, but laid it upon the rum; and then endeavored to excuse the rum by saying, " The Great Spirit, who made2b all things, made everything for some use, and whatever use he designed anything for, that use it should always be put to. Now, when he made rum, he said, Let this be for the Indians to get drunk with/ and it must be so" And, indeed, if it be the design of Providence to extirpateSO these savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, it seems not improbable that rum may be the ap pointed means. It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited the sea-coast. 136 Franklin s Autobiography In 1751, Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine, conceived the idea of establishing a hospital in Phila delphia (a very beneficent design, which has been ascribed to me, but was originally his), for the reception and cure 5of poor sick persons, whether inhabitants of the province or strangers. He was zealous and active in endeavoring to procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a novelty in America, and at first not well understood, he met but with small success. 10 At length he came to me with the compliment that he found there was no such thing as carrying a public-spirited project through without my being concerned in it. " For," says he, " I am often asked by those to whom I propose subscribing, Have you consulted Franklin upon 15this business? And what does he think of it? And when I tell them that I have not (supposing it rather out of your line), they do not subscribe, but say they will consider of it." I inquired into the nature and probable utility of his scheme, and receiving from him a very sat- 20isfactory explanation, I not only subscribed to it myself, but engaged heartily in the design of procuring subscrip tions from others. Previously, however, to the solicita tion, I endeavored to prepare the minds of the people by writing on the subject in the newspapers, which was my 25usual custom in such cases, but which he had omitted. The subscriptions afterwards were more free and gen erous; but, beginning to flag, I saw they would be in sufficient without some assistance from the Assembly, and therefore proposed to petition for it, which was done. 30The country members did not at first relish the project; they objected that it could only be serviceable to the city, and therefore the citizens alone should be at the expense of it; and they doubted whether the citizens themselves generally approved of it. My allegation on the contrary, Franklin s Autobiography 137 that it met with such approbation as to leave no doubt of i our being able to raise two thousand pounds by voluntary donations, they considered as a most extravagant suppo sition, and utterly impossible. On this I formed my plan; and, asking leave to brings in a bill for incorporating the contributors according to the prayer of their petition, and granting them a blank sum of money, which leave was obtained chiefly on the consideration that the House could throw the bill out if they did not like it, I drew it so as to make the impor-10 tant clause a conditional one, viz., " And be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that when the said contributors shall have met and chosen their managers and treasurer, and shall have raised by their contributions a capital stock O f value (the yearly interest of which is to be 15 applied to the accommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital, free of charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines), and shall make the same appear to the satis faction of the speaker of the Assembly for the time being, that then it shall and may be lawful for the said speaker, 20 and he is hereby required, to sign an order on the pro vincial treasurer for the payment of two thousand pounds, in two yearly payments, to the treasurer of the said hospi tal, to be applied to the founding, building, and finishing of the same." 25 This condition carried the bill through; for the mem bers, who had opposed the grant, and now conceived they might have the credit of being charitable without the ex pense, agreed to its passage; and then, in soliciting sub scriptions among the people, we urged the conditional 30 promise of the law as an additional motive to give, since every man s donation would be doubled ; thus the clause worked both ways. The subscriptions accordingly soon exceeded the requisite sum, and we claimed and received 138 Franklin s Autobiography the public gift, which enabled us to carry the design into execution. A convenient and handsome building was soon erected; the institution has by constant experience been found useful, and flourishes to this day; and I do 5not remember any of my political maneuvers, the success of which gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it, I more easily excused myself for having made some use of cunning. It was about this time that another projector, the Rev. lOGilbert Tennent, came to me with a request that I would assist him in procuring a subscription for erecting a new meeting-house. It was to be for the use of a congrega tion he had gathered among the Presbyterians, who were originally disciples of Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling to | ISmake myself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too fre quently soliciting their contributions, I absolutely refused. He then desired I would furnish him with a list of the names of persons I knew by experience to be generous and public-spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming in 20me, after their kind compliance with my solicitations, to mark them out to be worried by other beggars, and there fore refused also to give such a list. He then desired I would at least give him my advice. " That I will readily do," said I ; " and, in the first place, I advise you to 25apply to all those whom you know will give something; next, to those whom you are uncertain whether they will give anything or not, and show them the list of those who have given ; and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are sure will give nothing, for in some of them you 30may be mistaken." He laughed and thanked me, and said he would take my advice. He did so, for he asked of everybody, and he obtained a much larger sum than he expected, with which he erected the capacious and very elegant meeting-house that stands in Arch Street, Franklin s Autobiography 139 Our city, though laid out with a beautiful regularity, the streets large, straight, and crossing each other at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering those streets to re main long unpaved, and in wet weather the wheels of heavy carriages ploughed them into a quagmire, so that it5 was difficult to cross them; and in dry weather the dust was offensive. I had lived near what was called the Jersey Market, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud while purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground down the middle of that market was at length paved withlC brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm footing, but were often over shoes in dirt to get there. By talking and writing on the subject, I was at length instrumental in getting the street paved with stone between the market and the bricked foot-pavement that was on 16 each side next the houses. This, for some time, gave an easy access to the market dry-shod ; but, the rest of the street not being paved, whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement, it shook off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon covered with mire, which was not 20 removed, the city as yet having no scavengers. After some inquiry, I found a poor, industrious man, who was willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping it twice a week, carrying off the dirt from before all the neighbors doors, for the sum of sixpence 2 5 per month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote and printed a paper setting forth the advantages to the neigh borhood that might be obtained by this small expense; the greater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by people s feet; the benefit toSO the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as buyers could more easily get at them; and by not having, in windy weather, the dust blown in upon their goods, etc., etc. I sent one of these papers to each house, and in a day or 140 Franklin s Autobiography two went round to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay these sixpences; it was unanimously signed, and for a time well executed. All the inhabitants of the city were delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that 6surrounded the market, it being a convenience to all, and this raised a general desire to have all the streets paved, and made the people more willing to submit to a tax for that purpose. After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, and lObrought it into the Assembly. It was just before I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass till I was gone, and then with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which I thought not for the better, but with an additional provision for lighting as well as paving the streets, which IBwas a great improvement. It was by a private person, the late Mr. John Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing one at his door, that the people were first impressed with the idea of enlighting all the city. The honor of this public benefit has also been ascribed 20to me, but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but follow his example, and have only some merit to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the globe lamps we were at first supplied with from Lon don. Those we found inconvenient in these respects: 25they admitted no air below; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out above, but circulated in the globe, lodged on its inside, and soon obstructed the light they were intended to afford ; giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean ; and an accidental stroke on one 30of them would demolish it, and render it totally useless. I therefore suggested the composing them of four flat panes, with a long funnel above to draw up the smoke, and crevices admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the smoke; by this means they were kept clean, and Franklin s Autobiography 141 did not grow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but continued bright till morning, and an accidental stroke would generally break but a single pane, easily repaired. I have sometimes wondered that the Londoners did 5 not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps used at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn to have such holes in their street lamps. But, these holes being made for another purpose, viz., to communi cate flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flaxlO hanging down through them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not to have been thought of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the streets of London are very poorly illuminated. The mention of these improvements puts me in mind 15 of one I proposed, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who was among the best men I have known, and a great pro moter of useful projects. I had observed that the streets, when dry, were never swept, and the light dust carried away; but it was suffered to accumulate till wet weather 20 reduced it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the pavement that there was no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with great labor raked together and thrown up into carts open above, the sides of which suffered some of the slush at25 every jolt on the pavement to shake out and fall, sometimes to the annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason given for not sweeping the dusty streets was that the dust would fly into the windows of shops and houses. 30 An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much sweeping might be done in a little time. I found at my door in Craven Street, one morning, a poor woman sweep ing my pavement with a birch broom; she appeared very 142 Franklin s Autobiography pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness. I asked who employed her to sweep there ; she said, " No body, but I am very poor and in distress, and I sweeps before gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me 5something." I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and I would give her a shilling; this was at nine o clock; at 12 she came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw at first in her working, I could scarce believe that the work was done so soon, and sent my servant to examine 10 it, who reported that the whole street was swept perfectly clean, and all the dust placed in the gutter, which was in the middle; and the next rain washed it quite away, so that the pavement and even the kennel were perfectly clean. 15 I then judged that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a street in three hours, a strong, active man might have done it in half the time. And here let me remark the convenience of having but one gutter in such a narrow street, running down its middle, instead of two, one on 20each side, near the footway; for where all the rain that falls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms there a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it meets with; but when divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and 25only makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of carriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the foot-pavement, which is thereby rendered foul and slippery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walking. My proposal, communicated to the good doctor, 30 was as follows: " For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that the several watchmen be contracted with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and the mud raked up Franklin s Autobiography 143 at other times, each in the several streets and lanes of his round; that they be furnished with brooms and other proper instruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respective stands, ready to furnish the poor people they may employ in the service. 5 " That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept up into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and windows of houses are usually opened, when the scav engers, with close-covered carts, shall also carry it all away. 10 " That the mud, when raked up, be not left in heaps to be spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and trampling of horses, but that the scavengers be provided with bodies of carts, not placed high upon wheels, but low upon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being cov-15 ered with straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and permit the water to drain from it, whereby it will be come much lighter, water making the greatest part of its weight ; these bodies of carts to be placed at convenient dis tances, and the mud brought to them in wheelbarrows; 20 they remaining where placed till the mud is drained, and then horses brought to draw them away." I have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of some streets, and the difficulty of placing the draining-25 sleds so as not to encumber too much the passage; but I am still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to be swept up and carried away before the shops are open, is very practicable in the summer, when the days are long; for, in walking through the Strand and Fleet 30 Street one morning at seven o clock, I observed there was not one shop open, though it had been daylight and the sun up above three hours; the inhabitants of London choosing voluntarily to live much by candle light, arid 144 Franklin s Autobiography sleep by sunshine, and yet often complain, a little absurdly x of the duty on candles, and the high price of tallow. Some may think these trifling matters not worth mind ing or relating; but when they consider that though dust 5blown into the eyes of a single person, or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, yet the great number of the instances in a populous city, and its frequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, per haps they will not censure very severely those who be- lOstow some attention to affairs of this seemingly low nature. Human felicity is produced not so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advantages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor young man to shave himself, and keep his 15 razor in order, you may contribute more to the happiness of his life than in giving him a thousand guineas. The money may be soon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but in the other case, he escapes the frequent vexation of waiting for barbers, 20and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instrument. With these sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford hints 2 5 which some time or other may be useful to a city I love, having lived many years in it very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in America. Having been for some time employed by the post master-general of America as his comptroller in regu- 30lating several offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly with Mr. William Hunter, to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general in England. The American office never had hitherto paid anything to that of Britain. Franklin s Autobiography 145 We were to have six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this, a variety of improvements were necessary; some of these were inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four years the office became above nine hundreds pounds in debt to us. But it soon after began to repay us ; and before I was displaced by a freak of the ministers, of which I shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the post-office of Ireland. Since that imprudent transac-10 tion, they have received from it not one farthing! The business of the post-office occasioned my taking a journey this year to New England, where the College of Cambridge, of their own motion, presented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut,15 had before made me a similar compliment. Thus, with out studying in any college, I came to partake of their honors. They were conferred in consideration of my improvements and discoveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy. 20 XIV ALBANY PLAN OF UNION IN 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending both their country25 and ours. Governor Hamilton, having received this or der, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) 146 Franklin s Autobiography and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Sec retary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approved the nomination, and provided the goods for the present, and though they did not much like 5treating out of the provinces; and we met the other com missioners at Albany about the middle of June. In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense, and other impor- lOtant general purposes. As we passed through New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation, I ventured to lay it before the Congress. It then ap- 15peared that several of the commissioners had formed plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether a union should be established, which passed in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was then ap pointed, one member from each colony, to consider the 20several plans and report. Mine happened to be pre ferred, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported. By this plan the general government was to be adminis tered by a president-general, appointed and supported by 2 5 the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started, 30but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be trans mitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular; the assem blies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too Franklin s Autobiography 147 much prerogative in it, and in England it was judged to have too much of the democratic. The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was formed, supposed to answer the same purpose better, 5 whereby the governors of the provinces, with some mem bers of their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament 10 laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers that are printed. Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. 15 Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and con trary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if 20 it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from Eng land ; of course, the subsequent pretense for taxing Amer ica, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have 25 been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; history is full of the errors of states and princes. "Look round the habitable world, how few Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue ! " Those who govern, having much business on theirso hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of con sidering and carrying into execution new projects. The 148 Franklin s Autobiography best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forced by the occasion. The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly, expressed his approbation of the plan, " as Bappearing to him to be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it as well worthy of their closest and most serious atten tion." The House, however, by the management of a certain member, took it up when I happened to be ab- lOsent, which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortification. XV QUARRELS WITH THE PROPRIETARY GOV ERNORS IN my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arrived there 15from England, with whom I had been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tired with the disputes his proprietary in structions subjected him to, had resigned. Mr. Morris asked me if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an 20administration. I said, "No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the Assembly." " My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, " how can you advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing; it is 25one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the re gard I have for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them." He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and, there- Franklin s Autobiography 149 fore, generally successful in argumentative conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute with one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; for, in5 the course of my observation, these disputing, contra dicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to 10 Boston. In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly, by which it appeared that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the House were already in high contention; and it was a continual battle between them 15 as long as he retained the government. I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the Assem bly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his 20 messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cutting throats; but he was so good-natured a man that no personal difference between him and me 2 5 was occasioned by the contest, and we often dined to gether. One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the street. " Franklin," says he, " you must go home with me and spend the evening; I am to haveso some company that you will like;" and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admired the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it wa$ 150 Franklin s Autobiography proposed to give him a government, requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with his people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who sat next to me, says, " Franklin, why do you continue to side 5with these damned Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The proprietor would give you a good price." " The governor," says I, " has not yet blacked them enough." He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages, but they wiped off his color- lOing as fast as he laid it on, and placed it, in return, thick upon his own face; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tired of the contest, and quitted the government. These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the 15proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred for the defense of their prov ince, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused; and 20they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out against this injustice, though constrained to bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris s successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how 25that was brought about I shall show hereafter. But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some transactions to be mentioned that happened during the administration of Governor Morris. War being in a manner commenced with France, the SOgovernment of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy s countryman, he Franklin s Autobiography 151 applied to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well received. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in pro visions. But the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included this with other sums granted for the use5 of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, though very desirous of making their grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard 10 with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was ob stinate. I then suggested a method of doing the business with out the governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of!5 drawing. There w y as, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office, and therefore I proposed that the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five per cent. With these orders I supposed the pro visions might easily be purchased. The Assembly, with 20 very little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together with the 25 revenue arising from the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient, they obtained instant credit, and were not only received in payment for the provisions, but many moneyed people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found advantageous, 30 as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means 152 Franklin s Autobiography completed. Mr. Quincy returned thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memorial, went home highly pleased with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial and affectionate friendship. XVI BRADDOCK S EXPEDITION 5 THE British government, not choosing to permit the union of the colonies as proposed at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense, lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertained of them, sent lOover General Braddock with two regiments of regular English troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexan dria, in Virginia, and thence marched to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending, from some information, that he had con- isceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, wished me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of conducting with most ce lerity and certainty the despatches between him and the 20governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they proposed to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey. We found the general at Frederictown, waiting im- 25patiently for the return of those he had sent through the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect wagons. I stayed with him several days, dined with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival Franklin s Autobiography 153 actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was about to depart, the returns of wagons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appeared that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The generals and all the officers were surprised, declared the expedi tion was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaimed against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty wagonslO being necessary. I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his wagon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, " Then you, sir, 15 who are a man of interest there, can probably procure them for us, and I beg you will undertake it." I asked what terms were to be offered the owners of the wagons, and I was desired to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, 20 and a commission and instructions accordingly prepared immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement I published as soon as I arrived at Lan caster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produced, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at 2 5 length, as follows : " ADVERTISEMENT. "LANCASTER, April 26, 1755. " Whereas, one hundred and fifty wagons, with four horses to each wagon, and fifteen hundred saddle or30 pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty s forces now about to rendezvous at Will s Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to em power me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby 154 Franklin s Autobiography give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lan caster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for wagons and teams, or 5 single horses, on the following terms, viz.: I. That there shall be paid for each wagon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse without a lOsaddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay com mence from the time of their joining the forces at Will s Creek, which must be on or before the 2Oth of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time necessary for their traveling to Will s 15 Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each wagon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any wagon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such 2 evaluation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each wagon and team, or horse, at the time of con tracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at 25the time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of wagons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their SOcarriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that wagons or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same. Franklin s Autobiography 155 " Note. My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county. " B. FRANKLIN/ " To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, York and Cumberland. 5 " Friends and Countrymen, " Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from thislO province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose. " It was proposed to send an armed force immediately 15 into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them. " I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers20 through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their resent ment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what 2 5 might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately complained to the As sembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedi-30 tion should continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these wagons and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand 156 Franklin s Autobiography pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king s money. " The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the wagons Band baggage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army s sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp. 10 " If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as cannot separately spare from the business of their plantations a wagon and four horses and 15a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the wagon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionably between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to 20you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king s business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; wagons and horses must be had; violent 25measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded. " I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have SOonly my labor for my pains. If this method of obtain ing the wagons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the Franklin s Autobiography 157 purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher, " B. FRANKLIN/ I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed in advance-money to the wagon owners, 5 etc.; but that sum being insufficient, I advanced upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty wagons, with two hundred and fifty- nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement promised payment according to the 10 valuation, in case any wagon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them. 15 While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar s regiment he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary 20 in so long a march, through a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchased. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assem-25 bly, who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, 30 drew up a list for me, which I enclosed in my letter. The committee approved, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as 158 Franklin s Autobiography soon as the wagons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing 6 Ibs. loaf sugar. i Gloucester cheese. 6 Ibs. good Muscovado do. i keg containing 20 Ibs. good 5 i Ib. good green tea. butter. i Ib. good bohea do. 2 doz. old Madeira wine. 6 Ibs. good ground coffee. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits. 6 Ibs. chocolate. i bottle flour of mustard. 1-2 cvvt. best white biscuit. 2 well-cured hams. 10 1-2 Ib. pepper. 1-2 dozen dried tongues, i quart best white wine vine- 6 Ibs. rice, gar. 6 Ibs. raisins. These twenty parcels, well packed, were placed on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended 15as a present for one officer. They were very thankfully received, and the kindness acknowledged by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the wagons, etc., and readily 20paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeat edly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending pro visions after him. I undertook this also, and was busily employed in it till we heard of his defeat, advanc ing for the service of my own money, upwards of one 25thousand pounds sterling, of which I sent him an ac count. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he returned me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. I SOconsider this payment as good luck, having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter. This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, Franklin s Autobiography 159 too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, joined him on his march with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had5 treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him. In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. " After taking Fort Duquesne," says he, " I am to proceed to Niagara ;10 and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara." Having before revolved in my mind the long line his armylS must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them through the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had con ceived some doubts and some fears for the event of the20 campaign. But I ventured only to say, " To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet com pletely fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garri son, can probably make but a short resistance. The only25 danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attacked by surprise in its flanks, and 30 to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support each other." He smiled at my ignorance, and replied, " These sav- 160 Franklin s Autobiography ages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king s regular and dis ciplined troops, sir-, it is impossible they should make any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety in my Bdisputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I apprehended its long line of march exposed it to, but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, lOwhen more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had passed, attacked its advanced guard by heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the 15general had of an enemy s being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion, through wagons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank : the officers, being on horseback, 20were more easily distinguished, picked out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed ; and then, being seized with a panic, the whole fled with precipitation. 25 The wagoners took each a horse out of his team and scampered; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the wagons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, SOMr. Shirley, was killed by his side ; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Franklin s Autobiography 161 Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursued, arrived at Dunbar s camp, and the panic they brought with them instantly seized him and all his people; and, though he had now above one thousand men, 5 and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honor, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroyed, that he might have more horses to 10 assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants; but he continued hislS hasty march through all the country, not thinking him self safe till he arrived at Philadelphia, where the inhabit ants could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded. 20 In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they remon strated. This was enough to put us out of conceit of such 25 defenders, if we had really wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march through the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hun dred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for theSO loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple. Captain Orme, who was one of the general s aids-de camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continued with him to his death, which 1 62 Franklin s Autobiography happened in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, " Who would have thought it? " That he was silent again the follow ing day, saying only at last, " We shall better know how 5/o deal with them another time; " and died in a few min utes after. The secretary s papers, with all the general s orders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy s hands, they selected and translated into French a number lOof the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their no- 15tice. David Hume, too, who was some years after sec retary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, 2Qthe expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recom mendations were never of any use to me. As to rewards from himself, I asked only one, which was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist 25any more of our bought servants, and that he would dis charge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly returned to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolved on him, was not so generous. He being at SoPhiladelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I applied to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor farm ers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the late general s orders on that head. He prom ised me that, if the masters would come to him at Franklin s Autobiography 163 Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of go ing to Trenton, and there he refused to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment. 5 As soon as the loss of the wagons and horses was generally known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their de mands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster s hands, 10 but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my assuring them that I had applied to that general by letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be received, and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, 15 and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering pay ment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me. 20 Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doc tors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a grand fire work, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne.25 I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seemed surprised that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why," says one of them, "you surely don t supposeSO that the fort will not be taken ? " "I don t know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the rea sons of my doubting; the subscription was dropped, and 164 Franklin s Autobiography the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin s forebodings. 5 Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had 10 rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continued firm, believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an 15 essential right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his proposed amend ment was only of a single word. The bill expressed " that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, 20those of the proprietaries not excepted." His amend ment was, for not read only: a small, but very material alteration. However, when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly s answers to the 2 5 governor s messages, raised a clamor against the pro prietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, 30 and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thou sand pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose. This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was Franklin s Autobiography 165 formed, with an exempting clause, which passed accord ingly. By this act I was appointed one of the com missioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in modeling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn 5 a bill for establishing and disciplining a voluntary militia, which I carried through the House without much diffi culty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue, stating and answer- 10 ing all the objections I could think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect. XVII FRANKLIN S DEFENSE OF THE FRONTIER WHILE the several companies in the city and country were forming, and learning their exercise, the governor prevailed with me to take charge of our North-western 15 frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I undertook this military busi ness, though I did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full powers, and20 a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in rais ing men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army raised against Canada, was my 25 aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants ; but the place was thought a good situation for one of the forts. 1 66 Franklin s Autobiography In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense ; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend 5 danger. The principal buildings were defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and had even placed quan tities of small paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon lOthe heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and relieved as methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mentioned this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act 15of Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had supposed they were conscientiously scru pulous of bearing arms. He answered me that it was not one of their established principles, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a prin- 20ciple with many of their people. On this occasion, how ever, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they were either deceived in themselves, or deceived the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for 25whimsical opinions. It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the country, and SOanother to the lower part, with similar instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was thought more immediately necessary. The Moravians procured me five wagons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc. Franklin s Autobiography 167 Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not marched many 5 miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arrived near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not 10 attacked in our march, for our arms were of the most or dinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are dexterous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of 15 them. The one who escaped informed that his and his companions guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain. The next day being fair, we continued our march, and arrived at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw- 20 mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half interred by the 25 country people. The next morning our fort was planned and marked out, the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty- five feet, which would require as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. 30 Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dex terous in the use of them, great dispatch was made. See ing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at 1 68 Franklin s Autobiography my watch when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three pal isades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While 5 these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our wagons, the bodies being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch, we had lOten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire through the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which 15we mounted on one of the angles, and fired it as soon as fixed, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stock ade, was finished in a week, though it rained so hard 20every other day that the men could not work. This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employed, they are best contented ; for on the days they worked they were good-natured and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day s work, they 25spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told SOhim that they had done everything, and there was nothing further to employ them about, " Oh" says he, " make them scour the anchor" This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding Franklin s Autobiography 169 ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to re treat to on occasion, we ventured out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings. There was an art in theirS contrivance of those places that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have discovered their position at a distance. They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feetlO diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we ob served among the weeds and grass the prints of their 15 bodies, made by their lying all round, with their legs hang ing down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so managed, could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it appeared that their number was not 20 great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage. We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian min ister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and exhortations. 2 5 When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually served out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening; and I observed they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, 30 " It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you." He liked the thought, undertook the office, and, 170 Franklin s Autobiography with the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended ; so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted by some 5military laws for non-attendance on divine service. I had hardly finished this business, and got my fort well stored with provisions, when I received a letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had called the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs lOon the frontiers was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meet ing, and my three intended forts being now completed, and the inhabitants contented to remain on their farms under 15 that protection, I resolved to return; the more willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, con sented to accept the command. I gave him a commis sion, and parading the garrison, had it read before them, 20and introduced him to them as an officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from the fatigue I 25had undergone. The first night, being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodg ing on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapped only in a blanket or two. While at Bethlehem, I inquired a little into the practice 30of the Moravians; some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I found they worked for a common stock, ate at common tables, and slept in com mon dormitories, great numbers together. In the dor mitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along Franklin s Autobiography 171 just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertained with good music, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I under stood that their sermons were not usually preached to 5 mixed congregations of men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled some times the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the little chil dren, each division by itself. The sermon I heard was 10 to the latter, who came in and were placed in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seemed well adapted to their capacities, and was delivered in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as 15 it were, to be good. They behaved very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not allowed sufficient exercise. I inquired concerning the Moravian marriages, whether 20 the report was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were used only in particular cases; that gen erally, when a young man found himself disposed to marry, he informed the elders of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that governed the young women. As these 25 elders of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments were generally acquiesced in ; but if, for example, it should happen that two or three young 30 women were found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. " And so 172 Franklin s Autobiography they may," answered my informer, " if you let the parties choose for themselves ; " which, indeed, I could not deny. Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quak- 5ers having pretty generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed lOmuch to those endeavors. I had had the vanity to as- scribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regi- 15ment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in 20a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And my new honor proved not much less brittle; for all our 25commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England. During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regi ment took it into their heads that it would be proper for SOthem to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uni forms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I should have prevented it. being naturally Franklin s Autobiography 173 averse to the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrined at their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way. Some- 5 body wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and 10 still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases. This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancor against me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had always opposed very 15 warmly, and not without severe reflections on his mean ness and injustice of contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the King s service, preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he in- 20 stanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention to take the government of the prov ince out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure25 from Sir Everard a gentle admonition. Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse be tween that gentleman and myself, and we never had anySO personal difference. I have sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it was known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he 174 Franklin s Autobiography might consider us both as merely advocates for contend ing clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and Ssometimes, though not often, take my advice. We acted in concert to supply Braddock s army with provisions; and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the desertion of the back lOcounties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevailed with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their protection, till, by reinforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed on the expedition. And, loafter my return from the frontier, he would have had me undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise employed; and he proposed to commission me as general. I had not so 20good an opinion of my military abilities as he professed to have, and I believe his professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity would facilitate the raising of the men, and my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay 25them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Finding me not so forward to engage as he ex pected, the project was dropped, and he soon after left the government, being superseded by Captain Denny. XVIII SCIENTIFIC EXPERIMENTS BEFORE I proceed in relating the part I had in public soaffairs under this new governor s administration, it may Franklin s Autobiography 175 not be amiss here to give some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation. In 1 746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and showed me some electric experiments. They were imperfectly per-5 formed, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally surprised and pleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our library company received from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal So ciety of London, a present of a glass tube, with some ac-10 count of the use of it in making such experiments. I ea gerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had seen at Boston ; and, by much practice, acquired great readiness in performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding a number of new ones. I say!5 much practice, for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders. To divide a little this incumbrance among my. friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they furnished themselves, so that 20 we had at length several performers. Among these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments were ranged in such 2 5 order, and accompanied with such explanations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in compre hending the following. He procured an elegant appa ratus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely formed 30 by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave great satisfaction ; and after some time he went through the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and picked up some money. In the West India 176 Franklin s Autobiography islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be made, from the general moisture of the air. Obliged as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be informed of 5our success in using it, and wrote him several letters con taining accounts of our experiments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transac tions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on lOthe sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the mem bers also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought 15them of too much value to be stifled, and advised the printing of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cave for publication in his Gentleman s Magazine; but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged 20rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived afterward, they swelled to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money. It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of in England. A copy of them hap- 25pening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended the Abbe Nollet, pre- SOceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able experimenter, who had formed and published a theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his Franklin s Autobiography 177 enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, hav ing been assured that there really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly addressed to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my5 experiments, and of the positions deduced from them. I once purposed answering the abbe, and actually began the answer; but, on consideration that my writings con tained a description of experiments which anyone might repeat and verify, and if not to be verified, could not be 10 defended ; or of observations offered as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing in different lan guages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and 15 thence misconceptions of one another s meaning, much of one of the abbe s letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from public business in making new experi-20 ments, than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, 25 German, and Latin languages; and the doctrine it con tained was by degrees universally adopted by the philoso phers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbe; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur B , of Paris, his eleve and immediate dis-30 ciple. What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experi ments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, 178 Franklin s Autobiography for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engaged the public attention everywhere. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectured in that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he Scalled the Philadelphia Experiments; and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I received in the success of a similar one 10 1 made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of electricity. Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were in among the learned 15abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed in England. The society, on this, re sumed the consideration of the letters that had been read to them ; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a sum mary account of them, and of all I had afterwards sent 20to England on the subject, which he accompanied with some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their Transactions; and some members of the society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring light- 25ning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I should be SOexcused the customary payments, which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a Franklin s Autobiography 179 very handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honored. XIX AGENT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN LONDON OUR new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an entertainment given him 5 by the city. He accompanied it with very polite expres sions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at that time, were engaged in drinking, he took me aside into another room, and ac-10 quainted me that he had been advised by his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the making his administration easy ; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good un-15 derstanding with me, and he begged me to be assured of his readiness on all occasions to render me every serv ice that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor s good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it might be to us all, and 20 to me in particular, if the opposition that had been so long continued to his measures was dropped, and harmony restored between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledg-25 ments and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal 180 Franklin s Autobiography use of, and in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises. My answers were to this purpose: that my circum stances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary 5 favors unnecessary to me; and that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he proposed should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should lOespouse and forward them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people; that I was much obliged to him (the ISgovernor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on everything in my power to make his ad ministration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hampered with. 20 On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, the/ appeared again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instruc- 25tions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Re view I afterward published. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very SOentertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that he was esteemed one of the best political writers in England; had been employed in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtained Franklin s Autobiography 181 a pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad, but his prose was thought as good as any man s. The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obsti-5 nately persisted in manacling their deputies with instruc tions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown, resolved to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go over to England, to present and support thelO petition. The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of sixty thousand pounds for the king s use (ten thousand pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the then general Lord Loudoun), which the governor absolutely refused to pass, in compliance with 15 his instructions. I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the packet at New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arrived at Philadelphia, ex pressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation 20 between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty s service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Ac cordingly, he desired the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on both sides. We met and discussed the business. In behalf of the 25 Assembly, I urged all the various arguments that may be found in the public papers of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions, the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he30 disobeyed, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not choose to do, though I once thought I had nearly prevailed with him to do it; but finally he rather chose 1 82 Franklin s Autobiography to urge the compliance of the Assembly ; and he entreated me to use my endeavors with them for that purpose, de claring that he would spare none of the king s troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not con- Stinue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must re main exposed to the enemy. I acquainted the House with what had passed, and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not relinquish our lOclaim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occasion through force, against which we pro tested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor passed, and I was then at lib- ISerty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the meantime, the packet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lordship s thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommoda tion falling to his share. 20 He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching the packet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of 25mine. His answer was, " I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer." By some accidental hindrance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I ar- SOrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the in formation that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very point of departing for Europe. I Franklin s Autobiography 183 thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship s character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sailed. 5 There were then two of the packet-boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general s letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another packet arrived; she too was detained; and, before we sailed, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be 10 dispatched, as having been there longest. Passengers were engaged in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the or ders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods; but their anxiety availed nothing; his lord- 15 ship s letters were not ready; and yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and con cluded he must needs write abundantly. Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, 20 who had come from thence express with a packet from Governor Denny for the general. He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which occasioned my inquiring when he was to return, and where he lodged, that I might send some letters by him. He told me he 25 was ordered to call to-morrow at nine for the general s answer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A fort night after I met him again in the same place. " So, you are soon returned, Innis?" "Returned! no, I am30 not gone yet." "How so?" "I have called here by order every morning these two weeks past for his lord ship s letter, and it is not yet ready." " Is it possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him constantly at 184 Franklin s Autobiography his escritoire." "Yes," says Innis, "but he is like St. George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on! 1 This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded ; for, when in England, I understood 5that Mr. Pitt gave it as one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing. This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three lOpackets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and obliged to procure ISmore. At length the fleet sailed, the general and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with the intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the packet-boats in company ordered to attend the general s ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready. We 20were out five days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two packets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then 25altered his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and returned to New York, with all his troops, together with the two packets above mentioned, and all their passengers! Dur ing his absence the French and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the sav- 30ages had massacred many of the garrison after capitula tion. I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those packets. He told me that, when he had been detained a month, he acquainted his lordshif Franklin s Autobiography 185 that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must neces sarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a packet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long time that would require. He answered, three days.C The general replied, " If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he never obtained leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three months. 10 I saw also in London one of Bonnell s passengers, who was so enraged against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue him for damages. Whether he did or not, I never 15 heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable. On the whole, I wondered much how such a man came to be intrusted with so important a business as the con duct of a great army; but, having since seen more of the 20 great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign 25 tfian that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expen sive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, though Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick 30 and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally exposed while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George was lost; besides, he deranged 1 86 Franklin s Autobiography all our mercantile operations, and distressed our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pre tense of keeping supplies from being obtained by the enemy, but in reality for beating down their price in 5 favor of the contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detained near three months longer, whereby their bottoms lOwere so much damaged by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home. Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man unacquainted with military business. I 15was at the entertainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. Shirley, though thereby superseded, was present also. There was a great company of officers, citizens, and stran gers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the neigh- 20borhood, there was one among them very low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by him, I said, " They have given you, sir, too low a seat." " No matter," says he, " Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest." 25 While I was, as afore mentioned, detained at New York, I received all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnished to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtained from the different persons I had employed to assist in the business. I presented them to 30 Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the balance. He caused them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right ; and the balance due for which his lordship promised to give me an order on the pay- Franklin s Autobiography 187 master. This was, however, put off from time to time; and, though I called often for it by appointment, I did not get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. " And you, "5 says he, " when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immedi- ately." I mentioned, but without effect, the great and unex pected expense I had been put to by being detained so 10 long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had advanced, as I charged no commission for my service. " O, Sir," says he, " you mustl5 not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the do ing it, to fill his own pockets." I assured him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but 20 he appeared clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learned that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to my balance, I am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter. Our captain of the packet had boasted much, before we 25 sailed, of the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjectures re specting the cause, when we were near another ship al most as dull as ours, which, however, gained upon us, 30 the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers in cluded, about forty persons. While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbor far be- 1 88 Franklin s Autobiography hind, which proved clearly what our captain suspected, that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been all placed forward; these he therefore ordered to be moved further aft, on which the 5ship recovered her character, and proved the best sailer in the fleet. The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Captain Ken- lOnedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensued be tween the two captains, to be decided when there should 15be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examined rigor- osuly the log-line, and, being satisfied with that, he de termined to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the packet, Lutwidge, said he believed she 20then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and owned his wager lost. The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It has been remarked, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, 25till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly followed in a new one, which has proved, on the contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasioned by the different opinions of sea- SOmen respecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship ; each has his system ; and the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Be sides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is formed, fitted Franklin s Autobiography 189 for the sea, and sailed by the same person. One man builds the hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore, cannot draw just conclusions from a combination of the 5 whole. Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often observed different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimmed sharper or 1C* flatter than another, so that they seemed to have no cer tain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted: first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing; next, the best dimen sions and properest place for the masts; then the formlS and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combined would be of great use. I am persuaded, there fore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will under- 20 take it, to whom I wish success. We were several times chased in our passage, but out sailed everything, and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the captain judged himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in 25 the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice of the enemy s privateers, who often cruised near the entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very 30 fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation, shaped his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles ; but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. 190 Franklin s Autobiography George s Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel s squadron. This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us. We had a watchman placed in the bow, to whom they 5often called, " Look well out before there" and he as often answered, " Ay, ay; " but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just be fore us, which had been hid by the studding-sails from the lOman at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship was discovered, and occa sioned a great alarm, we being very near it, the light ap pearing to me as big as a cart wheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jump- 15ing upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped ship wreck, for we were running right upon the rocks on which the lighthouse was erected. This deliverance impressed 20me strongly with the utility of lighthouses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more of them in America if I should live to return there. In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land 25from our sight. About nine o clock the fog began to rise, and seemed to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath, the town of Fal- mouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that sur rounded it. This was a most pleasing spectacle to those 30who had been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the state of war occasioned. I set out immediately, with my son,, for London, and Franklin s Autobiography 191 we only stopped a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke s house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757. As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had 5 provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advised to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally applied to, who 10 might possibly be induced by the interposition and persua sion of some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and corre spondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had requested to be!5 informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville s, who was then President of the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Han- bury called for me and took me in his carriage to that 20 nobleman s, who received me with great civility ; and after some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to me: "You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your con stitution; you contend that the king s instructions to his25 governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn 30 up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the LEG- 192 Franklin s Autobiography ISLATOR OF THE COLONIES." I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but 6that being once given the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assured me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however, and his lordship s lOconversation having a little alarmed me as to what might be the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I returned to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had proposed to make the IBking s instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends and friends of liberty, till by their con duct towards us in 1765 it seemed that they had refused that point of sovereignty to the king only that they might 20 reserve it for themselves. After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn s house in Spring Garden. The conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to 25reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consideration of our several points of com plaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justified their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly s. SOWe now appeared very wide, and so far from each other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promised then to consider them. I did so soon after, but they put the Franklin s Autobiography 193 paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who managed for them all their law business in their great suit with the neighboring proprietary of Mary land, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and messages in theirS dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with some severity, they be ing really weak in point of argument and haughty in ex pression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which 10 discovering itself whenever we met, I declined the pro prietary s proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and refused treating with anyone but them. They then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-Gen- 15 eral for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay un answered a year wanting eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from the pro prietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and So- 20 licitor-General. What it was when they did receive it I never learned, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy 25 justification of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate matters if the Assembly would send out some person of candor to treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such. The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my 30 not having addressed the paper to them with their assumed titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it nec essary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce 194 Franklin s Autobiography to a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered viva voce. But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Governor Denny to pass an act taxing the proprie- otary estate in common with the estates of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering the message. When this act, however, came over, the proprietaries, counseled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving lOthe royal assent. Accordingly they petitioned the king in Council, and a hearing wias appointed in which two lawyers were employed by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. They alleged that the act was intended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare 15those of the people, and that if it were suffered to con tinue in force, and the proprietaries, who were in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We replied that the act had no such intention, and would have no such 20effect. That the assessors were honest and discreet m*i under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. This is 25the purport of what I remember as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous conse quences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, 100,000, being printed and given to the king s use, ex pended in his service, and now spread among the people, 30the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the Franklin s Autobiography 195 strongest terms. On this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel, rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk s chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said cer-5 tainly. " Then," says he, " you can have little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point." I answered, " None at all." He then called in Paris, and after some discourse, his lordship s proposition was ac cepted on both sides; a paper to the purpose was drawnlO up by the Clerk of the Council, which I signed with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however recommended andlS we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year s tax having been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this committee they 20 put several particular friends of the proprietaries. After a full inquiry, they unanimously signed a report that they found the tax had been assessed with perfect equity. The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part , of the engagement, as an essential service to the Prov-25 ince, since it secured the credit of the paper money then spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I returned. But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for having passed the act, and turned him out with threats of suing him for breach of30 instructions which he had given bond to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the general, and for His Majesty s service, and having some powerful interest at court, despised the threats and they were never put in execution* Father Abraham in his STUDY. r !pHE SHADE of Him who Counfcl can beftow, J. Still plcas d to teach, and yet not proud to know f Unbias d or by Favour or by Spite ; Nor dully prepoflefs d, nor blindly right; Thd learn d, well-bred ; and, th6 well-bred, fiaccre ; Modeftly bold* and humanely fevere ; Wfho to a Friend his Faults can .fweetfy ftow. And gladly* praife the Merit of a Foe. Here, there lie fits, his chearful Aid to-. lead ; } A firm, onfliaken, oncorrnpted Friend* > Printed ly Benjamin Mecom, at the New Prindng-Office, (near the TOWN-HOUSE, in Bofton) wbere BOOKS are Sold, and PRINTING-WORK done, Cheap. Reproduced by Permission of The New York Public Library from " Father Abraham s Speech," 1760. ELECTRICAL KITE To Peter Collinson. [Philadelphia], Oct. 19, 1752. SIR, As frequent mention is made in public papers from Europe of the success of the Philadelphia experiment for drawing the electric fire from clouds by means of pointed 5 rods of iron erected on high buildings, &c., it may be agreeable to the curious to be informed, that the same ex periment has succeeded in Philadelphia, though made in a different and more easy manner, which is as follows: Make a small cross of two light strips of cedar, the armsio so long as to reach to the four corners of a large, thin silk handkerchief when extended ; tie the corners of the hand kerchief to the extremities of the cross, so you have the body of a kite; which being properly accommodated with a tail, loop, and string, will rise in the air, like those madei5 of paper; but this being of silk, is fitter to bear the wet and wind of a thunder-gust without tearing. To the top of the upright stick of the cross is to be fixed a very sharp- pointed wire, rising a foot or more above the wood. To the end of the twine, next the hand, is to be tied a silk20 ribbon, and where the silk and twine join, a key may be fastened. This kite is to be raised when a thunder-gust appears to be coming on, and the person who holds the string must stand within a door or window, or under some cover, so that the silk ribbon may not be wet; and care 2 5 must be taken that the twine does not touch the frame of the door or window. As soon as any of the thunder clouds come over the kite, the pointed wire will draw the 197 198 Electrical Kite electric fire from them, and the kite, with all the twine, will be electrified, and the loose filaments of the twine will stand out every way and be attracted by an approaching finger. And when the rain has wet the kite and twine, 5so that it can conduct the electric fire freely, you will find it stream out plentifully from the key on the ap proach of your knuckle. At this key the phial may be charged; and from electric fire thus obtained, spirits may be kindled, and all the electric experiments be performed, XOwhich are usually done by the help of a rubbed glass globe or tube, and thereby the sameness of the electric matter with that of lightning completely demonstrated. B. FRANKLIN. THE WAY TO WEALTH (From Father Abraham s Speech forming the preface to Poor Richard s Almanac for 1758.) IT would be thought a hard Government that should tax its People one-tenth Part of their Time, to be em ployed in its Service. But Idleness taxes many of us much more, if we reckon all that is spent in absolute Sloth, or doing of nothing, with that which is spent in idle Em-5 ployments or Amusements, that amount to nothing. Sloth, by bringing on Diseases, absolutely shortens Life. Sloth, like Rust, consumes faster than Labor wears; while the used key is always bright, as Poor Richard says. But dost thou love Life, then do not squander Time, for that s^ the stuff Life is made of, as Poor Richard says. How much more than is necessary do we spend in sleep, for getting that The sleeping Fox catches no Poultry, and that There will be sleeping enough in the Grave, as Poor Rich ard says. 15 // Time be of all Things the most precious, wasting Time must be, as Poor Richard says, the greatest Prodigal ity; since, as he elsewhere tells us, Lost Time is never found again; and what we call Time enough, always proves little enough: Let us then up and be doing, and doing to the20 Purpose; so by Diligence shall we do more with less Per plexity. Sloth makes all Things difficult, but Industry all easy, as Poor Richard says ; and He that riseth late must trot all Day, and shall scarce overtake his Business at Night; while Laziness travels so slowly, that Poverty^ soon overtakes him, as we read in Poor Richard, who adds, 199 200 The Way to Wealth Drive thy Business, let not that drive thee; and Early to Bed, and early to rise, makes a Man healthy, wealthy, and wise. Industry need not wish, and he that lives upon Hope 5will die fasting. There are no Gains without Pains. He that hath a Trade hath an Estate; and he that hath a Calling, hath an Office of Profit and Honor; but then the Trade must be worked at, and the Calling well fol- lOlowed, or neither the Estate nor the Office will enable us to pay our Taxes. What though you have found no Treasure, nor has any rich Relation left you a Legacy, Diligence is the Mother of Good-luck, as Poor Richard says, and God gives all Things 15^0 Industry. One To-day is worth two To-morrows, and farther, Have you somewhat to do To-morrow, do it To-day. If you were a Servant, would you not be ashamed that a good Master should catch you idle? Are you then your 20own Master, be ashamed to catch yourself idle* Stick to it steadily; and you will see great Effects, for Constant Dropping wears away Stones, and by Diligence and Patience the Mouse ate in two the Cable; and Little Strokes fell great Oaks. 25 Methinks I hear some of you say, Must a Man afford himself no Leisure? I will tell thee, my friend, what Poor Richard says, Employ thy Time well, if thou meanest to gain Leisure; and, since thou are not sure of a Min ute, throw not away an Hour. Leisure, is Time for do- SOing something useful ; this Leisure the diligent Man will obtain, but the lazy Man never; so that, as Poor Richard says, A Life of Leisure and a Life of Laziness are two things. The Way to Wealth 201 Keep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee; and again, If you would have your business done, go; if not, send. If you would have a faithful Servant, and one that you like, serve yourself. A little Neglect may breed great Mischief ; adding, for 5 want of a Nail the Shoe was lost; for want of a Shoe the Horse was lost; and for want of a Horse the Rider was lost, being overtaken and slain by the Enemy; all for the want of Care about a Horse-shoe Nail. So much for Industry, my Friends, and Attention 10 to one s own Business; but to these we must add Fru gality. What maintains one Vice, would bring up two Chil dren. You may think perhaps, that a little Tea, or a little Punch now and then, Diet a little more costly, 15 Clothes a little finer, and a little Entertainment now and then, can be no great Matter; but remember what Poor Richard says, Many a Little makes a Mickel. Beware of little expenses; A small Leak will sink a great Ship; and again, Who Dainties love, shall Beggars^ prove; and moreover, Fools make Feasts, and wise Men eat them. Buy what thou hast no Need of, and ere long thou shalt sell thy Necessaries. If you would know the Value of Money, go and try to 25 borrow some; for, he that goes a borrowing goes a sor rowing. The second Vice is Lying, the first is running in Debt. Lying rides upon Debt s Back. Poverty often deprives a Man of all Spirit and Virtue: 30 Tis hard for an empty Bag to stand upright. And now to conclude, Experience keeps a dear School, but Fools will learn in no other, and scarce in that; for it 202 The Way to Wealth is true, we may give Advice, but we cannot give Conduct, as Poor Richard says: However, remember this, They that wont be counseled, cant be helped, as Poor Richard says: and farther, That, if you will not hear Reason, she ll Ssurely rap your Knuckles. THE WHISTLE To Madame Brillon PASSY, November 10, 1779. I am charmed with your description of Paradise, and with your plan of living there; and I approve much of your conclusion, that, in the meantime, we should draw all the good we can from this world. In my opinion, 5 we might all draw more good from it than we do, and suffer less evil, if we would take care not to give too much for whistles. For to me it seems, that most of the un happy people we meet with, are become so by neglect of that caution. 10 You ask what I mean? You love stories, and will ex cuse my telling one of myself. When I was a child of seven year old, my friends, on a holiday, filled my pocket with coppers. I went directly to a shop where they sold toys for children; and being 15 charmed with the sound of a whistle, that I met by the way in the hands of another boy, I voluntarily offered and gave all my money for one. I then came home, and went whistling all over the house, much pleased with my whistle, but disturbing all the family. My brothers, and20 sisters, and cousins, understanding the bargain I had made, told me I had given four times as much for it as it was worth ; put me in mind what good things I might have bought with the rest of the money; and laughed at me so much for my folly, that I cried with vexation ; and the re-25 flection gave me more chagrin than the whistle gave me pleasure. This, however, was afterwards of use to me, the im- 203 204 The Whistle pression continuing on my mind ; so that often, when I was* tempted to buy some unnecessary thing, I said to myself; Don t give too much for the whistle; and I saved my money. 5 As I grew up, came into the world, and observed the actions of men, I thought I met with many, very many, who gave too much for the whistle. When I saw one too ambitious of court favor, sacrific ing his time in attendance on levees, his repose, his lib- lOerty, his virtue, and perhaps his friends, to attain it, I have said to myself, This man gives too much for his whistle. When I saw another fond of popularity, constantly em ploying himself in political bustles, neglecting his own 15 affairs, and ruining them by neglect, He pays, indeed, said I, too much for his whistle. If I knew a miser who gave up every kind of comfort able living, all the pleasure of doing good to others, all the esteem of his fellow citizens, and the joys of benevo- 20lent friendship, for the sake of accumulating wealth, Poor man, said I, you pay too much for your whistle. When I met with a man of pleasure, sacrificing every laudable improvement of the mind, or of his fortune, to mere corporeal sensations, and ruining his health in their 2 5 pursuit, Mistaken man, said I, you are providing pain for yourself, instead of pleasure; you give too much for your whistle. If I see one fond of appearance, or fine clothes, fine houses, fine furniture, fine equipages, all above his for- 30 tune, for which he contracts debts, and ends his career in a prison, Alas! say I, he has paid dear, very dear, for his whistle. When I see a beautiful, sweet-tempered girl married The Whistle 205 to an ill-natured brute of a husband, What a pity, say I, that she should pay so much for a whistle! In short, I conceive that great part of the miseries of mankind are brought upon them by the false estimates they have made of the value of things, and by their giving too 5 much for their whistles. Yet I ought to have charity for these unhappy people, when I consider, that, with all this wisdom of which I am boasting, there are certain things in the world so tempt ing, for example, the apples of King John, which happily 10 are not to be bought ; for if they were put to sale by auc tion, I might very easily be led to ruin myself in the pur chase, and find that I had once more given too much for the whistle. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours very 15 sincerely and with unalterable affection, B. FRANKLIN. A LETTER TO SAMUEL MATHER PASSY, May 12, 1784. REVD SIR, It is now more than 60 years since I left Boston, but I remember well both your father and grandfather, hav- 5ing heard them both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your father was in the be ginning of 1724, when I visited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in his library, and on my taking leave showed me a shorter way out of the house lOthrough a narrow passage, which was crossed by a beam overhead. We were still talking as I withdrew, he ac companying me behind, and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily, "Stoop, stoop!" I did not un derstand him, till I felt my head hit against the beam. 15 He was a man that never missed any occasion of giv ing instruction, and upon this he said to me, " You are young, and have the world before you; stoop as you go through it, and you will miss many hard thumps." This advice, thus beat into my head, has frequently been 20of use to me; and I often think of it, when I see pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their heads too high. B. FRANKLIN. THE END 206 NOTES AND COMMENT NOTES AND COMMENT (Heavy numerals refer to page; light ones to line.) ANCESTRY AND EARLY YOUTH IN BOSTON (pages 1-12) 1, 16. The conducing means. This clause is made clearer in the following arrangement of W. T. Franklin s edition of 1817: "As constant good fortune has accompanied me even to an advanced period of life, my posterity will, perhaps, be desirous of learning the means which I employed, and which, thanks to Providence, so well succeeded with me." 2, 1 8. Gratify my own vanity. Franklin defended vanity in a letter written in 1751: "That this (to praise ourselves) is a natural inclination appears in that all children show it, and say freely, I am a good boy; am I not a good girl? . . . Being forbid to praise themselves, they learn instead of it to censure others, which is only a roundabout way of praising themselves; for condemning the conduct of another, in any par ticular, amounts to as much as saying, / am so honest, or wise, or good, or prudent, that I could not do or approve of such an action. This fondness for ourselves, rather than malevolence to others, I take to be the general source of censure and back biting; and I wish men had not been taught to dam up natural currents, to the overflowing and damage of their neighbor s grounds." In this connection Woodrow Wilson says, " And yet the sur prising and delightful thing about this book (the Autobiog raphy) is that, take it all in all, it has not the low tone of con ceit, but is a staunch man s sober and unaffected assessment of himself and the circumstances of his career." Gibbon and Hume, the great British historians, who were contemporaries of Franklin, express in their autobiographies the same feeling about the propriety of just self-praise. 20Q 2io Notes and Comment Note illustrations in the Autobiography of Franklin s grat ification of his vanity. 3, to. Family . . . lived in ... Ecton. See In troduction, page ix. 3, 13. Name of an order: a small landowner. " Chaucer, too, calls his country gentleman a Franklin, and, after describing his good housekeeping, thus characterizes him; This worthy Franklin had a purse of silk, Fixed to his girdle, white as morning milk. Knight of the Shire, first justice at the Assize, To help the poor, the doubtful to advise. In all employments, generous, just, he proved, Renowned for courtesy, by all beloved. " 4, 31. The following: not in the manuscript. 5, 32. Outed for non-conformity. They were put out of the Church of England for not following the established usages, and had to preach secretly to gatherings of dissenters from the established Church, which were called conventicles. 7, 6. Sherburne: Nantucket. 7, n. Grammar-school: a school where Latin was taught. 7, 12. Tithe. The Puritans, who interpreted the Bible liter ally, often followed its injunction to give the tithe or tenth of one s possessions to God s service. 7, 20. Stock to set up with. Franklin is probably making fun in a mild way of the profession of the preacher. Later (page 107) Franklin, like Addison, approves of ordinary preachers using the sermons of greater thinkers. See " The Spectator at Coverley Hall" (Spectator No. 106, July 2, 1711). 7, 21. Character: system of shorthand. 9, 6. Nothing was useful which was not honest. Explain the meaning of this statement and illustrate it by an example other than that in the book. 10, 1 8. Marble over their grave. This marble having de cayed, the citizens of Boston in 1827 erected in its place a granite obelisk, twenty-one feet high, bearing the original inscription quoted in the text and another explaining the erection of the monument. n, 8. One does not dress. How does this figure of speech explain Franklin s purpose in writing the Autobiography? Notes and Comment 211 QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Give Franklin s reasons for writing the Autobiography, and point out the traits of his character indicated in these reasons. 2. What were the characteristics of life in Boston in the early eighteenth century? 3. What indications do you note in the boy Franklin of his later power to rule other men, and on what trait of Franklin s character was that power based? 4. What did Franklin consider his most important work in life? See page 8. 5. Write a character sketch of Franklin s father. II BEGINNING LIFE AS A PRINTER (pages 12-23) 12, 9. My father s little library. This description is inter esting as indicating the bent of the elder Franklin s mind. Pilgrim s Progress was then read almost as widely as the Bible. The possession of Plutarch, the Greek historian s forty-six Parallel Lives of Greeks and Romans, showed a wider culture. DeFoe s Essay on Projects and Cotton Mather s Essays to do Good, or Bonefacius (an essay upon the good that is to be de vised and designed by those who desire to answer the great end of life and to do good while they live), show the practical side of Josiah Franklin s character. He was somewhat a Yankee as well as a Puritan. The projects related to banks, assurance companies, asylums, academies, etc. 13, 21. Occasional ballads. These ballads owed their pop ularity to their subjects, which were of general interest. Gold smith, when he was a student at Trinity College, Dublin, made money by selling in the streets ballads of his own composition. 13, 26. Grub-street: famous in English literature as the home of poor writers. 15, i. Pointing: punctuation. 15, 7. The Spectator: a daily London journal, comprising satirical essays on social subjects, published by Addison and Steele in 1711-1712. The Spectator and its predecessor, the Tattler (1709) marked the beginning of periodical literature. 15, ii. I took some of the papers. Robert Louis Stevenson followed the same plan. In his Memories and Portraits he writes: "Whenever I read a book or a passage that particu larly pleased me, in which a thing was said or an effect ren dered with propriety, in which there was either some conspicr 212 Notes and Comment uous force or some happy distinction in the style, I must sit down at once and set myself to ape that quality. I was un successful, and I knew it; and tried again, and again was unsuccessful and always unsuccessful ; but, at least, in these vain bouts I got some practice in rhythm, in harmony, in con struction, and in the coordination of parts. . . . That, like it or not, is the way to learn to write; whether I have profited or not, that is the way. It was so Keats learned, and there was never a finer temperament for literature than Keats s; it was so, if we could trace it out, that all men have learned; and that is why a revival of letters is always accompanied or heralded by a. cast back to earlier and fresher models. Per haps I hear some one cry out: But this is not the way to be original! It is not; nor is there any way but to be born so. Nor yet, if you are born original, is there anything in this training that shall clip the wings of your originality." Note, also, that Franklin took pains to acquire the art of arranging his material properly. Every good writer plans his writing. Some are able to carry the plan in the mind, but it is better for young writers to set down suitable general heads under which their details may be marshaled. 17, 13. Locke On Human Understanding: John Locke (1632-1704), a celebrated English philosopher, founder of the so-called "common-sense" school of philosophers. He drew up a constitution for the colonists of Carolina. The Messrs, du Port Royal: a noted society of scholarly and devout men occupying the abbey of Port Royal near Paris, who published learned works, among them the one here referred to, better known as the Port Royal Logic. 17, 20. The Socratic method. Socrates confuted hii op ponents in argument by asking questions so skillfully devised that the answers would confirm the questioner s position 0r show the error of the opponent. 17, 26. Shaftsbury and Collins: Anthony Ashley Cooper, third Earl of Shaftsbury (1671-1713), and Anthony Collins (1676-1729), two leaders of the Deists, a theological sect that believed in the existence of God, but not in Christianity. 18, 31. Pope: Alexander Pope (1688-1744), the greatest English poet of the first half of the eighteenth century. 19, 1 6. The second that appeared in America: Franklin s memory does not serve him correctly here. The Courant was really the fifth newspaper established in America, although gen- Notes and Comment 213 erally called the fourth, because the first, Public Occurrences, published in Boston in 1690, was suppressed after the first issue. Following is the order in which the other four papers were published: Boston News Letter, 1704; Boston Gazette, Decem ber 21, 1719; The American Weekly Mercury, Philadelphia, December 22, 1719; The New England Courant, 1721. 20, 24. Discovered: in a sense not often used now, that of disclosed. Look up also ingenious, page 19, line 27; and de meaned, page 20, line 33. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. The influence of Franklin s early reading on his life and character. 2. What do you think of Franklin s method of learn ing to write? 3. Try to find other cases of great men who educated themselves under difficulties. 4. What habit of Frank lin s in disputes was responsible for his success in argument and persuasion? 5. How did Franklin first come to edit a news paper? 6. Why did Franklin leave Boston? Ill ARRIVAL IN PHILADELPHIA (pages 23-31) 23, 15. William Bradford. Bradford quarreled with Gov ernor Keith, and went to New York, where he published the first newspaper in that colony in 1725. 23, 26. Kill: Kill van Kull, the channel separating Staten Island from New Jersey on the north. 24, 16. DeFoe . . . Richardson. See Introduction, pages xxii-xxiii. Samuel Richardson, the father of the English novel, wrote Pamela, Clarissa Harlowe, and the History of Sir Charles Grandison, novels published in the form of letters. 25, 6. The water we sailed on being salt. The language of this description is strikingly like that of similar descriptions in Robinson Crusoe. 25, 8. Cold water drunk plentifully. Only in recent times have fever patients been allowed cold water, but cold applica tions are now used to reduce fever. Franklin here, as often, by the exercise of common sense anticipated modern discoveries and methods. 2 5 33* Cotton had done Virgil. Charles Cotton (1630- 1687) wrote Scarronides, or the First Book of Virgil Travestie. 214 Notes and Comment 26, 8. Bought gingerbread. The introduction of these homely incidents into the narrative of the great man s life gives it the natural touch often mentioned as one of its charms. 29, 27. Sophister. The boy of seventeen displayed the keen insight into character and the power of observation that later marked the diplomat and scientist. 30, 5. Copy: manuscript. 30, 6. Cases. The frames for holding type are in two sec tions, the upper for capitals and the lower for small letters. 30, 21. French prophets: protestants of the South of France, who became fanatical under the persecutions of Louis XIV, and thought they had the gift of prophecy. They had as mottoes "No Taxes" and "Liberty of Conscience." QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Reproduce Franklin s narrative of his trip to Philadelphia. 2. Compare this trip with a similar journey to-day. 3. What part of the story of the trip do you find most interesting and why? 4. What traits of Franklin s character do you note in the narrative of his first experiences in Philadelphia? See psges 25 and 27-31. 5. What makes the pictures on pages 25 and 26 effective? 6. Discuss discovered, page 20, line 24; in genious, page 19, line 27; and demeaned, page 20, line 33. IV FIRST VISIT TO BOSTON (pages 31-40) 32, 19. Stared like a pig poisoned. Temple Franklin con sidered this specific figure vulgar and changed it to " Stared with astonishment." For similar bookish equivalents of homely words and expressions, see notes: pages 36, 38, 51, 61. What is the effect of these changes? 32, 25. Both governments: Pennsylvania and Delaware. 33, 30. Raree-show: a peep-show in a box. 33, 30. Paper being the money of Boston. There were no mints in the colonies^ so the metal money was of foreign coin age and not nearly so common as paper money, which was printed in large quantities in America, even in small denomina tions. 33, 33- Piece of eight: Spanish dollar about equivalent to our dollar. Notes and Comment 215 34, 5. Could never forget or forgive it. The human na ture exhibited by both Franklin and his brother during this visit is cleverly brought out. Note the dry humor of line 6. 36, 32. Sotting with brandy. Temple Franklin amends as follows: "But during my absence he had acquired a habit of drinking of brandy; and I found by his own account as well as that of others, that he had been drunk every day since his ar rival at New York, and behaved himself in a very extravagant manner." Another good example of his removal of the strength and virility of Franklin s language is found on the next page. " The Governor received me with great civility, showed me his library, which was a considerable one, and we had a good deal of conversation relative to books and authors." See also page 32 and note. 37, 7. Had a great many books i Notice how many times Franklin s love of books and reading gave him pleasure and obtained him favor. See pages 25 and 31. 38, 24. The breaking into this money. Temple Franklin has, " The Violation of my trust respecting Vernon s money." QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. What is the most natural part of the narrative of Frank lin s trip to Boston? 2. Of what benefit to him was Franklin s love of books? 3. What do you think of the judgment of Franklin s father in refusing to set up his son in business? 4. What illustration did Franklin cite in approval of it? EARLY FRIENDS IN PHILADELPHIA (pages 40-44) 41, 31. Flesh-pots of Egypt: Exodus xvi. 3. 42, 15. Brogden: Brockden. See page 83. 44, 19. Pope cured him. " In one of the later editions of the Dunciad occur the following lines: Silence, ye wolves! while Ralph to Cynthia howls, And makes night hideous answer him, ye owls. To this the poet adds the following note: James Ralph, a name inserted after the first editions, not known till he writ a swearing-piece called Sawney, very abusive of Dr. Swift, Mr. Gay, and myself. " 216 Notes and Comment QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION x. What does Franklin s choice of friends when he first went to Philadelphia, show about his character? 2. Franklin s sense of humor. (See pages 30 and 41.) 3. Does Franklin s lan guage suit his narrative; is it clear; is it forcible? (Illustrate what you say by reference to pages 32, 36, 38, 51 and 61, and the notes bearing on these pages.) VI FIRST VISIT TO LONDON (pages 45-58) 45, 14. Newcastle. See page 31. 47, 30. To be bound for him: to be his security. 48, 19. Little Britain: one of the oldest parts of London, north of St. Paul s Cathedral, called " Little Britain " because the Dukes of Brittany used to live there. See the essay en titled "Little Britain" in Washington Irving s Sketch Book. 48, 26. Pistole: a gold coin worth about four dollars in our money. 48, 30. Wilkes: a popular comedian, manager of Drury Lane Theater. 48, 33. Paternoster Row: Bartholomew Close: streets north of St. Paul s, occupied by publishing houses. 49. 3- The Temple: law schools and lawyers residences sit uated southwest of St. Paul s, between Fleet Street and the Thames. 49, 22. A Dissertation on Liberty. See Introduction, page xi. 51, 17. Young s Satires: Edward Young (1681-1765), an English poet. See his satires, Vol. Ill, Epist. ii, page 70. 51, 24. Watts s. The printing press at which Franklin worked is preserved in the Patent Office at Washington. 51, 32. Guzzlers of beer: "drinkers of beer" in Temple Franklin s edition. 52, 15. More flour in a pennyworth of bread. This opin ion with regard to the lack of nutritious properties in beer, however agreeable it may be as a drink, is fully established at present. See note to page 25, line 8. Franklin s attitude toward drink is one of few relieving features of his conduct in Lon don. Fortunately his life at this time was not indicative of his real character, which later asserted itself. Notes- and Comment 217 52, 23. Composing room. Franklin now left the work of operating the printing presses, which was largely a matter of manual labor, and began setting type, which required more skill and intelligence. 53, 2. Folly of being on ill terms. This is a wise view point, which it takes many of us a long time to arrive at. 53, 6. Chapel laws. A printing house is called a chapel because Caxton, the first English printer, did his printing in a chapel connected with Westminster Abbey. 53, 1 8. I watched the pay-table; While Franklin was gen erous, he was usually not foolishly so. 53, 24. St. Monday: a holiday taken to prolong the dissipa tion of Saturday s wages. 55, 1 6. Saint Veronica. The story is that she met Christ on His way to crucifixion and offered Him her handkerchief to wipe the blood from His face, after which the handkerchief always bore the image of Christ s bleeding face. 55, 19. I give it. How is the reason given for introducing this incident characteristic of Franklin? 55, 30. Don Saltero s curiosities. James Salter, a former servant of Hans Sloane, lived in Cheyne Walk, Chelsea. " His house, a barber-shop, was known as Don Saltero s Coffee- House. The curiosities were in glass cases and constituted an amazing and motley collection a petrified crab from China, a lignified hog, Job s tears, Madagascar lances, William the Conqueror s flaming sword, and Henry the Eighth s coat of mail." (Smyth.) 55 33- Chelsea to Blackfnars: about three miles. 57, ii. Fifty pounds a year: about one hundred and sixty dollars. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. What weaknesses of Franklin s character are shown by the " errata " or mistakes he mentions as having made in Lon don? Summarize all of these "errata" to date and try to form a general conclusion as to the cause of his mistakes. 2. What kind of men were the London printers? 3. What fur ther evidence does this London experience offer of Franklin s powers as a leader of men? 4. What evidences are there of Franklin s common sense and his practical nature; his gener osity; his bodily strength and agility? (See pages 48, 52, 53, 55, 560 2i 8 Notes and Comment VII BEGINNING BUSINESS IN PHILADELPHIA (pages 58-75) 58, 19. Plan: "not found in the manuscript journal, which was left among Franklin s papers." (Bigelow.) 60, 7. These hands. Notice how clearly and distinctly Franklin gives an idea of the character of each of these com panions in a few sentences. He properly enlarges on the ex periences of the Oxford scholar because they are so unusual for a college man, as to be interesting. 61, 17. Footed it. Temple Franklin has walked. 61, 22. Crimp s bill. A crimp was the agent of a shipping company. Crimps were sometimes employed to decoy men into such service as is here mentioned. 65, i. An odd fish: another excellent pen picture. 65, 31. Deism. See page 17, line 26. 66, 10. Though it might be true, was not very useful. The harmfulness of Franklin s speculations was offset by his practical standards of judgment. He wisely acted on the Bible standard, " By their fruits ye shall know them." 66, 12. Dryden: a great English poet, dramatist, and critic (1631-1700). The lines are inaccurately quoted from Dryden s (Edipus, Act III, Scene I, line 293. 67, n. Necessity. Would the word excuse be better here from a moral standpoint? 68, 28. Rules that I drew up. Some rules not mentioned here are worthy of note: "Any person to be qualified to stand up, and lay his hand upon his breast, and be asked these questions, viz.: " ist. Have you any particular disrespect to any present member? "2nd. Do you sincerely declare that you love mankind in general, of what profession or religion soever? " 3d. Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body, name, or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of worship? " 4th. Do you love truth for truth s sake, and will you endeavor impartially to find and receive it yourself, and communicate it to others ? " Notes and Comment 219 Sparks in his Works of Franklin, Vol. II, page 9, says, " The following rules for the regulation of the Junto, drawn up in 1728, will give a clearer idea of its character, and, I may add, of the character of its members: " Have you met with anything in the author you last read, remarkable or suitable to be communicated to the Junto ? " Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere, got his estate? " Do you know of a fellow-citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, deserving praise and imitation? " Do you think of anything at present in which the Junto may be serviceable to mankind, to their country, to their friends or to themselves? " Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage? " 70, 23. Pro patria size: a sheet 8^2 by 13^ inches, having the words pro patria in translucent letters in the body of the paper. 72, 2. Busy Body. See Introduction, page xii. 72, 23. To be much talked of. Franklin was sensible of the value of advertising. See pages 70, 71, and 77. 74, 7. I thought myself under great obligations. Frank lin s sense of honor here certainly dominated his business in stinct. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Write paragraphs on the following subjects: (a) The hands in Keimer s printing-house, (b) Franklin s facility in making friends, (c) Franklin and the Croaker. 2. Reproduce from memory as nearly as you can, Franklin s paragraph be ginning: "It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the situation of a bought servant." 3. What was the purpose of the Junto and what were some of its rules? 4. What char acteristics did its members have in common? 5. What were the circumstances of the publication of Franklin s first news paper? 6. Describe the appearance and character of this paper. 22O Notes and Comment VIII BUSINESS SUCCESS AND FIRST PUBLIC SERVICE (pages 75-87) 75, 15. Sunk: recalled to be redeemed. 75, 27. Walnut Street. This part of Philadelphia is now the center of the wholesale business district. 76, 24. Beyond which the quantity may be hurtful. Paper money is a promise to pay its face value in gold or sil ver. When a state or nation issues more such promises than there is a likelihood of its being able to redeem, the paper rep resenting the promises depreciates in value. Before the success of the colonies in the Revolution was assured, it took hundreds of dollars of their paper money to buy a pair of boots. 77, i. Assisted in that by my friend. Notice how gener ously Franklin always gives credit to those who help him, not a too common practice among successful men. 78, 13. However, as he kept the post-office. This sen tence is a good illustration of the looseness of conversational English. If it were properly divided and more smoothly ar ranged, it might lose in naturalness and informality what it gained in clearness. 80, 21. A good and faithful helpmate. Mrs. Franklin survived her marriage over forty years. Franklin s correspond ence abounds with evidence that their union was a happy one. " We are grown old together, and if she has any faults, I am so used to them that I don t perceive them." The following is a stanza from one of Franklin s own songs written for the Junto : " Of their Chloes and Phyllises poets may prate, I sing my plain country Joan, These twelve years my wife, still the joy of my life, Blest day that I made her my own." Franklin was evidently a good judge of poetry. See page 13, lines 18-32. 81, 33. The above letters. After this memorandum, Frank lin inserted letters from Abel James and Benjamin Vaughan, urging him to continue his Autobiography. 86, 25. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued. Franklin expressed a dif ferent view about the duty of attending church later. Ke Notes and Comment 221 writes to his daughter Sarah: "Go constantly to church, who ever preaches. The act of devotion ... is your princi pal business there." QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Mention instances where Franklin s ability to write was of practical value to him. 2. What prominent trait of Frank lin s character appears in his statement: "I took care not only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid all appear ances to the contrary"? (See page 77 and the note to line 23, page 72.) 3. Why did David Harry not become a formidable rival of Franklin s in the printing business? 4. What great erratum did Franklin correct in 1730? 5. What kind of woman was Mrs. Franklin and how did she help her husband? (See pages 80 and 85.) 6. What attitude did Franklin recommend for those who solicit subscriptions? 7. Write paragraphs on the following topics: (a) Franklin s change in principles, morals, and religious belief. (See pages 85-87.) (b) The essentials of religion according to Franklin. 8. What was Franklin s opinion of the importance of church attendance? (See note to line 25, page 86.) IX PLAN FOR ATTAINING MORAL PERFECTION (pages 87-103) 88, i. A task of more difficulty than I had imagined. Franklin here displays his knowledge of human nature. The ac curacy of his description of the difficulty of acquiring right habits appeals to us. In this connection it is interesting to read the remarkable and convincing chapter on "Habit" in the late Professor William James s Principles of Psychology. What ever we may think of the moral value of Franklin s plan, we must acknowledge the soundness of his judgment in the selec tion of the vital virtues and his ingenuity in arranging the order of their acquirement. Compare Philippians IV, 8. 90, 29. Pythagoras: a famous Greek philosopher, who lived about 582-500 B. c. The Golden Verses here ascribed to him are probably of later origin. " The time which he recommends for this work is about even or bed-time, that we may conclude the action of the day with the judgment of conscience, making the examination of our conversation an evening song to God. 222 Notes and Comment Wherein have I transgressed? What have I done? What duty have I omitted? So shall we measure our lives by the rules above mentioned, if to the law of the mind we join the judgment of reason." Translated from Hierocles version of the verses. (Bigelow.) 92, 29. O Vitae, etc. "O philosophy, guide of life! O searcher out of virtue and exterminator of vice! One day spent well and in accordance with thy precepts is worth an immortality of sin." Tusculan Inquiries, Book V. 93, 6. Following little prayer. Both these prayers are excellent. Note the comprehensiveness of the first; wisdom, strength, service. 95, 6. Order gave me the most trouble. Professor Mc- Master tells us that when Franklin was American Agent in France, his lack of business order was a source of annoyance to his colleagues and friends. " Strangers who came to see him were amazed to behold papers of the greatest importance scat tered in the most careless way over the table and floor." 97, 6. Joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues. While there can be no question that Franklin s moral improve ment and happiness were due to the practice of these virtues, yet most people will agree that we shall have to go back of his plan for the impelling motive to a virtuous life. Franklin s own suggestion that the scheme smacks of " foppery in morals " seems justified. Woodrow Wilson well puts it: "Men do not take fire from such thoughts, unless something deeper, which is missing here, shine through them. What may have seemed to the eighteenth century a system of morals seems to us nothing more vital than a collection of the precepts of good sense and sound conduct. What redeems it from pettiness in this book is the scope of power and of usefulness to be seen in Franklin himself, who set these standards up in all seriousness and candor for his own life." See Galatians, chapter V, for the Christian plan of moral perfection. 99, 10. Denied myself the pleasure of contradicting: a wise practice. Addison adopted the opposite method, which Macaulay accounts one of the great writer s few weaknesses. See Macaulay s Essay on Addison. 100, 2. Pride. See pages 2 and 83-84 and the letter to Sam uel Mather, page 206. 100, 10. I am now about to write. "This is a marginal memorandum." (Bigelow,) Notes and Comment 223 ior, 4. Their own and their country s interest was united. This is at present the plea of private enterprise for the control of public utilities and national resources, and for special legis lative favors. 102, 20. Free from the dominion of vice. See Galatians, chapter V. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Be able to name in order the virtues Franklin cultivated, and to give his reasons for the order. 2. Criticise the Plan, giving its advantages and its weakness. 3. What results in his own life did Franklin attribute to his following the Plan? 4. Why would such a plan be more helpful to Franklin than to ordinary men? 5. Which one of the virtues gave Franklin the most trouble? 6. What bearing on the Plan had the story of the speckled ax? 7. What trait of Franklin is shown in his discussion of humility? 8. Why did Franklin call a United Party for Virtue, the Society of the Free and Easy? 9. What was the purpose of this society and what its creed ? POOR RICHARD S ALMANAC; OTHER ACTIVITIES (pages 103-112) 103, 10. Almanac. The almanac at that time was a kind of periodical as well as a guide to natural phenomena and the weather. Franklin took his title from Poor Robin, a famous English almanac, and from Richard Saunders, a well-known almanac publisher. For the maxims of Poor Richard, see pages 199-202. 104, 28. Excluded all libeling. This paragraph should be read carefully for its direct bearing on the present abuse of the liberty of the press in the same way. Liberty means not license but added responsibility. 106, 24. Inculcated strongly the practice of virtue. See pages 85-86. 107, 17. Good sermons composed by others. See note to page 7, line 20. 108, 4. Beat one another into that language. Franklin turned even Ijis games to practical use. 224 Notes and Comment 109, 5. Serviceable to them in common life. "The au thority of Franklin, the most eminently practical man of his age, in favor of reserving the study of the dead languages until the mind has reached a certain maturity, is confirmed by the confession of one of the most eminent scholars of any age. " Our seminaries of learning, says Gibbon, do not exactly correspond with the precept of a Spartan king, that the child should be instructed in the arts which will be useful to the man; since a finished scholar may emerge from the head of Westminster or Eton, in total ignorance of the business and conversation of English gentlemen in the latter end of the eighteenth century. But these schools may assume the merit of teaching all that they pretend to teach, the Latin and Greek languages. " (Bigelow.) no, 31. Influencing the public opinion. The establish ment of the Junto and its expansion illustrate Franklin s great capacity for organization. In our day he might easily have been the leader of some powerful political or commercial or ganization. 112, i. More profitable ... to remove. Franklin does not give sounder advice than this. It is the secret of the success of public men. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Discuss Poor Richard s Almanac; name, purpose, and suc cess. 2. What was Franklin s attitude toward the liberty of the press? 3. What kind of preaching did Franklin prefer? 4. What do you think of Franklin s theory regarding the study of languages? 5. How did Franklin turn his games to prac tical use? 6. Compare the newspaper of Franklin s day with the modern newspaper. (See pages 19-21.) 7. What was Franklin s method of removing the hostility of an opponent? XI FRANKLIN S INTEREST IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS (pages 112-120) 113, 3. A place of profit. It is interesting to note that corruption and inefficiency in public service are not a modern product. Notice that Franklin was a practica.1 reformer. He Notes and Comment 225 argued along lines that he knew would appeal most strongly to his fellow-citizens. 114, 34. Mr. Whitefield: George Whiten" eld, pronounced Hwit field (1714-1770), a celebrated English clergyman and pulpit orator, one of the founders of Methodism. 115, 24. Westminster Hall: a part of the palace of West minster, now forming the vestibule to the Houses of Parliament in London. 116, 3. Instead of being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen. The purpose of the founder of Georgia, James Oglethorpe, was not to build up the colony so much as it was to relieve the poor debtors in England. Franklin s just criticism should be directed to the practicability of the relief thus offered. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Write paragraphs on the following subjects: (a) Corrup tion and inefficiency in public service are not modern products, (b) The equipment of a fire company in Franklin s day. (c) George Whitefield s power of persuasion. (See page 116.) 2. What advantage has an itinerant (traveling) preacher over a stationary preacher, according to Franklin? 3. Why did George Whitefield s writing and printing give great advantage to his enemies? 4. How did Franklin prove to his own satis faction that Whitefield could be heard in the open air by an audience of thirty thousand? 5. Why were Franklin s relations with his partners always friendly? XII DEFENSE OF THE PROVINCE (pages 120-130) 123, 18. Into German. Wm. Penn s agents sought recruits for the colony of Pennsylvania in the low countries of Germany, and there are still in eastern Pennsylvania many Germans, in accurately called Pennsylvania Dutch. Many of them use a Germanized English. 125, 26. After a little seeming hesitation. On many occa sions Franklin proved himself an adroit politician. (See pages 136-137.) 129, z 8. An open stove. The Franklin stove is still in use. 226 Notes and Comment QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION I. How did Franklin succeed in having measures for the defense of the province adopted? 2. Illustrate by anecdotes the attitude of the Quakers toward defensive warfare. (See pages 126-128.) 3. Write paragraphs on the following subjects: (a) Religious narrowness and the man in the fog. (b) The inven tion of the Franklin stove. XIII PUBLIC SERVICES AND DUTIES (pages 130-145) 137, 28. Might have the credit of being charitable with out the expense. Where else does Franklin show knowledge of human nature? (See pages 83-84 and in.) 141, 7. Vauxhall: Vauxhall Gardens, once a popular and fashionable London resort, situated on the Thames above Lambeth. The Gardens were closed in 1859, but they will al ways be remembered because of Sir Roger de Coverley s visit to them in the Spectator and from the descriptions in Smollett s Humphry Clinker and Thackeray s Vanity Fair. 141, 33. Craven Street: a short street near Charing Cross, London. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Write paragraphs on the following subjects: (a) The founding of the University of Pennsylvania, (b) A treaty with the Indians, (c) Franklin as a politician. (See pages 125 and 137-138.) 2. What was Franklin s method of securing subscriptions? (See pages 83-84, 136 and 138.) 3. How did Franklin improve on the London street lamps, and where did he get the idea for the improvement? 4. What was Franklin s plan for cleaning the London streets and what is your opinion of its merits? 5. What honors did Franklin receive in 1753? XIV ALBANY PLAN OF UNION (pages 145-148) QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Write three paragraphs on the Plan of Union, giving (i) its origin, (2) a description of the plan and the reasons for its Notes and Comment 227 rejection, and (3) Franklin s conviction of the important results that would have followed its adoption. XV QUARRELS WITH THE PROPRIETARY GOVERNORS (pages 148-152) 149, 8. They never get good will. This shrewd comment should not be overlooked. For another similar expression see page in, line 34. Franklin s methods of gaining the support of his fellow-citizens and so making his schemes for the public welfare effective might well be copied by our present-day reformers. 149, 34. Sancho Panza: the " round, selfish, and self-im portant " squire of Don Quixote in Cervantes romance of that name. 150, 14. These public quarrels. " My acts in Morris s time, military, etc." (Marg. note.) 150, 31. Crown Point: on Lake Champlain, ninety miles north of Albany. It was captured by the French in 1731, at tacked by the English in 1755 and 1756, and abandoned by the French in 1759. It was finally captured from the English by the Americans in 1775. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. What was Franklin s opinion of the practice of disputing with people? 2. What qualities did Franklin show in his con tention with the proprietary governors? 3. What was the cause of the trouble between the Assembly and the proprietary governors? XVI BRADDOCK S EXPEDITION (pages 152-165) I 55> 7- Occasionally: by chance. 156, 28. I have no particular interest. This circular let ter is admirably conceived to meet its purpose, but does not give a favorable impression of the patriotism of the Pennsyl- vanians. In this respect it accords with Parkman s view of these colonists, as expressed in his Montcalm and Wolfe. 159, 10. Fort Duquesne: Pittsburg; Frontenac: Kingston, at the eastern end of Lake Ontario. 228 Notes and Comment 161, 20. The prowess of British regulars had not been well founded. Other accounts of this expedition and defeat should be read, as Fiske s Washington and his Country, or Lodge s George Washington, Vol. I. Find out, if you can, any reason for Franklin s omission of Washington s part in the battle and retreat. 162, 15. David Hume: a famous Scotch philosopher and historian (1711-1776). 163, 1 6. General Shirley: Governor of Massachusetts and Commander of the British forces in America. 165, 10. Dialogue. This dialogue and the militia act are in the Gentleman s Magazine for February and March, 1756. (Marg. note.) QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. In what ways did Franklin appeal to the Pennsylvania farmers, in his advertisement and circular letter, to provide horses and wagons for Braddock s expedition? 2. From the nature of this appeal, what idea do you get of the character of the colonists? 3. What was Franklin s opinion of General Braddock? 4. Write briefly Franklin s account of Braddock s defeat and the British retreat. 5. Account for an important difference that you note between Franklin s narrative of the defeat and the narrative as given in histories. 6. What idea of the camp fare of British officers in the eighteenth century, do you get from the present sent to General Braddock s offi cers? 7. What illustration of Franklin s good sense do you note, in connection with a proposed celebration of the as sumed victory for Braddock? XVII FRANKLIN S DEFENSE OF THE FRONTIER (pages 165-174) J 65, 27. Gnadenhut: pronounced Gna -den-hoot. 167, 12. Gunlocks: flint-lock guns, discharged by means of a spark struck from flint and steel into powder (priming) in an open pan. 168, 9. Perch: here the pole connecting the front and rear wheels of a wagon. 1 68, 13. To fire: firing is the more usual construction. 169, 32. Steward of the rum: an excellent example of Frank- Notes and Comment 229 lin s ingenuity and his practical nature. What constitutes the humor of the incident? 170, 34. I observed loopholes. Franklin s power of ob servation was of great assistance to him in all his work. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Write paragraphs on the following subjects: (a) The In dians and wet guns, (b) How Franklin built a fort, (c) How the Indians kept a fire unobserved. 2. How did Franklin illustrate from his own experiences that when men are em ployed they are best contented, and that reward is preferable to punishment as a means of making people do their duty? 3. Write a paragraph on Moravian customs. XVIII SCIENTIFIC EXPERIMENTS (pages 174-179) 175, 9. Royal Society. The Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge was founded in 1660 and holds the foremost place among English societies for the advance ment of science. 176, 10. Sameness of lightning with electricity. See page 197. 176, 25. Buffon: a celebrated French naturalist (1707-1788). 176, 27. Dalibard. Dalibard, who had translated Franklin s letters to Collinson into French, was the first to demonstrate, in a practical application of Franklin s experiment, that lightning and electricity are the same. " This was May loth, 1752, one month before Franklin flew his famous kite at Philadelphia and proved the fact himself." (McMaster.) 178, 33. Copley: an English baronet (died in 1709) dona- tor of a fund of 100, " in trust for the Royal Society of Lon don for improving natural knowledge." QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. Write a brief account of the publication and reception of Franklin s theory of electricity. 2. Write a paragraph on the kite experiment. (See page 197.) 3. Give Franklin s reasons for not answering the Abbe Nollet s letters. 230 Notes and Comment XIX AGENT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN LONDON (pages 179-195) 180, 6. I could not possibly accept of any. Franklin here illustrates the right attitude of a public official toward private interests seeking legislative favors. 180, 21. They: refers to instruction in line 19, which Frank lin must have thought of as plural. 180, 33. Dispute: quarrel between George II and his son, Frederick, Prince of Wales, who died before his father. 181, 3. Dunciad: a satirical poem by Alexander Pope di rected against various contemporary writers. 184, 5. Mr. Pitt: William Pitt, first Earl of Chatham (1708- 1778), a great English statesman and orator. Under his able administration, England won Canada from France. He was a friend of America at the time of our Revolution. 185, 1 8. Such a man came to be intrusted. This relation illustrates the corruption that characterized English public life in the eighteenth century. (See page 187.) It was gradually overcome in the early part of the next century. 186, 10. Worm: teredo or ship-worm. 188, 13. Log: a piece of wood shaped and weighted so as to keep it stable when in the water. To this is attached a line knotted at regular distances. By these devices it is possible to tell the speed of a ship. 191, i. Stonehenge: a celebrated prehistoric ruin, probably of a temple built by the early Britons, near Salisbury, England. It consists of inner and outer circles of enormous stones, some of which are connected by stone slabs. 191, 3. We arrived in London. " Here terminates the Autobiography, as published by Wm. Temple Franklin and his successors. What follows was written in the last year of Dr. Franklin s life, and was never before printed in English." (Mr. Bigelow s note in his edition of 1868.) 191, 17. Lord Granville: George Granville or Grenville (1712-1770). As English premier from 1763 to 1765, he intro duced the direct taxation of the American Colonies and has sometimes been called the immediate cause of the Revolution. 191, 34. The king is the Legislator of the Colonies. This whole passage shows how hopelessly divergent were the English and American views on the relations between the Notes and Comment 231 mother country and her colonies. Grenville here made clear that the Americans were to have no voice in making or amend ing their laws. Parliament and the king were to have absolute power over the colonies. No wonder Franklin was alarmed by this new doctrine. With his keen insight into human nature and his consequent knowledge of American character, he fore saw the inevitable result of such an attitude on the part of England. This conversation with Grenville makes these last pages of the Autobiography one of its most important parts. 192, 24. Mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommodations. This little incident shows that some of our political methods are not so modern as we think. It is a favor ite device of some present-day politicians to agree with the people on all great principles of public policy, and then quietly defeat the application of those principles in given cases wher ever it suits their private interest to do so. QUESTIONS AND TOPICS FOR DISCUSSION i. What was Franklin s attitude as a public official toward proprietary favors? 2. Write paragraphs on the following subjects: (a) Lord London s dilatoriness. (b) The slowness of Franklin s ship and how this defect was remedied, (c) A narrow escape. 3. What was Lord Grenville s view of Amer ican rights? 4. Write briefly on the following subjects: (a) The many-sided Franklin, (b) Franklin s place in literature, (c) The character of Benjamin Franklin, (d) The history of the Autobiography. 5. What were Franklin s chief qualities as a business man and as a public official? 6. Find examples of Franklin s knowledge of human nature; of his tact; of his habit of observation. LOAN DEPT. LD2lA-60m-2 67 (H241slO)476B XJi/ ^-1^.,-j^ -, (6889slO)476B .General Library University pf California Berkeley Berkeley ID