1 1 inn in i 
 
THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 Paul Scharrenberg 
 
ALFRED FUHRMAN 
 
 ^ ^~ -> vf?v. A v.i, AW 
 
 JUL 1 6 1923 
 
 SAN 
 
ALFRED FUHRMAN 
 
 1 6 1923 
 
 MISSION SIKEET 
 SAN FRANCISCO, CAL. 
 
Great Americans of History 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 
 
 A CHARACTER SKETCH 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD S. (JELLIS, A. M. 
 
 AUTHOR OF 
 
 he People s Standard History of the United States," "The Eclectic Primary Historv 
 of the United States," etc. 
 
 WITH AN KSSAY ON THE PATRIOT BY 
 
 G. MERCER ADAM 
 
 Late Editor of "Self Culture" Magazine, Etc., Etc. 
 
 The Unusual and Remarkable in The Life of Alexander Hamilton 
 
 BY 
 
 B. J. CIGRAND, M. S., D. D. S. 
 
 Author "History of American Emblems." 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 ANECDOTES, CHARACTERISTICS, AND CHRONOLOGY 
 
 UNION SCHOOL IT RNiSHING COMPANY, 
 CHICAGO. 
 
GREAT AMERICANS OF HISTORY SERIES. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON, by Edward S. 
 Ellis, A. M.. Author of "The 
 People s Standard History of the 
 United States," etc. With Sup 
 plementary Essay by G. Mercer 
 Adam. Late Editor of "Self-Cult 
 ure" Magazine, with an Account 
 of the Louisiana Purchase, to 
 gether with Anecdotes, Charac 
 teristics, Chronology and Say 
 ings. 
 
 JAMES OTIS, by John Clark Kid- 
 path, LL. D.. Author of "Kid- 
 path s History of the United 
 States." etc. With Supplemen 
 tary Essay by G. Mercer Adam, 
 Late Editor of Self-Culture" 
 Magazine; together with Anec 
 dotes, Characteristics, and Chro 
 nology. 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, by JolmK. Musick, 
 Author of "The Columbian His- 
 tori. al Novels," etc. With Sup 
 plementary Essay by G. Mercer 
 Adam, Late Editor of "Self-Cul 
 ture" Magazine; together with 
 Anecdotes, Characteristics, and 
 Chronology 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS, by Samuel Fallows, 
 1). D., LL. D., Ex-Snpt. of Pub 
 lic Instruction of Wiscons ; n; 
 Ex-Pres. Illinois W sleyan Uni 
 versity. With Supplementary 
 Essay by G. Mercer Adam, Late 
 Editor of "Self-Culture" Maga 
 zine; together with Anecdotes, 
 Characteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, by Frank 
 Strong, Ph. D., Lecturer on 
 United States History, Yale Uni 
 versity, New Haven, Conn. With 
 Supplemental Essay by G. Mercer 
 Adam, Late Editor of " Self-Cul 
 ture" Magazine, etc., and a 
 Character Study by Prof. Charles 
 K. Edmunds, Ph.D. ,ot Johns Hop 
 kins University; together with 
 Anecdotes, Characteristics, and 
 Chronology. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS, by Samuel Willard. 
 LL. D., Author of -Synopsis of 
 History." etc. With Supplemen 
 tary Essay by G. Mercer Adam, 
 Late Editor of "Self-Culture" 
 Magazine; together with Anec 
 dotes. Characteristics, and Chro 
 nology. 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON, by Edward 
 S. Ellis, A.M., Author of "The 
 People s Standard History of the 
 United States." f to. With Sup 
 plementary Esay by G. Mercer 
 Adam, Late Kclitor of "Self-Cul 
 ture" Magazine, etc ; together 
 with Anecodotes, Charact ris- 
 tics,and Chronology. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, by Eugene 
 Parsons, Ph. D., Lecturer on 
 American History, etc. With 
 Supplementary Essay by G. Mer 
 cer Adam, Late Kditor of - Self- 
 Culture" Magazine; and an Ar 
 ticle by Prof. Henry Wade 
 Rogers, LL. D., of Yale Univer 
 sity; together with Anecdotes, 
 Characteristics,and Chronology. 
 
 JOHN RANDOLPH, by Richard Heath 
 Dabney, M. A.. Ph. D., Professor 
 of History, University of Vir 
 ginia. With Supplementary 
 Essay by G. Mercer Adam, Late 
 Editor of "Self Culture Maga 
 zine; together with Anecdotes, 
 Characteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 DANIEL WEBSTER, by Elizabeth A. 
 Reed, A. M., L. H. D., Ex-Pres. 
 Illinois Woman s Press Associa 
 tion. With Supplementary Es 
 say by G. Mercer Adam. Late Edi 
 tor of "Self-Culture" Magazine; 
 together with Anecdotes, Char 
 acteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 HENRY CLAY, by H. W. Caldwell, 
 A. M., Ph. B., Professor of Ameri 
 can History. University of Ne 
 braska. With Supplementary 
 Essay by G. Mercer Adam, Late 
 Editor 01 "Self-Culture" Maga 
 zine; together with Ancedotes, 
 Characteristics, and Chronology. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, by Robert Dick 
 inson Sheppard, D. D. , Professor 
 of American and English His 
 tory, Northwestern University. 
 With Supplementary Essay by G. 
 Mercer Adam, Late Editor of 
 "Self-Culture" Magazine, etc., 
 also Suggestions from the Life 
 of Lincoln by Prof. Francis W. 
 Shepardson, Ph. D., of the Uni 
 versity of Chicago. Together 
 with Anecdotes, Characteristics, 
 and Chronology 
 
 Copyright, 1899, 
 By THE UNIVERSITY ASSOCIATION 
 
 Copyright, 190*, 
 By H. G. CAMPBELL PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 EDUC.- 
 
 PSYCH. 
 
 : IBRARY 
 
 GIFT 
 
THE precocity of Alexander Hamilton approached the 
 marvelous. Henry Cabot Lodge and others give 
 the date of his birth as January n, 1757, but Bancroft 
 makes it earlier. The distinguished historian thought 
 it incredible that the brilliant mind of Hamilton should 
 have matured so early. His name appears as a witness 
 on a deed written in 1766, when, if the date named for 
 his birth be accepted, he was only nine years old, and 
 yet, as Mr. Lodge demonstrates, the evidence is convinc 
 ing that such was the fact. 
 
 His birthplace was the island Nevis, one of the British 
 West Indies. His father is said to have been a Scotch 
 merchant. A good deal of mystery surrounds his family 
 and early youth. 
 
 Born in that tropical region, the brain of this wonder 
 ful youth flowered with the amazing swiftness of the 
 vegetation around him. At the age of twelve, when a 
 clerk in a store, his letters to his friend, Dr. Edward 
 Stevens, were those of a philosophical instructor. Short 
 ly after he was given charge of his employer s affairs 
 and managed them well, studying and writing as oppor 
 tunity presented. Soon his astonishing talents led his 
 relatives to send him to the American colonies to be ed 
 ucated. 
 
<5 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 He arrived in Boston, in the autumn of 1772, and 
 went to New York, where the letters he bore from Dr. 
 Knox, a clergyman of Nevis, procured good and wise 
 friends. Entering a well known grammar school at Eli- 
 zabethtown, New Jersey, he studied with the intense en 
 ergy that characterized everything he did. His fiery 
 brain led him to write a great deal, both of prose and 
 verse, and much of it betrayed marked talent. It took 
 but a short time for him to prepare for college. He 
 would have gone to Princeton, had he been permitted to 
 advance as fast as his inclination prompted. Following 
 his impatient bend, he entered King s (now Columbia) 
 College in New York, and, aided by a private tutor, he 
 progressed with astonishing rapidity in his studies. 
 
 The American colonies were then on the verge of re 
 volt against England. The greatest minds in the coun 
 try were grappling with the momentous question, and it 
 took Hamilton but a brief while to range himself with 
 his impetuous energy on the side of his adopted country. 
 New York was under the domination of the Tories, her 
 Assembly being pronounced supporters of the home gov 
 ernment. With a view of bringing her into the right 
 column, a mass meeting was held in the fields July 6, 
 1774, by the patriot leaders. Among those present was 
 the boy Hamilton. He listened with rapt interest to the 
 addresses, and burned with impatience at their luke- 
 warmness. Unable to repress his feelings, he threaded 
 his way to the platform, and launched out in a patriotic 
 address that held his hearers spell-bound. His master 
 ful oration drew attention to him, and some time after- 
 
ALKXANDKR HAMILTON. 7 
 
 ward he was approached with offers from the Tory side, 
 but all were spurned. It may be said that he began his 
 public life at that time. In the following December, he 
 put forth his first political writing, "A Full Vindication," 
 in the form of a pamphlet which was a reply to Tory 
 criticism on the Continental Congress. 
 
 This pamphlet was soon followed by another "The 
 Farmer Refuted, 1 both of which attracted wide attention 
 and exerted marked influence. As an evidence of the 
 author s statesmanlike grasp, these sentences may be 
 quoted in the argument against the insistence that Par 
 liament had the unlimited right to legislate for the colo 
 nies: 
 
 "All men have one common origin: they participate 
 in one common nature, and consequently have one com 
 mon right. No reason can be advanced why one man 
 should exercise any power or pre-eminence over his fel 
 low-creatures, unless they have voluntarily vested him 
 with it. Since then, Americans have not, by any act of 
 theirs, empowered the British Parliament to make laws 
 for them, it follows they can have no just authority to 
 do it. 
 
 u The Parliament claims a right to tax us in ail cases 
 whatsoever; its late acts are in virtue of that claim. How 
 ridiculous, then, it is to affirm that we are quarreling for 
 the trifling sum of three pence a pound on tea, when it 
 is evidently the principle against which we contend." 
 
 In appealing to the natural rights of man, he used 
 these impressive words: 
 
 4 The sacred rights of mankind are not to be rumaged 
 
8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 for, among old parchments or musty records. They are 
 written, as with a sunbeam, in the whole volume of hu 
 man nature by the hand of Divinity itself. 
 
 These pamphlets were variously attributed to promi 
 nent patriot leaders, and, when it became known that 
 the boyish Hamilton was the author, the admiration was 
 unbounded. He was already a leader in the cause of 
 American independence. But Professor Anson D. Morse 
 shows that while the latter words have a democratic ring, 
 they are not peculiarly American, but express universal, 
 rather than American democratic principles and might 
 have been uttered by a Frenchman. Hamilton was not 
 in reality quarreling with the aristocratic institutions of 
 Great Britain, but with her policy. 
 
 The pressure forced New York into the Congress; 
 the Revolution opened and Hamilton for a time contin 
 ued his battles for his country through the newspapers. 
 The sentiment for independence rapidly crystallized, and 
 when the New York convention ordered the raising of a 
 company of artillery, Hamilton applied for the command. 
 To some it looked like presumption on the part of the 
 youth, but his examination was so brilliant that the com 
 mand was promptly given to him. He rapidly gained 
 recruits and spent the last dollar he received from home 
 on the equipment of his company. He was alert, active, 
 patriotic, ambitious, aglow with enthusiasm, and his 
 magnetic personality seemed to carry everything before 
 it. He was too serious, too intensely in earnest to 
 slight any detail. 
 
 He drilled his company unceasingly until its skill 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 and discipline attracted the notice of his superi 
 ors. General Nathaniel Greene, the officer second in 
 ability to 
 Washington, 
 was so much 
 pleased with 
 the splendid 
 troop that he 
 sought out 
 the young 
 captain. 
 
 Greatly im 
 pressed by his 
 ability, he in 
 troduced him 
 to Washing 
 ton. Hamil 
 ton never for 
 got the kind 
 ness of the 
 Quaker gen 
 eral, whom he 
 rated as the 
 
 first soldier of the Revolution. The artillery com 
 pany and its commander soon proved their worth. The 
 mistake of General Putnam precipitated the disaster on 
 L/ong Island, in the latter part of August, i 776, but du 
 ring the retreat of the American forces, Hamilton covered 
 the rear with a courage and sagacity that received the 
 praise of Washington. The smoke of battle roused the 
 
 Major-General Nathaniel Greene. 
 Born 1742. Died 1786. 
 
The First Meeting of Washington and Hamilton. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. n 
 
 fiery patriotism of the young West Indian. None fought 
 more bravely than he on the retreat up the Hudson, and, 
 when Fort Washington fell, he volunteered to recapture 
 it by storm, but the Commander-in-chief would not per 
 mit him to undertake the hopeless task. Then, as all 
 know, followed the frightful retreat through New Jersey, 
 where the grim Continentals crimsoned the snow with 
 the blood from their naked feet. Hamilton was fore 
 most among the heroes at Trenton and Princeton, by 
 which time only twenty-five men were left of his artil 
 lery men. His courage, skill and reputation as a brill 
 iant writer caused Washington to appoint him as one 
 of his aides with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. This 
 appointment was made March i, 1777, before Hamilton 
 was twenty-one years old. 
 
 While the change of station was the best thing for him, 
 he was not satisfied with it. That he possessed military 
 abilities of a high order had been proven. None felt this 
 more than Hamilton himself. He believed that a bril 
 liant career was before him. He always had enormous 
 self-confidence, and was certain that if he remained in 
 line, there was scarcely a rank beyond his reach. 
 
 Whether or not Hamilton possessed the genius of a 
 great general, must always remain conjecture, for he was 
 never put to the supreme test, but assuredly he would 
 have attained high station, though his youth must have 
 stopped him at a point which he might have passed, had 
 he been a score of years older. 
 
 He proved an invaluable aid to Washington, whose 
 correspondence was enormous, beside which, he acquitted 
 
12 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 himself well in the subsequent battles at all of which he 
 was present. Some of the admirers of Hamilton would 
 give him the whole credit for the various important pa 
 pers which issued from headquarters, while he was act 
 ing as secretary. That he w r as vigorous, brilliant and 
 gifted cannot be questioned, and he w^as vastly helpful to 
 the Commander-in-chief; but, as Lodge points out, the 
 central ideas, and guiding principles of the documents 
 were always Washington s while Hamilton merely pol 
 ished and adorned. The momentous "Yes" or u Xo M was 
 uttered by the commander, and the secretary clothed the 
 word in fitting sentences. Washington gave full credit 
 to his aide, whom he appreciated, but nothing can de 
 tract from the grandeur of that peerless Patriot, without 
 whom, the struggle for independence would have ended 
 ere it had hardly begun. 
 
 Despite the impatient temper of Hamilton, he dis 
 played exquisite tact and discretion while in the service 
 of his chief. He secured the needed reinforcements from 
 Gates, when that officer was puffed with conceit over the 
 brilliant victory won for him, by his generals and soldiers 
 at Saratoga. He required the most delicate handling, 
 and the skill of Hamilton could not have been surpassed. 
 He could be curt and imperious with Putnam, who need 
 ed such treatment, and sympathetic as a woman with the 
 stricken wife of Benedict Arnold. 
 
 One day in February, 1781, Hamilton was tardy in 
 responding to a call from Washington. The great man 
 gently chided and reminded him that to keep him wait 
 ing was a mark of disrespect. The secretary bridled up: 
 
General Israel Putnam. 
 Born 1718. Died 1790. 
 
14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 "I am not conscious of it, sir; but since you have thought 
 it, we part." 
 
 Nothing is more absurd than to dignify this little affair 
 with the name of a quarrel. It took a great deal to rouse 
 the tempestuous wrath of Washington, but when it once 
 flamed into life, it swept everything before it. The 
 wretched being who was its victim was crushed, silent 
 and helpless. Those who saw Washington when he con 
 fronted the retreating L,ee at Monmouth, remembered the 
 terrific scene to the end of their lives. When St. Clair, 
 who had disregarded the solemn warnings of President 
 Washington, and was overwhelmed as a consequence by 
 the western Indians, came into the presence of the great 
 man months afterward, it was with fear and trembling, 
 for he dreaded the lightning outburst. But there was no 
 anger shown by Washington toward his secretary. On 
 the one hand was the commander, tall, massive, grand, 
 calm, unruffled, in the pride of his mental and physical 
 perfection; on the other, the swarthy, brilliant and pep 
 pery youth, with a mighty good opinion of himself, as 
 was warranted. 
 
 No more unerring judge of men than Washington ever 
 lived. He must have smiled at the conduct of the young 
 man, but, at the same time, he did not forget his value. 
 Magnanimous at all times, he made advances to Hamil 
 ton, who repelled them. None the less, the Commander, 
 foreseeing the inestimable services he was likely to ren 
 der his country, retained his deep interest in him to the 
 end. At Yorktown, he gave Hamilton the coveted priv 
 ilege of leading an assault upon one of the outworks of 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 of the enemy. Such was his dash that he completed his 
 work much more quickly than the French force which 
 undertook and accomplished a similar task. 
 
 With this brilliant exploit, Hamilton terminated his 
 military career. The independence of his country hav 
 ing" been attain 
 ed, he gave his 
 energies to the 
 pursuits of 
 peace. Despite 
 the great milita 
 ry ability he had 
 shown, he was 
 a born states 
 man. He prov 
 ed that, when 
 a boy at King s 
 College, and in 
 the swirl and 
 rush of battle, 
 his thoughts 
 turned to ques 
 tions of govern 
 ment. He fore 
 saw that the real 
 peril of the 
 country would come after the treaty of peace was signed. 
 A common danger held the thirteen colonies together 
 and when that was removed, they would fall apart 
 and crumble to fragments. In September, 1780, he 
 
 Hamilton leading the Assault at Yorktown. 
 
 Relief on one of the Bronze Doors of the Capitol, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
16 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 wrote a letter to James Duane, a member of the Conti 
 nental Congress, in which he gave his views u of the de 
 fects of our present system, and the changes nece*ssary 
 to save us from ruin." The fundamental defect he 
 declared, lay in the want of power in Congress, and 
 this was due to three causes: 
 
 u An excess of the spirit of liberty, which has made the 
 particular states, show a jealousy of all power not in their 
 own hands, and this jealousy had led them to exercise 
 a right of judging in the last resort, of the measures rec 
 ommended by Congress, and of acting according to their 
 own opinions of their propriety or necessity; a diffidence, 
 in Congress, of their own powers, by which they have 
 been timid and indecisive in their resolutions, constantly 
 making concessions to the states, till they have scarcely 
 left themselves the shadow of power; a want of sufficient 
 means at their disposal to answer the public exegencies." 
 
 Previous to this he wrote an anonymous letter to Rob 
 ert Morris, treating of the financial affairs of the coun 
 try, in which he gave proofs of his wonderful genius, 
 which has never been surpassed anywhere. The worth 
 less currency was a greater peril to the cause of indepen 
 dence than the arms of the British. Hamilton proposed 
 to provide for a gradual contraction, by a tax in kind, 
 and a foreign loan, which was to form the basis of a na 
 tional bank. The last was meant to bring together the 
 interests of the moneyed classes in the support of the 
 government credit. Hamilton wrought out all the de 
 tails, and his future policy crystallized in his brain. 
 
 On December i4th, 1780, he was married to Miss 
 
Mrs. Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 From an original picture painted in 1781, by R. EarL Courtesy 
 D. Appleton & Co.) 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 Elizabeth Schuyler, daughter of General Philip Schuy- 
 ler. She was a woman of rare intelligence and worth, 
 and her father was wealthy and widely respected". He 
 repeatedly offered to help Hamilton pecuniarily, for he 
 
 was without means, 
 but the young man 
 refused, sublimely 
 confident of his abil 
 ity to earn whatever 
 he needed, whenever 
 it was needed. 
 
 As soon as the war 
 was over, he took up 
 the study of law, pur 
 suing it with such 
 vehement energy that 
 he was admitted to 
 the bar in the early 
 summer of 1782. 
 About the same time 
 Robert Morris ap 
 pointed him Conti 
 nental Receiver of 
 
 Taxes for New York. His ability soon attracted such 
 favorable attention that the legislature elected him to 
 Congress, where he took his seat in November, i 782. 
 
 That body had fallen into weakness, and the majority 
 failed to comprehend the woeful disasters that threatened 
 the country. Hamilton labored with might and main 
 to arouse his associates to the truth, but when his term 
 
 Major-General Philip Schuyler. 
 Born 1733. Died 1804. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 19 
 
 cried, he had the mortification of feeling that he had 
 failed utterly in his mission. Bad as was the condition 
 of his country it -must become worse before the drowsy 
 sentinels would awake. 
 
 While practicing law in New York, Hamilton showed 
 his high-mindedness by his defense of the Tories. Nat 
 urally the resentment against them was great. The 
 community clamored for vengeance upon those who 
 were now helpless, and they were made to suffer in many 
 instances, cruel persecution. Hamilton s eloquent plea 
 for justice was successful, but it made him intensely un 
 popular for the time in the community, which was a 
 matter of indifference to him. His makeup rendered it 
 impossible for him to be a demagogue. 
 
 Meanwhile, the country was going to the dogs, and 
 only a few people such as Washington, Hamilton and 
 others, saw it. It is hard at this day, when our re 
 sources are limitless and the unity of the states perfect, 
 to comprehend the apparently utterly hopeless condition 
 of the country, throughout the period between the close 
 of the Revolution and the adoption of the Constitution. 
 There was no army or navy, no cohesion, everybody 
 seemed to be in debt and without the means of paying 
 their obligations. The currency was worthless; broken 
 promises and bankruptcy were on every hand, and worst 
 of all, scarcely anybody cared. 
 
 The one effectual remedy for all this was as plain as 
 the sun in the heavens: there must be a strong central 
 government. Congress had degenerated into a scene of 
 entertainment for the states, for the utmost it could do 
 
20 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 was to make suggestions to them, and they paid as much 
 heed as if the advice had been chattered by a group of 
 Hottentots in South Africa. A warning rumble of 
 thunder came from Massachusetts, when in the winter 
 of 1786-87, Captain Shays, at the head of an armed 
 mob, threatened the existence of the courts and law. 
 This defiant act set people to thinking. 
 
 Massachusetts instructed her representatives to urge 
 upon Congress the necessity of a new convention, but 
 the representatives gave no heed to the instructions. 
 Virginia, also, tried her hand. In January, 1786, hav 
 ing made a commercial convention with Maryland, she 
 passed resolutions, calling for a meeting at Annapolis to 
 consider the question of establishing a uniform commer 
 cial system. 
 
 New York appointed five commissioners, of which 
 Hamilton was one. Full of hope, he went with his 
 colleagues to Annapolis, where he found that only 
 four other states had sent representatives. Nevertheless, 
 he drew up an address which was sent out to the people, 
 setting forth the imminent need of a complete reorgani 
 zation of the government, and urging a convention of the 
 states for that purpose. 
 
 An opening had been made, and the wedge was driven 
 home. The states were morbidly jealous of one another, 
 and Governor Clinton of New York was bitterly opposed 
 to the formation of a powerful national government, as 
 was foreshadowed by the action of Hamilton and his as 
 sociates. The fight was seemingly hopeless for Hamil 
 ton, but he loved a battle of that nature. He secured 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 21 
 
 an election to the legislature, and became the leader of 
 the forces opposed to the governor. The first struggle 
 was over the proposal to provide a permanent revenue 
 for Congress. Clinton defeated the measure, because 
 he had the votes, but the wreck and ruin which was 
 thus brought face to face with the country, caused a re 
 action and was therefore benejicial. It set the people to 
 thinking harder than before. 
 
 Hamilton, however, against a hostile majority, ob 
 tained the appointment of three delegates to the ap 
 proaching convention. They were Chief Justice Yates, 
 John Lansing, Jr., and Hamilton himself. The first two 
 were unshakable adherents of Clinton, and opponents of 
 an improved federal government. 
 
 The representatives of nine states came together in 
 Philadelphia, May 25, 1787, and the moulding of a Con 
 stitution began. Hamilton s towering ability never shone 
 more impressively. His colleagues were his uncompro 
 mising enemies. He was too wise to weaken his power 
 by projecting his isolation upon the convention, and 
 thereby weakening the cause so dear to him. Instead of 
 taking part in the debates and regular business of the 
 convention, he worked privately at counselling and ar 
 guing with the various members, and thereby accom 
 plished great results. He concentrated his efforts in a 
 single speech at the opening of the convention, after the 
 various plans had been submitted. Absolutely master 
 of his subject, feeling the truth of what he said in every 
 nerve and fibre of his being, his address, more than five 
 hours in length, was one of the most masterful of its na- 
 
22 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 ture ever delivered. Its effect was profound. He 
 had wrought out his own scheme and explained it 
 fully. Like all presented, it followed in a general way 
 the English system, agreeing substantially with the plan 
 finally adopted. His republic, however, was to be aris 
 tocratic, rather than democratic, and the states were to be 
 shorn of most of their powers. He favored electing the 
 President and Senators for life by the vote of those who 
 possessed a certain property qualification, and gave to 
 the President the appointment of the various state gov 
 ernors, who were to have a vote on all state legislation. 
 
 Doubtless, Hamilton perceived that these features 
 could never be adopted, but his aim was to tone up the 
 members, and lead them to higher ground, than they 
 were disposed to take. He believed that by aiming at 
 the sun, he would strike a more elevated mark, than by 
 launching his arrow at a target on the earth. 
 
 His colleagues in disgust abandoned the convention, 
 whereupon Hamilton unhesitatingly affixed his signature 
 and that of New York to the Constitution. 
 
 But his greatest work still lay before him: that was 
 to obtain the assent of New York to the Constitution, 
 which could not become operative, until ratified by nine 
 of the thirteen states. The political revolution was 
 opened and no single American rendered such inestima 
 ble service as Hamilton in bringing it to a triumphant 
 conclusion. It should be remembered that a decisive 
 majority throughout all the states were opposed to the 
 Constitution, but they were now face to face with it, and 
 had to decide whether to accept it, or anarchy and ruin. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 When one reflects upon the vast blessings that have 
 flowed from the adoption of that wonderful instrument, 
 it seems incredible that the press teemed with passionate 
 articles against, as well as in favor of it; that its friends 
 
 Shlney Mansion. Roxbury. Mass. 
 
 Residence of Governors Shirley and Eustes. Hamilton, Washington, 
 Burr, Franklin and other notable men were entertained here. 
 
 were burned in effigy, and that rioting and bloodshed fol 
 lowed in many places; but such was the fact. 
 
 The fiercest fight was in New York, and it is hardly 
 short of the truth to say that the battle for the Constitu 
 tion was fought out by Hamilton alone. True, he had 
 gained supporters, but he was the David, who hurled 
 the pebble that sank into the brain of Goliath. 
 
24 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 The Clintonians enlisted their ablest writers to combat 
 the scheme; Hamilton replied in a series of letters signed 
 "Publius." Madison gave him much help, and Jay lent 
 an occasional hand, but the credit of the work belongs 
 to Hamilton. Of this remarkable collection of essays, 
 known as "The Federalist, n it has been truly said that 
 it is still the best exposition of the Constitution aside 
 from judicial interpretation. It was Hamilton s first Ti 
 tan blow in its favor, and with the same vigor and abili 
 ty he set to work to secure the adoption of the instru 
 ment by the State of New York. 
 
 When he entered the convention to quote his declara 
 tion, two-thirds of the members and four-sevenths of the 
 people were against him. The majority were led by 
 Melancthon Smith, able, alert and brilliant, and by 
 Hamilton s two colleagues at Philadelphia. Every de 
 tail of the work of the Philadelphia convention was 
 scrutinized and discussed; Hamilton, who was continu 
 ally on his feet was attacked, misrepresented and mal 
 igned; seemingly, each utterance of his was distorted, 
 and no advantage that could be seized was overlooked. 
 Undaunted, the champion parried every thrust or blow, 
 and in turn smote with a power that was irresistible. 
 He defeated all attempts at adjournment, the innumera 
 ble amendments, and the absurdity of a "conditional rat 
 ification." 
 
 Finally, Melancthon Smith exploded his bomb-shell 
 by rising to his feet, and announcing that Hamilton s ar 
 guments had convinced him, and he should vote for the 
 Constitution. With him went others, and on the vote 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 25 
 
 the instrument was adopted by a majority of three. The 
 history of politics, legislation and public debate contains 
 the record of no victory more complete or remarkable 
 than this. 
 
 But the great work was not yet finished. New York 
 and Virginia had demanded a new convention to amend 
 the Constitution. This had to be defeated, for otherwise 
 the consequences would be disastrous. 
 
 Hamilton, now a member of Congress, carried through 
 an ordinance fixing the places and dates, for setting the 
 new government in motion. Clinton brought about the 
 defeat of Hamilton for reelection, and secured the con 
 trol of the lower branch of the legislature, though the 
 Senate was Federal. A dead-lock followed with the re 
 sult that New York was unrepresented in the first elec 
 toral college, and had no Senator when the first Con 
 gress assembled. 
 
 In the next election, the legislature favored the Con 
 stitution. Thus the U. S. Senators were Federalists, as 
 were four of the six representatives. The day selected 
 for the assembling of the new Congress was March 4th, 
 but no quorum appeared until April 6th. Then when 
 the electoral votes were counted, it was found that George 
 Washington was the unanimous choice for the Presiden 
 cy, while John Adams of Massachusetts, having received 
 the next highest number, was elected Vice President. 
 
 Hamilton now entered upon the grand work of his 
 life. Appointed Secretary of the Treasury by President 
 Washington, who now as always appreciated his extra 
 ordinary ability, he found himself free to carry out his 
 
26 ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 
 
 ideas. It was a herculean task, that of ministering his 
 functions in the new government in such a way as to ce 
 ment the nation more closely, to make it stronger, to se 
 cure the respect of other nations, to bring prosperity, 
 and to be right. Who would not have shrunk from the 
 task? But Hamilton welcomed it, for it promised full 
 play to his peerless genius. 
 
 He was thirty-two years old when he became the first 
 Secretary of the Treasury. Recognizing his matchless 
 skill, Congress and the Cabinet leaned 0:1 him from the 
 beginning. He had hardly taken the oath of office, 
 when Congress requested him to prepare a report on 
 the public credit. This was followed by other demands 
 until to quote Lodge: 
 
 u ln the course of a year he was asked to report, and 
 did report, with full details upon the raising, manage 
 ment and collection of the revenue, including a scheme 
 for revenue cutters; as to estimate of income and expen 
 diture, as to the temporary regulation of the chaotic cur 
 rency; as to navigation laws, and the regulation of the 
 coasting trade, after thorough consideration of the heap 
 of undigested statistics; as to the post-office, for which 
 he drafted a bill; as to the purchase of West Point; on 
 the great question of public lands, and a uniform system 
 of dealing with them, and upon all claims against the 
 government. v 
 
 He dealt promptly and effectively with all these and 
 other matters, besides drawing up a scheme for a judic 
 ial system. Money had to be provided at once, and 
 there was not a dollar in the treasury, nor any credit, but 
 
TWENTYFOUR SHILLINGS 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 27 
 
 with admirable ingenuity, Hamilton met every exi 
 gency. 
 
 He set the whole financial machinery, complicated 
 and intricate, moving like a well-oiled engine, complied 
 with every demand upon him, and when, after the Jan 
 uary recess, he laid his financial scheme before Congress, 
 it was so masterly, so com 
 plete, so perfect in detail, so 
 far-reaching and comprehen 
 sive, that it marked an epoch 
 in the history of our coun 
 try. 
 
 Jefferson, Adams and oth 
 ers left their imprint upon 
 the Constitution, as it was 
 gradually moulded into form, 
 but it reveals slight impress 
 of Hamilton: it was his to 
 stamp his personality deeper 
 than any other man, upon 
 the governmental policy, and 
 the political system, which 
 
 grew up during those impressionable years of the repub 
 lic. 
 
 Nothing is more admirable than Hamilton s statement 
 of the objects to be attained by his wise policy: 
 
 a To justify and preserve the confidence of the most 
 enlightened friends of good government; to promote the 
 increasing respectability of the American name; to an 
 swer the calls of justice; to furnish new resources both 
 
 Pirst Paper Money Issued bv . the Col 
 onie. 
 
28 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 to agriculture and commerce; to cement more closely the 
 union of the States; to add to their security against for 
 eign attack; to establish public order on the basis of an 
 upright and liberal policy: these are the great and inval 
 uable ends to be secured by a proper and adequate pro 
 vision at the present period for the support of the public 
 credit" 
 
 Hamilton s comprehensive policy provided for the 
 payment of every dollar owing by the national and state 
 governments; for lightening the burden by a simple 
 funding scheme; for obtaining a national revenue by 
 means of the present methods of imposts and excises; for 
 facilitating business through the establishment of a na 
 tional bank and for giving the country political and eco 
 nomic independence, by the adoption of a protective pol 
 icy. He was thus the champion of public honesty. Vari 
 ous features of his scheme were hotly opposed, Jefferson 
 being one of his most uncompromising opponents. 
 
 In the summer of 1792, Washington sent Hamilton a list 
 of objections, prepared probably by Jefferson, to the finan 
 cial policy of the administration. Hamilton answered 
 them off hand, with his usual vigor and skill. One of 
 the objections was that the owners of the debt were in 
 the Southern, and the holders of it in the Northern sect 
 ion of the Union. What could be better than the reply 
 of Hamilton. 
 
 "If this were literally true, it would be no argu 
 ment for or against anything. It would be still po 
 litically and morally right for the debtors to pay their 
 creditors." 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 29 
 
 The advocates of the protective system to-day base 
 their argument on the claim that it raises wages. Ham 
 ilton s motives were higher; the strengthening of the 
 Union, and time has justified his position. His regula 
 tion of the finances established public order. The nat-. 
 ional bank was the idea of his youth, and was intended to 
 build up a strong party in the support of the govern 
 ment, holding the members together by the most pow 
 erful of all ties, a personal pecuniary interest. In other 
 words, it was to bring property to the support of the gov 
 ernment. 
 
 The charge has been made that he was a monarchist, 
 but this rests upon his efforts to strengthen the national, 
 at the expense of the state governments. On this point, 
 Professor Anson D. Morse has these forceful words: 
 
 "When Hamilton retired from office, was the Federal 
 government too strong? Has it been so at any subse 
 quent time down to the close of the Civil War? Have 
 the States at any time previous to 1865 been too weak to 
 discharge the functions which properly belong to them? 
 On the contrary, is it not true that within the period 
 named, the public interests suffered oftener from defect 
 of power in the national government, and excess of pow 
 er in the States, than from excess in the former, and de 
 fect in the latter? And if, since 1865, centralization and 
 conseqiient depression of the States may seem to any one 
 to have proceeded too far, is not the evil traceable to a 
 cause quite outside of Hamilton s policy? It is moreover 
 a fair question whether the Union could have withstood 
 the shock of secession, had it not been for the strength 
 
30 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 which Hamilton gave to the national government." 
 
 As to what constituted the debt of the United States, 
 there were wide differences, which precipitated the first 
 political struggle in the United States. The total was 
 about eighty million dollars, divided by Hamilton into 
 the foreign debt, the domestic debt and the debts of the 
 various states incurred during the Revolutionary strug 
 gle, There were no differences as to the foreign debt, 
 and no one questioned the duty of paying the domestic 
 debt, but the quarrel was as how and to whom it should 
 be paid. The state debts aggregated twenty-five mil 
 lions, and the views of those concerned seemed irrecon 
 cilable, for there was no end to the conflicting interests; 
 but the result justified the sagacious policy of Hamilton. 
 One feature in the establishment of a national bank is 
 too important to be overlooked. The opponents insisted 
 that the Constitution forbade the creation of such an in 
 stitution by the government. Hamilton met this argu 
 ment by summoning the "Implied powers" of the Con 
 stitution to his support. The battle was transferred to 
 the Cabinet, where he convinced Washington; and to-day 
 his views are accepted by the majority of our country 
 men. Years afterward, Chief Justice Marshall traversed 
 the same ground and decided the question precisely as 
 Hamilton had done. No achievement of the latter sur 
 passes in importance, that of his calling into life, the im 
 plied powers of the Constitution. The summing up of 
 his work as the first secretary of the Treasury, may be 
 given in the eloquent tribute of Daniel Webster: 
 
 u He smote the rock of the national resources, and 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 31 
 
 abundant streams of revenue burst forth. He touched 
 the dead corpse of public credit, and it sprang upon its 
 feet." 
 
 One result of 
 Hamilton s pol 
 icy was the for 
 mation of the 
 Federal party, 
 who may be 
 characterized as 
 the supporters 
 of a strong cen 
 tral g o v e r ri 
 mer t, in which 
 the powers of 
 the states were 
 restricted to the 
 distinct limits 
 set forth in the 
 Constitution, 
 while their op 
 ponents, or An 
 ti-Federalists, 
 held the oppo 
 site view. The coherence of the latter came from the 
 unyielding aggressiveness of Hamilton. The Anti-Fed 
 eralists concentrated their enmity upon him, the embod 
 iment of "British" policy as they charged, the friend 
 of aristocracy, whose dearest dream was the establish 
 ment of a monarchy in this country. It was even claimed 
 
 Statue of Alexander Hamilton, Boston, Mass. 
 The Gift of Thomas Lee. 
 
32 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 that this demoniacal magician had bewitched Washing 
 ton himself, the very genins of sanity. 
 
 The elements of opposition crystallized around Jeffer 
 son, and called themselves Republicans. Their leader 
 and Hamilton quarrelled, neither occupying a dignified 
 position in the public prints. Washington appreciating 
 the abilities of both, remonstrated. Hamilton stopped 
 and Jefferson moderated, but did not cease his attacks, 
 though he was more guarded. 
 
 Finally the enmity against Hamilton became so intense 
 that Jefferson and Madison made a shameful attempt to 
 drive him from the Cabinet, through charges of corrup 
 tion. Their hope was that among the vast mass ot com 
 plicated details in the placing of the foreign loan, some 
 figures might be found that could T je twisted into charges 
 that implied wrong doing. * It ; s impossible that they 
 doubted Hamilton s integrity, but their great mistake 
 was in misjudging the man, who, fully roused by the in 
 sult, laid bare all the operations of the Treasury. The 
 resolutions of censure introduced in the House, received 
 HO beggarly a vote that it only emphasized Hamilton s 
 vindication. 
 
 Magnificent as was the ability, and superb the patriot 
 ism of Hamilton, it would be a mistake to represent him 
 as without fault, or as never making a blunder. In some 
 of his quarrels he lost his temper. While he was a leader 
 of leaders, winning where resistless logic and invin 
 cible truth required marshaling by a master hand, he 
 was lacking in the qualities that make up a successful 
 party organizer. He appealed to the intellect, rather 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 33 
 
 than the emotions. As has been said, he could never be 
 a demagogue or rarely descended to the tricks of politics, 
 while he made more enemies than friends. He resigned 
 from the Cabinet January 31, 1795, because of the insuf 
 ficiency of his pay, after his policy was successfully 
 launched and in operation. 
 
 In 1800, he published a pamphlet, in which he aimed 
 to prove that John Adams was unfit to be the presiden 
 tial candidate of the Federal party, and closed by advis* 
 ing his party to vote for him. This unfortunately was 
 not the only instance in which his personal enmity made 
 him ridiculous. Adams had inherited his Cabinet from 
 Washington, and at the beginning, the three most im 
 portant members were unfriendly to him. They looked 
 upon Hamilton as the head of the Federal party, and 
 maintained close relations with him. Their letters be 
 tray a spirit which was treacherous and dishonorable, 
 and would not have been tolerated for a single hour after 
 its discovery by any of Adams s successors. 
 
 In his correspondence with these members, Hamilton 
 aimed to obtain material to be used afterward in his at 
 tack upon Adams. This fact shows that he was subject 
 to moods that were anything but creditable to him, the 
 strongest proof being given in 1800, when he wrote an 
 impetuous letter to Governor Jay, Federalist governor of 
 New York, demanding that, in order to prevent the elec 
 tion of Jefferson to the Presidency, the legislature should 
 be called together, with the purpose of choosing electors 
 by the people in the districts, thus insuring a majority 
 of the votes in the United States for a Federal candidate. 
 
34 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 "In weighing this suggestion [wrote Hamilton], you 
 will doubtless bear in mind that popular governments 
 must certainly be overturned, and, while they endure, 
 prove engines of mischief, if one party will call to its aid 
 all the resources which vice can give, and if the other 
 (however pressing the emergency) confines itself within 
 all the ordinary forms of delicacy and decorum." 
 
 Governor Jay thoughtfully read this remarkable letter 
 and then filed it away with the endorsement 
 
 "Proposing a measure for party purposes, which it 
 would not become me to adopt. " 
 
 The masterful brain, bemuddled by personal enmity, 
 and possibly by his health, which had suffered from the 
 stupendous labor and strain of years, soon clarified. 
 Jefferson and Burr were the opposing candidates, and 
 the election was carried into the House of Representa 
 tives. None knew these two men better than Hamilton, 
 and by throwing all his energies on the side of Jefferson, 
 he saved his country from the indelible disgrace of hav 
 ing such a chief executive as Aaron Burr. 
 
 Returning to Hamilton s invaluable services for his 
 country, it will be recalled that for a time, our foreign 
 relations were in a critical state. England was still sour 
 and sullen over our achievement of independence. She 
 refused to send a minister to the United States; declined 
 to receive ours; retained the western posts, because debts 
 due her subjects remained unpaid, and let slip no oppor 
 tunity for injuring our commerce. Lafayette was about 
 the only Frenchman who was unselfish in his assistance 
 to the colonies during the Revolution. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 35 
 
 The motive of the others was more to injure England 
 than to help us, and the reform which began in France, 
 soon resolved itself into the most appalling revolution in 
 the history of the world. The deep sympathy which 
 Americans at first extended to the men struggling to 
 free themselves from the worst tyranny conceivable, 
 turned to horror when the hideous excesses made all 
 mankind shudder. Citizen Genet landed at Charleston 
 as the representative of the defiant revolutionary gov 
 ernment, snubbed Jefferson and carried matters with a 
 high hand. 
 
 Finally shots were exchanged on the ocean, and the 
 Frenchmen, like the English in 1812, and the Spanish 
 in 1898, learned that Americans are pretty certain to hit 
 whatever they shoot at. War was so imminent, that 
 President Adams summoned Washington from Mount 
 Vernon, whither he sent his appointment as Commander- 
 in-chief. The Father of his Country was an old man, 
 but still ready as always to devote the last hour of his life 
 and all his strength to the sacred cause that had engaged 
 his youth and prime. 
 
 In accepting the appointment, Washington made the 
 condition that he should not take an active part until 
 the army was actually in the field, and he claimed the 
 privilege of naming the officers who were to be next to 
 him in rank, and to act as his staff. No request from 
 so illustrious a source could be denied, and he sent to the 
 President the names of three major-generals in the fol- . 
 lowing order, Alexander Hamilton, Charles Pinckney 
 and Henry Knox. 
 
36 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 President Adams was angered when Hamilton was 
 thus placed at the top rank, but he could do nothing less 
 than submit the names to the Senate in the order called 
 for by Washington. Having signed the commissions, 
 Adams startled everybody by claiming that Knox took 
 precedence, because of his rank in the revolution, dis 
 regarding the rule that such officers had always assumed 
 rank in the order of their confirmation. Adams would 
 not yield, and an unseeming quarrel was precipitated. 
 
 Knox and Hamilton, who had long been friends fell 
 out and the former resigned. Pinckney was satisfied, 
 and the President became more stubborn. The alarmed 
 Federalists appealed to Washington who notified the 
 President that unless his wishes were respected he would 
 resign. This ultimatum brought Adams at once to terms. 
 
 It is impossible to make up a just estimate of the gen 
 ius of Hamilton without a summary of his work during 
 the brief period that he was the virtual head of the mil 
 itary forces of the United States. He began at once 
 with his usual zeal and comprehensive grasp to prepare 
 his country for the impending conflict with France. 
 
 His first task was to draft a plan for the fortification 
 of New York harbor, the state having appropriated funds 
 for that purpose. The work properly did not come with 
 in the scope of his duty, but there seemed to be nothing 
 beyond the reach of his ability, and he completed it 
 promptly and thoroughly. Then he met Washington 
 and Pinckney in Philadelphia, and laid before them a 
 scheme for the apportionment of officers and men among 
 the states, for recruiting, for military supplies, for arse- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 37 
 
 nals and for ordnance. Washington carefully examined 
 the scheme and pronounced it as near perfect as it could 
 be. 
 
 Having accepted it, Washington next scrutinized 
 Hamilton s plan for the organization of the army, in 
 cluding the questions of pay, uniforms, rank, promotion, 
 rations, regulations of barracks, the police of garrisons 
 and camps, and in fact every detail. Although the plans 
 were drawn up hurriedly, they received the fullest com 
 mendation of Washington. 
 
 When Congress came together, Hamilton submitted 
 his bill entitled "An Act for the better organizing of the 
 troops of the United States." The plan then existing 
 was changed only so far as necessary, his aim being to 
 establish a system that could be contracted or expanded, 
 without affecting the form of the organization. The 
 Senate adopted the bill as well as the one for a medical 
 establishment. 
 
 In addition, Hamilton submitted plans for the classifi 
 cation and organization of the militia, for trade with the 
 Indians and for military supplies, which were supple 
 mented by circulars in the interest of discipline. In 
 short, knowing the boundless capacity of Hamilton, the 
 departments of the army, of the navy and the treasury 
 relied upon him as their mainstay, and in no instance 
 found they were leaning upon a broken reed. 
 
 While perfecting these elaborate details, Hamilton 
 shaped the plans for the conduct of the war. Looking 
 over the battlefield as a whole, he saw that the most ef 
 fective way to strike France, was through Spain her ally, 
 
38 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 then the owner of the vast territory known as Louisiana. 
 By seizing this, the United States would secure the ab 
 solute control of the valley of the Mississippi. The idea 
 was not a new one with Hamilton, who hacl foreseen and 
 declared years before, that the free use of that great river 
 was essential to the unity of the country. Regarding 
 Louisiana and Florida, he wrote: "I have been long in 
 the habit of considering the acquisition of those countries 
 as essential to the permanency of the union." 
 
 Hamilton s view was that of the far-seeing statesman, 
 as was proven a few years later when it fell to his rival 
 Jefferson to carry his scheme to a full fruitition. What 
 Hamilton intended to secure by force of arms, Jefferson 
 gained through purchase. While the credit goes to the 
 third President, the scheme itself was Hamilton s. 
 
 Long previous to this, he had declared that the United 
 States was destined to be the one dominant power in the 
 western hemisphere. Our duty was to avoid all entang 
 ling alliances with European nations, and to enforce neu 
 trality on their part regarding America. If this was not 
 the Monroe Doctrine, formally declared years later, it 
 certainly was the germ of it. 
 
 Francisco Miranda was a native of Caracas, South 
 America, and helped the French forces in their campaign 
 in aid of American independence. Returning to South 
 America, he strove to incite a revolution among the 
 Spanish troops over whom he was colonel. He escaped 
 death by fleeing, and, in 1790, while in Paris was made 
 a major-general by the Girondists. He fought against 
 the Prussians, but achieved no marked success, and after 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. > 
 
 the fall of the Girondists fled to England. He was ban 
 ished again by Napoleon in 1803, and went to New 
 York, where he set on foot his second scheme for the 
 overthrow of Spanish power in South America. 
 
 Hamilton was attracted by this soldier of fortune, and 
 tried to interest our government in his schemes, which 
 fitted so well with his own plans, but Miranda was en 
 titled to little consideration, and in the end made an ut 
 ter failure. There must have been much in the prospect 
 of conquest and glory to fire the heart of Hamilton; but 
 the eternal praise is his of subordinating all his ambi 
 tious schemes to the consolidation,expansion and good of 
 his country. He was no Napoleon or Burr, but his heart 
 glowed with a patriotism as exalted as that of Washing 
 ton himself. 
 
 The interesting question already referred to remains, 
 whether Hamilton possessed the qualities of a great gen 
 eral, like Washington or Grant. In personal courage, as 
 has been shown, he had no superior. He was dashing, 
 quick to take advantage of a mistake by an enemy, 
 prompt to act in any emergency, resourceful and alert; 
 but it was never his to command an army. 
 
 It has been said of Abraham Lincoln that had he re 
 ceived a military training, he would have made one of 
 the foremost military leaders of the age. Judging Ham 
 ilton by the same test, the probabilities are that he would 
 have proven equally great. Washington, the unerring 
 judge of men, never would have selected him for the 
 next in command to himself, had he felt any doubt of 
 Hamilton s qualifications for the exalted office. 
 
40 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 But France in her bloody delirium had glimmerings 
 now and then of sense. She saw that in rousing the giant 
 of the West, she had roused a foeman worthy of her 
 steel. The preparations made by Hamilton for an armed 
 conflict compelled her to pause. 
 
 The adroit Talleyrand felt it imperative to reestablish 
 friendly relations with the government, that had been 
 treated so cavalierly. In his usual roundabout way, he 
 sent a message to President Adams, that France would 
 be pleased to receive fittingly an American envoy. 
 
 Adams was delighted. Not only did this message 
 promise peace, but it gave him the coveted opportunity 
 of crushing the war party, and, best of all, of crippling 
 his enemy Hamilton. He immediately nominated a 
 minister to France. The plan of sending a single man 
 to represent the United States at so critical a time was 
 absurd, and, upon Hamilton s insistence, a strong com 
 mission was appointed. But for this, the Federal party 
 would have been ruined and the country vastly injured. 
 The war cloud soon passed away, though bitter memo 
 ries remained, and Adams, through his own blindness 
 and obstinacy, was defeated for the Presidency, and 
 Thomas Jefferson, his Democratic opponent, elected as 
 his successor. 
 
 The defeat of Adams for a second term and the dis 
 ruption of the Federal party closed the public career of 
 Hamilton. He had done a work for his country, which few 
 even at this late day comprehend. His illustrious career 
 had been blurred by errors, when he allowed his judg 
 ment to be clouded by his passionate dislikes; he had 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 41 
 
 blundered as a party leader, and sometimes he misun 
 derstood his countrymen, but he was the foremost states 
 man of the early republic, whose patriotic devotion and 
 transcendant abilities have never been surpassed by any 
 who came after him. 
 
 Hamilton was now free to pursue his profession. He 
 had given up a lucrative practice upon entering public 
 life, and was a poor man, but his reserve capital of abil 
 ity, reputation and self-confidence was greater than ever. 
 Clients came to him by the score, and in a short time he 
 was at the head of the bar in the metropolis of the coun 
 try. He seemed to be surfeited with public life, though 
 it was impossible for such a man ever to lose interest in 
 politics. 
 
 Numerous incidents illustrative of his unequalled abil 
 ity as a lawyer have come down to us. Many believed 
 that whenever he threw his energies into a case, he could 
 not fail to win. Judges and juries were swept resistless- 
 ly with him, and he had that peculiarity of genius, by 
 which he impressed his hearers with the conviction that 
 his view of a question was absolutely the right one. In 
 his defense of an editor prosecuted for libel, his speech 
 won this encomium from Chancellor Kent: 
 
 "It was the greatest forensic effort Hamilton ever 
 made. He had bestowed unusual attention on the case, 
 and he came prepared to discuss the points of law with 
 a perfect mastery of the subject. There was an unusual 
 solemnity and earnestness on his part in the discussion. 
 He was, at times, highly impassioned and pathetic. His 
 whole soul was enlisted in the cause. The aspect of the 
 
42 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 times was portentous, and he was pursuaded that if he 
 could overthrow the high-toned doctrine of the judge, it 
 would be a great gain to the liberties of this country. . . 
 The anxiety and tenderness of his feelings, and the grav 
 ity of his theme, rendered his reflections exceedingly im 
 pressive. He never before in my hearing made any ef 
 fort, in which he commanded higher reverence for his 
 principles, nor equal admiration for the power and pathos 
 of his eloquence." 
 
 The Federalist party crumbled to pieces after its de 
 feat by Jefferson, but the halo that gathered round the 
 head of their chief, who had never betrayed them, re 
 mained undimmed. Whenever called upon to act, he 
 never refused. A man of his aggressive, intense charac 
 ter is either loved or hated; lukewarmness is impossible. 
 Among the despicable adventurers whom Hamilton read 
 at a glance was Aaron Burr. This man was an intrigu 
 er, with a pleasing presence, not a spark of moral prin 
 ciple and an insane ambition, that led him to stoop to 
 any means to accomplish his ends. Burr was morally 
 diseased through and through, as his public career abun 
 dantly proves. 
 
 Though Hamilton had quarreled with Jefferson, he 
 preferred him as has been shown, a thousand times over 
 to such a miscreant as Burr. Jefferson thoroughly dis 
 trusted his Vice President, and Burr saw his influence 
 steadily waning, with certain ruin impending, unless by 
 some audacious exploit he recouped his failing fortunes. 
 He decided to do this by securing the governorship of 
 New York. Behind such success loomed the phantom 
 
Aaron Burr. 
 Born 1756. Died 1836. 
 
44 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 of a northern confederacy, with him as chief, for there 
 were mutterings of secession among the New England 
 leaders. That such was the dream of the arch traitor 
 was proven by his course a few years later in the South 
 west. 
 
 Hamilton s love for the Union was a passion that 
 could be extinguished only by death. Reading the treas 
 onable aims of Burr, he denounced them with all the 
 burning fervor of his nature. The democratic nominee 
 was Morgan Lewis, who had served in the Continental 
 army, commanding at Stone Arabia and Crown Point. 
 He was Chief Justice of New York when nominated for 
 the governorship against Burr. Hamilton s denuncia 
 tions of the latter were so scarifying that the Federalist 
 vote was divided, and Lewis served as governor from 1804 
 to 1807. 
 
 All the venom in Burr was roused by this crowning 
 defeat. He knew that Hamilton was the cause, and he 
 determined to kill him. It would not do to stab him from 
 behind or to hire some one to administer poison. Either 
 method would have been vulgar, and the consequences 
 to himself might be disagreeable, but he selected a meth 
 od which essentially was fully as malignant in its nature. 
 
 He resolved to force a quarrel upon Hamilton; for the 
 result of a duel, no matter which way it went, was pre 
 ferable to his own impending ruin. If he fell, and he 
 did not expect to fall, it would be the end of his worth 
 less life. If he killed Hamilton, as he expected to do, 
 the hatred of his countrymen could not equal the exulta 
 tion that would be his, over the death of his execrated ri- 
 
46 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 val. Hamilton s criticisms of Burr were as violent in 1800 
 as four years later, but they were ignored in the former 
 instance, as similar denunciations have been ignored by 
 politicians in later days. That, however, mattered noth 
 ing. Burr selected some words attributed to Hamilton, 
 at the time the caucuses were held for the gubernatorial 
 nominations. These charges were of a public character, 
 were not especially bitter, and were mild compared to 
 what Hamilton had uttered more than once in previous 
 political contests. 
 
 Hamilton acknowledged the validity of the "code of 
 honor," so called. He was too manly to deny anything 
 said by him, though directing attention to the fact that 
 his words were uttered against the public character of 
 Burr. The latter pressed him remorselessly, with the 
 final result that the challenge was accepted, and an ap 
 pointment for a hostile meeting was arranged to take 
 place at Weehawken, New Jersey, on the banks of the 
 Hudson, on the nth of July, 1804. 
 
 Burr spent the interval between the acceptance of the 
 challenge and the duel in elaborate pistol practice. A 
 good shot at the first, he became an expert and was con 
 fident that, if he escaped Hamilton s fire, the latter would 
 not escape his. Hamilton settled his business affairs, 
 wrote farewell letters to his wife and then on a beautiful 
 sunshiny morning in July went to his death. He was 
 wounded mortally at the first fire, and discharging his 
 weapon in air, was carried to his own home, where he 
 lingered in agony for several hours, and died, surrounded 
 by his stricken family. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 47 
 
 The country was horrified. The press and pulpit de 
 nounced the deed that had robbed the United States of 
 its most brilliant statesman, and the detestation of the 
 brutal code was so widespread that duelling became more 
 
 The Grave of Hamilton. Trinity Churchyard, New York. 
 (From "A Tour Around Old New York." Copyright. 1892, by Harper & Bros.) 
 
 unpopular than ever, though unhappily it was not whol 
 ly extinguished, the gallant Decatur falling a victim six 
 teen years later. 
 
 Senator Lodge, in his excellent life of Hamilton, dis 
 cusses the question, Why did Hamilton accept the chal 
 lenge of Burr? The conclusion reached by the author is 
 
48 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 ingenious, but to us it seems forced. It is in effect, that 
 Hamilton was haunted for years by his belief, that the 
 weakness of the national government, the unrest of the 
 masses, and the sympathy with France in her awful re 
 volt would lead to a somewhat similar uprising in this 
 country. An intense nationalist himself, a devotee of 
 law and order, he felt that the army must be the main 
 stay and hope in the supreme struggle. That body would 
 accept no leader against whose personal courage a whis 
 per could be uttered. He considered himself as the man 
 above all others to lead the army, and the mission could 
 not be his, unless, figuratively speaking, he went to it 
 with "clean hands." If he refused Burr s challenge, his 
 enemies would charge him with lacking such courage. 
 It would be fatal to his hopes, and, accepting his infinite 
 self-confidence, disastrous to the country, when the deci 
 sive conflict took place between anarchy and order. 
 Therefore, he felt impelled by a resistless impulse of pa 
 triotic duty to fight Burr. 
 
 This theory we repeat is ingenious and is fortified by 
 extracts from Hamilton s correspondence, extending over 
 a course of years. This proves that the great man s 
 monumental mistake was in distrusting his countrymen, 
 and in believing them capable of the horrible blunders 
 of France; but a careful study of the character of Hamil 
 ton leads me to adopt a much simpler theory of his ac 
 ceptance of Burr s challenge. Our belief is, that Hamil 
 ton fought Burr, because he lacked the moral courage to 
 decline. An enemy of the code, his temperament was 
 of the sort that promptly accepts challenges to duels. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 49 
 
 He had demonstrated his intrepidity at Long Island 
 when a boy, and at York town when a young man. His 
 deeds might have 
 been tenfold more 
 daring, and yet many 
 who lacked his cour 
 ageous qualities 
 w o u 1 d have con 
 demned hin for refus 
 ing to fight Burr. 
 There are circum 
 stances, in which it 
 demands more cour 
 age to refuse to fight, 
 than it does to fight, 
 and Hamilton was 
 lacking in that high 
 er courage which has 
 led many a good man 
 to his death. 
 
 But it is idle to 
 discuss a question 
 when no certain con 
 clusion can be reach 
 ed. Hamilton was 
 dead, though his wid 
 ow survived to her 
 ninety - eighth year. 
 His masterful work was finished, and it remains only to 
 add a few tributes from those who appreciated his genius. 
 
 Statue of Hamilton, in Central Park, 
 
 New York. 
 Presented by John C. Hamilton, 1880. 
 
50 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 On November 23, 1880, a granite statue of Hamilton 
 was unveiled in Central Park, New York, in the presence 
 of members of the society of the Cincinnati, General 
 Grant, Ex-Governor Bullock of Massachusetts, the May 
 or of the city and many distinguished citizens. The 
 statue was presented to the city by John C. Hamilton, a 
 son of Alexander Hamilton. Some years later, a statue 
 was unveiled in Brooklyn, and other cities have paid 
 honors to the great man. 
 
 The distinguished Judge Ambrose Spencer said of 
 Hamilton: 
 
 "Alexander Hamilton was the greatest man this coun 
 try ever produced. I knew him well. I was in situa 
 tions often to observe and study him. I saw him at the 
 bar and at home. He argued cases before me while I 
 sat as judge on the bench. Webster has done the same. 
 In power of reasoning Hamilton was the equal of Web 
 ster; and more than this can be said of no man. In cre 
 ative power Hamilton was infinitely Webster s superior. 
 
 It was he more than any other man, who thought 
 
 out the Constitution of the United States and the details 
 of the government of the Union; and, out of the chaos 
 that existed after the Revolution, raised a fabric every 
 part of which is instinct with his thought. I can truly 
 say that hundreds of politicians and statesmen of the day 
 get both the web and woof of their thoughts from Ham 
 ilton s brains. He, more than any other man, did th^ 
 thinking of the time. 1 
 
 Chancellor Kent, who understood Hamilton thorough 
 ly, said: 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 5 
 
 "He rose at once to the loftiest heights of professional 
 eminence, by his profound penetration, his power of anal 
 ysis, the comprehensive grasp and strength of his under 
 standing, and the firmness, frankness and integrity of his 
 character. We may say of him, in reference to his asso 
 ciates, as was said of Papinian: "Omnes longo post se in- 
 tervallo relinquerit. " 
 
 Talleyrand when in New York saw Hamilton at work 
 in his office late at night and said of him: 
 
 "I have seen one of the wonders of the world. I have 
 seen a man laboring all night to support his family who 
 had made the fortune of a nation. I consider Napoleon, 
 Fox and Hamilton the three greatest men of our epoch, 
 and without hesitation I award the first place to Ham 
 ilton," 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 (1757-1804.) 
 
 BY G. MERCER ADAM * 
 
 OF the group of eminent statesmen noted as the founders 
 and champions of the American Government includ 
 ing Hamilton, John Adams, Jefferson, Jay, Madison, Ran 
 dolph, and Marshall the name of Alexander Hamilton, 
 of New York, shines perhaps the most conspicuous of all. 
 As Washington s first Secretary of the Treasury, and an 
 .active and able participator in the War of the Revolution, 
 his services to the young nation gave him high and well- 
 deserved fame. But the chief distinction which he gained 
 in his era is as the leading exponent and interpreter of the 
 Constitution, and, with his notable colleagues. Jay and 
 Madison, one of the most influential of the commentators 
 on that great instrument of governing, in the pages of 
 "The Federalist." Only subordinate to this fame of Hamil 
 ton is the admirable service he rendered as Secretary of the 
 Treasury, in his statesman-like grasp of the finances of the 
 young nation, and his wise management of its economic and 
 fiscal policy, at a time of admittedly great difficulty in the 
 national affairs. Nor do we forget his sagacity in counsel, 
 his remarkable powers as a reasoner and debater, and his 
 
 Historian, Biographer, and Essayist, Author of a "Precis of English His 
 tory," a "Continuation of Grecian History," etc., and for many years Editor ol 
 Self-Culture Magazine. The Publishers. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. $j 
 
 fine administrative ability, no less than his masterly career 
 as one of the chief framers and ablest expounders of the 
 Constitution. It is in the latter respect that he won, in our 
 modern time, from the distinguished French historian and 
 statesman, M. Guizot, that well-deserved tribute to his 
 genius, when he affirmed that Hamilton "must ever be 
 classed among the men who have best understood the vital 
 principles and elemental conditions of government; and 
 that there is not in the Constitution of the United States an 
 element of order, or force, or duration, which he did not 
 powerfully contribute to secure." Hamilton s tragic, early 
 death, at the ruthless hand of the duellist-assassin, Aaron 
 Burr, was a shocking and deplorable event, and just at the 
 time when, in the maturity of his powers, he might, humanly 
 speaking, have been of incalculable further service to his 
 country and era, and perhaps given added distinction to the 
 Presidency, by filling the high office as an incumbent of it 
 himself. 
 
 Considering his manifold and great gifts, and his varied 
 and valuable services to his country, it is painful to reflect 
 that Hamilton had among his contemporaries not a few ene 
 mies ; and that, despite his exalted personal character and 
 his honorable career as a publicist and man of affairs. This 
 was due, in large measure at first, to the inchoate condition 
 of the country the state of political chaos which succeeded 
 the Revolutionary War with, as yet, no central, dominant 
 power; indeed, with no government other than that 
 of the separate though now emancipated colonies, 
 each either drifting into anarchy, or strenuously 
 seeking for the possession of increased and out- 
 
54 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 rivalling authority. In this condition of things, in 
 the formative era of the Republic, when the opin 
 ions of even representative men were in a fluid and fluctu 
 ating shape, some manifesting, like Hamilton, and even 
 Jefferson, decided aristocratic leanings; while the trend of 
 others was towards democratic government, with a strong 
 bias in favor of State Rights naturally opposition was 
 excited towards those, on either side, who sought to mould 
 public opinion after their own beliefs, and at times in defi 
 ance of the desires and wishes of the majority. It was at 
 this juncture that Hamilton came upon the political scene 
 and endeavored to influence the mind of the time towards a 
 strong central government, and a more efficient executive 
 than was popular either with the several States or with their 
 delegates in convention. Amid the contentions of the era 
 all centering in the great question whether the government 
 should be federative or national Hamilton stood out, and 
 emphatically, for a strong, cohesive, and lasting Union, 
 though one that should be marked by neither extreme of 
 democracy or of aristocracy, for he saw danger in both ex 
 tremes ; and ably pointed out the evils likely to arise in any 
 government that was not conservative and restrained, or 
 that failed to appeal to the just instincts and enlightened 
 minds of the better classes of the people. 
 
 For the rule of the majority, in the partisan s sense, 
 Hamilton did not care nor pretend to care; there was in 
 him none of the arts of the demagogue, no trimming as a 
 public man, or wrong done to his conscience, in what he 
 believed to be the best for his country; nor was there any 
 disposition in Hamilton to bow to or cajole the populace 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 55 
 
 the vice, especially, of a later political time if it involved 
 sacrifice of conviction, or injury done to his own high char 
 acter and sense of what he conceived to be at once honora 
 ble, patriotic, and upright. It was this attitude of the man 
 that won for him not only the confidence, but the respect 
 and loving regard, of Washington, even after the rupture 
 of their relations a rupture caused by Hamilton s sensi 
 tiveness to criticism, and probably by his impatience, on his 
 part as aide-de-camp and secretary, with his somewhat 
 hasty, and at times exacting, yet always appreciative and 
 kind-hearted, chief. His own ambition was also an influ 
 encing motive in leading Hamilton to resign his secretary 
 ship under General Washington and withdraw from the 
 subordinate though important position he held, to one of 
 more scope and independence as a general in the field. It 
 was this ambition in the man, coupled with a legitimate 
 sense of his own value, that moreover led Hamilton after 
 wards to take to a legal career, and to those activities of 
 his as a statesman, an expositor of the principles involved 
 in shaping the constitutional and national policy of the 
 country, and as an organizer and one who gave practical 
 form to the various branches of the nation s executive, and 
 lent his powerful aid as a counsellor and debater in the 
 legislative arena. In these various ways, and in all the 
 great services he was to render to the State, we see a man 
 of high principle, sound judgment, and great political wis 
 dom, as well as one possessed of unusual powers of con 
 vincing argument and lucid enunciation of the fundamental 
 principles in the realm of government. To what greater 
 heights, in the way of office, Hamilton, had he lived, would 
 
56 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 have attained, it is now idle to speculate upon; but it was 
 something, at such an era, to accomplish for his country in 
 the tasks he was so ably to perform especially as a moulder 
 and defender of the Constitution and an adept in finance 
 and to win from his contemporaries the regard and admira 
 tion of the great statesmen of his time, with the esteem and 
 veneration of posterity. 
 
 Who the interesting figure was, in the early history of the 
 nation, that was to exercise such sway and command such 
 respect from the leaders in the political life of his day, will 
 have been learned from the Memoir, which precedes this 
 Essay, from the instructive and entertaining pen of Mr. 
 Edward S. Ellis. To give a measure of completeness in 
 form to this independent, supplementary biography of Alex 
 ander Hamilton, it has been thought best, before proceeding 
 with the narrative, to tell the story afresh from the begin 
 ning ; though in doing so it is hoped that we shall not repeat 
 much, or fail to give interest to the present sketch of the 
 great statesman, by presenting it from some new points of 
 view, and with equal admiration for the attractive historic 
 subject of our theme. 
 
 By birth, Alexander Hamilton was a British subject, his 
 father being a Scottish merchant in the island of Nevis, one 
 of the West Indies group, near St. Christopher s, where the 
 future American statesman was born, January nth, 1757. 
 From his mother, who was an attractive, high-spirited 
 Frenchwoman, of Huguenot descent, the young West Indian, 
 it is believed, inherited no little of the intellectual gifts and 
 qualities especially that alertness and sprightliness of 
 mind that afterwards distinguished him. From the father 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 57 
 
 obviously came, with some aspects of his sterling character, 
 those features and marks of countenance and expression 
 that betrayed his Scottish descent, including his light-col 
 ored hair, and bright, ruddy complexion, together with his 
 studious habits and words of grave thought and reflection. 
 Young Hamilton s life on his native island was a brief one, 
 since, in early youth, he lost both his parents, and for a 
 time we find him in Santa Cruz, in the office of a wealthy 
 merchant there, who was a relative of his mother. On mani 
 festing thus early unusual talents, this gentleman had the 
 youth sent, in 1772, for an education to America, where, 
 after landing in Boston, he was forwarded to correspond 
 ents of the merchant in New York, with instructions to have 
 young Hamilton sent to school in Elizabethtown, New Jer 
 sey, with the view of preparing him for college. Such was 
 the bright lad s precocity, that he was able, in his seven 
 teenth year, to enter King s College, New York, now Colum 
 bia University, where his student career was so brilliant 
 that we find him taking part in political discussions, writing 
 essays and articles on current topics of moment, over the 
 signature of "A Westchester Farmer," which were ascribed 
 to such dignitaries as Governor Livingston and the presi 
 dent of the college. 
 
 The period (1774-76) was one of grave import to the 
 American colonies, then, as all know, involved in serious 
 difficulties with the mother country on the question of im 
 perial authority and taxation. The unwise policy of Eng 
 land arose from the mistake of considering the settlements 
 of the Xew World as colonial possessions, to be held solely 
 for the financial benefit of England, and to enable her to 
 
S 8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 maintain her increased civil and military establishments in 
 America, rather than for their own advancement and material 
 well-being. The spirit of resistance had by this time begun 
 to show itself, not only by the passing in the First Conti 
 nental Congress, which met at Philadelphia in September, 
 1774, of a declaration of Colonial rights, and in the Second 
 Congress (May, 1775) by the adoption of Articles of Union 
 and Confederation, but by armed hostility, for the battles 
 of Lexington and Concord, followed by that of Bunker 
 Hill, was in the latter year fought, and Washington had 
 been appointed commander-in-chief of the American forces 
 in the field of strife. These events had their sequel, in 1776, 
 in the Declaration of American Independence, on the one 
 side, and on the other by the landing at New York of contin 
 gents of the English army under General Howe. 
 
 It was at this juncture in the affairs of the country he 
 had now become a citizen and patriot of, that young Hamil 
 ton eagerly espoused the cause of freedom and actively took 
 part in the struggle of the time. When only nineteen, he 
 took command of a company of artillery which the New 
 York Convention had ordered to be raised, and for the duties 
 of which he had meanwhile been assiduously and patriotic 
 ally preparing himself. His tactical efficiency in the drill 
 ing and disciplining of this troop, as well as his eager enthu 
 siasm and proficiency as an officer, young as he was, at 
 tracted the notice of General Nathanael Greene, by whom 
 he was ere long introduced and commended to General 
 Washington. As an officer, the young West Indian saw 
 considerable military service, taking part with his artillery 
 company at the battle of Long Island (August, 1776), 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 59 
 
 where he distinguished himself in the retreat of the patriot 
 army, as well as, later on, in the engagements at Harlem 
 Plains, and in the grim fighting in New Jersey, at New 
 Brunswick, Trenton, and Princeton. In the gloomy winter 
 of 1776-77, when the army was encamped at Morristown, 
 New Jersey, the keen eye of the commander-in-chief saw 
 young Hamilton s alertness and decision of character, as 
 well as his fine deportment and gallant bearing as a soldier, 
 the result of which, added to the commendation of Nathan- 
 ael Greene, to which we have referred, was the offer by 
 General Washington to place Hamilton on his staff as an 
 aide-de-camp and to act as his private secretary. This offer 
 the youth, at the age of a little over twenty, readily accepted, 
 and he assumed his new duties, with the rank of lieutenant- 
 colonel. 
 
 For success in his new role, in the service of the com 
 mander-in-chief, Hamilton had, as we have seen, many and 
 various gifts as a speaker and writer, among them such as 
 made him highly useful as the secretary, and even as the 
 confidential adviser, of the general. Not only was he inde 
 fatigable in his zeal for the patriot cause, but he had that 
 diplomatic aplomb which made him of great service in the 
 delicate duties of his office, which, above all things, called 
 for tact and discretion as well as ability. As a thinker and 
 writer on the affairs of his country, Hamilton, moreover, 
 had ere this shown his skill and the force of his genius. 
 Besides the reputation he had gained while at King s Col 
 lege, Hamilton, it was known, had appeared to advantage 
 on public platforms, particularly "in the fields" of what is 
 now the City Hall Park, New York, where he addressed a 
 
6c ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 fervent speech to his audience on the subject of Colonial 
 rights. He had also published his "Full Vindication," a 
 forceful pamphlet in reply to Tory criticism of the Conti 
 nental Congress, besides other disquisitions of a though ful 
 and patriotic character. These and such-like manifestations 
 of ability, and the command of a trenchant as well as of a 
 ready pen, were qualifications which manifestly made him 
 most useful to Washington, in conducting his important, 
 multitudinous correspondence. He had, moreover, those 
 qualities which, as Dr. John Lord, the historian and lecturer, 
 has well said, Secured confidence integrity, diligence, 
 fidelity, and a premature wisdom." He had brains and all 
 those resources which would make him useful to his country. 
 Many there were who could fight as well as he ; but there 
 were few who had those high qualities on which the success 
 of a campaign depended. Thus, Hamilton was sent to the 
 camp of General Gates, at Albany, to demand the division 
 of his forces and the reinforcement of the commander-in- 
 chief, which Gates was very unwilling to accede to, for at 
 this period the capture of Burgoyne at Saratoga had turned 
 his head. He (Gates) was then the most popular officer of 
 the army, and even aspired to the chief command. So he 
 was inclined to evade the orders of his superior, under the 
 plea of military necessity. It required great tact in a young 
 man of Hamilton s calibre to persuade an ambitious general 
 to diminish his own authority ; but Hamilton was successful 
 in his mission, and won the admiration of Washington for 
 his adroit management. He was also very useful in the most 
 critical period of the war in ferreting out conspiracies, 
 cabals, and intrigues ; for such there were, even against 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 61 
 
 Washington, whose transcendent wisdom and patriotism 
 were not then appreciated as they were afterward. 
 
 "The military services of Hamilton," continues Dr. Lord, 
 "were concealed from the common eye, and lay chiefly in his 
 sage counsels ; for, young as he was, he had more intellect 
 and sagacity than any man in the army. It was Hamilton 
 who urged decisive measures in that campaign which was 
 nearly blasted by the egotism and disobedience of Charles 
 Lee (at the battle of Monmouth, in 1778.) It was Hamilton 
 who was sent to the French admiral to devise a co-operation 
 of forces, and to the headquarters of the English to negotiate 
 for an exchange of prisoners. It was Hamilton who dis 
 suaded Washington from seizing the person of Sir Harry 
 Clinton, the English commander at New York, when he 
 had the opportunity. Have you considered the conse 
 quences of seizing the general? asked the aide. What 
 would these be? inquired Washington. Why, replied 
 Hamilton, we should lose more than we should gain ; since 
 we perfectly understand his plans, and, by taking him off, 
 we should make way for an abler man, whose disposition 
 we have yet to learn. Such was the astuteness which Ham 
 ilton early displayed, so that he really rendered great mili 
 tary services without commanding on the field." 
 
 We have already referred to the rupture between Hamil 
 ton and Washington, which occurred in February, 1781, 
 after the young secretary and aide had been for four years 
 in close and intimate relations with the great chief. The 
 cause that brought about separation and the resignation of 
 the post held by Hamilton was nothing more than a hasty 
 rebuke from the commander-in-chief, which the hi.eh-spi r- 
 
62 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 ited youth resented ; and hence we presently rind him, though 
 with the continued favor and regard of Washington, re 
 turned to the army in the field, with the brevet-rank now 
 of general. In this capacity he displays once more his for 
 mer ardor and courage in battle, and at this era took part 
 in the closing engagement with the troops of the Motherland 
 in the Yorktown peninsula. At this juncture in the pro 
 tracted series- of campaigns with the English forces, Corn- 
 wallis was being hemmed about by the armies of the young 
 Republic, and Hamilton closed his military career by lead 
 ing a successful assault on one of the redoubts of Yorktown. 
 After this gallant exploit, and the war being practically over, 
 Hamilton retired from the army to study law at Albany, 
 and in the summer of 1^2 was admitted to the bar and pro 
 ceeded to New York to practice his profession and fulfill 
 the duties of the office given him by the financier and states 
 man, Robert Morris, as Federal Receiver of Taxes. Later 
 in the same year, he resigned the latter office, having been 
 elected member of the Continental Congress, where he now 
 began to shine as a legislator and debater and to take com 
 manding interest in questions of Constitutional government 
 and finance. Two years before this, and while still secretary 
 to General -Washington, Hamilton married the daughter of 
 General Philip Schuyler, a lady of good birth and high in 
 telligence, as well as of a greatly respected and influential 
 family. His own ability and known rectitude of conduct 
 and unblemished life soon won him high repute as a law 
 yer and brought him much and important professional busi 
 ness. 
 
 It was at this period of his career that Hamilton began 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 63 
 
 to make a name for himself as a statesman. The political 
 situation at the era was full of menace and perplexity, 
 for New York was yet full of Tories, whom, by the way, 
 Hamilton spoke of and treated magnanimously and with 
 no resentment, even to his prejudice in the eyes of those 
 who had no sympathy for, but an abiding hatred of, "the 
 Loyalists ;" while the country at large was as yet ill-prepared 
 to grapple with the problems which beset Government at 
 the period. To Hamilton, as well as to Washington and 
 other thoughtful and responsible men, the urgent need 
 of the time was for a strong central government, with full 
 authority to carry on successfully, and with credit, the af 
 fairs of the young Republic, and especially to determine 
 the embarrassing question as to control over the several 
 State Legislatures and, if possible, merge into national 
 hands the general business of the nation. The first want 
 was for a Federal Constitution, that would give the young 
 State a charter of centralized government, with ample tho 
 well-defined powers and a recognized jurisdiction, and set 
 tle the great Constitutional question as to the authority of 
 the Nation being greater than that of the State or any num 
 ber of States. It was to this great and prime end that 
 Hamilton bent his fine powers, after which he undertook 
 the no less important task of grappling, in a masterly and 
 comprehensive, far-seeing manner, with the matter of na 
 tional finance. 
 
 Hamilton, we need hardly now say, rose to the emer 
 gency, and luckily for the country he had those gifts of in 
 tellect and phenomenal powers of mind and will that en 
 abled him ere long 1 to win what was wanted, and give to 
 
64 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 the Republic a status among the nations, with a financial 
 credit that would be unimpeachable, while knitting into 
 one whole fabric the former loose Confederacy of States, 
 and so evoke pride in one s common country. His course 
 toward the attainment of his hopes was, however, a chequer 
 ed one, for he had the hostility of many influential New 
 York men, who, with Governor Clinton, was opposed to 
 Hamilton s idea of a strong national government ; while he 
 had ever an aggressive opponent in Jefferson, who repres 
 ented other ideas and with Patrick Henry handicapped 
 the Constitution, when it came to be adopted, by various 
 amendments. While a member of the New York Legisla 
 ture, in 1786, he nevertheless succeeded in reaching the first 
 stage of his desires, in being nominated one of five commis 
 sioners to the Annapolis Convention. The second and more 
 productive stage reached, came in the call he had succeeded 
 in bringing about to what is known as the Constitutional 
 Convention, which met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, over 
 which Washington himself presided. To that Convention, 
 represented by nine States, Hamilton was named, though 
 with opposition, as a member, with two others Yates and 
 Lansing who, however, were henchmen of Governor Clin 
 ton, and hence opposed Hamilton and his project. Before 
 that body, Hamilton made a speech of six hours duration, 
 in which he ably set forth, in his wonted comprehensive 
 and far-seeing way, his views of the nature of the Consti 
 tution he deemed expedient for the country s needs, especi 
 ally dwelling upon the efficiency of the executive part of the 
 proposed instrument of governing, with a clear and lumi 
 nous enunciation of fundamental principles. The model 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 65 
 
 he had evidently in view was the English one, to which 
 his aristocratic notions largely leaned; while in some mat 
 ters, notably in regard to- slavery, the Constitution was a 
 compromise, and tolerated the evil institution only for the 
 sake of harmony and Union. He also astutely argued for 
 neither extreme in governing, taking a middle way be 
 tween autocracy and democracy, but insisting, above all, 
 on the supreme authority of the central government, and the 
 control, absolutely without interference on the part of the 
 State legislatures, of the chief functional departments of the 
 Federal power. 
 
 In his address in the New York ratifying convention, in 
 June, 1788, "On the Expediency of Adopting the Consti 
 tution," Hamilton further explained his views and adroitly 
 answered the objections to the instrument as one likely to 
 interfere with local or State governing bodies, arguing 
 very properly and frankly that "there must be a perpetual 
 accommodation and sacrifice of local advantages to general 
 expediency," and that local interests ought to give way to 
 the broad interests of the Union. "While the Constitu 
 tion continues to be read, and its principles kno\vn, the 
 States," he affirmed, "must by every rational man be con 
 sidered as essential, component parts of the Union; and 
 therefore the idea of sacrificing the former to the latter is 
 wholly inadmissible." He further advised the committee 
 who were dealing with the matter "to remember that the 
 Constitution under examination is framed upon truly Re 
 publican principles ; and that, as it is expressly desired 
 to provide for the common protection and the general 
 welfare of the United States, it must be utterly repugnant 
 
66 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 to this Constitution to subvert the State governments or 
 oppress the people." Hamilton also argued for two distinct 
 bodies in the general as well as in the local government, 
 one the Senate, and the other the popular branch, which 
 should represent the people. The chief point, in brief, 
 which he however insisted upon was that the Federal gov 
 ernment should possess the principle of strength and sta 
 bility in its organization and be characterized by independ 
 ence as well as by vigor in its operations. 
 
 The end of the deliberations for argument and debate 
 had already closed was, as all know, the ratification by 
 New York State of the Constitution, thanks in the main 
 to Hamilton s impressive and convincing speeches and writ 
 ings, with those of Jay and Garrison, afterwards compiled 
 in the pages of "The Federalist." Its ratification, despite 
 the alterations and amendments embodied, was naturally 
 hailed as a great triumph, while it especially delighted Wash 
 ington and Hamilton. It was indeed a happy consumma 
 tion to the labors of the many able and distinguished men 
 who had taken part in counsellings as well as in. discus 
 sions over it and had finally brought about its ratification 
 by the leading States of the Union. In securing its rati 
 fication by the other chief States, which tardily followed 
 the lead of New York, Hamilton here again was, with his 
 colleagues, instrumental, alike by his arguments and inter 
 pretation in the notable series of "The -Federalist" papers. 
 These "Federalist" essays, Mr. George Ticknor Curtis, the 
 great legal writer and historian of the Constitution, has aptly 
 affirmed, "gave birth to American Constitutional law, which 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 6~ 
 
 f 
 
 was thus placed above arbitrary construction and brought 
 into the domain of legal truth." 
 
 With the ratification of the Constitution came the organi 
 zation of the Government, and the election of Washington 
 as first President of the United States and that of John 
 Adams as Vice-President. Washington took the oath of 
 office April 30, 1789, more than a month after the date orig 
 inally set for the assembling of Congress, owing to the tardy 
 coming together of a quorum of both Houses of the first 
 Congress to count the electoral votes. At this period we 
 now near the next incident of moment in Hamilton s career. 
 This was his appointment in Washington s first Cabinet 
 to the office of Secretary of the Treasury; while the 
 rival leader in the after-political parties of the era was 
 the U. S. Minister to France, the distinguished drafter of 
 the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson, who 
 was named Secretary of State. The three other executive 
 departments at this time were those of the War department, 
 the department of Justice, and the Post-office the Post 
 master General, for the present, being outside the Cabinet 
 or advisory body of the President. 
 
 When Hamilton accepted the Secretaryship of the Treas 
 ury, he was but thirty-two years of age, but, as we shall 
 see, he was gifted with the powers of a great administrator 
 and able, soon after the assumption of his arduous and re 
 sponsible duties, to present to Congress, as it had been asked 
 for, an elaborate report on the public credit. The national 
 finances at this period were in a chaotic condition, and the 
 debt to be dealt with amounted to $54,000,000, including 
 overdue interest. Of this large sum, a fifth was owed 
 
68 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 abroad, while the bulk of the whole the domestic debt 
 was due in the main to those who had furnished the much 
 needed supplies for the Revolutionary army, or to those, 
 chiefly the soldiers, who had rendered personal service 
 to the Nation. To meet these obligations, where payment 
 pressed, and to provide for the running expenses of the 
 National government and for further contingencies, the 
 Secretary of the Treasury showed not only sound sense, 
 but the practical mastery of the science of finance, and to 
 that degree that the credit of the new government of the 
 nation was secured. Part of the debt was funded, while 
 taxation was resorted to, but so wisely as to fall uncomplain 
 ingly upon the people and mollify those who were averse 
 to the notion of the Federal government, with its necessa 
 rily large expense and the centralization of power. Other 
 problems Hamilton at this time had to deal with, such as 
 the assumption of certain portions of the State debts, be 
 sides the adjustment of questions involved in raising a rev 
 enue from excise, and those arising from the need of a 
 National Bank, of a permanent seat for the Federal gov 
 ernment, and the adoption of a protective policy to aid the 
 nascent industries or those likely to arise. On most of the 
 schemes propounded by the Treasury Secretary, its chief 
 naturally met with opposition and much hostile criticism, 
 which, among other results, led to the formation of parties, 
 and even threatened the continuance of the Secretary of 
 the Treasury in office. Varying views on financial ques 
 tions and other controverted topics of the time, as we have 
 said, led to party affiliations, besides the withdrawal of 
 Madison s support of Hamilton, and to the rise of the poli- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 69 
 
 tical parties, then known as Federalists and Republicans, 
 with all the bitterness and rancor to which they gave rise. 
 Sick of all this, though he ever fought effectively for his 
 own hand, Hamilton resigned office at the end of January, 
 1795, and anew took up the practice of his profession, and 
 at New York became once more the leader of the Bar. 
 
 On withdrawing from his official duties, Hamilton s in 
 fluence and his prominence in politics continued, for though 
 he had many enemies, such as Jefferson, Clinton, and Aaron 
 Burr, he had the respect, and even admiration, of all in 
 dependent minds, and of those particularly who knew his 
 great intellectual ability and high moral worth. In power 
 of mind he far surpassed most of his contemporaries, and 
 as a thinker he was profound as well as logical; while he 
 continues to-day to be the admiration of our greatest states 
 men. His genius as a financier and statesman, together 
 with his great services in the army, are now perhaps more 
 highly recognized and appreciated than in his own day ; 
 though even in his own time he was deemed an intellectual 
 prodigy and rated as next in rank to the illustrious Washing 
 ton. Of him, Charles Francis Adams has eloquently and 
 forcibly said, that "among all the remarkable men of the 
 Revolution, we know of no one who, for the attributes 
 which usually mark genius, was more distinguished. He 
 was endowed with a singularly comprehensive mind, which 
 enabled him to originate forms of government and systems 
 of administration, whilst he united with it an intrepidity 
 and an energy equal to the task of putting them in ex 
 ecution." Alas ! that so splendid a career should have Been 
 
70 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 so wantonly and cruelly cut short at the early age of forty- 
 eight. 
 
 We now near the tragic end an end, however, that but 
 served the more ardently to endear him, even in death, 
 to all, and preserve his memory to coming generations 
 as the first and most truly patriotic of statesmen, who was 
 a martyr to his own high, though mistaken, sense of honor. 
 In the rivalries and heated controversies of his day, we have 
 already mentioned that Hamilton and Aaron Burr were 
 political antagonists; and we know that Hamilton had no 
 love for either the man or the methods of him who was 
 Washington s colleague in office. Burr s political aspira 
 tions, Hamilton had constantly thwarted, and he had, it 
 seems, ill-advisedly spoken of him as a man to eschew and 
 beware of. He had, moreover, used his influence to keep 
 Burr from receiving an appointment on a foreign mission ; 
 he had also secured his defeat when his rival was a candi 
 date for the governorship of New York; and now (1804) 
 when a new incumbent of the office of President of the 
 United States was sought for, Hamilton threw his in 
 fluence in the scale against him. To a man of Burr s 
 temper and character, these hostile acts of Hamilton rank 
 led bitterly in his breast ; and when his integrity was im 
 pugned and derogatory things were said of him by Ham 
 ilton, nothing would satisfy Burr but a challenge to com 
 bat, for his adversary was not the man to withdraw any 
 opinion he had honestly expressed or give his challenger 
 other satisfaction in the way of retraction or apology. The 
 hideous resort of the period was then only to the duel, and 
 though Hamilton was reluctant to have recourse to this, 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 71 
 
 and meant, whatever happened, to throw away his fire 
 rather than kill or even wound his adversary, he decided to 
 appear on the duelling ground, and, with no malice in 
 his heart, magnanimously give Burr the satisfaction he 
 sought. The sad issue of the affair came all too soon 
 and tragically, for the combatants met at Weehawken, N. 
 J., at daylight on July n, 1804, and the great statesman 
 fell mortally wounded at Aaron Burr s first fire. General 
 Hamilton lingered, more or less unconscious, to the fol 
 lowing day, when he passed resignedly from earth, sur 
 rounded by his loved wife and seven sorrow-stricken child 
 ren. The sorrow of the nation at the loss of the great man 
 was as universal as it was profound ; and on the fourteenth 
 day of July he was given a public funeral at New York, 
 where in the churchyard of Trinity church, Broadway, 
 his remains were interred. 
 
 The horror and grief of the country at the illustrious 
 man s ill-starred fate was feelingly expressed by Governeur 
 Morris in an eloquent eulogy at the tomb; while keen and 
 outspoken was public resentment against Burr, insomuch 
 that he fled for his life the future of which was a pitiful 
 though a deserved one, of practical outlawry, contumely, 
 and ostracism. 
 
ONTHE EXPEDIENCY OF ADOPTING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Speech by Alexander Hamilton, in the Convention of New York, June 24. 178S. 
 
 1AM persuaded, Mr. Chairman, that I in my turn shall 
 be indulged, in addressing the committee. We all, in 
 equal sincerity, profess to be anxious for the establish 
 ment of a republican government, on a safe>and solid basis. 
 It is the object of the wishes of every honest man in the 
 United States, and I presume that I shall not be disbelieved, 
 when I declare, that it is an object of all others the nearest 
 and most dear to my own heart. The means of accomplish 
 ing this great purpose become the most important study 
 which can interest mankind. It is our duty to examine all 
 those means with peculiar attention, and to choose the best 
 and most effectual. It is our duty to draw from nature, 
 from reason, from examples, the best principles of policy, 
 and to pursue and apply them in the formation of our 
 government. We should contemplate and compare the sys 
 tems, which, in this examination, come under our view; 
 distinguish, with a careful eye, the defects and excellencies 
 of each, and, discarding the former, incorporate the latter, 
 as far as circumstances will admit, into our Constitution. If 
 we pursue a different course and neglect this duty, we shall 
 probably disappoint the expectations of our country and of 
 the world. 
 
 In the commencement of a revolution, which received 
 its birth from the usurpations of tyranny, nothing was more 
 natural than that the public mind should be influenced by 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 73 
 
 an extreme spirit of jealousy. To resist these encroach 
 ments, and to nourish this spirit, was the great object of all 
 our public and private institutions. The zeal for liberty 
 became predominant and excessive. In forming our Con 
 federation, this passion alone seemed to actuate us, and we 
 appear to have had no other view than to secure ourselves 
 from despotism. The object certainly was a valuable one, 
 and deserved our utmost attention. But, sir, there is an 
 other object equally important, and which our enthusiasm 
 rendered us little capable of regarding: I mean a principle 
 of strength and stability in the organization of our govern 
 ment, and vigor in its operations. This purpose can never 
 be accomplished but by the establishment of some select 
 body, formed peculiarly upon this principle. There are 
 few positions more demonstrable than that there should be 
 in every republic some permanent body to correct the preju 
 dices, check the intemperate passions, and regulate the fluctu 
 ations of a popular assembly. It is evident that a body 
 instituted for these purposes must be so formed as to ex 
 clude as much as possible from its own character those in 
 firmities and that mutability which it is designed to remedy. 
 It is therefore necessary that it should be small, that it 
 should hold its authority during a considerable period, and 
 that it should have such an independence in the exercise 
 of its powers as will divest it as much as possible of local 
 prejudices. It should be so formed as to be the center of 
 political knowledge, to pursue always a steady line of con 
 duct, and to reduce every irregular propensity to system. 
 Without this establishment, we may make experiments with 
 out end, but shall never have an efficient government. 
 
74 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 It is an unquestionable truth, that the body of the people 
 in every country desire sincerely its prosperity ; but it is 
 equally unquestionable, that they do not possess the dis 
 cernment and stability necessary for systematic government. 
 To deny that they are frequently led into the grossest errors 
 by misinformation and passion, would be a flattery which 
 their own good sense must despise. That branch of ad 
 ministration especially, which involves our political relations 
 with foreign States, a community will ever be incompetent 
 to. These truths are not often held up in public assemblies, 
 but they cannot be unknown to any who hear me. From 
 these principles it follows, that there ought to be two distinct 
 bodies in our government : one, which shall be immediately 
 constituted by and peculiarly represent the people, and pos 
 sess all the popular features ; another, formed upon the prin 
 ciple and for the purposes before explained. Such consid 
 erations as these induced the Convention who formed your 
 State Constitution, to institute a Senate upon the present 
 plan. The history of ancient and modern republics had 
 taught them, that many of the evils which these republics 
 had suffered, arose from the want of a certain balance and 
 mutual control indispensable to a wise administration; they 
 were convinced that popular assemblies are frequently mis 
 guided by ignorance, by sudden impulses and the intrigues 
 of ambitious men ; and that some firm barrier against these 
 operations was necessary ; they, therefore, instituted your 
 Senate, and the benefits we have experienced have fully 
 justified their conceptions. . . . 
 
 Gentlemen, in their reasoning, have placed the interests 
 of the several States and those of the United States in con- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 75 
 
 trast; this is not a fair view of the subject; they mast neces 
 sarily be involved in each other. What we apprehend is, 
 that some sinister prejudice, or some prevailing passion, 
 may assume the form of a genuine interest. The influence 
 of these is as powerful as the most permanent conviction of 
 the public good; and against this influence we ought to 
 provide. The local interests of a State ought in every case 
 to give way to the interests of the Union ; for when a sacri 
 fice of one or the other is necessary, the former becomes 
 only an apparent, partial interest, and should yield, on the 
 principle that the small good ought never to oppose the 
 great one. When you assemble from your several counties 
 in the Legislature, were every member to be guided only 
 by the apparent interests of his county, government would 
 be impracticable. There must be a perpetual accommoda 
 tion and sacrifice of local advantages to general expediency ; 
 but the spirit of a mere popular assembly would rarely be 
 actuated by this important principle. It is therefore abso 
 lutely necessary that the Senate should be so formed, as to 
 be unbiased by false conceptions of the real interests, or 
 undue attachment to the apparent good of their several 
 States. 
 
 Gentlemen indulge too many unreasonable apprehensions 
 of danger to the State governments; they seem to suppose 
 that the moment you put men into a national council, they 
 become corrupt and tyrannical, and lose all their affection 
 for their fellow-citizens. But can we imagine that the 
 Senators will ever be so insensible of their own advantage, 
 as to sacrifice the genuine interest of their constituents? 
 The State governments are essentially necessary to the form 
 
76 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 and spirit of the general system. As long, therefore, as 
 Congress has a full conviction of this necessity, they must, 
 even upon principles purely national, have as firm an at 
 tachment to the one as to the other. This conviction can 
 never leave them, unless they become madmen. While the 
 Constitution continues to be read, and its principle known, 
 the States must, by every rational man, be considered as 
 essential, component parts of the Union; and therefore the 
 idea of sacrificing the former to the latter is wholly inad 
 missible. 
 
 The objectors do not advert to the natural strength and 
 resources of State governments, which will ever give them 
 an important superiority over the general government. If 
 we compare the nature of their different powers, or the 
 means of popular influence which each possesses, we shall 
 find the advantage entirely on the side of the States. This 
 consideration, important as it is, seems to have been little 
 attended to. The aggregate number of Representatives 
 throughout the States may be two thousand. Their per 
 sonal influence will, therefore, be proportionately more ex 
 tensive than that of one or two hundred men in Congress. 
 The State establishments of civil and military officers of 
 every description, infinitely surpassing in number any pos 
 sible correspondent establishments in the general govern 
 ment, will create such an extent and complication of attach 
 ments, as will ever secure the predilection and support of 
 the people. Whenever, therefore, Congress shall meditate 
 any infringement of the State Constitutions, the great body 
 of the people will naturally take part with their domestic 
 representatives. Can the general government withstand 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 77 
 
 such a united opposition? Will the people suffer them 
 selves to be stripped of their privileges? Will they suffer 
 their Legislatures to be reduced to a shadow and a name? 
 The idea is shocking to common-sense. 
 
 From- the circumstances already explained, and many 
 others which might be mentioned, results a complicated, 
 irresistible check, which must ever support the existence 
 and importance of the State governments. The danger, if 
 any exists, flows from an opposite source. The probable 
 evil is, that the general government will be too dependent 
 on the State Legislatures, too much governed by their 
 prejudices, and too obsequious to their humors; that the 
 States, with every power in their hands, will make en 
 croachments on the national authority, till the Union is 
 weakened and dissolved. 
 
 Every member must have been struck with an observa 
 tion of a gentleman from Albany. Do what you will, says 
 he, local prejudices and opinions will go into the govern 
 ment. What? shall we then form a Constitution to cherish 
 and strengthen these prejudices? Shall we confirm the 
 distemper, instead of remedying it. It is undeniable that 
 there must be a control somewhere. Either the general 
 interest is to control the particular interests, or the con 
 trary. If the former, then certainly the government ought 
 to be so framed, as to render the power of control efficient 
 to all intents and purposes ; if the latter, a striking absurd 
 ity follows ; the controlling powers must be as numerous as 
 the varying interests, and the operations of the government 
 must therefore cease ; for the moment you accommodate 
 these different interests, which is the only way to set the 
 
78 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 government in motion, you establish a controlling power. 
 Thus, whatever constitutional provisions are made to the 
 contrary, every government will be at last driven to the 
 necessity of subjecting the partial to the universal interest. 
 The gentlemen ought always, in their reasoning, to distin 
 guish between the real, genuine good of a State, and the 
 opinions and prejudices which may prevail respecting it; 
 the latter may be opposed to the general good, and conse 
 quently ought to be sacrificed ; the former is BO involved 
 in it that it never can be sacrificed. 
 
 There are certain social principles in human nature from 
 which we may draw the most solid conclusions with respect 
 to the conduct of individuals and of communities. We love 
 our families more than our neighbors ; we love our neigh 
 bors more than our countrymen in general. The human 
 affections, like the solar heat, lose their intensity as they 
 depart from the centre, and become languid in proportion 
 to the expansion of the circle on which they act. On these 
 principles, the attachment of the individual will be first and 
 forever secured by the State governments; they will be a 
 mutual protection and support. Another source of influ 
 ence, which has already been pointed out, is the various 
 official connections in the States. Gentlemen endeavor to 
 evade the force of this by saying that these offices will be 
 insignificant. This is by no means true. The State officers 
 will ever be important, because they are necessary and use 
 ful. Their powers are such as are extremely interesting to 
 the people; such as affect their property, their liberty, and 
 life. What is more important than the administration of 
 justice and the execution of the civil and criminal laws? 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 79 
 
 Can die State governments become insignificant while they 
 have the power of raising money independently and without 
 control ? If they are really useful ; if they are calculated to 
 promote the essential interests of the people; they must 
 have their confidence and support. The States can never 
 lose their powers till the whole people of America are 
 robbed of their liberties. These must go together; they 
 must support each other, or meet one common fate. On the 
 gentleman s principle, we may safely trust the State govern 
 ments, though we have no means of resisting them ; but we 
 cannot confide in the national government, though we have 
 an effectual constitutional guard against every encroach 
 ment. This is the essence of their argument, and it is false 
 and fallacious beyond conception. 
 
 With regard to the jurisdiction of the two governments, 
 I shall certainly admit that the Constitution ought to be so 
 formed as not to prevent the States from providing for their 
 own existence ; and I maintain that it is so formed ; and that 
 their power of providing for themselves is sufficiently estab 
 lished. This is conceded by one gentleman, and in the next 
 breath the concession is retracted. He says Congress has 
 but one exclusive right in taxation that of duties on im 
 ports ; certainly, then, their other powers are only concur 
 rent. But to take off the force of this obvious conclusion, 
 he immediately says that the laws of the United States are 
 supreme and that where there is one supreme there cannot 
 be a concurrent authority ; and further, that where the laws 
 of the Union are supreme, those of the States must be sub 
 ordinate; because there cannot be two supremes. This is 
 curious sophistry. That two supreme powers cannot act 
 
80 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 together is false. They are inconsistent only when they 
 are aimed at each other or at one indivisible object. The 
 laws of the United States are supreme, as to all their proper, 
 constitutional objects; the laws of the States are supreme in 
 the same way. These supreme laws may act on different 
 objects without clashing; or they may operate on different 
 parts of the same common object with perfect harmony. 
 Suppose both governments should lay a tax of a penny on 
 a certain article ; has not each an independent and uncon 
 trollable power to collect its own tax ? The meaning of the 
 maxim, there cannot be two supremes, is simply this two 
 powers cannot be supreme over each other. This meaning 
 is entirely perverted by the gentlemen. But, it is said, dis 
 putes between collectors are to be referred to the Federal 
 courts. This is again wandering in the field of conjecture. 
 But suppose the fact is certain, is it not to be presumed 
 that they will express the true meaning of the Constitution 
 and the laws ? Will they not be bound to consider the -con 
 current jurisdiction; to declare that both the taxes shall 
 have equal operation ; that both the powers, in that respect, 
 are sovereign and co-extensive? If they transgress their 
 duty, we are to hope that they will be punished. Sir, we 
 can reason from probabilities alone. When we leave 
 common-sense, and give ourselves up to conjecture, tnere 
 can be no certainty, no security in our reasonings. 
 
 I imagine I have stated to the committee abundant rea 
 sons to prove the entire safety of the State governments 
 and of the people. I would go into a more minute con 
 sideration of the nature of the concurrent jurisdiction, and 
 the operation of the laws in relation to revenue : but at 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 81 
 
 present I feel too much indisposed to proceed. I shall, 
 with leave of the committee, improve another opportunity 
 of expressing to them more fully my ideas on this point. I 
 wish the committee to remember that the Constitution under 
 examination is framed upon truly republican principles ; 
 and that, as it is expressly designed to provide for the 
 common protection and the general welfare of the United 
 States, it must be utterly repugnant to this Constitution to 
 subvert the State governments or oppress the people. 
 
THE UNUSUAL AND REMARKABLE 
 
 IN THE LIFE OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 BY B. J. CIGRAND, M. S., D. D. S. 
 
 OF all the distinguished men who took part in the build 
 ing of this republic, none have a career rilled with 
 more peculiar events than Alexander Hamilton. His life 
 contains so many strange and unusual incidents that it can 
 be truly said he had a wonderful record. 
 
 There is little or nothing known of his ancestors other 
 than that his father was a Scotchman and his mother was 
 French. He was born at Nevis, West India, in 1757, and 
 was an orphan at an early age. By birth he was a British 
 subject, though his sympathies were, in early life, with the 
 land of the fleur-de-lys. He spoke and read English and 
 French, though he preferred the latter when pursuing his 
 studies. 
 
 A mere incident caused him to come to America ; there 
 had been a terrible storm on the Island, and young Hamil 
 ton, a lad of fourteen, so vividly described the hurricane 
 that his friends and relatives decided he should attend 
 school in the American Colonies. Pursuant with this inten 
 tion he was sent to Elizabeth, New Jersey, where he attend 
 ed a private school and in one year had mastered sufficient 
 points in the sciences and literature to admit him to King s 
 
 National President American Flag Day Association, Dean Dental Department 
 University of Illinois, Author of "History of American Emblems." 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 83 
 
 (Columbia) College. At the time of his matriculation he 
 was but sixteen years of age. The following year he made 
 an address on Colonial Grievances, before a popular assem 
 blage in New- York city, and his remarks attracted not only 
 Colonial but international attention. 
 
 In the following year we find him organizing a company 
 of artillery and hardly had the war of Independence begun 
 when Washington observed the genius of Hamilton and 
 appointed him his aid-de-camp. In this capacity, Hamilton, 
 a mere boy of nineteen, took charge of the great and im 
 portant correspondence of Gen. George Washington, and, 
 not infrequently this youth edited and revised the docu 
 ments prepared by Washington. Leaving the dignified sta 
 tion of private secretary of the commander-in-chief, he 
 took command of a troop at Yorktown, where he displayed 
 great military tact. After the war he gave his time to law 
 and shortly we fifrd him in the legislative halls and dictat 
 ing the policy of government and directing the Federal Con 
 vention. He practically shaped the destiny of our Federal 
 Government. It was his unanswerable arguments which 
 made it possible to have the Constitution adopted and it 
 was his devotion to its meaning which changed a confed 
 eracy into a nation. 
 
 Of him, the lines of Byron may be fittingly applied : 
 
 "There are deeds which should not pass away 
 
 And names which must not wither. 
 
 The spirit of a single man 
 
 Makes that of multitudes take one direction 
 
 As roll the waters to the breathing wind." . 
 
84 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 It was Hamilton who wrote most of the letters of the 
 Federalist which contained the arguments of many distin 
 guished patriots, who favored the adoption of the Constitu 
 tion, and among those who fearlessly championed the pur 
 pose of this document were Hamilton, Jay, Madison and 
 Randolph ; though the latter and Mason wrote much in the 
 style of a critique. What Thomas Paine s "Crisis" was to 
 pre-Revolutionary times the Federalist was to the pre-Con- 
 stitutional Government. If the letters of these giants of 
 free government had not been published the people could 
 not have become intelligent of the character of the Consti 
 tution, and the present Constitution would never have been 
 adopted. 
 
 While in the tents as soldier in the Revolution, Hamil 
 ton conceived the idea of a nation not a confederacy. It 
 was in September of 1780 that he wrote to Duane, a mem 
 ber of Congress, and expressed his opinion regarding state 
 sovereignty and national supremacy. He was then twenty- 
 three years of age and his letter certainly indicates a mature 
 mind relative to civic conditions. In this letter he pro 
 posed a call of all the states and arrange a convention au 
 thorized to enact laws calculating a central and supreme 
 power, deriving its authority from the delegates from the 
 several Colonies or States. He said: "Some of the lines 
 of the army, but for the influence of Washington, would 
 obey their States in opposition to Congress Congress 
 should have complete sovereignty in all that relates to war, 
 peace, trade, finance, foreign affairs, armies, fleets, fortifi 
 cations, coining money, establishing banks, imposing land 
 tax, poll tax, duties on trade, and the unoccupied lands." 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 85 
 
 He added: The idea of an uncontrollable sovereignty in 
 each State will defeat the powers of Congress and make 
 our Union feeble and precarious." Think of a youth mak 
 ing these proposals and predicting the State rights issues 
 as early as I/So, and take into consideration the lives and 
 suffering of the war of 61 to establish that which Hamilton 
 so clearly foretold when a lad in the struggling continental 
 army. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton has been criticised by many writers for 
 having objected to offering of prayer at the Federal Con 
 ventions. His critics have made it appear that he was ir 
 religious and did not believe in Divine aid, when the facts 
 in the case prove quite the opposite. 
 
 The motive which prompted Mr. Hamilton to object to 
 Dr. Franklin s motion asking that some clergyman be in 
 vited to open the meetings with prayer was not understood 
 until the recent publication of the private notes and memo 
 randa of Mr. James Madison. These items and observations 
 made by Mr. Madison during the stormy days of the Fed 
 eral Convention throw new light on the matter in question. 
 
 Mr. Madison made extensive notes regarding the proceed 
 ings of this great body and his writings began with Mon 
 day, May I4th, 1787, and end with Monday, September 
 1 7th, 1787. During these weeks the delegates labored with 
 the most perplexing proposition that ever confronted a 
 people seeking self-government. The diversity of opinion 
 and the diversity of interests seemed to foreshadow that the 
 several Colonies would not unite on some plain fundamen- 
 ta basis of federal government. And it was during a severe 
 
86 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 verbal seige that Dr. Franklin made the following address, 
 which deserves to be incorporated in this sketch : 
 
 "Mr. President : The small progress we have made after 
 four or five weeks close attendance and continual reason 
 ings with each other, our different sentiments on almost 
 every question, several of the last producing as many Noes 
 as Ayes, is methinks as melancholy proof of the imperfec 
 tion of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel 
 our own want of political wisdom, since we have been run 
 ning all about in search of it. We have gone back to an 
 cient history for models of government, and examined the 
 different forms of those republics, which, having been orig 
 inally formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now 
 no longer exist ; and we have viewed modern states all 
 around Europe, but find none of their constitutions suitable 
 to our circumstances. 
 
 "In this situation of this assembly, groping, as it were, in 
 the dark, to find political truth, and scarce able to distin 
 guish it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, 
 that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying 
 to the Father of Lights to (lluminate our understanding? 
 In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were 
 sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for 
 divine protection ? Our prayers, sir, were heard ; and they 
 were graciously answered. All of us, who were engaged in 
 this struggle, must have observed frequent instances of a 
 superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Prov 
 idence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace 
 the means of establishing our future national felicity. And 
 have we now forgotten that powerful friend? or do we im- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 87 
 
 agine we no longer need his assistance I have lived, sir, a 
 long time ; and the longer I live the more convincing proofs 
 I see of this truth, That God governs in the affairs of men ! 
 And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his no 
 tice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid? 
 We have been assured, sir, in the Sacred Writings, that ex 
 cept the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build 
 it. I firmly believe this: and I also believe, that without 
 his concurring aid, we shall succeed in this political build 
 ing no better than the builders of Babel : we shall be di 
 vided by our little partial local interests, our projects will be 
 confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and 
 a byword down to future ages. And what is worse, man 
 kind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair 
 of establishing government by human wisdom and leave it 
 to chance, war and conquest. 
 
 "I therefore beg leave to move, that henceforth prayers, 
 imploring the assistance of heaven, and its blessing on our 
 deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning before 
 we proceed to business ; and that one or more of the clergy 
 of this city be requested to officiate in that service." 
 
 Mr. Sherman seconded the motion and this brought the 
 matter before the convention ; a most heated debate fol 
 lowed. Dr. Franklin s private notes on the Convention in 
 clude his address favoring prayer, and in his note-book, 
 referring to the motion, he made memoranda of Col. Ham 
 ilton s objection to prayer, but did not explain on what 
 grounds Hamilton refused to vote for the motion. The 
 reader naturally would be inclined to the belief that Ham 
 ilton s objections were of an irreligious character. 
 
88 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 The writings of James Madison clear the subject of any 
 such intentions, and the following from Madison is of great 
 interest : 
 
 "Mr. Hamilton and several others expressed their appre 
 hensions, that, however proper such a resolution might have 
 been at the beginning of the Convention, it might at this 
 late date and day, in the first place bring on it some dis 
 agreeable animadversions; and in the second, lead the 
 public to believe that the embarrassments and dissensions 
 within the Convention had suggested this measure. It was 
 answered by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Sherman and others that the 
 past omission of a duty could not justify a further omission ; 
 that the rejection of such a proposition would expose the 
 convention to more unpleasant animadversions than the 
 adoption of it ; and that the alarm out of doors that might 
 be excited for the state of things within would at least be as 
 likely to do good as ill. 
 
 "Mr. Williamson observed that the true cause of the omis 
 sion could not be mistaken. The convention had no funds. 
 
 "Mr. Randolph proposed, in order to give a favorable as 
 pect to the measure, that a sermon be preached at the 
 request of the convention on the Fourth of July, the an 
 niversary of Independence ; and henceforth prayers, etc., 
 to be read in the Convention every morning. Doctor Frank 
 lin seconded the motion. After several unsuccessful at 
 tempts for silently postponing this matter by adjourning, the 
 adjournment was at length carried, without any vote on the 
 (Franklin or Randolph) motion." 
 
 These lines from the pen of Madison make it possible to 
 understand Hamilton s attitude relative to Franklin s mo 
 tion. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 89 
 
 The debates relative to the proposed constitution were 
 indeed heated arguments and in many hamlets throughout 
 the States differences of opinion were settled with sword 
 and pistol. 
 
 Among the many who took issue with Col. Hamilton on 
 matters pertaining to the new constitution was one Eleazer 
 Oswald, Revolutionary patriot and man of distinction. He 
 was especially antagonistic to the Hamiltonian idea of gov 
 ernment and severely criticised the proposed Federal Con 
 stitution. Mr. Oswald so bitterly assailed the arguments 
 of Hamilton that the latter gave offense, which called for 
 adjustment. Oswald sent a challenge to Hamilton and mat 
 ters were about to be arranged when the duel was averted 
 through the interference of the friends of both gentlemen. 
 
 This was the first challenge sent Hamilton, and it illus 
 trates the tendency of those times, to adjudicate differences 
 and affairs of honor by "lead or steel." 
 
 In the latter part of 1797 a sharp and unfriendly letter 
 was received from James Monroe, and Hamilton in reply 
 ing did not definitely state his position regarding a certain 
 controversy and Monroe sent him a challenge to fight a 
 duel. The letter from Monroe indicated an anxiety to 
 meet Hamilton on the field of combat, and stated in his let 
 ter of challenge that Col. Aaron Burr would deliver the 
 letter and make all arrangements for the duel. It seems 
 strange that Burr should be a part of this affair. Can it be 
 that he fanned the flame which he thought would mean the 
 distruction of Hamilton? Did he encourage Monroe to 
 enter upon this event, and is it not possible that his dislike 
 for Hamilton even at this early date induced him to agitate 
 
9 o ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 the differences between Hamilton and Monroe until they 
 had developed into a quarrel and thus necessitated a chal 
 lenge to a duel? 
 
 Not all of the correlated correspondence can be found, but 
 sufficient evidence is extant to show that Aaron Burr was 
 instrumental in effecting arrangements for a duel between 
 these two distinguished statesmen. Hamilton s reply to the 
 proposed duel cannot be found and the cause for abandoning 
 the duel is not known. The letter of Monroe is not a part 
 of the published accounts of Monroe, Hamilton or Burr. 
 James Monroe s letter read as follows : 
 
 "PHILADELPHIA, Aug t 6th, 1797. 
 
 "Sir: I do not clearly understand the import of your 
 letter of the 4th instant and therefore desire an explana 
 tion. With this in view I will give you an explanation of 
 mine which preceded it. 
 
 "Seeing no adequate cause by anything in our late cor 
 respondence why I should give a challenge to you, I own 
 it was not my intention to give or even provoke one by any 
 thing contained in those letters. I meant only to observe 
 that I should stand on the defensive, and receive one in case 
 you thought fit to give it. If, therefore, you were under 
 a contrary impression, I frankly own you are mistaken. If, 
 on the other hand, you meant this last letter as a challenge 
 to me, I have then to request that you will say so, and in 
 which have to inform you that my friend Col. Burr, who 
 will present you this, and who will communicate with you 
 on this subject, is authorized to give my answer to it and 
 to make arrangements as may be suitable in such an event. 
 I am, with due respect, your obt. servant. 
 
 JAMES MONROE/ 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 9 l 
 
 The lives of Morris and Hamilton are so completely yoked 
 that a knowledge of the one is an understanding of the 
 other. Strange as it may seem, they were both born on 
 foreign soil and are the greatest examples of enthusiastic 
 patriotism found among the adopted sons. Both came to 
 this country when mere boys and both became the recog 
 nized financiers of the day. 
 
 But to Robert Morris, more than to any other individual, 
 Hamilton owes his fame as a national character. It is true 
 Hamilton displayed tact and demonstrated his statesman 
 ship while an aide-de-camp to Gen. Washington, but the lat 
 ter, though admiring the talents of Hamilton, rather be 
 lieved him indiscrete, hasty in judgment and high spirited 
 in temper; and Washington admired Hamilton for his dar 
 ing disposition but disliked his impulsive moods. To Morris 
 we must look for the causes which gave Hamilton weight 
 in the political world of the New Republic. Though the 
 general histories and biographies do not credit Morris with 
 great influence in this particular, yet a few facts have been 
 gathered which clearly indicate the strength of the Morris 
 
 character. 
 
 i 
 
 Personal histories tell of the life and career of this re 
 markable man more thoroughly than any of the volumes 
 of general information, and the story is one full of deep in 
 terest. Robert Morris was a remarkably well informed 
 man, rivaling, indeed, in general intelligence, the sage of 
 those times, Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 Some of the biographers have written statements seeming 
 ly intended to convey the impression that Washington 
 thought little of the counsel of Morris, and that in later 
 
92 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 years a coolness existed between them. Careful investiga 
 tion, however, will show that these two Revolutionary pa 
 triots were the closest of friends. Few incidents demon 
 strate this relation better than the fact that when Mrs. 
 Washington journeyed from Mount Vernon to take posses 
 sion of the first executive mansion in New York, Mrs. Mor 
 ris accompanied her from Philadelphia, and when they ar 
 rived in New York harbor they were met by General Wash 
 ington and Robert Morris. The writings of the Morris fam 
 ily all show how close and sincere was this friendship, but 
 they prove another thing of much interest to those who like 
 to delve into the records of the past and search out the 
 truth. That is, that Mrs. Washington, in spite of the nu 
 merous histories containing full descriptions of her appear 
 ance at the inaugural ceremony and the subsequent ball and 
 dinner, and even vivid pictures of the costumes she wore on 
 those occasions, was not at the inauguration at all, and did 
 not rejoin her husband till four weeks afterward. 
 
 Regarding many of the most interesting things in the 
 history of our country the government possesses no official 
 records. It remains for us to gather the story of nearly 
 all these occurrences from private diaries and correspond 
 ence of those who lived and moved through the stirring 
 scenes of our Revolutionary period. 
 
 From Maclay, that eccentric continental, we can gather 
 much in this way that is of the greatest interest. 
 
 Washington was always a faithful friend of Robert Mor 
 ris, and it was the political influence and the motion of the 
 latter that made him president of the federal convention 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 93 
 
 which formulated the government under which we live to 
 day. 
 
 The act of Martha Washington in burning all the private 
 correspondence of members of her family deprived her 
 country of a great mass of interesting material, but those 
 communications of her own written to Mrs. Morris and still 
 preserved throw a new light on many topics of historic in 
 terest. 
 
 There was not a man of continental times who did more 
 for Washington or befriended him so repeatedly than Rob 
 ert Morris. 
 
 Our nation during its formative period required aid of 
 every description moral, patriotic and financial and this 
 latter need was not the least important. To Robert Morris, 
 more than to any other man connected with the Revolu 
 tion, this nation is indebted for financial assistance and coun 
 sel, rendered at a time when the fortunes of the Colonials 
 were at a very low ebb, and when money, as much as blood 
 and bravery, meant everything to the success of the strug 
 gle. 
 
 Though he was born across the sea, he was a loyal pa 
 triot. At an early age, his great thirst for knowledge led 
 him to a full appreciation of the influences of toleration and 
 liberality, and though he stood out against the adoption of 
 the Declaration of Independence he did it on the ground that 
 the Colonies were not sufficiently prepared for so terrible a 
 conflict. 
 
 But when he heard the earnest words of John Adams and 
 Benjamin Franklin he eagerly subscribed his name to the 
 sacred document, and afterward showed by his acts how 
 loval a son of the new nation he was. 
 
94 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 Once satisfied that the Colonies had a fighting chance, he 
 threw himself heart and soul into the work. Without his 
 wonderful ability as a financier and his enthusiasm for the 
 cause it is not improbable that the Colonials would have 
 been forced to submit and the new government destroyed. 
 
 When all seemed lost, and the soldiers of the Revolu 
 tion, ragged and starving, saw nothing but defeat and de 
 spair ahead of them, he opened his coffers and personally 
 contributed $1,400,000 to what seemed to all a lost cause. 
 It was this magnificent gift of Morris that made the vic 
 tory of Trenton possible. He stayed in Philadelphia, brav 
 ing the enemy, continually sent information to Washington, 
 and beggared himself for the army, even exhausting his per 
 sonal credit after his money had gone credit at that time 
 far more powerful than 1 hat of the Continental Congress it 
 self. The name of "Bobby Morris" was on the lips of every 
 soldier of America in those days. 
 
 It was this character of a man who could rightly ask fa 
 vors of Washington, and the latter fully appreciated the 
 goodness and greatness of Morris. 
 
 When General Washington was about to select his cabinet 
 he offered the portfolio of Secretary of the Treasury to 
 Morris, but it was declined. Washington pressed his offer, 
 but when it was refused a second time he permitted Morris 
 to name the man. 
 
 This was showing an unusual regard for the judgment of 
 Morris and explains fully the friendship existing between 
 Washington and Morris. The jnature of the cabinet posi 
 tion was one, deserving the most careful student of financial 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 95 
 
 affairs, and Robert Morris did not search long to find the 
 individual whom he thought competent and acceptable. 
 While Mr. Morris was the financial agent of the Continental 
 government he became intimately acquainted with a promis 
 ing young man ; he learned to value the suggestions of the 
 young and aspiring gentleman. This youth had taken an 
 active part in the formation of the new machinery of self- 
 government and had repeatedly given evidence of deep 
 knowledge of political affairs. This gentleman was the 
 close bosom friend of Morris and he eagerly sought an op 
 portunity of aiding so ambitious a citizen. These gentle 
 men had grown closer as their acquaintance extended and 
 when Gen. Washington urged Mr. Morris to nominate the 
 first Secretary of the Treasury he presented the name of 
 Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 The suggestion was rather a surprise to Washington, 
 as it was the purpose of the president-elect to have at his 
 council board men of mature age ; ministers who had learn 
 ed to hesitate ; heads of departments who deliberated calmly. 
 
 But Mr. Morris appointed Hamilton and Washington 
 true to his proffer accepted the nomination. 
 
 Hamilton was at that time but thirty-two years of age 
 and under present existing circumstances could not have be 
 come an adviser to the President of the United States. The 
 succession act passed under the Cleveland administration 
 makes the cabinet members eligible to the presidency, in 
 the event of death or inability of the president, vice-presi 
 dent and secretary of state ; hence according to the Consti 
 tution which reads: No person shall "be eligible to that 
 
96 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 office who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five 
 years." 
 
 Although Hamilton was the junior member (in age) of 
 the cabinet he was the senior in point of influence. 
 
 So far as Washington s first cabinet was concerned, it 
 was not a happy expedient, for two more irreconcilable 
 political thinkers than Jefferson and Hamilton never met 
 around a common council-board. As Jefferson once said: 
 "We are pitted against each other like game-cocks." Ran 
 dolph the Attorney-General sided with Jefferson and Knox, 
 the Secretary of War voted with Hamilton ; thus leaving 
 Washington obligated to decide between them ; this general 
 ly meant that Hamilton was the victor. When it came to 
 questions requiring constitutional interpretation Hamilton 
 was especially well informed, since he was a delegate to the 
 convention which formulated the basic law, and Jefferson 
 not being present was considerably out of touch with the 
 spirit of the Convention. This latter element made Jeffer 
 son weak, in just such points where Hamilton was strong. 
 
 The year 1796 brought to the mind of George Washing 
 ton a proposition which disturbed him considerably. His 
 second term as chief executive of the young nation was 
 drawing to a close and the people were anxious he should 
 accept a third term ; the eminent statesman and the Ameri 
 can citizens eagerly sought information on this interesting 
 topic; the population in all sections of the country favored 
 the idea of continuing him in office. Washington had 
 gained the individual confidences of the masses and the tone 
 of his personal mail and the general character of the news- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 97 
 
 paper contributions indicated a cheerful disposition toward 
 the third term project. 
 
 The proposition demanded the earnest and most sincere 
 deliberation of Gen. Washington. Personally he was weary 
 of the "tasks of state," yet he felt kindly disposed to re 
 main in the office of President. The people were restless 
 and there was a spirit abroad which expressed the thought 
 that the young republic would degenerate without him who 
 was "first in war, first in peace and first in the hearts of his 
 countrymen." 
 
 To meet the demands of the hour and declare himself on 
 so delicate a problem needed reflection. Washington sel 
 dom seemed hurried and he took especial pains to delay 
 this answer to the people s interrogation. After considering 
 the matter he decided it required advice from those high 
 in the esteem of the people and he chose to learn the exact 
 status of affairs before he would venture giving his final 
 reply. He well knew that the answer must be decisive and 
 that the general tone of the document must be in sincere 
 terms and in strict accord with the unwritten meaning of 
 the organic law. He desired that it should contain logic 
 and clear argument and felt it an excellent opportunity to 
 advise or warn the people of impending dangers, to portray 
 the past and in a measure predict the future and lend such 
 force to republican government as his eight years in office 
 exemplified. These were the basic ideals he desired the an 
 swer to contain. 
 
 But the great Washington, admired by all the world for 
 his wisdom, felt his lack of capacity to satisfactorily deal 
 with the problem. He regretted that Mr. Hamilton was 
 
98 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 no longer a part of his official family, Hamilton having 
 resigned in January of 1795 yet he might be induced to 
 lend his aid. Washington rested his mind when Hamilton 
 consente4 to assist in the labors of this paper of national- 
 yes, international concern. Hamilton quickly realized the 
 needs of the address ; he was familiar with the notes of Gen. 
 Washington and could readily clothe these mere frames into 
 gorgeous characters. Hamilton learned the meaning of 
 Washington s brief comments years before when a secre 
 tary to the great Revolutionary commander, and thoroughly 
 understood the true meaning of all requirements. 
 
 Washington issued this memorable letter, known as his 
 "Farewell Address," September iQth, 1796. It was re 
 ceived as a master stroke and throughout the world admired 
 for the candor and clearness of statement. No issue was 
 avoided, no problem dodged. All received the generous 
 consideration of one filled with honor, patriotism and Chris 
 tian fortitude. The statesmen of the times pronounced it 
 of such merit that it was placed on a par with the Declara 
 tion of Independence, as regards its expression of Ameri 
 canisms. 
 
 The following communication sent by Hamilton to Wash 
 ington, corroborates the foregoing: 
 
 "New York, May loth, 1796. Sir: When last in Phila 
 delphia, you mentioned to me your wish, that I should re 
 dress a certain paper, which you had prepared. As it is 
 important, that a thing of this kind should be done with 
 great care, and much at leisure, touched and retouched, I 
 submit a wish, that, as soon as you have given it the body 
 you mean it to have, it may be sent to me." 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 99 
 
 This letter was written by Hamilton about four months 
 before the address was published and indicates the interest 
 he took in this matter. Of course we would all be deeply 
 concerned in the solution of the problem "Did Hamilton dic 
 tate the real policy of this great state paper." Possibly the 
 future may bring an answer ; if it does it will probably come 
 from private correspondence. 
 
 But the fact is established that Hamilton labored on the 
 paper, that he edited it, and gave it the rhetorical charac 
 ter; and Hamilton impressed Washington with the import 
 ance of nationalizing issues. The testimony of Mr. John 
 Jay is added, since he was concerned in the Farewell Ad 
 dress. This valuable letter was written to Richard Peters 
 and can be found in Memoirs of Historical Society of Penn., 
 Vol. I, page 249. It reads : 
 
 Some time before the address appeared," he says, "Col 
 onel Hamilton informed me that he had received a letter 
 from President Washington, and with it the draft of a Fare 
 well Address, which the President had prepared, and on 
 which he requested our opinion. He then proposed that we 
 should fix on a day for an interview at my house on the 
 subject. A day was accordingly appointed, and on that day 
 Colonel Hamilton attended. He observed to me in words 
 to this effect; that, after having read and examined the 
 draft, it appeared to him to be susceptible of improvement ; 
 that he thought the easier and best way was to leave the 
 draft untouched, and in its fair state, and to write the whole 
 over with such amendments, alterations and corrections as 
 he thought advisable, and that he had done so. He then 
 proposed to read it and to make it the subject of our con- 
 
ioo ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 sideration. This being agreed to, he read it and we pro 
 ceeded directly to consider and discuss it, paragraph by 
 paragraph, until the whole met with our approbation. Some 
 amendments were made during the interview, but none of 
 much importance. 
 
 "Although this business had not been hastily dispatched, 
 yet aware of the consequence of such a paper, I suggested 
 the giving it further critical examination ; but he declined 
 it, saying he was pressed for time, and was anxious to re 
 turn the draft to the president without delay." 
 
 It is from this source that we gather the facts of Hamil 
 ton s aid in the construction of the Washington valedictory. 
 
 This great document, which to-day stands as a Resolution 
 of National Conduct, was the conjoint work of Washington 
 and Hamilton. Just how much or to what extent Mr. Ham 
 ilton elaborated, or what amendations he suggested, will 
 possibly never be known. His own writings as well as 
 those of Washington fail to indicate the nature of the in 
 dividual work. Sufficient knowledge of Hamilton s con 
 tribution is not extant to warrant a statement further than 
 to say Hamilton assisted in preparing the Farewell Ad 
 dress " of General George Washington. 
 
 It is claimed by those opposing the Hamiltonian idea of 
 our government that he had no faith in the common people ; 
 that he favored the idea that an aristocracy should be the 
 ruling element in our nation. This does Hamilton an in 
 justice an4 does not weigh much in the minds of any who 
 fully, realize the meaning and purpose of his state papers. 
 It is indeed remarkable that the essence of our Declaration 
 of Independence written by Jefferson in these lines, "all 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 101 
 
 tnen are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Cre 
 ator with certain unalienable rights/ are contained in an 
 essay written by Hamilton several years prior to July, 76. 
 The Hamilton lines are : 
 
 "All men have one common origin ; they participate in 
 one common nature, and consequently have one common 
 right." 
 
 These words do not indicate his spirit other than truly 
 democratic, and they were written when a mere lad of sev 
 enteen years. These lines are taken from Hamilton s 
 pamphlet entitled: "A Full Vindication and the Farm 
 er Refuted." The Ihought is precisely the same as ex 
 pressed by Jefferson, and though the wording is different 
 there exists a most striking similarity. 
 
 In the same essay by Hamilton, written and published in 
 1774, are these words: "No reason can be advanced why 
 one man should exercise any power or pre-eminence over 
 his fellow-creatures unless they have voluntarily vested him 
 with it." Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence 
 makes a like statement: "That, to secure these rights, gov 
 ernments are instituted among men, deriving their just pow 
 ers from the consent of the governed." 
 
 The strength and influence of the brilliant Hamilton, at 
 the Federal Convention, is generally underestimated. Not 
 withstanding the fact that the form of government as out 
 lined by Hamilton did not appeal to the delegates, it was 
 his diplomatic mind which realized the situation and he 
 readily accepted the tone of the convention and became a 
 powerful factor in the draught as submitted by Madison 
 "The father of the Constitution." In other words Hamil- 
 
102 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 ton was able to make victory out of severest defeat, and it 
 was this quality in the character of Hamilton which made 
 him an able champion and attorney for the delegates when 
 the product of the convention came before the people for 
 their judgment. 
 
 Hamilton showed his wisdom of political affairs in many 
 instances, but when the question of the Executive branch 
 of the government was before the delegates he gave evi 
 dence of statecraft seldom demonstrated at any similar 
 gathering. 
 
 He was of foreign birth and the disposition of the times 
 read "Let none but Americans on guard." He was fully 
 conversant with the spirit of opposition to foreign interfer 
 ence or foreign dictation. The new constitution so the 
 people washed should declare in clearest possible terms 
 that the president of the new Republic be a native born 
 citizen. And it was right that the people s voice be re 
 spected in all matters since it was to be a government of the 
 masses. To overcome the prejudice of the foreign born 
 and hold the good will of all concerned required tact and 
 shrewdness of the highest character. 
 
 Tradition brings it that Hamilton had ambitions, and 
 that he thought it possible to become the chief executive of 
 the new nation. Nothing appears in the records of the con 
 vention to this effect, but Hamilton had great influence 
 with Madison and convinced the latter that the service of 
 the Revolutionary soldiers, regardless of their nativity, 
 should be shown every measure of respect possible. And 
 the idea appealed to the liberal-minded Virginian. Ham 
 ilton did not allow so delicate a matter to be brought before 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 103 
 
 the entire convention ; he chose to get every victory pos 
 sible in committee meetings and avoid the uncertainties of 
 a huge gathering of delegates. 
 
 The Madison draft favored the suggestion and hence 
 there is, or was at that time, a possibility for a person of 
 foreign birth to become the President of the United States. 
 The clause on this important subject reads : 
 
 $th Clause. No person except a natural-born citizen, or 
 a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of 
 this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; 
 neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall 
 not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been 
 fourteen years a resident within the United States. 
 
 This may be largely presumption on the part of the 
 writer, but there are a number of things which assist in ar 
 riving at such a conclusion. The last lines of the clause 
 indicate that Hamilton had his own personality in view 
 when the word "fourteen" was inserted. It is possible that 
 it was mere coincidence, but it nevertheless remains a fact 
 that up to the time of the construction of the Constitution 
 Hamilton had been in this country just fourteen years. He 
 was born at Nevis, West Indies, on January nth, 1757, and 
 came to the Colonies in 1772. The time of the convention 
 was about fourteen years after this date. 
 
 Again the word "resident" in the last line also indicates 
 that care was exercised in terms fitting the life and career 
 of Hamilton. He had been a resident fourteen years but 
 had not been a citizen such a period of time. But the most 
 weighty argument in connection with this subject is the 
 fact that Alexander Hamilton did expect to be chief execu- 
 
104 ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 
 
 tive, as careful investigation will prove, and it is only rea 
 sonable to suppose that he was the controlling factor in 
 framing the clause relating to the presidency. 
 
 An expression of his presidential aspirations can be found 
 in a pamphlet published by Hamilton early in the third pres 
 idential campaign. This document issued in 1800, intended 
 as a political argument, was aimed against John Adams. 
 This pamphlet clearly portrays his personal ambition. The 
 purpose of the document was to show that Mr. Adams 
 lacked executive ability and was unfit for so exalted a 
 station. His closing sentences teem with sentiments of the 
 politician rather than the statesman Hamilton ; he made it 
 known that he was a candidate and suggested that the Fed 
 eral party support him. 
 
 This document contributes to the supposition that Ham 
 ilton aspired to the presidency. 
 
 The Federal party did not favor such a proceeding and 
 the election resulted in declaring Adams the executive. 
 Hamilton was bitterly opposed to Adams policy and he 
 dictated the party terms notwithstanding that he was out 
 side the cabinet. Hamilton s influence with the Adams 
 councilors was so marked that they looked to Hamilton for 
 advice and direction this was a most remarkable feature 
 of the Adams administration, and nowhere in our national 
 history do we find a parallel. 
 
 It may not have occurred to many Americans that, not 
 withstanding that Hamilton was of foreign birth, he acted 
 in the capacity of commander-in-chief of the American 
 army. This is a position belonging particularly to the ex 
 ecutive of our land, and though Hamilton never filled the 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 105 
 
 oi president he did occupy the dignified capacity of 
 commander-in-chief. In 1797 a treaty with England known 
 as the Jay treaty involved the United States in a difficulty 
 with France which threatened to break forth into a war 
 with America s colonial allies. Adams was president and 
 he anxiously sought a settlement and peaceable understand 
 ing with France, but matters became more complicated as 
 time advanced and an extra session of Congress passed bills 
 vrhich became laws arranging for coast defense and army 
 and navy equipment. The union of States expressed the 
 wish that Gen. Washington, though in retirement as a pri 
 vate citizen, take command of the forces as he did during 
 the struggle for liberty. Washington would not consent 
 he felt his age and general condition of health would not 
 admit of so severe a mental and physical strain; but the 
 people and the officals at the Federal Capital implored him 
 to once more serve the country. Finally Washington agreed, 
 but on one condition, namely : Alexander Hamilton must be 
 made second in command and made to assume the actual 
 task of the chief. The matter was placed before Congress 
 and passed and with the approval of Adams ; the work of 
 recruiting and planning fell to the hands of Hamilton. 
 
 The war was on and every department of our defense 
 was rapidly completing preparations. Hamilton was eager 
 ly surveying the situation, and suddently the news was dis 
 patched by messengers that Washington was seriously ill 
 and shortly the sad tidings came that the great General was 
 dead. Hamilton being second in command now became the 
 commander-in-chief. The diplomacy of Napoleon Bonapart 
 presented further hostilities and military tactics gave way 
 
io6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 to diplomatic correspondence. Nevertheless, Alexander 
 Hamilton was for a brief period commander-in-chief of the 
 United States Army. John Adams was relieved, as Presi 
 dent, of the great responsibilities of the war, yet he hoped 
 to continue in the office of national executive, and had he 
 been able to have won the confidence and esteem of Ham 
 ilton he would have been re-elected. 
 
 Hamilton had gone back to his law practice in New York, 
 but he wielded a most emphatic influence on the Federal 
 party and without his support Adams could not hope to win 
 the election. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton opposed the re-election of Adams 
 and the campaign was a fierce battle of words. The 
 result was that Jefferson and Burr received an equal num 
 ber of votes and according to the constitution it devolved 
 on the House of Representatives to decide the contest. The 
 House favored the election of Burr and the Federal forces 
 were about to join and give the executive office to Aaron 
 Burr, when Hamilton realizing the error of such an action 
 decided to prefer the downfall of his party rather than see it 
 succeed with such a political intreguer as Burr. The presi 
 dency depended on the judgment of Hamilton. What to 
 do and how to do it became a vital question in the great 
 mind of Hamilton. He disliked the democracy of Jefferson 
 and his antagonism grew when he reflected to the days of 
 his quarrels with Jefferson while both were in Washington s 
 cabinet. Finally Hamilton decided that of "two evils choose 
 the lesser," and in his earnest and enthusiastic manner ad 
 vocated the election of his political opponent Jefferson. 
 W T hen the Federalists learned of this strange attitude they 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 107 
 
 scarcely knew what course to pursue, but Hamilton pro 
 claimed a principle which should deserve serious considera 
 tion of all true citizens, namely: "The office of president 
 must be filled by the best man" even though his party affilia 
 tions are less desirable. 
 
 Hamilton elected Jefferson. The Democrats, ought to be 
 truly grateful to the patron saint of the Republican party for 
 this patriotic act; and the entire nation regardless of party 
 should praise this policy of Hamilton since it defeated a 
 low r , vicious and compromising character Aaron Burr. 
 
 This political move on the part of Hamilton, aroused in 
 the heart of Burr a spirit of revenge and every opportunity 
 was sought to entangle Hamilton into some questionable 
 deed or provoke him to speak a word of insult or slur 
 hence admitting of Burr sending a challenge to fight a duel. 
 The time came for Burr to take advantage of the situation, 
 and true to the adage "If you seek for trouble you will 
 surely find it." The term of Vice-President Burr had about 
 ended, and he realized he could not be elected president or 
 re-elected vice-president again, consequently he turned his 
 attention to the governorship of New York. And he be 
 lieved if Hamilton remained quiet or even neutral he would 
 easily carry the State. But Hamilton, who was a fearless 
 and upright patriot, would not remain inactive nor would he 
 sanction the idea of making peace with culprits by surren 
 dering his station as a clean and honest party leader. In 
 the memorable campaign Hamilton allowed it to be known 
 that Burr must be defeated and his friends and admirers 
 accepted the command the result was the political death of 
 Aaron Burr. During the campaign Hamilton in an un- 
 
io8 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 guarded moment said in the company of a few people that 
 he entertained a "despicable" opinion of that man Bnrr. 
 This conversation was repeated to Burr, who seized it as 
 possible grounds for a duel, and immediately entered into 
 correspondence with Hamilton and impressed the latter with 
 the necessity of a "decision of honor." 
 
 The bright, intelligent and far-seeing Hamilton, who fore 
 told the destiny of a nation and whose knowledge of its con 
 stitutional law was the most profound of that day this 
 same brilliant and remarkable mind could not fathom the 
 design of the intriguer and cold-hearted Burr. Or if he did 
 understand the seriousness of an "affair of honor," his 
 bravery, and heroic courage so often displayed while a sol 
 dier in the Revolution, must have forsaken him. Hamilton 
 knew it was unchristian, ungentlemanly and thoroughly out 
 of accord with his sense of moral right, to fight a duel, but 
 he did not possess the courage to proclaim his objection to 
 a system of "barbaric court" and in an unwilling and hesi- 
 f ating mood he allowed himself to subject himself to this 
 humiliation. 
 
 This same cowardice mistaken for a form of bravery- 
 leads hundreds across the sea to yield up a noble and praise 
 worthy career to gratify the lowest impulse within the hu 
 man heart. 
 
 Hamilton was not ignorant of the terribleness of the 
 undertaking, since he had suffered its effects in the loss 
 of his eldest son who a few years before fell dead on the 
 selfsame spot where he and his enemy Burr were to meet. 
 This sadness was fresh in his mind yet he lacked the great 
 moral courage of refraining from a practice brought down 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 109 
 
 from barbaric times. The Hamilton family had sustained 
 the loss of one of its members in a duel and the sadness 
 which took possession of the father had not passed away. 
 
 Young Philip Hamilton, a youth of eighteen, fought a 
 duel at Weehawken, New Jersey, on January loth, 1802. 
 In defense of his father s honor he challenged G. J. Eaker, 
 who, during an oration on July 4th, took occasion to at 
 tack Alexander Hamilton and aimed ferocious invectives, 
 to injure the reputation of the famous American. Young 
 Philip, who had just graduated from Columbia University, 
 attended the Independence celebration and heard the slurr 
 ing remarks against his father. A few months afterward 
 young Hamilton met the speaker at a theatre and the na 
 ture of the conversation drifted to a point where Philip felt 
 impelled to take exception and arrangements were shortly 
 completed to fight a duel. The duelists met and though 
 four shots were exchanged neither person had been injured. 
 Young Hamilton was so dissatisfied at this termination of 
 the case that he arranged to reopen the affair by sending a 
 second challenge to Mr. Eaker, who immediately accepted 
 and the second duel resulted. The combatants fought with 
 pistols at twelve paces distance. Philip Hamilton was mor 
 tally wounded at the first shot, and after suffering agonies 
 for some ten hours, died surrounded by his admiring 
 friends. 
 
 This sad lesson should have inspired Alexander Hamil 
 ton to refuse a duel with Burr. But the times decreed that 
 matters of personal difference or affairs of honor must be 
 settled on the field of duel. 
 
no ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 Hamilton recorded his views on the practice of duelling 
 and condemned it in strongest terms ; but regarding the ac 
 ceptance of a challenge he wrote : "The ability to be in fu 
 ture useful, whether in resisting mischief or affecting good 
 in those crises of our public affairs which seem likely to 
 happen, would probably be inseparable from a conformity 
 with prejudice in this particular." 
 
 The duel was arranged and the two bitter political op 
 ponents met. The sturdy figure of Burr registered firmly 
 on the soil, and the cool and deliberate Burr eagerly await 
 ing the fulfillment of a longing desire ; he had been engaged 
 for months in secret pistol practice and every detail of the 
 duel had been carefully planned by his designing mind. 
 
 Opposite to Burr stood the small, thin and even puny 
 figure of Hamilton, who stood erect as a soldier, displaying 
 a dignified and courtly attitude. His active mind controlled 
 his physical being which responded in quivers of nervous 
 ness; his diligent study and extreme hardships as the first 
 secretary of the treasury had robbed his cheeks of their 
 bloom and his delicate frame had lost much of its natural 
 agility. 
 
 The time was called the tragedy was on and in a scene 
 of few moments was enacted the most tragic duel of the 
 century. The end had come and the civilized world mourn 
 ed the loss of one who stood staunch in the halls of justice 
 and fame. 
 
 The grief of Mrs. Hamilton was intense, and her love 
 for the young husband was of that depth that she wore the 
 "crape of sorrow" for one-half century, when death brought 
 solace to her stricken heart. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. m 
 
 The entire civilized world felt the shock of the tragic 
 death of Hamilton and this sacrifice practically destroyed 
 the nefarious practice of the duel ; henceforth the "code of 
 honor" reverted into a "code of hishonor" and only moral 
 cowards resorted to the sword and pistol. 
 
 If the death of Hamilton meant the end of duelling, then 
 his was indeed a truly heroic death liberating the world 
 from the claims of heathendom. 
 
 A man need not be the native of the soil to be a patriot ; 
 far from this and often, yes too often, do we find that those 
 born beneath our banner are less deserving of citizenship 
 than those who from choice have landed on our shores. 
 Those emigrants who have torn themselves loose from 
 tyranny and in the dark of night left the land of oppression, 
 sailed over the angry bosom of the sea to land on these 
 shores must ever be deserving of our respect. They who 
 gladly subscribe themselves to our laws and who unhesitat 
 ingly take the oath of allegiance to our starry ensign ; who 
 freely serve the cause of liberty and cheerfully abide by our 
 laws and remain God-fearing citizens, such are healthy addi 
 tions to our population and are worthy of our admiration. 
 
 Although nativity is an important and desirable factor in 
 the proper spirit of patriotism it is not a necessary accom 
 paniment. This is well exemplified in the lives of Morris 
 and Hamilton. Let it be remembered that an adopted 
 citizen, all things being favorable, is quite as likely to be as 
 patriotic as the native born ; and it is to be regretted that the 
 latter too unfrequently realizes the great blessings which 
 God has bequeathed him. The pages of our nationality too 
 
112 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 fully illustrate the truth of this assertion to need further 
 detail. 
 
 There are those who love to designate patriotism as a 
 selfish propensity and who are ever prepared to bring dis 
 credit upon all movements calculated to foster patriotism 
 and loyalty. 
 
 Patriotism, as all who are familiar with its definition 
 know, means quite the contrary from selfishness; it stands 
 for humanitariansm and sacrifice. The lives of Nathan Hale, 
 Robert Morris, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson and 
 Alexander Hamilton clearly exemplify the high virtues of 
 its impulse. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 113 
 
 ANECDOTES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF HAMILTON. 
 
 DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN HAMILTON AND WASHINGTON. 
 
 A few weeks after the marriage of Hamilton, on the 
 i6th of February, 1781, a somewhat singular and disa 
 greeable incident occurred between himself and the Com 
 mander-in-chief, which exerted some influence on his fu 
 ture career. 
 
 He had now been nearly four years in the family of 
 Washington, as his aid-de-camp. He had secured, by 
 his superior abilities and integrity, the first place in his 
 confidence. But the position had alw r ays been one in 
 some respects disagreeable to Hamilton, inasmuch as it 
 placed him in a state of dependence on the will and sub 
 ject to the caprices of another. 
 
 On the day just mentioned a breach occurred between 
 them which put an end to this relation, though between 
 men of suqh intelligence and such integrity it could not 
 diminish their mutual confidence and respect. The inci 
 dents of the dispute were these; and trivial enough they 
 were to have led to such important consequences. 
 
 Washington and Hamilton passed each other on 
 the stairs at the headquarters of the army, then loca 
 ted at Morristown, in New Jersey. The general said he 
 wished to speak to Hamilton. The latter answered that 
 he would wait on him immediately. 
 
 Hamilton went below and delivered a letter of impor 
 tance to Mr. Tilghman, which was to be sent immediate 
 ly to the Commissary, as it contained an order of the 
 most pressing nature. As Hamilton reascended the 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 stairs he was met by General Lafayette. The latter de 
 tained him a few moments in conversation. 
 
 When Hamilton reached the head of the stairs he met 
 General Washington, who had left his own apartment 
 and come for 
 ward to accost 
 him. 
 
 He exclaimed 
 in a 11 angry 
 tone: 
 
 "Col. Hamil 
 ton, you have 
 kept me wait 
 ing for you 
 these ten min 
 utes. I must 
 tell you, sir, you 
 treat me with 
 disrespect." 
 
 Hamilton re 
 plied: 
 
 "lam not con 
 scious of it, sir; 
 but since you 
 have thought it 
 necessary to tell me so, we part." "Very well, sir," res 
 ponded Washington, "if it be your choice." 
 
 Such was the cause of this unfortunate difficulty. 
 
 The truth was that Washington, harassed by ten thous 
 and cares, had in a moment of thoughtlessness given 
 
 Hamilton in the Field. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 115 
 
 way to a little petulance which was quite excusable; and 
 that Hamilton, wearied with the disagreeable dependence 
 which always attends the position and functions of an 
 aid-de-camp, determined to embrace the opportunity thus 
 afforded to put an end to a relation which he had long 
 endured only from patriotic and disinterested motives, 
 and from a powerful attachment to the person and career 
 of Washington. Schmucker. 
 
 HAMILTON THE PEN OF THE ARMY. 
 
 To Hamilton alone Washington confided the most dif 
 ficult and elaborate communications which emanated 
 from headquarters, both to Congress and to private citi 
 zens, which he did not himself compose. "The pen of 
 our army," says Troup, "was held by Hamilton; and 
 for dignity of manner, pith of matter, and elegance of 
 style, General Washington ^ letters are unrivaled in mil 
 itary annals." 
 
 HAMILTON AND THE FEDERALIST. 
 
 "The Federalist" is justly regarded as the great Ameri 
 can classic in political science. No production which 
 has emanated from any American statesman can compete 
 with it in profundity, ability and power. 
 
 The great constitutional arguments of Mr. Webster, 
 and the elaborate treatise of Mr. Calhoun on the Consti 
 tution, are its acknowledged inferiors. It holds the same 
 high place in American literature which the letters of 
 Junius, and the Reflections of Burke on the French Rev 
 olution, occupy in British literature; while it possesses 
 one great advantage over these celebrated works, in the 
 
u6 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 fact that their discussions are based upon transient and 
 temporary events, which, however important and absorb 
 ing they may have been at the period of their occurrence, 
 lost their supreme and overwhelming interest with the 
 steady progress of time. 
 
 "The Federalist" is founded upon a theme equally per 
 manent and glorious one which will continue to inter 
 est and benefit our race as long as true liberty exists up 
 on the earth: and not only as long as the American con 
 federacy shall continue to flourish, but even while it re 
 tains a place in the memory of mankind. 
 
 It is a complete commentary upon the Constitution of 
 the United States, which is fully worthy of its subject. 
 It is a magnificent superstructure erected in perfect har 
 mony with the symmetrical and beautiful proportions of 
 the foundation upon which it is reared, and destined to 
 be coequal with it in duration and celebrity. 
 
 The first publication of "The Federalist" began in the 
 daily journals in November, 1787, and it continued till 
 June, 1788. It attracted universal attention at the time; 
 and to the influence which it wielded, the speedy and 
 unanimous adoption of the federal Constitution by all 
 the States, is in a great measure to be attributed. 
 
 Its general scope and purpose were to afford the Amer 
 ican people, at the period when they were discussing the 
 provisions and merits of that Constitution previous to its 
 final adoption a thorough exposition of the principles 
 which should characterize a federal representative gov 
 ernment. 
 
 It combines in harmonious proportions an ardent M* 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 117 
 
 techment to the principles of national liberty, with a clear 
 and impartial statement of the dangers which result from 
 an excessive and undue jealousy of the power intrusted 
 to the central government, in those unsound and badly 
 constructed republics which, in former ages, have arisen, 
 flourished, foundered and fallen; and it draws lessons of 
 wisdom from their misfortunes. 
 
 Or, in the words of Hamilton himself: "I propose to 
 discuss the following interesting particulars: the utility 
 of the Union to your political prosperity; the insufficiency 
 of the present confederation to preserve that Union: the 
 necessity of a government at least equally energetic with 
 the one proposed, to the attainment of this object: the 
 conformity of the proposed Constitution to the true prin 
 ciples of republican government: its analogy to your own 
 State constitution: and lastly, the additional security 
 which its adoption will afford to the preservation of that 
 species of government, to liberty and to prosperity." 
 Schmucker. 
 
 APPRECIATION ABROAD OF THE FEDERALIST. 
 
 The wise and learned of Europe have also appreciated 
 the superior merit of this production. Shortly after its 
 first appearance, "The Federalist" was translated into 
 French by M. Buisson, and published in Paris. 
 
 In that country it has taken its place by the side of 
 Montesquieu s "Spirit of L,aws." 
 
 It has been republished in Switzerland, and has been 
 there honored as the worthy associate of the great work 
 of Burlamaqui on the same subject. 
 
i 18 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 It is known and appreciated in every country of Eu 
 rope, just in proportion as the liberty of the press and lib 
 erty of speech are possessed and enjoyed. Schmucker. 
 
 HAMILTON AND ANDRE. 
 
 In reference to the fall of the British officer, Andre, 
 who was involved in the punishment which Arnold de 
 served, Hamilton, moved by a generous sympathy for 
 the fate of one so young, so chivalrous, and so promising, 
 exerted his utmost efforts to discover some legal and hon 
 orable expedient to save him. 
 
 When all proved unavailing, he felt deeply for the un 
 fortunate officer, and published a narrative of the facts 
 in the case, in a letter to his friend Laurens, which re 
 flects equal credit, both upon his intellect and his heart. 
 It was a model of elegance, clearness, simplicity and 
 force in the art of narration. 
 
 In a letter to Miss Elizabeth Schuyler, the daughter 
 of the distinguished general of that name, Hamilton des 
 cribes the execution of Andre with graphic power; and 
 thus speaks of that melancholy occurrence: 
 
 "Poor Andre suffers to day; everything that is 
 amiable in virtue, in fortitude, in delicate sentiment 
 and accomplished manners, pleads for him; but hard 
 hearted policy calls for a sacrifice. He must die. 
 I send you my account of Arnold s affair, and to justi 
 fy myself to your sentiment, I must inform you that I 
 urged a compliance with Andre s request to be shot, and 
 I do not think it would have had an ill effect; but some 
 people are only sensible to motives of policy, and some- 
 

 izo ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 times, from a narrow disposition, mistake it." Schmuck- 
 er. 
 
 HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 In the end, the predictions of this great man and pro 
 found statesman were fully realized. Dr. Sch mucker 
 truthfully says, "The Constitution, which Hamiltcn 
 chiefly elaborated, was finally adopted; and has since be 
 come the subject of the constant eulogy of myriads of el 
 oquent tongues, and has received the admiration of the 
 whole civilized world. 
 
 "The merit of Hamilton in connection with it can now 
 scarcely be estimated; but when a thousand years of un- 
 equaled national prosperity and glory shall have rolled 
 over this confederacy, which his great plastic hand mould 
 ed into so compact, so beautiful, and so consistent a 
 mass; when five hundred millions of beings shall inhabit 
 this continent, turning by their thrifty industry all her 
 boundless plains and valleys into blooming and fruitful 
 gardens; and when, from the Atlantic to the Pacific shore 
 an empire of freemen shall here live and reign under the 
 benign control of that Constitution, being ten times 
 greater than any previous empire that ever existed on the 
 earth; then, indeed, may the vast services and the ven 
 erable name of Alexander Hamilton be cherished with 
 the profound reverence and the high appreciation which 
 they abundantly deserve." 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 The following observation states clearly and beautiful 
 ly one of the chief attributes or characteristics of this 
 celebrated work: 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 121 
 
 Like one of those wondrous rocking stones reared by 
 Ihe Druids, which the finger of a child may vibrate to 
 the centre, yet the might of an army could not move it 
 from its place, our Constitution is so nicely poised and 
 balanced, that it seems to sway with every breath of 
 opinion, yet so firmly rooted in the heart and affections 
 of the people, that the wildest storms of treason and 
 fanaticism break over it in vain." R. C. Winthrop. 
 
 HAMILTON S DISTRUST OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE. 
 
 u Upon my first going into Congress I discovered symp 
 toms of a party too well disposed to subject the interests 
 of the United States to the management of France. 
 Though I felt in common with those who had participat 
 ed in the Revolution, a lively sentiment of good-will 
 toward a power whose cooperation, however it was and 
 ought to have been dictated by its own interest, had been 
 extremely useful to us, and had been afforded in a liber 
 al and handsome manner. 
 
 "Yet, tenacious of the real independence of our country, 
 and dreading the preponderance of foreign influence as 
 the natural disease of popular government, I was struck 
 with disgust at the appearance, in the very cradle of our 
 republic, of a party actuated by an undue complaisance 
 to a foreign power, and I resolved at once to resist this 
 bias in our affairs; a resolution which has been the chief 
 cause of the persecution I have endured in the subse 
 quent stages of my political life." 
 
 HAMILTON AND THE UNION. 
 
 "If the circumstances of our country are such," says 
 
122 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 Hamilton, "as to demand a compound, instead of a sim 
 ple a confederate, instead of a sole government, the es 
 sential point which will remain to be adjusted, will be to 
 discriminate the objects, as far as it can be done, which 
 will appertain to the different provinces or departments 
 of power: allowing to each the most ample authority for 
 fulfilling those which may be committed to its charge. 
 
 "Shall the Union be constituted the guardian of the 
 common safety? Are fleets, and armies, and revenues, 
 necessary to this purpose? The government of the Union 
 must be empowered to pass all laws, and to make all reg 
 ulations which have relation to them. 
 
 "The same must be the case in respect to commerce, 
 and to every other matter to which its jurisdiction is per 
 mitted to extend. 
 
 "Is the administration of justice between the citizens of 
 the same State the proper department of the local gov 
 ernments? These must possess all the authorities which 
 are connected with this object, and with every other that 
 may be allotted to their particular cognizance and direct 
 ion. 
 
 "Not to confer in each case a degree of power commen 
 surate to the end, would be to violate the most obvious 
 rules of prudence and propriety, and improvidently to 
 trust the great interests of the nation to hands which are 
 disabled from managing them with vigor and success." 
 
 HAMILTON ON ANCIENT AND MODERN REPUBLICS. 
 
 "It is impossible to read the history of the petty repub 
 lics of Greece and Italy, without feeling sensations of 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 iz 3 
 
 horror and disgust at the distractions with which they 
 were continually agitated; and at the rapid succession of 
 revolutions by which they were kept perpetually vibrat 
 ing between the 
 extremes of tyr 
 anny and an 
 archy. 
 
 "If they ex 
 hibit occasional 
 calms, these on 
 ly serve as 
 short-lived con 
 trasts to the fu 
 rious storms 
 that are to suc 
 ceed. 
 
 "If now and 
 then intervals 
 of felicity open 
 themselves to 
 view, we behold 
 them with a 
 mixture of re 
 gret arising 
 from the reflect 
 ion, that the 
 
 pleasing scenes before us are soon to be overwhelmed by 
 the tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage. 
 
 "If momentary rays of glory break forth from the gloom 
 while they dazzle us with a transient and fleeting brill- 
 
 statue of Hamilton in front of the Hamilton Club, 
 Brooklyn, N. Y. 
 
124 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 iancy, they at the same time admonish us to lament, that 
 the vices of government should pervert the direction, 
 and tarnish the lustre of those bright talents and exalted 
 endowments for which the favored soils that produced 
 them have been so justly celebrated. 
 
 "But it is not to be denied, that the portraits they have 
 sketched of republican government, were too just copies 
 of the originals from which they were taken. If it had 
 been found impracticable to have devised models of a 
 more perfect structure, the enlightened friends of liberty 
 would have been obliged to abandon the cause of that 
 species of government as indefensible. 
 
 "The science of politics, however, like most other sci 
 ences, has received great improvement. The efficacy of 
 various principles is now well understood, which were 
 either not known at all, or imperfectly known to the an 
 cients. 
 
 "The regular distribution of power into distinct de 
 partments; the introduction of legislative balances and 
 checks; the institution of courts composed of judges, 
 holding their offices during good behavior; the represen 
 tation of the people in the legislature, by deputies of their 
 own election; these are either wholly new discoveries, or 
 have made their principal progress toward perfection w 
 modern times." 
 
 HAMILTON ON NATIONAL EMERGENCIES. 
 
 "Our own experience has corroborated the lessons 
 taught by the examples of other nations; that emergen 
 cies of this sort will sometimes exist in all societies, how- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 125 
 
 ever constituted; that seditions and insurrections are, 
 unhappily, maladies as inseparable from the body poli 
 tic, as tumors and eruptions from the natural body; that 
 the idea of governing at all times by the simple force of 
 law, (which we have been told is the only admissible 
 principle of republican government) has no place but in 
 the revery of those political doctors, whose sagacity dis 
 dains the admonitions of experimental instruction. 
 
 "Should such emergencies at any time happen under 
 the national government, there could be no remedy but 
 force. The means to be employed must be proportioned 
 to the extent of the mischief. If it should be a slight 
 commotion in a small part of a State, the militia of the 
 residue would be adequate to its suppression: and the 
 natural presumption is, that they would be ready to do 
 their duty. 
 
 "An insurrection, whatever may be its immediate 
 cause, eventually endangers all government. 
 
 "Regard for the public peace,if not for the rights of the 
 Union, would engage the citizens, to whom the contagion 
 had not communicated itself, to oppose the insurgents; 
 and if the general government should be found in prac 
 tice conducive to the prosperity and felicity of the people, 
 it were irrational to believe that they would be disin 
 clined to its support. " 
 
 HAMILTON ON THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT. 
 
 "The administration of government, in its largest sense, 
 comprehends all the operations of the body politic, wheth 
 er legislative, executive, or judiciary; but in its most us 
 
i 26 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 ual, and perhaps in its most precise signification, it is 
 limited to executive details, and falls peculiarly within 
 the province of the executive department. 
 
 "The actual conduct of foreign negotiations, the pre 
 paratory plans of finance, the application and disburse 
 ment of the public moneys in conformity to the general 
 appropriations of the legislature, the arrangement of the 
 army and navy, the direction of the operations of war; 
 these, and other matters of the like nature, constitute 
 what seems to be most properly understood by the ad 
 ministration of government. 
 
 "The persons, therefore, to whose immediate manage 
 ment these different matters are committed, ought to be 
 considered as the assistants or deputies of the chief mag 
 istrate; and on this account, they ought to derive their 
 offices from his appointment, at least from his nomina 
 tion, and to be subject to his superintendence. 
 
 "This view of the thing will at once suggest to us the 
 intimate connection between the duration of the execu 
 tive magistrate in office, and the stability of the system 
 of administration. 
 
 "To undo what has been done by a predecessor is very 
 often considered by a successor as the best proof he can 
 give of his own capacity and desert; and in addition to 
 this propensity, where the alteration has been the result 
 of public choice, the person substituted is warranted in 
 supposing that the dismission of his predecessor has pro 
 ceeded from a dislike to his measures, and that the less 
 he resembles him the more he will recommend himself 
 to the favor of his constituents. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 127 
 
 "These considerations, and the influence of personal 
 confidences and attachments, would be likely to induce 
 every new President to promote a change of men to fill 
 the subordinate stations; and these causes together could 
 not fail to occasion a disgraceful and ruinous mutability 
 in the administration of the government." 
 
 HAMILTON ON TERM OF OFFICE. 
 (From a Letter to Timothy Pickering, Sept. 16, 1803.) 
 
 "I may truly say that I never proposed either a Presi 
 dent or Senate for life; and that I neither recommended 
 nor meditated the annihilation of the State governments. 
 
 "And I may add that, in a course of the discussions in 
 the Convention, neither the propositions thrown out for 
 debate, nor even those who voted in the earlier stages of 
 deliberation, were considered as evidence of a definitive 
 opinion in the proposer or voter. 
 
 "It appeared to be in some sort understood that, with a 
 view to free investigation, experimental propositions 
 might be made, which were to be received merely as 
 suggestions for consideration. Accordingly, it is a fact 
 that my final opinion was against an executive during 
 good behavior, on account of the increased danger to the 
 public tranquility incident to the election of a magistrate 
 of his degree of permanency. 
 
 "In a plan of a Constitution which I drew up while 
 the Convention was sitting, and which I communicated 
 to Mr. Madison about the close of it, perhaps a day or 
 two after, the office or President has no longer duration 
 than for three years. 
 
128 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 "This plan was predicated upon these bases: i. That 
 the political principles of the people of this country, 
 would endure nothing but a republican government. 2. 
 That in the actual situation of the country it was itself 
 right and proper that the re 
 publican theory should have 
 a full and fair trial. 3. That 
 to such a trial it was essential 
 that the government should be 
 so constructed as to give it all 
 the energy and the stability 
 reconcilable with the principles 
 of that theory. These were 
 the genuine sentiments of my 
 hearjt, and upon them I then 
 acted. 
 
 "I sincerely hope that it may not hereafter be discov 
 ered that, through want of sufficient attention to the last 
 idea, the experiment of republican government, even in 
 this country, has not been as complete, as satisfactory , 
 and as decisive as could be wished." 
 
 HAMILTON S DEFENSE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Hamilton was called upon to vindicate the character 
 and integrity of his friend, the chief magistrate of the 
 nation, from the foul charges which an infamous party- 
 hatred preferred against him. 
 
 Both the military and political character of Washing 
 ton were furiously assailed. 
 
 The republican or radical party asserted that he was 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, against 
 
 whose forces Hamilton led tl 
 
 gallant assault at Yorktown. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 129 
 
 totally destitute of merit, either as a soldier or as a 
 statesman. Even his personal qualities as a man were 
 ridiculed and censured. 
 
 It was asserted that he had violated the Constitution 
 in the recent treaty which had been made with England 
 through the agency of Mr. Jay; and an impeachment 
 even was threatened against him y whom all wise and 
 good men now designate as the patriot who possessed 
 the severest virtue known in modern times; who happi 
 ly mingled in one, the characters of Aristides, Cincin- 
 natus and Scipio. 
 
 It was also asserted that he had drawn from the Treas 
 ury for his private use, more than the amount of salary 
 allowed him by law. To support this last infamous as 
 sumption, extracts from the accounts of the Treasury 
 Office were laid before the House of Representatives. 
 
 Hamilton came forward boldly to the defense of his 
 venerable friend. He denied publicly and officially in 
 the journals that the appropriations made by the gov 
 ernment had ever been exceeded. 
 
 The infamous charge was again repeated and insisted 
 on; and then was seen that most despicable spectacle 
 which a degraded humanity ever exhibits, when it eag 
 erly seizes the opportunity to exult in the degradation of 
 exalted personages, and of immortal names which they 
 had long been compelled to respect and esteem. 
 
 These unfortunate circumstances induced Hamilton to 
 prepare and publish a more explicit and full explanation. 
 
 He proved that Washington had himself never re 
 ceived in person any portion of his salary; but that the 
 
1 3 o ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 money had all been received and disbursed by the per 
 son who superintended the expenses of the household. 
 
 He showed that it was the practice of the Treasury, 
 when a certain sum had been appropriated for the cur 
 rent year, to pay it to that gentleman when called 
 upon. 
 
 The expenses of some periods of the year sometimes 
 exceeded the allowance, and at others they fell short of 
 it. Sometimes money was paid in advance, and some 
 times money stood to the credit of the President s house 
 hold. In all these matters Washington himself had nev 
 er personally interfered. 
 
 So complete was the vindication published by Hamil 
 ton of his illustrious friend, that even the foul tongue of 
 faction was at last silenced, and the public confidence 
 was restored again to the founder of the Republic. 
 Schmucker. 
 
 CONTRAST BETWEEN BURR AND HAMILTON. 
 
 Burr was crafty, selfish, unscrupulous and ambitious. 
 He could assume all shapes and forms of political and 
 moral character, in order to promote his personal inter 
 ests. 
 
 His chief agents and favorite means in the accomplish 
 ment of his ends were secrecy and cunning. From his 
 youth he delighted to throw a vail of obscurity and dark 
 ness over all his actions, even where obscurity and dark 
 ness were not necessary to the attainment of success. 
 
 In weaving the intricate mazes of political intrigue, 
 in the skillful use of unscrupulous means, in the con- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 centration and combination of effective forces and het 
 erogeneous elements, in perseverance amid difficulties, in 
 fortitude in the midst of dangers, in coolness, calmness 
 
 and determina 
 tion, Aaron Burr 
 had no superior 
 among modern 
 statesmen. 
 
 He was eloquent; 
 but his eloquence 
 was simple, un 
 strained, unadorn 
 ed and displayed 
 its superior 
 power only by the 
 effectiveness with 
 which it com 
 manded the reas 
 ons and swayed 
 the wills of men. 
 
 He cared but lit 
 tle for his coun 
 try s glory; his on 
 ly idol was him 
 self. He entertained no faith in moral obligations: 
 scarcely believed in the existence of a supreme governor 
 of the Universe; and was, in every sense, a great, gifted, 
 corrupt and dangerous man. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton was directly the opposite of his 
 rival, both in his mental and moral qualities. 
 
 Statue of Hamilton in Statuary Hall (Old House 
 
 of Representatives), in Capitol at Washington. 
 
 Hamilton s Statue is first at the right. 
 
 Statue of Lincoln is next. 
 
1 32 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 He was honest and consistent in his political belief. 
 He was very open, candid and impulsive in his nature. 
 He too was eloquent; but his eloquence was stately, 
 gorgeous, ornate and polished. He more nearly resem 
 bled Edmund Burke both as a writer, a speaker, and a 
 statesman, than any other distinguished man of modern 
 times. 
 
 There was no secrecy, craft, or duplicity in his compo 
 sition. He loved his country with a lofty, generous and 
 disinterested patriotism; and to her glory his great tal 
 ents and unwearied services were constantly devoted. 
 He was no civilized heathen; but believed in the Chris 
 tian faith, acknowledged the moral obligation of man to 
 his Creator, and was guided in general by a regard to 
 the claims of moral duty. 
 
 The best estimate of his character may be drawn from 
 the single fact that, until Washington s death, he re 
 mained his bosom friend, his chief favorite, his intimate 
 and confidential associate. Schmucker. 
 
 HAMILTON S PROTEST AGAINST DUELLING. 
 
 Hamilton placed on record his protest against the 
 prevalence and power of the barbarous code to which he 
 himself was about to fall a victim. Among the papers 
 which he left behind him was the following: 
 
 "On my expected interview with Colonel Burr, I think 
 it proper to make some remarks explanatory of my con 
 duct, motives, and views. I was certainly desirous of 
 avoiding this interview for the most cognent reasons. 
 
 u i. My religious and moral principles are strongly op- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 133 
 
 posed to the practice of duelling, and it would ever give 
 me pain to be obliged to shed the blood of a fellow-crea 
 ture in a private combat forbidden by the laws. 
 
 U 2. My wife and children are extremely dear to me, 
 and my life is of the utmost importance to them in vari 
 ous views. 
 
 "3. I feel a sense of obligation toward my creditors; 
 who, in case of accident to me, by the forced sale of my 
 property, may be in some degree sufferers. I did not 
 think myself at liberty, as a man of probity, likely to 
 expose them to this hazard. 
 
 "4. I am conscious of no ill-will to Colonel Burr dis 
 tinct from political opposition, which, as I trust, has pro 
 ceeded from pure and upright motives. 
 
 "Lastly, I shall hazard much, and can possibly gain 
 nothing by the issue of the interview. 
 
 But it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to avoid 
 it. There were intrinsic difficulties in the thing, and 
 artificial embarrassments from the manner of proceeding 
 on the part of Colonel Burr. 
 
 "Intrinsic, because it is not to be denied that my ani 
 madversions on the political principles, character, and 
 views of Colonel Burr have been extremely severe; and, 
 on different occasions, I, in common with many others, 
 have made very unfavorable criticisms on particular in 
 stances of the private conduct of this gentleman. 
 
 "It is not my design, by what I have said to affix any 
 odium on the character of Colonel Burr in this case. He 
 doubtless has heard of animadversions of mine which 
 bore very hard upon him; and it is probable that, as us- 
 
I 34 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 ual, they were accompanied with some falsehoods. He 
 may have supposed himself under a necessity of act 
 ing as he has done. I hope the grounds of his proceed 
 ing have been such as ought to satisfy his own con 
 science. 
 
 "I trust, at the same time, that the world will do me 
 the justice to believe that I have not censured him on 
 light grounds nor from unworthy inducements. 
 
 "I certainly have had strong reasons for what I have 
 said, though it is possible that in some particulars I have 
 been influenced by misconstruction or misinformation. 
 It is also my ardent wish that I may have been more 
 mistaken than I think I have been; and that he, by his 
 future conduct, may show himself worthy of all confi 
 dence and esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing 
 to the country. 
 
 "As well, because it is possible that I may have in 
 jured Colonel Burr, however convinced myself that my 
 opinions and declarations have been well founded, as 
 from my general principles and temper in relation to sim 
 ilar affairs, I have resolved, if our interview is conducted 
 in the usual manner, and it pleases God to give me the 
 opportunity, to reserve and throw away my first fire; and 
 I have thoughts even of reserving my second, and thus 
 giving a double opportunity to Colonel Burr to pause and 
 repent. 
 
 "It is not my intention, however, to enter into any 
 explanation on the ground. Apology, from principle I 
 hope rather than pride, is out of the question. 
 
 "To those who, with me, abhorring the practice of du- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 135 
 
 elling, may think that I ought on no account to have 
 added to the number of bad examples, I answer, that my 
 relative situation, as well in public as in private, enforc 
 ing all the considerations which constitute what men of 
 the world denominate honor imposed on me, as I thought, 
 a peculiar necessity not to decline the call. 
 
 "The ability to be in the future useful, whether in resist 
 ing mischief or effecting good in those crises of our public 
 affairs which seem likely to happen, would probably be 
 inseparable from a conformity with public prejudice in 
 this particular." 
 
 Mr. Hamilton also wrote a letter for Mrs. Hamilton, to 
 be delivered in case he fell. In it he assured her that 
 he had taken all possible means to avoid the duel, ex 
 cept in acting in such a manner as would forfeit her es 
 teem; that he had determined not to fire at Burr, and 
 that he expected to fall. He asked her forgiveness for 
 inflicting so much pain, and commended her and her 
 children to God. 
 
 FUNERAL OF HAMILTON. 
 
 When the hour appointed for the funeral arrived, a 
 more imposing scene had never been witnessed on this 
 continent, than that which was then presented. 
 
 The Society of the Cincinnati very properly took 
 charge of the last obsequies of their departed brother. 
 Twenty-three different orders, societies and corporations 
 joined the funeral procession, besides the military array, 
 composed of both infantry and artillery. 
 
 The great standard of the order of the Cincinnati, 
 
, 3 6 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 which Washington himself had consecrated, shrouded in 
 crape, was carried in the procession in the rear of the 
 corpse. Solemn martial music, hallowed in the memories 
 of not a few then present by many revolutionary scenes, 
 reverberated through the silent air, and drew tears from 
 myriads of eyes. At twelve o clock the procession moved. 
 
 The pall was supported by 
 eight of the most distinguished 
 citizens of the State of New 
 York, the personal friends of 
 the deceased. On the top of 
 the coffin were placed the gen 
 eral s hat and sword. His old 
 charger, which had carried him 
 over more than one field of 
 blood, was dressed in mourning 
 and led behind the bier. 
 
 When the immense proces 
 sion arrived at Trinity Church 
 on Broadway, Governeur Morris, surrounded by the 
 four sons of General Hamilton, delivered an oration 
 characterized by solemn and appropriate eloquence, from 
 a stage erected in front of the church. 
 
 The multitude were bathed in tears, while the impres 
 sive voice of the orator gave utterance to thoughts which 
 found a ready echo in every heart. Speaking of the il 
 lustrious dead, he said: 
 
 "You have long witnessed his professional conduct and 
 felt his unrivaled eloquence. You know how well he 
 performed the duties of a citizen. You know that he 
 
 John Rutledge, 
 
 American Statesman and Jurist. 
 Born 1739. Died 1800. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 137 
 
 never courted your favors by adulation or the sacrifice 
 of his own judgment. You have seen him contending 
 against you, saving your dearest interests as it were in 
 spite of yourselves. And now you feel and enjoy the 
 benefits resulting from the firm energy of his conduct. 
 
 "Bear this testimony to the memory of my departed 
 friend. I charge you to protect his fame. It is all he 
 has left - all that these poor orphan children will inherit 
 from their father. 
 
 "But, my countrymen, that fame may be a rich treas 
 ure to you also. Let it be the test by which to examine 
 those who solicit your favor. Disregarding professions 
 view their conduct, and on a doubtful occasion ask, 
 Would Hamilton have done this thing? 
 
 "You all know how he perished. On this last scene I 
 cannot, I must not dwell. I might excite emotions too 
 strong for your better judgment. Suffer not your indig 
 nation to lead to any act which might again offend the 
 insulted majesty of the law. On his part, as from his 
 lips, though with my voice, for his voice you will hear 
 no more, let me entreat you to respect yourselves." 
 
 RESULT OF THE DUEL. 
 
 The result of the duel was to deprive Burr of all pow 
 er and influence. He killed Hamilton, but he fell him 
 self by the same shot that carried death to his opponent; 
 and so complete was his fall that he never could rise 
 again, though he continued to cumber the earth for more 
 than thirty-two years. Hamilton s quarrel with Burr, as 
 his son and biographer truly observes, "was the quarrel 
 
138 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 of his country. It was the last act in the great drama 
 of his life. It was the deliberate sacrifice of that life for 
 his country s welfare, a sacrifice which, by overwhelm 
 ing his antagonist with the execrations of the American 
 people, prevented a civil war, and saved from dismem 
 berment this great republic." C. C. Hazewell. 
 
 Grave of Aaron Burr, Princeton, N. J 
 AARON BURR. 
 
 Burr was utterly indifferent to all political principle. 
 He never really belonged to any party, and was as ready 
 to act with Federalists as with Democrats; and it was 
 only through the force of circumstances that he did act 
 generally with the latter. A party man never would 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 139 
 
 have done as Burr saw fit to do when the Presidential 
 election of 1801 devolved on the House of Representa 
 tives. The party to which he professed to belong in 
 tended, as everybody knew, that Jefferson should be Pres 
 ident; and yet Burr allowed himself to be used against 
 Jefferson. That "all is fair in politics" was his creed. 
 He may have been u a man of honor," but what Lord 
 Macaulay says of Avaux is strictly applicable to him, 
 namely, "that of the difference between right and 
 wrong he had no more notion than a brute." C. C. 
 HazewelL 
 
 LAST DAYS OF AARON BURR. 
 
 Besides the mighty load of universal obloquy and hate 
 which overwhelmed Burr as the murderer of an inno 
 cent and illustrious victim, poverty and suffering attend 
 ed him during his remaining years. 
 
 Thus, when wandering in France, an exile and an out 
 cast, suspected and frowned on by Napoleon, he records 
 as follows in his diary of November 23, 1810: "Nothing 
 from America, and really I shall starve. Borrowed three 
 francs to-day. Four or five little debts keep me in con 
 stant alarm; altogether, about two Louis. 
 
 "December i, 1810. came in upon me this 
 
 morning, just as I was out of bed, for twenty-seven livres. 
 Paid him, which took literally my last sous. 
 
 "When at Denon s, thought I might as well go to St. 
 Pelasgie; set off, but recollected I owed the woman who 
 sits in the passage two sous for a cigar, so turned about 
 to pursue my way by the Pont des Arts, which was with 
 in fifty paces; remembered I had not wherewith to pay 
 
140 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 the toll, being one sous; had to go all the way round by 
 the Pont Royal, more than half a mile." 
 
 Burr was subsequently afflicted with the mysterious 
 and premature death of his daughter, Theodosia Alston, 
 one of the most beautiful and accomplished women of 
 her time. She and her son were supposed to have been 
 lost at sea. 
 
 At length this aged curse of his country and disgrace 
 of his race died at New York, on the i4th of September, 
 1836, in the eighty-first year of his age. 
 
 He survived his duel with General Hamilton more 
 than thirty years; and during that long and cheerless 
 interval he passed through scenes of trial, anxiety and 
 suffering which would have completely crushed any in 
 tellect not as powerful, and any heart not as adamantine, 
 as his own. 
 
 PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF HAMILTON. 
 
 The personal appearance of Mr. Hamilton was pleas 
 ing and attractive. When at the age of thirty-eight, he 
 resumed the practice of the law in New York, in 1795, 
 he was thus described: 
 
 "He was under the middle size,thin in person, and very 
 erect, courtly and dignified in his bearing. His hair was 
 combed back from his forehead, powdered and collected 
 in a cue behind. His complexion was very delicate and 
 fair, his cheeks rosy, and the whole expression pleasing 
 and cheerful. His forehead was lofty, capacious and 
 prominent. 
 
 "His appearance accorded well with the expectations 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. - 141 
 
 which his prodigious fame excited. His voice was 
 musical, his manner frank and impulsive. His ordinary 
 dress was a blue coat with gilt buttons, a white silk 
 waistcoat, black silk small-clothes, and white silk stock 
 ings. 
 
 "His figure, though slight, was well proportioned and 
 graceful. His appearance and carriage betokened the 
 possessor of a masterly intellect, and one fully conscious 
 of his powers." Schmucker. 
 
 QUALITIES OF HAMILTON. 
 
 When Mr. Webster so happily compared the instan- 
 taneousness and perfection of his financial system to "the 
 fabled birth of Minerva," he did but allude to what is to 
 be remarked of all Hamilton s works. All that he did 
 was perfect, and no one seems to have been aware of his 
 power until he had established the fact of its existence. 
 
 Such a combination of precocity end versatility stands 
 quite unparalelled. 
 
 Octavius, William the Third, Henry St. John, Charles 
 James Fox, and William Pitt the younger, all showed 
 various pwers at early periods of their lives; but not 
 one of them was the equal of Hamilton in respect to ear 
 ly maturity of intellect, or in ability to command success 
 in every department to which he turned his attention. 
 
 The historical character of whom he most reminds us 
 is the elder Africanus. 
 
 In the early development of his faculties, in his self- 
 reliant spirit, in his patriotism, in his kingliness of mind, 
 in his personal purity, in his generosity of thought and 
 
I 4 z ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 of action, and in the fear and envy that he excited in in 
 ferior minds, he was a repetition of the most majestic of 
 all the Romans. 
 
 But, unlike the Roman soldier-statesman, he did not 
 desert the land he had saved, but which had proved un 
 grateful; and the grave only was to be his L-iternum. 
 
 He died at not far from the same age as that to which 
 Africanus reached. In comparing him with certain oth 
 er men who achieved fame early, it should be remem 
 bered that they all were regularly prepared for public 
 life, and were born to it as to an inheritance; whereas 
 he, though of patrician blood, was possessed of no ad 
 vantages of fortune, and had to fight the battle of life 
 while fighting the battles of the nation. C. C. HazewelL 
 
 EXCELLENCIES OF HAMILTON. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton was the indefatigable soldier of 
 the press, the pen and the army; in each field he carried 
 a sword which, like the one borne by the angel at the 
 gate of Paradise, flashed its guardian care on every hand. 
 
 In martial affairs he was an adept, in literary excel 
 lence he was unexcelled, and in political discernment he 
 was universally acknowledged to be superior among the 
 great. 
 
 We read his writings with ever-increasing zest, fasci 
 nated by the seductive charms of his style, and impelled 
 by the opening splendors of his far-reaching and compre 
 hensive thoughts. They accumulate with a beautiful 
 symmetry, and emanate legitimately from his theme. 
 They expand and grow, as an acorn rises into an oak, of 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 143 
 
 which all the branches shoot out of the same trunk, 
 nourished in every part by the same sap, and form a per 
 fect unit, amid all the diversified tints of the foliage and 
 the infinite complexity of the boughs. 
 
 "That writer would deserve the fame of a public ben 
 efactor," said Fisher Ames, "who could exhibit the char 
 acter of Hamilton with the truth and force that all who 
 intimately knew him conceived it; his example would 
 then take the same ascendant as his talents. 
 
 "The portrait alone, however exquisitely finished, could 
 not inspire genius where it is not; but if the world 
 should again have possession of ^o rare a gift, it might 
 awaken it where it sleeps, as by a spark from heaven s 
 own altar; for surely if there is anything like divinity in 
 man it is in his admiration for virtue. 
 
 "The country deeply laments when it turns its eyes 
 back and sees what Hamilton was; but my soul stiffens 
 with despair," continues Ames, "when I think what 
 Hamilton would have been. It is not as Apollo, enchant 
 ing the shepherds with his lyre, that we deplore him; it 
 is as Hercules, treacherously slain in the midst of his 
 unfinished labors, leaving the world overrun with mon 
 sters." E. L. Magoon. 
 
 MARSHALL S TRIBUTE TO HAMILTON. 
 
 (Life of Washington.) 
 
 1 Seldom has any minister excited the opposite pas 
 sions of love and hate in a higher degree than Colonel 
 Hamilton. His talents were too prominent not to re 
 ceive the tribute of profound respect from all; and his in- 
 
I 4 4 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 tegrity and honor as a man, not less than his official rec 
 titude, though slandered at a distance, were admitted to 
 be superior to reproach by those enemies who knew him. 
 
 "But with respect to his political principles and de 
 signs, the most contradictory opinions were entertained. 
 While one party sincerely believed his object to be the 
 preservation of the Constitution of the United States in 
 its purity; the other, with perhaps equal sincerity, im 
 puted to him the insidious intention of subverting it. 
 While his friends were persuaded that, as a statesman, 
 he viewed foreign nations with an equal eye, his ene 
 mies could perceive in his conduct only hostility to 
 France and attachment to her rival. 
 
 "In the good opinion of the President, to whom he 
 was best known, he had always held a high place; and 
 he carried with him out of office the same cordial esteem 
 for his character, and respect for his talents, which had 
 induced his appointment." 
 
 HAMILTON S SELF-CONFIDENCE. 
 
 It was not until the 2d of September that the Treas 
 ury Department was created; and on the nth Alexander 
 Hamilton was made Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 Writing to Robert Morris, Washington had asked, 
 "What are we to do with this heavy debt?" 
 
 To which Morris answered, "There is but one man in 
 the United States who can tell you: that is Alexander 
 Hamilton." 
 
 "I am glad you have given me this opportunity to de 
 clare to you the extent of the obligations I am under to 
 him." 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 145 
 
 Hamilton had thought of the station for himself, but 
 bis warmest personal friends objected to his taking it. 
 
 Robert Troup says "I remonstrated with him: he ad 
 mitted that his acceptance of it would be likely to injure 
 his family, but said there was a strong impression on his 
 mind that in the financial department he would essen 
 tially promote the welfare of the country; and this im 
 pression, united with Washington s request, forbade his 
 refusal of the appointment." 
 
 Having said, in conversing with Gouverneur Morris, 
 that he was confident he could restore public credit, 
 Morris remonstrated with him for thinking of so peril 
 ous a position, on which calumny and persecution were 
 the inevitable attendants. 
 
 "Of that," Hamilton answered, "I am aware; but I am 
 convinced it is the situation in which I can do most 
 good." 
 
 He had the same just self-confidence that Cromwell 
 felt, when he said to John Hampden that he would effect 
 something for the Parliamentary cause, and that William 
 Pitt felt in 1757, when he said to the Duke of Devon 
 shire. 
 
 u My Lord, I am sure that I can save this country, and 
 that nobody else can. " 
 
 As with Cromwell and with Pitt, Hamilton s self- con 
 fidence was to be conclusively justified by the event 
 C. C. HasewelL 
 
 HAMILTON AT VALLEY FORGE. 
 Near the headquarters of Washington, at Valley Forge, 
 
146 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 were the tains of an old flour-mill, whose clack was 
 heard before the Revolution, nor ceased until within a 
 few years. Immediately after the battle of Brandy wine, 
 and previous to the encampment here, the Americans 
 had made a considerable deposit of stores at this mill. 
 
 Howe sent a detachment of British troops to seize 
 them; but Washington, anticipating this attempt, had 
 sent Lieutenant-Colonel (afterward General) Hamilton, 
 and Captain (afterward General) Henry Lee, with a small 
 troop of horse for the purpose of destroying these stores. 
 
 Hamilton, with proper precaution, stationed two vi- 
 dettes upon the southern hill overlooking the valley, and 
 also secured a flat bottomed boat on which to cross the 
 Schuylkill, in the event of the sudden appearance of the 
 enemy. The troops had crossed the mill-race, and were 
 about to commence the work of demolition, when the 
 alarm-guns of the videttes were heard, and they were 
 seen sweeping down the hill, closely pursued by some 
 British dragoons. 
 
 Four of the American horsemen, with Hamilton, took 
 to the boat; while Lee, with the other four, and the vi 
 dettes, crossed the bridge and escaped, amid a shower of 
 bullets from the enemy. Hamilton and his party were 
 also fired upon, but were unharmed. 
 
 Lee was fearful that his comrades, with Hamilton, 
 were killed or made prisoners, for he heard volley after 
 volley fired from the carbines of the enemy, while there 
 was only an occasional response from his friends. Lee 
 dispatched a dragoon to the Commander-in-chief, describ 
 ing what had occurred, and expressing his anxious fears 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. H7 
 
 for the safety of Hamilton and his men. While Wash 
 ington was reading Lee s letter, Hamilton rode up, and 
 with quite as much distress depicted in his face as the 
 former had exhibited in his note, expressed his fears 
 that his friend Lee was cut off. Washington quieted 
 his apprehensions by handing him Lee s letter. 
 
 BATTLE OF TRENTON. 
 
 The summer and fall of 1776 was the most gloomy 
 period of the American Revolution. 
 
 General Washington had been obliged to retreat from 
 Long Island to New York, thence over the Hudson to 
 New Jersey, and through New Jersey to Pennsylvania, 
 vigorously pursued by an enemy flushed with a series of 
 successes. 
 
 The retreat through New Jersey was attended with 
 circumstances of a painful and trying nature. 
 
 Washington s army, which had consisted of 30,000 
 men, was now diminished to scarcely 3000, and these 
 were without supplies, without pay, and many of them 
 without shoes or comfortable clothing. 
 
 Their footsteps were stained with blood as they fled 
 before the enemy. The affairs of the Americans seemed 
 in such a desperate condition, that those who had been 
 most confident of success, began despairingly to give up 
 all for lost. 
 
 Many Americans joined the British, and took protect 
 ion from them. In this season of general despondency, 
 the American Congress recommended to each of the 
 states to observe u a day of solemn fasting and humilia 
 tion before God." 
 
148 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 General Washington saw the necessity of making a 
 desperate effort for the salvation of his country. On the 
 night of the 25th of December, 1776, the American ar 
 my recrossed the Delaware, which was filled with pieces 
 of floating ice, and marched to attack a division of Hes 
 sians, who had advanced to Trenton. The sun had just 
 risen, as the tents of the enemy appeared in sight. No 
 time was to be lost Washington, rising on his stirrups, 
 waved his sword toward the hostile army, and exclaimed: 
 
 "There, my brave friends, are the enemies of your 
 country! and now all I have to ask of you is, to remem 
 ber what you are about to fight for! March!" 
 
 The troops, animated by their commander, pressed on 
 to the charge; the Hessians were taken by surprise, and 
 the contest was soon decided: about 1000 were taken 
 prisoners, and 40 killed, among whom was their com 
 mander, (a German officer,) Colonel Rahl. 
 
 BATTLE OF PRINCETON, IN WHICH HAMILTON TOOK 
 
 AN ACTIVE PART. 
 
 Jan. 3, 1777. 
 
 General Washington, having secured the Hessian pris 
 oners on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware, recrossed 
 the river two days after the action, and took possession 
 of Trenton. 
 
 Generals Mifflin and Cadwallader, who lay at Borden- 
 town and Crosswix with 3600 militia, were ordered to 
 march up in the night of the ist of January, to join the 
 Commander-in-chief, whose whole effective force, includ 
 ing this accession, did not exceed 5000 men. 
 
 The detachments of the British army, which had been 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. H9 
 
 distributed over New Jersey, now assembled at Prince 
 ton, and were joined by the army from Brunswick under 
 Lord Cornwallis. 
 
 From this position the enemy advanced toward Tren 
 ton in great force, on the morning of the 2d of January; 
 and, after some slight skirmishing with troops, detached 
 to harass and delay their march, the van of their army 
 reached Trenton about four in the afternoon. 
 
 On their approach, General Washington retired across 
 the Assumpiuck, a rivulet that runs through the town, 
 and, by some field-pieces posted on its opposite banks, 
 compelled them, after attempting to cross in several 
 places, to fall back out of the reach of his guns. 
 
 The two armies, kindling their fires, retained their po 
 sition on opposite sides of the rivulet, and kept up a can 
 nonade until night. 
 
 The situation of the American general was at this mo 
 ment extremely critical. Nothing but a stream, in many 
 places fordable, separated his army from an enemy, in 
 every respect its superior. 
 
 If he remained in his present position, he was certain 
 of being attacked the next morning, at the hazard of the 
 entire destruction of his little army. 
 
 If he should retreat over the Delaware, the ice in that 
 river not being firm enough to admit a passage upon it, 
 there was danger of great loss, perhaps of a total defeat; 
 the Jerseys would be in full possession of the enemy; the 
 public mind would be depressed; recruiting would be 
 discouraged; and Philadelphia would be within the reach 
 of General Howe. 
 
150 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 In this extremity, he boldly determined to abandon 
 the Delaware, and by a circuitous march along the left 
 flank of the enemy, fall into their rear at Princeton. 
 
 As soon as it was dark, the baggage was silently re 
 moved to Burlington; and about one o clock the army, 
 leaving its fires lighted, and the sentinels on the margin 
 of the creek, decamped with perfect secrecy. 
 
 Its movement was providentially favored by the weath 
 er, which had previously been so warm and moist, that 
 the ground was soft, and the roads were scarcely passable; 
 but, the wind suddenly changing to the northwest, the 
 ground was in a short time frozen as hard as a pavement. 
 About sunrise, two British regiments, that were on their 
 march under Lieutenant-Colonel Mawhood to join the 
 rear of the British army at Maidenhead, fell in with the 
 van of the Americans, conducted by General Mercer, and 
 a very sharp action ensued. 
 
 The advanced party of the Americans, composed chief 
 ly of militia, soon gave way, and the few regulars at 
 tached to them could not maintain their ground. Gen 
 eral Mercer, while gallantly exerting himself to rally his 
 broken troops, received a mortal wound. The British 
 rushed forward with fixed bayonets, and drove back the 
 Americans. 
 
 General Washington, who followed close in the rear, 
 now led on the main body of the army, and attacked the 
 enemy with great spirit. 
 
 While he exposed himself to their hottest fire, he was 
 so well supported by the same troops which had aided 
 him a few days before in the victory at Trenton, that the 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 151 
 
 British were compelled to give way. The Seventeenth 
 Regiment, which was in front, forced its way through a 
 part of the American troops, and reached Maidenhead. 
 The Fifty-fifth Regiment, which was in the rear, re 
 treated by the way of Hillsborough to Brunswick. 
 
 General Washington pressed forward to Princeton. 
 
 A party of the British that had taken refuge in the 
 college, after receiving a few discharges from the Amer 
 ican field-pieces, came out and surrendered themselves 
 prisoners of war; but the principal part of the regiment 
 that was left there saved itself by a precipitate retreat to 
 Brunswick. Both in the Battle of Trenton and that of 
 Prn^fccon, Hamilton rendered efficient aid. 
 
 In the retreat of the Americans, Hamilton effected a 
 diversion in favor of the patriot army by planting his ar 
 tillery on a high ground which commanded the ford of 
 the river, and playing so effectively on the British lines 
 as to delay their progress, and enable Washington to 
 make good his retreat. 
 
 When the American army went into winter quarters 
 at Morristown, on March ist, 1777, Hamilton was justly 
 rewarded for his services by the appointment of aid-de 
 camp and private secretary to Washington, with the rank 
 of Lieutenant-Colonel. 
 
 SIEGE OF YORKTOWN. 
 
 The autumn of 1780 found the British in possession 
 of most of the southern states. Charleston had fallen, 
 South Carolina had been overrun, Virginia was threat 
 ened; and the victorious Gates, advancing to the succor 
 
i 52 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 of the patriots, had been totally destroyed at Camden. 
 But the savage policy adopted by Cornwallis to secure 
 his conquest was ultimately the cause of his ruin. 
 
 He issued a proclamation, sequestering the estates of 
 all those, not included in the capitulation of Charleston, 
 who were in the service or acting under the authority of 
 Congress, and of all others who, by an open avowal of 
 liberal principles, or other notorious acts, should show a 
 leaning to the colonial authorities. At this juncture 
 Marion appeared; the militia flocked to his standard; and 
 the success of the partisan war carried on by him and 
 Sumpter raised the drooping spirits of the whigs. 
 
 The appointment of Greene to the command of the 
 southern army, and the brilliant affair at the Cowpens, 
 still further exalted their hopes; so that even the check 
 at Guilford Court House failed to dishearten them. In 
 deed, the result of that battle was almost as unfavorable 
 to the British as to the Americans. 
 
 In a few days Greene was ready to renew the contest; 
 but Cornwallis eluded his grasp, and reached Wilming 
 ton, in his way to Virginia, on the yfh of April, 1781. 
 The American leader, finding it impossible to bring his 
 enemy to battle, took the bold resolution of marching 
 into South Carolina, and thus forcing Cornwallis to fol 
 low him or abandon his conquests. 
 
 The British general, on receiving intelligence of this 
 movement, hesitated, but finally determined to pursue 
 his first design, and over-run Virginia. 
 
 By this daring step he would place his army in a coun 
 try not yet wasted by war, and where, consequently, sup- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. i 53 
 
 plies would be plentiful; while, if he should succeed in 
 reducing the colony, the subjugation of the other south 
 ern states would inevitably follow, no matter how fortu 
 nate Greene, in the mean time, might be. 
 
 For a time success followed every footstep of the foe. 
 Cornwallis, advancing rapidly northward, had united 
 himself to the British Generals, Phillips and Arnold, as 
 early as the latter end of May; while La Fayette, who- 
 had been dispatched to succor Greene, but had been ar- 
 i ested by the enemy on the James River, was preserved 
 from capture only by his energy and address. 
 
 At length a junction was effected between him and 
 Wayne, and subsequently a detachment led by Baron, 
 Steuben still further increased his force. Happily, at 
 this crisis, Sir Henry Clinton, alarmed by Washington s 
 preparations for the siege of New York, recalled a por 
 tion of the force of Cornwallis, and that general, now 
 somewhat weakened, retired to Yorktown. 
 
 The brave continentals traversed now, with far differ 
 ent feelings, the ground over which they had fled a few 
 years before, ill-provisioned, poorly clothed, and mark 
 ing their footsteps with blood. There was before them 
 the prospect of reducing a formidable army, with but lit 
 tle expense of blood and treasure, and thus revenging 
 their own wrongs and redeeming their country. 
 
 They had already eluded Sir Henry Clinton, and a few 
 days would probably enable them to surround Cornwal 
 lis. They marched on with high hopes, cheering their 
 way with songs, and before the end of September arrived 
 at Williamsburgh, in the immediate vicinity of the foe. 
 
154 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 Meantime, the French fleet, in pursuance of the con 
 certed plan, had reached the Chesapeake, while Corn- 
 wallis, too late aware of the net in which he was in 
 volved, had been assiduously occupied in fortifying his 
 position. 
 
 Having formed a junction with La Fayette, the allied 
 army, commanded by Washington in person, moved 
 down from Williamsburgh to Yorktown; and on the 3Oth 
 of September occupied the outer lines of Cornwallis, 
 which that general had abandoned without a struggle. 
 Two thousand men were detailed to the Gloucester side 
 to blockade that post. The investment was now com 
 plete. 
 
 A noble emulation fired the soldiers of the respective 
 nations as they advanced across the plain. La Fayette 
 led the continentals: the Baron de Viominel commanded 
 his countrymen. 
 
 The redoubt entrusted to the Americans, led by Ham 
 ilton, was carried at the bayonet s point, the assailants 
 rushing on with such impetuosity that the sappers had 
 not time to remove the abattis and palisades. The 
 French were equally courageous and successful, though, 
 as their redoubt was defended by a larger force, the con 
 quest was not so speedy, and their loss was greater. 
 
 It was a proud day for the war-worn troops of America, 
 when the richly appointed soldiery of Britain marched 
 out with dejected faces from their w r orks, and in pro 
 found silence stacked their arms on the plain, in pres 
 ence of the conquerers. 
 
 But no unmanly exultation was seen among the allies. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. i 5 5 
 
 With decent pity they gazed on the spectacle, reserving 
 their congratulations for their private quarters. 
 
 But there, the rejoicings were loud and fervent, and 
 the gay Frenchmen from the Loire joined in triumphal 
 songs with the hardy sons of New England, or the more 
 enthusiastic Virginian. 
 
 HAMILTON S GALLANTRY AT YORKTOWN. 
 
 The gallantry of the storm was not less distinguished 
 than the humanity of the victors. In the midst of the 
 works, as soon as Hamilton saw the enemy driven back, 
 he ordered his men to halt, and excepting in the charge 
 at the onset, not a man was injured. 
 
 An incident occurred as soon as they entered the re 
 doubt, to which Hamilton refers in his report. "Incapa 
 ble of imitating examples of barbarity, and forgetting re 
 cent provocations, the soldiery spared every man who 
 ceased to fight. 
 
 Colonel Scammel, of the light infantry, while recon- 
 noitering, a few days before, was surprised by a party of 
 horse, and after he was taken was wantonly wounded, of 
 which \vound he died. 
 
 When Colonel Campbell, who commanded the redoubt, 
 advanced to surrender, a captain, who had served under 
 Scammel, seized a bayonet, and drew back with the in 
 tent of plunging it into his breast, when Hamilton turned 
 it aside, and Campbell, exclaiming. 
 
 U I place myself under your protection," was made pris 
 oner by Laurens. 
 
 While receiving the warmest expressions of admiration 
 
156 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 from the whole army, Hamilton, thus modestly, in a let 
 ter written to soothe the anxiety of his wife, adverts to 
 what had passed. "Two nights ago, my Eliza, my duty 
 and my honour obliged me to take a step in which your 
 happiness was too much risked. I commanded an attack 
 upon one of the enemy s redoubts; we carried it in an 
 instant, and with little loss. You will see the particu 
 lars in the Philadelphia papers. There will be, certain 
 ly, nothing more of this kind; all the rest will be by ap 
 proach; and if there should be another occasion, it will 
 not fall to my turn to execute it." 
 
 Washington, having concerted measures for the next 
 campaign in a personal interview with congress, revisited 
 Mount Vernon, loaded with laurels, and crowned with 
 glory, while Hamilton returned on furlough to his home. 
 
 Gratifying as had been the result of this campaign, 
 which sealed the national independence, and proud as 
 were his reflections in reviewing the long series of ser 
 vices he had rendered his country, and in being connect 
 ed so conspicuously with an event which may be regard 
 ed as the closing scene of the revolution, yet those reflec 
 tions were not unmingled with others of a deeply painful 
 character. Though, with every uncorrupted mind, he 
 deplored the miseries of war, yet long service had con 
 firmed in his bosom a fondness for military life. As an 
 eloquent friend has well remarked, "his early education 
 was in the camp; there his earliest and most cordial 
 friendships were formed; there he became enamoured of 
 glory, and was admitted to her embrace." This life was 
 now soon to end, and those friendships, so warmly cher- 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 157 
 
 ished, could be cultivated only at intervals. Know 
 ing also that the army was not a favourite of con 
 gress, he could not but survey for the last time, with 
 pain, the war-worn faces of those faithful men, who, 
 while winning the liberties of their country, had won for 
 her such imperishable renown, requited, as he felt they 
 were to be, by the grossest ingratitude. 
 
 Of his immediate companions in the family of Wash 
 ington, with two he had already parted. Early in the 
 year, Meade, who had recently married, retired from the 
 service, and except by his gallantry in rushing to the 
 aid of Steuben, and repulsing the advances of Arnold 
 from his native state, was no longer known as a public 
 man. 
 
 The "Old Secretary," Harrison, as he was familiarly 
 called, left the army the previous spring, having been 
 appointed by the state of Maryland, Chief Justice of its 
 Supreme Court; which situation he filled until the adopt 
 ion of the Federal Constitution, when such was Wash 
 ington s estimate of the claims of this meritorious indi 
 vidual upon his country, that he nominated him a Judge 
 of the Supreme Court of the United States, immediately 
 after its organization, which he declined. J.C.Hamilton. 
 
 THE, BOSTON LATIN SCHOOL. 
 
 Hamilton attended a grammar school at Elizabeth 
 town, N. J. The most famous boys school of that per 
 iod, however, was the Boston Latin School. It was 
 the first public school in Boston. It was the beginning 
 of the public school system of that city, whose origin is 
 
I 5 8 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 found in the following order, adopted by the freemen of 
 the town, on the I3th of April, 1635: 
 
 "Likewise it was then generally agreed upon, that out 
 brother, Philemon 
 Purmont, shall be en 
 treated to become 
 schoolmaster for the 
 teaching and nurtur 
 ing of children with 
 us." 
 
 This Public Latin 
 School has been con 
 tinued to the pres 
 ent day. Its chief 
 function during the 
 whole period of its 
 existence has been 
 the fitting of boys for 
 Harvard College,now 
 Harvard University. 
 Until 1682 this was 
 
 the only school in Boston. In that year it was voted in 
 town meeting, u that a committee with the selectmen 
 consider and provide one or more free schools for the 
 teaching of children to write and cipher within this 
 town." Afterwards schools were established for reading 
 and spelling. It is interesting to note that this public 
 school system began with discrimination against the 
 girls. Pupils were not admitted to these schools until 
 they were seven years of age; and girls were not admit- 
 
 Old Boston Latin School, on 
 School St.. Boston. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 159 
 
 ted until 1789, and for forty years afterwards were per 
 mitted to attend for only half the year, from April to 
 October. 
 
 Some of the most eminent men of Boston were edu- 
 
 Boys Latin School, Boston, of To-Day. 
 
 cated in the Latin School Samuel Adams, James Otis, 
 and John Hancock being among the number. 
 
 i THE FIRST PRAYER IN CONGRESS. 
 
 The Hon. Rufus King narrates these particulars re 
 garding the first prayer in congress: 
 
 "The convention of 1788, of which Dr. Franklin and 
 myself were members, had been engaged several weeks 
 in framing the present Constitution, and had done noth 
 ing. Dr. Franklin came in one morning, and, rising itf 
 his place, called the attention of the house. 
 
i6o 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 " We have been here, Mr. Speaker, said he (Georg. 
 Washington was in the chair,) a long time, trying tc 
 act on this important subject, and have done nothing; 
 and in place of a speedy and successful close of our bus 
 iness, we see nothing but dark clouds of difficulty and 
 embarrassment before us. It is high time for us, -Mr. 
 Speaker, to call in the direction 
 of a wisdom above our own. 
 (The countenance of Washington 
 caught a brightness at these words, 
 as he leaned forward in deepest 
 gaze on Dr. Franklin.) Yes, sir, 
 it is high time for us to call in the 
 direction of a wisdom above our 
 own. 
 
 "Our fathers before us, the 
 wise and good men of ancient 
 times, acted in this way. Aware Born 1755 Died 1827 
 of the difficulties and perils that attend all human en* 
 terprise, they never engaged in anything of importance 
 without having implored the guidance and blessing of 
 heaven. 
 
 " The scriptures are full of encouragements to such 
 practice. They everywhere assert a particular provi 
 dence over all His works. They assure us that the very 
 hairs of our head are all numbered; and that not even a 
 sparrow but is continually under the eye of His parental 
 care. 
 
 * This, Mr. Speaker, is the language of the gospel, 
 which I most implicitly believe; and which promises 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 161 
 
 guidance of divine wisdom to all who ask it. We have 
 not asked it; and that may be the reason why we have 
 been so long in the dark. 
 
 u I therefore move, Mr. Speaker, that it be made a 
 rule to open the business of this house, every morning, 
 with prayer " 
 
 HAMILTON AND THE RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITU 
 TION BY NEW YORK. 
 
 When the convention met at Poughkeepsie, eight states 
 had ratified the Constitution. It required the consent of 
 only one more to put it in operation. 
 
 On the 24th of June the swift couriers, arranged by 
 Hamilton, brought word from Concord to Poughkeepsie 
 that New Hampshire had ratified the Constitution. 
 
 Hamilton had taken this pains in the hope that the 
 news of the approval of the ninths tate would have a fav 
 orable effect on the New York convention. 
 
 But the opponents of a national government remained 
 unmoved. Even the news of the ratification by Virgin 
 ia produced no change. 
 
 The final struggle came on propositions for a condit 
 ional ratification. The first provided for a ratification on 
 condition that certain amendments were previously 
 adopted. 
 
 After debate this was seen to be impracticable, and 
 was withdrawn. 
 
 Then came the proposition for ratification on condition 
 that if certain amendments were not made within a giv 
 en time, the state should have a right to withdraw from 
 
162 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 the Union. There was great danger that this proposi 
 tion, which to many looked so plausible, but which was 
 really as impracticable as the first, might be adopted. 
 
 It was at this stage of the proceedings that a friend 
 from New York City called on Hamilton. 
 
 "I found him," he says, "alone, and took the liberty 
 to say to him that they would inquire of me in New 
 York, what was the prospect in relation to the adoption 
 of the Constitution; and asked him what I should say to 
 them. 
 
 "His manner immediately changed, and he answered: 
 
 " God only knows, several votes have been taken, by 
 which it appears that there are two to one against us. 
 
 "Supposing he had concluded his answer, I was about 
 to retire, when he added, in a most emphatic manner: 
 
 u Tell them that the convention shall never rise until 
 the Constitution is adopted. " 
 
 With this resolute spirit, Hamilton went back to the 
 contest and made another speech, so powerful, so impas 
 sioned, so convincing, that at its close Melancthon Smith, 
 the leader of the opposition,had the manliness to acknowl 
 edge that the arguments of Hamilton were unanswera 
 ble, and that he should vote for ratification. 
 
 In vain Gov. Clinton attempted to rally his forces. 
 
 Smith carried so many of his followers with him that 
 when the final vote was taken, on the 25th of July, by a 
 majority of three votes, the Constitution was adopted. 
 Lewis Henry Boutell. 
 
 TRIBUTE OF GUIZOT TO HAMILTON. 
 
 "Hamilton must be classed among the men who have 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. l6>3 
 
 best known the vital principles and fundamental condi 
 tions of a government. 
 
 "There is not in the Constitution of the United States 
 an element of order, of force, of duration, which he has 
 not powerfully contributed to introduce into it, and to 
 cause to predominate." 
 
 PROF. BRYCE ON HAMILTON. 
 
 "One cannot note the disappearance of this brilliant 
 figure, to Europeans the most interesting in the earlier 
 history of the republic, without the remark that his coun 
 trymen seem to have never, either in his lifetime or af 
 terward, duly recognized his splendid gifts. 
 
 "Washington is, indeed, a far more perfect character. 
 
 u Washington stands alone and unapproachable, like a 
 snow-peak rising above its fellows into the clear air of 
 morning, with a dignity, constancy and purity which 
 have made him the ideal type of civic virtue to succeed 
 ing generations. 
 
 * No greater benefit could have befallen the republic 
 than to have such a type set from the first before the eye 
 and mind of the people. 
 
 "But Hamilton, of a virtue not so flawless, touches us 
 more nearly, not only by the romance of his early life 
 and his tragic death, but by a certain ardor and impul 
 siveness, and even tenderness of soul, joined to a courage 
 equal to that of Washington himself. Equally apt for 
 war and for civil government, with a profundity and am 
 plitude of view rare in practical soldiers or statesmen, he 
 stood in the front rank of a generation never surpassed 
 
164 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 in history, a generation which includes Burke and Fox, 
 and Pitt and Grattan, Stein and Hardenburg and Wil 
 liam von Humboldt, Wellington and Napoleon. " "The 
 Anerican Commonwealth" 
 
 SCHMUCKER S TRIBUTE TO HAMILTON. 
 The premature death of Hamilton was a national ca 
 lamity. It is not diffiicult to predict to what exalted 
 posts of honor he would have been promoted, had he 
 lived. Possessing, as he did, the full confidence of the 
 nation, having filled important offices of trust with the 
 purest integrity and the highest praise; being devoted to 
 the interests of his country; his faculties being matured 
 by experience, and his knowledge of the wants of the na 
 tion enlarged by study and observation ; it is not improb 
 able that a very few years would have seen him occupy 
 ing the presidential chair. And if, as was probable, that 
 event occurred during the existence of the war of 1812, 
 Mr. Hamilton would, by virtue of his office, have been 
 commander-in-chief of the American armies; and it is 
 but a reasonable inference to suppose that his military 
 genius would have shone forth in that great crisis more 
 resplendent than ever. In a word, the completed and 
 fully consummated career of Alexander Hamilton would 
 without much doubt have been the brightest, loftiest, 
 and noblest presented in the whole range of American 
 history. All this fair picture was spoiled by the malig 
 nity of his bitterest foe, Aaron Burr. A nation s tears 
 were shed over the grave of his illustrious victim, and 
 the undying curses of all virtuous men, in all coming 
 time, were secured to the perpetrator of his murder. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 16; 
 
 THE STORY OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 
 
 FOR A SCHOOL OR CLUB PROGRAMME. 
 
 Each numbered paragraph is to be given to a pupil or 
 member to read, or to recite, in a clear, distinct tone. 
 
 If the school or club is small, each person may take 
 three or four paragraphs, but should not be required to 
 recite them in succession. 
 
 1. Alexander Hamilton was born on the island of Nevis, in the 
 British West Indies, on the eleventh of January, 1757. 
 
 2. His father, James Hamilton, was a Scotch merchant, and his 
 mother, a French lady, descended from that noble people, the Hu 
 guenots. 
 
 3. "This happy blending of contrasted elements in the original 
 source of his blood and character solidity and enthusiasm, sagacity 
 to project theories and facility in their execution was exemplified in 
 all his subsequent career." 
 
 4. His father was unfortunate in business and died in penury. 
 His mother was noted for elegant manners and a strong intellect, 
 which made a vivid impression upon her son. Both parents died 
 while he was but a child. 
 
 5. He was early thrown upon the care of his mother s relatives, 
 and passed the greater part of his childhood and youth in the Danish 
 island of Santa Cruz. 
 
 6. "He soon learned to speak and write the French language 
 fluently, and was taught to speak the Decalogue in Hebrew at the 
 school of a Jewess, when so small, that he was placed standing by her 
 side at the table." 
 
 7. His education, though brief and desultory, was conducted 
 chiefly under the supervision of the Rev. Hugh Knox, D. D., a Pres 
 byterian clergyman. This gentleman gave to the mind of his aspir 
 ing pupil a religious bias as lasting as his life. 
 
 8. He took a great interest in the boy, and kept up an affection 
 ate correspondence with him in after years. 
 
 9. Before Hamilton was thirteen years of age, he had to earn his 
 own living, and was placed, accordingly, in the counting house of Mr. 
 Nicholas Cruger, a wealthy and highly respectable merchant of San 
 ta Cruz. 
 
 10. He became speedily noted for his quickness, zeal and assid 
 uity, and for remarkable intelligence in the despatch of business. 
 
1 66 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 11. While boys of his age were thinking of marbles and other 
 games, Hamilton was thinking of the future with a laudable ambition 
 to make his career a bright and successful one. 
 
 12. He wrote, soon after being appointed to this position, to a 
 young friend at school, as follows: "I contemn the groveling condi 
 tion of a clerk to which my fortune condemns me, and would willing 
 ly risk my life though not my character, to exalt my station. I mean 
 to prepare the way for futurity." 
 
 13. "Herein gleams the true fire of a noble youth; love of fame, 
 and the strongest attachment to untarnished integrity; guarantees of 
 splendid success, which in this instance were never disproved by 
 facts." 
 
 14. His business letters, many of which have been preserved, 
 would have done credit to any trained clerk of any age. Such was 
 the confidence of his employer in this mere child, that he apparently 
 left him time and again in charge of all the affairs of his counting 
 house. 
 
 15. While in Mr. Cruger s office young Hamilton spent every 
 spare moment in studying mathematics, ethics, chemistry, biography 
 and history, and in storing his mind with knowledge of every kind. 
 
 16. A great hurricane, long remembered for the destruction it 
 caused, devastated the island. The boy wrote and published anony 
 mously such a vivid and strong description of it, that it attracted gen 
 eral attention, and the young author was discovered. 
 
 17. Through the influence of Dr. Knox, several relatives and 
 friends joined together in providing funds for a college education for 
 the promising lad. 
 
 18. He was accordingly sent in the autumn of 1772 to Elizabeth- 
 town, New Jersey, to prepare for King s College (now Columbia Uni 
 versity), in New York City, under the instruction of Francis Barber. 
 This teacher afterwards became a distinguished officer in the Ameri 
 can service. 
 
 19. Hamilton entered King s College in the latter part of 1773, 
 and with the aid of a tutor made remarkable progress, directing his 
 studies towards the profession of medicine. 
 
 20. The difficulties with England were rapidly ripening, and his 
 versatile pen was employed in the production of elaborate pamphlets 
 and minor tracts upon the burning questions of the day. 
 
 21. These writings, published anonymously, were so remarkable 
 that they were attributed to Jay and other well known patriots. 
 
 22. They involved their author in a controversy with Dr. Cooper, 
 the President of the College, and with many of the most distinguished 
 royalists of the land. 
 
 23. When the name of the youthful champion was proclaimed, 
 Dr. Cooper would not believe at first that his able opponent was but 
 a mere boy of seventeen or eighteen. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 167 
 
 24. When a great public meeting was held in the "Fields" now 
 the City Hall Park he pushed his way to the front, and mounting 
 the platform, astounded the vast audience by his eloquent and fervid 
 speech in behalf of colonial rights. 
 
 25. While in College he organized a military company of his fel 
 low students. They styled themselves "Hearts of Oak," and wore a 
 green uniform, surmounted by a leathern cap, on which was inscribed, 
 "Freedom or Death." 
 
 26. Having already become a recognized leader in New York, 
 he was made captain of the company of artillery raised by that prov 
 ince, and at once entered upon active service. 
 
 27. He soon had a body of men that furnished a model for dis 
 cipline and efficiency, and which won the high praise of General 
 Greene. 
 
 28. At Long Island and White Plains, his company greatly dis 
 tinguished itself, and his gallant conduct in the latter battle attracted 
 the attention of Washington, the commander-in-chief. 
 
 29. During the retreat through New Jersey, his battery was fre 
 quently engaged in firm and heroical action with the enemy, and on 
 one occasion he repelled the progress of the British troops on the 
 banks of the Raritan. 
 
 30. He fought at the head of his brave command at Trenton 
 and Princeton, and continued with them until he was appointed by 
 Washington to an important place on his staff with the rank of Lieu 
 tenant-Colonel, and became his inseparable companion. 
 
 31. "Strangers," said Washington Irving, "were surprised to see 
 a youth, scarce twenty years of age, received into the implicit confi 
 dence and admitted into the gravest counsels of a man like Washing 
 ton." 
 
 32. "Harrison, the old secretary, much his senior, looked upon 
 him with an almost paternal eye, and regarding his diminutive size 
 and towering spirit, used to call him the little lion, while Washing 
 ton would now and then speak of him by the cherishing appellation 
 of my boy ." 
 
 33. Hamilton served as aide to Washington at the battles of 
 Brandy-wine. Germantown and Monmouth. At his own request he 
 led at the siege of Yorktown the force which carried by assault one 
 of the strongest bulwarks of the foe. 
 
 34. On the fourteenth of December, 1780, he married Miss Eliz 
 abeth Schuyler, the second daughter of Major General Schuyler. and 
 "so became connected with a rich and powerful New York family, 
 which was of great advantage to him in many ways." 
 
 35. Hamilton was the first to receive the papers revealing Ar 
 nold s treason, and tried to intercept the traitor at Verplanck s point, 
 but was too late to catch him. 
 
1 68 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 36. Hamilton ceased to be a member of Washington s military 
 family on the tenth of February, 1781, in consequence of a misunder 
 standing with the commander-in-chief, in which the youthful Colonel 
 was clearly in the wrong. The coolness between the two was, how 
 ever, but temporary. 
 
 37. At Yorktown, in command of a light corps of infantry, he 
 brilliantly led a storming party which took one of the British re 
 doubts; and saved the life of the Major, commanding the opposing 
 forces. 
 
 38. When but twenty-three years old he addressed a letter to 
 James Duane and Robert Morris, in which were outlined the general 
 features of the system finally adopted by the United States. 
 
 39. He was appointed by Robert Morris receiver of taxes for 
 New York, and was afterwards elected one of the delegates from 
 New York to Congress. 
 
 40. Hamilton at once became one of its leading members. One 
 of the delegates said to him, "If you were but ten years older and a 
 thousand pounds richer, Congress would give you the highest place 
 they have to bestow." 
 
 41. He conceived and started "The Federalist," in which were 
 contained those famous essays which have immortalized his name. 
 
 42. He was elected a member of the Federal convention of 1787, 
 when thirty years of age, and by his wonderful eloquence, skill and 
 management, triumphantly carried the ratification of the constitution. 
 
 43. While in the New York Legislature of 1787, he secured the 
 amendment of the Criminal Code; the establishment of the Univer 
 sity of New York, and a general system of public instruction. 
 
 44. When the Treasury Department was organized in Septem 
 ber, 1789, the first year of Washington s administration, Hamilton was 
 placed at its head. 
 
 45. "In the five years that ensued, he did the work that lies at 
 the foundation of our system of administration, gave life and mean 
 ing to the constitution, and by his policy developed two great politi 
 cal parties." 
 
 46. By his reports and communications on the Public Credit; on 
 the raising and collection of the revenue; on estimates of income and 
 expenditure; on the temporary regulation of the currency; on navi 
 gation laws and coasting trade; on the Post Office; on the purchase 
 of West Point; on the management of the public lands; on the estab 
 lishment of a mint; on manufactures; on the protective policy of the 
 United States, etc., he revealed his consummate genius and masterly 
 ability. 
 
 47. While in the cabinet disagreements arose between Jefferson 
 and himself, which caused the active existence of two great political 
 parties, the Federalists and Anti-Federalists, or Democrats, and the 
 resignation of Jefferson as Secretary of State. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 169 
 
 48. The influence of Hamilton was so very great that he may be 
 said to have controlled the policy of Washington s administration. 
 
 49. On the thirty-first of January, 1795, he resigned his Secreta 
 ryship and resumed the practice of law, and soon stood at the head of 
 the bar of New York. But he was constantly consulted by Washing 
 ton as though he were still in office. 
 
 50. In 1794 Washington offered him the position of minister to 
 England, which, for prudential reasons, he declined. 
 
 51. When the troubles with France began under the administra 
 tion of John Adams, Hamilton became the leader of the party which 
 desired war with that country. 
 
 52. When Congress ordered the raising of a provisional army 
 with Washington as commander-in-chief, Hamilton was given the po 
 sition of Inspector-General, to act as the Senior Major-General of the 
 new orgazization. 
 
 53. Hamilton fully expected war, but President Adams met the 
 French overtures of peace in a friendly spirit, and a conflict was 
 averted. 
 
 54. This so deeply affected Hamilton that he became the avowed 
 enemy of Adams, and in his efforts to overthrow the President, des 
 troyed his own party. 
 
 55. He helped to defeat Aaron Burr for the Presidency by using 
 his great influence to elect Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 56. Aaron Burr was also beaten by Hamilton s influence for the 
 governorship of New York. The life-long quarrel between the two 
 men led to a challenge by Burr to fight a duel. 
 
 57. Very reluctantly Hamilton consented, on account of the 
 point of honor which would be raised if he refused, and was mortally 
 wounded by his antagonist on the eleventh of July, 1804, at Weehawk- 
 ken, on the banks of the Hudson. 
 
 58. His tragic fate raised such a storm of indignation and grief,, 
 that Burr was driven forth as a murderer, an outcast and a conspira 
 tor. 
 
 59. Thus died Hamilton, universally regretted. "He was the in 
 defatigable soldier of the press, the pen and the army." 
 
 60. He was "the American master of political sagacity, the 
 most brilliant statesman our country has produced." 
 
 61. "In his family and among his friends he was deeply beloved 
 and almost blindly followed. His errors and his faults came from 
 his strong, passionate nature, and his masterly will impatient of re 
 sistance or control. 
 
 62. "Yet these were the very qualities that carried him forward 
 to his triumphs, and enabled him to perform services to the American 
 people which can never be forgotten. 
 
170 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 63. With great pomp and ceremony his remains were sorrow 
 fully laid away to rest in Trinity Churchyard, New York, on the 
 fourteenth of July, 1804. Above them a beautiful and appropriate 
 monument has been placed. 
 
 AN EVENING WITH HAMILTON. 
 
 1. Music. 
 
 2. A Brief Sketch of the Early Life of Hamilton. 
 
 3. Tributes from Various Writers to the Virtues of Hamilton. 
 
 4. Vocal or Instrumental Music. 
 
 5. Discussion Whether Hamilton was more Potential than Jef 
 ferson in the History of the United States. 
 
 6. The Character of Aaron Burr. 
 
 7. Music. 
 
 8. Discussion Defense of Hamilton in Accepting the Challenge 
 of Burr. 
 
 9. Essay Hamilton s Love for his Country. 
 10. Music America. 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW. 
 
 Where was Alexander Hamilton born? What is said of his pre 
 cocity ? Of his preparation for college ? Of the condition of the A mer- 
 ic an colonies? Of Hamilton s first publication? Of the work that 
 followed it? What was his first effort in military affairs? 
 
 What was Hamilton s opinion of the Quaker General, Nathaniel 
 Greene? What part did Hamilton have in the disaster on Long 
 Island? What can you say of the artillery company ? What of the 
 retreat through New Jersey? How many of his artillery men were 
 left after Trenton and Princeton? Why did Washington appoint 
 him as one of his aids? When was this appointment made? 
 
 What was his conduct in subsequent battles? What of his merits 
 while in the service of Washington ? With what brilliant exploit did 
 Hamilton s military career terminate? When, in his opinion, was 
 the most trying time for the colonies? 
 
 What was Hamilton s opinion of the currency? What remedy 
 did he Propose? When was he married? What can you say of his 
 bride? When was he admitted to the bar? When did he take his seat 
 in Congress ? What can you say of the U. S. Congress at that time ? 
 What was his conduct toward the Tories after the close of the war? 
 What was the condition of the country between the close of the Revo 
 lution and the adoption of the Constitution? In what shape i*id tht 
 warning come ? What effort towards united action was madt* by vc* 
 rious States? 
 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 171 
 
 What was Hamilton s attitude toward Governor Clinton ? Where 
 did his conspicuous ability appear to have the best effect? How was 
 his best work done? What was the effect of his speech at the opening 
 of the convention? What can you say of "The federalist?" What 
 was the result of Hamilton s defeat for re-election? 
 
 What was his greatest task as Secretary of the Treasury? What 
 was his age when he took his seat in the Cabinet? What can you say 
 of the financial scheme which he laid before Congress? For what did 
 his policy provide? What is said of the contrast of Hamilton with 
 Jefferson, Adams, etc.? What is Professor Morse s statement? What 
 is said of the establishment of a national bank ? Of Webster s tribute ? 
 Of the elements of opposition to Hamilton? 
 
 What attempt was made to drive him from the Cabinet? What 
 is said of the failings of Hamilton ? Of the pamphlet he published in 
 1800? Of Governor Jay ? Of Lafayette? Of the appointment of Ham 
 ilton as General? Of the bill submitted by Hamilton to Congress? 
 Of the Louisiana territory? 
 
 Of Miranda? Of the great qualities of a General in Hamilton? 
 Of Lincoln? Of Talleyrand? Of peace and the feelings of Adams? 
 Of the closing piib lie career of Hamilton ? Of his genius as a lawyer? 
 
 What encomium was pronounced by Kent? What is said of the 
 decaying Federalist party ? Of Aaron Burr and of Jefferson ? Of the 
 crowning defeat of Burr? Of his forcing a quarrel with Hamilton ? 
 Of Hamilton s criticisms of Burr? Of the acceptance of the chal 
 lenge from Burr? Of what preceded the duel? Of the duel and its 
 result? 
 
 Of Senator Lodge s discussion of the question ? Of the author s 
 conclusions? Of the unveiling of Hamilton s statue? What tribute 
 was paid by Judge Spencer? By Chancellor Kent? 
 
 What was Hamilton called, and why? How did Hamilton feel 
 towards Andre? What did he say of his execution? How did the 
 disagreement between Washington and Hamilton arise? What does 
 Hamilton say of foreign influence? What is said of Hamilton and 
 the Constitution? What observation does R. C. Winthrop make of 
 the Constitution ? 
 
 How is the Federalist regarded? What great productions are in 
 ferior to it? Upon what is it founded? What does it contain ? When 
 / was it first begun ? What does Hamilton say of its Purpose? What is 
 said of the appreciation abroad of the Federalist? What does Hamil 
 ton say of The Union? Of ancient and modern Repiiblics? On na 
 tional emergencies? On the re-election of the President? On term of 
 office? What tribute does Marshall pay Hamilton ? 
 
 What charges were made against Washington ? What defense 
 did Hamilton make? What was the character of Burr? What were 
 his chief agents, etc. ? What is said of his political intrigue ? Of his 
 eloquence? Of his love of country? What was the character of Ham 
 ilton in contrast? What single fact proves the worth of that charac 
 ter? What was Hamilton s protest against duelling? 
 
172 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 When was Hamilton made Secretary of the Treasury ? What 
 did Robert Morris say of him ? What is said of Robert Troup s inter 
 view? Of Hamilton s self-confidence? With whom is he compared? 
 What is the story of Hamilton at Valley Forge? What account is 
 given of the Battle of York town ? Of the Battle of Princeton ? 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR SPECIAL STUDY. 
 
 1. The Precocity of Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 2. Hamilton as a General. 
 
 J. Hamilton in the Federal Convention of 1787. 
 
 4. Hamilton s Early Views of Republicanism. 
 
 J. The Articles of Confederationtheir Nature and Weakness. 
 
 6. Hamilton as Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 7. The Vahte of the Federalist Papers. 
 
 8. The Relations of John Adams to Hamilton. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF ALEXANDER 
 HAMILTON. 
 
 1757 Jan. nth, Alexander Hamilton born at Nevis, one of the An 
 tilles group of West India Islands. 
 1762-69 Educated in Santa Cruz. Clerk with Cruger. 
 
 1772 Aug. Terrible hurricane. Letter regarding it. 
 
 Oct. 11, reached Elizabethtown, New Jersey, to study. 
 
 1773 Applied for admission to Princeton College to take "Special 
 
 Course." Refused. December, admitted to King s College 
 (now Columbia University). 
 
 1774 July 6, made great address at "The Fields Meeting." 
 
 1776 March, Captain of company of artillery, "Hearts of Oak." Au 
 
 gust 27, Battle of Long Island. September 75, Battle of 
 Harlem Heights. October 28, Battle of White Plains, Chat- 
 terton Hill. November and December, retreat through 
 New Jersey. December 26, Battle of Trenton. 
 
 1777 January 3, Battle of Princeton. March 15, Aide-de-Camp to 
 
 Washington. Sent to Congress by Washington, etc. 
 April 5, Letter to the Provincial Congress. July 22, Remarks 
 on Burgoyne and Howe, etc. August 4, Remarks on the 
 Fall of Ticonderoga. Battle of Germantown. October 30, 
 Hamilton sent to Gates and Putnam. November, Hamilton 
 goes to Gates for troops. December 19, exchange of prison 
 ers at Philadelphia; Hamilton acting for General Washing 
 ton. 
 
 1778 June 18, Hamilton urges attack on Howe. Assigned to Lafay 
 
 ette. June 28, Battle of Monmouth. 
 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 173 
 
 September 5, Hamilton in command of a corps. October 14, 
 Battle of Yorktown. 
 
 1779 Submits plans of action to Congress. 
 
 1780 Letter to Robert Morris on Finance. 
 
 September and October. Arnold and Andre affair. Letter to 
 Mr. Duane. Hamilton asks for a separate command. 
 December 14, marriage to Miss Elizabeth Schuyler. 
 
 1781 Declines to go as envoy to France. February 16, resigns as 
 
 aide to Washington. 
 
 1782 Resumes the study of law. May 2, Receiver of Continental 
 
 Taxes in New York. Elected member of Congress. Novem 
 ber 25, takes his seat in Congress. 
 
 1783 Resumes the practice of law. 
 
 1786 September 11, Hamilton acts as Delegate to the Annapolis 
 
 Convention. 
 
 1787 May 14, Philadelphia Convention. Hamilton s plan. 
 
 June 15, Poughkeepsie Convention. Hamilton s great speech 
 and results. 
 
 1788 Adoption of the Constitution, by the ratification of New York. 
 
 Federalist papers. 
 
 1789 March 4, Organization of the government. Hamilton, Secreta 
 
 ry of the Treasury. 
 
 1794 Refuses the office of Chief Justice of the United States. 
 1798 December 14, General-in-Chief of the United States Army. 
 1804 July ii. Duel with Aaron Burr. July 12. Death of Hamilton. 
 
 July 14. Burial in Trinity Churchyard, New York. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 For those who wish to read extensively the following works are 
 especially commended. 
 
 "Life of Alexander Hamilton." 2 vols. By John Church Hamilton. 
 New York. 1834, 1840. 
 
 "Life of Alexander Hamilton." By Henry B. Renwick. 1841. 
 
 "Life and Times of Alexander Hamilton." By Samuel M. Schmucker. 
 Boston. 1856. 
 
 "Life of Hamilton." By John T. Morse, Jr. 1876. 
 
 "Life and Epoch of Alexander Hamilton." By George Shea. Bos 
 ton. 1879. 
 
 "Life of Hamilton." By Henry Cabot Lodge. 1882. 
 
 "Orators of the American Revolution." By E. L. Magoon. Baker & 
 Scribner, New York. 1848. 
 
 "Alexander Hamilton." By C.C. Hazewell. Atlantic Monthly. Vol. 
 16, p. 625. 
 
 "Alexander Hamilton." By Charles Francis Adams. North Ameri 
 can Review. Vol. 53, p. 71. 
 
yn 
 
 TD