GIFT OF 
 JANE K.SATHER 
 
ON THE 
 
 COLONIZATION SOCIETY; 
 
 WITH A VIEW OF 
 
 ITS PROBABLE RESULTS, 
 
 UNDER THE FOLLOWING HEADS : 
 
 The Origin of the Society ; Increase of the Coloured Population ; 
 Manumission of Slaves in this country ; 
 
 DECLARATIONS OF LEGISLATURES, AND OTHER ASSEMBLED 
 BODIES, IN FAVOUR OF THE SOCIETY ; 
 
 Situation of the Colonists at Monrovia and other towns ; Moral and Reli 
 gious Character of the Settlers; Soil, Climate, Productions, 
 and Commerce of Liberia $ 
 
 Advantages to the free coloured Population, by emigration to Liberia ; Disadvan 
 tages of slavery to the white population; Character of the Natives of Africa, 
 before the irruptions of the Barbarians; Effects of Colonization on the Slave 
 Trade, with a slight sketch of that nefarious and accursed traffic. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE HON. C. F. MERCER, M. H. R. U. S. 
 
 SECOND EDITION, ENLARGED AND IMPROVED. 
 
 " Nearly $2,000 persons have kindled a beacon fire at Monrovia, to cast a broad blaze of light 
 into the dark recesses of that benighted land ; and though much pains have been taken to overrate 
 the cost, and undervalue the results, yet the annals of colonization may be triumphantly chal 
 lenged for a parallel. 
 
 " Five years of preliminary operations were requisite for surveying the coast propitiating the 
 natives and selecting the most eligible site. Numerous agents were subsequently employed ships 
 chartered the coast cleared schools, factories, hospitals, churches, government buildings and 
 dwellings erected and the many expenses requisite here were defrayed ; and yet. for every fifty 
 dollars expended by the society from its commencement, we have not only a settler to show, but an 
 ample and fertile territory in reserve, \vhereourfuture emigrants may sit down under their own 
 vines and fig trees, with none to make them afraid. During the last year, an amount, nearly equal 
 to the united expenditures, has been exported by the colonists. From Philadelphia alone, eleven 
 vessels have sailed; three of them chartered through the efforts of the Pennsylvania Society, and 
 bearing to the land of their fathers a large number of slaves, manumitted by the benevolence of 
 their late owners." Cresson. 
 
 Philadelphia, April 26, 1832. 
 

 
 w We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature for the record of any 
 human plan, for the melioration of the condition or advancement of the happiness 
 of our race, which promised more unmixed good, or more comprehensive benefi 
 cence than that of African colonization, if carried into full execution. Its benevo 
 lent purpose is not limited by the confines of one continent, nor to the prosperity of 
 a solitary race ; but embraces two of the largest quarters of the earth, and the peace 
 and the happiness of both of the descriptions of their present inhabitants, with the 
 countless millions of their posterity who are to succeed. It appeals for aid and 
 support to the friends of liberty, here and elsewhere. The colonists, reared in the 
 bosom of this republic, with a perfect knowledge of all the blessings which freedom 
 imparts, altho they have not always been able themselves to share them, will carry 
 a recollection of it to Africa, plant it there, and spread it over her boundless terri 
 tory. And may we not indulge the hope, that, in a period of time not surpassing in 
 duration, that of our own colonial and national existence, we shall behold a con 
 federation of republican stales, on the western shores of Africa, like our own, with 
 their congress and annual legislatures, thundering forth in behalf of the rights of 
 man, and making tyrants tremble on their thrones?" Mr. Clay. 
 
 " It will enable them to become a free, independent, civilized and Christian nation 
 in the land of their forefathers. Elevated in character and in full enjoyment of the 
 rights of man, they will not only assume a station in the great human family, which 
 it is impossible for them to attain in this country ; but their example and influence 
 will gradually extend over those numerous tribes, which, through all time have 
 remained in a state of barbarism and degradation, and cruelly subjected to slavery 
 by surrounding and distant nations." Dearborn. 
 
 "They point to Africa, sitting beneath her own palm trees, "clothed in sack- 
 cloth, and weeping for her children, and refusing to be comforted," because they 
 have been murdered on her desolated shores, and buried beneath the billows of the 
 ocean, and carried into hopeless and interminable slavery. Wretched Africa ! she 
 has indeed fallen among thieves, who have robbed and wounded her, and she is now 
 bleeding from a thousand wounds who will act to her the part of a good Samaritan? 
 "Who will " bind up her wounds, and pour into them wine and ozZ,"and protect her 
 from her enemies, and chase away those human vultures, that are perpetually ho 
 vering on her coasts, and feeding on the flesh and blood of her children ? Who will 
 light for her the lamp of science, and publish the glad tidings of salvation to her 
 sons and daughters? and raise her from that state of moral degradation, into which 
 she has sunk in the lapse of ages ?" M Kinney. 
 
 " There is not, we believe, another benevolent enterprize on earth, so well cal 
 culated to secure the favourable opinion and enlist the hearty good will of ALL MEN, 
 as this is, when its objects and bearings are fully understood. In relation to this 
 society it is eminently the fact, that opposition and indifference have their origin 
 in prejudice or want of information. Ignorance may raise an objection which it 
 requires knowledge to remove; and to rest one s refusal to co-operate in what he is 
 told is a good work, on his own ignorance, is both weak and wicked. Especially in 
 relation to a benevolent enJterprize of such magnitude as this, and which has been 
 some ten or fifteen years before tfce public,, the plea- of ignorance is made with a very 
 ill grace." 
 
 "Is a nation like this>,to be embarrassed by an annual appropriation of little more 
 than a million of dollars. to; the cause ef humanity ? a nation that can extinguish in 
 a year twelve millions of national debt, and at tnc sajiie time prosecute with vigour 
 its majestic plans of defence and internal improvement? a nation, one of whose 
 states can hazard six millions of dollars on the project of opening a canal a nation, 
 whose canvass whitens every sea, and proudly enters almost every harbour of the 
 globe? a nation, whose villages and cities are rising, as by magic, over a fertile 
 territory of two millions of square miles: a nation, destined within the compass 
 of the passing century to embosom a white population of eighty millions? With 
 the past smiles of Divine Providence, our national debt will be soon annihi 
 lated. And from that glad hour, let the government provide liberally for all its ne. 
 cessary operations let it push forward in its splendid machinery of political im 
 provement, and then give to our cause but the surplus of its revenue: and as regards 
 the expense of transportation, it will [at no distant day] furnish the-means of granting 
 to every African exile among us, a happy home in the land of his fathers." Rev. 
 B. DICKINSON. 
 
 
 7 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 From the ardent opposition made to the Colonization Society 
 by some of our white citizens, and by a number of the free coloured 
 population, it might be supposed, by those unacquainted with the 
 nature of the case, that the emigrants were absolutely pressed, 
 like British seamen, and hurried off against their inclinations 
 that they were here in the enjoyment of all the solid advantages of 
 society, each man "sitting under his own vine and his fig tree, 
 and none to make him afraid" that in Liberia they were to be in 
 some degree enslaved and that the climate was pestilential and 
 the soil sterile and ungrateful. Were this a true picture of the 
 case, the opposition to the society could not be more ardent or 
 zealous. 
 
 I have treated on the situation of the free coloured population 
 of this country, (p. 27) and shall not therefore refer to it here: but so 
 far as regards the colony at Liberia, it is proved, by evidence 
 of the most undeniable character of American Captains, Kenne 
 dy, Sherman, Nicholson, and Abels; by that of Mr. Devany, a co 
 loured man, High Sheriff of Liberia, who had been in the co 
 lony for six years, made a handsome fortune, and returned to this 
 country to visit his friends and relations ; and more especially 
 by that of a committee of the colonists at Monrovia, appointed to 
 draw up an address to their brethren in this country; that the pro 
 ject of colonization has fully realized, and not merely realized, but 
 exceeded the most sanguine expectations formed of it by its ar 
 dent supporters ; that the contrast between the situation of the 
 colonists and that of their brethren in this country is immensely 
 in favour of the former; and that the condition of the most favoured 
 of the free coloured population here, is inferior in many important 
 particulars to that of the great mass of the colonists, any one of 
 whom may, by good behaviour, aspire to the highest office in the 
 colony, and not one of whom can be taxed but by his representa 
 tives, in whose election he has as free a voice as Mr. Madison or 
 Mr. Adams has in the election of state and United States officers. 
 
 It is, therefore, difficult to conceive what good purpose can be 
 answered by the opposition to the plan of colonization, or by what 
 motive its opposers can be influenced. 
 
 There are three strong points of view in which this subject may 
 be considered, which must gain for colonization the zealous and 
 efficient support of every man, white or coloured, who is not 
 under the dominion of inveterate and incurable prejudice. I omit 
 other important points which might be mooted. 
 
 I. The colony has arrested the progress of the nefarious and 
 accursed slave trade in its neighbourhood ; destroyed some slave 
 factories, and liberated a number of slaves who were on the point 
 of being transported across the Atlantic, subject to all the hor 
 rors of the passage, and, if they escaped with life, to the horrors of 
 perpetual slavery; and there cannot be a doubt that at no distant 
 day the trade will be annihilated on the whole of the western 
 coast of Africa. 
 
 II. It has been the means of securing the emancipation of hun 
 dreds of slaves, in various parts of the United States, who are 
 
IV 
 
 now in a genial climate, enjoying the luxury of freedom with all 
 its attendant blessings ; and, from the present disposition of the 
 citizens of some of the slave states, particularly Virginia, there is 
 no doubt that thousands will be emancipated as fast as means of 
 transportation can be procured. 
 
 III. Jt has commenced spreading the blessings of civilization, 
 morals, and religion among the natives in the neighbourhood of 
 the colony, whom it has taught to depend on honest industry in 
 the cultivation of the soil, instead of the demoniac operation of 
 setting fire to towns and villages, for the horrible purpose of 
 seizing the wretched fugitives flying from the flames, which was 
 their former occupation. 
 
 Now I freely appeal to Mr. Garrison, and Mr. Lundy, the most 
 formidable opposers of colonization, and to their friends, and beg 
 them to lay their hands on their hearts, and answer in the presence 
 of their Maker, if any one of those objects does not repay tenfold 
 the sacrifice which the whole have cost ? 
 
 Among the objections how easy to make plausible objections! 
 offered to the colonization plan, one is, that considering the im 
 mense number of the coloured people in this country, about 2,400, 
 000, it is impossible to make any serious impression on them by 
 emigration, especially as the colony at present, after twelve years 
 existence, contains but 2,000 souls. Let us examine this objection. 
 
 The annual increase, as I have shown, is about 60,000. The 
 expense to the government, or the society, will probably be $25 
 per head for all the emigrants large and small (taking into conside 
 ration those who pay, or whose masters will pay their passage), or 
 about $1,500,000 per ann. for that number. This sum, provided 
 the subject were cordially taken up by the state legislatures and 
 congress, would not be attended with the slightest difficulty. In 
 deed, if encountered with the zeal which its importance demands, 
 twice the sum could be easily raised. But then the objectors 
 emphatically demand, how shall we provide for the transportation 
 of such a number ! 
 
 It appears from Walsh s Sketches of Brazil that in the year 
 1828, there were no less than 43,000 slaves received in the single 
 port of Rio de Janeiro and it is fairly presumable that an equal 
 number were received at the Havanna and other ports 
 making, with those that died on board, at least 100,000 ravished 
 from their native land in one year. If the wretches engaged in 
 that nefarious traffic could find means of transporting 100,000 hu 
 man beings in one year across the Atlantic, surely this powerful 
 nation could, to accomplish the great objects in view, and to 
 rescue itself by degrees from the odious stain of slavery, accomplish 
 the conveyance of 60, or even 100,000 to a land where they will 
 be " lords of the soil." 60 or 70,000 persons have emigrated 
 in one year from Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 It is asked how shall prevision be made for such a number in 
 Liberia ? they will perish for want of sustenance. 
 
 Can there exist any fear on this subject, when the soil of Libe 
 ria produces two regular crops a year, with the most imperfect 
 
 PMlarPa A .;i O 
 
LETTERS, &c. 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 The Southampton Massacre. Difference between the State of 
 Slavery in Greece and Rome, and in the United States. 
 Various Plans of Colonization. Objects of the Coloniza 
 tion Society. 
 
 TO THE HON. CHARLES F. MERCER. 
 
 , DEAR SIR 
 
 The tragical issue of the insurrection in Southampton, in which 
 above sixty whites- fell a sacrifice to the vengeance of their slaves, 
 and subsequently to which a great number of slaves suffered the 
 penalties of the violated laws of the state, has awakened the slave 
 states out of their slumbers, and excited considerable attention to 
 wards our coloured population, and the awful consequences like 
 ly to ensue, sooner or later, from the admixture of two hetero 
 geneous castes in the country, without the least probability, at any 
 future period, however remote, of an amalgamation between them, 
 in consequence of the diversity of colour. 
 
 In this respect our situation is widely different from that of 
 Greece or Rome. The great mass of tfreir slaves were of the 
 same colour as their masters, and a complete amalgamation might 
 take place in a generation or two. Against such a result there is 
 in this country an insuperable barrier. 
 
 This subject had occupied the attention of some of the wisest 
 and best men of the country for above half a century. Several at 
 tempts were made in different provinces to prevent the importation 
 of slaves, and laws were passed for the purpose, but they were uni 
 formly rejected by the governors, under instructions from the 
 British privy council or by that council when the acts were trans 
 mitted for royal approbation. So early as 1772, the house of bur 
 gesses of Virginia unanimously agreed upon an address to the king 
 of Great Britain, praying him " to remove those restraints on the 
 governors of the colony, which inhibited them from assenting to 
 such laws as might check so very pernicious a commerce." 
 
 "The importation of slaves into the colonies, from the coasts of Africa, has long- 
 been considered as a trade of great inhumanity, and under its encouragement, we 
 have too much reason to fear, WILL ENDANGEH THE VERT EXISTENCE OF YOUR MA 
 JESTY S AMERICAN DOMINIONS. 
 
 " We are sensible that some of your majesty s subjects in Great Britain may reap 
 emolument from this sort of traffic; bnt when we consider that it greatly retards the 
 settlement of the colonies with mort, white inhabitants, mid may in time have the 
 most destructive influence, we presume to hope that the interests of a few will be 
 
 3875S6 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 disregarded, \vhen placed in competition with the security and happiness of such 
 numbers of your majesty s dutiful and loyal subjects." 
 
 This and various other efforts were entirely fruitless the trade 
 remained unrestrained until the declaration of independence, when 
 Virginia and some other states prohibited it altogether. 
 
 Unfortunately the sound sentiments displayed by the burgesses 
 of Virginia in 1772, were forgotten, or had lost their influence in 
 1787, when the federal constitution was formed for by that in 
 strument congress was prohibited from passing laws to prevent 
 the importation of slaves for twenty years. A courtly style was 
 employed. It was not thought proper to introduce the word 
 *< slaves 7 (t A rose by any other name would smell as sweet." 
 
 " The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing, 
 shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the 
 year 1808; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding 
 ten dollars for each person." 
 
 In consequence of this unfortunate constitutional legitimation 
 of the slave trade, it was carried on for twenty years on a large scale, 
 and sowed a seed which has germinated with fatal fertility, and 
 threatens a heavy retribution. 
 
 In the discussion of the best means of averting or at least of mi 
 tigating the evil to be dreaded from the existence among us of a 
 class of people, who, although free, and therefore righteously en 
 titled to all the advantages and privileges of freemen, were never 
 theless, in a great degree, debarred from them by the inexorable 
 force of public prejudice, and, in most of the states, were subject 
 to rules and regulations and proscriptions, of the most oppressive 
 and galling kind in this discussion, I say, public opinion settled 
 down in favour of an extensive system of colonization. 
 
 On the subject of the location, there was not the same degree of 
 unanimity. Some of our citizens were in favour of selecting a 
 portion of the vacant territory of the United States, and setting it 
 apart for the purpose. Others were, and some still are, for 
 making an arrangement with the government of Mexico, and send 
 ing the class in question to Texas. Others, again, advocated a set 
 tlement on the western coast of Africa, as the natale solum of their 
 ancestors, and as the climate is better suited to the great majority 
 of the coloured people of this country. The last plan was finally 
 adopted. 
 
 The objects of the friends of colonization are 
 
 I. To rescue the free coloured people from the disqualifications, 
 the degradation, and the proscription to which they are exposed 
 in the United States. 
 
 II. To place them in a country where they may enjoy the be 
 nefits of free government, with all the blessings which it brings 
 in its train. 
 
 III. To avert the dangers of a dreadful collision at a future day 
 of the two castes, which must inevitably be objects of mutual jea 
 lousy to each other. 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 IV. To spread civilization, sound morals and religion through 
 out the vast continent of Africa, at present sunk in the lowest and 
 most hideous state of barbarism. 
 
 V. And though last, not least, to afford slave owners who are 
 conscientiously scrupulous about holding human beings in bondage, 
 an asylum to which they may send their manumitted slaves. 
 
 The last item has recently assumed a greatly increased impor 
 tance. Manumissions are prohibited in some of the slave states, 
 unless the parties remove beyond their boundaries; and the en 
 trance of free negroes into others, is prohibited; so that manu 
 missions, without deportation, appear to be almost wholly at an end. 
 It remains to be seen, in the sequel, from the results that have al 
 ready taken place, how far the benign purposes of the society are 
 likely to be accomplished. 
 
 With such noble objects in view, it is truly wonderful, that al 
 though the society has been in existence for twelve years, the whole 
 of the contributions public and private, (except the support by the 
 government of the United States, of negroes captured from slave tra 
 ders) received by the society for carrying them into effect, has been 
 but about $125,000, not a cent ahead for the entire population of 
 the most prosperous nation in the world ; a nation, moreover, in 
 which other objects, some of them of inferior usefulness, are most 
 liberally supported! This must have arisen from an impression en 
 tertained by many, that the scheme is absolutely impracticable. 
 Hence many liberal individuals have wholly withheld their con 
 tributions. Of this opinion was the writer of these letters, at an 
 early stage of the existence of the society. He regarded it as one 
 of the wildest projects ever conceived by enlightened men; and 
 therefore, in the language of Sterne respecting the Monk, he was 
 "predetermined not to give them a single sous." Mature reflec 
 tion has, however, convinced him of his error: he is now satisfied 
 that the project is not more benignant and beneficent, than practica 
 ble, provided the general and state governments, and public spirited 
 individuals yield it a support in any degree commensurate with its 
 importance. 
 
 In the hope of converting others, as he himself has been con 
 verted, he believes he may render an acceptable service to his 
 country, by placing before the public, in plain, unadorned lan 
 guage, the leading features of the case, under the following pro 
 minent heads. 
 
 1. The origin of the society. 
 
 2. The progress of the colony compared with that of Massachu 
 setts, Virginia and North Carolina. 
 
 3. The increase of the coloured population, free and slaves. 
 
 4. The declarations of legislatures and other public bodies in 
 favour of the society. 
 
 5. The manumission of slaves in this country. 
 
 6. The situation and future prospects of the colonists at Mon 
 rovia, Caldwell, &c. 
 
 7. Their moral and religious character. 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 8. The soil, climate, productions, and commerce of Liberia 
 
 9. The disadvantages under which the free coloured population 
 labour in this country, and those resulting to the white population 
 from the existence of slavery. 
 
 10. The character of the natives of Africa before the irruption 
 of the barbarians. 
 
 11. The salutary effects of the colony in repressing the slave 
 trade, with a slight sketch of that nefarious traffic. 
 
 This, you will say, is a wide field. I agree with you. How 
 far I shall have succeeded in my attempt, must be decided when I 
 reach the close of my labours, the " Finis." 
 
 Yours, &c. M. C. 
 
 Philadelphia, Jlpril 8, 1832. 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 Early plans of Colonization. Mr. Jefferson s and Mr. Thorn 
 ton s. Resolve of the Legislature of Virginia. Ineffectual 
 Negotiations. Formation of the Colonization Society. 
 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 As early as the year 1777, Mr. Jefferson formed a plan for co 
 lonizing the free coloured population of the United States. The 
 particulars I have not been able to obtain. There is reason to be 
 lieve, that he proposed the settlement in some of the western va 
 cant lands. Be that as it may, the project proved an abortion, 
 owing partly to the distractions and difficulties of the war, and 
 partly to the novelty and magnitude of the undertaking. How 
 much to be deplored the result! Had he succeeded, what a source 
 of danger and disaster would have been dried up for ever ! 
 
 In the year 1787, Dr. Thornton, of Washington, formed a plan 
 for establishing a colony of that population on the western coast of 
 Africa, and published an address to those residing in Massachusetts 
 and Rhode Island, inviting them to accompany him. A sufficient 
 number of them agreed to go, and were prepared for the expedi 
 tion. But this project likewise failed for want of funds. The 
 public mind was not then prepared for affording pecuniary support. 
 About the year 1800 or 1801, the legislature of Virginia, in se 
 cret session, instructed Mr. Monroe, then governor of the state, to 
 apply to the president of the United States, and urge him to insti 
 tute negotiations with some of the powers of Europe possessed of 
 colonies on the coast of Africa, to grant an asylum to which our 
 emancipated negroes might be sent. Mr. Jefferson opened a ne 
 gotiation with the Sierra Leone Company, for the purpose, but 
 without success. He subsequently applied to the government of 
 Portugal, and equally failed. The project was then abandoned as 
 hopeless. 
 
 In the session of the legislature of Virginia, in 1816, the subject 
 
was again brought forward, and the following resolution was adopted 
 by a large majority. 
 
 " Whereas the General Assembly of Virginia have repeatedly sought to obtain 
 an asylum, beyond the limits of the United States, for such persons of colour as had 
 been or might be emancipated under the laws of this Commonwealth, but have 
 hitherto found all their efforts frustrated, either by the disturbed state of other na 
 tions, or domestic causes equally unpropitious to its success : 
 
 "They now avail themselves of a period when peace has healed the wounds of 
 humanity, and the principal nations of Europe have concurred with the government 
 of the United States, in abolishing the African Slave Trade (a traffic which this 
 Commonwealth, both before and since the revolution, zealously sought to extermi 
 nate,) to renew this effort, and do therefore, 
 
 "Resolve, That the executive be requested to correspond with the President of 
 the United States, for the purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, or 
 at some other place, not within any of the states or territorial governments of the 
 United States, to serve as an asylum for such persons of colour as are now free, and 
 may desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be emancipated within this 
 Commonwealth ; and that the Senators and Representatives of this state in the Con 
 gress of the United States, be requested to exert their best efforts to aid the Presi 
 dent of the United States in the attainment of the above objects. 
 
 "Provided, That no contract or arrangement respecting such territory shall be 
 obligatory on this Commonwealth, until ratified by the legislature." 
 
 It thus appears that the scheme of colonization which is now 
 violently denounced in some of the southern papers, as a conspi 
 racy against the rights and property of the slave holders, and forms 
 one of the means whereby the dangerous effervescence in South 
 Carolina has been excited, originated with the great leading slave 
 state, which possesses more than a third of all the slaves in the five 
 original slave states. 
 
 At length the time arrived when the country was ripe for the 
 establishment of the society. In December, 1816, a considerable 
 number of citizens, very nearly all slave holders, met at Washington, 
 to take the subject into consideration. Bushrod Washington pre 
 sided. Long debates ensued. Henry Clay, John Randolph, of 
 Roanoke, and various other powerful orators, addressed the meet 
 ing in support of the plan. Mr. Randolph observed, that 
 
 " If a place could be provided for their reception, and a mode of sending them 
 hence, there were hundreds, nay, thousands, who would, by manumitting their 
 slaves, relieve themselves from the cares attendant on their possession !" 
 
 At this meeting, a letter from Mr. Jefferson, dated in 1811, was 
 read, in which, having mentioned his negotiations with the Sierra 
 Leone Company and Portugal, he adds 
 
 " Indeed nothing is more to be wished, than that the United States would them 
 selves undertake to make such an establishment on the coast of Africa."* 
 
 A constitution was formed ; Bushrod Washington was appointed 
 president, and Messrs. Crawford, Clay, Rutgers, Howard, &c., vice 
 presidents. An eloquent memorial to Congress was drawn up, 
 which Mr. Randolph undertook to present to that body. 
 
 Yours, &c. M. C. 
 Philadelphia, April 10, 1832. 
 
 * African Repository, vol. VI. page 199. 
 
LETTER III. 
 
 Jlgents sent to Africa to explore the coast for a suitable situ~ 
 ation. Land purchased. Conflict with the natives. 
 Agent seized by them. Monrovia besieged. In imminent 
 danger. Colonists triumph. Peace. 
 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 In November, 1819, the society appointed two agents, the Rev. 
 S. J. Mills and Mr. Ebenezer Burgess, to proceed to the coast of 
 Africa, via England, to make the necessary explorations and in 
 quiries as to a suitable location for a settlement. The object of 
 landing in England, was to procure letters to the leading men at 
 Sierra Leone, and also to gain such general information respecting 
 the coast of Africa as might be attainable. They succeeded in both 
 objects, and procured, moreover, recommendations from the Court 
 of Copenhagen, to its colonial authorities on the coast. They sailed 
 from the Downs on the 7th of February, 1820, and arrived at Si 
 erra Leone early in March. They visited all the ports from Sierra 
 Leone to Sherboro. At this last place they found a small co 
 lony of coloured people settled by John Kizel, a South Carolina 
 slave, who had joined the British in the revolutionary war, and 
 at its close was taken to Nova Scotia, from whence he sailed 
 with a number of his countrymen to Africa, where he established 
 this small settlement, which was, at the arrival of the agents, in a 
 prosperous situation. By Kizel and his people, the agents were 
 Idndly and hospitably received. After gaining all the information 
 necessary for their purpose, they sailed from the coast in May, and 
 arrived in the United States in the following month. Mr. Mills 
 died on the passage. 
 
 The slave trade having been abolished by Congress, and the 
 American vessels of war being authorized to capture all vessels en 
 gaged in it, under the American flag, one of them was taken, and the 
 liberated Africans were brought to this country, landed in Georgia, 
 and were about to be sold by virtue of an act of that state. A clause 
 in the act directed the constituted authorities to deliver such slaves 
 up to the Colonization Society, on payment of all expenses incurred 
 since their capture and condemnation. With this condition the 
 society complied, and received the slaves, about thirty in number. 
 
 To guard against a recurrence of a similar state of things, Con 
 gress, on the 3d of March, 1819, passed an act authorising the 
 president " to make such rules and regulations as he might deem 
 expedient for the safe keeping, support, and removal of slaves cap 
 tured in vessels engaged in the slave trade; and to appoint a proper 
 person or persons, as agent or agents on the coast of Africa for re 
 ceiving them." 
 
 It was obvious that the objects of the government could be bet 
 ter accomplished in conjunction with the Colonization Society, 
 
( 11 ) 
 
 than separately. Accordingly, in the year 1820 the Elizabeth was 
 chartered, and took out to the coast two agents of the government, 
 one from the society, and about eighty emigrants. The latter were 
 to be employed at the expense of the government, in preparing 
 accommodations for the reception of recaptured negroes. 
 
 They were in the outset extremely unfortunate. They found 
 it impossible to obtain a suitable place, and " were compelled, by 
 a variety of untoward circumstances, to make a temporary estab 
 lishment in the low, unhealthy island of Sherbro." Here they 
 were detained some time endeavouring to purchase land and 
 were attacked by fatal diseases which carried off the three agents, 
 and twenty of the colonists. 
 
 The colony was in a lamentable state in the spring of 1821. 
 Great confusion and want of subordination prevailed, in conse 
 quence of the death of the agents. At that time four new ones ar 
 rived, Messrs. Andre\vs, Wiltberger, Winn, and Bacon; the two 
 first on the part of the society, and the others on that of the United 
 States. They brought out twenty-eight emigrants and from the 
 difficulties that had occurred in procuring land, they proceeded 
 with the old and new hands to the neighbourhood of Freetown, 
 in the colony of Sierra Leone. One of the agents, Mr. Bacon, 
 being taken sick, returned to the United States. Mr. Andrews 
 died in August, and Mr. Winn in September* 
 
 This was a most appalling state of things, and would have dis 
 couraged ordinary men from a prosecution of the scheme. Fortu 
 nately, such timid counsels did not prevail. The society deter 
 mined to persevere, trusting that more experience, and the choice 
 of a more salubrious situation would guard against a repetition of 
 those disasters. 
 
 A new agent, Dr. Ayres, was appointed, whb, with lieutenant 
 Stockton, on the part of the United States, sailed in November, 
 1821, and arrived on the coast of Africa in December. On a careful 
 examination of the coast, they purchased the country called Mont- 
 serado, where the colony is now settled. The price agreed upon, 
 was three hundred dollars, payable in powder and ball, fire arms, 
 tobacco, clothing, &c. 
 
 The Africans who had been landed at Sierra Leone, were now 
 sent for, and affairs wore a promising aspect, when an untoward 
 circumstance occurred, which threatened a total failure of the 
 scheme. 
 
 A small slave vessel, prize to an English schooner, with thirty 
 recaptured slaves on board, and bound for Sierra Leone, put in for 
 water at Perseverance Island, part of the purchased territory, 
 where the colonists were stationed. Having unfortunately parted 
 her cable r she drifted on shore, where she was wrecked. The cus 
 tom of the coast appropriates to the petty chief on whose lands a 
 wreck takes place, the vessel and her entire contents. King 
 George, on whose territory the accident happened, sent his people 
 to take possession. They were resisted by the captain and crew, 
 and were discomfited. While the natives were preparing to renew 
 
( 12 ) 
 
 the attack, the captain sent to the agent for assistance, which was 
 readily granted. A boat was instantly manned, and sent to his 
 relief, and a brass field piece on the island brought to bear on the 
 assailants, who were accordingly put to the rout, with the loss of 
 two killed and several wounded. The crew and slaves were 
 brought in safety to land, but the vessel went to pieces, and most 
 of the stores and property was lost. 
 
 This exasperated the natives, not merely by the loss of their 
 prey and their men, but by the prospect it held out of similar in 
 terferences in future. They anticipated the total interruption of 
 the slave trade, which was their principal dependence for pro 
 curing supplies. of whatever they might want. They, therefore, 
 determined to extirpate the colony, while in its feeble and defence 
 less state. 
 
 Only part of the goods had been delivered, and the natives re 
 fused to take the remainder, and insisted on returning what they 
 had received. This, of course, the agent refused, and they had 
 recourse to a stratagem to accomplish their purpose. They in 
 vited him to an amicable conference, and as soon as they had him 
 in their power, made him a prisoner, and detained him until he 
 consented to take the articles back. Then they insisted on the 
 colonists withdrawing from the settlement altogether. Pleading 
 the difficulty of removal, for want of a place to which to retire, 
 he was permitted to remain till he could make a purchase of land. 
 Mean while he made an appeal to Boatswain, one of the native kings, 
 who enjoyed a sort of supremacy among them, and who, on hear 
 ing the respective allegations, gave an award in favour of the co 
 lonists, that the bargain had been fair on both sides; that there 
 was no ground for rescinding it; and therefore, that the natives 
 should receive the stipulated goods, and relinquish the purchased 
 territory. With this judgment his perfidious regal brethren were 
 forced to comply, as he threatened them with his vengeance if they 
 proved refractory. 
 
 They brooded over the discomfiture in the field, and before the 
 arbiter, and determined, on his departure to his own station, to 
 make a decisive attempt to extirpate the colony. The colonists 
 had information of their preparations, and made every exertion to 
 be enabled to meet them. But their number was small, having 
 but 35 effective men; their defences were incomplete; they had but 
 few cannon; and the agent, the Rev. Mr. Ashmun, a man of ex 
 traordinary zeal, ardour, and energy, was dangerously ill; but had, 
 nevertheless, to give all the necessary orders, some of them dictated 
 from his bed, as he had no adequate substitute. 
 
 The enemy consisted of a body of eight hundred men, and 
 made a most furious attack on the 8th of November, 1822. Un 
 fortunately one pass was neglected to be properly defended, and 
 there the enemy forced an entrance, and captured one of the guns, 
 which happily they knew not how to manage. The colony was 
 saved by their want of discipline. Had they pushed forward, 
 their success was certain j the colonists could not have resisted; but 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 the assailants betook themselves to plunder, in great confusion : this 
 afforded the colonists time to rally; they recaptured the gun; and 
 turned it on the enemy, who were wedged in a solid mass. Great 
 destruction took place, and they fled in utter confusion; it was sup 
 posed they had 60 or 80 killed. The loss on the other side was 
 considerable, three men and one woman killed, two men and two 
 women severely wounded, and seven children captured. 
 
 The colonists, as soon as the enemy had disappeared, immedi 
 ately began to complete their defences, and prepare for another 
 attack, which they understood from their spies, was to be made 
 with a greater force at the close of the month. The attack ac 
 cordingly commenced on the 30th, with 1,500 assailants. The 
 fortifications were in a far better state than before, but the number 
 of effective men less, not quite 30. The besiegers were, after a 
 long and ardent struggle, finally defeated, with severe loss. The 
 garrison had one man killed, and two badly wounded. Mr. Ash- 
 mun s services were invaluable, and were the means of saving the 
 place. 
 
 His Britannic Majesty s schooner, Driver, fortunately arrived in 
 the harbour at this time, and the commander kindly offered his ser 
 vices as mediator, which were gladly accepted by both parties, as 
 they were equally tired of " the unprofitable contest." The 
 native princes signed an engagement "to observe an unlimited 
 truce with the colony, and submit all their differences to the ar 
 bitration of the governor of Sierra Leone." 
 
 Since that period the colonists have not been molested. They 
 are objects of respect and veneration, and their friendship is sought 
 after by all the petty kings in their neighbourhood. 
 
 A regular form of government was adopted in 1824, which pro 
 duced the happiest effects on the morals and manners of the Colo 
 nists. In truth, this period may be stated as almost the commence 
 ment of the establishment the four preceding years having been 
 the reign of anarchy and confusion. 
 
 Yours, &c., M. C. 
 
 Philadelphia, rfpril 12, 1832. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 Increase of the, coloured Population. 
 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 The dangers arising from the great increase of a caste in the na 
 tion, who are by custom cut off from all chance of amalgamation 
 with their fellow beings of a different colour, are yearly augment 
 ing by the natural horror of slavery, which is constantly gaining 
 strength in the breasts of the slaves; by the unceasing discussions in 
 our papers, especially by those that recently took place in the legis 
 lature of Virginia; and by the inflammatory publications, which are 
 clandestinely spread among the slaves, in spite of the vigilance and 
 
 3 
 
( 14 ) 
 
 denunciations of their masters. Circumstances, too, are occasion 
 ally occurring which tend to fan the flame; among which maybe 
 reckoned the general manumission of the slaves in the royal co 
 lonies of Great Britain, and the steady and persevering efforts 
 making in and out of parliament in that kingdom, to procure a 
 total emancipation in all the British colonies. 
 
 In the discussion of this subject, it is only necessary to cast a 
 furtive glance at the scenes in St. Domingo, and the various in 
 surrections planned and attempted in this country, to be satisfied 
 that the subject has not hitherto attracted that consideration in ge 
 neral, to which it is entitled by its great magnitude and importance. 
 Although there is, I hope and trust, no great danger of such in 
 surrectionary attempts proving successful, yet they may, and in all 
 probability will, produce repetitions of the horrible scenes which 
 took place at Southampton, at which humanity shudders. 
 
 On this view of the subject, it could scarcely have been antici-> 
 pated, that the scheme proposed by the Colonization Society, of 
 removing such of the free people of colour as are disposed to emi 
 grate to the land of their fathers, and such slaves as are emancipa 
 ted, on condition of removal to that land, should have met with 
 any opposition. It is, nevertheless certain, that it has been vio 
 lently opposed in two quarters where it might have rationally 
 been supposed likely to meet with most favour, in South Carolina, 
 and among some of the free blacks. 
 
 We shall in the sequel consider the opposition of the free blacks. 
 At present we shall confine ourselves to the case of South Caro 
 lina. That state is by far more particularly interested in the suc 
 cess of the scheme than any other, except perhaps Louisiana; as 
 these are the only two states in which the slave population exceeds 
 that of the whites. 
 
 Whites Slaves. 
 
 131,181 107,094 
 257,878 315,565 
 
 Thus it appears that while the slaves very nearly trebled their 
 numbers, the whites did not quite double theirs. 
 
 The relative situation of the white and coloured population east 
 of the Blue Ridge, in Virginia, places this subject in a striking 
 point of view. It appears that the latter have gained on the former 
 in forty years, 106,176, being more than a fourth part of the num 
 ber of whites at present in that part of the country. To render 
 this case more remarkable, it is to be observed, that during this 
 period, the shipment of slaves from that portion of Virginia to 
 the more southern states, has been carried to an enormous extent. 
 
 Total. Majority. 
 
 Population east of the Blue Ridge. Whites. Blacks. Whites. Blacks. 
 
 Population of South Carolina. 
 In 1790 
 1830 
 
 In 1790 
 1800 
 1810 
 1820 
 1830 
 
 314,523 
 336,289 
 338,553 
 
 348,873 
 375,935 
 
 289,425 
 339,293 
 386,942 
 413,928 
 457,013 
 
 25,098 I 
 
 3,004 
 48,389 
 65,055 
 
 81,078 
 
 The following table exhibits the increase of the free coloured 
 
( 15 ) 
 
 people in the United States from the year 1790 to the present time. 
 
 In 1830 I 319,467 
 
 In 1790 I 59,481 
 1800 I 110,073 
 
 In 1810 I 186,446 
 1820 233,530 
 
 A multiplication nearly six fold in forty years, and above 33 per 
 cent, in the last ten years. 
 
 The disparity of increase of the white and .coloured population 
 in the five original slave states, deserves attention. 
 
 1790. 
 
 1830. 
 
 Maryland, 
 Virginia, 
 North Carolina, 
 South Carolina, 
 Georgia, 
 
 Whites. 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 Whites. 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 208,650 
 442,127 
 
 288,204 
 130,178 
 
 52,886 
 
 103,036 
 292,627 
 100,572 
 107,094 
 29,264 
 
 291,093 
 694,439 
 472,433 
 
 257,878 
 296,614 
 
 102,878 
 469,724 
 246,462 
 315,665 
 217,407 
 
 1,122,045 
 
 632,593 
 
 2,012,457 
 
 1,352,136 
 
 It thus appears, that the whites, in forty years, increased only 
 about eighty per cent.; while the slaves increased one hundred and 
 twelve. In North Carolina, the whites increased but sixty-four 
 per cent. ; while the slaves increased one hundred and forty five. 
 The number of slaves in Maryland has slightly decreased, partly 
 by manumissions, and partly by the shipment of slaves to the more 
 southern states, both of which have taken place in that state on a 
 large scale. The free coloured population in 1790, was only 8,042, 
 whereas, in 1830, it was 52,942. 
 
 Table of the number of coloured people, free and slaves, in the 
 United States, at the various periods of taking the census, together 
 with a statement of the numbers that will be in the country every 
 decennial census, till 1880, at the rate of increase that took place 
 between 1820 and 1830, viz., at 35 per cent. 
 
 3,145,552 
 4,246,495 
 5,732,768 
 7,739,236 
 10,447,968 
 
 Yours, &c., M. C. 
 Philadelphia, Jlpril 14, 1832. 
 
 1790 - - - 
 1800 - - - 
 1810 - - - 
 1820 - - - 
 1830 - - - 
 
 757,178 
 1,006,912 
 1,377,780 
 1,771,658 
 2,330,039 
 
 1840 
 1850 
 1860 
 1870 
 
 1880 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 Expense of Passage Manumissions. 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 It remains to ascertain as nearly as possible, the expense of emi 
 gration. 
 
 The passage is at present calculated at about twenty dollars, and 
 the expense for the maintenance of each emigrant for six months 
 at about 15 dollars; making all together, 35 dollars. 
 
But children from two to twelve years of age are taken at half 
 price, and below two years free of charge; allowing for a due pro 
 portion of children, thirty dollars will be a tolerably fair estimate 
 for passage and support. 
 
 Moreover, when the situation of the colony becomes better 
 known, and the prejudices which have been industriously created 
 against it are done away, many emigrants will defray their own 
 expenses, and many humane and charitable masters will, as has 
 taken place already, pay the passage of their manumitted slaves. 
 
 Again. For a long time to come there will be, as there is at 
 present, a great demand in the colony for labourers, and able-bodied 
 men will, immediately on landing, be able to procure employment. 
 In a late report it is stated, that of the whole number of emigrants 
 that arrived in one vessel, only seven were unemployed in twenty 
 days. Considering all these circumstances, we might be autho 
 rised to assume an average of twenty dollars for each; but if we 
 err at all, it is better to err on the safe side, and assume twenty- 
 five. 
 
 It appears that the annual increase is about 2$ per cent. In 
 the former edition we erroneously assumed 3i. 
 
 Two and a half per cent, on the present number of coloured peo 
 ple in the United States, probably 2,400,000, amounts to 60,000 
 annually. Supposing the object to be to prevent any increase, and 
 that therefore provision would have to be made for the conveyance 
 of 60,000 annually, at 25 dollars each, the expense would be 
 $1,500,000. 
 
 This sum is large, and would require considerable sacrifices. 
 But was any grand object ever attained without great sacrifices? 
 We were, when in a comparatively feeble state, able to raise 
 $100,000,000 in a year and a half for the support of a war. Our 
 revenue has been, for years, from 20 to 825,000,000, and the na 
 tional debt is nearly paid off The direct tax of the state of Penn 
 sylvania in the year 1815 was $730,958, and that of Virginia 
 $738,036, which were paid without any oppression of the citizens 
 of either. And surely if reason and common sense have fair play, 
 it will not be difficult to procure an amendment of the constitution 
 (if such an amendment be necessary, which is doubted by many 
 of our citizens) by three-fourths of the states, allowing the ap 
 propriation of a sum necessary for the purpose; and never did a 
 nation make a more useful appropriation. 
 
 There are thirteen non-slaveholding States. There can be no 
 doubt that these would ratify such an amendment; and from the 
 prevalence of the conviction in Maryland, Virginia, and North 
 Carolina, of the dangers that menace the country from this source, 
 their immediate concurrence might be calculated on, and the con 
 sent of two more would probably be had in a year or two, as the 
 subject came to be more fully discussed, and of consequence better 
 understood. 
 
 Among the most promising and encouraging circumstances at 
 tending the career of this society, are the numerous manumissions 
 
that have taken place in almost all the slave states, on the express 
 condition of the freed people being sent to Liberia. 
 
 These manumissions have occurred on a scale that the most san 
 guine friends of the scheme could not have anticipated. Entire 
 families have been blest with their freedom, from the most pure 
 motives, a conviction of the immorality and injustice of slavery 
 and in many cases ample provision has been made for the expense 
 of their passage, and in some for their support in Liberia. They 
 have been thus released from the debasement and degradation of 
 slavery, and sent to the land of their fathers, to partake of all the 
 happiness that freedom and the certainty of enjoying all the fruits 
 of their labour, can inspire. 
 
 In this work of -benevolence, the society of Friends, as in so 
 many other cases, have nobly distinguished themselves, and as 
 sumed a prominent attitude. They have, in North Carolina, li 
 berated no less than 652 slaves, whom they had under their care, 
 besides, as says my authority, an unknown number of children, 
 husbands and wives, connected with them by consanguinity. 
 In the performance of these acts of benevolence, they expended 
 $12,759. They had remaining under their care in Dec. 1830, 
 402 slaves, for whom the same arrangements were to be made. 
 
 It holds out every encouragement to the Colonization Society, 
 that the applications for the transportation of free negroes, and 
 slaves proposed to be emancipated on condition of removal to Li 
 beria, far exceed its means. There are in North Carolina and the 
 adjacent states, from three to four thousand of both descriptions, 
 ready to embark^ were the Society in a situation to send them 
 away. 
 
 Yours, &c., M. C. 
 
 Philadelphia, Jipril 14, 1832. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 Progress of Liberia. -Inauspicious commencement in Massa 
 chusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina. 
 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 A brief comparison of the progress made in Liberia, with the 
 colonization of Massachusetts, Virginia and North Carolina, will 
 place the first on high ground, and dispel the doubts of the most 
 sceptical as to the ultimate success of this magnificent and benig 
 nant undertaking, if it receive a due degree of support. Let it be 
 observed, that the society never made any calculation on being able 
 to accomplish the mighty object of their enterprise by private re 
 sources alone. That would have been extravagant folly. The 
 success must, they well knew, ultimately depend on the patron 
 age of the general and state governments, united ; the attainment 
 of which they confidently hope for. The society has done its duty 
 in proving the practicability of the scheme, and will steadily con- 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 tinue its exertions on a scale proportioned to the means placed at 
 its disposal. Further than this it never promised. 
 
 The first expedition to Liberia took place in the year 1820, but 
 met with so many difficulties and embarrassments at the commence 
 ment, that it was not until the year 1824, that any order or good 
 government was established. All that has been accomplished 
 worth notice has taken place within the last eight years. What, 
 then, is the state of the case? 
 
 There are now above 2000 souls settled, contented, happy and 
 prosperous; enjoying all the apparatus of a regular government; 
 an improving agriculture; a prosperous and increasing commerce; 
 settlements rapidly extending; a large territory, possessed of extra 
 ordinary advantages of soil, climate, and situation for commerce, 
 fairly and honourably purchased, one hundred and fifty miles on 
 the coast, and extending into the interior of the country thirty or 
 forty miles; several slave factories destroyed and the slaves liberated; 
 the slave trade abolished in the neighbourhood of the settlement; 
 the circumjacent aboriginals tranquilized, regarding the settlers 
 with reverence, and looking up to them for protection from the fero 
 cious violence of those hostes humani generis, the slave traders; 
 the attacks of some hostile petty kings repelled in 1822, in the very 
 infancy of the colony, and in its most feeble state; education care 
 fully attended to; the children of the natives sent in for instruction 
 to the schools of the colonists; morals and religion flourishing. In 
 word, the most sanguine expectations of the founders of the coloi*^ 
 more than realized, at this very early stage of its existence. It 
 may be doubted whether any colony ever throve more completely 
 in so short a space of time. 
 
 One feature in this colony most honourably distinguishes it 
 from almost every other colony established in ancient or modern 
 times. Of all other colonies the founders were impelled by a desire 
 of conquest; a thirst of aggrandizement, or of the acquisition of 
 wealth. With no such views were the founders of Liberia actu 
 ated. Pure benevolence alone inspired the illustrious men, the 
 Finleys, the Thorntons, the Washingtons, the Mercers, the Ash- 
 muns, the Caldwells, who projected or aided in the formation of 
 the society. The benefit of the colonists and the peace and hap 
 piness of this country were the objects. For their attainment 
 they devoted their time, and their substance, and endured the scoffs 
 and ridicule and scorn to which their grand enterprise, in common 
 with all great novel undertakings was subjected. 
 
 Let us now cast an eye on the early results of the attempts at the 
 colonization of Massachusetts, Virginia and North Carolina. 
 
 The pilgrims who commenced the settlement of Massachusetts, 
 landed in December, 1620, to the number of 120; and so ill were 
 they provided with provisions and clothing, and so inclement was 
 the season, that about fifty of them perished in the course of the 
 winter and the ensuing spring. * And though they received fre- 
 
 * Marshall s Life of Washington, Vol. I. page 94. 
 
quent reinforcements, one half of the whole number of the settlers 
 perished in the severe winter of 1629, and there remained but 
 three hundred in the year 1630.* 
 
 What a striking contrast Liberia exhibits! How exhilarating 
 and encouraging to its friends, and how useful a lesson does it hold 
 out to its enemies! 
 
 But inauspicious as the incipient operations were in Massachu 
 setts, the result was far worse for 25 years in Virginia. The first 
 attempt at a settlement took place in 1585, and was succeeded for 
 years by several numerous reinforcements, which in a great meas 
 ure fell victims to their own irregularities, or to the hostile attacks 
 of the Indians, whom those irregularities provoked. In 1610, the 
 heroic Smith, the father of the colony, brought out a strong rein 
 forcement, and returned home for further supplies of men, provi 
 sions, arms and ammunition, leaving the colony, as he supposed, 
 secure against any contingency, however adverse, whether from the 
 severity of the weather, or the assaults of the Indians. But all his 
 calculations were miserably defeated by the worthlessness, the in 
 subordination, and the licentiousness of the colonists. 
 
 " Smith left the colony furnished with three ships, good fortifications, twenty- 
 five pieces of cannon, arms, ammunition, apparel, commodities for trading-, and tools 
 for all kinds of labour. At James Town there were nearly sixty houses. The set 
 tlers had begun to plant and to fortify at five or six other places. The number of 
 inhabitants was nearly five hundred. They had just gathered in their Indian har 
 vest, and besides, had considerable provision in their stores. They had between 
 five and six hundred hogs, an equal number of fowls, some goats and some sheep. 
 They had also boats, nets, and good accommodations for fishing. But such was the 
 sedition, idleness, and dissipation of this mad people, that they were soon reduced 
 to the most miserable circumstances. No sooner was Capt. Smith gone, than the 
 savages, provoked by their dissolute practices, and encouraged by their want of 
 government, revolted, hunted and slew them from place to place. Nansemond, the 
 plantation at the falls, and all the out-settlements, were abandoned. In a short time, 
 nearly forty of the company were cut off by the enemy. Their time and provisions 
 were consumed in riot ; their utensils were stolen or destroyed ; their hogs, sheep, 
 and fowls killed and carried off by the Indians. The sword without, famine and 
 sickness within, soon made among them surprising destruction. Within the term 
 of six months, of their whole number, sixty only survived. These were the most 
 poor, famishing wretches, subsisting chiefly on herbs, acorns, and berries. Such 
 was the famine, that they fed on the skins of their dead horses : nay, they boiled 
 and ate the flesh of the dead. Indeed they were reduced to such extremity, that 
 had they not been relieved, the whole colony in eight or ten days would have been 
 extinct. Such are the dire effects of idleness, faction, and want of proper subordi 
 nation, "f 
 
 All the difficulties and disasters that have occurred in Liberia 
 from the commencement of the settlement till the present time, 
 fall far short of the tithe of the calamities in Virginia in six 
 months. 
 
 We have not as many details of the disasters in North Carolina. 
 Williamson, its historian, is very brief on the subject; but he tells 
 enough to prove that similar disorders and similar disasters took 
 place there. The colony was commenced in 1668, and in 1694, 
 " the list of taxables was only 787, being little more than half the 
 number that were there in 1 677," seventeen years before. " Such," 
 
 * Idem, page 102. f Holmes s Annals, Vol. I. page 60. 
 
( 20 } 
 
 says the writer, " were the baneful effects of rapine, anarchy and 
 idleness."* 
 
 Yours, &c., M. C. 
 Philadelphia, Jlpril 18, 1832. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 Legislative proceedings in favour of the Society. Connecticut, Nezo- 
 Jersey, Kentucky, Delaware, Massachusetts, Tennessee, Indiana, 
 Pennsylvania and Maryland. Synod of Utica. General Assem 
 bly of the Presbyterian Church. Methodist Episcopal Conference. 
 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 The Colonization Society has, by perseverance and by the in 
 trinsic merits of its views, at length " won golden opinions" from 
 the greater part of the nation. The Legislatures of fourteen States, 
 JVew-Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, New- York, New-Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Georgia, Tennessee, 
 Kentucky, Ohio and Indiana, have passed resolutions distinctly 
 recommending the scheme of colonizing the free coloured popula 
 tion, and most of them approving of the objects of the Society. 
 Eleven of those states have instructed their senators, and requested 
 their representatives in Congress to promote, in the general govern 
 ment, measures for removing such free persons of colour as are de 
 sirous of emigrating to Africa. And " nearly all the ecclesiastical 
 bodies in the United States have, by resolutions, fully expressed 
 their opinion, that the Society merits the consideration and favour 
 of the whole Christian community, and earnestly recommend it to 
 their patronage." 1 annex a few specimens: 
 
 Resolve of the Legislature of Connecticut , 1824. 
 
 " Resolved, That the existence of Slavery in the United States is a great national 
 evil, and that the people and the States ought to participate in the burdens and du 
 ties of removing- it by all just and prudent measures, which may be adopted with a 
 due regard to their internal peace and mutual harmony: and that a system of co 
 lonization under the patronage of the General Government, may reasonably be 
 deemed conducive to so desirable an object." 
 
 Resolve of the Legislature of New- Jersey, 1825. 
 
 "Resolved, That in the opinion of this Legislature, a system of Foreign Coloni 
 zation, with correspondpnt measures, might be adopted, that would in due time, 
 effect the entire emancipation of slaves in this country, and furnish an asylum for 
 the free blacks, without any violation of the National Compact, or infringement of 
 the rights of individuals,- and that such a system should be predicated upon the 
 principle, that the evil of slavery is a national one, and that the People and the States 
 of this union ought, mutually, to participate in the duties and burdens of removing 
 it." 
 
 Resolve of the Legislature of Kentucky, 1827. 
 
 "Resolved by the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, That 
 they view with deep and friendly interest, the exertions of the American Coloni 
 zation Society, in establishing an asylum on the coast of Africa, for the free people 
 of colour of the United States; and that the Senators and Representatives in Congress 
 from this state, be and they are hereby requested, to use their efforts to facilitate 
 
 * Williamson s History of North Carolina, Vol. I. page 144. 
 
the removal of such free persons of colour as may desire to emigrate from the United 
 States to the colony in Africa, and to insure to them the protection and patronage of 
 the General Government, so far as shall be deemed consistent with the safety and 
 interest of the United States." 
 
 Of the Legislature of Delaware. 
 
 "Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Delaware, 
 in General Assembly met, That it is requisite for our prosperity, and, what is of 
 more important concern, essential to our safety, that measures should be taken, for 
 the removal from this country, of the free negroes and mulattoes. 
 
 " Resolved, That this General Assembly approve the objects of the American 
 Colonization Society, and consider that those objects deserve public support, and 
 that they ought to be fostered and encouraged by the National Government, and 
 with the National funds." 
 
 Resolution of the Senate of Pennsylvania, 1829. 
 "Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, in 
 General Assembly met, That in the opinion of this general assembly, the American 
 Colonization Society eminently demands the support of the national government, 
 and that our Senators be directed, and the Representatives in Congress be requested 
 to aid the same by all proper and constitutional means." 
 
 Resolution of the Legislature of Maryland, 1829. 
 
 "Resolved unanimously, That the governor be requested to communicate to 
 the President of the United States, and to our Senators and Representatives in Con 
 gress, the opinion of the general assembly, that a wise and provident policy suggests 
 the expediency, on the part of our national government, of proofing through ne- 
 gociation, by cession or purchase, a tract of country on the western coast of Africa, 
 for the colonization of the free people of colour of the United States." 
 
 Resolution of the State of Tennessee. 
 
 "Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That the Senators 
 in Congress from this State, be, and they are hereby requested and instructed ; and 
 that the Representatives be, and they are hereby requested, to give to the govern 
 ment of the United States any aid in their power, in devising and carrying 1 into ef 
 fect a plan which may have for its object the colonizing, in some distant country, 
 the free people of colour who are within the limits of the United States, or within 
 the limits of any of their Territories." 
 
 Resolution of the State of Indiana, 1829. 
 
 "Be it resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Indiana, That our Sen 
 ators and Representatives in Congress be, and they are hereby requested, in the 
 name of the State of Indiana, to solicit the assistance of the general government to 
 aid the laudable designs of the Colonization Society, in such manner as Congress in 
 its wisdom may deem expedient." 
 
 Resolution of the Senate of Massachusetts in 1830. 
 
 "Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress, be, and they are 
 hereby requested, in the name of the State of Massachusetts, to solicit the assist 
 ance of the general government, to aid the laudable designs of the Colonization 
 Society, in such manner as Congress in its wisdom may deem expedient." 
 
 Resolution of the Synod of Utica, N. Y. 1829. 
 
 " Resolved, That all clergymen within the bounds of this Synod, be, and they 
 hereby are most earnestly requested to take up collections and subscriptions yearly, 
 on or near the fourth of July, as a proper mode of aiding the funds of the Coloni 
 zation Society ; and that as far as practicable, they enable their people to understand 
 the history, design, progress and prospects of the Society." 
 
 Resolutioji of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, 1830. 
 " Resolved, That it be recommended to all the churches under the care of the ge 
 neral assembly, to take up collections for the Colonization Society, on the next 4th 
 of July." 
 
 4 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 Resolution of the Philadelphia Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
 
 Church, 1831. 
 
 "Resolved, That the Conference highly approving- of the plan and purposes of 
 the American Colonization Society, do recommend that collections be taken up 
 throughout the churches within our bounds, so far as is practicable, on the 4th of 
 July next, in aid of the funds of the above Society." 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 Situation of the Colonists in Liberia. Testimony of a Com 
 mittee in Monrovia. Of Captain Nicholson Of Captain 
 Kennedy Of Captain Sherman Of Captain Mels. Mo 
 rals and Manners. 
 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 The subject discussed in this letter is of paramount importance. 
 Whatever considerations of policy in regard to this country, 
 might plead in favour of the scheme of colonization, it would not 
 have the sanction of the friends of mankind, of those who com 
 miserate the depressed situation of the coloured population of the 
 United States, if the situation of the emigrants were not mani- 
 festly improved. To place this vital point on a basis as firm as 
 the rock of Gibraltar, I have collected what may be regarded as 
 a superfluity of testimony; as that of any one of the parties would 
 be sufficient to remove all doubts from the minds of all persons 
 open to conviction. But it seemed right in such a case, "to make 
 assurance doubly sure." 
 
 In a Circular forwarded by a Committee of the inhabitants of 
 Monrovia, to their brethren in the United States, they give the 
 following description of their situation: 
 
 " The first consideration which caused our voluntary removal to this country, 
 and the object we regard with the deepest concern, was liberty liberty in the so 
 ber, simple, but complete sense of the word not a licentious liberty nor a liberty 
 without government, or which should place us with out the restraint of salutary laws 
 but that liberty of speech, action and conscience, which distinguishes the free 
 enfranchised citizens of a free state. We did not enjoy that freedom in our native 
 country; and from causes, which, as regards ourselves, we shall soon forget for 
 ever, we were certain, it was not there attainable for our children or ourselves. * * 
 We truly declare, that our expectations and hopes, in this respect, have been realized. 
 
 " Our constitution secures to us, so far as our condition allows, all the rights and 
 privileges enjoyed by the citizens of the United States; and these rights and these 
 privileges are ours: We are proprietors of the soil we live on, and possess the 
 rights of freeholders. Our suffrages, and, what is of more importance, our senti 
 ments and opinions, have their due weight in the government we live under. Our 
 laws are altogether our own; they grow out of our circumstances, are framed for 
 our exclusive benefit, and administered either by officers of our own appointment, 
 or such as possess our confidence. We have a judiciary, chosen among ourselves: 
 we serve as jurors on the trial of others, and are liable ourselves to be tried only 
 by jurors of our fellow-citizens. We have all that is meant by liberty of conscience. 
 The time and mode of worshipping God, as prescribed to us in his word, and dic 
 tated by our conscience, we are not only free to follow, but are protected in fol 
 lowing. 
 
 "Forming a community of our own in the land of our forefathers, having the 
 commerce, and soil, and resources of the country at our disposal; we know nothing 1 
 of that debasing inferiority with which our very colour stamped us in America; 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 there is nothing here to create the feeling 1 on our part nothing 1 to cherish the feel 
 ing- of superiority in the minds of foreigners who visit us. It is this moral emanci 
 pation this liberation of the mind from worse than iron fetters that repays us ten 
 thousand times over all that it has cost us, and makes us grateful to God and our 
 American patrons, for the happy change which has taken place in our situations." 
 
 Extract of a letter from Captain Nicholson, of the United 
 States Navy, who spent some time at Liberia. 
 
 " The appearance of all the colonists, those of Monrovia, as well as those of 
 Caldwell, indicated more than contentment. Their manners were those of free 
 men, who experienced the blessings of liberty, and appreciated the boon. Many 
 of them had by trade acquired a competency. * * * The children 
 born in the country are fine looking, and I presume can be raised as easily as those 
 of the natives. All the colonists with whom I had communication (and with nearly 
 the whole of them did I communicate, in person, or by my officers) expressed their 
 decided wish to remain in their present situation, rather than return again to the 
 United States. I cannot give you better evidence of the prosperity of the colony, 
 than by mentioning, that eight of my crew (coloured mechanics,} after going ashore 
 two several days, applied for and received their discharge, in order to remain as 
 permanent settlers. These men had been absent from their country upwards of 
 three years, and had among them nearly two thousand dollars in clothes and money. 
 Had they not been thoroughly convinced that their happiness and prosperity would 
 be better promoted by remaining- among their free brethren in Liberia, they would 
 not have determined on so momentous a step as quitting- the United States, perhaps 
 forever, where they all had left friends and relatives." 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Captain Kennedy, of the Java, ivho 
 left Monrovia, Dec. 21th, 1830. 
 
 Norfolk, June 22, 1831. 
 
 " It may not be improper to observe, that my inquiries were commenced under 
 auspices very unfavourable to the practicability of the scheme of the society; for 
 while I trust, I yielded unfeigned acknowledgments of the piety and purity of 
 purpose which governed its worthy and disinterested projectors, yet the vast dif 
 ficulties attending the prosecution of their labours, and the very problematical re 
 sults in the want of success, left an impression on my mind altogether unfavoura 
 ble to the institution. Under these impressions, therefore, I commenced my inqui 
 ries with great caution. I sought out the most shrewd and intelligent of the colo 
 nists, many of whom were personally known to me, and by long and wary conver 
 sations, endeavoured to elicit from them any dissatisfaction with then* situation, if 
 such existed, or any latent desire to return to their native country. Neither of 
 these did I observe. On the contrary, I thought I could perceive that they consi 
 dered that they had started into a new existence ; that, disencumbered of the mor 
 tifying relations in which they formerly stood in society, they felt themselves proud 
 in their attitude, and seemed conscious, that while they were the founders of a new 
 empire, they were prosecuting- the noble purpose of the regeneration of the land 
 of their fathers." 
 
 Extract of a Letter from Captain Sherman, of the Liberia, 
 dated Philadelphia, May 10, 1830. 
 
 "The agent is the chief magistrate of the colony, and the physician his assistant. 
 No white people are allowed to reside in the colony, for the purpose of trade, or of 
 pursuing any mechanical business, such being- intended for the exclusive benefit of 
 the coloured people. The coloured secretary, collector of customs, surveyor and 
 constables are appointed by the agent. The port agent, sheriff, treasurer and other 
 officers, are elective, and all the offices, except that of agent and physician, are 
 filled by coloured people. 
 
 " Two native kings have put themselves and their subjects, supposed to amount to ! 
 ten thousand, under the protection of the colony, and are ready, should it be thought ^ 
 necessary or expedient by the settlers to put arms in their hands, to make common I 
 cause with them in case of hostilities by any of the natives, which, however, is not j 
 anticipated, as the most friendly disposition is manifested by all the natives of the 
 country from whom any danger might liave been apprehended. 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 "The township of CaMwell is about seven miles from Monrovia, on St. Paul s river, 
 and contains a population of five hundred and sixty agriculturists. The soil is ex 
 ceedingly fertile and pleasant, and the people satisfied and happy. The emigrants 
 carried out by me, and from whom I received a pleasing and satisfactory account of 
 that part of the territory, are located there." 
 
 Letter from Captain Jlbels, of the Schooner Margaret 
 
 Mercer, Washington, Feb. 10, 1832. 
 
 " Having just arrived in the United States from the colony of Liberia, to which 
 place I went as master of the schooner Margaret Mercer, and where I remained 
 thirteen days, during which time I was daily on shore, and carefully observed the 
 state of affairs, and inquired into the condition of the people, I venture to state 
 some facts in regard to the circumstances and prospects of the colony. On the 
 14th of December I arrived, and on the 15th went on shore, and was received in 
 the most polite and friendly manner by the governor, Dr. Mechlin, who introduced 
 me to the ministers and principal inhabitants. All the colonists appeared to be 
 in good health. Ml my expectations in regard to the aspect of things, the health, 
 harmony, order, contentment, industry, and general prosperity of the settlers, were 
 p more than realized. There are about two hundred buildings in the town of Mon 
 rovia, extending along the Cape Montserado, not far from a mile and a quarter. 
 Most of these are good substantial houses and stores, (the first story of many of 
 them being of stone,) and some of them handsome, spacious, painted, and with Ve- 
 nitian blinds. Nothing struck me as more remarkable than the great superiority, 
 ^ in intelligence, manners, conversation, dress, and general appearance in every re- 
 * Aspect, of the people over their coloured brethren in America. So much was I pleased 
 with what I saw, that I observed to the people, should I make a true report, it 
 would hardly be credited in the United States. Among all that I conversed with, 
 I did not Jind a discontented person, or hear one express a desire to return to America. 
 I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear a profane word uttered by any one. Being 
 a Minister of the Gospel, on Christmas day I preached both in the Methodist and 
 Baptist Church, to full and attentive congregations of from three to four hundred 
 persons in each. I know of no place where the Sabbath appears to be more re 
 spected than in Monrovia. I was glad to see that the Colonial Agent or Governor 
 is a constant attendant on Divine service, and appears desirous of promoting the 
 moral and religious welfare of the people. Most of the settlers appear to be ra 
 pidly acquiring 1 property ; and I have no doubt they are doing better for themselves 
 and their children in Liberia, than they could do in any other part of the world. 
 Could the free people of colour in this country but see the real condition of their 
 brethren who have settled in Africa, I am persuaded they would require no other 
 motive to induce them to emigrate. This is my decided and deliberate judgment. 
 "P. S. I have several times dined with the Colonists, and I think no better tables 
 could be set in any pail of the world. We had every thing that heart could desire, 
 of meats, and fish, and fowls, and vegetables, and wines," &c. &c. 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. Mechlin, Colony Jlgent. 
 
 f( As to the morals of the colonists, I consider them much better than the people 
 of the United States; that is, you may take an equal number of the inhabitants from 
 any section of the Union, and you will Jind more drunkards, more profane swearers 
 and sabbath-breakers, &c., than in Liberia. Indeed, I know of no country where 
 things are conducted more quietly and orderly than in this colony. You rarely 
 hear an oath, and as to riots and breaches of the peace, I recollect of but one in 
 stance, and that of a trifling nature, that has come under my notice since 1 assumed 
 the government of the colony. The sabbath is more strictly observed, than I ever 
 saw it in the United States. Our Sunday schools are well attended, not only by 
 the children of the colonists, but also by the native children who reside amongst 
 us. The natives themselves are so well acquainted with our strict observance of 
 this day, that you never find them offering any thing for sale, nor can you hire 
 them to work for you; I mean those who have been amongst us, and at all acquaint 
 ed with our customs." 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 Extract from the examination of Mr. Devany, High Sheriff 
 of Liberia, before a Committee of the House of Representa 
 tives of the U. S., May 2.7-28, 1830. 
 
 "Some instances of intemperance have occurred but the habit is confined to 
 two persons only, and does not go to such an extent, as to be of serious injury to 
 the families of the individuals, who are blacksmiths. There are three churches, 
 frame buildings, one of them with a steeple. One belongs to the baptists, one to 
 the methodists, and one, not yet finished, to the presbyterians. Divine service is 
 attended three times on Sundays, and also on Thursday and Friday evenings. The 
 Sunday schools are attended by many of the native children. All who can be de 
 cently clad, are in the habit of attending." 
 
 * * * * * " The court holds its sessions on the first Monday in 
 every month. Juries are empanneled as w r ith us. The jurisdiction of the court 
 extends over the whole colony. The trials are principally for larceny, and the cri 
 minals generally natives, who commit thefts in the settlements. A few instances 
 of kidnapping have occurred. These depredations were committed on the recap 
 tured Africans. To the honour of the emigrants be it mentioned, that but Jive of 
 their number have been committed for stealing or misdemeanor since 1827. 
 
 "There is much hospitality to be found in Monrovia; and among the inhabitants, 
 a greater proportion of moral and religious people, than in this city, [Philadelphia.] 
 I never saw a man intoxicated, or heard any prof one swearing during the three weeks 
 I was there." CAPTAIN SHERMAN. 
 
 Yours, &c. M. C. 
 Philadelphia, April 22, 1832. 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 Soil and Climate of Liberia. Commerce and Productions. 
 Disadvantages of Slavery to the White population. Ad 
 vantages of Colonization to our Free Coloured Population. 
 
 DEAR SIR 
 
 The colonists in their address to the coloured population of the United States, dated 
 September 1827, observe that "The soil is not exceeded for fertility, or productive 
 ness, when properly cultivated, by any soil in the world. The hills and plains are 
 covered with perpetual verdure. The productions of the soil go on through the year, 
 without intermission. Notwithstanding the imperfections of the farming tools used 
 by the natives, they raise more than they can consume, and frequently more than 
 they can sell. We have," they add, "no dreary winter here, for one-half the 
 year, to consume the productions of the other half. Nature is constantly renovating 
 herself, and constantly pouring her treasures all the year round, into the lap of the 
 industrious. 
 
 " The true character of the African climate," continue the colonists, " is not un 
 derstood in other countries. Its inhabitants are as robust, as healthy, and as long- 
 lived, to say the least, as those of any other country. Nothing like an epidemic has 
 ever appeared in the colony nor can we learn from the natives, that the calamity of 
 a sweeping sickness ever yet existed in that part of the continent. But the change 
 from a temperate to a tropical country, is a great one too great not to affect the 
 health, more or less and in the case of old people, and very young children, it 
 often causes death. In the early years of the colony, want of good houses, the 
 great fatigues and dangers of the settlers, their irregular mode of living, and the 
 hardships and discouragements they met with, greatly helped the other causes of 
 sickness, which prevailed to an alarming extent, and were attended with great 
 mortality. But we look back to these times as to a season of trial long past, and nearly 
 forgotten. Our houses and circumstances are now comfortable,- and for the last two 
 or three years not one person in jifty, from the middle and southern states, has died 
 from the change of climate." 
 
 for salu- 
 Itivation, 
 and 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 affording 1 across its channel from bank to bank from three to four fathoms of water 
 the country on either side champaign, and the level about twenty to thirty feet above 
 that of the river the banks every where perpendicular, exhibiting-, in order, the 
 different strata of which the general bed of the country is composed the waters of 
 the river to be sweet at a very small distance above the mouth, eight months in the 
 year at nine miles, the year round and you have a correct, but still imperfect 
 idea of this noble river, and the adjacent country. The original growth is exu 
 berant, and the soil a rich, deep and loose loam, entirely destitute of stones, ex 
 hibiting- in some places a prevalence of sand, and in others of a fat clay but all 
 about equally produo^ve." Jishmun. 
 
 "Not an hour have I spent here without feeling the refreshing and salutary in 
 fluences of a fresh breeze from the ocean. The settlement can never be without 
 it. * * No situation of Western Africa can be more salubrious. The sea air 
 does all that can be done for it in this climate. One peculiarity is, that the night 
 air is nearly as pure as any other. * * The rapidity and luxuriance of vegeta 
 tion here, the natives of temperate latitudes can hardly imagine." Idem. 
 
 Dr. Mechlin states in a recent communication, that "to those 
 emigrants who have had the fever, and are in a great measure ac 
 climated, Africa proves a more congenial clime than the United 
 States. There they enjoy a greater immunity from disease: and 
 pulmonary affections, so rife among the coloured population in the 
 United States, are almost unknown in Liberia. 77 
 
 " It has been objected that the climate is very unhealthy this is true as it res 
 pects the whites, but erroneous as respects the coloured people. Those from the 
 middle and northern states have to undergo what is called a seasoning, that is, 
 they generally take the fever the first month of their residence; but it has rarely 
 proved fatal since accommodations have been prepared for their reception: those 
 from Georgia, the Carolinas, and the southern parts of Virginia, either escape the 
 fever altogether, or have it very slightly. Deaths occur there indeed, as in other 
 places: but Dr. Mechlin, the agent, assured me that the bills of mortality would 
 show a less proportion of deaths, than those of Baltimore, Philadelphia, or New 
 York." CAPTAIX SHERMAN. 
 
 The uniform experienceof the .colonists has proved that emigrants 
 from the Southern States become speedily acclimated. If they have 
 the fever of the country, it affects them very lightly and those 
 who are prudent, and observe the advice of the settlers, are in no 
 more danger than emigrants from Europe to this country. 
 
 Commerce and Productions The commerce of Liberia, as 
 yet in its infancy, is respectable, and increasing annually. The 
 exports are rice, palm oil, ivory, tortoise shell, dye wood, gold, 
 hides, wax, and coffee. Coffee and cotton grow spontaneously. 
 Indigo and the sugar cane succeed, and will be cultivated to ad 
 vantage. Camwood is abundant, and mahogany grows at the 
 cape. The timber of Liberia is various and durable, and well 
 adapted to building. The imports consist of an assortment of the 
 productions of Europe, the West Indies and America. The port 
 of Monrovia is seldom clear of European and American vessels, 
 loading and unloading. 
 
 A trading company has been formed at Monrovia, with a capi 
 tal of $1000; and an agreement entered into, that no dividend 
 shall be made until the profits increase the capital to $20,000. 
 The stock has risen from 50 to 75 on transfer shares. 
 
 A colonist, of the name of Waring, sold goods to the amount 
 of $70,000, in the year 1830. The sales of Mr. Devany, the 
 sheriff, amounted to between 24 and $25,000, and his property was 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 worth about $20,000, made during the six years in which he 
 has resided in Monrovia. 
 
 "The commerce of the colony, during- the year 1831, has greatly exceeded 
 that of any former year. Within thatperiod 46 vessels visited the port, of which 
 21 were Americans, and a majority of the remainder English. The exports amount 
 ed to nearly 90,000 dollars, and the merchandize and produce on hand, at the close 
 of the year, amounted to about 23,000 dollars." 
 
 Disadvantages to the Whites resulting from Slavery. 
 " To provide for the free negro a country, is alike the dictate of humanity towards 
 him, and of policy towards ourselves. While he remains here, no white labourer 
 will seek employment near him. Hence it is, that in some of the richest counties 
 east of the Blue Ridge, the white population is stationary, and in many others it 
 is retrograde. Virginia, once the first state in numbers, as she is still in territory, 
 has become the third, and will soon have to descend to the fourth rank. The valua 
 tion of the lands of New York, exceeds the estimate of all the lands and slaves in Vir 
 ginia" Richmond and Manchester Colonization Society. 
 
 " Experience has taught us, that slaves add nothing to our wealth. Where they 
 
 { exist, labour is not only high, but badly performed; and the communities growing 
 up around us, which are clear of this evil, flourish over us, and by their cheapness 
 of labour, nicer mechanism, and more abundant industry, are making us tributary. 
 
 ; The progress of light the conduct of other nations and particularly that of our 
 South American neighbours, in liberating their slaves the growing belief of the 
 disadvantages of slavery, with other causes, contribute to increase the conviction 
 that slavery is an evil, and that its consequences may one day or other become terrible." 
 Kentucky Colonization Society. 
 
 " Slavery is ruinous to the whites retards improvement roots out an industrious 
 population, banishes the yeomanry of the country deprives the spinner, the wea 
 ver, the smith, the shoemaker, the carpenter, of employment and support. This 
 evil admits of no remedy it is increasing, and will continue to increase, until the 
 whole countiy will be inundated with one black wave covering its whole extent, 
 with a few white faces here and there floating on the surface. The master has no 
 capital but what is vested in human flesh the father, instead of being richer for 
 his sons, is at a loss to provide for them there is no diversity of occupations, no 
 incentive to enterprise. Labour of every species is disreputable, because performed 
 mostly by slaves. Our towns are stationary, our villages almost every where declining 
 and the general aspect of the country marks the curse of a wasteful idle, reckless 
 population, who have no interest in the soil, and care not how much it is impo 
 verished. Public improvements are neglected, and the entire continent does not 
 present a region for which nature has done so much, and art so little. If cultivated 
 by free labour, the soil of Virginia is capable of sustaining a dense population, 
 among whom labour would be honourable, and where * the busy hum of men* 
 would tell that all were happy, and that all were free." Speech of T. Marshal, of 
 Fauquier Co. in the legislature of Virginia. 
 
 The advantages of Colonization to our Free Coloured People. 
 That the free coloured population in this country labour under 
 the most oppressive disadvantages, which their freedom can by no 
 means counterbalance, is too obvious to admit of doubt. I waive 
 all inquiry whether this be right or wrong. I speak of things as 
 they are not as they might, or ought to be. They are cut off 
 from the most remote chance of amalgamation with the white po 
 pulation, by feelings or prejudices, call them what you will, that 
 are ineradicable. Their situation is more unfavourable than that 
 of many slaves. < With all the burdens, cares and responsibili 
 ties of freedom, they have few or none of its substantial benefits. 
 Their associations are, and must be, chiefly with slaves. Their 
 right of suffrage gives them little, if any, political influence, and 
 they are practically, if not theoretically excluded from represen- 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 tation and weight in our public councils." No merit, no ser 
 vices, no talents can ever elevate many of them to a level with 
 the whites. Occasionally, an exception may arise. A coloured 
 individual, of great talents, merits, and wealth, may emerge from 
 the crowd. Cases of this kind are to the last degree rare. The 
 coloured people are subject to legal disabilities, more or less gall 
 ing and severe, in almost every state in the Union. Who has not 
 deeply regretted their late harsh expulsion from the state of Ohio, 
 and their being forced to abandon the country of their birth, 
 which had profited by their labours, and to take refuge in a fo 
 reign land? Severe regulations have been recently passed in Lou 
 isiana, and various other states, to prevent the introduction of free 
 people of colour. Whenever they appear, they are to be banished 
 in sixty days. The strong opposition to the establishment of a 
 negro college in Newhaven, speaks in a language not to be mis 
 taken, the jealousy with which they are regarded. And there is 
 no reason to expect, that the lapse of centuries will make any 
 change in this respect. They will always, unhappily, be regard 
 ed as an inferior race. In some of the states, they are actually 
 doomed to idleness, because, however skilful they may be, in any 
 branch of manufactures, white operatives cannot generally be in 
 duced to work with them. Such being their situation in this 
 country, surely they ought to long as eagerly for a settlement in 
 the land of their ancestors, as the captive tribes of Israel hun 
 gered for a return to the land of Canaan. 
 
 What a contrast to their situation in Liberia! There they will 
 be lords of the soil, and have every inducement and every oppor 
 tunity to cultivate their minds. They will not be borne down 
 by that sense of inferiority, from whose goadings they cannot es 
 cape here, and which is enough to depress minds the most highly 
 gifted. According to their respective merits, they may aspire 
 to any of the offices of honour and profit and influence, in the co 
 lony. The bar, and the bench, and the medical profession, will 
 be open to them, from which they are debarred here by an im 
 passible barrier. 
 
 It is but fair and impartial to give the views of a portion of the 
 coloured people, in regard to the plan of colonization. It remains 
 for the reader to decide on their correctness, when he has duly 
 weighed the contents of letter VIII. 
 
 The following resolutions were passed by a meeting of the peo 
 ple of Colour in New Bedford, January 22, 1832. 
 
 " Resolved, That in whatever light we view the Colonization Society, we discover 
 nothing in it but terror, prejudice and oppression; that the warm and beneficent 
 hand of philanthrophy is not apparent in the system, but the influence of the So 
 ciety on public opinion is more prejudicial to the interest and welfare of the people 
 of colour in the United States, than slavery itself. 
 
 "Resolved, That the Society, to effect its purpose, the removal of the free people 
 of colour (not the slaves) through its agents, teaches the public to believe that it is 
 patriotic and benevolent to withhold from us knowledge and the means of acquir 
 ing subsistence, and to look upon us as unnatural and illegal residents in this coun- 
 iy; and thus by force of prejudice, if not by law, endeavour to compel us to 
 embark for Africa, and that too, apparently by our own free will and consent." 
 
29 
 LETTER X. 
 
 Of Africa before the Irruptions of the Barbarians. Effects of the 
 Colonization on the slave trade. Slight sketch of that nefa 
 rious traffic. 
 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 Those who argue, from the present state of the coloured popu 
 lation of this country, against the prospect of a high degree of 
 civilization in Africa, reason from very imperfect data. Here 
 the coloured people have laboured, and still labour, under almost 
 every possible disadvantage. In most of the southern states, 
 slaves are debarred from the attainment of the slightest rudiments 
 of knowledge. And even in states free from slavery, the coloured 
 people have little opportunity of cultivation. Condemned by 
 poverty, almost universally, to the lowest occupations, they have 
 neither time nor means to improve themselves. But they will 
 not suffer much, on a fair comparison with whites of the same 
 grade. The best criterion, however, by which to judge, is the pro 
 gress they have made in Liberia, where they escape the degrada 
 tion to which they are exposed here. Of their improvement in mo 
 rals, and manners, and habits, the testimony of Captains Sherman, 
 Kennedy, Nicholson, and Abels, from which I have made large 
 quotations in the preceding pages, precludes all doubt. It may 
 be confidently stated, that few of the American colonies made 
 greater advances in the same space of time than they have done in 
 the eight years that have elapsed since the establishment of order 
 and good government in 1824. The distance between the Colonists 
 at Liberia and the people of the United States, is not so great as 
 between the inhabitants of Great Britain at present, and those 
 in olden times, when the latter painted their bodies, had no chim 
 nies to their houses, lay upon straw on the ground, covered 
 themselves with skins fastened with skewers, and were ten 
 ants in common with the pigs which partook of the hospitality 
 of their houses. 
 
 Africa, though brutalized by wars, the invasions of barbarians, 
 and the most grinding despotism, was once on as proud an emi 
 nence in point of civilization as any part of Europe. Carthage 
 contended for the supremacy with Rome for one hundred and 
 twenty years and, but for domestic factions, the bane of repub 
 lics, would probably have subjugated Italy. The destruction of 
 the Carthaginian annals by the Romans renders it impossible to 
 enumerate any of her great men, except her warriors. Rome 
 never produced a greater general than Hannibal. Some of his 
 relations were men of great talents in the same department. Ju- 
 gurtha was superior to most of the Romans who were sent against 
 him. Terence, the dramatist, was an African. 
 
 Christianity and civilization were early introduced into Africa. 
 There were several provincial councils held there. At one of 
 them, held in Carthage, in 397, the canon of the Roman Catholic 
 
30 
 
 Bible was settled. Another was held in the same place in 410 
 and two others at Milevi. In the fifth century, the number of Ca 
 tholic Bishops in Africa, was four hundred. Origen, Tertullian, 
 Cyprian and Augustine, among the great lights of Christianity 
 in their day, were Africans. And it is not too much to expect 
 that future Hannibals and Terences and Cyprians and Augus- 
 tines will arise to defend and illuminate that now benighted 
 country. Should such a result take place, the merit will in a 
 great degree belong to the illustrious founders of the Colonization 
 Society. 
 
 Among the striking advantages attending the Colony at Libe 
 ria, is the check it has given to the slave trade already, and the 
 probable suppression, ultimately, of that nefarious traffic on a 
 large portion of the western coast of Africa by the gradual exten 
 sion of the settlements. Before the establishment of the settle 
 ments at Liberia, there were several slave factories within a few 
 miles of Monrovia, all of which have been completely broken up. 
 Four or five years since, there was not a single factory from 
 Sierra Leone to Cape Mount, a distance of 100 miles; and 120 
 miles, from Cape Mount, to Trade Town, the whole of the coast 
 of Liberia. More recently, a factory has been established at 
 Cape Mount, forty-five miles from Monrovia, where the trade is 
 carried on briskly. But it is probable, as soon as the Colony 
 gains more strength, that this nest of pirates, kidnappers and 
 traders in human flesh and human suffering, will be extirpated. 
 
 The African chiefs, in the neighborhood of Liberia, have in 
 general voluntarily abandoned the traffic, finding they can pro- 
 cuie what articles they want, of European, American, and West 
 India goods, by the sale of their own domestic productions. Some 
 of them have put themselves under the protection of the colony. 
 
 To duly appreciate the advantages of this result, it is only ne 
 cessary to reflect for a moment on the horrors of this nefarious 
 traffic ; and although it has been presented times without number, 
 to the execration of mankind , I may be permited to take a bird s 
 eye view of it. The number of slaves kidnapped in 1824, was 
 120,000. And the number imported into the single port of Rio 
 for nine years, 1820 8, was 261,964. 
 
 In 1820, 15,020 
 
 1821, 24,134 
 
 1822, 27,363 
 
 In 1823, 20,349 
 
 1824, 39,503 
 
 1825, 26,254 
 
 In 1826, 33,999 
 
 1827, 29,787 
 
 1828, 43,555 
 
 Total 261,964 
 
 Walsh s notices of Brazil, vol. 2. p. 178. 
 
 Notwithstanding the efforts of the chief maritime powers of 
 Europe, and those of the United States, to suppress this traffic, 
 there have been, from the two towns, Muney and Pangas, 352 
 cargoes of slaves taken, in little more than a year. 
 
 It has been estimated that one third, but say one fifth,perish in 
 the voyage ; and that an equal number die after their landing, of 
 diseases contracted on the voyage, or of grief for their forlorn si 
 tuation ! 
 
51 ;:- ; 
 
 To heighten the enormity- of this "sin crying to haaven for 
 vengeance," it is ascertained, thai in cases of soaitihy cf provi 
 sion, the slaves are often remorselessly thrown overboard. On 
 board a vessel some time since, thirty nine negroes became blind, 
 and twelve had lost an eye. They were thrown into the fathom 
 less ocean. A single vessel, the Protector, took on board at Moz 
 ambique 807 slaves, of whom 339 died on the voyage. 
 
 The Maria Primeira, a Portugese ship, took on board upwards 
 of 500 slaves. This number w T as reduced to 403 in consequence 
 of extreme crowding, before she was captured, and brought into 
 Sierra Leone. Nearly 100 more died soon afterwards, from disea 
 ses contracted on board. (Transactions of the London African 
 Association.) 
 
 The following heart-rending picture of the slave trade has been 
 drawn by Sir George O Meara, who was employed on the coast 
 of Africa, to suppress it. 
 
 " Such is the merciless treatment of the slaves, that no fancy can picture the hor 
 rors of the voyage. Crowded together so as not to have the power to move linked 
 one to the other by the leg never unfettered while life remains, or till the iron shall 
 have fretted the flesh almost to the bone forced under a deck, as I have seen them, 
 not thirty inches in height breathing an atmosphere the most putrid and pestilential 
 possible with little food and less water subject to the most severe punishment, at 
 the caprice or fancy of the brute who may command the vessel it is to me a 
 matter of extreme wonder that any of these miserable wretches live the voyage 
 through. Many of them, indeed, perish on the passage, and those of them who re 
 main to meet the shore, present a picture of wretchedness language cannot express." 
 
 April 26, 1832. Yours, &c. M. C. 
 
 Letter, from the Hon. James Madison, to the Secretary of the 
 Society, dated Montpelier, December 29, 1831. 
 
 DEAR SIR: I received, in due lime, your letter of the 21st ult. and with due 
 sensibility to the subject of it. Such, however, has been the effect of a painful 
 rheumatism on my general condition, as well in disqualifying my fingers for (he 
 use of the pen, that 1 cjuld not do justice "to the principles and measures of the 
 Colonization Society in all the great and various relations they sustain to our own 
 country and to Atrica," if my views of them could have the value which your 
 partiality supposes. I may observe in brief, that the Society had always my 
 good wishes, though with hopes of its success less sanguine than were enter 
 tained by others, found to have been the better judges; and, that I feel the 
 greatest pleasure at the progress already made by the Society, and the en 
 couragement to encounter remaining difficulties afforded by the earlier and 
 greater ones already overcome. Many circumstances at the present moment 
 seem to concur in brightening the prospects of the Society, and cherishing the hope 
 that the time will come, when the dreadful calamity which has so long afflicted our 
 country and filled so many with despair, will be gradually removed and by means con 
 sistent with, justice, peace and the general satisfaction: thus giving to our country 
 the full enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, arid to the world the full benefit of its 
 great example. I never considered the main difficulty of the great work as lying in 
 the deficiency of emancipations, but in an inadequacy of asylums for such a grow 
 ing mass of population, and in the great expense of removing it to its new home. 
 The spirit of private manumission asthelawsmay permit,and theexiles mayconsent, 
 is increasing and will increase; and there are sufficient indications that the public 
 authorities in slave-holding States are looking forward to interpositions in differ 
 ent forms that must have a powerful effect. With respect to the new abode for 
 the emigrants, all agree that the choice made by the Society is rendered peculiarly 
 appropriate by considerations which need not be repeated, and if other situations 
 should not be found eligible receptacles for a portionof them, the prospects in Africa 
 seem to be expanding in a hi<yhl v enc.onrae ino degree. 
 
32 
 
 " In contemplating the pecuniary resources needed for the removal of such a num 
 ber to so great, a. distance, my thoughts and hopes have been long turned to the 
 rich fund prWeniei in tt<; western lands of the Nation, which will soon entirely 
 cease to be under a pledge for another object. The great one in question is truly of 
 a national character, and it is known that distinguished patriots not dwelling in 
 slave-holding States have viewed the object in that light, and would be willing to let 
 the national domain be a resource in effecting it. 
 
 " Should it be remarked that the States, though all may be interested in reliev 
 ing our country from the coloured population, are not equally so ; it is but fair 
 to recollect, that the sections most to be benefited, are those whose cessions crea 
 ted the fund to be disposed of. 
 
 "I arn aware of the constitutional obstacle which has presented itself; but if the 
 general will be reconciled to an application of the territorial fund to the removal 
 of the coloured population, a grant to Congress of the necessary authority could 
 be carried, with little delay, through the forms of the Constitution. 
 
 " Sincerely wishing an increasing success to the labours of the Society, I pray you 
 to be assured of my esteem, and to accept my friendly salutations." 
 
 REV. R. R. GUIILEY. 
 
 JAMES MADISON. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from the Hon. John Marshall, Chief Justice 
 of the United States, dated Richmond, December 14, 1831. 
 
 " The great object of the Society, I presume, is to obtain pecuniary aids. Appli 
 cation will undoubtedly be made, I hope successfully, to the several State Legis 
 lature?, by the societies formed within them respectively. It is extremely desira 
 ble that they should pass permanent laws on the subject, and the excitement 
 produced by the late insurrection makes this a favourable moment for the friends 
 of the Colony to press for such acts. It would be also desirable, if such a direc 
 tion could be given to State Legislation as might have some tendency to incline 
 the people of colour to migrate. This, however, is a subject of much delicacy. 
 Whatever may be the success of our endeavours to obtain acts for permanent aid?, 
 I have no doubt that our applications for immediate contributions will receive 
 attention. It is possible, though not probable, that more people of colour may 
 be disposed to migrate than can be provided for, with the funds the Society may 
 be enabled to command. Under this impression I suggested, some years past, to 
 one or two of the Board of Managers, to allow a small additional bounty in lands 
 to those who would pay their own passage in whole or in part. The suggestion, 
 however, was not approved. 
 
 "It is undoubtedly of great importance to retain the countenance and protection 
 of the General Government. Some of our cruisers stationed on the coast of Africa 
 would, at the same time, interrupt the slave trade a horrid traffic, detested by all 
 good men, and would protect the vessels and commerce of the Colony from pirates 
 who inftst those seas. The power of the government to afford this aid is not, I 
 believe, contested. I regret that its power to grant pecuniary aid is not equally 
 free from question. On this subject, I have always thought, and still think, that 
 the proposition made by Mr. King, in the Senate, is the most unexceptionable, 
 and the most effective that can be devised. 
 
 " The fund would probably operate as rapidly as would be desirable, when we 
 take into view the other resources which might come in aid of it; and its applica 
 tion would be, perhaps, less exposed to tho?e constitutional objections which are 
 made in the South than the application of money drawn from the treasury and 
 raised by taxes. The lands are the property of the United States, and have here 
 tofore been disposed of by the government under the idea of absolute ownership." 
 
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