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 I, January, 1896. 
 Accession No .{) / (0 xL {? Class No . 
 
OLIVER P. MORTON, 
 
 OF INDIANA 
 
 SKETCH OP 
 
 HIS LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES. 
 
 PBEPABET> BY 
 
 DIKECTION OF THE INDIANA REPUBLICAN 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS : 
 
 JOURNAL COMPANY, PRINTERS. 
 1876. 
 
y^ 
 
The following sketch of the life and public services of 
 Hon. OLIVER P. MORTON has been prepared in pursuance of 
 the following resolution which was unanimously adopted at the 
 Republican State Convention, held at Indianapolis, on the 
 22d of February, 1876 : 
 
 Resolved, That the State Central Committee be authorized and requested 
 to prepare and publish for presentation to the National Republican Conven 
 tion, when assembled at Cincinnati, an address embracing a brief sketch of 
 the life and public services of Oliver P. Morton, and especially setting forth, 
 his eminent fitness for the high office for which this convention has this day 
 nominated him. 
 
OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 SKETCH OF 
 
 HIS LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 
 
 It is the purpose of this sketch to present, in such manner 
 as a limited space will permit, some phases of the public life, 
 character and services of the Hon. Oliver P. Morton, of In 
 diana. If it can be fitly said of any man who has devoted 
 himself consistently to the advocacy and advancement of a 
 great cause, that he is its representative, then this can be 
 truly said of Senator Morton and the Republican cause ; for 
 his whole public life has been spent in battling for the prin 
 ciple of political equality, and all the great ideas, which, 
 naturally flowing from this, have signalized the grandest and 
 most progressive era of our history. Nor is it invidious or 
 inaccurate to say, if length of service and magnitude of 
 results be taken into account, that he is the greatest living 
 representative of Republican principles ; for, while it may be 
 freely conceded that there are many among our public men 
 as earnestly devoted to these principles as he, there is none 
 who has battled for them on as many fields or rendered as dis 
 tinguished service in their behalf. The main design of the 
 present sketch is to call attention to his public and political 
 services ; but this may be properly preceded by a brief notice of 
 
 HIS EARLY LIFE AND PROFESSIONAL CAREER. 
 
 Oliver Perry Morton was born in Wayne county, Indiana, 
 August 4, 1823, and is consequently in his fifty-third year. 
 He came of an old English family, his grandfather, who traced 
 
2 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 his ancestry back quite a distance along an honorable line r 
 having emigrated from England about a century ago and 
 settled in New Jersey. This straight descent from an old 
 English stock may account for some of the strong traits of 
 Mr. Morton s character, which are supposed to be more com 
 mon among the English than in other nationalities as for 
 instance his unconquerable will, tenacity of purpose, and 
 readiness to accept a contest, whenever occasion requires, in 
 spite of odds or obstacles. His father, "William T. Morton, 
 was a native of New Jersey and a man of sterling worth. 
 His mother, also a native of New Jersey, was a woman of 
 amiable disposition and rare force of character. Removing 
 to the "West at an early day, they soon became identified with 
 one of the rising communities of the young State of Indiana, 
 of which their son was to become so distinguished and hon 
 ored a citizen. Young Morton s early years were passed 
 amid narrow opportunities, but as often happens in such 
 cases, they were more highly prized and assiduously improved 
 on that account. Like many other Americans who have 
 risen to high position, Senator Morton traces his earliest 
 development to a natural fondness for study and an earnest 
 desire to utilize the meager advantages afforded him. Appren 
 ticed to a hatter at the age of fifteen, he followed the business 
 for four years and seemed likely to devote his life to that 
 trade ; but Providence had not so decreed. During this per 
 iod all his spare hours were spent in reading, and the infor 
 mation thus acquired begetting a thirst for more knowledge, 
 he quit his trade, and in January, 1843, at the age of nine 
 teen, entered Miami University at Oxford, Ohio. Here he 
 remained two years, his vigorous and healthy mind eagerly 
 grasping and appropriating all the means of knowledge 
 placed within his reach. One of his teachers says he was 
 " a diligent, earnest student, modest but not timid, plain but 
 <( not verdant, and more anxious to acquire knowledge than to 
 " display it." He also had the reputation of being the best 
 extemporaneous speaker and debater in the college a talent 
 which doubtless shaped his career in life, and accounts, in a 
 large degree, for his great success and power as a public man. 
 At the age of twenty- two he left college and immediately 
 
HIS PROFESSIONAL CAREER. 3 
 
 began the study of law, in the office of the Hon. John S. 
 Newman, at Cenlerville, Indiana. It may be mentioned as 
 a fact equally honorable to both that the friendship then 
 begun between them continues unbroken, and the former pre 
 ceptor is still a trusted friend and counselor of his now dis 
 tinguished pupil. Mr. Morton brought to this new under 
 taking the same energy of purpose and conscientious effort 
 which had now become a recognized trait of his character, and 
 grappled with the law as one who meant to learn it. His 
 masculine mind soon mastered the principles of the science, 
 and with patient effort took in its details. Judge Xewman 
 says he was a very thorough reader, and possessed, in a remark 
 able degree, the power of thinking at all times and in every 
 place. He was admitted to practice in 1847. At that time the 
 bar of Wayne and adjacent counties embraced a number of the 
 best lawyers in the State, and Mr. Morton soon found himself 
 brought into professional contact with some of the ablest and 
 most cultivated men who have ever graced the profession in 
 Indiana. It was a good school for a young lawyer and well 
 calculated to put him to his best efforts and bring out all there 
 was in him. Though he did not leap at once to fame, as 
 indeed few lawyers in this or any other country have ever 
 done, his success was assured from the beginning, and he soon 
 came to be recognized as one of the soundest lawyers on that 
 circuit. Within ten years from his admission to the bar he 
 had a very large and lucrative practice and was spoken of as 
 a rising man. In 1852, at the age of twenty-nine, Mr. Morton 
 was elected Circuit Judge by the Legislature. The position 
 of a Judge, however, had little attraction for him, and though 
 he filled it to. the entire satisfaction of the profession and the 
 public, he willingly resigned it at the end of a year. Being 
 naturally of a controversial cast of mind, he preferred the 
 bar to the bench, and professional combat to judicial service. 
 He was a good judge but a better counselor and advocate. 
 From 1853 to 1860 he devoted himself assiduously and suc 
 cessfully to the practice, with the exception of some brief 
 digressions into politics, and was on one side or the other of 
 nearly every important case tried in Wayne or the neighbor 
 ing counties. 
 
OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 ENTRANCE INTO POLITICS. 
 
 Mr. Morton began life as a Democrat. The early tradi 
 tions of that party exercised a peculiar power over the minds 
 of ambitious young men, and the public conscience was still 
 comparatively dormant as to its corrupt and corrupting ten 
 dencies. He was reared to believe in Democratic doctrines, 
 and when he became a voter (1844) slavery was still gener 
 ally regarded as a sacred institution, upon the protection of 
 which depended the perpetuity of the Union. The political 
 danger of the institution was no better understood than its 
 moral turpitude, and though a public sentiment was already 
 forming which was destined to sweep it out of existence, that 
 sentiment had not as yet assumed any well defined organiza 
 tion or feasible line of action. The public mind was satu 
 rated with the idea, so long and zealously taught by the 
 Democratic party, that the Constitution was the twin brother 
 of slavery, and that the preservation of the one required 
 immunity, if not protection for the other. But the leaven 
 was at work which was to leaven the whole lump, and the 
 time was fast approaching when the corrupt and dangerous 
 designs of the Democracy were to be exposed in all their 
 hideous proportions. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
 in 1854 at once betrayed the whole purpose of the party and 
 opened the way for those to leave it, who had already become 
 convinced of its faithlessness and treachery. Mr. Morton left 
 it then and has ever since acted with the party of liberty and 
 progress, then nameless, but now known to history and fame 
 as the Republican party. Having made public avowal of his 
 opposition to slavery and his withdrawal from the Democ 
 racy, he soon became known as one of the most earnest advo 
 cates of a new party to embody the growing sentiment against 
 the aggressions of the slave power and to represent the princi 
 ples of liberty and progress. He was one of the three dele 
 gates sent from Indiana to the 
 
 PITTSBURGH CONVENTION IN 1856. 
 
 From this convention the Republican party dates it origin 
 
j 
 
 HIS EARLY REPUBLICANISM. 
 
 not the origin of its principles, but the beginning of its polit 
 ical existence. It was held on the 22nd of February, a day 
 which has been honored by many Republican conventions 
 since. Its deliberations were interesting and important, and 
 were actively participated in by Mr. Morton, who was already 
 recognized as one of the rising men of the new party. This 
 convention blazed the way for the one at Philadelphia, which, 
 four months later, nominated John C. Fremont for Presi 
 dent. In thus espousing the Republican cause, Mr. Morton 
 was accompanied and followed by many honest and staunch 
 Democrats, who, as the issue was made up, recognized the 
 Republican party as the party of liberty and progress. Espec 
 ially were the liberty-loving Germans quick to discern the 
 significance of the movement and prompt in giving it their 
 adhesion. They espoused the cause with great heartiness 
 and enthusiasm and were then, as now, among its most 
 ardent supporters. Among all his friends Senator Morton 
 numbers none more ardent or more appreciative of his services 
 to the cause of liberty than the German Republicans of 
 Indiana. 
 
 The Republican State Convention of Indiana met in 
 1856 to nominate candidates for Governor and State offi 
 cers. The new party was on its metal, and every consi 
 deration required that it should put forth its strongest 
 and most available men. It already numbered in its ranks 
 many thousands of the best citizens in the State, and justly 
 claimed then, as now, to represent the best elements of 
 society. On a full survey of the situation, the convention 
 nominated Mr. Morton for Governor by acclamation. The 
 nomination was accepted with a full consciousness that there 
 was little or no prospect of election and that the party 
 expected a thorough and exhaustive canvass of the State. It 
 would involve several months neglect of professional business 
 and considerable expense. But he had embarked in the new 
 movement and his heart was in the cause. Foreseeing the 
 rising contest between the powers of political darkness and 
 light, he could have truthfully said with Richard, " My soul s 
 " in arms and eager for the fray." 
 
 His Democratic opponent in the contest was Hon. A. P. 
 
6 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 Willard, a very able man and one of the most brilliant speak 
 ers of his day. He represented an old, compact, powerful 
 political organization, strengthened by the prestige of time 
 and past successes ; while Morton appeared as the champion 
 of a new party, comparatively weak in numbers and organi 
 zation, but strong in the consciousness of right principles. 
 From that campaign, unsuccessful as it was, dates his popu 
 larity with the Republican masses and his powerful hold on 
 the party; for, though subsequent events have infinitely 
 strengthened both, they had their beginning in the campaign 
 of 185G. Mr. Morton made a thorough canvass of the State, 
 appearing then, for the first time, before the people at large. 
 Wherever he went he made a deep and lasting impression by 
 the vigor of his attack, the force of his logic, the evident 
 earnestness of his convictions and the lofty confidence which 
 he evinced in the ultimate triumph of Republican principles. 
 Those who listened to him knew he was a rising man, and 
 saw the light of ultimate victory in his eye. Broad and deep 
 he laid in the hearts and minds of the people the foundation 
 principles on which was to be reared, in future years, a polit 
 ical structure of grandeur and beauty. The contest ended in 
 his defeat, as he expected it would ; but it was a victory for 
 the Republican party, since the seed then sown were, in due 
 time, to spring up and bring forth abundant fruit. From that 
 day to the present, no political campaign has occurred in the 
 State in which he has not borne a leading part. In every 
 battle for Republican principles he has been in the thickest of 
 the fight, leading and cheering on his followers and dealing 
 tremendous blows on the enemy, while his intuitive know 
 ledge of politics and his consummate leadership have been 
 found as valuable in council as in action. 
 
 After the unsuccessful campaign of 1856, Mr. Morton 
 resumed the practice of law, which he continued for four 
 years, when the Republican party again demanded his services. 
 In 1860 he was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor, with Hon. 
 Henry S. Lane as Governor. Again, as in 1856, he threw 
 aside private and professional business at the call of party, 
 and prepared for another thorough canvass of the State. 
 This time he was no stranger to the people. His services 
 
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. 7 
 
 to the new party had been matter of common remark dur 
 ing the last four years, and wherever he went he was 
 greeted with enthusiasm. The campaign lasted four months, 
 and he spoke in every part of the State. In this canvass he 
 showed the same intuitive insight into politics, the same 
 comprehensive grasp of public questions and enthusiastic 
 devotion to the principles of the Eepublican party that had 
 won so much commendation in 1856. In a speech, delivered 
 at Terre Haute on the 10th of March, 1860, he thus arraigned 
 the Democratic party : 
 
 "It found the country at peace, and has left it stained with blood and 
 " torn by civil dissensions. It reopened the slavery question in a form most 
 " offensive, and under circumstances most aggravating to the anti-slavery 
 " sentiment of the North. It was the deliberate breach of a time-honored 
 " Compromise which had had its origin in the most critical period of our 
 "political history, and had given peace to the nation. History will pro- 
 " nounce judgment on this repeal as a wanton and wicked act, without a 
 " circumstance to palliate or excuse its perpetration, and as having its origin 
 "in the political necessities and reckless ambition of partisans. The object 
 " to be gained was the united favor of the South, and the means of obtain- 
 " ing it an extravagant and reckless devotion to her supposed interests." 
 
 Of the Republican party then advancing so grandly to vic 
 tory, he said : 
 
 "It is a matter of proud congratulation that there is not one disunionist 
 " within the pale of the Republican party. There is no part of the Repub- 
 " lican platform upon which a disunionist can stand. * * We do not 
 "say that the Union may be preserved upon certain conditions ; we do not 
 " measure our fidelity to it by our success; but we say it must and shall be 
 " preserved, whatever party may be in the ascendant. We do not say the 
 " Republican party first and the Union afterwards ; but we say the Union 
 "first, last and all the time, and that we will wage uncompromising warfare 
 " upon all parties that contemplate its destruction under any circumstances." 
 
 Perhaps the remembrance of his defeat four years before 
 spurred him to greater efforts, or perhaps the almost certain 
 prospect of victory inspired him ; certain it is that in this 
 campaign he performed a vast amount of labor and with 
 marked results. Under Providence, his efforts in 1856 and 
 1860 contributed more than those of any other one 
 person to the overthrow of the slave Democracy in this State 
 and the final success of the Republican party. The election 
 resulted in the success of the whole Republican ticket by about 
 10,000 majority. Immediately after the assembling of the 
 
8 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 legislature, Mr. Lane was elected United States Senator, and 
 Mr. Morton became 
 
 GOVERNOR OF INDIANA. 
 
 This office Lad in store for him such labors, responsibilities, 
 and dangers as rarely fall to the lot of man ; and, it may be 
 added, it was destined to bring him a corresponding amount 
 of public applause and national reputation. But before notic 
 ing in detail his great services to the State and Nation in this 
 capacity, it will be necessary to glance at the political situation 
 at the time of his assuming the office. 
 
 The steady aggression of the slave power had culminated 
 in the open avowal of a purpose to dissolve the Union in case 
 of a Republican success in I860. While using the cry of 
 "sectionalism" against the Republican party, the Southern 
 Democracy had themselves erected the sectional standard by 
 asserting that the government was nothing without slavery, 
 and the constitution worthless unless that institution was to be 
 both protected and extended. Public sentiment, already 
 debauched by a long and systematic course of Democratic 
 intrigue, was still further demoralized by the weakness and 
 treachery of James Buchanan s administration, the most dis 
 astrous and despicable that has ever disgraced our history. 
 Corruption was the rule, and honesty the exception. Patriots 
 blushed with shame, and treason lifted its head without rebuke. 
 The October elections in 18GO showed that the public con 
 science was at last aroused, and that the men of the North 
 were moving. The election of Lincoln in November thre^v 
 the Democracy into a frenzy of rage. Four months of Buchan 
 an s administration still remained in which to work their 
 policy of rulo or ruin, and they no longer attempted to con 
 ceal their purposes. Dissolution of the Ucion was the South 
 ern ultimatum peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must. 
 The doctrine of secession was boldly avowed as a constitu 
 tional and Democratic remedy against a Republican triumph, 
 and the idea of preventing or " coercing " a State from going 
 out of the Union was hooted at by every Southern Democrat 
 and a majority of those in the North. Meanwhile, a Demo- 
 
DENOUNCES SECESSION. 9 
 
 cratic Secretary of War was scattering the army and plunder 
 ing the government arsenals, and other Democratic traitors 
 were using their utmost efforts to undermine the government. 
 Disunion meetings were being held in all parts of the South. 
 Resolutions had already passed the South Carolina legislature 
 (Nov. 12, 18GO ; ) calling a convention with the distinct pur 
 pose of secession, and both of the United States Senators from 
 that State had resigned their spnts. And still, as yet, no one 
 in all the great North had raised an authoritative voice against 
 this madness. There was patriotism and loyalty enough, but 
 it was unorganized, even disorganized. The President elect 
 was not yet authorized to speak. The Northern press was 
 wavering and public opinion was at sea. The country was 
 
 WAITING FOB A LEADER. 
 
 Just at this time a Republican mass meeting was called in 
 .Indianapolis to consider the situation. It met on the 22d of 
 November, 1861. The largest hall in the city was crowded 
 with such an audience as the Republican party only could fur 
 nish. The speaker was Oliver P. Morton. The subject was 
 the rights and duties of the government in the existing emer 
 gency. The audience knew he was a strong and bold man, 
 and they expected strong and bold words ; but their hearts 
 leaped with joy at what they heard that night, as the loyal 
 heart of the country did the next day on reading the report 
 of his speech. Then and there for the first time by any lead 
 ing man was the duty of the government in the pending crisis 
 clearly and boldly asserted. The doctrines of secession and 
 coercion were examined in the light of the constitution, and 
 the right and duty of self-preservation shown to belong to the 
 government. Stripping the subject of all disguises, the speaker 
 struck straight at the heart of the question, and interpreted 
 at once the popular conviction and the popular wish in that 
 trying hour. The path of honor and of duty was shown to 
 be the only path of safety. The pernicious doctrine of 
 " peaceable secession," advocated by some well meaning per 
 sons in the North, was traced to its ultimate consequences, and 
 shown to be contrary to the constitution and fatal to every 
 
10 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 principle of government. The grandeur and glory of the 
 Union were set forth in eloquent words, and the power of the 
 government to " coerce" a seceding State was asserted in the 
 strongest terms. In short, the patriotic sense of the loyal 
 North in favor of preserving the Union was interpreted in a 
 manner which no other public man had yet ventured to adopt. 
 Morton rose to the height of the occasion. The policy of 
 " coercion " had come to be a sort of bugbear to many persons. 
 
 * What is coercion? " said Mr. Morton, " but the enforcement of the law? 
 " Is anything else intended or required ? Secession or nullification can 
 " only be regarded by the general government as individual action upon 
 " individual responsibility. Those concerned in it can not entrench them- 
 " selves behind the forms of the state government so as to give their con- 
 " duct the semblance of legality, and thus devolve the responsibility upon 
 " the state government, which of itself is irresponsible. The constitution 
 " and laws of the United States operate upon individuals, but not upon 
 " states, and precisely as if there were no states. In this matter the Presi- 
 " dent has no discretion. He has taken a solemn oath to enforce the laws 
 " and preserve order, and to this end he has been made Commander-in- 
 " chief of the army and navy. How can he be absolved from responsibil- , 
 " ity thus devolved upon him by the constitution and his official oath ? " 
 
 He then showed that the constitution provided no way for 
 a state to get out of the Union, and that the only alternative 
 for the President was to enforce the laws or acknowledge the 
 independence of a seceding state, and he could only do that 
 by authority of Congress. The central thought and ruling 
 idea of the speech was that the Union must be preserved, 
 and, if need be, by force. Pursuing this line of thought, 
 Mr. Morton said : 
 
 " The right of secession conceded, the Nation is dissolved. Instead of 
 " having a Nation, one mighty people, we have but a collection and combi- 
 " nation of thirty-three independent and petty states, held together by a 
 " treaty which has hitherto been called a constitution, of the infraction of 
 "which each state is to be the judge, and from which any state may with- 
 " draw at pleasure. The right of secession conceded and the way 
 
 " to do it having been shown to be safe and easy, the prestige of the repub- 
 " lie gone, the national pride extinguished .with the national idea, secession 
 " would become the remedy for every state or sectional grievance, real cr 
 " imaginary. * * * If South Carolina gets out of the Union, I trust it 
 " will be at the point of the bayonet, after our best efforts have failed to 
 " compel her to submission to the laws. * * * Shall we now surrender 
 " the Nation without a struggle, and let the Union go with merely a few 
 " hard words ? If it was worth a bloody struggle to establish this Nation, 
 
AN EFFECTIVE SPEECH. 1 1 
 
 " it is worth one to preserve it, and I trust that we shall not, by surrender- 
 " ing with indecent haste, publish to the world that the inheritance oui 
 " fathers purchased with their blood we have given up to save ours." 
 
 Then, after pointing out the frightful consequences, the 
 anarchy and ruin sure to follow a dissolution of the Union, 
 he said : 
 
 " We must, then, cling to the idea that we are a Nation, one and indivis- 
 " ible, and that, although subdivided by state lines for local and domestic 
 " purposes, we are but one people, the citizens of a common country, having 
 " like institutions and manners, and possessing a common interest in 
 " that inheritance of glory so richly provided by our fathers. We must 
 " therefore do no act we must tolerate no act we must concede no idea or 
 <; theory that looks to or involves the dismemberment of the Nation. * * 
 " * Seven years is but a day in the life of a nation, and I would rather 
 " come out of a struggle at the end of that time, defeated in arms and con- 
 " ceding independence to successful revolution, than to purchase present 
 " peace by the concession of a principle that must inevitably explode this 
 " Nation into small and dishonored fragments. * * * The whole ques- 
 " tion is summed up in this proposition : Are we one Nation, one people, 
 " or thirty-three nations, or thirty-three independent and petty states? 
 "The statement of the proposition furnishes the answer. If we are one 
 " nation then no State has a right to secede. Recession can only be the 
 " result of successful revolution. I answer the question for you, and I know 
 " that my answer will find a true response in every true American heart, 
 " that we are one people, one Nation, undivided and indivisible." 
 
 It is doubtful if any speech ever delivered in the United 
 States produced more immediate and visible effects than the 
 one from which the above quotations are made. It was what 
 the country had been waiting for the voice of a leader able 
 to comprehend the great issues involved, far-sighted enough 
 to trace them to their legitimate results, and bold enough to 
 assert the right and duty of the Government to protect itself 
 against secession and treason. The speech went to the popu 
 lar heart like a bullet to its mark. Men read it, and said, 
 " here is the doctrine and the man." It dissipated the clouds 
 of doubt and error as the sun scatters the morning mists. 
 The public mind wavered no longer. From that day forth 
 the idea of f peaceable secession " was dead and the policy of 
 force was a fixed fact. It went like wild-fire all over the 
 country. It was published far and wide in the Republican 
 papers, and everywhere admitted to be unanswerable. The 
 Southern leaders read in it an authoritative expression of 
 
12 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 Northern opinion. A prominent gentleman, who visited the 
 President-elect a short time afterwards, at Springfield, found 
 Mr. Lincoln reading the speech, and Mr. Lincoln said : " It 
 " covers the whole ground, and declares the whole policy of 
 " the Government. It is the policy I shall pursue from the 
 "first." Its echoes reached across the ocean, and it was 
 regarded with such political significance that the English 
 authorities applied, through the English consul at Cincinnati, 
 for a copy of it. It constituted a rallying-point for public 
 opinion throughout the North and gave an immense impulse 
 to the development of loyal sentiment. It lifted Mr. Morton 
 at once into national prominence and secured him universal 
 recognition as one of the ablest men in the Republican 
 party. 
 
 On the 16th of January, 1861, he became Governor, vice 
 Hon. Henry S. Lane, elected to the United States Senate. 
 From the day of his inauguration Governor Morton gave 
 evidence of possessing 
 
 EXTBAOBDINABY EXECUTIVE ABILITY. 
 
 Hitherto he had been known as an able lawyer, a powerful 
 debater, and an eloquent champion of Republican principles. 
 During the next few years he was destined to develop most 
 surprising ability as an executive officer. It is entirely within 
 the bounds of truth to say that no man now in public life 
 has had so great experience as an executive officer, or has 
 shown such signal ability in administering a high office in the 
 face of unparralleled difficulties and dangers. With one 
 exception, Governor Morton was the youngest Executive of 
 any Northern State being, at the time of his inauguration, 
 thirty-seven years old. But of all those who acted in that 
 capacity during the eventful years of the war, none was 
 surrounded with such difficulties as he, and none gave evi 
 dence of such iron will and immense fertility of resources. 
 Other Governors had, indeed, important duties to perform, 
 but, they were sustained by a united people, und the path of 
 duty was plain and unobstructed. With Governor Morton 
 the case was very different. He was beset with difficulties 
 
HIS EXECUTIVE ABILITY. 13 
 
 and dangers throughout the whole course of his administra 
 tion. In no other Northern State was the opposition to the 
 war so strong and bitter as in Indiana, and nowhere else did 
 it find expression in such formidable and dangerous organiza 
 tions. The character and extent of this opposition will be 
 more fully noticed hereafter, together with the means by 
 which it was constantly met and defeated; the matter is 
 referred to now by way of emphasizing the statement, made 
 deliberately, that no public man in America has given evi 
 dence of possessing such remarkable executive ability as the 
 Hon. O. P. Morton. 
 
 His first attention was turned toward reforming the civil 
 administration of the State, and during the three months 
 that preceded the breaking out of the war he accomplished 
 wonders in this direction. The financial affairs of the State 
 were in confusion and embarrassment. Under a succession 
 of loose and corrupt administrations the State had been dis 
 graced and its credit seriously impaired. A long period of 
 uninterrupted Democratic rule had polluted every department 
 of the State government. The public lands had been stolen, 
 its revenues squandered, and fraud and extravagance were the 
 prevailing rule. The people soon discovered that there was a 
 new man at the helm and that the old order of things had 
 passed away. Happily, he had in his work of reform the 
 hearty co-operation of an excellent set of State officers, and 
 the results were soon manifest in the higher tone of admin 
 istration, the reduction of public expenses, the wholesale 
 removal of peculating officials and a general reformation of 
 affairs. Governor Morton had already distinguished himself 
 as an executive officer before the war began ; but that event, 
 ushering in the most memorable era of our history, was des 
 tined to develop this quality of his character in a most mar 
 velous degree, and to secure for him, in the mouths of all men 
 and in history, the honorable title of 
 
 And here let us recapitulate a little. Since the election of 
 Lincoln the secessionists in the South had been very active, 
 
14 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 and the Democratic conspiracy for the dissolution of the 
 Union had made rapid progress. A convention had been 
 called in South Carolina, which, on the 20th of December, 
 1861, had passed unanimously and amid great enthusi 
 asm an ordinance of secession. The Georgia Legislature had 
 passed a bill appropriating $1,000,000 to arm and equip the 
 State, and a delegate convention had adopted an ordinance of 
 secession by an overwhelming majority. Most of the South 
 ern States had wheeled into line, or shown their willingness 
 to do so. Peaceable expedients had been exhausted, and all 
 attempts at compromise had failed. The South would have 
 nothing but separation. The rebel Senators and Representa 
 tives had remained in Congress as long as they dared, and 
 then, drawing their pay, had fled South. A Congress of 
 Southern States had been held at Montgomery, Alabama, 
 early in February, 1861, at which a constitution for " The 
 " Confederate States of America " had been adopted, and a 
 President and Vice President had been elected. On his way 
 to "Washington Mr. Lincoln made a brief stop at Indianap 
 olis, and was received with great enthusiasm by a vast assem 
 blage of people. On this occasion Governor Morton deliv 
 ered the address of welcome to the President, in the course of 
 which he said : 
 
 " In every free government there will be differences of opinion, and these 
 " differences result in the formation of parties ; but, when the voice of the 
 " people has been expressed through the forms of the Constitution, all pat- 
 " riots yield to it obedience. Submission to the popular will is the essential 
 " principle of Kepublican government, and so vital is this principle that it 
 " admits of but one exception, which is revolution. To weaken it is anar- 
 " chy ; to destroy it is despotism. It recognizes no appeal beyond the bal- 
 " lot-box, and while it is preserved, Liberty may be wounded but never 
 slain." 
 
 To these statesmanlike words the President-elect responded 
 in terms which showed that he fully appreciated the gravity 
 of the situation. After his inauguration events followed each 
 other in rapid succession. Finally they culminated in the 
 firing on Fort Sumter, and the surrender of that post to the 
 rebels. This occurred on the 12th of April, 1861. On the 
 15th, President Lincoln issued his Proclamation calling for 
 75,000 men, and appealing " to all loyal citizens to favor, 
 
BEGINNING OF THE WAR. 15 
 
 4i facilitate and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integ- 
 " rity and existence of our National Union, and the perpet- 
 " uity of popular Government, and to redress wrongs already 
 " long enough endured." On the morning of the very day 
 this proclamation was issued, and before it was received in 
 Indianapolis, Governor Morton had telegraphed as follows : 
 
 "EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT OP INDIANA,) 
 "INDIANAPOLIS, April 15, 1861. / 
 " To ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 "President of the United States: 
 
 " On behalf of the State of Indiana, I tender to you, for the defence of 
 " the Nation and to uphold the authority of the Government, ten thou- 
 " sand men. 
 
 "OLIVER P. MORTON, 
 
 " Governor of Indiana" 
 
 Thus Indiana, through her Governor, was the first State to 
 accept the gauge of war and to proffer troops, as she was also 
 one of the first to put her troops into the field. The State s 
 quota, under the call, was six regiments, and on the next day 
 Governor Morton issued the following proclamation : 
 
 " WHEREAS, An armed rebellion has been organized in certain States of 
 " this Union, having for its purppse the overthrow of the Government of 
 " the United States ; 
 
 "AND WHEREAS, The authors and movers in this rebellion have siezed, by 
 " violence, various forts and arsenals belonging to the United States, and 
 " otherwise plundered the Government of large amounts of money and val- 
 " uable property ; 
 
 "AND WHEREAS, Fort Sumter, belonging to the United States, the exclu- 
 " sive possession of, and jurisdiction over, which were vested in the general 
 "Government by the Constitution of the United States, has been besieged by 
 " a large army, and assaulted by a destructive cannonade, and reduced to 
 " submission, and the National flag hauled down and dishonored ; 
 
 "AND WHEREAS, The President of the United States, in the exercise of the 
 " power vested in him by the Federal Constitution, has called upon the 
 " several States remaining true to their allegiance to aid him in the enforce- 
 " ment of the laws, the recovery of the National property and the mainten- 
 " ance of the rightful authority of the United States ; 
 
 " Now, THEREFORE, I, OLIVER P. MORTON, Governor of the State of 
 " Indiana, call upon the loyal and patriotic men of this State, to the num- 
 " her of six regiments, to organize themselves into military companies, and 
 " forthwith report themselves to the Adjutant General, in order that they 
 " may be speedily mustered into the service of the United States. 
 
 "OLIVER P. MORTON, 
 
 " Governor." 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, April 16, 1861. 
 
16 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 The response of the people to the Governor s call was as 
 prompt as his own to that of the government. The day after 
 it was issued there were five hundred men in camp at Indian 
 apolis, and the State House had already begun to assume the 
 appearance of a military headquarters. Fearing that an 
 attempt would be made by the rebels to take possession of the 
 National Capital, Governor Morton telegraphed to the Secre 
 tary of War on the 18th offering to send forward one regiment 
 immediately if needed to protect the capital, but they were 
 not called for. At this time there was less than $15,000 in 
 the State treasury, and no available means of arming, subsist 
 ing and equipping troops. Foreseeing the approach of hostil 
 ities, Governor Morton had visited "Washington about the 
 middle of March for the purpose of procuring a supply of 
 arms for State troops from the General Government, but 
 obtained little satisfaction. What few arms the State had, 
 therefore, were practically worthless. It had no military law 
 nor any military system. All had to be built from the ground 
 up. No man ever met new and sudden responsibilities more 
 nobly than Governor Morton did in this emergency, or showed 
 greater executive ability and aptitude for affairs. On the 20th 
 of April, four days after his call was issued, the organization 
 of regiments began. Meanwhile, the war spirit was rushing 
 through the State like a whirlwind, and volunteers continued 
 to pour in. At this juncture, Governor Morton, foreseeing 
 that the government would need more men, telegraphed to the 
 Secretary of War offering six additional regiments, without 
 regard to length of service, and pledging his word to organize 
 them in six days, if accepted. No response being received to 
 this proposition, the Governor, on the 23d, sent a special mes 
 senger to Washington, renewing the offer, and expressing his 
 determination at all events to put six additional regiments into 
 camp and hold them subject to the demand of the government. 
 Thus, at the very threshold of the conflict, he showed an 
 appreciation of its probable magnitude and an energy in pre 
 paring for it not evinced by the Governor of any other North 
 ern State. Happily, his great popularity throughout the State, 
 and the unbounded confidence which the people had already 
 learned to feel in his judgment and patriotism, enabled him to 
 
CONVENES THE LEGISLATURE. 17 
 
 fulfill to the letter every pledge or promise ever made to the 
 Government, or to the troops themselves. Amid the vast and 
 difficult labors now devolved on him, his personal energy was 
 felt in the smallest details, while his promptness and vigor of 
 action soon taught the Government and the people alike to 
 look upon him as one of the 
 
 MAIN PILLARS OF THE STATE. 
 
 He threw himself with tremendous energy into the work of 
 prosecuting the war, and steadily and rapidly rose to the height 
 of the great occasion. On the 24th of April the State Legis 
 lature met, in obedience to the Governor s call issued a few 
 days previous. In his message to that body, after reviewing 
 the history of the secession movement, he said : 
 
 " We have passed from the field of argument to the solemn fact of war 
 41 which exists by the act of the seceding States. The issue is forced upon 
 1 us, and must be accepted. Every man must take his position on one side 
 1 or on the other. In time of war there is no ground upon which a third 
 party can stand. It is the imperative duty of all men to rally to the sup- 
 port of the government, and to expend in its behalf, if need be, their for- 
 tunes and their blood. Upon the preservation of this government depend 
 our prosperity and greatness as a nation, our liberty and happiness as 
 individuals." 
 
 The Legislature, catching the Governor s spirit, responded 
 with alacrity to these patriotic sentiments. It promptly enacted 
 all the legislation recommended by him, and in every way 
 showed its perfect confidence in his judgment and patriotism. 
 The appropriation bills passed were for general military pur 
 poses, 1,000,000 ; for the purchase of arms, 500,000 ; for 
 contingent military expenses, $100,000; and for organizing 
 and supporting the State militia two years, $140,000. His 
 determination to be first in the field, had induced Governor 
 Morton; to send agents to the eastern cities and to Canada to 
 purchase improved arms for the Indiana troops. The organ 
 ization of regiments was pushed forward so rapidly that within 
 ten days from the President s call Indiana s quota was organ 
 ized, and on the 25th of April the whole six regiments were 
 mustered into the service, and put upon a course of thorough 
 military drill. Before the 1st of May lie had purchased a 
 
 JHI7ERSIT7 
 
18 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 large quantity of Belgian rifles of an agent in Montreal, and 
 had contracted with a Cincinnati foundry for eight brass six- 
 pounders and four twelve-pound howitzers for field use. This 
 armament may seem small compared with subsequent opera 
 tions, but it was in advance of the times, and showed rare 
 energy and a full understanding of the situation. As a result 
 of Governor Morton s splendid management, Indiana led all 
 the Western States in its preparations for hostilities. He was 
 terribly in earnest in the prosecution of the war, and infused 
 his earnestness into every person about him and into all the 
 people ; the consequence was, he was able to accomplish results 
 which to those who did not know the man or his manner of 
 working seemed incredible. His iron will carried all before 
 it, while his capacity for labor seemed to have no limit. The 
 three months troops which constituted Indiana s quota under 
 the first call, left Indianapolis in the latter part of May for 
 "West Virginia, where they were soon engaged in active oper 
 ations. Their passage through Cincinnati excited great enthu 
 siasm, though their complete equipment and martial outfit 
 provoked unfavorable comparisons. The Cincinnati Gazette 
 spoke in terms of high admiration of Governor Morton s 
 executive ability, while the Commercial said; 
 
 " The governor of Indiana has out-generaled the governor of Ohio. The 
 " contrast in the condition of the troops of the respective states proves it. 
 "The former has sent four admirably equipped regiments to the battle-field, 
 " and has two more ready to march at an hour s notice. The governor of 
 "Ohio has not a single regiment in camp or in field, properly equipped for 
 " service. The Hoosier troops are all armed with rifle muskets, uniformed, 
 " and are furnished with their complement of camp equipments. A large 
 " number of their rifles have sword bayonets. Ohio troops have a few 
 " rifles, some of them are uniformed, and a portion of them have camp 
 "equipage; but there is almost as much difference in their conditions in 
 " favor of the former as there is between raw militia and veteran troops." 
 
 A few days later, in noticing the passage through Cincin 
 nati of the Eighth and Tenth regiments the Commercial said : 
 
 " The stout and brawny appearance of the Indiana troops was univer- 
 " sally remarked. Napoleon never marshaled better stuff into his grena- 
 "diers. The lads were bronzed and hardy, and carried themselves with 
 "gallant bearing. Each regiment consisted of about 800 men. They were 
 * armed with the new U. S. muskets of the most approved pattern. No 
 "Ohio troops have such arms. "Whose fault is it?" 
 
ANTICIPATES THE SECOND CALL. 19 
 
 It is not desired to exalt Governor Morton at the expense 
 of anybody else, but simply to recall what is matter of his 
 tory and what was universally admitted during the war, viz.: 
 that with one or two exceptions no other Northern governor 
 displayed as much energy, capacity, and executive ability as he. 
 
 The troops thus hurried to the front had been organized, 
 fed, clothed and equipped by him without assistance from the 
 National Government. They fired the first shots in the war 
 west of the Alleganies, and were mainly instrumental in win 
 ning the earliest victories. 
 
 In anticipation of a second call, Governor Morton pro 
 ceeded immediately to organize five additional regiments of 
 twelve months volunteers, which, by an act of the Legisla 
 ture, were to remain under his control until needed by the 
 Government. The call came May 16, 1861. It was for 
 forty-two thousand three years men, and Indiana s quota was 
 four regiments. Governor Morton was prepared for this call 
 in advance, the regiments being already organized, equipped 
 and partially drilled. Thus his foresight in organizing these 
 regiments proved of great value to the country, and enabled 
 him to respond upon the instant to the President s second call 
 without going through the formality and delay of another 
 appeal to the people. And so it was all the time. He either 
 anticipated every call for troops, or had matters in such a 
 state of preparation that no time was lost in responding. His 
 system of securing volunteers was admirable, while his fac 
 ulty of stirring and rousing the people kept the war feeling 
 at fever heat. It would be impossible within the limits of a 
 sketch like this to narrate in detail his vast and multifarious 
 labors during this period. He seemed to be ubiquitous, now 
 in Washington, now at home, counseling with the President, 
 encouraging the people, organizing regiments, hurrying troops 
 to the front, looking after those already in the field, negotiat 
 ing loans, organizing sanitary commissions, forwarding stores 
 in short, performing the labor of a dozen meiT^ and infus 
 ing his spirit into all with whom he came in contact. He 
 was the right arm of the Government in the West, and when 
 danger threatened anywhere within striking distance from 
 Indiana, Governor Morton was looked to for succor and 
 
20 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 defense. Thus, when Gen. Kirby Smith was preparing to 
 invade Kentucky, loyal Kentuckians turned to Morton. The 
 Secretary of War telegraphed him to do his utmost for the 
 defense of Kentucky. General Boyle, commanding the dis 
 trict of Kentucky, telegraphed from Frankfort to Governor 
 Morton : " Rebels invading Kentucky. Send any forces 
 "you can possibly spare." General Buell telegraphed him 
 from Huntsville, Alabama, that a formidable raid was threat 
 ening Kentucky, and urging that troops should be sent for 
 ward with the utmost dispatch. So, too, when Cincinnati 
 was threatened by Kirby Smith, Major General Wright, com 
 manding the department, appealed to Governor Morton for 
 aid in the defense of that city, which was believed to be in 
 imminent danger. Within fifteen hours from the receipt of 
 the call he had forwarded by special train two regiments of 
 infantry, twenty-four pieces of artillery, 3,000 stand of arms, 
 31,000 rounds of artillery ammunition, and 3,365,000 mus 
 ket cartridges the ammunition, by the way, manufactured 
 in the state arsenal established by him. The governor and 
 his military staff themselves went to Cincinnati to assist in 
 organizing the troops and in other defensive arrangements. 
 No demand was too great, and no call too sudden for him to 
 meet. His energy, like his patriotism, responded to every 
 draft. 
 
 HIS MILITARY FORESIGHT. 
 
 A remarkable characteristic of Governor Morton s adminis 
 tration was the sound judgment and unerring foresight with 
 which he prepared for every military emergency. We do not 
 refer now to the manner in which he frequently anticipated 
 and foreshadowed the policy of the government, but to his 
 admirable arrangements for meeting promptly and efficiently 
 those demands which he saw could not be long postponed. 
 Thus after the second quota of the State had been filled, and 
 when many persons thought there would be no further call for 
 troops, he began to prepare for what he knew could not be 
 long delayed. To this end, while the three months troops 
 were still in the field, he sent special messengers to urge them 
 
VETERAN RE-ENLISTMENTS. 21 
 
 to re-enlist for three years or for the war. He represented to 
 them that the war was sure to last during several campaigns,, 
 that the government would need more men when the terms of 
 those now in the service should expire, and that Indiana would 
 certainly be called upon for further aid. The result was that 
 these regiments re-enlisted almost in a body, and were reor 
 ganized in time to respond with others to the third call for 
 troops, which was issued August 4, 1862. This call was for 
 300,000 men for nine months ; the fourth call, issued June 15, 
 1863, was for 100,000 men for six months; the fifth call, 
 October 17, 1863, was for 300,000 men for three years ; the 
 sixth call, July 18, 1864, was for 500,000 men for one, two, 
 or three years ; the seventh and last call, December 19, 1864, 
 was for 300,000 men for one, two or three years. Under these 
 various calls Indiana furnished an aggregate of 208,367 men, 
 of whom all but about 17,000 were volunteers. Every call 
 was met promptly and fully, no deficiencies being left to be 
 filled on subsequent calls, and the excess, after the quotas had 
 been filled, varying from two thousand to thirty thousand. 
 This record is a splendid and perpetual proof of the patriot 
 ism of the people of Indiana, and it also reflects imperishable 
 honor on the name of Oliver P. Morton, to whose personal 
 ability and exertions these great results were so largely due. 
 
 VETERAN RE-ENLISTMENTS." 
 
 Another evidence of his military foresight and fertility of 
 resources is found in the matter of veteran re-enlistments. 
 The policy adopted at the beginning of the war of accepting 
 men for short terms of enlistment proved to be unfortunate 
 and embarrassing in many respects. It is easy to see how the 
 constant expiration of enlistments would demoralize and 
 weaken the army. The Government authorities underrated 
 the magnitude of the rebellion, and perhaps, also, the patriot 
 ism of the people. The idea that the war could be brought 
 to a conclusion in a few months was the parent of many blund 
 ers, one of the most serious of which was the receiving of vol 
 unteers for three, six, and nine months. During the first two 
 years of the war the Government was greatly embarrassed by 
 
22 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 this policy, and its military resources constantly weakened by 
 expiring terms of enlistments. The only three years men 
 enlisted during the first two years of the war were those 
 under the second call, and their term of service would expire 
 in the summer of 1864. These war-worn veterans were the 
 main-stay of the Government, and the prospect of their retire 
 ment from the service was very discouraging. Governor 
 Morton was deeply impressed with the necessity of keeping 
 them, or as many of them as possible, in the army, and during 
 the winters of 1862-3 was in frequent communication with the 
 Government authorities on this subject. This was the darkest 
 period of the war.- The rebels were confident and aggressive. 
 The Union army was being weakened by expiring enlist 
 ments and desertions, not to speak of the heavy casualties of 
 war. Eebel emissaries were actively at work urging recogni 
 tion abroad, and fostering dissension in the North. Recruit 
 ing was difficult, and many true patriots began to have mis 
 givings of the result. But Governor Morton never doubted 
 nor wavered. He maintained that the Government could and 
 must suppress the rebellion ; that all that was needed was to 
 recruit the armies to a point that would render them irresis 
 tible, and then adopt a vigorous and aggressive policy. Time 
 and again, in person and by letter, he urged his idea upon the 
 Government authorities, accompanying it with a plan for vet 
 eran re-enlistments. At length his suggestion took root. On 
 the 25th of June, 1863, the War Department issued an order 
 for recruiting veteran volunteers,offering certain inducements 
 and prescribing details. It did not work well, and the veteran 
 re-enlistments under it were comparatively few. Still Governor 
 Morton adhered to his idea. Some three months later, in 
 September, 1863, he wrote to the Secretary of War suggest 
 ing another plan. He stated that quite a number of Indiana 
 regiments then in the field were so much reduced as to have 
 less than one hundred and fifty effective men. He suggested 
 that one regiment from each Congressional district in the 
 State, to be selected by the Governor, should be permitted to 
 come home and rendezvous in their respective districts for 
 recruitment and re-organization. His idea was, that allowing 
 the men to visit their homes would inspirit them, and that 
 
INTIMACY WITH ME. LINCOLN. 23 
 
 nearly every man would become a recruiting officer among 
 his friends and acquaintances. This suggestion was adopted 
 to the extent of allowing one non-commissioned officer or pri- 
 ate from each company, to be selected by the regimental com 
 mander, to come home on recruiting service, and an order to 
 this effect was issued October 23, 1863. This worked well, 
 and resulted in securing a large number of new men. The 
 work of re-enlisting veterans in the field, however, went on 
 slowly till November, when the War Department issued an 
 order allowing " a furlough of at least thirty days previous to 
 " expiration of their original enlistment," this stipulation to 
 be entered upon the re-enlistment rolls and the men to be 
 furnished with transportation to and from their homes at 
 government expense. This modification was well received, 
 and under it re-enlistments went on rapidly. Thus, this idea, 
 originated and persistently adhered to by Governor Morton, 
 became at last a source of great military strength to the Gov 
 ernment. 
 
 HIS INFLUENCE WITH THE ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 From the beginning of the war Governor Morton had 
 great influence with the National administration. This was 
 due partly to his recognized position as a leader of the 
 Republican party, but more, doubtless, to the remarkable 
 energy, judgment and sagacity which he displayed. He was 
 the trusted friend and counselor of Lincoln and Stanton. 
 His frequent visits to Washington brought him into close 
 personal contact and constant correspondence with both of 
 these great men, and they never failed to seek his advice on 
 every pending question of importance. In October, 1862, 
 he was in Washington on business connected with the war 
 department. The President had, as usual, conferred freely 
 with him concerning the conduct of the war, the state of 
 popular feeling, etc. Governor Morton had expressed him 
 self with his usual force to the effect that the people and the 
 cause demanded more energy in the prosecution of the war. 
 His conversation with the President left him in rather a 
 
24 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 depressed state of mind, and after going to the hotel he wrote 
 the following: 
 
 "METROPOLITAN HOTEL, WASHINGTON, October 7, 1862. 
 " His Excellency, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States : 
 
 "DEAE Sni: I could not leave tlie city without addressing you this 
 " note, and my intense solicitude for the success of our cause must be my 
 " apology. 
 
 " In my opinion, if our arms do not make great progress within the next 
 " sixty days, our cause will be almost lost. * * * * The danger of 
 " foreign intervention is daily increasing. The length of time which the 
 " rebels have maintained their Government and the success of their arms 
 " are rapidly furnishing foreign nations with an excuse to do what they 
 " have desired to do from the first to recognize the Confederacy, and aid 
 " it in whatever way they can. You have now immense armies in the field, 
 " and all that they require to achieve victory is, that they be led with 
 " energy and discretion. The cold professional leader, whose heart is not 
 " in the cause, and who regards it as only a professional job, and whose 
 " rank and importance would be greatly diminished by the conclusion of 
 " the war, will not succeed in a contest like this. I would rely with infin- 
 " itely more confidence upon the man of strong intellect, whose head is 
 " inspired by his heart, who believes that our cause is sacred, and that he 
 " is fighting for all that is dear to him and his country, although he be 
 " unlearned in military science, than upon the cold and polished profes- 
 " sional soldier, whose sympathies, if he have any, are most likely on the 
 " other side. It is my solemn conviction that we will never succeed until 
 " the leadership of our armies is placed in the hands of men who are greatly 
 " in earnest, and who are profoundly convinced of the justice of our cause. 
 " Let me beg of you, sir, as I am your friend, a friend of your administra- 
 " tion, and the friend of our unfortunate and unhappy country, that you 
 " will at once take up the consideration of this subject, and act upon the 
 " inspiration of your own heart and the dictates of your own judgment 
 " Another three months like the last six and we are lost lost. We can 
 " not afford to experiment a single day longer with men who have failed 
 " continuously for a whole year, who, with the best appointed armies, have 
 "done nothing; have thrown away the greatest advantages; evacuated 
 " whole states, and retreated for hundreds of miles before an inferior enemy. 
 " To try them longer, trusting that they may yet do something, it seems to 
 " me, would be imperiling the life of the nation. You have generals in 
 " your armies who have displayed ability, energy and willingness to fight 
 " and conquer the enemy. Place them in command, and reject the wicked 
 " incapables whom you have patiently tried and found utterly wanting. 
 " I am, with sentiments of great respect, 
 
 " Your obedient servant, 
 
 "OLIVER P. MORTON." 
 
 Quite early in the war Governor Morton was impressed 
 with the fact that the opening of the Mississippi river was of 
 
OPENING OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 25 
 
 vital importance in a political as well as military point of 
 view. Not only would it sever the Confederacy and cut off 
 a large source of supplies, but it would prove to the people 
 that come what might, the Government intended to hold the 
 great commercial artery of the continent. Throughout the 
 "West this was regarded as a matter of prime importance, 
 though naturally enough it did not attract so much attention 
 in the East, where the nearer field of operations in Virginia 
 absorbed all other interests. In the early part of 1862 there 
 began to be considerable talk among western Democrats of 
 forming a Northwestern Confederacy, to act in concert with 
 the Southern States, and to hold the Mississippi river in com 
 mon. It was one of the means adopted by them to demoral 
 ize the public mind, undermine the patriotism of the people, 
 and defeat the efforts of the Government to preserve the 
 Union. Little or nothing was heard of this talk in the East, 
 but in the West it was quite common. On the 27th of 
 October, 1862, Governor Morton addressed a letter to Presi 
 dent Lincoln on this subject, in which, after referring to the 
 Northwestern Confederacy plan, and to the use which Demo 
 cratic politicians were making of it, he said : 
 
 " Let us take security against it if possible, especially, when by so doing, 
 " we shall be pursuing the surest mode for crushing out the rebellion in 
 " every part, and restoring the Union to its former limits. The plan which 
 " I have to suggest is the complete clearing out of all obstacles to the navi- 
 " gation of the Mississippi river and the thorough conquest of the States 
 " upon the western bank. Between the State of Missouri and the Gulf of 
 Mexico on the western bank are the States of Arkansas and Louisiana. 
 " Arkansas has a population of about 325,000 white citizens and 111,000 
 " slaves, and a very large per centage of her white population are in the 
 " rebel army, and serving east of the Mississippi. Of the fighting popula- 
 " tion of Western Louisiana, not less than fifty per cent, are in the rebel 
 " army, and in service east of the river. The river once in our possession, 
 " and occupied by our gun-boats, can never be crossed by a rebel army, and 
 " the fighting men now without those States could not get back to their 
 " relief. To make the conquest of those States thorough and complete, your 
 "proclamation should be executed in every county and every township and 
 " upon every plantation. All this can be done within ninety days, with an 
 " army of less than 100,000 men. Texas would then be entirely isolated 
 " from the rebel confederacy, and would readily fall into our hands. She 
 " has, undoubtedly, a large Union element in her population, and with her 
 " complete separation from the people of the other rebel States, could make 
 M but feeble resistance. When this shall have been accomplished, a glance 
 
26 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 " at the map will show what immense advantages will have been obtained. 
 " The remaining rebel States, separated by the river, would be cut off effec- 
 " tually from all the Territories and the States of Mexico. The dangers to 
 " be apprehended from the French aggressions in Mexico would be avoided. 
 " The entire western part of the continent now belonging to the Government 
 " would be secured to us, and all communication between the rebel States 
 " and the States on the Pacific entirely stopped. The work of conquest in 
 " Arkansas and Louisiana would be easy and certain, and the presence of 
 "our gun-boats in the river would effectually prevent any large force from 
 " coming from the East to the relief of these States. The complete emancipa- 
 " tion that could and should be made of all the slaves in Arkansas, Louisiana, 
 " and Texas, would place the possession of those States on a very different 
 " footing from any other rebel territory which we have heretofore overrun. 
 " But another result to be gained by the accomplishment of this plan, 
 "will be the creation of a guaranty against the further depreciation of the 
 " loyalty of the North-western States by giving the assurance that, whatever 
 "may be the result of the war, the free navigation and control of the Mis- 
 " sissippi river will be secured at all events." 
 
 These are the views of a statesman. They show that 
 the writer saw not only the necessity of putting an end to 
 the North-western Confederacy agitation, but the vital import 
 ance to the Government of splitting the Southern Confeder 
 acy by opening the Mississippi river, which Jefferson Davis 
 at the beginning of the war had delared " the South would 
 te never surrender." And so, in every emergency, Governor 
 Morton was either called into the councils of the Government 
 or expressed his views freely to the President and Secretary 
 of War, sometimes in person and sometimes by letter. The 
 appreciation of his services was attested by frequent expres 
 sions from those high in authority, some of which are quoted 
 further on. 
 
 THE HUNDRED DAYS* MOVEMENT. 
 
 Another instance of Governor Morton s fertility of resources 
 is found in the history of " The Hundred Days Movement." 
 The year 1864 opened under gloomy auspices. The result of 
 the conflict hung in the balance, and it was evident that every 
 effort would have to be put forth by the government during 
 the ensuing campaign if it expected to maintain its ground 
 and press the enemy. Generals Grant and Sherman were 
 urging that every able-bodied soldier should be sent to the 
 
ORIGIN OF THE " HUNDRED DA YS MO FEMENT." 27 
 
 front. The grand Atlanta and Richmond campaigns were 
 about to be opened, which, if successful, there was reason to 
 hope, would virtually end the war. But to this end a great 
 and united effort was necessary. General Sherman was in 
 almost constant telegraphic correspondence with Governor 
 Morton, his main reliance in the West, exchanging views and 
 offering advice in regard to the equipment and forwarding of 
 troops. About this time Governor Morton conceived an idea 
 which took shape and culminated in important results. His 
 aim was to devise a plan by which all the trained soldiers 
 could be sent to the front for active service during the summer 
 campaign, and their places be supplied by new men enlisted 
 for a short period, who could thus relieve more experienced 
 troops by guarding communications, supply depots, etc. It 
 was a happy idea, but in order to give it the greatest effective 
 ness other Western States must co-operate with Indiana. The 
 plan was fully matured in Governor Morton s mind, and had 
 been freely talked over with members of his military staff, 
 when Governor Brough, of Ohio, happening to be in Indian 
 apolis on private business, Governor Morton laid his plan 
 before that official, and urged its adoption. Governor Brough 
 saw its importance, and at once approved it. It was agreed 
 between them that a meeting of Northwestern Governors 
 should be held at Washington as soon as possible, and a 
 <jo-operative plan of action agreed upon. This was the origin 
 of " The Hundred Days Movement." This was early in 
 April, 1864. On the llth, dispatches were sent from Indian- 
 Governors of Illinois, _Iowa, Wisconsin and 
 
 rernors of Ohio and 
 onsult on important 
 11 of the Governors 
 r ernor of Michigan, 
 meeting Governor 
 nd a plan of opera- 
 >ceeded immediately 
 i Government. The 
 llowing proposition 
 
28 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 " To the President of the United States : 
 
 " I. The Governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa and Michigan offer 
 " to the President infantry troops for the approaching campaign, as follows : 
 
 Ohio 30,000 
 
 Indiana 20,000 
 
 Illinois 20,000 
 
 Iowa 10,000 
 
 Wisconsin 5,000 
 
 " II. The term of service to be one hundred days, reckoned from the 
 " date of muster into the service of the United States, unless sooner discharged. 
 
 " III. The troops to be mustered into the United States service by regi- 
 " ments, when the regiments are filled up, according to regulations, to the 
 " minimum strength the regiments to be organized according to the regu- 
 " lations of the War Department. The whole number to be furnished within 
 ".twenty days from the date of notice of the acceptance of this proposition. 
 
 " IV. The troops to be clothed, armed, equipped, subsisted, transported, 
 " and paid as other United States infantry volunteers, and to serve in forti- 
 " fications, or wherever else their services may be required, within or with- 
 " out their respective States. 
 
 " V. No bounty to be paid the troops, nor the service charged or credited 
 " to any draft. 
 
 " VI. The draft for three years services to go on in any State or district 
 " where the quota is not filled up ; but if any officer or soldier in this spe- 
 " cial service should be drafted, he shall be credited for the service rendered. 
 
 " JOHN BROUGH, Governor of Ohio. 
 " O. P MORTON, Governor of Indiana. 
 " EICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois. 
 " WM. M. STONE, Governor of Iowa. 
 " JAMES T. LEWIS, Governor of Wisconsin. 
 
 " The foregoing proposition of the Governors is accepted, and the Secre- 
 " tary of War is directed to carry it into execution. 
 
 "April 24, 1864. A. LINCOLN." 
 
 The acceptance of this proposition was telegraphed to Indi 
 anapolis even before the fact was published, and a call was 
 immediately issued for the troops. The other States joined 
 heartily in the movement, and the result was that a large 
 force of hundred days men was furnished to relieve from 
 guard duty the veteran troops, who were so much needed at 
 the front. The sole credit of originating this important move 
 ment belongs to Governor Morton. 
 
rV 
 
 tftfNIV 
 
 MEASURES OF STATE DEFE1 
 
 HIS MEASURES OF STATE DEFENCE. 
 
 But Governor Morton s military zeal did not stop with 
 responding to the calls of the General Government. His 
 energy seemed to know no bounds, and the more he accomp 
 lished the more he desired to accomplish. While contributing 
 so largely and constantly to the National army, he organized an 
 effective military force in Indiana to meet emergencies which 
 he foresaw would arise. The position of Indiana as a border 
 State, the disloyal attitude of Kentucky, and the disaffection 
 existing in some of the Southern counties convinced him at 
 the beginning of the war that there would be need of a State 
 militia, to repel hostile incursions and protect the State. At 
 a special session in 1861, the Legislature passed, May llth, 
 an act for the organization of the militia, dividing the whole 
 arms-bearing population in the State into active and sedentary 
 militia, under the name and style of the Indiana Legion. 
 Shortly after the passage of this act, Governor Morton took 
 steps for the organization of the Legion. Competent officers 
 were detailed for the work and a camp of instruction was 
 established at Indianapolis. This movement resulted in the 
 enrollment of about 50,000 men, and supplied a force that 
 rendered effective service on various occasions in repelling 
 invasions, guarding prisoners, and preserving the peace of 
 the State. For a long period before the war the State had no 
 militia law, and the work of organizing and regulating a 
 State militia was one of great difficulty ; but it was success 
 fully accomplished even amid the enormous pressure of other 
 duties, and more than once during the war the Indiana 
 Legion became an important factor in military operations. 
 
 GOVERNOR MORTON S RELATIONS TO KENTUCKY. 
 
 The course pursued by Kentucky during the war will be 
 well remembered by most readers. While a large majority of 
 her people were unquestionably in favor of the Union, there 
 was also a strong and active rebel sentiment. At the begin 
 ning of the war she had a disloyal governor, Beriah Magoffin, 
 
30 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 and the Union people of the North feared the worst results 
 from his treachery. It was especially important to Indiana 
 that Kentucky should remain in the Union, as in the event 
 of her secession, or of the rebels gaining a permanent foot 
 hold there, the war would almost certainly have been trans 
 ferred to Indiana. In his message to the special session of 
 the Legislature in April, 1861, Governor Morton said : 
 
 " To our sister state of Kentucky we turn with hope and affection. She 
 41 has grown rich and prosperous in the Kepublic ; could she do more if she 
 " were out of it? It would be a sad day that would sever the bond which 
 " binds these states together, and place us in separate and hostile nations. 
 " I appeal to her by the ties of our common kindred and history; by our 
 " community of interest, by the sacred obligations that bind us to maintain 
 (: the Constitution inviolate, to adhere to the Union, and stand fast by that 
 " flag in defense of which she has so often shed her best blood. I pray her 
 "to examine her past history and perceive how the tide of her prosperity 
 "has flowed on unbroken, and ever increasing, until her limits are filled 
 " with material wealth and her people are respected, elevated and happy ; 
 " and then inquire if all this is not the result of that Union she is called 
 11 upon to break, and of that government she is invited to dishonor and 
 " overthrow. To ask Kentucky to secede, is to ask her to commit foul dis- 
 " honor and suicide. I trust that the good sense and patriotism of her peo- 
 " pie will not suffer her to be dragged by the current of events, which has 
 " been cunningly invented for that purpose, into the vortex of disunion ; 
 "nor permit her to be artfully inveigled into an armed neutrality between 
 " the rebellious states and the Federal Government. Such a position would 
 " be anomalous and fatal to the peace and perpetuity of the Union. There 
 " is no ground in the Constitution midway between a rebellious state and 
 u the Federal Government upon which she can stand, holding both in check 
 " and restraining the Government from the enforcement of the laws and the 
 "exercise of its constitutional authority. Such an attitude is at once 
 "unconstitutional and hostile. At a time like this, if she is not for the 
 " Government, aiding and maintaining it by the observance of all her con- 
 " stitutional obligations, she is against it. If the voice of her people can 
 "be heard, I fear not the result. Secession can only triumph, as it has 
 "triumphed in other states, by stifling the voice of the people, and by the 
 " bold usurpation, by demagogues and traitors, of the powers which right- 
 " fully belong to them alone." 
 
 These sentiments met with no response in the heart of 
 Kentucky s Governor, and the Union men of that State soon 
 found they had nothing to hope for from him. To President 
 Lincoln s first call for troops he responded with an insolent 
 refusal, and took occasion to air his treason under the guise 
 of " Kentucky neutrality." His heart was with the rebels, 
 
KENTUCKY NEUTRALITY. 31 
 
 and most of his personal associates were open sympathizers 
 with treason. Though he could not carry Kentucky out of 
 the Union, he succeeded for a time in preventing her from 
 doing her duty as part of it. His senseless prate about " armed 
 neutrality " became odious throughout the loyal North, and 
 fixed a stain upon Kentucky s name from which it has scarcely 
 yet recovered. Finally, in May, 1861, he actually issued a 
 proclamation, in which he said : 
 
 " I hereby notify and warn all other States, separate or united, and espe- 
 41 cially the United and Confederate States, that I solemnly forbid any move- 
 " ment on Kentucky soil, or occupation of any post or place therein, for any 
 "purpose -whatever, until authorized by invitation or permission of the 
 41 legislative or executive authorities." 
 
 As there was no imminent danger at that time of a Southern 
 army marching North, the evident purpose of this proclama 
 tion was to prevent the United States forces from entering or 
 passing through the State to reach the rebels. About the mid 
 dle of June General McClellan actually made a treaty with 
 Governor Magoffin/virtually recognizing Kentucky s " neu 
 trality," and binding the Government to allow no troops to 
 enter on Kentucky soil " unless invited to do so by the state 
 authorities." It is needless to say that this policy and these 
 events utterly demoralized the Union men of Kentucky. 
 Some of them lost heart altogether, and were cajoled or forced 
 into abandoning their views. Others adopted a sort of mid 
 dle course, which gave rise to the term " Kentucky Unionism." 
 Others, still, and they were a majority, remained true to the 
 flag. At an early day, however, they lost all faith in Magof- 
 fin, and looked to Governor Morton for counsel, aid and 
 succor. 
 
 From the day of the firing on Fort Sumter Governor Mor 
 ton recognized the vital importance both in a political and 
 military point of view, of holding Kentucky in the Union, 
 and was untiring in his efforts to this end. Early in May, 
 1861, he prepared a memorial to the President, in which the 
 Governors of Ohio and Illinois joined, urging the Govern 
 ment " at an early day to take possession, in force, of promi- 
 " nent points in Kentucky, such as Louisville, Covington, 
 "Newport, Columbus, etc., and the railroads leading from 
 
32 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 " them to the South." For this work they recommended that 
 loyal Kentuckians should be used if they could be found, and 
 they added : 
 
 " If Kentuckians can not be found, United States regulars would be the 
 " next best for the purpose ; but in our judgment they should be occupied 
 " at an early day, if it has to be done by the volunteer forces from adjoin- 
 " ing states. We believe this course will save Kentucky to the Union, other- 
 " wise that in the end the secessionists will control her." 
 
 But the Government was slow to move, and " Kentucky 
 neutrality" was treated very tenderly. In June, 1861, the 
 gallant and loyal Rousseau determined to raise a force of 
 Kentucky Unionists, and received authority from the Presi 
 dent to that end. At a public meeting, however, held in 
 Louisville, it was decided that the encampment ought not to 
 be in Kentucky, and Rousseau was accordingly invited to 
 establish his camp and rendezvous at Jeffersonville, in this 
 State. Thus Indiana furnished the first rallying point for 
 the Kentucky Unionists. At this time Governor Morton was 
 in constant communication with General Rousseau and other 
 loyal Kentuckians, encouraging and aiding them by every 
 means in his power. He gave permission to citizens of Indiana 
 to enlist in Kentucky regiments, and allowed a company of 
 cavalry in Knox county and one in Dearborn county to be 
 recruited for a Kentucky regiment. He also exerted himself 
 to procure arms for the Kentucky troops who, having no 
 Governor to look after their wants, had to rely on Governor 
 Morton for this and numberless other services. Meanwhile, 
 events followed each other rapidly, and " Kentucky neutral 
 ity " was swept out of sight. The new Legislature having 
 by a large majority decided to remain in the Union, the rebels 
 determined to invade the State, and in September General 
 Zollicoffer entered it in force. This movement created wide 
 spread alarm in Kentucky. On the 2d of October, 1861, 
 Governor Morton issued a proclamation to the people of 
 Indiana, in which, after reciting the invasion of Kentucky, 
 he said : 
 
 " These rebel troops have entered the State from the southeast through 
 " the Cumberland Gap ; also, from the southwest, occupying Columbus and 
 "other points, but chiefly from the direction of Nashville, toward Louis- 
 "ville, seizing and holding the Nashville and Louisville road, up to within 
 
DEFENDS KENTUCKY. 33 
 
 " forty miles of Louisville. A glance at the map will show the immense 
 " importance of their position, and the advantages they have gained. From 
 " their camps south of Louisville they can communicate, by railroad, with. 
 " every seceding State but two ; and can thus transport to their aid, in a 
 " few hours, men and munitions of war from every part of the South. It 
 " is the determination of the invaders and conspirators to subjugate the 
 " loyal people of Kentucky, and sieze for plunder and vengeance the 
 " wealthy and populous cities on the border of Ohio and Indiana. 
 
 " It should require no argument or appeal now, to arouse the people of 
 " Indiana to put forth all their strength. When our State was in her 
 " infancy, the brave men of Kentucky came to the rescue of our people 
 " from the scalping-knife of the savage, and their blood is mingled with our 
 " soil on many a field. And shall we not stand by Kentucky now, in this, 
 " her hour of peril ? Not to do so, were base ingratitude and criminal 
 " folly. We can best defend Indiana by repelling the invader from Ken- 
 " tucky, and carry the war thence to the hearts of the rebellious States. 
 * -s * 4 
 
 " I, therefore, call upon all men capable of bearing arms, and who can 
 " leave their homes, to cast aside their ordinary pursuits and enroll them- 
 " selves in the ranks of the army. Let the farmer leave his plow, the mer- 
 " chant his store,the mechanic his workshop, the banker his exchange, and 
 the professional man his office, and devote themselves to their country, 
 " and by enrolling themselves either in the armies of the General Govern- 
 " ment or under the military law of the State, be prepared to defend their 
 " country and their homes. Every man in the State capable of bearing 
 " arms should be in the service of the General Government or the State. 
 " Let personal ease and private interests submit to the overruling necessities 
 " of the hour, and let us show the world, by the sacrifices we are willing to 
 " make in person and property, that we are worthy of our sires, and deserve 
 "to retain the inheritance they have bequeathed to us." 
 
 At this time Indiana s quota was already more than full, 
 but this appeal gave a new impulse to volunteering and resulted 
 in large accessions to the Union forces. The troops now 
 recruited were speedily organized, equipped and sent into 
 Kentucky, some of them joining BuelPs command south of 
 Louisville, and others going to meet Zollicoffer in the south- 
 cast. Without tracing in detail the movements that followed, 
 it is enough to say that they ended in completely breaking the 
 rebel power in Kentucky, and driving them from the State. 
 Governor Morton s energy in this emergency was universally 
 recognized as of immense value to Kentucky and the Union 
 cause. 
 
 So, also, when General Kirby Smith made his formidable 
 6 
 
34 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 raid into Kentucky, in August, 1862, the Unionists of Ken 
 tucky and the officers in command turned at once to Governor 
 Morton for aid. August 10, General Boyle telegraphed him 
 that the rebels were invading Kentucky, and begged him to 
 send any forces he could possibly spare. On the llth he sent 
 seven companies, fully armed and equipped, to Frankfort. On 
 the same day, in compliance with General Boyle s requisition, 
 he sent two car loads of ammunition to Frankfort, from the 
 Indiana arsenal. On the 12th a dispatch came from General 
 Buell, urging Governor Morton to forward all the troops he 
 could to General Boyle in Kentucky. On the 13th a full 
 regiment left Indianapolis for Louisville, and reported to the 
 commanding officer at Bowling Green on the 15th. On the 
 16th another regiment was sent, and still another on the 17th. 
 During the next ten days troops were forwarded at the rate of 
 from one to three regiments per day. At this time an inci 
 dent occurred, illustrative of Governor Morton s fertility of 
 resources and promptness of action. While every nerve was 
 being strained to get troops into Kentucky a difficulty arose 
 from the fact that the funds to pay the advance bounty to 
 which a certain regiment was entitled had not been forwarded 
 from Washington. Many of the men had left their homes 
 suddenly, without providing for the maintenance of their fami 
 lies, expecting to receive the stipulated bounty-money in time 
 to remit it before going to the field. They felt a natural 
 reluctance to leaving the State, with the chances of battle in 
 the immediate future, unless the wants of their families could 
 be at least temporarily provided for. Governor Morton 
 addressed the troops, explaining the urgent necessity of their 
 instant departure, and proposed to send the money to them as 
 soon as it could be obtained. Every murmur was hushed, 
 and the men, with cheerful alacrity, shouldered their guns and 
 started for the front. On the morning of the 19th, the Gov 
 ernor effected an arrangement with citizens and bankers of 
 Indianapolis and Cincinnati for an advance of nearly half a 
 million dollars, and during that day and the succeeding night 
 four regiments were mustered, paid and started for Kentucky. 
 By the next evening three more regiments had been paid and 
 started. The bounty-money due the regiment which left 
 
DEFENDS KENTUCKY. 35 
 
 without being paid was forwarded to Kentucky and paid them 
 on the Richmond battle field, half an hour before the action 
 opened. 
 
 The battle of Richmond, fought on the 29th and 30th 
 of August, 1862, though resulting disastrously to the Union 
 troops, checked General Smith s advance, and gave time 
 to put Cincinnati, which was his objective point, in a 
 state of defense. In this battle there were six Indiana, one 
 Kentucky and one Ohio regiment, besides some Kentucky 
 cavalry. The opposing force was nearly three times as great. 
 The Indiana troops had only been in the service from two to 
 three weeks; the rebels w r erc veterans. In a dispatch to 
 President Lincoln, dated Sept. 1, General Boyle said : 
 
 " Our troops, especially the Indianians, fought with the courage and gal- 
 " antry of veterans. If Ohio and Illinois had supported Indiana, and had 
 " sent their troops on, the issue of the battle would have been different. 
 " Governor Morton has sent to this state since I have been in command here 
 " over twenty thousand men. If other states had done so well we could 
 " have overwhelmed the enemy. I deplore the loss that noble Indiana has 
 " sustained under the circumstances. It was important to meet the enemy 
 " before he reached the center of the state or crossed it, and Indiana, appre- 
 " ciating the importance of it, sent her gallant soldiers to meet the foe, no 
 " doubt feeling that they would be supported by Ohio, Illinois and Ken 
 tucky." 
 
 Again, in May, 1864, when Morgan invaded Kentucky, 
 General Burbridge telegraphed to Governor Morton for four 
 regiments. The response was: "One regiment leaves to- 
 " night, another to-morrow, and two more next day." A fort 
 night later word came from Louisville : " The city is in dan- 
 " ger. We want four or five thousand men." Troops were 
 sent immediately. The same day General Hobson telegraphed 
 from Covington for " any troops you can send me to Louisville 
 " or Frankfort." Kentucky had then taken every man of 
 Indiana s troops that the Governor had. He called out the 
 militia of several counties, and placed it in the best position 
 for service either at home or across the Ohio. A regiment of 
 re-enlisted veterans, arriving at Indianapolis on the short fur 
 lough given to re-enlisted men, at once volunteered to go to 
 Kentucky, and were promptly sent to the relief of Governor 
 Bramlette, besieged in Frankfort. A portion of the Indiana 
 
36 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 Legion was sent to guard the Louisville and Nashville Rail 
 road. By every effort, and at every point, Indiana threw her 
 self forward to protect Kentucky. Thus repeatedly and in 
 every emergency Governor Morton came to the rescue of Ken 
 tucky during the war, until he actually became known in 
 familiar parlance as the Governor of Indiana and Kentucky. 
 His great services in this regard were fully appreciated at the 
 time, and are still remembered by the Union men of Kentucky. 
 In acknowledoino; them after one of the invasions above refer- 
 
 O O 
 
 red to, the Louisville Journal (the lamented George D. Pren 
 tice being the writer) said : 
 
 "He has been emphatically Kentucky s guardian spirit from the very 
 " commencement of the dangers that threatened her existence. Kentucky 
 " and the whole country owe him a large debt of gratitude. Oh, that all 
 "the public functionaries of the country were as vigilant, as clear-sighted, 
 " as energetic, as fearless, as chivalric as he." 
 
 The Lexington Observer said : 
 
 " There is no man in the nation to whom Kentucky owes a larger debt of 
 " gratitude than to Governor Morton, of Indiana. * * * She is under 
 " an obligation to him that she will never forget. It has been well that, 
 " having virtually no Governor of her own, she could find so invaluable a 
 " friend in the Governor of a neighboring State." 
 
 And only recently a prominent Kentucky Unionist writes : 
 
 What Kentucky Union soldier, whose heart does not bound at the men- 
 " tion of his name ? I recollect well, as do hundreds of others, when the regi- 
 " ment to which I was attached would have starved to death, after a long 
 " and bloody battle, but for his promptness, energy, and determination. He 
 " took the responsibility when other men would have hesitated and halted, 
 " and our regiment have gone to pieces? 
 
 " How easy it is to forget ! In how many critical emergencies did this 
 " man step to the front just in the nick of time and save us. No wonder 
 " rebels hate him. He was an army in himself. His influence, which per- 
 " vaded the Nation, inspired every State, placed Indiana at the topmost pin- 
 " nacle of honor and glory, and saved Kentucky. Kentucky was a sort of 
 "an orphan during the rebellion a lone child, over whose inheritance rel- 
 " atives furiously were fighting, while it was likely to die of starvation and 
 " neglect. But for Morton s sheltering wing, they would have divided our 
 " garments and cast lots for our inheritance, thrusting us naked into the 
 "pit." 
 
THE SOLDIERS FRIEND. 37 
 
 HIS CAKE FOR SOLDIERS AND THEIR FAMILIES. 
 
 No sketch of Governor Morton s military administration 
 would be complete without at least a reference to the admira 
 ble system which he organized and conducted for the relief of 
 soldiers and their families. This feature of his administration 
 was prominent from the beginning of the war, and finally 
 became so conspicuous as to excite scarcely less admiration 
 than his energy in raising and equipping troops. By his per 
 sistent efforts the first Indiana troops put in the field were 
 better equipped than those of any other State. In the fall of 
 1861, being unable to get a supply of overcoats from the Gen 
 eral Government in time to protect the men from approach 
 ing winter, he went to New York and purchased twenty-nine 
 thousand overcoats. For a portion he paid the regular gov 
 ernment price, $7 75, and for the remainder 9 25 each. They 
 were immediately forwarded, and the men made comfortable. 
 On presentation of the bill, the Quartermaster General refused 
 to pay more than the regulation price on any of the coats, 
 leaving the difference of $1 50 on a large number of coats to 
 be settled by the State. When informed of this decision, 
 Governor Morton replied, " Indiana will not allow her troops 
 " to suffer if it be in her power to prevent it, and if the Gen- 
 " eral Government will not purchase supplies at current rates, 
 " Indiana will." And that was his spirit from the beginning. 
 But cold weather was approaching. It was the first winter 
 of the war, and the men were not yet accustomed to the hard 
 ships nor inured to the exposure of campaign life. They 
 needed many things, some of which the government could 
 not furnish rapidly enough, and some of which were unknown 
 to the regulations. To meet this want, the Governor issued a 
 proclamation to the patriotic women of Indiana, calling on 
 them to do what they could for their sons and brothers in the 
 field. They were requested, either singly or by associations, 
 to set about the manufacture of woolen shirts, drawers, socks 
 and gloves. He said : 
 
 " The sewing societies of our churches have a wide field for exertion, wider 
 " and grander than they will ever find again. Will they not give their 
 
38 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 associations for a time to this beneficent object ? The numerous female 
 benevolent societies, by giving their energies and organizations to this 
 work, can speedily provide the necessary supply. Let women through the 
 country, who have no opportunity to join such associations, emulate each 
 other in their labors, and see who shall do most for their country and its 
 defenders in this hour of trial." 
 
 In response to this appeal, an immense quantity of the above 
 mentioned articles and other comforts were contributed by the 
 women, and forwarded to the soldiers. This was the first 
 organized effort of any State to make special provisions for 
 its soldiers, and was the forerunner of all the sanitary com 
 missions. By degrees it expanded into a system whose benefi 
 cent operations were felt in all the armies of the "Union. 
 Governor Morton also organized the " General Military 
 Agency of Indiana," for the special benefit of Indiana sol 
 diers. A gentleman of well known energy and probity of 
 character was appointed General Agent, to whom was entrusted 
 the receipt and distribution of all sanitary supplies, the sup 
 ervision of local Agencies, and the direction of all matters 
 relating to the relief of soldiers. A large number of local 
 and field agents were appointed. The former had local officers 
 at various points near the field of operations. They were 
 required to make their offices the homes of soldiers ; to assist 
 them in getting transportation in returning home, when they 
 had no money or Government passes ; to provide them cloth 
 ing when, as was too often the case, they were ragged and 
 necessitous ; to feed them ; to facilitate every proper purpose ; 
 to take charge of returning prisoners, and to provide every 
 thing which their shocking destitution demanded ; and, in 
 short, to exercise a careful guardianship over Indiana sol 
 diers in every possible way. Field agents were expected not 
 only to look after the health and comfort of the men, but to 
 write letters, to take charge of commissions for them to their 
 friends and relatives, to see to the burial of the dead, and the 
 preservation of relics, to keep registers of the names of all 
 men in hospitals, with date of entry, disease or injury, and, 
 in case of death, the date and cause, and other informa 
 tion that might be of interest to the friends. The amount of 
 good done by the State Military Agency and the State Sani 
 tary Commission is incalculable. They found out Indiana 
 
HIS CARE FOR THE SOLDIERS. 39 
 
 soldiers in every field and in every prison. Wherever a 
 Hoosier boy was heard of in want or suffering, these humane 
 organizations managed to reach him. They were on every 
 battle-field, and the echoes of the cannon had hardly died 
 away before Indiana s agents were there looking for Indiana 
 soldiers. Through the Sanitary Commission enormous quan 
 tities of fruit and vegetables were distributed among Indiana 
 regiments. Nor did they confine their attentions exclusively 
 to Indiana soldiers, though these were given the preference. 
 Their instructions were to assist and relieve the soldiers of 
 other States, whenever it could be done consistently with 
 their first duty to those of Indiana, and many a boy in blue 
 from other States has had occasion to bless Governor Morton, 
 for attentions received from his Sanitary or Military Agents. 
 Amid all his other cares Governor Morton found time to give 
 considerable personal attention and supervision to these noble 
 charities. By tongue and pen he cheered and inspired the 
 people, while the vigor of his administration in this regard, as 
 in others, made itself felt through the whole body politic. 
 Local societies and organizations were formed, and a regular 
 system of competitive patriotism inaugurated. In one of his 
 proclamations on this subject Governor Morton said : 
 
 "An effective working committee in each ward and township should 
 " be at once selected, with such assistants and sub-committees as may be 
 " necessary, who can easily ascertain the number of families within their 
 "limits requiring aid, and estimate the quantity, kind and cost of all sup- 
 " plies needed during the winter. Contributions can be taken up accord- 
 " ingly. In this work the township trustees, and the officers of the various 
 " churches, will doubtless lend a willing hand. Especially do I desire that 
 " ministers of the gospel should present this subject to their respective con- 
 " gregations, and co-operate, as far as possible, in carrying out the general 
 " plan of relief." 
 
 In another proclamation, calling for additional volunteers, 
 he said : 
 
 " Upon those who remain at home, I would urge the solemn duty of mak- 
 " ing provisions for the families of those who have or may hereafter 
 " enter the army. The soldier in the field should have the sweet assurance 
 " that his wife and childen, and all who are dependent upon his labor for 
 " a living, will be provided with sufficient food and clothing. Such an 
 " assurance would nerve his arm in the hour of battle and enable him to 
 " bear with cheerfulness the hardships and privation of a soldier s life. 
 
 jK& Of THE 3^ 
 
 ftfiriVBESITY 
 
40 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 " It would be a lasting disgrace to our people if the family of any soldier 
 " should want for bread or raiment while our country is full to overflowing 
 " with all the necessaries of life." 
 
 By such appeals and by continually suggesting some 
 new plan of organized effort he kept the patriotism of the 
 people in constant activity, and secured really marvelous 
 results. Men, women, and children seemed to vie with each 
 other in their efforts ; loyal ministers of the gospel lent their 
 powerful aid to the movement and the whole machinery of 
 society was placed at the disposal of the Governor to further 
 his patriotic plans. Indiana s noble action in this regard won 
 for the State almost as much reputation as the valor of her 
 soldiers, and was the theme of general comment. The regu 
 lar correspondent of the New York Tribune, writing to that 
 paper from Fredericksburg, under date of December 18, 1862, 
 immediately after the battle, said : 
 
 " The peculiar and constant attention to the troops his State has sent out 
 " so promptly, is the prominent feature of Governor Morton s most admir- 
 " able administration. In all our armies, from Kansas to the Potomac, 
 " wherever I have met Indiana troops, I have encountered some officer of 
 " Governor Morton, going about among them,inquiring especially as to their 
 " needs, both in camp and hospital, and performing those thousand offices 
 " the soldier so often requires. Would that the same tender care could be 
 " extended to every man from whatever State, who is fighting the battles of 
 " the Kepublic." 
 
 In his annual message to the Ohio Legislature, in 1864, 
 Governor Brough spoke in the warmest terms of commenda 
 tion of the Indiana State Agencies and urged the adoption 
 of the same system in Ohio. The people of Indiana were 
 especially proud of the Governor s labors in this regard. The 
 total amount contributed to, and distributed by, the Sanitary 
 Commission, from its organization to its close, was 606,570. 
 These were the voluntary offerings of the people. In addi 
 tion to this, the princely sum of 4,566,898 was contributed 
 by counties, townships, cities and towns for the relief of sol 
 diers families and soldiers discharged by reason of wounds 
 and disease. In this great movement Governor Morton s 
 inspiring influence was constantly felt and his patriotic 
 appeals kept the people stirred up to this work as they did to 
 that of volunteering. 
 
OBTAINS ADDITIONAL ARMY SURGEONS. 41 
 
 In addition to the stated efforts of the organizations above 
 named Governor Morton sent special relief expeditions after 
 every battle in which Indiana soldiers were engaged. During 
 the year 1863 seven such missions were performed, a loaded 
 steamer being sent in each case. The first took 540 packages 
 of stores, twenty-five nurses, and "twenty-one surgeons ; the 
 second took 1,000 packages of stores and several nurses and 
 surgeons ; the third, 500 packages, with nurses and surgeons, 
 etc. In each case these steamers brought back sick and 
 wounded soldiers from the South-west. 
 
 OBTAINS ADDITIONAL ARMY SURGEONS. 
 
 On the 21st of April, 1862, just before the battle of Corinth, 
 Governor Morton telegraphed the Secretary of War as follows : 
 
 " That a great battle is impending at Corinth, is evident. Before addi- 
 1 tional surgical aid can reach the field from any quarter, five or six days 
 will elapse. Meanwhile the wounded must suffer immensely. So it was 
 at Donelson and Pittsburg. Indiana has at least twenty -four regiments 
 before the enemy. I propose to send at once to each of them two addi- 
 tional surgeons, and respectfully request authority from you to do so. I 
 regard this as an absolute necessity." 
 
 Heretofore each regiment had been allowed only one sur 
 geon and one assistant. Experience had shown this medical 
 force to be entirely inadequate, especially during or immedi 
 ately after a severe battle. This was especially the case after 
 the battles of Fort Donelson and Shiloh, and now as another 
 one was impending, Governor Morton proposed to make bet 
 ter provision, at least for the Indiana soldiers. His appeal to 
 the Secretary of War was granted, the necessary authority 
 given, and the requisite number of surgeons immediately 
 selected and dispatched to the field, with instructions to 
 remain as long as their services were required. This action 
 gave so much satisfaction that on the 2d of July, 1862, Con 
 gress passed an act providing that instead of one assistant sur 
 geon, as provided by a former law, each regiment of volun 
 teers in the service of the United States should have two 
 assistant surgeons. Thus Governor Morton s thoughtful fore 
 sight and care of Indiana troops resulted in this important 
 change for the benefit of the whole army. 
 
42 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 HIS CIVIL ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The foregoing pages furnish abundant evidence of Governor 
 Morton s remarkable executive ability, but the record would 
 be very incomplete without a reference to his civil adminis 
 tration during the period of the war. In most of the North 
 ern States this was a mere matter of ordinary routine, but in 
 Indiana it was attended by complications of the gravest char 
 acter, and difficulties which to most men would have seemed 
 insuperable. The war record of Indiana is a monument more 
 enduring than brass to the loyalty and patriotism of her peo 
 ple who stood by the Government ; but there was another 
 class whose memory equally merits preservation as having 
 done all in their power to embarrass and cripple the efforts of 
 Governor Morton to uphold the authority of the Nation. If 
 the noble sacrifices of the former are worthy to be honored as 
 long as the sentiments of loyalty and patriotism survive in 
 the breasts of men, the infamous conduct of the latter deserves 
 to be held up for execration to the last syllable of recorded 
 time. There were disloyal men and Democratic rebel sympa 
 thizers in nearly all the Northern States, but nowhere were 
 they so numerous, malignant, active and well organized as in 
 Indiana. For a little while after the firing on Fort Sumter 
 the voices of these domestic traitors were hushed in the great 
 roar of public patriotism, but they soon recovered confidence, 
 and entered on a course of political intrigue and revolutionary 
 plotting, which was kept up during the whole war. In pro 
 portion as Governor Morton showed himself energetic and 
 vigorous in his war policy, these men hated and maligned him, 
 and sought to defeat his plans. They exerted themselves to 
 weaken our armies by encouraging desertion, by discouraging 
 or forcibly resisting recruiting, and by crippling the efforts of 
 the State authorities to send reinforcements into the field. 
 They held meetings and conventions, and passed resolutions 
 denouncing the war. They labored to produce discontent and 
 even disloyalty among the soldiers by sending them papers 
 and letters condemning the war, urging desertion and promis 
 ing protection to deserters. In nearly every county of the 
 
A DISLOYAL LEGISLATURE. 43 
 
 State they formed an organization for resisting the draft, pro 
 tecting deserters and obstructing enlistments. Finally, they 
 organized a secret treasonable society known as the " Sons of 
 Liberty," for the express purpose of aiding the rebellion and, 
 if possible, transferring the war to Indiana soil. During the 
 winter of 1861-62, and the summer of 1863, the disloyal sen 
 timent was very active. County and local meetings were held 
 in many parts of the State, which declared the war "cruel 
 and unnecessary," denounced President Lincoln as a " tyrant 
 and usurper," Union soldiers as " Lincoln hirelings," etc. 
 
 In the fall of 1862, the Democrats carried the State, elect 
 ing a Democratic Legislature. It was a thoroughly disloyal 
 Legislature, the Democrats having a majority of six in the 
 Senate and twenty-four in the House. The first thing they 
 did after assembling was to decline to receive Governor Mor 
 ton s message, and to pass a joint resolution tendering thanks 
 to Governor Seymour, of New York, for "the exalted and 
 patriotic sentiments contained in his recent message." The 
 message of Governor Morton was full of important matter, 
 and was dignified and patriotic in tone ; but these Indiana 
 copperheads rejected it, and indorsed instead the congenial 
 utterances of the Democratic Governor of New York. This 
 was the key-note of the whole action of the Legislature. They 
 adopted resolutions denouncing "arbitrary arrests," and 
 declared that Indiana would not " voluntarily contribute 
 another man or another dollar to be used for such wicked, 
 inhuman and unholy purposes " as the prosecution of the war. 
 They instructed the Senators and requested the Representa 
 tives in Congress from Indiana to take measures to suspend 
 hostilities, and declared in favor of receiving the Southern 
 States back into the Union " on a liberal compromise, grant 
 ing them ungrudgingly all their constitutional rights and 
 privileges, with such additional safeguards as may be neces 
 sary to protect them in those rights." They refused to enter 
 tain a proposition to allow soldiers in the field to vote, and thus 
 practically disfranchised the men at the front. They denounced 
 the arming of the negroes, and resolved that " the people of 
 the State had over and over again decided against any interfer 
 ence with slavery." These are but a few out of many evidences 
 
44 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 of the rank disloyalty of this body. Finally, after having 
 done what it could to disgrace the State and cripple the admin 
 istration of Governor Morton, the Legislature adjourned with 
 out passing a single one of the appropriation bills necessary 
 to carry on the State government. This was 
 
 A TERRIBLE CRISIS. 
 
 The country in the midst of civil war, the Government 
 making steady demands on the States for aid, another call for 
 troops imminent, Southern emissaries and rebel sympathizers 
 doing all in their power to foment disturbances, and the Leg 
 islature adjourned without making any provision for the civil 
 or military expenses of the State. In this emergency, Gover 
 nor Morton had three courses open before him : first, to allow 
 the State institutions to be closed, the interest on the State s 
 bonds to go unpaid, and its credit to become bankrupt ; second, 
 to call a special session of the same Legislature and endeavor 
 to shame it into a performance of its duty ; third, to devise 
 extraordinary means of raising money to carry along the State 
 government and preserve its credit. He chose the latter 
 course. He organized a Bureau of Finance, appointed a 
 Financial Secretary, and devised a new system of State gov 
 ernment. He appealed to the people, to private bankers and 
 to various counties of the State to furnish funds to carry on 
 the State government, confident that the next Legislature 
 would be a loyal one and justify his acts. The response was 
 prompt and liberal. Many counties made appropriations 
 ranging from $2,000 to 20,000 each. Private citizens 
 advanced a considerable sum, and one railroad company pat 
 riotically loaned $15,000. Governor Morton went to Wash 
 ington, and on his representation of the case, the General 
 Government advanced him, as a disbursing officer, $250,000 
 out of a special appropriation for military expenses. Thus, 
 through his personal energy and efforts, funds were raised to 
 carry on the State government, keep all the State institutions 
 open, and defray civil and military expenses. The State offi 
 cers were hostile to his administration, and he carried out hir> 
 plans entirely independent of them. The Bureau of Finance 
 
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION. 45 
 
 established by him continued from April, 1863, to January, 
 1865. The total amount of cash raised and received by Gov 
 ernor Morton, during this period, was $1,026,321.31. Of 
 this amount, he disbursed, through his Financial Secretary, 
 for civil purposes $199,644.93, and for military purposes 
 $702,420.15, making a total of ip902,065.08. Of the balance 
 left in his hands ($124,256.23) $115,487.18, being part of the 
 military fund, was paid back to the General Government, 
 and $8,768.95 was paid into the State treasury. Every dollar 
 disbursed during the one year and nine months of his finan 
 cial administration was paid on his check, proper and suffi 
 cient vouchers being taken in all cases. Not a dollar was 
 lost or misappropriated. There is no similar case on record 
 of the Governor of a State raising funds by his personal 
 efforts to support the State Government, and carrying it along 
 for nearly two years without any appropriations by the Legis 
 lature and without any assistance from the State officers. 
 
 It has already been stated that these latter were hostile to 
 Governor Morton s administration . They were more than this. 
 As Democrats they desired to see him utterly fail in his efforts 
 to sustain the credit of the State and keep it in the front 
 rank of loyal commonwealths. When the interest on the 
 State debt fell due, on the 1st of July, 1863, they failed and 
 refused to make any provision for it, hoping, thereby, to crip 
 ple and defeat the plans of Governor Morton. But he was 
 equal to this emergency also. Discovering their purpose, he 
 hastened to New York, and effected an arrangement with 
 a loyal and responsible banking house to advance the 
 sum necessary to pay the interest falling due on the date 
 above named. But here he met another difficulty. The 
 interest could not be paid without a list of the stock-holders. 
 The only complete list was in the books of the State Agent at 
 New T York a disloyal Democrat and he refused to furnish 
 it to the bankers, or to permit them to have access to his 
 books. It was then proposed to him that he should pay the 
 interest in the usual way, on his own books, the bankers to 
 honor his checks issued therefor and to relieve him from any 
 personal liability for moneys so paid. This offer was like 
 wise refused. Determined not to be defeated, Governor Mor- 
 
46 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 % 
 
 ton set about obtaining a list of the stockholders from outside 
 sources, and after much labor and delay, actually succeeded in 
 doing so. The interest was finally paid, and the State s credit 
 saved. An arrangement was made with the same house to 
 pay the interest falling due on the 1st of January and 1st of 
 July, 1864, and 1st of January, 1865, and a public notice to 
 this effect quieted the fears of foreign creditors, and placed 
 the credit of the State higher than it ever stood before. 
 
 TREASONABLE PRACTICES AND SECRET SOCIETIES. 
 
 The foregoing pages sufficiently indicate the malignant spirit 
 of the Indiana Democracy daring the war, but they only 
 faintly suggest the enormous difficulties which Governor Mor 
 ton had to encounter from this quarter. It is no exaggeration 
 to say that he fought two rebellions one in the South and one 
 in Indiana. Reference has already been made to some of the 
 treasonable practices by which the sympathizers with rebellion 
 sought to embarrass his administration, but all of these, wicked 
 and nefarious they were, sink into insignificance when com 
 pared with the step in which they finally culminated. This 
 was nothing less than the organization of a secret treasonable 
 society, called " Knights of the Golden Circle," the undoubted 
 purpose of which was to plunge the State into revolution and 
 precipitate a civil war in its borders. Space would fail to 
 relate the numerous outrages and open acts of treason perpe 
 trated by this organization before it was discovered. In some 
 counties Union men had been driven from their homes, their 
 houses and barns had been burned, draft officers had been 
 killed, squads of soldiers sent to arrest deserters had been fired 
 upon, and companies of rebel sympathizers drilled in open 
 clay, with the avowed purpose of resisting the Government 
 authorities. Governor Morton was the special object of their 
 hatred. His life was repeatedly threatened. Once he was 
 fired at as he was leaving the State House at night, the bullet 
 grazing his head. These outrages became so frequent, and the 
 talk of organized resistance to the draft so alarming, that in 
 June, 1863, the Governor issued a proclamation, reciting the 
 
TREASON AT HOME. 47 
 
 act of Congress to define and punish treasonable conspiracies, 
 and ordering the agitators to submit to the laws. 
 
 Finally, in 1864, through the efforts of Governor Morton, 
 and an officer whom he had employed to assist him, a full 
 oxposure was made of the secret organization known as the 
 41 Knights of the Golden Circle," or " Sons of Liberty." The 
 exposure was complete embracing the signs, grips, pass 
 words, oaths, ceremonies, principles and purposes of the order. 
 The membership in the State at that time was about 50,000. 
 Its officers had 200,000 in their hands for the purpose of 
 buying arms. The leaders were in close and constant com 
 munication with the rebels. An outbreak had been planned 
 to take place in August, 1864. The arsenal at Indianapolis 
 was to be siezed, railroad and telegraph lines to be cut, and 
 the rebel prisoners confined here to be liberated. Governor 
 Morton was to be captured, and, if necessary, put out of the 
 way. The combined forces of released prisoners and Sons of 
 Liberty were to join the rebel forces, who were to advance to 
 meet them, in Kentucky. "With such information in his pos 
 session, Governor Morton was prepared to deal this treasonable 
 organization a crushing blow. He caused the arrest of the Grand 
 Commander of the order in this State, the Deputy Grand Com- 
 mande^ and four District Commanders all prominent Demo 
 crats. These arrests created great consternation in Democratic 
 oircles, and completely overthrew the plans of the order. It was 
 determined to make an example of the leaders arrested. Accord 
 ingly, a military commission was organized, and they were put 
 upon their trial for conspiracy and treason. Pending the trial 
 the Grand Commander made his escape from the United States 
 Court building and fled to Canada. The evidence against the 
 others was overwhelming. One of them turned State s evi 
 dence, and disclosed all the secrets of the order. The court 
 finally found all four of them guilty as charged, and sentenced 
 three of them to death and one to imprisonment. The death 
 sentence was approved, the day fixed for their execution, and 
 preparations for it commenced, when, upon the earnest repre 
 sentations of Governor Morton and other prominent loyal 
 men, the President commuted their sentence to confinement 
 
48 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 in the Ohio penitentiary. Subsequently, after the close of 
 the war, they were all pardoned. 
 
 It was amid such difficulties and dangers as these that Gov 
 ernor Morton had to move. In spite of them all, however, 
 he held the State to its duty, and, backed by the loyal citizens, 
 gave it a place second to none in effective support of the 
 National Government. 
 
 HIS RE-ELECTION AS GOVERNOR. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say that Governor Morton s man 
 agement of State affairs under the manifold difficulties above 
 related was enthusiastically approved by the Republicans of 
 Indiana. By his vigorous and brilliant administration he 
 had given the State more prominence than it had ever enjoyed 
 before, elevated its credit in financial circles, and won for it 
 golden opinions from loyal people everywhere. During the 
 four years from 1860 to 1864 he had come to be regarded as 
 one of the foremost men of the nation. His great services to 
 the Union cause were universally recognized, and the Repub 
 licans in Indiana, at least, felt that he had done what no other 
 man living could have done. Therefore, when the Republi 
 can Convention met in 1864 he was unanimously nominated 
 for re-election. This was an important epoch in his public 
 career, and much depended on the result of the election. Of 
 course the main question was whether Indiana would remain 
 true to the Republican party and the Union, but scarcely sec 
 ondary to this was the question whether the Legislature would 
 indorse Governor Morton s administration and approve the 
 various measures he had adopted to meet emergencies forced 
 upon him by the disloyal Democracy. All his acts had been 
 done in the confident hope that a Legislature would be elected 
 in 1864 which would approve them, and now the time had 
 come for an appeal to the people. His opponent for the Gov 
 ernorship was Hon. Joseph E. McDonald, now a Senator 
 from this State. Friends of both parties arranged for a joint 
 Oanvass of the State, and the opening debate was appointed 
 to take place at Laporte. The character of the occasion and 
 the importance of the issues involved drew an immense con- 
 
RE-ELECTED GOVERNOR. 49 
 
 course of people, the crowd being estimated at not less than 
 twenty thousand. His competitor was ten years his senior, a 
 skillful debater and strong man. He had been nominated 
 because it was thought he could cope with Morton " on the 
 stump/ 7 but the result proved how ill founded this expectation 
 was. The Laporte debate settled beyond all doubt the com 
 parative ability of the two men, and in the minds of all pres 
 ent virtually fixed the result of the election. Governor Mor 
 ton had the opening. His speech was a powerful arraignment 
 of the Democratic party and defense of his own administra 
 tion. The utter rottenness and treason of the Democracy 
 were exposed and every measure and act of his own vindi 
 cated. It was a great and convincing speech. Mr. Joseph 
 Medill, of the Chicago Tribune, who was present, said that 
 one speech, scattered broadcast throughout the State, would 
 elect Morton by 10,000 majority ; and the correspondent of the 
 New York Tribune wrote : " Nothing like it has been heard 
 " in this country since Webster s reply to Hayne." The speech 
 was too much for McDonald, and its effect upon the audience 
 disheartened him. His reply was virtually a failure, and the 
 debate resulted in a great triumph for Governor Morton. His 
 friends were prouder of him than ever, and the Democrats were 
 correspondingly depressed. At every subsequent appointment 
 the Laporte experience was virtually repeated. As Morton 
 warmed to his work he rose to even higher strains of argu 
 ment, while McDonald labored more and more as he noted 
 everywhere that his antagonist was carrying the people with 
 him. Governor Morton s speeches in this campaign were 
 characterized by the qualities for which he was now so widely 
 known power of logic, force of statement, and eloquent 
 presentation of Republican principles. He was re-elected by 
 20,883 majority, and the Eepublicans gained a majority in 
 the Legislature. It was the grandest popular triumph ever 
 achieved in the State. 
 
 His message to the Legislature set forth in detail all his 
 public acts of the last two years, and was a complete exposi 
 tion of the civil, military and financial affairs of the State. 
 In conclusion he said : 
 
50 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 "I respectfully request that a joint committee of the two Houses be 
 "speedily appointed to investigate the civil and military expenditures I 
 " have made since the adjournment of the last Legislature, and to examine 
 " vouchers for the same on file in my department, and that the Legislature 
 " will make prompt provision for the repayment of the money I have bor- 
 " rowed for public purposes. It was advanced from patriotic motives, with 
 " a full reliance upon the good faith of the State for its reimbursement, and 
 " without it the machinery of the State government could not have been 
 " kept in motion." 
 
 Pursuant to this request, the Legislature appointed a joint 
 committee to examine the vouchers for receipts and payments 
 of money by the Governor. After a thorough examination, 
 the committee found (as in his account stated) that the 
 Governor had received $1,036.,321.31, and disbursed $902,- 
 065.08, leaving a balance in his hands of 124,265.23, for 
 which he held a certificate of deposit in bank. The report 
 of the committee was a complete vindication of the Gover 
 nor s financial administration, and is a lasting tribute to his 
 strict and unimpeachable integrity. During a time of civil 
 war and great excitement, he raised by his personal efforts, 
 and disbursed on his personal check, all the money used by 
 the State government during a period of nearly two years, 
 without the loss or misappropriation of a dollar. No public 
 man in the United States can show a better record than this. 
 No other can show a record to compare with it, for there is 
 none who was ever placed in similar circumstances, or who 
 ever achieved such great results under such enormous difficul 
 ties. 
 
 AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 Governor Morton entered his second term with unabated 
 zeal and ardor. He was now in his forty-second year and in 
 the prime of physical and mental strength. The vast respon 
 sibilities and labors of the last five years had developed his 
 character to its fullest proportions. Experience had shown 
 him to be equal to every emergency, and success had given 
 him a confidence which was almost irresistible in itself. His 
 energy, patriotism, executive ability and fertility of resources 
 were a theme of general comment. His services to the State 
 and Nation were known and honored everywhere. 
 
CLOSE OF THE WAE. 51 
 
 In April, 1865, came the end of the war, and the assassin 
 ation of President Lincoln. This last event, which so shocked 
 the Nation and the world, was a stunning blow to Governor 
 Morton. The relations between the martyred President and 
 himself had been exceedingly friendly even intimate for 
 some years past. They had stood shoulder to shoulder in 
 support of the same great cause, laboring with equal zeal to a 
 common end. They had advised and counseled together dur 
 ing every phase of the conflict, each at times borrowing hope 
 and inspiration from the other. Amid a Nation of mourners 
 no man felt the death of Mr. Lincoln more than Governor 
 Morton, his admirer, co-laborer, and trusted friend. On the 
 receipt of the sad intelligence, he issued the following procla 
 mation : 
 
 " STATE OP INDIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, \ 
 " INDIANAPOLIS, April 15, 1865. / 
 
 11 To the Citizens of Indianapolis: 
 
 " The mournful intelligence has been received that the President, Abra- 
 " ham Lincoln, died this morning from a wound inflicted by the hand of an 
 " assassin, last night. A great and good man has fallen, and the country 
 " has lost its beloved and patriotic Chief Magistrate in the hour of her 
 " greatest need. 
 
 " I, therefore, request the citizens of Indianapolis, in testimony of their 
 " profound sorrow, to close their places of business, and assemble in the 
 " State House Square at twelve o clock M. to-day, to give expression to their 
 " sentiments over this great National calamity. 
 
 " O. P. MORTON, 
 
 " Governor of Indiana. 
 
 Immediately after the meeting thus called, the Governor 
 hastened to Washington to join in paying the last sad honors 
 to his murdered friend. He, with others, accompanied the 
 President s remains to their final resting-place ; and, at his 
 request, it was decided to have them rest for a day at Indian 
 apolis. The ceremonies here were of a most solemn and im 
 pressive character. 
 
 Shortly after this the returning troops of Indiana began to 
 arrive, and the grateful duty of properly receiving the victor 
 ious veterans followed quickly on the mournful task of bury 
 ing their murdered chief. The close of the war opened up a 
 new field of executive labor, which, if less exciting than that 
 of the last few years, was no less perplexing and severe. 
 
52 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 In the fall of 1865, in consequence of his great labors and 
 the continued strain upon his energies, Governor Morton s 
 health became impaired to such a degree as to require a ces 
 sation from work. His physicians prescribed rest and travel, 
 and in November, 1865, he went to Europe. He remained 
 abroad about five months, when he returned and resumed his 
 duties as Governor. His safe return was the more gratifying 
 to his friends in Indiana, since a State election was approach 
 ing and he was looked to as usual to sound 
 
 THE KEY NOTE. 
 
 State officers, members of Congress and of the State Legis 
 lature were to be elected in the fall. The Legislature then 
 chosen would have to elect a United States Senator, and it 
 was taken by common consent among Republicans that if 
 they carried the State Governor Morton was to be the man. 
 Shortly after his return from Europe the Republicans called 
 a public meeting, the first of the campaign, on the 20th of 
 June, 1866. The largest hall in Indianapolis was densely 
 crowded with those anxious to see and hear him, and a large 
 number of prominent men occupied seats on the platform. 
 His speech on this occasion was one of the most powerful and 
 scathing he ever delivered. The surroundings were sugges 
 tive of stirring memories. He had often spoken from the 
 same platform during the war, appealing to the people, call 
 ing for volunteers, and exhorting the citizens of the State to 
 stand by and support the Government. Now the war was 
 over, and the question was presented, as it is to-day, whether 
 the fruits of victory should be preserved or surrendered. His 
 speech consisted of a vindication of the course of the Repub 
 lican party and an arraignment of the Democracy. The lat 
 ter portion of it was terribly severe, and is still well remem 
 bered by those who heard it. He dwelt upon the course of 
 the Democracy during the war, and recalled their countless 
 acts of disloyalty. He hurled facts and history at them with 
 fatal precision and eifect. Nearly every sentence was received 
 with cheers by the audience, and the applause seemed to 
 inspire the speaker. His invective fairly glowed with pas- 
 
ELECTED UNITED STATES SENATOR 53 
 
 sion. Having traced the dark and dishonoring course of the 
 Democracy from the firing on Fort Sumter throughout the 
 war and down to the time of speaking, he concluded his fiery 
 philippic by saying : 
 
 " In short, the Democratic party may be described as a common sewer 
 " and loathsome receptacle> into which is emptied every element of inhu- 
 " manity and barbarism which has desolated the age." 
 
 In this speech also he made an argument in favor of the 
 adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment to the National Con 
 stitution, which attracted attention throughout the country. 
 No speech delivered since the war had so excoriated the 
 Democracy, or portrayed so powerfully their treasonable 
 career and purposes, and it earned for Governor Morton their 
 deeper hatred than ever. By Republicans it was generally 
 accepted as a complete vindication of the principles and pol 
 icy of the party, and nearly 3,000,000 copies of it were cir 
 culated in different States of the Union. 
 
 During the campaign which followed, Governor Morton 
 spoke at various points in the State, and never with greater 
 power or effect. The election resulted in a sweeping Repub 
 lican victory. In the Legislature the Republicans had thirty- 
 two majority on joint ballot. Shortly after the meeting of 
 the General Assembly in January, 1867, Governor Morton 
 was elected United States Senator, no other Republican can 
 didate being even suggested; and he receiving every Repub 
 lican vote. 
 
 HIS SENATORIAL CAHEER. 
 
 Great as Governor Morton s services to Republican princi 
 ples and the cause of freedom had been heretofore, they have 
 been fully matched by those which have marked his senatorial 
 career. If he had died at the close of the war he would have 
 been remembered as " Indiana s War Governor," as one of the 
 mainstays of the Government during the rebellion, and as a 
 man of extraordinary executive ability. To these distinctions 
 history will now add that he was also a wise and sagacious 
 legislator, of broad and comprehensive views, true to liberty 
 as the needle to the pole, firm and unyielding in his devotion 
 
54 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 to the cause of right, and immovable as a rock in his support 
 of Republican principles. If it be true that no man did more 
 to sustain the Government during the war, it is equally true 
 that none has done more since the war to secure its results and 
 to establish the Government on solid, broad, and enduring 
 foundations. 
 
 Governor Morton took his seat in the Senate of the Fortieth 
 Congress, March 4, 1 867. At that time Hon. B. F. AVade was 
 President of the Senate, and the body numbered among its 
 members many able Senators of the war period, some of whom 
 have since died, some have passed out of public life, and a few 
 still remain in the Senate. Probably never before, certainly 
 at no time since, has the Senate embraced more men of abil 
 ity, experience and character than it did then. Senator Mor 
 ton was welcomed to the body, and received at once into the 
 fullest confidence by leading Republican Senators. His polit 
 ical record- and services were familiar as household words, 
 while his temperate life and spotless character made him a fit 
 associate for the best of the great men who then adorned the 
 Senate. Their estimate of his abilities is shown by the fact 
 that in the organization of the standing committees he was 
 accorded throe important places Chairman of the Committee 
 on Manufactures, and a member of the Committees on Foreign 
 Relations and Military Affairs. 
 
 HIS FIEST SPEECH IN THE SENATE. 
 
 The great question before the Fortieth Congress, and one 
 which was occupying the attention of the whole country at 
 that time, was that of Reconstruction, or the rehabilitation of 
 the Southern States. The stubborn contest between President 
 Johnson and Congress had attracted universal attention to the 
 subject, and its intrinsic importance made it the theme of gen 
 eral comment and discussion. The great question was how 
 far to go in restoring the late rebels to their political rights, 
 and what measures were necessary to secure Republican Gov 
 ernment to the Southern States, and political equality, together 
 with safety and protection, to all classes of people. On this 
 question, and all those growing out of it, Senator Morton had 
 
SPEECH ON EECONSTR UCTION. 55 
 
 well settled views. He believed most profoundly that treason 
 was a crime, and that those who had engaged in ifc should be 
 made to realize the fact. He believed that men who had but 
 just laid down their arms after a four years struggle to destroy 
 the Government ought not to be trusted immediately with the 
 absolute control of the Southern States without the exaction 
 of guarantees in the interests of liberty. He desired to accord 
 them all civil and political rights as soon as it was safe to do 
 so, but he wished also to have the future peace and security 
 of the Union "so imbedded in the imperishable bulwarks of 
 the constitution that the waves of secession might dash against 
 it in vain." While he regarded it as important that the work 
 of reconstruction should not be unnecessarily delayed, he con 
 sidered it still more important that it should proceed upon 
 sound principles which would furnish guarantees for the future 
 integrity and peace of the republic. 
 
 On the 24th of January, 1868, Senator Morton delivered 
 his first speech in the Senate. The subject under debate was 
 the Reconstruction question. He had not intended to speak 
 at that time, and had made no deliberate preparation. In the 
 course of the debate, however, Senator Doolittle, of Wiscon 
 sin, made a bitter attack on the Republican party and the 
 Congressional policy of reconstruction. When he concluded, 
 Senator Nye rose to reply, but yielded to Senator Morton, 
 who spoke extemporaneously and without having made a sin 
 gle note. At the beginning of his speech he said : 
 
 "The issue here to-day is the same which prevails throughout the country 
 " which will be the issue of this canvass, and perhaps for years -to come. 
 " It is between two paramount ideas, each struggling for the supremacy. One 
 " is, that the war to suppress the rebellion was right and just on our part ; 
 " that the rebels forfeited their civil and political rights, and can only be 
 " restored to them upon such conditions as the nation may prescribe for its 
 " future safety and prosperity. The other idea is, that the rebellion was 
 " not sinful, but was right ; that those engaged in it forfeited no rights, civil 
 " or political, and have a right to take charge of their State governments, 
 " and be restored to their representation in Congress, just as if there were no 
 " rebellion and nothing had occurred. The immediate issue before the Sen- 
 " ate now is between the existing State governments established under the 
 " policy of the President of the United States in the rebel States, and the 
 " plan of reconstruction presented by Congress." 
 
 He then proceeded to demonstrate, first, that when the war 
 
66 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 closed the rebel States were without State governments of any 
 kind, since the State governments existing at the beginning 
 of the war had been overturned by the rebels, and those 
 erected by the rebels had been overturned by our armies, 
 leaving the Southern jStates without any government what 
 ever. Second, quoting that clause of the Constitution which 
 provides that " the United States shall guarantee to every 
 " State in this Union a republican form of government," he 
 proved conclusively that Congress alone had the right to exer 
 cise that power, and that it must be done by a Legislative act. 
 Third, he then considered the powers of Congress in the execu 
 tion of the guaranty, how it should be executed, and what 
 means might be employed for this purpose. This branch of 
 the subject was exhaustively treated, and the conclusion 
 reached that Congress not only had the power, but was in duty 
 bound, to prescribe such a plan of reconstruction as would 
 insure justice, security, and equal rights to all classes in the 
 South. This could only be done by giving the colored race 
 the right of suffrage. Of the State governments organized 
 under President Johnson s policy, he said : 
 
 " So far from having been organized by the loyal people, they wereorgan- 
 " ized by the disloyal ; every office passed into the hands of a rebel ; the 
 " Union men had no part or lot in those governments ; and so far from 
 " answering the purpose for which governments are intended, they failfid to 
 " extend protection to the loyal men, either white or black." 
 
 Then, having shown the utter failure of the attempt to recon 
 struct the Southern States on the basis of the white population 
 alone, he said : 
 
 " Now, sir, what was there left to do ? Either we must hold these people 
 "continually by military power, or we must use such machinery on such a 
 " a new basis as would enable loynl republican governments to be raised up; 
 " and in the last result I will say Congress waited long, the Nation waited 
 long, experience had to come to the rescue of reason before the thing was 
 " done in the last resort, and, as the last thing to be done, Congress deter- 
 " mined to dig through all the rubbish dig through the soil and the shift- 
 " ing sands, and go down to the eternal rock, and there, upon the basis of 
 " the everlasting principle of equal and exact justice to all men, we have 
 " planted the column of reconstruction ; and, sir, it will arise slowly, but 
 " surely, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. " 
 
 The meager outline here presented furnishes but a faint con 
 ception of the comprehensive grasp and convincing power of 
 
SPEECH ON EECONSTR UCTION. 57 
 
 this speech. It was universally conceded to be a masterly 
 presentation of the subject accurate in statement, unanswer 
 able in logic, forcible and dignified in expression. It placed 
 Senator Morton at once among the leaders of the Senate, and 
 showed him to be the peer in -debate of the oldest and ablest 
 member. Mr. Barnes, the Congressional historian, says, " It 
 " was one of the most memorable and effective speeches ever 
 " delivered in the United States Senate." Col. John W. For 
 ney, in a letter to the Philadelphia Press, wrote : " The scene 
 " this afternoon reminded me of the time when Webster and 
 " Clay spoke to eager and applauding galleries, and of the 
 "latex struggles after the war began, when Breckenridge, 
 " thundering treason from his seat, was met and mastered by 
 "by the martyred Baker. * * * Governor Morton s 
 " speech surprised, even those who knew his consummate abil- 
 " ities. He spoke like an inspired patriot. I will not attempt 
 " to give you a glimpse of his tremendous refutation of Dem- 
 " ocratic falsehoods or his overwhelming vindication of the 
 " Republican Congress. * * * He left the chamber amid 
 " the admiration of his friends and the respect of his enemies. 
 te No statesman who listened to him but must have been con- 
 " vinced that he had heard a master, not only in intellect, but 
 " in heart, a profound thinker and a resistless logician but 
 " more than these, a sincere and fervent lover of his country 
 " and all the oppressed races of men." Hon. Reverdy John 
 son, in the Senate at that time, said " the speech in manner 
 " and matter recalled the days when the chamber was graced 
 " by such men as Webster, Clay and Calhoun." The next 
 day after its delivery General Rawlins read it to General 
 Grant, then General of the army, who, after hearing it, said, 
 " That settles it, Eawlins. That one speech, if not another 
 " word is said, insures a Republican victory next fall." Thad- 
 deus Stevens declared that the speech was the first successful 
 attempt to defend the reconstruction policy of Congress. The 
 National Executive Committee had it published as a campaign 
 document, and distributed 2,000,000 copies of it during the 
 ensuing Presidential campaign. 
 
 From that time to the present Senator Morton has been 
 recognized as one of the Republican leaders, if not distinctively 
 
58 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 the leader of the Senate. He has been intimately identified 
 with every important measure of legislation, originating many 
 himself, and shaping or contributing largely to the success of 
 others. Naturally progressive, fertile in expedients and 
 resources, devoted to principlc/and untiring in the pursuit of 
 ends which he believes to be just and right, he has been a 
 most powerful advocate and ally of the cause of equal rights 
 and free government. 
 
 THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. 
 
 The thirteenth and fourteenth amendments to the consti 
 tution were both adopted before Mr. Morton went into the 
 Senate, but his influence had been effectively used in favor of 
 the ratification of both in Indiana. These, however, humane 
 and important as they were, were comparatively inoperative 
 without the Fifteenth Amendment, establishing universal suf 
 frage. The Congressional policy of reconstruction which 
 Senator Morton was so largely instrumental in shaping, con 
 templated the conferring of the suffrage on the negroes of the 
 South as a measure at once of justice to them and protection 
 to the Union. This was the object of the Fifteenth Amend 
 ment, the discussion of which occupied a large share of atten 
 tion during the third session of the Fortieth Congress, and 
 the final ratification of which was mainly due to Senator 
 Morton s persistence of purpose and boldness of action. 
 
 After an exhaustive debate, and an all night session, the 
 report of the Conference Committee of the Senate, recom 
 mending the adoption of the Amendment, was agreed to early 
 on the morning of the 26, 1869. Senator Morton had cham 
 pioned the measure from the beginning, and had been ably 
 seconded by other Republican Senators. Senator Sumner had 
 opposed it on the double ground, first, that it virtually con 
 ceded that Congress had not the power to regulate suffrage in 
 the States by legislation ; and second, that even if adopted by 
 Congress, the Amendment would not be ratified by a sufficient 
 number of States to make it operative. Three- fourths of the 
 States, (twenty-eight) were required, and to make this number 
 Indiana, Texas, Virginia, Mississippi and Georgia would be 
 
THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. 59 
 
 required ID addition to those States certain to ratify. Mr. 
 Siimner was confident that the ratification of these States 
 could not be secured. Mr. Morton, on the other hand, believed 
 it could be. At all events, he maintained that the Amendment 
 was just in itself, necessary to the peace and security of the 
 Union, and that it should be adopted by Congress and the 
 question of ratification be left to the future. Enough Senators 
 agreed with him to secure the passage of the Amendment and 
 it was adopted, the Democrats all voting against it, and Mr. 
 Sumner not voting at all. The Indiana Legislature was in 
 session at the time, the Republicans having a majority in each 
 branch, but not a quorum (two-thirds) in the House. To pre 
 vent the ratification of the Amendment by the House, there 
 fore the Democratic members resigned in a body, thus break 
 ing a quorum. This was treated as the breaking up of the 
 Legislature, and the members of both Houses dispersed to 
 their homes. Governor Baker, however, ordered new elec 
 tions in the counties from which these members had resigned, 
 and in April, 1869, convened the Legislature in extra session. 
 Near the close of the session, the Republicans having an 
 nounced their purpose of ratifying the Amendment, the Dem 
 ocrats again resigned to break a quorum. This time, however, 
 they reckoned without their host. Senator Morton returned 
 home on the very morning the resignations were handed in, 
 and learning what had been done, he immediately sent word 
 to the Republican members not to adjourn, but to meet him 
 that night in consultation at the Supreme Court Room. On 
 assembling, he addressed them at length, taking the ground 
 that a quorum of the House was not broken by a resignation 
 of more than one-third of the members ; that the constitu 
 tional provision requiring two- thirds of the members of each 
 House to constitute a quorum meant two-thirds of the actual 
 members, and that when a member died or resigned, he was 
 no longer a member, and could not be counted as such, and 
 that two-thirds of the remaining members constituted a quo 
 rum. His argument was conclusive of the question, and the 
 next morning both Houses of the Legislature met and ratified 
 the Amendment. Their proceedings were duly certified to 
 the Secretary of State at "Washington, and Indiana was 
 
60 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 counted as having ratified the Amendment. The Democrats 
 who resigned were equally surprised and disgusted at this 
 turn of affairs. The next Legislature, (the Democrats being in 
 a majority) passed a joint resolution declaring the "pretended " 
 ratification "null and void," and "withdrawing and rescinding 
 " all action, perfect and imperfect, on the part of this State, 
 "purporting to assent to, and ratify said proposed Fifteenth 
 "Amendment." Their protest, however, amounted to nothing, 
 and Indiana remained in line. 
 
 THE RATIFICATION OF THREE MORE STATES SECURED. 
 
 Pending the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment, a bill was 
 introduced in the House authorizing the President to recon 
 struct Virginia, Texas and Mississippi. Here was another 
 opportunity, and Senator Morton seized it. When the 
 bill reached the Senate, he submitted as an amendment an 
 additional section, providing that before these States should be 
 admitted to representation in Congress they should ratify the 
 proposed Fifteenth Amendment. The bill and amendment were 
 referred to the Judiciary Committee, which reported adversely 
 to the amendment. A three days debate ensued, in which 
 Senator Trumbull, chairman of the Judiciary Committee, led 
 in support of thr committee s report, and Senator Morton in 
 support of his amendment. This debate brought Senator 
 Morton again prominently before the Senate and the country. 
 The importance of the subject, and the ability with which the 
 debate was conducted, caused it to be regarded with unusual 
 interest. Mr. Trumbull was deemed the best lawyer in the 
 Senate, and was a very able debater, but in this contest Sen 
 ator Morton showed himself fully the equal of the distin 
 guished Senator from Illinois, both as a lawyer and debater. 
 " Senator Morton," said a correspondent of the New York 
 Times, " took both the legal and humane aspects of the case 
 "into account, and sustained his propositions by a masterly 
 " argument, excelling, if that be possible, his former speech 
 " on reconstruction." At the conclusion of the debate a vote 
 was taken, and Senator Morton was sustained. His amend 
 ment passed the Senate and subsequently the House. Thus 
 
KU-KL UX LEGISLATION. G 1 
 
 the ratification of Virginia, Texas and Mississippi was 
 secured. 
 
 There remained but one more obstinate State to secure, viz., 
 Georgia. This State had been reconstructed in 1868, but had 
 subsequently violated faith with the Government by expelling 
 all the colored members of the Legislature, on the ground that 
 they were not eligible to hold office. In December, 1869, 
 therefore, Senator Morton introduced a bill instructing the 
 military commandant to reconvene the Georgia Legislature, 
 including the colored members elect, and authorizing it thus 
 convened to proceed to the work of reconstruction by the elec 
 tion of two United States Senators, who should become entitled 
 to their seats as soon as the Legislature should ratify the Fif 
 teenth Amendment. The Judiciary Committee, as before, took 
 exception to the last provision, and reported against it. 
 Another debate ensued, similar in spirit to the former, and 
 conducted with equal ability. On this occasion Senator Mor 
 ton was opposed by Senator Carpenter and others. As 
 before, however, he was successful, his bill passing the Senate 
 in its original shape by seven majority. Thus was secured 
 the ratification of the last of the five States which, a year 
 previously, Senator Sumner had declared could not be secured, 
 and the Fifteenth Amendment became a part of the constitu 
 tion. The ratification of that noble and beneficent measure 
 might, in time, have been secured by other means, but it 
 stands to-day a grand and perpetual monument of Senator 
 Morton s persistency of purpose, fertility of resources, and 
 unflinching devotion to the cause of justice. 
 
 THE KU-KLTJX LEGISLATION. 
 
 In all of Mr. Morton s public life there is nothing more 
 honorable to him than his course with regard to the Southern 
 States. Rebels and rebel sympathizers have found pleasure 
 in stigmatizing him as " the apostle of hate," etc., but the 
 impartial historian will write that his whole course towards 
 the States and the people of the South has been actuated by a 
 desire to establish justice, insure tranquility, elevate the 
 oppressed, and protect the weak and helpless. No man living 
 
62 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 entertains towards the people of the South, in so far as they 
 d-j right and obey the laws, a more just and kindly feeling 
 than Senator Morton ; but he is the determined enemy of 
 lawlessness, the unyielding champion of equal rights, and 
 the best friend of the South in that he represents the only 
 principles on which the Union can be rendered permanent and 
 peaceable. 
 
 About the close of the summer session of 1870, Senator 
 Morton first called the attention of Congress to the fact that 
 numerous outrages were being perpetrated and general intim 
 idation practiced in the South for political purposes, and 
 charged that an organization existed in various parts of the 
 South for the purpose of encouraging and perpetrating these 
 outrages. His first speech on the subject was replied to by 
 Senator Trumbull, who ridiculed the idea of such an organi 
 zation. During vacation, however, evidence accumulated, 
 and at the opening of the next session of Congress Senator 
 Morton offered a resolution authorizing the appointment of a 
 committee to investigate and report upon the subject. The 
 Senate, however, was not yet ready to act. His next step was 
 the introduction of a resolution calling on the President for 
 whatever information he might have in regard to the commis 
 sion of outrages in the South. The President did not respond 
 for some time, and when he did some Senators evinced a 
 strong disposition to adjourn without taking any action in the 
 premises. Senator Morton, however, was convinced that 
 something must be done to protect life at the South and put 
 a stop to the murders and outrages which were now growing 
 more and more frequent. He accordingly determined to pre 
 vent an adjournment of the Senate till some measure to that 
 end could be perfected, and, if possible, passed. The result 
 was that, after a protracted and earnest debate, extending 
 through several weeks, the Senate passed an act entitled "An 
 act to enforce the rights of citizens of the United States to 
 vote in the several States of this Union, and for other pur 
 poses/ 5 which became commonly known as " The Ku-klux 
 Act." And, finally, when upon his original motion a commit 
 tee was appointed to investigate as to the alleged existence of 
 the ku-klux organization, their report showed a condition of 
 
THE LOUISIANA QUESTION. 63 
 
 affairs which startled the Nation and shocked the civilized 
 world. Their report completely vindicated Senator Morton s 
 wisdom and justified all he had said and done in this behalf. 
 
 THE LOUISIANA QUESTION. 
 
 One of the greatest political contests of recent times was 
 the long struggle, hardly ended yet, running through several 
 years, and embracing many ramifications and phases, commonly 
 known as the Louisiana question. Briefly, it was a case of 
 two contending State governments, each claiming to be legal 
 and genuine, and asking for recognition by the General Gov 
 ernment. In point of fact it was an effort on the part of the 
 Democracy in that State to override the will of the majority 
 and establish themselves in power by violence. Senator 
 Morton espoused the cause of the Kellogg government, and 
 defended it with such an array of facts and precedents, and 
 legal argument as made the end certain from the beginning. 
 The contest was stubborn and long continued, but at each 
 renewal of it, Senator Morton established and secured his 
 points. 
 
 During the last session of the Forty-second Congress, a 
 committee was appointed to investigate the Louisiana case. 
 It consisted of Senators Carpenter, Logan, Anthony, Alcorn, 
 of Mississippi, Hill, of Georgia, Trumbull and Morton. After 
 an exhaustive investigation, Messrs. Carpenter, Logan, An 
 thony and Alcorn reported that the election under which 
 both State governments were claiming, was void for fraud, 
 but admitted that if it had been fairly conducted Kellogg 
 must have been elected Governor by at least 15,000 majority. 
 Messrs. Trumbull and Hill took the ground that McEnery 
 was elected. Senator Morton alone reported and mantained 
 that while the election was characterized by great fraud and 
 violence, Governor Kellogg had a majority of the vote cast 
 and was clearly elected ; that the Supreme Court of the State, 
 which was elected in 1868 and was therefore out of the dis 
 pute, had recognized the Kellogg government ; that the decis 
 ions of the Supreme Court of the State were conclusive on all 
 questions arising exclusively under the Constitution and laws 
 
64 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 of Louisiana, and that the validity of the State election was 
 such a question. Pending these reports, Mr. Carpenter intro 
 duced a bill setting aside the election, and authorizing the 
 President to order a new one to be held under Federal super 
 vision. A three days debate ensued, in which, Senator Mor 
 ton, single-handed and alone, opposed the passage of the bill. 
 Messrs. Carpenter, Anthony, Logan, and Alcorn advocated 
 the measure very earnestly. They brought their combined 
 powers to bear against Senator Morton, but without effect. 
 He scarcely ever appeared to greater advantage than in this 
 debate, and at its conclusion, Mr. Carpenter s bill was defeated 
 by two majority. Subsequently, Senator Morton s report was 
 adopted by the Senate, the Kellogg government recognized, 
 and the President s support of it against the attempted revo 
 lution of the White Leaguers was sustained by the votes of 
 all the Republican members of the Senate. During the ses 
 sion of 1873-4, Mr. Carpenter again introduced his bill for a 
 new election in Louisiana, and re-opened the debate. As it 
 progressed, however, he discovered that Senator Morton s 
 position was more impregnable than ever, and his following 
 stronger ; so he finally abandoned his own measure and came 
 to the support of Mr. Morton. 
 
 CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEE ON PRIVILEGES AND ELECTIONS. 
 
 It is freely charged against Senator Morton (and really it 
 is the only charge brought against him) that he is wholly 
 devoted to party, and has no convictions or motives beyond 
 those of mere partisanship. A more unjust or untrue assertion 
 could not be made. He is, indeed, an ardent Republican. He 
 believes wholly and unreservedly in Republican principles, and 
 that the welfare and safety of the country depend on the reten 
 tion of the Republican party in power. He cordially detests 
 because he fully understands the malignant spirit and dangerous 
 purposes of the Democratic party, and believes that its restora 
 tion to power would be a public calamity. But he is as honest 
 in politics as he is in pecuniary matters, and no person can point 
 to a single act of his public life not dictated by a desire to do 
 justice and defend the right. As chairman of the committee 
 
THE CALDWELL CASE. 65 
 
 above referred to, he lias had ample opportunity to sacrifice prin 
 ciple to partisanship, but in no case has he ever done so. He 
 has treated every question brought before him in a spirit of 
 lofty justice and judicial fairness, keeping constantly in view his 
 responsibility to the Senate and the rights and dignity of the 
 body. The case of Caldwell, of Kansas, is in point. Caldwell 
 was charged with having bought his election to the Senate. As 
 Chairman of the Committe on Elections it became the duty 
 of Senator Morton to investigate the case, and upon the evi 
 dence, adduced he reported in favor of CaldwelPs expulsion, 
 and took high ground in favor of purifying the Senate. There 
 was no question of CaldwelPs guilt, but his friends demanded 
 that the Senate should simply declare his election void, instead 
 of expelling him. Some of the ablest members of the Senate 
 opposed Morton in this matter, but he so pressed the corrupt 
 Senator that in order to escape the certainty of impending 
 expulsion he resigned. Of Mr. Morton s action in this case, 
 the Washington correspondent of the Chicago Tribune said 
 
 " To take position against Caldwell as Morton did, required some mental 
 " and moral courage, for the Senate is such a little body that fellowship 
 " prevails in it as in a female seminary. A big conspiracy gathered around 
 M Caldwell for his support ; but Morton is a man who kindles and enlarges 
 " by opposition, when aware that his cause is legitimate and popular. * 
 " * * He had prepared a closing speech to overwhelm Caldwell ; and from 
 " what I have heard of the contents of that speech, I presume that, had he 
 ** delivered it, it would have spread his reputation abroad as one of the most 
 "determined political reformers of his time. * * * Senator Morton, 
 H with his great energies, clear sagacity and adaptability, and solid acquire- 
 41 ments, can be one of the leading spirits of our period, if he continues to 
 " remedy and lighten and harmonize matters as he has recently been doing." 
 
 The press of the country generally gave Senator Morton 
 great credit for his conduct of the case. The St. Louis Dem 
 ocrat said : 
 
 " Senator Morton deserves great credit for the boldness and energy with 
 11 which he pressed the matter upon the attention of the Senate. The coun- 
 "try owes him much for what he has done." 
 
 The Leavenworth Sentinel said : 
 
 " Especially will the people of Kansas hold in grateful remembrance the 
 "able and untiring and successful efforts of Senator Morton, of Indiana, 
 " in bringing this guilty man to a proper sense of his unworthii 
 
 d 
 
 J^t OT THE 
 
 ITJITIVERSITY; 
 
66 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 The Topeka Daily Commonwealth said : 
 
 " Next to his immediate people of Indiana, Senator Morton has the most 
 "indefeasable claim on the gratitude and regard of the people of the State 
 " of Kansas. As chairman of the Committee on Privileges and Elections, 
 " and on the floor of the Senate, he fought the fight against bribery and 
 " corruption for us when we were without a champion." 
 
 Nearly all of the leading papers of the country spoke in 
 the same strain. 
 
 The Caldwell case is a type of Senator Morton s whole 
 conduct as Chairman of the Committee on Elections in the 
 Senate. Every question has been approached in a spirit of 
 justice, without regard to partisan bearings, and treated with 
 a strictly judicial fairness. The rights of the Senate have 
 been kept constantly in view, while the rights of individuals 
 have received the utmost consideration consistent with the 
 dignity and purity of the Senate. 
 
 In 1873 this committee was directed by resolution to report 
 " the best and most practicable mode of electing the Presi 
 dent and Vice President, and providing a tribunal to adjust 
 and decide all contested elections connected therewith." In 
 response to this resolution Senator Morton made an elaborate 
 report, setting forth the inconvenience and cumbrousness of 
 the electoral college, and proposed a plan for its practical 
 abolition by the election of President and Vice President by 
 popular vote. At the same time he proposed a remedy for 
 the possible and dangerous emergency of a contested electoral 
 representation. His ideas on the latter subject have been, 
 practically adopted by changing the mode of counting elec 
 toral votes, and it can hardly be doubted that his proposition 
 for the abolition of the electoral college and the election of 
 President and Vice President by popular vote will be adopted 
 at no distant day, in substance if not in form. 
 
 AMNESTY. 
 
 As before stated, Senator Morton has never been actuated 
 by a feeling of hostility to the South. His ruling sentiment. 
 has been one of loyalty to the Union, fidelity to principle, 
 and justice to all. He has repeatedly said that the Southern 
 
AMNESTY. 67 
 
 people had in their own hands the power of restoring perfect 
 peace by obeying the Constitution and the laws in good faith, 
 and recognizing the principle of political toleration. But he 
 has opposed with all the force and determination of his nature 
 the admission of unrepentant rebels to a full participation in 
 government, or the practical obliteration of the dividing line 
 between loyalty and treason. He believes that there is such 
 a thing as treason, and that those who engaged it should have 
 been made to feel some of its consequences. He believes 
 that during the civil war there was a right side and a wrong 
 side, and that public opinion, at least, if not the law of the 
 land, should recognize a distinction between those who fought 
 for the Government and those who fought against it. Shortly 
 after the close of the war, in his message to the Indiana Leg 
 islature in November, 1865, he said : 
 
 " While the heresy of State sovereignty has been extirpated, and the ques- 
 " tions involved in the conflict settled by the arbitrament of arms, it is yet 
 " of the greatest importance to the Nation that these questions be acljudi- 
 "catedand determined by the highest judicial tribunal, which might most 
 " appropriately be done in a trial, for high treason and other atrocious 
 " crimes, of the chief and head of this most wicked and bloody rebellion. 
 " It should be definitely established as a principle in our Constitution, both 
 "by judicial decision and example of punishment, that rebellion is treason, 
 " that treason is a crime which may not be committed with impunity ; and 
 " that there is but one sovereignty, which resides in the collective and undi- 
 " vided people of the United States." 
 
 In the light of subsequent events, it cannot be doubted 
 that the country would have been the gainer by such a judi 
 cial determination of the crime of treason, or that it is likely 
 to experience more and more sharply the evil results of a too 
 lenient policy. 
 
 In January, 1872, a bill was introduced in the Senate for 
 the removal of all disabilities imposed by the third section 
 of the Fourteenth Amendment in other words for universal 
 amnesty. Senator Morton opposed it in a speech delivered 
 on the 23d of that month. After premising that amnesty 
 was usually considered in the light of expediency on one hand, 
 or of passion on the other, he said he proposed to consider it 
 from a higher plane, entirely above the domain of feeling or 
 expediency. He said : 
 
 " I think there is a great principle involved which Congress ought to con- 
 
68 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 " sider a principle of consistency, of duty to the Government, and espec 
 ially a principle of the greatest importance to posterity." 
 
 As to the real meaning and effect of amnesty, which he 
 declared as an act of oblivioJ, he said : 
 
 " Universal amnesty removes the last mark of legal disapprobation of 
 " this rebellion. It is a declaration to posterity that there was nothing 
 " wrong in the rebellion, that it involved no criminality, that it was simply 
 " an honest difference of opinion between parties, in which there was no 
 " criminality on either side. * Sir, I want peace in the South ; I 
 
 " want it as earnestly as any man can ; but I want peace in the South on 
 " correct principles. I am not willing to purchase peace by Conceding that 
 " they were right and that we were wrong. They must regard universal 
 " amnesty in that light ; history must regard it in that light." 
 
 After further discussing the moral effect of universal 
 amnesty, with the probable results of the restoration of the 
 Democratic party to power, through the votes of the ex-rebels, 
 he continued : 
 
 " Mr. President, to me universal amnesty Beems like sickly sentimental- 
 " ism ; it is magnanimity slopping over ; it is spurious generosity, oblivious 
 " alike of justice, of principle and of posterity. Let us have a little healthy 
 " public sentiment. Let us have something this nation can live by. Let us 
 " teach a lesson in history that we are willing our children shall be governed 
 " by. Let us not say to future generations that those who sought to destroy 
 " the best government tn the world, who sought to build a new government 
 " whose corner-stone should be human slavery, who were guilty of inhu- 
 " manity, and who practiced a barborism that belonged to times long gone 
 " by let us not say to future generations that these men did no wrong, that 
 " they were worthy of all acceptation, and of again being returned to the 
 " highest positions in the Government." 
 
 The extracts do not represent the scope and comprehensive 
 ness of the speech, but they indicate its spirit. It was a plea 
 for loyalty against treason, for the real rights of the Govern 
 ment against imaginary rights of rebels. Towards the close 
 of the speech he was several times interrupted by Democratic 
 Senators, when, changing the course of his argument, he 
 attacked the recent record of the Democratic party, showing 
 its avowed hostility to the Constitutional amendments and to 
 political equality in the South. He demonstrated beyond a 
 doubt that their purpose was to undo the reconstruction acts 
 of Congress, overthrow the State governments then established 
 in the South, and re-organize them on the " White man s 
 " basis." In the light of subsequent events some portions of 
 
A POLITICAL LEADER. 69 
 
 this speech read like a prophecy, and each succeeding year 
 furnishes additional proof of the speaker s political prescience. 
 The amnesty bill was defeated in the Senate, and this speech 
 of Senator Morton s, which was mainly instrumental in the 
 result, was published as a campaign document and circulated 
 far and wide in the campaign of 1868. 
 
 A. NATURAL LEADER. 
 
 Space would fail us to recount all of Senator Morton s ser 
 vices in the Senate to the cause of liberty, union and prog 
 ress. At all times and in all circumstances he has been the 
 faithful champion of Republican principles, instant in season 
 and out of season, always ready to lead in attack or defense 
 as occasion might require. No man now in public life has 
 been identified with so many great public measures either as 
 author or champion. If his services to the Republican party 
 have been such as to deserve the gratitude of all Republicans, 
 his services to the cause of liberty and humanity challenge 
 the admiration of every patriot and philanthropist. Nature 
 and circumstances have united to make him a political leader. 
 His remarkable political sagacity and foresight have been 
 supplemented by large experience and knowledge of men 
 and affairs. He is bold without being rash, sanguine without 
 being over confident, always cool, never losing his self con 
 trol, never forgetting what is due to an opponent or to himself, 
 and, above all, never forgetting to press steadily toward his 
 objective point. Once committed to a great measure he 
 knows no such word as fail. The foregoing pages furnish 
 abundant evidence of his persistence of purpose and fertility 
 of resources. He knows the Democratic party thoroughly, 
 and exposes its plans and purposes with an accuracy as mar 
 velous as it is relentless. 
 
 His own strong and conscientious convictions in politics 
 seem to bring him into close accord with the people, and he 
 rarely fails to interpret their feelings and wishes aright. For 
 this reason, among others, he has ever since the war been 
 looked to by the Republicans, not alone of Indiana, but of 
 other States, to lead the attack on the Democratic party. 
 
70 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 For ten years past he has borne an active part in the cam 
 paigns of other States than Indiana, generally being called 
 upon to open the campaign and sound the key note. His 
 services last year in Ohio, Pennsylvania and Maine are still 
 fresh in the memories of Republicans in those States. He 
 was the first speaker from any other State to enter Ohio and 
 the last to leave it, delivering the first speech made by any 
 non-resident, on the 7th of August, at Urbana, and follow 
 ing it up with a series of powerful and effective addresses. 
 His last speech ii} the State was delivered at Cincinnati on 
 the Saturday night before the election. In Indiana it is 
 hardly necessary to say he is the head and front of every 
 campaign, so far as the Republicans are concerned. The 
 party in this State embraces many other able and eloquent 
 men, but none who has such a hold on the hearts of the peo 
 ple, or whose tremendous power is so universally felt and rec 
 ognized. The secret of Senator Morton s force as a speaker 
 lies in his terrible earnestness and irresistible logic. He 
 never trifles with his audiences or underrates their intelli 
 gence. He rarely, if ever, indulges in anecdotes or pleas 
 antry. His style is dignified, severe, and argumentative, yet 
 so simple as to interest all classes of hearers, while his logic 
 carries conviction to all minds alike. As a politic::! organ 
 izer he has no superior. His services in this regard have 
 been invaluable to the Republicans of Indiana, and his coun 
 sel and advice are often sought by those of other States. 
 
 HIS POSITION ON THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 
 
 From the first issue of legal tender notes during the war 
 and their subsequent speedy depreciation, Mr. Morton has 
 recognized the evils of a depreciated currency and the neces 
 sity of placing it upon a stable basis as soon as it could be done 
 without unnecessary injury to the business of the country. 
 In dealing with this difficult problem, while keeping steadily 
 in view the ultimate resumption of specie payments, he has 
 aimed to shape the policy of the Government so that this end 
 might be reached with the least shock to business and the 
 least distress to business men. In his speech at Urbana, 
 
THE UNITED STATES A NATION. 71 
 
 Ohio, delivered on the 7th of August, 1875, after speaking of 
 the origin, object and effect of the so-called Resumption Act, 
 he said : 
 
 " I had something to do with tho preparation of this bill, voted for it in 
 "good faith, and intend to stand by it until experience has demonstrated 
 " that it is impracticable or needs amendment. Its main feature, fixing a 
 " day for resumption and providing for it, I had proposed to the Senate 
 " six years before, and whether the time fixed for it is a proper one or not, 
 " and I should have preferred it a year or two later, it is the method by 
 " by which, I believe, specie payments can and will be reached. It estab- 
 " lishcs the policy of free banking, the slow, gradual, but sure return to 
 " specie payments, and no contraction or expansion of the currency until 
 " that time. 
 
 This is still his position. It may be added that he has 
 always been opposed to the increase of greenbacks beyond the 
 original limit of 400,000,000, and has denounced every prop 
 osition of the kind, and particularly the proposition to issue new 
 greenbacks in payment of the bonds, as equivalent to robbery 
 and repudiation. Prior to the panic of 1873, he had steadily 
 advocated legislation looking to the early resumption of specie 
 payments. When that event occurred, believing that the per 
 iod of resumption was necessarily postponed for a considera 
 ble time, and that the true remedy for, and relief from, the 
 panic was that which had long been successfully employed in 
 England in similar emergencies, viz : a moderate increase of 
 the currency, he advised the President to. put into circulation 
 the 44,000,000 reserve of greenbacks then in the treasury, 
 but he did not then advocate, and never has advocated any 
 increase of the greenback circulation beyond the original legal 
 limit of 400,000,000. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES A NATION. 
 
 No American statesman of the present generation has 
 labored so hard or so effectively as Senator Morton to incul 
 cate the idea that the United States are a Nation, and not a 
 mere confederation of states. To his mind the former idea 
 embraces the true conception of our governmental system, and 
 the only one on which the Union can be made enduring, while 
 the latter contains the very elements of weakness, disintegra- 
 
72 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 tion and ruin. In the attempted secession of the Southern 
 States, and the war which followed, he saw the natural fruits 
 of the doctrine that the Government is a mere confederation 
 of states, and the resultant heresy of State rights ; while in 
 the efforts of the Government to preserve the Union and its 
 own existence he recognized the grand idea of a new nation 
 ality. In a message to the Indiana Legislature, in November, 
 1865, shortly after the close of the war, he said : 
 
 " The war has established upon imperishable foundations the great funda- 
 " mental truth of the unity and indivisibility of the Nation. We are many 
 " States, but one people, having one undivided sovereignty, one flag, and one 
 "common destiny." 
 
 In a lecture, delivered at Providence, Rhode Island, Novem 
 ber 27, 1871, in the Franklin Lyceum course, he took for his 
 theme the " National Idea," and elaborated the subject very 
 thoroughly, tracing the the development of the State Sover 
 eignty doctrine from the resolations of 1798 to the breaking 
 out of the rebellion, and showing how pregnant it had always 
 been with danger to the country. In the course of this address 
 Senator Morton said : 
 
 " The idea that we are a Nation, that we are one people, undivided and 
 " indivisible, should be a plank in the platform of every party. It should 
 " be presented on the banner of every party. It should be taught in every 
 "school, academy and college. It should be the political north star, by 
 " which every political manager should steer his bark. It should be the 
 " central idea of American politics, and every child should, so to speak, be 
 "vaccinated with the idea, that he may be protected against this political 
 " distemper that has brought such calamity upon our country." 
 
 Similar quotations might be made at length. From nearly 
 all his speeches and addresses delivered in or out of the Sen 
 ate during the last ten years, the idea crops out with ever 
 recurring force that the American people are one people, and 
 this Government a government of the people and not of 
 States in short, that we are a Nation, and not a Confederacy. 
 There is now pending in the Senate a series of resolutions, 
 introduced by him, declaratory of this idea as against the 
 opposing one of State sovereignty, upon which he will speak 
 whenever, in the course of public business, the question can 
 be reached. 
 
SERVICES RECOGNIZED. 73 
 
 RECOGNITION OF HIS SERVICES. 
 
 A man of Senator Morton s positive character must needs 
 have warm friends and bitter enemies. During the whole 
 of his public life he has held strong convictions on all public 
 questions, dodging nothing, evading no responsibility, and 
 never concealing his opinions. In every contest for principle 
 he has been in the thickest of the fight, and generally lead 
 ing the way. Thus he has won for himself the enthusiastic 
 support of the rank and file of the Republican party, the pro 
 found respect of all who admire consistent devotion to prin 
 ciple and the bitter hatred of Democrats generally. He has 
 exposed and defeated the plans of the Democracy so often, 
 routed them on so many fields, and pointed the way to Repub 
 lican victory in so many contests, that they stand in mortal 
 fear of him and hate him in the same proportion. 
 
 But while Senator Morton has the honor of being the most 
 cordially hated and best abused man in the Nation by ex-rebels, 
 rebel sympathizers, and Democrats, he has also received such 
 evidences of approval from many quarters as any public man 
 might well be proud of. It is needless to speak of his popu 
 larity and strength in Indiana. The Republicans of his own 
 State delight to honor him. They elected him Governor in 
 1864 by the largest majority ever given in the State, and have 
 since twice elected him unanimously to the United States 
 Senate. But recognition of his services to the country and 
 the Republican party has not been confined to the people of 
 Indiana. In September, 1862, Secretary Chase said, in a let 
 ter to Robert Dale Owen, " Governor Morton merits all you 
 " promise. I have believed in him from the first day I saw 
 " him." Admiral Foote wrote to a brother of his during the 
 war, " Governor Morton furnished me the powder with which 
 " my Jleet took Fort Henry. He is our mainstay in the 
 " West." General Grant acknowledged his services several 
 different times in letters which have since been lost. After 
 the close of the war, Secretary Chase wrote him as follows : 
 
 " WASHINGTON, Nov. 10, 1865. 
 
 " MY DEAR GOVERNOR : I think it is the right of men, who have ably 
 
74 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 " and faithfully served their country, to know that their labors are appre- 
 " ciated as they merit. 
 
 " So I will not deny myself the pleasure of telling you that Secretary 
 " Stanton was with me last evening, and we, naturally turning our minds to 
 " the past, fell to talking of you. 
 
 "We agreed that no Governor rendered such services, or displayed such 
 " courage or more ability in administration ; and we agreed that your 
 " recent services were most meritorious of all, because rendered under cir- 
 " cumstances of greater personal risk of health and life, and which would 
 " have been by almost any man regarded, and by all accepted, as good rea- 
 " son for total in action. 
 
 " I have seldom heard Stanton express himself so earnestly. 
 
 " I hope you will derive some satisfaction from this little relation. The 
 " talk gave much to me. 
 
 " Cordially, your friend, 
 
 "S. P. CHASE." 
 
 In a speech delivered at a Soldiers Re-union at Rockville, 
 in this State, on the 6th of September last, General Sherman 
 said : 
 
 " Governor Morton was one of the few civilians who seemed to be unable 
 " to do enough for his soldiers, never hesitating to count the cost or the sac- 
 " rifice, but acting speedily and in season. Gen. Grant and all of us thought 
 " him one of the noblest men at home. I wish to repeat what I have here- 
 " tofore said so often, that to Governor Morton the army owed much in 
 " many ways. He never failed us. He never said our State had stood the 
 " draft, or we have furnished our quota, but answered every called, and when 
 " the State was well nigh impoverished he used his own credit. To-day the 
 "record of his fame as the soldier s friend is bright and untarnished as 
 " glittering gold." 
 
 Referring to his war services, the Cincinnati Commercial 
 said: 
 
 " During the war there were three civil officers who displayed great exec- 
 " utive ability, viz.: Stanton, Andrews and Morton. However, others were 
 "distinguished, the first distinction for grasping the responsibilities of the 
 " occasion and becoming recognized, positive personal forces, distinctly and 
 " vastly influential, belongs to the Secretary of War and the Governors of 
 "Massachusetts and Indiana. The labor performed by these men, the 
 "energy they put into the war, the mighty impulses they gave to armies 
 " can not be understood by ordinary workers were but dimly appreciated 
 " in the days when their services were most essential but they will stand 
 " forth denned and gigantic in history." 
 
 In 1863 the New York Times said: 
 
 "The State of Indiana has already more than half raised her quota 
 " under the last call of the President, and her residue will be ready in 
 " about two weeks. The State of New York has not yet raised a regiment 
 
TENDERED THE ENGLISH MISSION. 75 
 
 " in response to that proclamation. The difference is principally 
 
 "due to the fact that Indiana has a Governor of pre-eminent devotion to 
 " the cause and signal executive ability, while New York has not." 
 
 Seymour was Governor of New York at that time. 
 The Washington Chronicle said : 
 
 " In the darkest hour of the slaveholders rebellion Governor Morton 
 " stood like a rock for the flag. He held the great State of Indiana true 
 " to that sacred symbol of freedom. When the politics of the so-called 
 " Democracy in that State became little better than a conspiracy of assas- 
 a sins, when beaten everywhere at the ballot-box that party turned to the 
 " pistol and the midnight conclave the final arguments of traitors how 
 " heroically did governor Morton meet and vanquish their gathering clans ! 
 " how did he put to flight the cabals of traitors ! " 
 
 The St. Louis Democrat said, in 1872 : 
 
 " Of the many distinguished men, soldiers and civilians, who have been 
 " brought into prominence during the last sixteen years, few have been 
 " more conspicuous or useful than Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana. * * * 
 " There is no man in public life who has done more for the safety, honor 
 " and prosperity of the Nation. His pluck and energy during the war, and 
 " especially his clear grit throughout the more perilous ordeal of recon- 
 <; struction; have given him a strong hold on the popular heart." 
 
 Similar extracts from leading papers might be multiplied 
 indefinitely, Xo American statesman now living has received 
 so many evidences of approval from distinguished sources of 
 his services to the country and his devotion to Republican 
 principles. 
 
 In October, 1870, President Grant tendered him the mis 
 sion to England. At that time the Alabama question was 
 absorbing public attention, and its settlement upon just and 
 enduring principles was universally conceded to be a matter 
 of great consequence. Senator Morton s ability as a lawyer, 
 his experience as a statesman, and his proved loyalty to Amer 
 ican ideas marked him as one eminently fitted for the duty of 
 settling this important controversy, and the appointment was 
 accordingly tendered to him. The announcement of this fact 
 met with general approval throughout the country. The 
 Boston Advertiser said : 
 
 "The selection of Senator Morton for the English mission is creditable to 
 41 the administration. He has filled with honor many high offices at home, 
 41 though he is yet in the prime of life. In Indiana, during the war, he was 
 " a model governor. In the United States Senate he has had few peers in 
 " the clearness of his intellect and the breadth of his views. In his new 
 
76 OLIVER P. MORTON. 
 
 " position we have no doubt he will prove a worthy successor of the able 
 "ministers who have gone before him. The State of Indiana will be for 
 tunate if it secures a Senator in his place of equal ability and influence." 
 
 The Chicago Tribune said : 
 
 " The appointment is creditable to the administration. England is just 
 " now the great point in Europe at which the United States need a statesman 
 " of ability. * * * In selecting a minister to Great Britain the Presi- 
 " dent has been more than usually prudent. He has not held the office to 
 " bestow it in any sense ns a mere compliment, or as a reward for political 
 "services. He has sought the best man in the country in order to 
 " obtain a suitable person for the grave responsibilities of the post. There 
 " are few men in public life equal in ability and vigor of intellect to Sen- 
 " ator Morton. * * * The appointment will strike the country as an 
 " admirable one in every respect." 
 
 Such was the unanimous voice of the Republican press, and 
 of the country generally. Upon full consideration, however, 
 and especially in view of the fact that if he resigned his plane 
 in the Senate the Legislature would elect a Democrat to suc 
 ceed him, Senator Morton declined the proffered honor. 
 Upon this the President sent him the following : 
 
 "EXECUTIVE MANSION, > 
 " WASHINGTON, D. C., Oct. 21. / 
 
 " Hon. 0. P. Morton, U. 8. S. : 
 
 " DEAR SIR : Your letter of the 19th inst., declining the English Mis- 
 " sion, with reasons therefor, is received. I fully concur with you in all 
 "the reasons which you give for the course you find it your duty to pursue 
 "in the matter, but regret that the country is not to have your valuable 
 " services at the English Court at this important juncture. Your course, 
 " however, I deem wise, and it will be highly appreciated by your constit- 
 " uents in Indiana and throughout the country. 
 
 "With assurances of my highest regards, I remain, very truly, your 
 " obedient servant, TT. S. GRANT." 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 We have thus presented in outline some of the salient fea 
 tures of Mr. Morton s character and career. According to any 
 just standard of greatness he must be regarded as one of the 
 great men of the age, and his friends point with confidence and 
 pride to his public services as entitling him to a place among 
 America s greatest sons. Those who do not know him will 
 gather some idea from the foregoing pages of his comprehen- 
 
CONCLUSION. 77 
 
 sive scope of intellect, his lofty patriotism, his devotion to 
 principle, and his readiness to assume responsibility in every 
 emergency. Those who enjoy his personal acquaintance will 
 bear further witness to his amiable disposition, his simplicity 
 of character, and the absolute purity of his private life. It 
 is a grand thing for a man to be able to point to such a rec 
 ord of public service as Mr. Morton s ; bat it is a still greater 
 source of pride to his friends to have it in their power to say 
 that in the whole course of his long career he has never made 
 a dollar dishonestly, nor lent himself to the commission of a 
 wrong or an unjust act. Enemies may defame and rivals 
 may endeavor to belittle his character, but the impartial his 
 torian will write the name of Oliver P. Morton among those 
 of the great men of the nineteenth century. 
 
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