:;x~/.y.:: , :" , :. : : : /\ ."■' ;•';::';'•■'" : . : ■ .-.■;:■ ••...:■■/■.■ :-.■.-..■ ' -:. :■■•.:■..'■.:>.:■■...■:/ . ■ • ■ ■ . :.:■::■•:'.;•■■■■..• '; ... ;.:.:\',; ! -.:■.-. ; ^ :r ;,:;-.:■ ' / ^. GIFT OIL., i Building and Ruling THE KEPITBLIC. PART I. PART II. f Geographically. Nationally. BUILDING: \ Politically. t Industrially. RULING: < By States. Through ^ Parties. PART III. PART IV. r Civil Service Reform. For President LIVING QUESTIONS:' Polygamy. Prohibition. Protection and Free Trade. Surplus ^ Revenue. LIVES OF THE < CANDIDATES and Vice- President, 1884. By James P. Boyd, A. M. PUBLISHED BY J. C. McCUKDY & CO., PHILADELPHIA, CINCINNATI, CHICAGO, ST. LOUIS. 1884. James P. Boyd. •Bi*7 /-^ #w e/Al^r 'I PREFACE N this book the author seeks to .present correct and desirable information respecting the beginning, growth and management of our government. Con- scious of the impossibility of crowding into a single volume half that ought to be known of our institu- tions, he still thinks that enough may be presented in one book, if properly arranged and closely digested, to make it a welcome and useful com- panion, and to thereby meet his object. The plan adopted is to first set the reader to thinking about the nature of our Republic, and his duty as a citizen under it. Prepared for further inquiry, if not impressed with higher notions of his privileges, he is asked to look at those little colonial pictures which dotted the Atlantic coast, and were the starting-points of our national existence. With a fair con- ception of them he will have a key to many subsequent political mysteries. Especially will he know why the drift set in toward a Great American Republic and the manner of men into whose hands its destiny was to fall. He will thence follow naturally the building of the same in its geographic or territorial sense, till it spanned the continent. This was acquisition. But it must be built politically. Here then he is introduced to a brief history of the events which led to the formation of the Consti- tution and to its adoption by the old thirteen States. This is followed by a division of our vast areas into Territories and their introduction into the Union as States. In building industrially a view is had of our wonderful progress in population, agriculture, commerce, manufacture, education, the arts and sciences, and of our still more wonderful wealth of native resource, whose development is being encouraged by freedom of action and urged by the enterprise of our people. Passing from a built Republic to its ruling or governing, the first consideration is that of Federal Machinery or Method — how Presi- dents, Congresses, Cabinets, Courts and Department Officers are made, what they are all for, and what they do. The next considera- (3) M111727 4 PREFACE. tion is the States — how they are governed, where they stand in the midst of the central fabric, and what each contributes in the way of population, industry and wealth to the National whole. Not the least important feature of ruling is that which is in great part political. Here is given, in a brief, impartial manner, a history of all the poli- tical parties, together with the measures which divided them in Administrations, Congresses and Campaigns. The author has thought this would be refreshing to elderly people, a source of valu- able information to the young, and especially desirable to those of any age who wished to prime themselves for debate or fortify their personal convictions by reference to public men and measures. This branch of the subject really gets to be a history of the Administra- tions and Congresses. To complete the plan, a view is taken of the leading vital questions of the day. They are ug for discussion now, and will be for some time. Knowledge respecting them is desirable and proper. They are not discussed from any party or personal standpoint, but are treated historically. Only the facts connected with each are pre- sented, and these the reader may deal with as he pleases. This is also true of the history of the respective candidates for President and Vice-President, with which it has been deemed proper to close the volume. Their prominence at this juncture, the influence they exert on parties, and, through them, on the government, make acquaint- ance with their lives a matter of duty. While the plan, thus outlined, is such as seemed most helpful to the writer in gathering and grouping his facts, and to the reader in mak- ing his study an orderly progress, the effort has been constant to use only the most reliable and unprejudiced data at command. The historic and legal authorities consulted and used are the recognized standards. As to debates in Congress, statistics, and kindred facts, the author has, in general, gone to original sources, using freely National and State records an/I reports. Ofttimes for close arrange- ment of matter he has followed some one of our many annuals, among the best of which is reckoned Spofford's "Treasury of Facts." Trusting that his plan will meet with popular approval and that his treatment of the various and interesting subjects will serve to convey in a pleasant and instructive way the information gathered and printed in the book, he ceases a labor begun and ended in a conviction that no higher nor better knowledge can get abroad than that which qualifies a man for the duties of active, wise and patriotic citizenship. CONTENTS, Part /. THE BUILDING OF THE REPUBLIC. ARTICLE I —A FEW FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. The forms of government — Nature of Democracy — What is a Republic ? — A Commonwealth — Popular government — Sovereignty — Origin of sovereignty — What is required of the citizen — What the State asks — How to qualify for citizenship — The school of the campaign — The school of historic and politi- cal reading — The true qualification 1 1-23 ARTICLE II. — BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY, OR TERRI- TORIAL TITLES AND SHAPES. First owners of our soil — European titles — Are our titles good? — First English patent — England wins a continent — French and Spanish claims — National rivalries — Raleigh's Huguenot scheme — First Colonial charter — English foot- hold at Jamestown — The settlers and their government — Tobacco, cotton and slaves — Maryland and Lord Baltimore — Plymouth Council — First Puritan, or Pilgrim, advent — Second Puritan advent — Massachusetts on the map — Birth of Rhode Island — Connecticut takes shape— A united New England — Freaks of Charles II. in the Colonies — Great Colonial progress — Dawn of North Carolina — South Carolina and Locke's famous Constitution — The Dutch realm — The Swede holds the Delaware — New Jersey rises amid Dutch ruins — The Quaker and Pennsylvania — Last of the Dutch realm and dawn of New York — Independent Delaware — Georgia and Oglethorpe's asylum — English revolution of 1 688, and results to the Colonies — Outlines of the old thirteen States — French Empire west of the Alleghenies — Eng- land gets to the Mississippi — Her bad financial fix — Drift toward American Independence — Taxation and a Colonial Congress — The first American party — Tea act and another Congress — Congress and Colonial Union — Declaration of Independence — The Congress and government of the revolu- tion — Union of the Confederation — State cessions of public domain and further building — The Louisiana purchase — Spain cedes Florida — The Oregon treaty — Texas annexation — Mexican cession — Gadsden purchase — Alaskan purchase — Grand Territorial summary 24-96 (5) 6 CONTENTS. ARTICLE III. — BUILDING POLITICALLY, OR THE CONSTI- TUTION AND THE STATES. From Colony to State — Government of the revolution — Articles of the Confed- eration — Their merits and defects — Origin of the great seal of the Union — History of the National Flag — Dawn of the Constitution — History of its framing and adoption — The new government started — Sentiment of the fathers — The old thirteen States — Adjusting the National Territory — Intro- duction of new States — Reasons why they came — Order of admission — Ter- ritorial history of each — Tearing down and rebuilding — Organization of the Territories — Completion of the political structure 97-1*28 ARTICLE IV— BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY, OR ADVANTAGE AND RESOURCE. Advantage of climate — Character of vegetation — Population and rank among nations — Immigration — Voters and natural militia — Occupations of the peo- ple — Agricultural growth — The cereal crops — Dairy products — Hay, cotton, tobacco, and the other great staples — Live-stock, number and value — Num- ber, acreage and value of farms — Manufactures — Precious metals — The useful minerals — Petroleum — Commerce and commercial growth — Imports and exports — Inland commerce — Railroads and canals — Telegraphs and telephones — Education, colleges, schools, libraries and papers — Church growth and relative strength of the denominations 129-190 Part II. THE RULING OF THE REPUBLIC. ARTICLE I. — RULING NATIONALLY, OR MACHINERY OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. The three great branches of government — Legislative Branch — Congress, its divisions, and how formed — The Senate, its nature, powers and duties — - Election of Senators — Senate machinery — House of Representatives — Elec- tion of members of Congress — Their number, and manner of apportionment — Organization of the House — Territorial Delegates — House machinery — The way laws are made — Congressional library — Public Printing-offices 191— 201 Executive Department — President-making — Presidential electors — The Elec- toral College — Choosing of electors — President's duties and powers — His Cabinet — How chosen, with a history of its growth — The Vice-President, his powers and duties 201-207 Department of State — Its history, nature and duties — Machinery of the Department — The Diplomatic Service — Ministers Plenipotentiary — Ministers Resident — Charge d' Affaires and Secretaries of Legation — Consular Service — All the Secretaries of State, with date of their appointment 207-211 Treasury Department — Creative acts — Secretary of Treasury, his powers and CONTENTS. 7 duties — Machinery of the Department — All the Divisions and Bureaus — Officers of each and their duties — The Customs Service — Internal Revenue Service — National Banks, their history, how founded and erected — Their circulation and uses — National debt and bonds — History of the various debts, and of our present funding system — The National credit — Losses of the Treasury Department under the respective Administrations — All the Secre- taries of the Treasury, with the dates of their appointment 211-225 The War Department — History of the Department — Powers and duties of the Secretary — Machinery of the Department, its sub-departments, Bureaus and Divisions —Signal-office and Weather Bureau — All the Secretaries of War, with dates of their appointment — The United States Army, its organization, size and discipline — Military Academy, its studies, officers .and students. .225-233 The Navy Department — History of its organization — Powers and duties of the Secretary of Navy — The Bureaus and sub-divisions of the Department — The Naval Academy, its studies, officers and students — United Stales Navy, organization and discipline — Marine Corps — All the Secretaries of Navy, with dates of appointment 233-238 Interior Department — History of its organization — Powers and duties of the Secretary of Interior — The Land Office and public land system — Pension Office, with history of pension system — Indian Affairs, and our dealings with the natives — The Patent Office — Census Office, with method of taking censuses — Bureau of Education — All the Secretaries of the Interior, with dates of their appointment 238-246 Post-office Department — History of its organization, and of the various postal systems — Powers and duties of Postmaster-General — Machinery of the Department — Modern features of our postal system — All the Postmasters- General, with dates of appointment 246-249 Department of Justice — History of the Department — Powers and duties of the Attorneys-General — All the Attorneys-General, with dates of appoint- ment 249-250 Department of Agriculture — Creative act — Powers and duties of Commis- sioner of Agriculture 250-25 1 Judicial Department — The third co-ordinate branch of government ; its im- portance in the political system — Uses and powers of the Judiciary — Its machinery and methods of working — The Supreme Court of the United States — How officered and worked — All the Judges, with dates of appoint- ment and terms of service — The Circuit Courts — Their officers and the Circuit Districts — The District Courts, their organization, powers and duties — National Court of Claims — District Attorneys, Marshals and Juries — Admiralty and Maritime Courts 25 1-258 Government of the Territories — How Federal power passes into them — Government of the District of Columbia 258-260 ARTICLE II.— RULING BY STATES, OR THEIR GOVERN- MENTS AND RESOURCES. Alabama — Origin of the name — Date of organization and admission — Area, acreage and population to square mile — Population and rate of increase — 8 CONTENTS. Population by classes — By counties for three censuses — Colleges, common schools, and full educational condition — Occupations of the people — Agri- cultural condition, farms, acres and values; kind and value of farm products, number and value of live stock — Manufactures; capital, hands, kind and value of products — Mining and mining products — Commercial facilities — Railroads, canals, steam and sail craft — Financial condition — Value of prop- erty, real and personal, debt, taxation, etc. — State Government, how officered; organization and sessions of Legislature; composition of Supreme Court; State, Congressional and Presidential elections; Representatives in Congress; Presidential electors — Politics for twelve years, showing majorities for Gov- ernor and President, all based on data furnished in the Census of 1880, and State and other official reports since. The other States and Territories follow Alabama in Alphabetical order, each with a like history of its government and resources 261-429 ARTICLE III. — RULING THROUGH PARTIES, OR ADMINIS- TRATIONS AND CONGRESSES. Parties in general — Uses of Parties — First Parties — Parties of the Revolution — Of the Confederation — Of the Constitution — Parties of the new government — Federal and Anti-Federal 430-436 Washington's First Administration — The vote, the Cabinet, and the Con- gresses — The Constitutional Amendments — Commerce and the Tariff — Hamilton's policy — The First National Bank — The Whisky Rebellion — Political conditions — Second Presidential election — Rise of the Republican P art y 43 6 -444 Second Administration — The vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Policy of the new Administration — Trouble with France — Antagonism of England — The first foreign policy — Fierce party contests in Congress — Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution — Amended Tariff Act — Republican attack on the Adminis- tration — Conflict between the House and President over Jay's treaty — Wash- ington's farewell address — Election of 1796 444-453 Adams' Administration — The vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Policy of the Administration — Armed neutrality — Envoys to France — Alien and Sedition laws — Naturalization law — Federal and Republican policies — Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 — Election of 1800 — First political platform — Disputed election — Transfer of the Capitol to Washington.. . .453-462 Jefferson's Administrations — Votes, Cabinets and Congresses — The great political revolution — Nature of the new power — Removals from office — Pur- chase of Louisiana — First articles of impeachment — Election of 1804 — The political situation — Burr's trial — Internal improvements — Party measures — Embargo act — Election of 1808 — Character of the campaign 462-474 Madison's Administrations— Votes, Cabinets, and the Congresses — The Political Situation — Failure to re-charter a National Bank — Declaration of War— Tariff of 1812— Election of 1812— The Clinton platform— Attitude of States and Parties — The war and the treaty of Ghent — Political results — Hartford Convention — Death of the Federal party — A new National Bank — Election of 18 16 474-485 CONTENTS. 9 Monroe's Administrations — The votes, the Cabinets, the Congresses — The inaugural — Era of good feeling — Policy of the President — Jackson's invasion of Florida — Purchase of Florida — Beginning of the slavery agitation — Mis- souri Com promise — Election of 1820 — The Monroe Doctrine — Clay's "Amer- ican System " — Financial distress — Tariff of 1824 — Disputed election of 1824 — Disruption of the Republican party 486-497 John Q. Adams' Administration — The vote, Cabinet and Congresses — The National Republican (Whig) party — Democratic party — First Convention of Protectionists — Restatement of the " Monroe doctrine " — Tariff act of 1828 — Election of 1828 497-503 Jackson's Administrations — The Votes, Cabinets and Congresses — Jackson's policy — Victor and spoils — Anti-Masonic party — The pocket veto — Webster's and Hayne's debate — Tariff of 1832-33 — Election of 1832 — Party platforms — Nullification — Death of the National Bank — Surplus revenue — Panic of 1837 — First nominating conventions — Election of 1836 — Anti-slavery party 503-520 Van Buren's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — The Presi- dent's policy — Independent Treasury act — Slavery agitation — Election of 1840 and Whig success — Party platforms 520-526 Harrison's and Tyler's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Harrison's death — Tyler deserts the Whigs — Clay's retirement — Tariff of 1842 — Texas and the Slavery question — Election of 1844 — 54 40' or fight — The platforms and issues 5 2D- 534 Polk's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — The message — Mexi- can War — First appearance of the American party — Wilmot Proviso — Oregon Boundary — Tariff of 1846 — Treaty of Guadaloupe- Hidalgo — Calhoun threatens secession — The Oregon bill — Election of 1848 — Platforms and nominees — Free Soil Democrats 534-542 Taylor's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Calhoun's new- doctrine — Compromise of 1850 — Taylor's death — The political situation — Popular sovereignty — Election of 1852 — The parties and platforms — Nebraska bill 542-546 Pierce's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Political situation — Kansas and Nebraska bill — Native American Party — Line of 36 30 / Kansas trouble — Election of 1856 — Rise of the Republican party — Tariff of 1857— Panic of 1857 550-559 Buchanan's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Political situa- tion — Dred Scott Decision — Squatter sovereignty and slavery — John Brown raid — The Lecompton Constitution — Covode inquiry — Election of i860 — Conventions and platforms — Division in the Democratic party — Efforts at Compromise — The secession movement 559—571 Lincoln's Administrations — Political situation — Secession and War — War legislation in the Congresses — Tariff of 1861 — The attitude of parties — The Greenback system — Abolition of Slavery — Election of 1864 — Parties and platforms — Peace and Assassination — Reconstruction under Johnson — Oppo- sition to his pnrty and impeachment — Election of 1868 — Parties and plat- forms 571-591 10 CONTENTS. Grant's Administrations — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Difficult recon- struction — The political situation — Legal tenders — Election of 1872 — Liberal Republican party — Conventions and platforms — Tariff of 1874 — Resumption act — Dawn of civil service reform — Civil rights bill — Election of 1876 — The parties and their platforms — The disputed result 59I— 610 Hayes' Administration — Political situation — Silver coinage — Civil service reform — Chinese bill — Election of 1880 — Parties and platforms 611-618 Garfield's and Arthur's Administration — Vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Garfield's assassination — Arthur's Cabinet — Tariff of 1883 — New postal law — Reduction of internal revenue — Civil service reform bill — The civil service commission — Message to 48th Congress 619-623 Part HI. LIVING QUESTIONS. Civil Service Reform — Its nature — History abroad — History at home— -First attempts at reform — Second attempts at reform — The Pendleton law — Civil Service Commission and its work — Arguments for and against Civil Ser- vice 624-644 Polygamy — History of Mormonism — Mormon condition — Mormon creed — Polygamy proper — Congressional Legislation — Sentiment for and against. 645-660 Prohibition — What it is — Historic growth — Local option — Direct Law — Pro- hibition party — For and against — Several phases 661-676 Protection and Free Trade — Nature of the subject — Labor and capital — Free Trade — Protection — Taxation — Tariff — The English policy — British Colonial policy — The American Thought — Free Trade era — Nature of the new powers — Tariff and Free Trade legislation — For and against. 677-700 Surplus Revenue — History of, abroad — History of, at home — The present question — Arguments for and against 701-712 Index 1 713-7*8 Part IV. CAMPAIGNS OF 1884. Republican National Convention — Platform — Nominations — Lives and public services of nominees for President and Vice-President — Democratic National Convention — Platform — Nominations — Lives and public services of nominees for President and Vice-President 7 IO_ PART Im THE BUILDING OF THE REPUBLIC A FEW FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. N a democracy, where the right of making laws resides in the people at large, public virtue, or goodness of in- tention, is more likely to be found than either of the other qualities of government. Popular assemblies are frequently foolish in their contrivance and weak in their execution, but generally mean to do the thing that is right and just and have always a degree of patriotism and public spirit Democracies are usually the best calculated to direct the end of law ; aristocracies to invent the means by which that end shall be obtained ; and monarchies to carry these means into execu- tion. — Blackstone, Vol. i., p. 49. This division of government into three forms is almost as old as the oldest writings on politics and law. It is only a general division, for there are other kinds of government besides these, but all kinds were, and are, regarded as reducible to one or the other of these heads. Though it is not Blackstone's division, yet what he says of the merits of each kind of government is pretty generally accepted as true, and is taught in law and political schools. While his comparative view is brief, apt and suggestive, it is nevertheless the view of one who drew on his then historic past for the ma- terial out of which to weave opinions. In that past were many (11) 12 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. democratic experiments, some of them pure democracies, others modified democracies called republics, whose rapid rise, bright meteoric career and swift decline, warranted his view.* He did not teach that there was anything solid and enduring about a democracy. Had he written but yesterday he would have w;riften amid -greater light and perhaps not so much in sympathy with the notion which is so largely abroad in mon- archies rji'd aristocracies That our grand American experiment is ' but a " Great Republican Bubble." f You hear the words " democracy " and " republic " used in- discriminately. Perhaps you so use them yourself. If so, your ideas may be clear respecting them, but such use is liable to lead to confusion in the minds of others, unless their full meaning be understood. ' DEMOCRACY. — The democracy to which Blackstone refers is doubtless a pure democracy ; that is, the democracy in which the demos, or people, met in periodic assembly, talked over their public affairs, passed their laws and elected their rulers, very much as we meet at our annual, or other, elections to record our wishes, except that their assembly was a deliberative body like our legis- latures or congress, as well as a voting body. A better idea of it may be gotten by supposing that all the *The popular assembly of Athens could not consist of less than 6,000 citizens. The general assembly of Sparta was attended by all the freemen of Laconia. The republic of Venice, and the short-lived republics of Genoa and Pisa, were only repub- lics in name. The people ultimately lost their power to ambitious doges and coun- cils. The truest democracy was that of the ancient German tribes, where affairs of government were discussed and settled at their festal gatherings. That these were " foolish in their contrivance and weak in their execution," may be accepted as true, for all hands were encouraged to get gloriously drunk on the principle that they would then let out the true secrets of their mind. f Boynton in his " Four Great Powers " says : " It (the rebellion) has proved that a popular government is not necessarily a weak one, and that a free unwarlike people, unused to the restraints of thorough organization and discipline, ran yet as- sume almost at once the highest forms of national life, can reshape, without con- fusion, their whole industrial energy to meet the demands of sudden war, can bring forth, organize and hold in hand all their resources, and with all the skill and science of the age, can wield a thoroughly compacted national strength, greater in propor- tion to population than has been exhibited by any other power on earth." FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. 13 voters of a state * should say to themselves, " We will not go to the trouble and expense of voting for members to represent us in the legislature, but we will all go to the capitol, or place of assemblage, and in popular meeting pass the laws ourselves." This would be the true and original general assembly of the demos, or people, and such a government would be a pure democracy. It is quite plain that such a form of government would be fitted for only a very primitive people and a very small state. There is no such thing as a democracy in this sense now. It would be too heavy and too unwieldy a piece of machinery to work, or if it went at all, it would be very noisy and uncertain in its motion. The democracy which is meant by an every-day use of the word, or by the word when left unexplained, is democracy in its secondary or modified sense ; that is, democracy in a repre- sentative form. We do not all go to the general assembly to make laws,. but we go to the polls and vote for some one to go in our stead, to represent us there, as the saying is. We still preserve the name " general assembly " — though largely substituted by the word " legislature " — to designate the place of meeting, not of the people at large, or of such of them as are called voters, but of the people through and by means of their chosen representatives. We are not in the general assembly directly, but we are there indirectly. We do not speak there with our own mouths but through our chosen mouth-pieces. We do not vote directly for our laws, but our representatives, who are supposed to know our wishes and who are responsible to us, vote for us. This is a * Or rather all the people of a state, for the Declaration of Independence says " governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed ; " and the preamble to the Constitution reads, " We the people do ordain and establish, etc. ; " upon which Judge Sharswood remarks, " that in the freest nations — even in the republics which compose the United States — the consent of the entire people has never been expressly obtained. The people comprehend all the men, women and children of every class and age. A certain number of men have assumed to act in the name of all the community. The qualification of electors or voters was in general settled by the colonial charters, as well as the principle that the acts of a majority of such electors were binding on the whole." 14 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. much cheaper and handier kind of democracy than that first spoken of. It is the kind which must be understood when the term " democracy " is used without explanation, or in connection with our form of government. This government then is not a pure democracy, but a modified, or representative democracy ; nevertheless it is a democracy. REPUBLIC. — And as a democracy, it is equally a republic, for " republic " is very well defined as a form of government in which the sovereign, or law-making, power is exercised by means of representatives chosen by the people. The two terms, " democracy " and " republic," here come together in their mean- ing, and one may be used for the other without fear of con- fusion. COMMONWEALTH.— You find in your reading other terms used to convey the same idea as " democracy " or " republic." The word " commonwealth " is one of them. And a very good word it is, too. Commonwealth is the common weal, health or happiness. It was not the democracy or republic of Cromwell,* but the commonwealth of Cromwell, though strictly it was all three, using democracy in its secondary sense as above explained. And this word " commonwealth " is much used by the respec- tive States of our Union, as the " Commonwealth of Pennsyl- vania," " Commonwealth^of Virginia," etc. Indeed, so popular and well fixed has this usage of the word become that it may be said to distinguish the smaller or fractional republic, otherwise called a State, from the Federal Republic, otherwise called the United States. POPULAR GOVERNMENT.— -The phrase "popular gov- ernment," or " popular form of government," is common among speakers and writers when they refer to a democracy or republic. It is a pleasing phrase and hath much meaning. Every govern- ment which is endured, liked and sustained is in one sense " popular." In another sense every government which is par- * The word " commonwealth " has got a meaning in English history as the form of government established on the death of Charles I., in 1649, and which existed under Cromwell and his son Richard, ending with the abdication of the latter in 1659. FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. 15 tially representative, as a limited monarchy, is popular. But see the different shades of meaning embraced in the word " popular." In the first sense a despotism may be a popular form of govern- ment, in that the people may like it, but in the sense that they participate in it, help to carry it on, it is most decidedly unpopular. In the expression " popular government " the word " popu- lar " has, therefore, its true and original meaning, " of or belong- ing to the people." Perhaps the expression was never so happily paraphrased as when Mr. Lincoln, referring to our " popular form of government " in his oration at Gettysburg, called it " a government of the people, by the people, and for the people." Popular is what is of and belongs to the populns, the people. The popular voice is the people's voice. The popular vote is the people's vote. Popular elections are the people's elections. Popular institutions are the people's institutions. A popular government is the people's government. And so, by contrast with those forms of government in which the people have no voice at all, and even in contrast with those forms in which they have a partial voice, the phrase " popular government," or " pop- ular form of government," gets a meaning which always points out clearly a democracy, a republic, or a commonwealth. Our government is a popular form of government, or a popular government. We happily know more about this kind of a government than Mr. Blackstone did. Our national experiment, so wisely started by our fathers, so adequate to every strain, has proved that a popular form of government, one in which the sovereignty is vested in the people, one in which the people are the rulers, is not necessarily weak or perishable, nor illy fitted to secure to the governed the ends for which it was established. Every one who has chosen to make himself acquainted with its history, and who has not ? has seen such a government grow in size, strength and importance, in spite of the fierce obstacles of wars without and wars within. He has seen it acquire, populate, cement and give law and order to vast regions it did not own at the start. He has seen it rise from small and not very harmonious beginnings 16 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. till it has assumed the highest form of national life and con^ quered one of the first seats in the great political system which embraces all the civilized nations of the earth. SOVEREIGNTY.— Amid this splendid growth, these evi- dences of inherent strength, these promises of durability, who does not feel new pride in our first and greatest axiom, " The sovereignty is in us, the people." Would that this pride were strong enough to impress every citizen with the need of special qualification for his high office, for his is an office — that of soverefgn — and one with broader meaning and deeper function than that of the governor or president he helps to create. In no country of the world does the word " sovereignty," as attached to the individual, have so much significance as in the United States. It is not merely a claim or a boast, but it is an inherent power which he may exercise on all proper occasions and in accordance with his own free will, and which he ought to exercise if he expects to be content with the laws and those who execute them. Knowledge of this supreme endowment ought to inspire every citizen with higher notions of manhood, ought to deepen his interest in the affairs of society and the State, ought to make him feel that there is no education so important as that which will teach him how best to turn the power he wields to the account of himself and those about him. True, he is but one sovereign among many, and he may feel that his voice is weak, his identity lost ; but let an attempt be made to rob him of his endowment, and he will feel as if the loss were a mighty one indeed, one which could not well be borne. He would fight against its loss, as if it were the dearest thing on earth to him. The true majesty and moving effect of individual sovereignty is visible when it is united with that of other individuals all along any line of political action. One soldier does not make an army, nor one man a nation, but many soldiers and many men. So sovereignty gets to be an imposing and effective force, gets to be sovereignty indeed, when it is a thing resident in, or bubbling forth from, a set of men, a society, a people, a nation. In the individual it was a still small voice, in the nation it is FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. 17 Jove's chariot thundering in the heavens and shaking the earth.* Then, indeed, it means law, presidents and governors, constitu- tions, states, empires, and in an hour of great public grievance, or of incendiary partisan rage, it may mean the defiance of law, the overthrow of officials, the smashing of constitutions, the upheaval of states, the crashing of empires. It is a power for evil as well as good, a source of danger as well as safety. WHENCE SO VEREIGNTY SPRANG.— In the after part of this volume there will be many opportunities of learning how the notions of popular liberty and the doctrines of popular sovereignty which are now a part of our national life were planted in our soil and cultivated among our colonial fathers. But the lesson of their importance to us cannot be fully learned, nor can their bear- ing upon the rest of the world be completely realized till we con- sider how many and what desperate battles they had to fight in the. old world before they commanded any degree of respect. It was not the part of any feudal government to recognize sover- eignty as in the people. Yet there never was a time when the people did not feel that all sovereignty was in them. Conse- quently aU political history is marked here and there by volcanic eruptions of popular will, by upheavals of the masses in, too often, vain attempts to assert the power to rule themselves, which they felt was God-given and inherent. The democracies that tossed and writhed and tormented and spent themselves in very excess of agony, were simply the boiling up through hard feudal surfaces of that spirit which we now proudly claim and exercise as free- men. The republics which gave a mouth to every Grecian, bred in every Roman a sense of dignity, imparted a feeling of man- hood to every Venetian, taught England that the " divinity which hedges a king " was no more divine than that which * Some writers prefer not to speak of sovereignty as in the individual. They only recognize sovereignty as something residing in and coming out of an aggregate of individuals, a nation. Thus Brownson : " Sovereignty, under God, inheres in the organic people, or the people as a republic." It is only a question of when to begin to call it sovereignty. As a source of pride to the individual citizen he might as well be made to feel that his exercise of the elective franchise is an evidence of the sovereignty that is within him, as not. The water of each of an hundred springs that make up the river is in the river, whatever you may say. 2 18 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. hedges a mere citizen, were all so many protests on the part of the people against the doctrine of potentates that power does not rise from the masses, but comes down to them through masters. Rulers were always smarter than the uneducated, noisy, inco- herent, careless masses. Hence democracies and republics were short lived. A shrewd or unscrupulous ruler was more than a match for brawling assembly, or a jealous and discordant set of electors. The Doges of Venice literally ran away with the power entrusted to them by the people, and royal diplomacy manoeuvred England out of Cromwellian republicanism in ten years time. In all these battles for sovereignty the masses were at a decided disadvantage. They were, in general, not educated. If religious, their religion did not admit the freedom of con- science. If freemen, the modern doctrine of personal and civil liberty was not understood by them. If voters, the value of sovereignty was not appreciated. But with the reformation came a flood of daylight upon the lowly. Conscience got loose and shook itself rejoicingly, being free from fetters. Reading and thinking got down to the bases of society, and new notions of personal and civil liberty began to prevail. Subjects began to feel that they were men with rights which even sovereigns must respect, and most of all that they were a source of power which even sovereigns could be made to fear. Great minds got to writing about the sources of power, the responsibilities of citizenship, the relation of rulers to the ruled, the nature of liberty, the value of sovereignty, the duty of the freeman to as- sert his rights. Parties or sects — you can as yet scarcely distin- guish between the two — sprang up, some to fight for their religion through their politics, and some to fight for their politics through their religion. In England the Puritan got to be a stubborn force, so did the Independent, and the Presbyterian, and the Quaker, all discordant, yet all united, in so far as the drift of their thought and influence was toward intellectual moral and political freedom, and the ultimate right of man to choose his own rulers and make his own laws. These were brave souls and they clung to their convictions and indoctrinated their fellows amid social ostracism and state persecution. Ham- FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. 19 pered on all sides by forms too hard to break through, over- shadowed by power too well entrenched to be easily dislodged, feeling that their doctrines were pervading, permanent and vital enough to bear transplanting, and knowing that an open conti- nent lay beyond the ocean, they were ripe for the experiment of , American colonization. WE SHOULD PREPARE OURSELVES.— The propriety of, nay the necessity for, educating statesmen * is not doubted. Yet here we are, old and young, all of us, statesmen by right, and each endowed with a dignity and authority to which your statesman in fact is willing to take off his hat. Nothing is so pleasing and assuring as to see an office-holder well qualified for his office. Yet we are all office-holders, in that personal sovereignty is within each man's keeping. We go about our work or pleasure with what may be called the highest office, at least the highest responsibility, in the land, hanging to our per- sons, and inseparable from us. The citizen makes a terrible mistake, one which may any day bring disaster to his country and himself, who supposes that he can properly fill his high office, perform his full duty as sov- ereign, without any previous thought or qualification. He cannot be a safe repository of power who does not know what power is, and when and how to exercise it. One cannot be a good presi- dent maker who has no idea of what a president is for, and what a good one is like. The man who is ignorant of legislation or the quality of a safe legislator is not fit to choose a representa- tive in congress or the general assembly. You could scarcely expect a person without judgment to select a good judge for you. While the principle that every man is a sovereign, or that sovereignty resides in the people, is a glorious and inspiring one, it would be most dangerous to our own peace and to the per- * What is specially needed in statesmen is public spirit, intelligence, foresight, broad views, manly feelings, wisdom, energy, resolution ; and when statesmen with these qualities are placed at the head of affairs, the state, if not already lost, can, however far gone it may be, bq recovered, restored, reinvigorated, advanced, and private vice and corruption disappear in the splendor of public virtue. — Brownson's American Republic. 20 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. petuity of the nation, if we were all as ignorant and brutish as South Sea Islanders, or as indifferent as the free-footed Bedouins of the desert. It is only a safe and tolerable principle here and now because, as a rule, some kind of qualification exists, or be- cause, as a theory, sufficient qualification is presumed ; or, to state it in other words, because the result of the ballot is suffi- ciently on the side of purity and intelligence to answer as a set- off against an impure and ignorant ballot. A CONTRACT WITH THE STATE.— The ballot is the legal means of giving expression to the will, or sovereignty, that is within us. Ought there ever to be a doubt about its intelli- gence and safety ? Ought government, through and by means of the ballot, to be a sort of political hit or miss game, a thing to make one say, " Oh well, it is all wrong in this or that matter, but we will trust to another turn of the wheel to correct.it?" We ought not to forget that despotism, aristocracy, monarchy, and every form of government which does not rank as popular, finds a strong vindication in its distrust of the masses, and in its doctrine that the sovereignty which comes up out of the people is uncertain, gross, and unsafe. The answer to the claim that the masses ought to govern themselves always was, " Let them prove that they are equal to the task." In the face of all the obstacles presented — their own ignorance as well as the superior intelligence and adroitness of their masters — they generally failed to prove it, and the laugh was on the side of the " powers that be." It was only when time had worked great changes in the condition of the common people, and when they began to give some proofs of their ability to master political situations, that the power which emanated from them, the state or government, got to be of any account. And now, under our form of government, does there not exist a secret understanding, an implied contract, a tacit pledge, between the state and the citizen, to the effect that one shall do all he can to qualify himself for his responsibilities, in turn for the protection and comfort the other affords ? If such contract does not exist, the citizen is none the less respon- sible, and he must still face the question, " If ballots are even yet barely safe because those which are qualified outnumber FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. 21 those which are not qualified, what might we not expect in the shape of stronger government and better institutions, if all were qualified ? " The obligation of every sovereign citizen to qualify himself for the intelligent exercise of the power that is within him is deep, impressive, awful. Does he realize it?* HOW QUALIFY?— Whatever will make the citizen think more seriously of his political obligations, whatever will enable him to give truthful, safe, and telling expression to the sover- eignty that is within him, is a schooling of no mean order. Streams cannot rise higher than their source, creatures cannot be superior to their creators, institutions cannot be better than their supporters. Governments, laws, officials are, in general, a fair reflex of the ballots which make them. Before they can be raised to hiq;h and safe standards, we must.rise to hicrh and safe standards of citizenship. We must never admit that because a majority of us are qualified to exercise sovereignty, therefore things are safe. Things never can be absolutely safe till all are qualified. Our common schooling is a great help to us. But it is not of that special kind which is calculated to acquaint us with political situations, sharpen our wits as rulers, stimulate our pride of citizenship. Few of us ever think about our duty to the government till we are reminded of it by the alarum of a political campaign. Then as a short cut toward qualifying ourselves, we rush pellmell to school to the teachers who appear on the stump and in a declamatory, off-hand way, attempt to prove to us all kinds of impossibilities and demonstrate all undemonstrable things. These very eloquent teachers are seldom clear, dispas- sionate, or impartial. They may be mere creatures of prejudice or ambition. As a rule they rely more on the arts which cap- tivate than on the logic which persuades, more on the tricks which deceive than on the facts which convince. Their appeals * Our republic has been reared for immortality, if the work of man may aspire to such title. It may, nevertheless, perish in an hour by the folly, corruption, or neg- ligence of its only keepers, the people. Republics are created by the virtue, public spirit, and intelligence of the citizens. They fall when the wise are banished from the public councils, because they dare to be honest, and the profligate are rewarded, because they flatter the people in order to betray them. — Story on the Constitution. 22 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. are to the passions and not to the solid judgments of men. The most they want is votes, not as winged principles, but as some- thing to be counted in one, two, three order for their favorite candidate. There is but one class of scholar who is truly at home in this ringing, jostling, exciting school. He is the one who will not qualify himself in any other way, who is fond of the hurly-burly, delights in brass bands and ear-splitting hurrahs,' loves the delirium of passion, and supports the ticket, no matter who is on it or what principles it embodies. Conviction goes to the dogs with such an one, sovereignty is a Chinese gong, the franchise a batch of fire -works, and election day a glorifica- tion. You will say, " but better this school than none." Assuredly. We do not design to diminish its importance further than that is effected by showing that it is not the best school, and should not be the only one, in which to learn our duties as citizens, or to get substantial notions of our high privileges. It is very pleasant to hear speeches, delightful to be carried away by ora- torical flights and figures, gratifying to see an enemy's scalp raised by the keen knife of sarcasm, inspiring to be appealed to in various pathetic ways, but it is all very much like going to a theatre to dwell for a little time in the midst of sentiments and passions. It is an intoxicating, short-lived schooling, which may tide one over an emergency, but leaves the mind to as sad a re- action as a drink of spirits does the body. The best qualification of the citizen is that which is always going on. He may quicken it by the usual agencies of the cam- paign, brush up, as it were, at each call to exercise his sover- eignty, but the solid, solemn work of preparation ought to begin with the child and never end till death ends it. The course of study cannot be mapped. Tastes vary, and time is not at the command of all alike. But it is safe to say that all may learn, and should, what will make them prouder of the distinction of sovereign citizen, what will enable them to handle, without dan- ger to themselves or others, the sharp weapon of the ballot, what will give them bigger and broader views of their country and institutions, what will enlarge their manhood and make them FOUNDATION THOUGHTS. 23 feel their importance as factors in further building and perpetu- ating this vast temple of government, which is even now over- shadowing all others and influencing all others for their good. For the greater encouragement of the young, and for overcom- ing the indifference of those of riper years, let this fact not es- cape attention. The people are closer to their rulers and their government now than ever before in its history. Just as they prepare themselves for the duty of personal rulers, they rise in im- portance with their political rulers. Just as they are able to think accurately for themselves, formulate their thoughts suc- cinctly, and defend them stoutly, in that proportion the political ruler hearkens unto them and takes his cue from them. It is for this reason that reform is twice as speedy now as it was twenty years ago. The better informed, the stronger, the more resolute the constituency, the surer it is of a prompt and certain echo from its representative. And this is as it should be, for the whole theory of sovereignty with us is, that power passes up- ward from the people, never downward. So, ability to instruct and judge should pass in the same direction. While the respon- sibility of the people is thus greater, the duty of the legislator is simpler and easier. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY, OR TITLES AND TERRITORIAL SHAPES. HE FIRST OWNERS.— When America was discov- ered the title to the soil was in the Indian. He was sovereign proprietor. He acknowledged no obedience, ~fc£ allegiance, nor subordination to any foreign nation. He has never to this day yielded a jot or tittle of his original right of dominion, except when he sold out voluntarily, or was forced by arms into a treaty. His claim was precisely like that of all civilized nations, a claim based on exclusive possession and use for his purposes, for hunting, for trading, for subsistence. If he had no fields, no fixed towns, few of the things which fasten other folks to one spot, it was nobody's business. That did not invalidate his claim in the least. THE EUROPEAN TITLE.— The discovery of America in 1492 brought across the ocean the doctrine that general title to all the new lands and the right to govern them rested on the fact of discovery. Perhaps it would be better to say, the discovery of America was the date of the invention of this doctrine. The legal doctrine of discovery was, that title to the soil was in the discoverer provided the territory discovered were unoccupied, uninhabited. Why was this doctrine twisted out of all legal shape, or so greatly enlarged ? Because the Indian was a heathen. The Christian thought of the time did not draw a line between political and spiritual sovereignty. The right to con- vert a heathen carried everything with it — right to govern him, right to own his soil. In a word, he was, if unconverted, an encumbrance, and it became a Christian duty and glory to con* (24) PIONEER DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. . 25 quer him and possess his domains.* This is what made the broad claim of title by discovery defensible, or rather, it is what reconciled it to the European mind, for no lawyer would ever agree, without fee in advance, to establish the righteousness of a title by discovery to an unknown inhabited land, be the inhabitants heathen or not. Imagine the King of the Cannibal Isles sailing out and striking the, to him, unknown coast of America at San Francisco, and, landing and planting his banners in the soil, tak- ing possession and declaring the whole country his by right of first discovery. How many of us would quake at the thought that we, heathen to the great king, would have to give up our titles and pass under a new dynasty ?f How many of us would acquiesce in his bold claim, or do other than the Indian has done — deny his right to soil and dominion, and fight to the death against it? ARE OUR TITLES GOOD f— In law, time is a great cura- tive. We can at least plead that we ought not to be disturbed, because lapse of time has come in to cure the defects of our title by discovery. However indefensible in law or morals the European title to our soil was, the then civilized nations stood committed to it, and we are entitled to the excuse which this general commitment furnishes. It was a policy erroneous and despotic. But even such policy may lead to results which, after a long time, ought not to be questioned or disturbed. Besides, * It might be curious to inquire how far we are away from this doctrine now. Is not the red man still in the road? Has not our national policy toward him always savored too much of the policy of the pioneer, that because he is in the way and his land is good, therefore it is right to drive him away and take it ? f " The truth is, the European nations paid not the slightest regard to the rights of the native tribes. They treated them as mere barbarians and heathens, whom if they were not at liberty to exterminate, "they were entitled to deem as mere tempor- ary occupants of the soil. They might convert them to Christianity, and, if they re- fused conversion, they might drive them from the soil as unworthy to inhabit it. They affected to be governed by the desire to promote the cause of Christianity, and were aided in this ostensible object by the whole influence of the papal power. But their real object was to extend their own power, and increase their own wealth by acquiring the treasures as well as the territory of the New World. Avarice and ant- bition were at the bottom of all their original enterprises." — Story on the Constitu- tion. 26 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the Indians were much dealt with outside of this policy. In some instances it was modified by the sovereigns themselves in granting charters. In others by the proprietaries in acquiring their lands. In others still by the actual settlers. These, in a more becoming spirit of humanity and with a view to having their titles peaceable and perfect at the start, actually bought the soil of the Indian, and left him free to enjoy his tribal form of government. It need not be assumed that any very clearly or elegantly worded contracts were made, nor that deeds contain- ing exact descriptions of the lands were given, nor even that anything like fair prices were paid, according to our notions of value, yet the fact that the Indian, accustomed to roam a con- tinent, with no attachment to locality, and therefore with no idea of an acre or its equivalent in cash, assented to the terms, gives the transaction validity in law. FIRST ENGLISH PATENT.— -What a grand rush there was for discovery and possession as soon as land was known to exist amid the waters which supposably stretched from West- ern Europe to Eastern Asia! In this rush, and so far as we are concerned, England got the lead. The Cabots, father and sons, Bristol merchants in long commerce with the fishermen of Iceland who may have told of Greenland, first discovered the continent of America.* With a boldness second only to that of Colum- bus, and a confidence which almost compels us to think they were familiar with Icelandic traditions, they went into the midst of the unknown waters, bearing a patent from the politic Henry VII., one clause of which read : " Empowering them to search for islands, countries, provinces, or regions, hitherto unseen by Christian people ; to affix the banners of England on any city, island or continent they might find, and, as vassals f of the Eng- lish crown, possess and occupy 'the territories that might be discovered." * We readily accept the Icelandic history — it is certainly more than tradition — that their people were in communication with the fishing-grounds of Newfoundland and the eastern coast of America centuries before Columbus sailed. But, so far as national or political results followed, we must speak of Cabot's discovery as the first. j- Observe the feudal word vassal. "The first maxim of feudal tenure (title) was BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 27 ENGLAND GETS A CONTINENT.— This clause is in- teresting as part of the most ancient American state paper in England, and, further, it gave to England an entire continent. Its date is March 5, 1496. The Cabots struck the continent in N. lat. 56 , Labrador, in June, 1497, fourteen months before Columbus, on his third voyage, came in sight of the mainlands off the mouth of the Orinoco. You ask why England didn't! hold the continent if she claimed by right of discovery. The answer is she did not know she had one to hold. Again, when she learned that it was really a continent, and was anxious for a title as against some other discoverer or occupant, she always made bold to set up the one founded on this discovery. It always served her when she was the stronger party and nothing was wanting but a pretext to title. And just here it is well to note that this whole matter of title by discovery underwent many changes. Several nations set up claims to the continent because each thought it had discovered it. Ignorant of its geography and of the discoveries of others, each nation had to modify its claims under certain circumstances. FRENCH CLAIMS.— Not knowing what they had struck, the planting of the English banners on Labrador did not deter other nations from joining in the hunt for possession. Nor did a second voyage (1498), by Sebastian Cabot, which resulted in a profile of the coast from Newfoundland to Albemarle Sound. The French came skirting up the coast * from North Carolina, stopping at New York, at Newport, thence on to Nova Scotia, striking the grand fishing-grounds, a field they never quit till driven off two hundred and forty years afterwards (1763) by the English. f Though ten to twenty years later than the Cabots % that all lands were originally granted by the sovereign and therefore held of the crown. The grantee, who had only a use, according to the terms of the grant, was called the feudatory or vassal (tenant)." — Blackstone, vol. ii., p. 53. * The voyage of John Verrazzani, an Italian in the employ of Francis L, of France, in the " Dolphin " (1524), reads like a novel. f We use the modern names of these places for convenience. The French names, as St. John, St. Lawrence, Cape Breton, are all early. J Within seven years of the discovery of the continent, the fisheries of New- foundland were known to the hardy mariners of Brittany and Normandy. — Bancroft. 28 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. in asserting title, the French took a decided lead in discovery and settlement in their St. Lawrence region, New France, Champlain was anxious to found a state, and he backed up De Monts, who had gotten a patent for the sovereignty of Acadia, extending from Philadelphia to beyond Montreal (1603). It was to be a Huguenot country, but the Jesuits came also. Though they wrangled much, Champlain managed to hold the line of the St. Lawrence for France, and the settlements there became the source of that wonderful Jesuit movement beyond - Niagara, out the chain of the great lakes and* down the Mississippi to the gulf.* SPANISH CLAIMS.— For years after 1492, Spain had been working her way through the Caribbean Islands, and in 15 12 struck Florida. Ponce de Leon first saw this land on Easter Sunday (Pascua Florida). This meant a continent for Spain, as much as the discovery of Labrador by the Cabots meant one for England, though De Leon supposed it only an island. He was to have its government on the condition that he colonized it. Spain did not trust to mere discovery so much as to actual settlement. The natives fought the Spanish off, and wounded De Leon unto death. Thirty years after along came De Soto, an old friend of Pizarro, who desired to rival him in wealth and Cortes in glory. He began his wonderful freebooting march to the Mississippi, beneath whose waters he found a grave.f What was Florida? In Spanish imagination it was everything from the Gulf of Mexico to Newfoundland, and as far west as the " River of Palms " (Mississippi) or as land extended. Canada was in the Spaniard's Florida ; so was Louisiana ; and so every intermediate mountain chain and waving prairie. The Missis- sippi rose in Florida and emptied in Florida. Not a nation dis- puted her claims so far as they embraced the Gulf coast. * Cartier's voyages (1527 to 1542) planted the French standard in all that in- definite country of Norimbega. He built a fort at Quebec in 1541. f Narvaez previously made a similar march to the " River of Palms " and on to the Pacific. The story of his exploits is too wild for belief. The Spanish under Gomez had also skirted the coast to New England, calling the country The Land of Gomez. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 29 THE RIVAL CLAIMANTS.— Here then were three rivals, all claiming the same lands as discoverers. England claimed a continent, or would have done so had she known it was a conti- nent. France in mapping her New France claimed from Dela- ware bay northward. Spain claimed for her Florida, or New Spain, everything from the Gulf of Mexico to Newfoundland. What a chance for future troubles ! But as yet these claims were so misty and vague as not to be worth fighting about. In- deed they did not serve even as a bar to other claims on the ground of discovery by these same nations or by others, espe- cially when a permanent settlement followed. Thus when Coligny wanted (1562) to establish a Huguenot colony and found a Protestant French empire in America* he selected Florida as the site, and calling it Carolina, after Charles IX. of France, gave it a limit extending from St. Augustine to Port Royal entrance. His first colony failed (1563). In 1565 he tried another which brought a storm about French ears. Maddened at this audacious attempt to set up a Protestant empire within her Catholic domains, Spain drove the French colonists out and proclaiming Philip II. monarch of all North America hastened to found St. Augustine (1565), the oldest town in the United States by forty years. The fighting period had now arrived, and home jealousies and wars had as much to do with colonial disturbances as any- thing else. England had broken away from Catholicism : why shouldn't she be jealous of Spanish ascendency in the New World ? The century, or thereabouts, since the discovery of America, had fired European rulers with a mania for the enlargement of their empires by discovery. The idea grew more and more popular that titles by discovery, in order to be substantial, should be backed by actual settlement. It was found that no mean trade could be driven with the natives in the shape of furs, etc., and that our coasts furnished favorable fishing-grounds. The thrill- ing stories of Spanish adventure, conquest and enrichment in Peru and Mexico had gotten abroad and were filling men of every nationality with dreams of El Dorados in all parts of the * A disastrous attempt, under the special co-operation of Calvin himself, had been made to found a similar empire at Rio Janeiro in Brazil. — Southeys Brazil. 30 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. New World. Religious enthusiasm built imaginary abiding- places in the wilderness for the faithful, away from persecution, competition and all state interference. Humanitarians, philan- thropists, political theorists, saw golden opportunity in the American wilds for great reformed and reforming empires. Bankrupt nobility pictured to itself a renewal of estates and titles amid our splendid virgin areas on a far larger and grander scale than their fathers had ever heard of. RALEIGH'S SCHEME.— Raleigh had been a pupil of Coligny. He dreamed of an empire for England on the very spot whence the Protestants of France had been expelled. He therefore took up Coligny 's failure. Armed with a patent from Queen Elizabeth (1584) he tried his experiment a little farther north and under more favorable auspices. But failure awaited him also. His abandoned " City of Raleigh " on the barren island of Roanoke (1587) was two centuries later (1792), and by 'solemn act of the legislature of North Carolina, revived in its capital " The City of Raleigh." As Coligny's scheme gave to the Carolinas (the New France of the South) a name, so Raleigh's gave to the indefinite territory of his patent the name of Virginia, after the virgin queen.* FIRST COLONIAL CHARTER.— Turning the century (1600) England was better prepared than any other country for adventure, or say permanent settlement, in North America. The * This attempt of Raleigh to found a Huguenot colony under English auspices as a set-off to Spanish Catholic influence on the South did more to spread a correct idea of the soil, climate, inhabitants and resources of the new land than any other thus far. Its historian, Hariot, was a keen observer. He observed the culture of tobacco and accustomed himself to its use, after the Indian fashion. He studied the maize crop and noted its productiveness. He also tried the potato with the natives and found it very good food. The natives were treated as men, and the chief, Manteo, was given a peerage, the first in Anglo-American annals. It ought not to escape attention that Raleigh took possession of this Virginia country, so signal a part of Spanish Florida, and at so late a date, by reason of discovery. He of course knew of Coligny's claim to the same for France. But France and England could afford to pull together in the scheme of a Huguenot (Protestant) colony or empire right down upon and overshadowing Catholic Florida. It was a long-headed, deeply concocted scheme on the part of Raleigh and Elizabeth, and one that Eng- land, or rather Protestantism, could afford to take much stock in. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 31 timid policy of King James I. (i 603-1 625) in throwing out of employment the gallant seamen who had served under Elizabeth left them no option but to engage in the quarrels of strangers or seek employment, wealth and fame in the new world. The vague uncertain title of the first discoverer could now be backed up by actual settlement. That possession which was then as much as even ten points of law could be brought into play. A true colonial scheme could be developed and practised which would not only reduce the wilderness to an inchoate govern- ment, but anchor it safely at the foot of the throne. Now see the hold this spirit of colonization had gotten in England. The influential assigns of Raleigh's patent, the wealthy Gorges, governor of Plymouth (Eng.), the experienced Gosnold who first set English foot on Cape Cod (1602), the enthusiastic Captain Smith, the persevering Hakluyt, historian of all the early voyages, and towering above all, the Lord Chief Justice himself, Sir John Popham — these formed a coterie whose plea " to deduce a colony into Virginia " James I. could not resist. He granted them the first colonial charter under which the English were planted in America, April 10, 1606. Do not forget the date : it is an important one, the beginning of many real things in connection with our government. Do not forget the coterie. They were tenacious men, representative of Eng- land's wealth and influence at home and her adventure abroad, and they or their assigns come up continually from this time on to disturb future titles and worry future colonists. Do not fail either to look a little into the charter itself, for its bearings on our history and institutions are direct, and it shows in what shape English monarchy first fastened itself on our soil. The charter gave twelve degrees, reaching from Cape Fear, N. C, to Halifax, Nova Scotia (34 to 45 ° N. lat.), to two rival companies, one of London, the other of towns in the west of England.* The London Company (Southern Colony), which *The first goes, popularly, by the name of the London Company. As its portion of the above grant was the southern part of Virginia and its settlement on the James river, it is known to our history as the Southern Colony. The second company, whose residents were mostly at Plymouth, is called, popularly, the Western Company, 32 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. alone succeeded, had right to occupy from 34 to 38 ; that is, from Cape Fear to the southern limit of Maryland. The Western or Plymouth Company (Northern Colony) had right to occupy from 41 ° to 45 ; that is, from say New York to Halifax. From 38 to 41 ° was open to both, with right to the soil fifty miles north or south of any actual settlement they might make therein.* The government was a Council in England appointed by the king. A Local Council had charge of local affairs in the re- spective colonies. The king reserved the right of supreme leg- islative authority and supervision. The emigrant and his children should continue to be Englishmen. The original grantees or patentees were to hold the lands and other rights by the tenure of free and common socage, and not in capite.\ The patentees could of course regrant their lands to actual col- onists according to the tenures they held. The hard, impractic- able features of the charter were that the emigrant had no elec- tive franchise, no right of self-government. The power was first or the Plymouth Company, and as their part of the grant was in the north of Vir- ginia, i. e., from New York to Halifax, it is known in our history as the Northern Colony, but chiefly by its failures. * " The name of ' Virginia ' was generally confined to the Southern Colony, and the name of 'Plymouth Company' was assumed by the Northern Colony. From the former the States south of the Potomac may be said to have had their origin, and from the latter the States of New England." — Story on the Constitution. f This is very important as marking a point of decided departure from the feudal tenures based on military service, or tenures in capite. However rapidly the process of undermining feudal institutions may have been going on, it must have been a very bitter pill for a sovereign like King James to give such a signal recognition of their decadence, for be it known his signature to this charter not only broke in on all precedent for military (capite) tenure to land in America, but established the most democratic tenure then known in England,- tenure by "free and common socage." This tenure existed only in Kent (Eng.) under the title gavelkind, "given to all the males alike." Says Blackstone, " It is probable the socage (plow service) tenures were the relics of Saxon liberty, retained by such persons as had neither forfeited them to the king nor been obliged to exchange their tenure for the more honorable though more burdensome tenure of knight service. This is peculiarly re- markable in the tenure which prevails in Kent, called gavelkind, which is ac- knowledged to be a species of socage tenure, the preservation whereof inviolate from the innovations of the Norman conqueror is a fact universally known, and those who have thus preserved their, liberties are said to hold in free and common socager BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 33 in a trading company composed of a select few, of which the actual settler was not one; then in a Local Council, in which he had^ no voice ; then in a Supreme Council at home, which could never know him and could never have sympathy with his rights ; lastly in the king himself, who not only created and dis- missed the Supreme Council at pleasure, but held the power of making or revising their legislation. It was a truly wonderful scheme, and one, in most respects, well calculated to tickle the vanity of a weak prince. What wonder that, under it, the Local Council got to be a pure aristocracy entirely independent of the settlers, the people ! What wonder that no element of popular liberty found its way into the government of the colony when its code of laws w r as completed and received kingly sanction ! And what wonder the parliament of England speedily raised the question — a question which would not down until the American revolution — of how far the king was a usurper of their powers in assuming legislative authority abroad ! Even the religion of the colonist was, under this memorable instrument, to be that of the Church of England. One may well say all this was a long way off from what kings were afterwards taught to grant, and from that spirit of free thought and action which now pervades our institutions. Under such a charter and code permanent colonization at a distance from home, and in a spot where everything invited to freedom, was impossible. Every effort to plant under it, or to make it work for the good of emigrants, showed its imperfections in glar- ing colors. The weeding and paring process began early. ENGLAND'S PERMANENT FOOTHOLD.— -Under this charter the London Company founded Jamestown, Va., May, 1607, one hundred and nine years after Cabot's discovery of the Continent, and forty-one after Spain had settled Florida. As the Puritan, destined for the Hudson, was blown upon Cape Cod, so the three ships with the Virginia Colony were blown past Raleigh's old settlement at Roanoke, and into the waters of the Chesapeake. One year would have settled the fate of James^ town, but for Captain Smith, who had fought for freedom in Holland, roamed France for pleasure, visited Egypt for study, 3 34 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC- plunged into Mohammedan warfare for glory, escaped from Con- stantinople to Russia for safety, and now entered as hero on a drama the most exciting and thrilling of all. Even his ingenuity in handling hostile natives, and his unbending will, stronger than that of cowardly governor (Wingfield and Ratcliffe) or famished, rebellious emigrant, could not have saved the colony, but for an amendment to the charter government which robbed the king of the supreme legislative powers he had reserved and turned them over to the company and its governors. This gave to Smith's genius a fuller rein. He made the gentlemen colonists work, saying, " He who would not work might not eat." He entreated the company to send " more suitable persons for Virginia." " I entreat you," he writes, " rather send but thirty carpenters, hus- bandmen, gardeners, fishermen, blacksmiths, masons and diggers up of trees' roots, well provided, than a thousand of such as we have." Hopeless as his task seemed he held his control of the unruly colonists till disabled by an accidental explosion of gun- powder he was forced to go to England for treatment, without reward of any kind but the applause of conscience and the world. He was the true father of Virginia, and, vastly more, the pioneer who secured to the Saxon race its first permanent foot- hold within the borders of the United States. Virginia was a fact, but as yet a limitless fact. And this it proved, and con- tinued to prove, that just as the king was shorn of his charter powers, and just as the Home Council and the governors were deprived of their arbitrary control, and the same passed over to and began to be exercised by the people under the forms of law, in that proportion the colony throve. America was no place for restricted individual rights nor absolute foreign authority. TOBACCO, COTTON AND SLAVES.— The Jamestown colonist got to be an industrious man. It was a clear question of the " survival of the fittest." He grew tobacco and the cereals, and found both profitable. The former became a staple and a cur- rency. He was not satisfied with his farm title. It was amended so as to make him secure. He clamored for representation. This too he got. The first colonial assembly met at Jamestown, BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 35 June, 1619. This was the dawn of legislative liberty in America. They who had been dependent on the fickle will of a governor demanded a code of laws based on those of England. Such a code came over in 162 1. It was a form of government away outside of the harsh and narrow provisions of the charter. Under it the colony got a parliament, very like that of England. Thenceforth Virginia was the Virginia of the colonists. It was their country, and their country reached from North Carolina to Halifax, and as far west as imagination chose to go. The king was still king, and of a new empire, but of a people who had gradually acquired rights they would never voluntarily part with. He had a rival though. In 1621 the first cotton-seed was planted with success. The infant thus cradled grew into " King Cot- ton." Strange to say, only one year before, August, 1620, four- teen months after the first Virginia Assembly, four months be- fore the pilgrims landed at Plymouth rock, more than a hundred years after slavery had disappeared from England, six years after the abolition of serfdom in France, a Dutch man-of-war entered the James river and landed twenty negroes for sale. Unfortu- nately the constitution and' code of laws which were received by the colony the next year had been prepared without knowledge of this event, or they might have contained some clause prohibit- ing this kind of commerce. As it was, the commerce grew and the slave system got hold, in spite of a strong sentiment among the better class of colonists against it, and in spite of a few feeble colonial laws passed with a design to discourage it. By one of those strange contradictions in human affairs, the colony which had in fourteen years converted a despotic charter into a repre- sentative form of government, and had actually become an asylum of liberty,* became also the abode of hereditary bonds- men, f *The Virginia Colony had not as yet paid much attention to its religious code, and even the heady Puritan could find an asylum there. His presence was not inter- dicted till the democratic revolution in England under Cromwell gave political im- portance to religious sects. Then to tolerate a Puritan was to favor a member of a republican party. f Negro slavery was certainly an offence against the better infetincts of all the colonies. Though all the earlier ones tolerated it, there was no lack of discourag- 36 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. A ROYAL PROVINCE.— King James got jealous of the London Company. On the plea of mismanagement its charter was cancelled. Virginia was free from a control which, while it made a colony possible, had ever been an interference. Charles I. (1625-1649), in accordance with his father's intentions, would regard it as a Royal Province, to be governed by himself, but fortunately more with a view to securing a revenue from its tobacco and other staples, than with a design to interfere seriously with the political rights of the colonists. But up came the question of boundary. Virginia had no limits but those in the charter, and it was gone. There was, therefore, no Virginia for the map. Only the settlement called Virginia remained, and the best it could do was to claim the old charter limits, whether the charter existed or not. It therefore crossed swords with the Marylander who had come with his grant right into the midst of the Virginia territory. But the flurry soon passed over. The fate of Charles I. was sealed. Virginia thought to fight Cromwell, but by capitulating got terms which were almost equivalent to independence. Cromwell never bothered himself about governors nor anything else outside of the mere question of allegiance. So the colonists elected their own governors, and the custom once established, it ever after prevailed. A grand step toward popular independent government in the new world ! MARYLAND CHARTER.— The mind of the Virginian was not clear as to his country. Under the charter of 1606 his domain was practically boundless to the north. Under an amended charter he could claim to 41 ° (200 miles north of Old Point Comfort), which was vaguely supposed to be the southern limit of New England, or the southern boundary of the New Netherlands. At any rate he would, now that he was pros- perous and had ambitions, push his enterprises north of the ing laws and regulations. The force of sentiment outside of themselves, especially that sentiment born of traffic and cupidity, was stronger than the true and just col- onial instinct, and hence ordinances discouraging slavery became dead letters. But time would have corrected the errors of cupidity, all along the colonial fine, had it not happened that as long as the slave traffic was active, the climate, staples and commercial taste^of the Southern colonies permitted the introduction of the slave element to such an extent that heroic action against the system became impolitic. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 37 Potomac and Susquehannah. But, alack ! he was suddenly cut off. Sir George Calvert had tried a Catholic settlement at Avalon on the coasts of Newfoundland, but cold, a barren soil, and French fishermen, had driven him away. He would try again in a more favorable clime. His influence with the king (James I.) was great, and the canceling of the Virginia patents had restored to the monarch his authority over the soil. The French, the Dutch, the Swedes, were preparing to come. Why shouldn't Calvert have a slice of kindly soil for his experiment ? He got it, and evidently wrote his own charter.* It gave him a clean slice of what was Virginia. Its bounds were the ocean, the 40th parallel, the meridian through the fountain of the Potomac, that river to its mouth, and a line from Watkin's Point to the ocean — almost the Maryland of to-day. Calvert's (Lord Baltimore's) province was a creation with a definite boundary, the first, it may be said, thus far, f and it was Mary- land, after Maria, wife of Charles I. Lord Baltimore was a Proprietary ', that is, the country was his estate. He was governor, subject to the provisions of the charter, which were very liberal indeed, securing to the colonists representative government from the start, and therein contrasting strongly with the Virginia charter, granted to mere trading companies. Christianity was by the charter made the law, but no preference was given to any sect, and equality in religious rights not less than in civil freedom, was assured. Sir George Calvert died April 15, 1632, but the charter was confirmed to his son, Cecil, June 20, 1632. As has been noted, Virginia was * " The nature of the document itself, and concurrent opinion, leave no room to doubt that it was penned by the first Lord Baltimore himself, although it was finally- issued to his son." — Bancroft, vol. i., 241. f Ignorance of the geography of the interior left many of the early grants with- out western limits. Some had the clause inserted " and extending through to the Pacific," or "extending from ocean to ocean." But in general they were vague, Mid the source of much future difficulty, as were those north and south boundaries which so overlapped each other. The failure of the successive monarchs to under- stand what their predecessors had done, the lapsing of so many grants by time or Dy non-user, the desire of each monarch to gratify his friends or to map a new colonial policy of his own, all these contributed to the confusion of charter bound- aries. 38 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. furious over this robbery of her domain. She at first warred a little about it, then carried her case to England, but the king's privy council told her to go home and cultivate amicable rela- tions with her neighbor. Her wrath had time to cool while the boundary between her and Maryland was being adjusted. Cal- vert knew quite well the folly of attempting a Catholic experi- ment, no matter how liberal its provisions, so near the Virginia settlement, and within its claimed limits, without first securing for it carefully determined boundaries. Virginia's church was the established church, which, liberal at first, was nearly ripe for that uncharitable statute which banished all non-conformists and made their return a felony. SETTLEMENT OF MARYLAND.— -March 27, 1634, Calvert founded his village of St. Mary's, and his state. The Ark and Dove bore his colony. He treated with the Indians and bought their soil. Thus his possession was peaceable, ex- cept that Clayborne of Virginia wanted to drive him away by force.* The colonists stuck from the start, and, unlike those of Virginia, went to work. In six months St. Mary's was ahead of Jamestown in its sixth year, f In one year the people, not liking Calvert's Code, passed one of their own which, though it did not go into effect, resulted in such modifications of Calvert's as they wished. The " religious freedom " of the charter took as wide shape in the statutes as was then possible. It embraced all Christians, but with the awful proviso that, " Whatever per- son shall blaspheme God or shall deny or reproach the Holy Trinity, or any of the three persons thereof, shall be punished with death." Nowhere in the United States is religious opinion now regarded as a proper subject for such a penalty or for any penal enactment at all. We have seen how Virginia profited by the neglect of Cromwell, under the English Commonwealth. * The native tribe had been punished by the Susquehannahs on the north, and was just about to quit its seats on the Potomac, when Calvert came. He therefore was able to drive a good bargain with them, and to quiet his title with a few pres- ents of clothes, axes, hoes, knives, etc. f " Within six months it (the Maryland colony) had advanced more than Virginia had done in as many years." — Bancroft, vol. i., p. 247. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 39 New England did the same. But Maryland went through the fires of angry disputation. With the king gone, where was the Proprietary who held from and under him ? " Gone too," said Virginia. " Gone too," said Cromwell, though he was going to trust to Calvert's good sense to manage things. But Virginia, through the ambitious Clayborne, got over into Maryland, and under cover of a commission actually ran away with the government. Maryland had invited Puritans. They were strong in Anne Arundel, and were Cromwellian republicans. Calvert was shrewd enough to save his charter, but when he went to reduce the Puritans he was whipped and his agent, Stone, was imprisoned. Clayborne could reduce neither Catho- lics nor Puritans. Thus matters stood for years, till the people voted themselves a lawful assembly, without dependence on other power in the province, and enacted compromise laws, which Virginia ultimately assented to, and which both Puritan and Catholic could respect. Thus Maryland like Virginia was, at the restoration of Charles II. (1660), in full possession of liberty based on the sovereignty of the people, and like Virginia it had so nearly completed its political institutions that not much further progress was made toward freedom and independence till the period of final separation from England (1776). THE PLYMOUTH COUNCIL.— -We must now go back a little in time and look northward. The Virginia charter of 1606 incorporated two monstrous companies, the London Company (Southern colony), and Western or Plymouth Company (North- ern colony). We have seen how the London Company suc- ceeded at Jamestown, and how it was shorn of its rights in Vir- ginia. What did the Western or Plymouth Company do with its splendid grant of lands (in Virginia remember) between New York and Labrador, 41 ° to 45 °, and its magnificent privileges? Under Popham himself it settled at St. George on the Kennebec (1607). But Popham died and the colony failed.* Inspired * The Maine historians make much of this settlement, not only as ante-dating all others in Northern Virginia or New England, but as going to show the directness of the Maine title from the Virginia charter of 1606, and therefore the wrongfulness 40 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. anew by Smith, the Virginia hero, who had (1614) scoured the coast from the Penobscot to Cape Cod and named the country New England, another trial was made, but the colony never landed. Still Smith's enthusiasm was all pervading. A new and independent charter was sought for the company. This set the Londoners and Westerlings to fighting. But clashing in- terests could not stay results. Out of the conflicting claims came a charter to forty of the king's favorites, many of them members of both the old competing companies, and the best men in them. It was one of the most sweeping papers which ever bore royal signature. Its date was Nov. 3d, 1620, and it incorporated "The council established at Plymouth (England) for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New Eng- land, ih America." NATURE OF THIS CHARTER.—Note first the size of the territory it covered, and how it wiped out the entire field given to both the London and Western Companies in the charter of 1606, also how it silenced forever the legal claim of Virginia (not the popular claim) to her domain north of 40 . It extended in breadth from 40 to 48 north latitude, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific; that is, it embraced nearly all the inhabitable British possessions of to-day,* all New England, New York, more than half of New Jersey, nearly all Pennsylvania, and the mighty sweep westward of all these States. So grand an empire had never been given away by a single stroke of the pen. But more, and worse, the charter gave to forty men the soil, the sole power of legislation, the selection of all officers, the formation of a gov- ernment, and powers over commerce as arbitrary as those con- of the claim which Massachusetts subsequently made good. Had the Kennebec colony stuck, they would have much better ground for their position; or had not the character of titles shifted. Even at this early date the principle was abroad that a title confirmed by actual settlement was better than one with no such substantial backing. * It paid no attention to the French possession of New France, which vas already permanently occupied at Port Royal, Quebec, and many other places along the St. Lawrence. The thought evidently was to rely on the old Cabot title by discovery, claim the continent, and drive off settlers of other nationalities if necessary. BUILDNIG GEOGRAPHICALLY. 41 veyed to the Cabots by Henry VII., in " that oldest American State paper in England." No regard was shown for the liberty of a single colonist. Everything was left to the council at Ply- mouth. It was too big a monopoly to be of any use. Parlia- ment rose in angry question of the king's right to thus fritter away the public domain. France laughed at the thought of thus appropriating her lands, in which settlements had existed for a score of years. The patentees fell to furious wrangling about their respective privileges, and while the confusion was at its height something far-reaching and wonderful took place. FIRST PURITAN ADVENT.— The Reformation had made possible the Puritan and Pilgrim, the man who wanted, and was bound to have — for himself — religious and political liberty, at whatever cost. When he imbibed Genevan Calvinism he drank in at the same time the spirit of the Genevan republic. This was the ferment which was working in feudal England when Henry VIII. cut off the political horns of the pope, and which came to the surface when Edward VI. permitted the Protestant sects to show their heads without danger from the block. One of these sects, Cranmer's, wanted mild reforms. This one be- came the Church of England. The other would have no cere- mony not enjoined by the word of God, no divine right of bishops, no- inequality of clergy, no fixed rule of worship or in- terpretation appointdd by parliament, hierarchy or king. This was Puritanism, pure and undefiled, and it had the sanction of Martyr, Calvin, Hooper and Rogers. Under Mary, the Puritan, as well as the Episcopalian, had to leave England, if he would talk and act his convictions. He went to Amsterdam, Leyden; Frankfort, Geneva, to every asylum on the continent, and he learned much. When he came back under Elizabeth he was no longer a monarchist, but wanted a state of his own, one in which he had a personal voice; therefore he was a politician,* and now doubly dangerous and doubly to be despised. The hard meas- ure of Elizabeth to exile or hang all who should be absent from * Even the English church charged them with seeking a popular state ; and Elizabeth declared they were more perilous than the Romanists. The Romanists were for monarchy, and Elizabeth did not despise them on that account. 42 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the English service for a month sent the Puritan abroad again, and especially the stiffer-necked branch called Independent or Separatist. The more politic remained to make Elizabeth ashamed of her hanging of Barrow and Greenwood, and to teach her that the spirit of liberty was sufficiently abroad to endanger the chances of her successor to the throne if she carried on in too high-handed a manner.* Elizabeth, " dead and forgotten in four days," was succeeded by James I., a most cowardly sprig of royalty, who was a Puritan in Scotland, but who was no sooner over the border than he couldn't distinguish between the interests of the English church and his own political prerogatives. " No bishop, no king" was his inspiration, and the Puritan was more a "viper" than ever, even if the king was a Protestant. He would " harry them all out of the kingdom, or, better, hang them, if they did not conform," and then when the Pilgrim wanted to go he had to escape. Wherever he went in Holland or on the continent this was true of him : he was industrious, nearly always a farmer or tradesman, frugal, patient, pious, shrewd, liberty-loving, and though a Pilgrim, attached to his nationality. He was not con- tent in Holland, but, like others, began to dream of a colony in the wilderness which should augment the king's realm, give him the government of his native land without its hardships, and thus secure him the liberty he wanted. Whom should he consult? It was 1617, and the London Company which had given life to Virginia was yet in existence and claiming everything north of North Carolina. It therefore was consulted, and would have responded favorably but for bickerings. The king was petitioned for a charter. He promised nothing, but gave out the impres- sion that if the Puritan would only betake himself to America and there behave himself he would be let alone. That was something; perhaps all he had a right to expect. Then he went back to the London Company, which granted a patent, but being made in the name of one who failed to accompany the Pilgrim expedition it was of no use. There was nothing left but the * " The precious spark of liberty had been kindled and preserved by the Puritans alone." — Carte's England, iii., 707. .^M^P^^^ Sa PLYMOUTH ROCK. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 43 king's promise of neglect. With this for a charter the " Speed- well" (60 tons) and " Mayflower " (120 tons) were equipped for the voyage. A solemn fast (the original of the American thanks- giving), and the Leyden Pilgrims sailed for Southampton. There the English faithful came aboard, and the two ships dared the ocean voyage. But the " Speedwell " gave out, and the two ships put back to Plymouth, where the rotten one was dismissed. A hundred souls, men, women and children,* crowded into the " Mayflower," and on the 6th of September, 1620, the ship was off again, off for the Hudson. Bad navigation or storms brought the Pilgrim boat to the bleak coast of Cape Cod, Nov. 9, 1620, thirteen years after the founding of Jamestown, and less than two months after the signing of the wonderful charter of the Plymouth Council, above mentioned. After a period of pro- specting, on Monday, Dec. 11 (say Dec. 22 new style), 1620, a landing was effected at Plymouth rock, and actual New Eng- land had a beginning. The colony was that of Plymouth, whence they had sailed. The government of the Pilgrim,f framed in the cabin of the " Mayflower," provided for a " proper democracy " in the Colony of Northern Virginia, based on religious and political rights. It promised loyalty to the Crown, which was its bid to be let alone. The Pilgrim weathered two years of cold, barrenness, and adver- sity which would have broken up any colony but a Pilgrim colony. His tenacity, industry, thrift, morals, family, organizing power, memory of wrongs, and intense love of freedom, gave him a foothold in spite of cheerless climate and unproductive soil. He placated the Indians by treaty, raised corn, drove a brisk trade, started his " little democracy," worshipped as he wished, partitioned his lands. Were his titles good ? The Indians had * The pilgrim brought his family along. The Virginian came without wife or child. Smith's prayer was for farmers, mechanics, and men with families. Till such came colonization was mere adventure. f " Puritan " and " Pilgrim " are fairly interchangeable. The latter was the former in exile, before he crossed the Atlantic. Not all Puritans were Separatists and In- dependents. In general the Puritans were more diplomatic than the Pilgrims. Puritanism covers both very well. 44 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. said, " Come; " that was as good as a purchase. The principles of English law, and natural justice, said they were good. So the Pilgrim was secure. He struck deep in his own barren soil and branched out to the Connecticut, to Cape Ann, and to the Ken- nebec. PLYMOUTH COUNCIL.— The shrewd Pilgrim heard of the wonderful grant to the Plymouth Council and knew it embraced his Plymouth. He worked into the good graces of the Council through the influence of Gorges and got a sub-patent. This attempt of the great Council to portion its powers and lands again brought up the grave question in parliament of how far the king had made a fool of himself in parting with so much territory and power without parliamentary sanction. The Coun- cil, monopolists as they were called, and the king were pitted against the parliament and such level-headed lawyers as Sir Edward Coke, who wanted the power of the Council broken and a free opportunity given to colonize the rest of New England. The Council, forced partly to the wall, determined to make the best of a bad bargain by breaking up its immense domain. There was a scramble for corporation patents. Mason got a patent for the lands between the Salem river and the farthest head of the Merrimac (162 1). Gorges and Mason took a patent for Laconia, the whole country between the sea, the St. Lawrence, the Mer- rimac and Kennebec, and the plantations on the Piscataqua, as well as the towns of Portsmouth and Dover came into being, say 1623. Mason got a second patent (1629) for the country between the Merrimac and Piscataqua, which was afterwards known as the New Hampshire patent, and so the business ran into interminable confusion and endless law-suits. The omnip- otent Council of Plymouth was fast frittering away its lands, influence and prerogatives. SECOND PURITAN ADVENT— The Puritan at home chafed under the constraints of English law and the severities of the English church. Minister White, of Dorchester, though not a Separatist, would lead a colony of the faithful across the waters. Despite his puritanism, he formed a company, which bought of the expiring Plymouth Council a belt of land extend- BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 45 ing from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from three miles south of the river Charles and Massachusetts bay to three miles'north of every part of the river Merrimac. This was a strong com- pany in men, for it included such as Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphrey, John Endicot, Simon Whetcomb, and afterwards Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, Pynchon, Eaton, Saltonstall, and Bellingham, all names well known in colonial history. Endicot, the sternest kind of a Pur- itan, was selected to begin the work of establishing a plantation of " the best of their countrymen " on the shores of New Eng- land and in safe seclusion, where the corruptions of human superstition might never invade. Not trusting to this patent from the Council, for it was in contravention of half a dozen others, it was confirmed by a charter from Charles I., and " The Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- land " was on its feet. Its date is March 4, 1629. The king was evidently mad when he signed it. He had made up his mind to govern his foreign territory, or have it governed, as he pleased and without the aid of parliament. Sp, the provisions of the charter were not unlike those of Virginia, not a whit more liberal as to the rights of the emigrant, equally as hard and close as to the powers of the corporation, which had even the right to elect its own governors. As in Virginia, " the blessed boon of freedom " for the colonist, the right to local self-government, was to come about over the wreck of corporation codes and amid the ruin of original, charter claims. MASSACHUSETTS COLONY.— -Under the auspices of this Company of Massachusetts Bay, the Puritans struck Salem, but Charlestown got a few of the new-comers, and so did the vil- lage of Boston, soon to become the capital. These Puritans came full of notions of a church wherein they might worship after their liking, and with no, or very narrow, notions of a po- litical state. But they were shrewd and business-like. The thought of being under a company whose members resided at a distance was not pleasant. An original idea struck them. Why not pick the whole company up and carry it across the waters ? It could execute the provisions of the charter better on the spot 46 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. than 3,000 miles away. That is just what was done, and in a twinkling it changed a commercial corporation into an inde- pendent provincial government. Governors, deputy governors, members of the company, and all interested became colonists — a happy Puritan band intent on their religion and church, but wide awake as to their political freedom and all local and ma- terial interests. They held in their own hands the key to their religious asylum, and unceremoniously locked the doors against all enemies to its harmony and safety. Winthrop, the aristo- cratic, pious, conforming, discreet Winthrop, came over as governor. The hard trials and disappointments of colonists, especially on a shore so bleak, passed, the community settled down to an " assembly of all the freemen of the colony," at Boston. Their first effort was a sort of elective aristocracy. Their second, the next year, 1631, was a sort of commonwealth of the chosen people in covenant with God — a theocracy, if you please. No man was admitted to the freedom of the body politic unless he was a member of some of the Puritan churches. But in all things their government was representative. That was a great point. The colony was politic. It encouraged peaceful barter with the Indians. It sent messengers of peace to the Pilgrims, and to all former colonists. It traded with the Dutch on the Hudson. It invited and got large accessions of colonists from England, the very best men there, such as Cotton, and Hooker, teachers and thinkers at home, the fittest material for preachers, governors, and long-headed diplomatists abroad. When the ministers would hold too hard to the theocratic idea, the freemen inquired more deeply into their liberties and privi- leges, demanded annual elections, introduced the ballot-box, instead of the old-fashioned show of hands, got to be as noisy and self-assertive as the modern politician. With the exception of a limited suffrage, the democracy of Massachusetts was as perfect then as now. Unfortunately the suffrage was limited only to the faithful. Hence the split with Roger Williams and his expulsion as an heretical fellow who taught that " The civil magistrate should restrain crime, but never control opinion ; should punish guilt, but never violate the freedom of the soul." BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 47 This doctrine would blot out the felony if non-conformity, would repeal every law compelling attendance on public worship, would give protection to every form of religious faith, would make every freeman a voter whether Puritan or not, would, in a word, smash the whole Puritan fabric. And then he had com- mitted other offense by writing an article in which he argued that an English patent could not invalidate the rights of the Indian to the soil. This was very like treason against the charter of the colony. The very wise Bradford thought Williams crazy. All in all, he had to go, this first person in Christendom to assert fully the doctrine of freedom of conscience, the equality of opin- ions before the law, and this defender of them even in advance of the immortal John Milton and Jeremy Taylor. And his going meant what ? THE BIRTH OF RHODE ISLAND.— Williams stopped at Seekonk, but that was within the Plymouth patent. He pushed on to a spot where patents would not interfere, and hav- ing found it he called it Providence (1636). A deed from Miantonomoh quieted his title as to the Indians. His govern- ment was a pure democracy. Williams gave all power and lands to the people, and they decided everything in their conventions. A magistracy, executive officers, governors, were things of an after time. CONNECTICUT TAKES SHAPE.— The shrewd Puritan would head off the Dutch who were creeping toward the valley of the Connecticut. The soil was in the Earl of Warwick, as proprietary, under a grant from the Council of New England, or rather, in Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brooke and John Hampden, as his assigns. But before they could colonize it the people of New Plymouth had built a trading-house at Windsor, and soon had settlements at Hartford, Windsor and Wethersfield. To the Puritans the valley of the Connecticut was indeed a new Hesperia. Thither they marched in no limited numbers under the lead of such as Hooker and others — emigrants from the most valued citizens, the earliest settlers, and oldest churches of Massachu- setts Bay. The bloodthirsty Pequods could not intimidate them nor stay their westward march, but went down before it even to 48 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the last of their tribe. The Puritan was a soldier as well as preacher. At New Haven, too, an independent Puritan colony- sprang up with Davenport as pastor and Theophilus Eaton as governor, for twenty years (1638), with no statute-book but the Bible, and no freemen but the elect. UNITED COLONIES.— -Passing the long legal fight be- tween the old Plymouth Council and the Company of Massa- chusetts Bay, which brought Puritanism under the suspicion of aiming more at a distinct political sovereignty than at simply a church of its own, the time had come for closer co-operation among the New England colonists. At least this was the Mas- sachusetts thought, though it was doubtless suggested as much by her desire to extend her power and influence as anything else. The first move was on New Hampshire, which we have seen had existence under the Mason grants. She readily accepted the jurisdiction of the stronger colony, not doubting that a strict construction of her charter gave Massachusetts a valid claim on her territory, and wishing to avoid the disputes which were sure to follow refusal. The Pequod wars, and fears of the Dutch on the south, made it the policy of the Connecticut and New Haven governments to seek terms of union. The Indian tribes of Narragansett wanted the protection of Massachusetts, so they granted to her their Rhode Island. But Williams, who had gone to England to get a charter, returned with it (1644) in time to save his little state from absorption. Down in Maine, Rigby, purchaser of the Lygonia patent, and the assigns of Gorges, were in bitter legal warfare about their right to own and govern. They agreed to refer their disputes to Massachusetts as umpire. The shrewd umpire decided that neither party was right, and told them to go home and live at peace. This was impossible, and the umpire knew it, but it knew also that the plum, not yet ripe enough for the plucking, would be as soon as the disputes had impoverished both parties. An appeal was had to England, but she took no stock in the contro- versy. Then Massachusetts offered mediation. The role of King Stork was repeated. Unfolding her own charter and point- ing to its date, which was prior to that in the patents of either BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 49 of the disputants, and pointing again to her boundary line, three miles north of any point on the Merrimac, she politely informed the Maine folks that they had all along been shearing goats, and that the territory was hers at any rate, which claim she made good. Thus did Massachusetts extend her territory to Casco Bay, and there was such a thing as the " United Colonies of New England." * A GENERAL ADVANCE.— All this colonial growth and consolidation made free local legislation more desirable, and the interference of parliament more intolerable. The principle was echoed from Virginia to the Kennebec, that the colonies were entitled to their own parliaments and legislatures. Royalty was pitiably situated, for kings did not wish to go back on their grants and their claim to give their soil to whom they pleased, to be governed as they prescribed. This was the three-sided fight, now fully on, and not to be determined till the American Revo- lution settled it. During the time of Cromwell (1648-1659) the northern colonies, being republican in spirit, gained a more solid footing, and made great progress. As the issue of Puritanism was popular sovereignty, Cromwell was pleased with the New England situation. " He that prays best will fight best," was his judgment, and he did not doubt the ability of the Puritan to take care of himself, without a king at the helm in England: FREAKS OF CHARLES //.—The restoration of royalty in England (1660) was a period of apprehension in Colonial America. King Charles II. (1 660-1685) had no respect for ac- quired rights on this side the Atlantic, and none for the acts of his royal predecessors. He would be original or nothing, would tear everything to pieces in order to enjoy confusion or the pleasure of reconstruction. His freaks in upsetting old colonial lines and titles astonished the world. Fortunately their very * " The first conception of an American union entertained by the founders of New England was to join in political bonds only those colonies in which the people were of a similar way of thinking in theology, when, in the spirit of a theocracy, they aimed to form a Christian state in the bosom of the church. This was em- bodied in the New England Confederacy (1643-1684). Its basis was not broad enough to embrace the whole of this territory, or sufficiently just to include all its population." — Frothinghatri 's Rise of the Republic. 4 50 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. wildness defeated their aim in many instances, and averted the confusion which would otherwise have attended the king's folly. In other instances, some of the colonies got what they had never been able to get. Winthrop got a splendid charter — in utter disregard of all for- mer .grants — for Connecticut (1662), which embraced both the Hartford and New Haven colonies, and extended from the Nar- ragansett River to the Pacific Ocean, and the beauty of it was, it gave to the colonists unqualified power to govern themselves. Unwittingly, the king and Clarendon had set up a democracy where they only intended to create a close corporation. Rhode Island was favored with a new charter (1663) almost as liberal as the old. The little State could now defy Massachu- setts, who had denied her right to separate existence. For Maryland the restoration meant the restoration of its pro- prietary to all his charter rights and privileges. Virginia, through the faithless Sir William Berkley, was dis- membered by lavish grants to the king's courtiers. New Hampshire and Maine were metamorphosed, by reviving old proprietary rights therein, with a view of selling them to the Duke of Monmouth. The country from Connecticut River to Delaware Bay was (1664), in spite of the Dutch possessions and the charter just given to Winthrop, granted to the Duke of York ; so was part of Maine. Acadia was given back to France. Thus there was disturbance all along the coast-line, and the ingenuity of the young governments was taxed to the uttermost to bring order out of confusion, and save their identities, where it was at all possible. Massachusetts wanted her charter confirmed by the new king. A new one was granted which was not satisfactory, and the Puritans got so stiff about it as to throw them open to the sus- picion of wishing to set up an independent nation. Had Claren- don, the king's prime minister, lived, there is no telling what the hostility of the throne to the attitude the Puritan was forced to assume would have led to. There must have been war, disas- trous to the colonists, for they never talked bolder, though their BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 51 strength was not equal to independence as yet. Clarendon gone, the king and parliament had enough on their hands for a time with home affairs, and during this happy neglect the colonists had opportunity to test their coherence and fighting qualities by defending themselves against that grand old Indian chieftain King Philip (1676). SMASHING AND PATCHING.— When Charles was about to turn his theft of Maine and New Hampshire over to the worthless Duke of Monmouth, Massachusetts got possession of the Gorges claims, paying $6,000 therefor, and thus threw another obstacle in the king's way. After this, Maine was given a separate government and ruled as a province of Massachu- setts (1680).* New Hampshire was not so easily quieted. The Mason claim proved worthless. Therefore Massachusetts lost her hold, and New Hampshire was organized into a royal province, July 24, 1679, the first ever established in New Eng- land. It was a terrible experiment. The king's governor, Cranfield, would rule in accordance with English law and cus- tom, and the colonists would have their local legislature. The contention went on till Cranfield withdrew in despair from those " unreasonable people " (1684). Meanwhile the stiff-necked Puritans of Massachusetts had re- newed their battle for sovereignty. The king attacked their charter. It must go, and go it did June 18, 1684. There was now no bar between the colony and the will of the English sovereign. Was property secure? Was religion in danger? The outlook was gloomy in the extreme. DAWN OF NORTH CAROLINA.— Turn from the cold, sterile North to the sunny, fertile South, and to that part of it over which De Soto roamed at will, in which Coligny failed to plant his Huguenots, and Raleigh to carry out his designs. Here the freakish King Charles II. had enriched courtiers, like Clarendon, Monk, Lord Craven, Lord Ashley Cooper, Lord John Berkley, his brother, Sir William Berkley, Governor of * There were three titles in Maine at this time. (1) French, from the St. Croix to the Penobscot. (2) The Duke of York's, between the Penobscot and the Kenne- bec. (3J Massachusetts', between the Kennebec and Piscataqua. , 52 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Virginia, and Sir George Cartaret, by giving them, as proprie- taries, the Carolina country. It was not now (1660) entirely unpeopled. There were Puritans all around Cape Fear and Vir- ginians in Southern Virginia at Albemarle Sound, that is to say, in North Carolina; and it was to these Albemarle folks that Berkley (of Virginia) sent William Drummond, a Scotch Pres- byterian, as governor, with authority to institute a government which should include " an Assembly of the people and guarantee liberty of conscience." This foothold was not enough for Clarendon and his associates, who dreamed of greater wealth and power in this goodly country. A new charter was obtained which, in defiance of both Spain and Virginia, granted all the land between the Atlantic and Pacific, and between 29 and 36° 30' N. lat. ; that is, all North and South Carolina, Georgia, Ten- nessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, much of Florida and Missouri, nearly all of Texas and a portion of Mex- ico. In this boundless domain — an empire was evidently in- tended — every favor was extended to the proprietaries. To Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftsbury, was entrusted the work of framing a constitution. He was an aristocrat, a skeptic and a scholar, and he and Locke, the philosopher, put their heads together. The result was that stupendous Carolina constitution which has ever since been a wonder to theorists and an object of praise or derision by statesmen. It created a nobility, be- friended the slave system, limited the elective franchise to free- holders of fifty acres, partitioned the land into counties, one-fifth for the proprietaries, one-fifth for the nobility, three-fifths for the people, beyond whose reach lay the executive, the judicial and even the legislative power. The Church of England was to be the national religion, though other religions were not proscribed. This constitution was signed March, 1670, and was heralded as "without compare." A splendid scheme for landgraves and lords of manors, for courts of heraldry and admiralty, but lu- dicrously inflated and inappropriate for a few planters and traders in Carolina cabins ! The fact is, the Virginia planter, the Puritan trader, the Quaker exile, went about their own legislation and governing, very much as if they had never heard of the proprie- BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 53 taries and their magnificent scheme of empire, and the foundations of free local institutions were so deeply laid among them by the time (1681-1688) Sothel came over to administer the govern- ment of the proprietaries that, after a squabble of five or six years, they condemned him to a twelvemonth exile, and went peacefully on with their own affairs. Thus North Carolina came, not rapidly, to be sure, for there was no fixed minister till 1703, no church till 1705, no printing press till 1754, but modestly and quietly, as well she might, for her people were mostly the colon- ists of other colonies, who, tired of restraints, sought serene, unanxious life amid the granges of a southern clime. SOUTH CAROLINA.— So loudly had the coming of the Model Carolina Constitution (Shaftsbury's and Locke's) been proclaimed, and so much the soil and climate of Carolina been praised as the " beauty and envy of North America," that even before the former was signed, Joseph West, as agent and gover- nor for the proprietaries, and William Sayle, as clerical leader, started with a number of emigrants (1670) for the spot (Beau- fort) where the early Huguenots had engraved the lilies of France and erected the first Carolina fortress. But sailing into Ashley River, they stopped at the " first high land,"* and there started the government of South Carolina, the people electing their own legislature and claiming the privileges of full sovereignty. It wasn't in accordance with the " Model Constitution," but it was popular, and when the " Model" came, it was resisted (1672). Still the proprietaries sent over colonists, dissenters as well as churchmen. Already (1671) Sir John Yeamans had arrived from Barbadoes with African slaves.f Dutch emigrants came from New York. An Irish colony came under Ferguson. Even Scotchmen settled at Port Royal, only to be assaulted and scat- tered by the Spanish. But the most remarkable thing in the history of colonial South Carolina is the fact that what Provi- * This spot is now a plantation. Not having any commercial advantages, it was soon overshadowed by Charleston and finally abandoned. •j- Thus slavery in South Carolina was coeval with the first plantations on Ashley River. It was the only one of the original thirteen States that from its cradle was essentially a planting State with slave labor. 54 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. dence postponed for Coligny and Raleigh was, a hundred years later, to come about, and that through a persecution * which added greatly to the intelligence, moral worth and ultimate free- dom of the American colonies, and for Europe hastened the revolution in the institutions of the age. Escaping from a land where their religion was a crime, their estates liable to be confiscated, their children hardly their own, and their lives never safe, Huguenot fugitives from Languedoc, Rochelle, Bordeaux, Poictiers, and the beautiful valley of Tours, men of Puritan hardihood and zeal, but without superstition or fanaticism, came to Charleston and to the Santee. Out of such material did South Carolina spring. It was a pretty southern picture of unity in variety, for all were agreed to rule themselves, and re- sistance to the proprietaries and their visionary code continued till the English revolution of 1688, when a meeting of the repre- sentatives of South Carolina disfranchised Collton, the proprie- tary governor, and banished him from the province. THE DUTCH REALM.— The Dutch, splendid sailors, fond of trade, loving land and settlement, were abroad in the West Atlantic waters as soon as any nation. Henry Hudson's voyage (1606- 1 609) to Newfoundland, to Cape Cod, to the Chesapeake, to the Delaware, thence up the Hudson, his trading-post at Manhattan (New York), his claim, by right of discovery, to all the country from Cape Cod to the mouth of the Delaware, with no westward limit, as " The New Netherlands," make a story full of spirit and novelty. Had not his love of trade been so much greater than his love of acres and his tread not been more firm on the decks of his ships than on dry land, the Dutchman might have pushed his magnificent frontage of four hundred miles clear through to the Pacific. He was industrious, plod- ding, moral, brave, liberty-loving, in fact an excellent colonist, yet his early settlements were only trading-posts. Such was New York in 1623, and Lewistown, on the Delaware, in 1631. In his attempt to push into the valley of the Connecticut he^was absorbed by the Puritan. Then, in Delaware Bay, he was forced * The revocation of the edict of Nantes, October 22, 1685, anc ^ tne slaughter of the Huguenots in France. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. £.5 to meet the Swede, who came along with his liberal Christian scheme, prepared under the auspices of Gustavus Adolphus himself, who was backed by all Germany. SWEDISH ADVENT.— Without charter, or patent, or grant of any kind, but relying on such title as purchase from the In- dian might give when backed by actual settlement, the Swede sailed into the Delaware (1638), built a fort at Christiana Creek, and colonized Delaware anew. Then pushing to Upland, Tini- cum, and even to the Falls of the Delaware (Trenton), he claimed by actual settlement parts of the three States of Delaware, New Jersey and Pennsylvania as New Sweden. The Swede's peace- ful Indian policy, his quiet religious zeal, the beauty and balmi- ness of his new possessions, the feeling of protection that the fame of his arms in Europe engendered, made New Sweden a desirable home for colonists. But his presence was a bold break into the New Netherland country. The Dutch remonstrated, but feared, for Gustavus was a famous fighter. Still they could not bear the loss of their trade which occupancy of both banks of so important a stream as the Delaware, by the Swedes, threatened. Resorting to a shrewd trick, they built a fort at Newcastle, below the Swedish settlement, and thus hemmed the interloping Scan- dinavian in. In a thoughtless hour the Swedish governor at- tacked this fort and drove the Dutch out. Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, sent around a fleet from Manhattan (New York), which swept the Delaware of every Swedish stronghold (1635). But if his New Sweden was thus summarily wiped out, the Swede himself stayed ; his impress is still visible in all the land he possessed ; it was his Indian policy that Penn adopted ; his history is loved and honored ; he was entirely too good a man to drive away, and so became a factor, direct or indirect, in whatever appertained to after Delaware settlement. NEW JERSEY TAKES FORM.— The Dutch were prouder than ever of their great realm, the restored New Netherlands. But there was a sad day ahead. Cromwell would strike Hol- land through her most prosperous colony. His plan of humil- iation was never fully carried out, but it was remembered by Charles II. This monarch gave the country from the Connecti- 56 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. cut to the Delaware to the Duke of York, and then proceeded to expel the Dutch from a domain he contemptuously called his own. Stuyvesant yielded in the face of superior force (September, 1664). In October, 1664, the Dutch and Swedes on the Dela- ware capitulated, and for the first time the whole Atlantic coast of the old thirteen States was in possession of England. The New Netherlands were speedily dismembered. Two months be- fore their fall, and in anticipation of that event, the Duke of York assigned to Berkley and Sir George Cartaret, both pro- prietaries of Carolina, the land between the Hudson and the Delaware (June 23, 1664). This became New Jersey, already peopled by Puritans, Quakers, Swedes and Scotch dissenters. Cartaret became governor, and he gave the colony a liberal form of government. THE QUAKER COMES— All sects were finding an asylum in America, why should not the peaceful, pious, liberty-loving Quaker? His experiment was now ripe for trial. The son of a Leicestershire weaver and the apprentice of a Nottingham shoe- maker, George Fox, had questioned his life, till the revelation came that truth is only to be sought by listening to the voice of God in the soul. Creeds and superstitions and idle forms of men were vanities. The Spirit was the true monitor. This was freedom in the abstract. Monarchy, hierarchy, code, every outward, hampering, trammelling thing, must go down before it. The Quaker rise was remarkable and memorable. It was intel- lectual freedom bursting out amid the masses, the old philos- ophy of the Portico playing its part among the people. Quaker- ism, as developed by Barclay and Penn, became intellectual free- dom, the supremacy of mind, universal enfranchisement. Its reality was the Inner Light. As old as humanity, it embraced humanity. The first distinctive Quaker settlement was in West New Jersey at Salem, 1675, on a moiety of his province bought of Berkley. In this purchase Penn became interested. But the Quaker wanted more. Even the purchase of East New Jersey of the heirs of Cartaret was not enough. A grant must be had west of the Delaware. For this Penn became a suitor in 1680. England owed his father ;£ 16,000 for signal service in ^/CK-HEfltf &Sk3! ^A/DERHN^" LEi/rryp£ co. px/la. :arly explorers, philanthropists and revolutionary statesmen. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 57 naval warfare against the Dutch. Grant of a province was an easy way to cancel the debt. In favor with the Duke of York, he obtained from Charles II., Pennsylvania, which was included within three degrees of latitude and five of longitude, west of the Delaware. The Duke of York retained the three lower counties ; that is, the State of Delaware, as an appendage to his New York possessions. Penn launched his experiment in 1682, at Phila- delphia. His form of government was liberal. No colonist complained of power withheld or right endangered. His scheme is thus epitomized in his own language : " It is the great end of government to support power in reverence with the people, and to secure the people from the abuse of power ; for liberty with- out obedience is confusion, and obedience without liberty is slavery." His policy with the Indian was that of the Swede, who had preceded him. The native was dealt with as a man. His lands were bought, not stolen. Respect for native titles secured firmness for the titles of the colonists.* The experi- ment was a success from the start. The Quaker asylum on the Delaware was thronged by Welsh, and Irish and Scotch, as well as English. The Low Countries and all Germany sent their grand contingent of inoffensive, religious, land-getting, forest-reducing yeomanry. No American colony moved off under such auspices nor with so firm a tread. The Pennsylvania which was in Vir- ginia, in the New Netherlands, in the new Sweden, in the grant to the Duke of York, and as Lord Baltimore claimed partly in Mary- land (hence the dispute which ended in the celebrated Mason and Dixon line) took a title which remained unmolested by royalty, and a territorial shape which corresponds with that of to-day, ex- cept the small triangle on Lake Erie, which was afterwards added. DAWN OF NEW YORK.— New York, like New Jersey, Delaware and Pennsylvania, came into existence by the partition of the New Netherlands. When the Dutch authority passed to England (1664), the soil of the New Netherlands passed to the * We are sorry, for the sake of sentiment, not to be able to draw the usual picture of Penn's treaty with the Indians. It is not historic, but a pretty piece of imagina- tion, due perhaps to West's painting of Penn, the Indians and the treaty tree. Penn's treaty was simply Penn's policy. 58 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Duke of York. We have seen how he disposed of New Jersey, how he withdrew his right in order to let Penn have a clear title to Pennsylvania, how he reserved Delaware, and now his claim to New York remained. It was not the New York of to- day, but Vermont also, and a vague boundary to the west of the Massachusetts Colony. Nor had the Duke of York to plant a colony. It was already planted — a hardy Dutch colony, wealthy, populous, prosperous. He had but to frame a new government in a concessory spirit, and rule, through governors, an empire of strangers. But do his best, things went crooked. The republican spirit was abroad there as well as elsewhere. The local assembly became as clamorous for popular rights as that of any other colony. To deny a colonial parliament and the freeman's voice was to deprive the colonists of the rights of Englishmen. At last, October, 1683, seventy years after Man- hattan was first occupied, nineteen years after the territory passed to the English, the representatives of the people met in assembly, and their self-established " Charter of Liberties " gave New York a place in the colonial brotherhood of the Atlantic. Dutchman and Englishman agreed to a bond of government whose gist was " supreme legislation in governor, council and people, in general assembly met, franchise in freemen without qualification, trial -by jury of peers, taxation only by consent of assembly, no martial law, free religion." A vast advance on Puritanism and on the State Churchism of Virginia. A last desperate effort was made by the Duke of York to hold defiant control of his domains and exercise arbitrary power, by a scheme to consolidate the colonies of the northeast into an empire. This attempt led to a general upsetting of boundaries and great uncertainty of titles, but the colonists were so securely nestled in their seats that few if any settlements lost their jurisdiction or identity. INDEPENDENT DELAWARE.— The three lower coun- ties which the Duke of York reserved as an appendage to his New York domain, when the charter of Pennsylvania was given to Penn, never became a part of New York, in fact. They were permitted to be ruled by the same council that was elected to rule Pennsylvania, all the people voting. But the Pennsylvania BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 59 strength largely preponderated in this council and its control grew irksome. So the lower counties withdrew, with the con- sent of Penn, and were incorporated into a separate government under Governor Markam. Thus did Delaware secure a sepa- rate existence (1691). It was the act of her own citizens. But one thing must be observed. The Stuart dynasty had fallen in England, and the revolution of 1688 had been completed by the induction of Protestant William and Mary. There was a new order of things beyond the water ; there was to be here. Dis- tinctive Defaware was not a Stuart creation, as were all the colonies before it. It therefore had no great change to contem- plate, no radical innovation to fear. It would go on smoothly, toward that destiny which awaited all the colonies, when the hour of Independence came. COLONY OF GEORGIA.— -Like Delaware, Georgia was not to be a colony of the Stuarts. Every colony thus far had its motive for existence, moral, commercial or otherwise — Carolina for the Huguenot, Virginia for the Cavalier, Maryland for the Catholic, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware for the Quaker, New York and Connecticut for the commercial Dutchman and Puritan, Rhode Island for the Independent, Massachusetts and the Northeast for the Puritan. Georgia was to be dedicated to the cause of oppressed poverty in the old world. England and Spain had long been clashing about the Florida and Carolina boundary. England determined to settle the proud claim of Spain to a limitless Florida; in other words she determined to push her Carolina border as far down as she could, and thus open the magnificent area of the Savannah. Oglethorpe, the Penn of the South, a member of parliament, knew of it. He had long been impressed with the hardships of the British debtor laws ; had seen thousands of really good but unfortunate men thrown into prison, lose their all, and their caste too, by means of them ; had devised a plan of giving them a home in the new world, far from the scenes of their misery and disgrace, and where industry and freedom would enable them to recover manhood and fortune. To further this end George II. granted him a charter (June 9, 1732) for the country 6Q BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. between the Savannah and Altamaha, and from the head springs of those rivers west to the Pacific. It was the province of Georgia (after the donor) and was placed for twenty-one years under the guardianship of a corporation " in trust for the poor." With 1 20 emigrants, Oglethorpe planted his ensign on the " high bluff" where Savannah now stands. His enterprise had been undertaken with the best wishes of benevolent England. It was welcomed by the natives of every neighboring tribe. Under the happiest auspices Oglethorpe began the Common- wealth of Georgia, " a place of refuge for the distressed people of Britain and the persecuted Protestants of Europe." And it was truly a refuge (but not for Catholics), for there came num- bers from England, from other colonies, and many Moravians from the continent of Europe. Augusta was laid out, 1734. Oglethorpe's government was somewhat crude, but it proved yielding and the colonists soon enlarged it to suit themselves. While it proscribed Catholics, it prohibited slavery. The fame of this youngest colony was much spread by Oglethorpe, who returned to England after a residence here of fifteen months. Scotch mountaineers came and pitched at New Inverness. Oglethorpe himself returned with large Moravian reinforce- ments. The enthusiasm of religion was abroad in the new country, and the colonists did not fear death. They were therefore brave to shove the Spanish back and make for Eng- land a southern border. Pushing to the St. John's and claiming it as the line, they planted Fort St. George, as the defence of the British frontier. At this Spain rallied. Negotiations ensued, and St. Mary's became the southern boundary of Oglethorpe's colony. But war soon followed, for England was not satisfied with the Spanish presence in Florida at all, neither was Spain satisfied with the Protestant menace which now hugged so closely her northern border. Oglethorpe valiantly defended his colony, drove off the Spaniards, and the "pious experiment" was on a substantial footing. The transition of power from the corporation of Georgia, at the expiration of its twenty-one years, to the people was easy, and sovereignty was as free and fully representative as in any colony. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 61 REVOLUTION OF 1688.— One thing at least is clear in this sketch of colonial creations. The king ever denied the right of the English parliament to interfere with his power to grant lands and to ordain governments for them. The Stuarts clung to this principle with Spartan tenacity. Another thing is equally clear. The colonies, accepting the Stuart doctrine, always claimed exemption from the laws of the British parliament. But in doing so they did not thereby fall back entirely under the legislation prescribed by the king. Colonists claimed the rights of Englishmen. Among those rights was that to a parliament or assembly. Local legislation was theirs by their birthright as Englishmen. Sovereignty meant the same thing here as at home. This at first, and after- wards vastly more, for the colonists had come here because their voice was not large enough at home, nor their rights as freemen broad enough. Here the word freeman meant vastly more than at home. The American assembly was therefore more clearly representative, more popular, more directly responsible. All freemen were in general eligible to it. There were no titles, no estates, nothing to hamper full, free representation. The republican or democratic spirit which had been under- mining the Stuart dynasty at home and shaking monarchical institutions to their centres, here found that expression denied it at home. It here won a victory which the king withheld from his own parliament. But the time had come in England when Englishmen must speak more firmly through their parlia- ment. It too must be made stronger against royal claims ; in other words must become more truly representative of the wishes of the people. The Stuart who would further defy public opinion, who would blindly arrogate legislative power, who would refuse to move with the age and in obedience to overwhelming sentiment, must abdicate. This was the revolu- tion of 1688. For the glory of England they passed from the throne, leaving as their monuments in America a tier of Atlantic colonies which owed their titles and limits to royal charters, but which in liberty and enlightenment were an hundred years in advance of the last representative of the line. 62 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. They were gone. The tide of liberty had rolled so high, even in England, as to engulf them. The people had assumed to sit in judgment on divinely appointed royalty. The old idea of a Christian monarchy resting on the law of God was exploded, and political power was to seek its origin in compact. Nothing was to bind freemen to obey government save their own solemn agreement. Power for the Stuart was a right. Power hence- forth was to be a trust, whose violation dissolved the obligation to allegiance. Supreme power was to be in the legislature, which was the true embodiment of the sovereignty of the peo- ple. In 1688 England had gotten as far on as Massachusetts in 1620, or, for that matter, as any of the colonies at the date of their foundation. Yet not so far, for the parliament that arose to the full height of English sentiment in expelling the Stuarts and assuming to act as the guardian of power for the people, too boldly stood in the king's shoes. It was well enough at home, but when it claimed the right to legislate for the colonies, it was doing far more than smiting a dead Stuart ; it was doing, now that there was no Stuart to interpose his despotic veto, that which would arouse in America a sentiment of opposition full of remonstrance at first, full of revolution at last. The parliament's fight was always with the king ; now it would be direct with the colonies. Thus, by a strange conjuncture of affairs, the very dynasty which had all along stood in the way of English progress and reform, had been not only the protec- tion of the colonies, but the chief contributor to the triumph of the republican spirit within them and to their ultimate inde- pendence. But as yet the consequences of the change in dynasty could not be foreseen. Even if some prophetic soul could have taken in the next century as far down as to I J 76 or 1 783, and proclaimed what it saw in tones sufficiently loud to have been heard by every colonist, the rejoicing over the accession of William III. and Mary would not have been less spontaneous and emphatic. Charters which existed had been overlapped and confused be- yond comprehension. Charters which covered heady and oppos- ing colonies had been unceremoniously and ruthlessly cancelled. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 63 Many colonies had fought the battles of the new American institution and civilization against the king's claim of legislative interference, to the very verge of despair and surrender. But above all the new dynasty was confirmedly Protestant, and in that respect representative of,a great majority sentiment at home and in the colonies. A source of fresh colonial inspiration, it began by rejecting the old order of things. Cancelled charters were restored. New governors were commissioned. There was jostling here and shaking up there, but in general the liber- ties of the people became more securely imbedded in well-under- stood forms of law. Prosperity was not retarded, nor faith in colonial experiment weakened. The grand result was a rebound of strength and confidence, and a new departure in colonial spirit and enterprise. Only on one side was the sky dark, and there hovered the cloud of the rejuvenated English parliament. The seeds of the American revolution had ever been in its claim of a right to legislate for the colonies. Now the seeds were bursting through the ground, for parliament was already legis- lating on American commerce ; they would grow and bear bloody fruit when the avowal came that the right existed to legislate for them in all cases whatsoever. STATE OUTLINES. — We have now taken a hasty view of English titles to the territory on the Atlantic coast. We have followed the divisions of that territory among the colonies, and seen how each colony got metes and bounds. Further, we have endeavored to give a reason for the existence of each colony, its underlying and actuating motive for colonization, the class of mind that took part in the work of pioneering, the shape their new institutions took almost from the start ; and especially have we tried to impress on the reader a knowledge of the active political spirit, the love of freedom, the desire for unfettered per- sonal sovereignty, the rapid growth of the democratic idea and republican institutions, in the new land, all in spite of firm attach- ment to monarchy, and because the men, the time, the country, made other results impossible. One can already see in these beginnings the dawn of the full state institution. The spirit which permeated each colony at 64 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the time of the English revolution of 1688 did not change, ex- cept as it grew larger, freer, bolder, till the colonial yoke was broken.* And so one can see in the confused and overlapping boundaries of these colonies the dim territorial outlines of the thirteen original States. Indeed some, as Delaware, Maryland, Rhode Island, never afterwards shifted their colonial limits. With others, time brought about many geographic changes, and settled grave questions of boundary which arose chiefly from the fact that their charters and grants were either open at the western end, or extended clear through to the Pacific. The names of the colonies became the names of the respective States both undar the articles of confederation and the present federal constitution. FRENCH EMPIRE.— Though the Dutch, the Swedes, and the French had passed from the Atlantic front of the present United States, the latter were still the proud claimants of vast and fertile areas North, West, and South. French adventure in America was a strange admixture of commercial and religious zeal. A single person was often priest, trader, and colonist. As already seen, the French advent was early. Years before the Pilgrims anchored at Cape Cod, French missionaries had .planted a Roman Church in eastern Maine (161 5), and Le Caron, sub- sisting by alms from the natives, had, on foot and in canoe, pushed his way to the rivers of Lake Huron (1616). The grant of New France to Richelieu, Champlain, Razilly and the hundred associates, by Louis XIII. (1627), embraced the St. Lawrence basin, and that of all rivers running into the sea (hence the French claim to Maine and New York), and also all the country * " Even if the colonists disclaimed any present passion for independence, they were, in the inherent opposition between their principles and the English system, as ripe for governing themselves in 1689 as in 1776." — Bancroft, vol. Hi., 109. "The independency the colonies thirst after is notorious." — Biitish Lords of Trade, in 1 701. " Commonwealth notions improve daily, and if it be not checked in time the rights and privileges of English subjects will be thought too narrow." — Quarry, writing in 1703. " The colonists will in time cast off their allegiance and set up a government of their own." — Print, of 1705. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 65 south of Virginia and north of Spanish Florida (perhaps even all Florida).* To the West all was open, and to the Jesuit was entrusted the work of enlarging the French Dominion. Cham- plain held and peopled the line of the St. Lawrence. Brebeuf and Daniel pierced the Huron possessions, chanting their Te Deums among the pines and bringing the tawny natives to sea the light. Quebec and Montreal got to be important towns, and the great lake water-ways became familiar. Frenchmen stood looking into the land of the Sioux, the great valley of the Mis- sissippi, five years before Eliot addressed the Indian in the vicinity of Boston. Marquette established the Mission of St. Mary, at the outlet of Lake Superior, in 1668. It was the oldest settlement by Europeans within the present State of Michigan, but was not permanent. He projected the discovery of the true Mississippi, and designed to plant the banners of France on the Pacific or by the side of Spain, on the Gulf of Mexico. With Joliet for a companion, they ascend the Fox River, cross to the Wisconsin, and in two birch-bark canoes '■ happily float down the great river " between the wide plains of Illinois and Iowa, to Des Moines, then past the great Missouri, the Ohio (then called Wabash), and on to the Akansea (Arkansas). There they found that the Father of Rivers went, not into the ocean east of Florida, nor yet into the Gulf of California. Returning, they ascended the Illinois, passed up through Chicago to Lake Michigan (Lake of the Illinois), and on to the Green Bay Settlement (1673). La Salle took up the wondrous tale and added one of its most brilliant chapters. His towns mark his trail. Leaving Niagara in 1679, he was at the site of Detroit,f Mackinaw, up the St. *This New France of the South was the portion Coligny designed to settle with Huguenots, and after him Raleigh. It passed naturally from France to England, because both countries were anxious to see Raleigh redeem Coligny's failure, and to have a Protestant barrier set up against Spain's Catholic Florida. f Detroit was permanently settled by De la Motte Cadillac, with one hundred Frenchmen, in June, 1 701. It is the oldest permanent settlement in Michigan. Michigan, therefore, has a history back of Georgia, and is the oldest of the Western States with, perhaps, the exception of Illinois. We say ger haps, because the claim is made that Kaskaskia (111.) was the oldest permanent European settlement in the valley of the Mississippi. It was founded by Father Gravier, as a Jesuit Mission, 5 66 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Joseph, and over at Kankakee. While Hennepin took in the upper Mississippi, perhaps to its source, La Salle studied the valleys of the Ohio, Illinois and Tennessee, and in 1682 descended the Mississippi to its mouth, realizing Marquette's dream of plant- ing the arms of France on the Gulf. It was named Louisiana, in honor of Louis XIV., and " the terrestrial paradise of America," " the delight of the New World." By 1685 a colony came for Lou- isiana, but striking Matagorda Bay, it stopped there, and made Texas a part of the French Empire in America. By no treaty or document did France ever relinquish her hold on Texas ex- cept by the general cessions of Louisiana. For years France clung tenaciously to her magnificent Amer- ican possessions, the richest, best watered, most boundless, owned by any foreign nation. Though an active and indefati- gable colonist, her institutions were too far behind the age, too much infused with Romanism, too feudal in character, to find high or permanent development in the new soil. By 1706 her title to the New France of the South, between Virginia (really * the Carolinas) and Florida, had been wholly merged in that of England. In 17 13, Acadia (Nova Scotia and part of Maine) was ceded to the English. It " was the most important part " of the New France of the North. There was a general withdrawal of all French claims to the line of Lake Champlain, and to the set- tlements in New York. But by 1721 they were back at Niagara, and stout claimants for, as well as actual occupants of, their St. Lawrence possessions. Their Louisiana, which had not been affected by the peace of Utrecht (17 1 3), was a wonderful country. Blending with New France on the line of the lakes, and cut off nowhere in the north except by the possessions of the Hudson Bay Company in the extreme northwest, it ran to the gulf at Mobile, swept the gulf line to the mouth of the Rio Grande, then up to the Red River ridges, then west to the Gulf of California. These were ideal but the date is not known exactly. He was in Illinois in 1693, and probably his mission was then founded. The fact that Kaskaskia got to be an important mis- sionary centre may have helped to give it rank as the oldest permanent settlement of the West. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 67 bounds, but such as France was willing to maintain against both England and Spain. .Not a fountain flowed west of the sources of the Allegheny, Monongahela, Kanawha or Tennessee which did not rise in French soil. What a menace to the British colonies ! What a barrier to westward advancement ! Such could not long be. By the tripartite treaty of February 16, 1763, between England, France and Spain, France ceded to Eng- land all Canada and all of her Louisiana east of the Mississippi and as far south as the Iberville River, thence eastward to the sea. This left her only a small strip along the gulf, east of the Mis- sissippi, and her immense domains west of that river. But only for a moment. On the same day all that was left of Louisiana on the continent was ceded to Spain. France was virtually out of the country. It had been a war (the Seven Years' War) for new territorial adjustment, both in Europe and America, and even in view of the results on this continent alone, well may George III. have said : " England never signed such a peace before, nor, I believe, any other power in Europe." RESULTS OF FRENCH LOSS.— Moreover, it had been a war largely fought on American soil. Never before had the forests of the New World reverberated the steady tramp of so many armed and disciplined men. At Lake George alone there assembled an army of 15,000 from New York, New Jersey and New England for the grand assault on Canada. To the south the forces of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania fell into line to move on Fort Duquesne, and embalm the name of Pitt in the border town (Pittsburg), which was to stand as the gateway of the west so long as the Allegheny and Monongahela shall flow to form the Ohio, or the English tongue shall continue to be the language of freedom in the boundless areas traversed by their waters. And still farther to the south arose the clangor of camp and din of war. France would strike the rear of Virginia and the Carolinas by means of the Indians in the fastnesses of Ten- nessee, fed and spurred on by food and counsel from the line of the Mississippi. The rangers of the Carolinas did their best to puncture the eastward moving centre of the mighty Cherokees. If they failed, failure was not disastrous, for peace covered dis- 68 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. comfiture with the bloom of new auspices, and a knowledge of the Tennessee and Cumberland valleys had been gained which would soon be turned to good account. THE AMERICAN OUTLOOK.— -If the English king and Protestant Europe could justly fall into raptures over the im- mense results of the war in America alone, much more could the colonies pride themselves on such results. They had opened an empire for themselves beyond the Alleghenies, across the prairies, even to the father of waters. The acquisition repre- sented their money, valor and blood. Even the plan of striking France through her New France and Louisiana was American, and due to the sagacity of our own Franklin. Then its result here was not a mere riddance of a powerful neighbor, not a mere acquisition of limitless, fertile acres. It was proof that the colonies could stand together in the face of a common danger, evidence that thus compacted they had all the elements of a nation, and especially that of strength to defend themselves against old world aggression, however skilfully armed and boldly pushed. With confidence, therefore, they peered from the peaks of the Alleghenies into their western valleys, and with a fervor, too, equal to that of Marquette, who, seventy years before, stand- ing on the margin of the lakes, cast his prophetic eye to the gulf and saw the French lily bloom perennially amid the wild flowers of the prairies. Thus contemplating a political mastery which ranged from the gulf to the poles, whose forms of institu- tion, law and literature were to spread the English tongue more widely than any that had ever given expression to human thought, the gazers from their mountain tops might well have chanted in chorus Bancroft's sublime apostrophe : " Go forth, then, language of Milton and Hampden, language of my country, take possession of the North American conti- nent ! Gladden the waste places with every tone that has been rightly struck on the English lyre, with every English word that has been spoken well for liberty and for man ! Give an echo to the now silent and solitary mountains ; gush out with the foun- tains that as yet sing their anthems all day long without response; fill the valleys with the voices of love in its purity, the pledges BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. (J9 of friendship in its faithfulness, and as the morning sun drinks the dewdrop from the flowers all the way from the dreary At- lantic to the Peaceful ocean, meet him with the joyous hum of the early industry of freemen ! Utter boldly and spread widely through the world the thoughts of the coming apostles of the people's liberty, till the sound that cheers the desert shall thrill through the heart of humanity, and the lips of the messenger of the people's power, as he stands in beauty upon the mountains, shall proclaim the renovating tidings of equal freedom for the race DRIFT TOWARD INDEPENDENCE.— -The plans of kings, as well as those of ordinary mortals, go oft awry. The wisdom of statesmen however shrewd may become a torment to nations. When England drove out the Stuarts, and enthroned Protestantism in the person of William III. and Mary, she un- wittingly strengthened the hands of aristocracy, and organized a parliament which in support of its own claims to authority could never consistently surrender its control of the American colonies. Here was the beginning of independence and revolu- tion. Now, by the Treaty of Paris (1763), and the cession of her American possessions to England and Spain, France had very deftly shifted the whole colonial policy of Europe. Her states- men saw that for France to attempt to maintain colonies in New France and Louisiana, was to incur constant wars and expend- itures, if not to attempt impossibilities. They saw that her monarchical forms simply shut off from her American colonies even her own philosophy, economy, industrial genius, .legal skill, and ideas of Protestant freedom, and that without these, or even better than these, no American colony could be made to live permanently and prosper vigorously. They saw that the exhausted polity of the middle ages, the castes of feudal Europe, the despotism of infallible churchism, the titles of nobility, the leases of land to vassals, and vassalage itself, could not be perpetuated, where men who held the plough were the bone and sinew of the land, and the only hope of colonial success. And seeing these things — the power of England and Spain 70 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. had opened their eyes to them — they were not afraid to make confession of them by that surrender which left France without a patch of American ground. And they saw other things too. They saw that as England held the Atlantic front, her future colonial policy would be largely commercial. If France should add to this front a do- main extending to the Mississippi, to the gulf, and to the pole, it would make England's policy both political and commercial. It would sharpen the desire of her parliament to rule it from home, and would make anxious and determined that authority, which nothing but revolution could shake. In a word, it would fully commit England to a dominion in America, in accordance with her own forms of law. And thus committed, France saw that the British situation would be full of dangers. Far ad- vanced as England was, it would still be like an attempt to fit a dead carcass to a living soul, for English-America had English liberties in greater purity, and with far more of the power of the people than in England. The colonial inhabitants were self- organized bodies of freeholders, natural forest-levelers, industrious soil-winners, bold pioneers, pushing their way farther and farther each year, and scorning to take any step backward. They had schools, printing presses, books, newspapers, lawyers, doctors, ministers of their own choosing. They were self-helpful in private affairs, and confident of their ability to care for them- selves politically through their local legislatures and municipal corporations. They were proud of their dwelling-place, and had unbounded faith in its future, under their own management. They were strong numerically and physically, and had just showed that they were capable of union both for defending the flag of England, and driving off the French foe that hovered all along their northern and western border. That menace removed, the need of reliance on England for protection against France no longer felt, left alone to confront only the attempt of England to fasten on them her obnoxious laws, what wouldn't they do ? France saw what they would do, and knew what they were capable of doing. Her surrender of Canada and Louisiana was therefore a blow at England. She would turn the force to which BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. . 71 she had to succumb into a weapon with which England might cut her own colonial throat.* BAD FIX OF ENGLAND.— The Treaty of Paris (1763) left England with a debt of ^700,000,000* half of which was due to The Seven Years' War. She got nothing in Europe to com- pensate her. But she got, in America, Canada and the Ohio Valley. With her rule of the former we have nothing to do. The latter came directly to her Atlantic colonies. As they pro- fited, therefore should England profit. Here began that scheme of parliamentary control which was designed to make the col- onies pay as much of the English war debt as possible, which took exclusive jurisdiction of their commerce, which imposed burdensome taxes, which denied representation in the British parliament, and which culminated in the claim of a right to ex- clusive legislative jurisdiction. The colonial charters should all fall and one uniform system of government be substituted in their stead. To make sure of order and strict enforcement of law, a part of the standing army was to find quarters in the col- onies and be supported at their expense. The father of the *This policy of France, even if a compulsory one, was far-sighted and clung to with the greatest tenacity. She had studied it long and well, and its merits were recognized by shrewd observers, long before the game was exposed by the surrender of her American territory. As early as 1748 it was reasoned in New York that the conquest of Canada by relieving the northern colonies from danger would hasten their emancipation. A Swedish traveller, in that year, published the same in Europe as his impression. It was an early dream of John Adams that the "re- moval of the turbulent Gallics," would be a prelude to the approaching greatness of the country. The French minister of foreign affairs warned the English envoy that the cession of Canada would lead to the independence of North America. When New France surrendered, Choiseul, a Frenchman, exclaimed, " We have caught them (the English) at last." Vergennes said, "England will ere long re- pent of having removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. She will call on them to contribute toward supporting the burdens they helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off all dependence." Lord Mansfield de- clared, " Ever since the Treaty of Paris I always thought the Northern Colonies were meditating a state of independency on Great Britain. France backed the policy thus begun by aiding the colonies when they did strike for independence. And so Napoleon, to further aid the commercial supremacy of the United States and cripple that of England, got possession of Spanish Louisiana, only to turn it over to this country." # 72 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. scheme was the celebrated Charles Townsend, English First Lord of Trade, with the administration of the colonies, who was supposed to know more about American affairs than any other man. It struck parliament March 9, 1763, in the shape of an American tax-bill, and almost immediately the colonies, espe- cially those of the north, began to thunder back their resentment. The horns of parliament and the colonies were locked in that dread encounter which in thirteen years would result in inde- pendence. FIRST COLONIAL CONGRESS.—* ^Tbwhsend's Tax scheme was known to be the forerunner of the Stamp Act, Sugar Act, and Tea Act, which, when they came, would crown the power of parliament to get into the homes and pockets of the American colonists. The sentiment of protest therefore became as lively as if these acts were already a fact. The stream of resistance ran rapidly and angrily, and bore along inevitably toward the final plunge into revolution. The eloquent voices of Samuel Adams and James Otis were heard in Massachusetts, and a Boston town-meeting, protesting loyalty to the crown, pleaded for the rights of " the free-born subjects of Great Britain in America."* A response was heard from the Rhode Island assembly, where Stephen Hopkins was governor (1764). New York, which had moved in 1 7 59, now seconded her first motion. North Carolina expressed her concurrence with the views of Massachusetts in the same year. And soon Connecticut, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Virginia joined their voices of remonstrance to the chorus, which was now heard high above the din of waves * Otis argued that the original possessors of power were the whole people ; that the colonies enjoyed the right of governing and taxing themselves through their local legislatures ; that there was no proscription old enough to supersede the law of nature and the grant of God Almighty, who had given all men a right to be free; that nothing but life and liberty were hereditable; that in solving the grand political problem the first principle must be the equality and power of the whole. And these became the prevailing Whig (anti-Tory) views of the day and the colonial cause. The party names were Whigs, Patriots, Sons of Liberty, these for the colonists opposed to taxation; and Loyalists, Tories and Friends of Government, these for the parliament and crown. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 73 on the whole Atlantic front. Plea followed plea, for justice; petition after petition was sent over for parliament to stay its hard, heavy hand. Argument after argument was advanced in favor of free colonial existence, subject always to that depend- ence which had existed from the start. Parliament persisted. Townsend closed his mightiest effort, in favor of the Stamp Act (1765) with "These children of our planting (the colonists)^ nourished by our indulgence until they are grown to a good degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our arms, will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the heavy load of national expense which we lie under ? " To which Colonel Barre, with eye darting fire and voice full of emotion, replied : " Children planted by your care ? No ! your oppression planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny into a then uninhabited land where they were exposed to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable, and among others to the savage cruelty of the enemy of the country — a people the most subtle and terrible of any that ever in- habited any part of God's earth ; yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met these hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in their own country from the hands of those that should have been their friends. "They nourished by your indulgence? They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care for them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule over them in one department and another, who were perhaps the deputies of some deputy of members of this house, sent to spy out their liberty, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them — men whose behavior on many occasions has caused the blood of those Sons of Liberty to recoil within them — men promoted to the highest seats of justice; some, to my knowledge, were glad by going to foreign countries to escape being brought to a bar of justice in their own. " They protected by your arms ? They have nobly taken up arms in your defence, have exerted their valor amidst their con- stant and laborious industry for the defence of a country whose frontiers, while drenched in blood, its interior parts have yielded 74 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. all its little savings to your enlargement ; and believe me — re- member I tl lis day told you so — that the same spirit which actuated that people at first will continue with them still. But prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat. What I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart ; however superior to me in general knowledge and experience the respectable body of this House (of Commons) may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people there are as truly loyal, I believe, as any subjects the king has ; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if they should be violated. But the subject is too delicate. I will say no more." Imagine the effect upon the colonists of a speech like this fired right into the midst of a Tory parliament ! Otis suggested to the Massachusetts assembly a meeting of committees from all the assemblies of the colonies and a circular was sent out to such assemblies, to secure joint action in opposing the English policy. Now, England trusted her entire policy of taxation to the assumed fact that union among the colonies was impossible. As the response to the Massachusetts circular was slow, it began to seem as if the English idea were, for the time being, correct, but Virginia sprang into the front, and her Patrick Henry, against the opposition of such as Bland, Pendleton, Randolph, and Wythe, startled her House of Burgesses with his warning flash of history : " Tarquin and Caesar had each a Brutus ; Charles the First his Cromwell ; and George the Third [cries of treason ! treason !] may profit by their example ! " The result (1765) was a series of resolutions whose gist was no obedience to a law imposing a tax not sanctioned by the general assembly. Rhode Island agreed to act in concert with Massachusetts. South Carolina, through the influence of Gadsden, selected com- missioners. Pennsylvania and Connecticut acted similarly. All the thirteen colonies either expressed sympathy or chose dele- gates. " Join or die " became a favorite motto. The " Sons of Liberty" were organized, who meant opposition of the most determined character. " Liberty, property, and no BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 75 stamps " was the greeting prepared for the English stamp dis- tributors.* The congress met in the City Hall, New York, Oct. 7, 1765. It consisted of twenty-eight delegates from nine colonies, four, though sympathizing with the movement, not choosing repre- sentatives. For the first time the patriots of America were together on the question of entire colonial union. It published a declaration of rights and grievances, expressing loyalty to the king, respect for parliament where it had a right to legislate, claiming the rights of English-born subjects, affirming the injus- tice of taxation without representation, setting forth the adequacy of their own local legislatures to attend to all their local con- cerns, f An address to the king was prepared in the same spirit. The congress adjourned on the 25th of October. There was something now to give coherency to debate and resolution in the respective colonies. The Whig and Tory parties in each could talk to a point, and they did with a direct- ness and vehemence which made the forest assemblies ring. * The Stamp Act passed the House of Commons Feb. 27, 1765, and the House of Lords March 8, 1765. It introduced direct taxation into the English policy. But for the fact that it was carrying that policy to the uttermost, it should not have been as objectionable as the previous navigation acts which virtually limited Ameri- can trade to England alone. Americans could get no commodity of use to them, from any nation, other than England, without collecting a heavy duty on it for England's benefit. And now, under the Stamp Act, stamps were to be paid for and affixed to all legal and commercial transactions of moment. f The colonies represented were : Massachusetts, by James Otis, Oliver Partridge, Timothy Ruggles. South Carolina, by Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, John Rutledge. Pennsylvania, by John Dickinson, John Morton, George Bryan. Rhode Island, by Metcalf Bowler, Henry Ward. Connecticut, by Eliphalet Dyer, David Rowland, William S. Johnson. Delaware, by Thomas McKean, Caesar Rodney. Maryland, by William Murdock, Edward Tilghman, Thomas Ringgold. New Jersey, by Robert Ogden, Hendrick Fisher, Joseph Bordon. New York, by Robert Livingston, John Cruger, Philip Livingstone, William Bayard, Leonard Lespinward. Virginia, New Hampshire, Georgia and North Carolina did not send delegates. Delegates present from only six of the colonies signed the proceedings of the con- gress ; New York, Connecticut and South Carolina delegates not being authorized to sign. 76 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The turmoil grew thicker and louder, and the voice of remon- strance turned to angry, desperate threat of everlasting resist- ance, when the odious Grenville ministry fell and the Rocking- ham Cabinet took its place. It had an ear for colonial plaint, and Franklin * was there to fill it with his wisely weighed * Grenville. " Do you think it right that America should be protected by this country and pay no part of the expense ? " Franklin. " That is not the case : the colonies raised, clothed and paid during the last war (with France for Canada and Louisiana) 25,000 men and spent many mil- lions of pounds." Grenville. " Were you not reimbursed by parliament ? " Franklin. " Only what, in your opinion, we had advanced beyond our propor- tion, and it was a very small part of what we spent. Pennsylvania spent ^500,000 and got back ^60,000." Grenville. " Do you think the people of America would submit to pay a stamp duty, if it were moderated?" Franklin. " No ; never. They will never submit to it." Grenville. " May not a military force carry the Stamp Act into execution ? " Franklin. " Suppose one were sent to America ; they will find nobody in arms, what can they do ? They cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to do without them. They will not find rebellion ; they may, indeed, make one." Grenville. " How would the Americans receive a future tax, imposed on the same principle with that of the Stamp Act ? " Franklin. " Just as they do this ; they will not pay it." Grenville. " What will be the opinion of the Americans on the resolution of parliament asserting the right to tax them? " Franklin. " They will think it unconstitutional and unjust." Grenville. " How would they receive an internal regulation connected with the tax? " Franklin. " It would be objected to. When aids to the crown are wanted they are, according to the old established usage, to be asked of the assemblies, who will, as they always have done, grant them freely. They think it extremely hard that a body in which they have no representation should make a merit of giving what is not its own, but theirs." Townsend. " Is not the post-office which they have long received a tax as well as regulation?" Franklin. " No ; the money paid for postage of letters is a remuneration for service done." Townsend. " If a small tax were levied, would they submit ? " Franklin. " They will oppose it to the last. The people will pay no internal tax imposed by parliament." Grenville. " But suppose the internal tax to be laid on the necessaries of life ? " Franklin. " I do not know a single article imported into the northern colonies but what th«y can do without or make themselves. The people will work and spin for themselves in their own nouses. In three years there may be wool and manu- factures enough." — Condensed from Bancroft, vol. v., 430-433. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 77 words of remonstrance and counsel. The Stamp Act was re- pealed March 1 8, 1766, and a thrill of joy was felt throughout colonial America. Liberty Tree in Boston was lighted with lanterns : South Carolina voted Pitt, the Whig leader in the House of Commons, a statue ; Virginia an obelisk to the king. The resolutions and address of the first American Congress, which had called a halt in parliament, were thus being rever- berated through the colonies. AN AMERICAN PARTY.— But joy was soon turned to sorrow. Pitt left the Commons and went into the House of Lords, as Earl of Chatham. This brought the odious Charles Townsend to the front again in the Commons, and he was at his old scheme of American taxation, this time in a form even more objectionable than the Stamp Act. An export tax was to be collected on all goods sent to America. Any American assem- bly which dared to discuss the measure or appoint delegates to a convention or congress whose object was to remonstrate against it or to take further steps toward colonial union, was to be regarded as seditious, and if need be dispersed. Again the colonies were in a ferment. This time the sentiment of union and independence was deeper and bolder. Every colony agreed to resist to the uttermost the claim of the parliament. The result was a partial repeal of the obnoxious act, but the danger was not wholly removed. What had been all along a patriotic public opinion was now becoming an anti-English or American party. The demand became specific for a Union and a Con- gress, and it was urged that such a union, firm and perpetual, would be a sure foundation for freedom and the great basis of every public blessing. All the colonies were enjoined to prepare to act as joint members of the Grand American Com- monwealth. TEA ACT AND A CONGRESS.— The Tea Act of '1773 was an effort to tax the colonists for the benefit of a mere trading company. The mighty surge of passion now plainly meant resistance. The demand was for a " Congress of Ameri- can States to frame a bill of rights or form an Independent State, an American Commonwealth." Thus thundered the Press 78 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. throughout the colonies. * Union, Union, was the first, the last hope for America." The contents of the Boston tea-ships were emptied in the harbor. Those for Philadelphia put back with- out unloading. Those for Charleston landed their contents to have them perish in the cellars. The ministry had chosen the least effective way of governing, and the most effective way of uniting the colonies. Louder than ever cried the Press; V No time is to be lost ; a Congress or meeting of the American States is indispensable, and what the people wills shall be effected " (1773). The predicament of parliament was getting more desperate every day. It must recede, or coerce the defiant colonists. The Boston Port Act (1774) was coercive. Now, said Samuel Adams, " Not only common danger, bondage and disgrace, but national truth and honor, conspire to make the colonists resolve to stand or fall together." On the flag floating over the popular assemblies which gathered everywhere was the legend " Union and Liberty." Wrote Ezra Stiles, " If oppres- sion proceeds despotism may force an annual congress ; and a public spirit of enterprise may originate an American Magna Charta and a Bill of Rights, supported by such intrepid and persevering importunity as even sovereignty may hereafter judge it not wise to withstand. There will be a Runnymede in America." * A population of two and a half million colonists were in action, moving steadily forward, marching together toward an end which Providence had marked out for them. Plans for a Congress were well under way. Delegates were being selected and instructed, and the talk of Independence, Union and force was universal. The calm Washington said in the Virginia Convention, "I will raise one thousand men, subsist them and equip them at my own expense, and march myself at their head for the relief of Boston." f At ten o'clock, Sept. 5, 1774, delegates from twelve colonies (Georgia did not elect) met at Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, and began the Sessions of # Holeme's Life of Stiles. The time of the writing was July I, 1 774. f August, 1774, Works John Adams, ii., 360. Lynch of South Carolina said to John Adams this was the most eloquent speech that ever was made. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 79 the First Continental Congress.* They came well instructed and full of the work in hand, literally forced together by a common grievance. The spectacle was one calculated to im- press any beholder. Differing in religion, commercial interests, in everything dependent on climate and labor, in usages and manners, and swayed by prejudices, even quarreling about boundaries, the colonies found themselves in one representative body, and the exponent of a power that was to be felt throughout the civilized world. f CONGRESS AND UNION—" To petition for redress, to restore harmony between Great Britain and America." On this basis the Congress started, with Peyton Randolph as president. " Each colony should have one vote ; " this after animated de- bate. The Congress sat with closed doors. Word came that Gage was firing on Boston. This nerved the members. Gallo- way's Tory plan for governing the colonies as dependencies of Great Britain was rejected, and the vote showed that the Whigs had control of the Congress. A resolution of sympathy with, and approval of, the conduct of the Massachusetts people was * The colonial Congress of 1765 at New York was properly speaking a conven- tion. So of that at Albany in 1754. f The delegates were, in the order of their choosing by the colonies : Rhode Island, Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward. Massachusetts, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine. Maryland, Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, Robert Goldsborough, William Paca, Samuel Chase. Connecticut, Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, Silas Deane. New Hampshire, John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom. Pennsylvania, Joseph Galloway, Samuel Rhoades, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Humphries, John Morton, George Ross, Edward Riddle. New Jersey, James Kinsey, William Livingstone, John Dehart, Stephen Crane, Richard Smith. Delaware, Caesar Rodney, Thomas McKean, George Reed. South Carolina, Henry Middleton, John Rutledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, Edward Rutledge. Virginia, Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton. North Carolina, William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, Richard Caswell. New York, James Duane, John Jay, Philip Livingston, Isaac Low, William Floyd, Henry Wisner, John Alsop, John Herring, Simon Boerum. 80 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. passed and ordered to be sent to Gage. On October 14, 1774, the celebrated Bill of Rights was agreed upon. With the excep- tion of two articles it was adopted unanimously. It was passed with the hope that it would lead to a permanent colonial union, self-supporting, self-governing, yet a union unbroken in its con- nection with England. The next step was coercive. The Con- gress agreed to a great American association (October 20) to regulate commercial intercourse with Great Britain. It consisted of fourteen articles, and the covenant was in these words : " We do for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies, whom we represent, firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor and love of country." It looked to non- importation, non-exportation and non-consumption of English merchandise as a means of compelling the restoration of Amer- ican rights. It struck directly at the slave trade. It agreed on non-intercourse with any colony that violated the articles of the association, holding it as " unworthy the rights of freemen and as inimical to the liberties of their country." This compact for the preservation of American rights, this " league of the conti- nent which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America," may be justly regarded as the commencement of the American Union.* Its members had no hope that their actions woald prove acceptable to England. They therefore adjourned, privately advising one another to prepare for the worst and to be looking after sinews of war and methods of defence. Fixing the 10th of May, 1775, as the time for a second Congress, it dis- solved on October 26, 1774. Its work was ratified in the entire twelve colonies with a heartiness and unanimity which showed * " The signature of the association by the members of the Congress may be considered as the commencement of the American Union." — Hildreth, iii., p. 46. "Among all the original associates in the memorable league of the continent in 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America, he (Washington) was the only one remaining in the general government." — President John Adams, December 22, 1799. " It was an embodiment of the sentiment of Union and of the will of the people on the subject of their commercial relations — the first enactment, substantially, of a general law for America. For nearly two years the instrument was termed " The Association of the United Colonies." — Frothinghatri 's Rise of the Republic, p. 374. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 81 * how deeply the sentiment of union was laid and how all-pervad- ing it was. The States of Greece, after centuries of existence, never reached the dignity thus attained by the American col- onies, to wit, that of a federal council habitually directing and to be habitually obeyed. The Whigs saw in the union a sentiment crystallized into law and power. The Tories saw in it only an ebullition, a rope of sand. It was at least such a thing, said Richard Stockton, " as would repel force by force if the British government should attempt to execute its acts by force." The doings of the Congress were rejected by the king and parlia- ment, and force was agreed upon. SECOND CONGRESS.— -Nearly the same members as com- posed the first Congress assembled in Independence Hall, May 10, 1775. All its acts looked to a closer colonial union. But up came the question of sovereignty. What is its source, what its limit? Whence does it come, where does it stop ? The answer would in- volve the real principle of government. The provincial assembly had been a great training school. It was, tacitly at least, agreed that the people were the source of sovereignty, that it was theirs to command, to institute organic law, to establish public authority, to compel obedience. On this foundation rose the American superstructure of permanent, federal government. It was not a shock to the architects, but in fitting the principle to practical union much difficulty would be experienced, many surrenders would have to be made, for, be it known, the colonies had as yet few elements of union in themselves. The impelling thing was a common danger. The vigor, power, beauty, advantage, pride of union were things to be unknown to them, or only guessed at, till the panoply of union had been over them for a little time. The second great question was defence. Boston was besieged. Washington was made commander-in-chief of all armies raised or to be raised for the defence of America by unanimous ballot on June 15, 1775. Thus began an American army. Franklin submitted a plan of confederation and perpetual union under the name of " United Colonies of North America."* Lord North * This plan was submitted July 21, 1775. It was not acted on at this session, but was largely incorporated in the Articles of Confederation. 6 ;S2 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. had weakened a little and submitted a plan by which he thought peace might be brought about. It was submitted to Franklin, Jefferson, John Adams and Richard Henry Lee. Their report, repudiating it, was adopted by the Congress July 31. The col- onies deliberately chose the hazards of war rather than surrender their ancient right of self-government. North hoped to deal with them as separate units. They resolved to be dealt with only as a bundle of units — a nation. Postal communication was estab- lished from New Hampshire to Georgia ; two persons were ap- pointed to act as joint treasurers of the colonies ; other defensive measures followed. Then Congress adjourned (August 1) till September 5. The nearer war came, the more they shrank from it, at least the more cautious they became. Tory sentiment was active. Every step taken must be a sure one. The adjourn- ment would give time to hear from the colonists, and especially to hear from the last memorial to the king. By the 1 3th of September the Congress was in full session again, with Georgia represented. From this time on the union was called " The Thirteen United Colonies." The king's reply to the memorial came back in the shape of a proclamation for suppressing rebel- lion and sedition, for, said he, " It would be better to totally abandon the colonies than to admit a single shadow of their doctrines." The wheels of Providence were now in swiftest motion. Lexington and Concord had been fought in April, Ticonderoga in May, Bunker Hill in June. South Carolina had been warned to resist all attempts to occupy Charleston, and Virginia encouraged to defy Lord Dunmore to the uttermost. A naval code was created (November 17). Every measure was now for offensive war, not defensive. The press took up the idea of independence. The thought of union, as a dependency of Britain, was gone. "A Grand Republic of the American United Colonies, which will, by the blessing of heaven, soon work out our salvation and perpetuate the liberties, increase the wealth, the power and the glory of this western world ; " this was the popular thought. Ten years had worked the idea of union into an actual " Continental Association." Would it take the idea of independence as long to work into actual independ- BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 83 ence ? The Tories were numerous in the local assemblies, and active. They could retard action, if not prevent it. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.— -The Congress was proceeding in matters of peace and war as though " The United Colonies " were one political power. To the encourage- ment of powerful sentiment had been added the confidence of victory in armed conflict. New Hampshire, South Carolina and Virginia were recommended by Congress to form local govern- ments. This was a step which looked directly to independence. On New Year Day, 1776, Washington unfurled the " Flag of Thir- teen Stripes," as the flag of the United Colonies, and arrayed it as the symbol of national power against the far-famed banner of St. George. From this time till June the Congress was busy with questions of war and finance. Its acts were those of a de- termined and active revolutionary government. But it was all the while being petitioned to cut the chain which bound the col- onies to England, and which was hampering their individual and concerted action. It therefore recommended to all the colonies to form local governments, independent of charters, royal gov- ernors, and every English restriction. On June 7, 1776, Rich- ard Henry Lee moved for Independence, a Foreign Alliance, and a Confederation. John Adams seconded the motion. A com- mittee was formed on Independence, composed of Thomas Jef- ferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston, and they were given till July to report. A committee of one from each colony was also formed on Articles of Confederation. By the last of June it could be said that op- position to Independence, in every colony except New York, had ceased ; at least twelve colonies had instructed their delegates in Congress to vote for a declaration. And these delegates were present in the Congress on July 1, when it took up the resolution on Independence, or rather the report of the Committee on Inde- pendence. Four days of debate and amendment brought forth the Declaration of Independence as agreed upon by the delegates from twelve States (July 4, 1776) — New York delegates not vot- ing under her instructions. It was ordered to be authenticated by the signatures of John Hancock, President, and Charles 84 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Thomson, Secretary, sent out to the State assemblies, and read at the head of the army. On July 9, the convention of New York resolved to support it. By August 2, it was engrossed and ready for the signatures of the members.* The high honor of having been its author is due to Jefferson, for the changes made in his draft, though numerous, did not alter its tone nor general character. The equally high honor of having been its strongest champion in the Congress belongs to John Adams. Said Jefferson to Daniel Webster, " John Adams was our Colos- sus on the floor. He was not graceful, nor elegant, nor remark- ably fluent, but he came out occasionally with a power of thought and expression that moved us from our seats." f And now that " the greatest question has been decided which ever was debated in America, and a greater perhaps never was or will be decided among men," The United Colonies were decreed a political unit of the United States of America. The Declaration was proclaimed everywhere among the people as the inestimable title-deed of their liberties, and they received it with speech, salute, bon-fire and general rejoicing. It seemed as if a decree promulgated from heaven. WHAT IT DID. — Before the Declaration was submitted to a vote, a test resolution was laid before the Congress (July 2, 1776) as follows : " That these United Colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved." Twelve colonies united in adopting it. This assured the passage of the Declaration. It was its preamble, as it were. Observe that in it the word " Colonies " is dropped, * There is much uncertainty about the signing of the Declaration. The engrossed copy, signed on August 2, still exists in the office of the Secretary of State. Jeffer- son has given the impression that it was generally signed on July 4, but this copy of it is not known to exist. John Adams wrote on the 9th of July, " As soon as an American seal is prepared I conjecture the Declaration will be superscribed by all the members." Now, a committee composed of Franklin, John Adams and Jeffer- son, was appointed by Congress to prepare a device for the Seal of " The United States of America," after the Declaration had passed, probably on the 5th of July. f Curtis' Life of Webster, vol. i., 589. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 85 never to be taken up again, and the word " States " * substituted. So the Declaration was " The Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress Assembled," and the conclusion is : " Therefore we the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress Assembled," etc. The steps toward national birth were the ripening of public sentiment into a conviction that a common country was necessary, a delegation of power by the colonies for that purpose, a preliminary resolu- tion declaring the colonies independent States, a declaration to that effect, a ratification of that declaration by the States, Thus the United Colonies by their joint act passed into " The United States." The Declaration has been called the fundamental act of Union.f It was the embodiment of the public will as a source of authority, when it was the will of the people composing one nation. J It established Union as a fundamental law. The old law was the law of diversity. It transformed the sentiment of nationality into a fact — the new birth was that of a nation, a country. As colonies, each had a State of its own, and could have had, in one way or another. But only by creating a law high over all, only by ordaining and establishing something out of that supremacy which resided in all the people, could a union, a nation, a country, come. The Declaration announced to all nations that a new political sovereignty had arisen, whose work- ings internally were all right, whose external workings sought recognition. The colonist was true to his colony, yet he never hesitated in his allegiance to the king. He ever claimed and was ever proud of the rights of a British subject. Now he was equally true to his Colony (the State), but the * The title of " The United States of America " was formally assumed in the Articles of the Confederation, when they came to be adopted. But it was in use. without formal enactment from the date and adoption of the Declaration of Inde- pendence. On the 9th of September, 1776, it was ordered that all continental com- missions and all other instruments, where the words " United Colonies " had been used, the style should be altered to the " United States." — Journals, ii., 349. f Writings of Madison, iii., 482. J "In our complex system of polity the public will, as a source of authority, may be the will of the people as composing one nation." — Madison's Writings, iii., 479- 8Q BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. allegiance which was to the king or to Great Britain was trans- ferred to the new political unit, the United States. For hundreds of years the contention had been for the doctrine of the equality of the human race. The Declaration clothed this abstract truth with vitalizing power. " We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organ- izing its powers in such form as shall to them seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." This is the American theory expressed as Buckle says : " In words the memory of which can never die." To maintain it the battles of the revolution were fought, and to build on it a worthy superstructure of government and law was the work of the fathers of the constitution. NATURE OF THE CONGRESS.— The Continental Con- gress, for by this name it got to be known, continued to be the National Government in fact, and conducted National affairs till the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, March, I78i,near the close of the Revolutionary war. There was no change in its construction, except that the delegates to it were appointed by the State legislatures, as soon as the States had organized State governments, which they made haste to do, under the recom- mendations of the Congress of 1776.* The powers of the Con- * New Jersey adopted a State Constitution July 2, 1776, which went into full •operation, and the government thus formed lasted for sixty-eight years. Delaware adopted a Constitution and form of government (Sept. 20, 1776) which lasted for sixteen years. Maryland agreed on a Declaration of Rights, Nov. 3, 1776, and on the 8th, upon a Constitution, which was not changed for seventy-five years. Pennsylvania framed a Constitution Sept. 28, 1776, which terminated its charter. But it was not generally received. Owing to division, the State officers were sup- ported in their authority by a Committee of Congress, till the amended Constitu- tion of 1790. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 87 tinental Congress were nowhere defined or limited. They in- cluded power to declare war and make peace, to raise armies and equip navies, to form treaties and alliances with foreign nations, to contract debts, 'and do all other acts of a sovereign government which were essential to the safety of the United States. No Colony, or State, disputed the powers thus assumed and exercised. They originated from necessity and were only limited by events. Revolutionary though they were, the Con- gress in their exercise was supported by the people, and there was no other authority to question its acts. It was evident that when the dangers of war had passed, when the public liberties and independence of all the States had been assured, and when peace had dawned, these extraordinary powers of the Congress would have to give way to something more certain and better under- stood. And right here arose a momentous question. In relax- ing the control of Congress, there was danger that the Union which existed by reason of the Congress would be dissolved, and that the States would drift back into independent communities, without a central head, with no common system, with discordant local interests, with rivalries and jealousies as to boundaries, com- merce, manufactures, and institutions. Hard as had been the trial of the Revolution, here was something calculated to stir deeper apprehension, and tax more severely the genius of states- men. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.— As these Articles, finally adopted by all the States, March, 1 781, were the begin- ning of a government more specific than that of the Congress which had carried on the Revolution thus far, yet not so specific as that formed by the Constitution of 1787, they can be best ex- plained in connection with the latter. As the Congress led to North Carolina adopted a Constitution, Oct. 18, 1776, which lasted for sixty-nine years. Georgia adopted a Constitution Feb. 5, 1777, lasting eight years. New York adopted a Constitution, April 20, 1777. Of the six States which adopted constitutions and forms of government before the Declaration of Independence, South Carolina amended hers in 1778, Virginia in 1829, Rhode Island and Connecticut did not displace their charters for many years, New Hampshire in 1784, Massachusetts in 1780 and 1821. 88 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the Articles of Confederation, so the Articles of Confederation led to the Constitution. " States " got to be a definitive, well- understood term under the Articles. They were ''Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States " (men- tioning them all). " The style of this Confederacy shall be The United States of America," Art. I. For this reason, also, we prefer to treat of the Articles in our next chapter, which con- cerns the finer pieces of our fabric — the States. But as the war came to an end under the government of the Articles of Con- federation, it must be understood that " The United States of America," which solemnized the peace of 1783, and accepted of the cessions of British territory, was the only power then existing which could do these National acts, and bind all the States by its authority. FURTHER BUILDING.— -The war of the American Revo- lution resulted in the treaty of Sept. 3, 1783, signed at Paris. By it Great Britain relinquished all her " claims to the government, proprietary and territorial rights " of the United States (naming the thirteen), and acknowledged them " to be free, sovereign and independent States." It further ceded all the territory south of the Great Lake line, northward (in general) of 31 N. lat, and westward to the Mississippi, to the United States. Those pre- tentious charters and grants from the Crown, which ran through from the Atlantic to the Pacific, had now for their western limit the " Father of Waters." The territory of the United States lay between the Atlantic and Mississippi. The right of Spain (for- merly France) to all beyond, was recognized. STATE OWNERSHIP.— But through this territory, before it was ceded, ran the titles of the Colonies or States. Their claims became a source of trouble long before the date of the treaty. Thus Connecticut, whose charter possessions extended indefinitely to the west, had colonized in the Wyoming Valley, Pa., and was exercising a disputed jurisdiction as early as 1769; so also in the Northwest, in what became the " Western Reserve of Connecticut." Virginia and New York had clashed, for a similar reason, both their boundaries being limitless to the west. So New York and Massachusetts had had trouble, and several BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 89 other States. This whole matter of State ownership and juris- diction westward came up in a conspicuous and dangerous form when the Articles of Confederation were before the States for ratification. Some of the States refused to ratify till the question of western lands was disposed of. Lord North made much of this delay, and pretended to see in this land subject a perpetual source of disagreement and a final refusal to establish a Union under the Articles. It was not a new subject, for the conserva- tive Dickinson; of Pennsylvania, had introduced it into the Con- gress and insisted upon its being settled satisfactorily before that body passed the Declaration of Independence. As to their own boundaries, there was no controversy with Pennsylvania, Dela- ware, New Jersey, Maryland, New Hampshire, and Rhode Isl- and, but the remaining seven States were deeply concerned, for theirs were the charters running to the Mississippi or the Pacific. The former States took the ground that any unoccupied, unde- fined territory wrested from a common enemy by the blood and treasure of the thirteen United Colonies, ought to be considered as common property, subject to be parcelled out by Congress into free, convenient, and independent governments. On these grounds Maryland refused to ratify the Articles of Confederation until an Article was added, securing the Western domain for the common benefit. Virginia entered into furious defence of her magnificent territory, embracing Kentucky and parts of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. There must be concession somewhere or no Articles of Confederation. The question must be put out of the way before a closer Union could be assured. To be sure, the land was not yet conquered from Great Britain, but should it be, it were well to have the matter settled. New York was the first to move. By resolution of Feb. 19, 1780, she agreed to relin- quish her right to unoccupied territory for the common benefit. Congress, mindful of the importance of Union, and 4< to their very existence as a free, sovereign, and independent people," advised (Sept. 6, 1780) similar surrenders by the other States, and on Oct. 10 resolved that out of the lands thus ceded should be formed States with the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independence as those possessed by the original States. 90 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Through the influence of Madison, Virginia agreed to surrender her western domain, and so of the others. Thus the leading obstacle to the ratification of the Articles of Confederation was removed. When the land became theirs by the terms of the treaty of 1783, would these States keep their pledges? ADJUSTMENT.— New York was prompt to keep hers. Choosing the meridian of 79 55' as the limit of westward occu- pancy, she formally ceded all her domain west of that to the United States for the common benefit, on March 1, 1784. This was but a small patch of 316 square miles which afterwards went to Pennsylvania. Her cession was worthless without the consent of Massachusetts, who claimed clear through. (See Massachusetts, below.) But New York still disputed with New Hampshire the prize of the territory which afterwards became Vermont. This prize, after much contention, and some blood- shed, she relinquished in 1790, and took her present limits and titles. Virginia followed New York March 1, 1784. Her cession was of that part of the great Territory, afterwards known as the " Territory of the Northwest," * lying between 41 ° north latitude and the southern border of Kentucky. That part of her cession north of the Ohio, according to its terms, entered into and formed a part of the States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. The part south of the Ohio afterwards became Kentucky. Massachusetts curtailed her indefinite claims April 19, 1785, by relinquishing her right to the small bit of ground just west of the New York boundary, which was then, Jan. 3, 1792, given to Pennsylvania. She held her Maine possessions till 1820, * The " Territory of the Northwest" was organized under the ordinance of Con- tinental Congress of July 13, 1787, which ordinance is regarded as a model, both as to its text and display of the principles of civil, religious and political liberty. It is popularly ascribed to Jefferson, but was written by Nathan Dane, of Beverly, Mass. Article VI. of this ordinance reads : " There shall be neither slavery nor involun- tary servitude in said Territory otherwise than in punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." This clause afterwards became noteworthy as showing wherein the Congress of the Confederation had exercised the right to ex- clude slavery from the Territories. Its language was copied in the Missouri Com- promise affair, 1819-20; in the Wilmot Proviso, 1846, and in the XIII. amendment to the constitution, 1865. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 91 when they were surrendered in order that Maine might become a State in the Union. In 1855 the district known as the " Bos- ton Corner" was ceded to New York, and in 1 861, by ex- changes with Rhode Island, both these States got their present limits. Connecticut under her ostentatious claims to western do- mains had sent out strong colonies into Pennsylvania and the northwest. Her claim to Pennsylvania soil was a matter for judicial determination. In order to quiet titles in the northwest, she, Sept. 14, 1786, relinquished her claim to everything west of a line drawn due north and south, 120 miles west of the Penn- sylvania line. This left her a "reserve" 120 miles wide. On May 30, 1800, she yielded all territory and jurisdiction west of her present limits, reserving whatever right of soil she may have had as a protection to those who held title from her. South Carolina ceded her claim to a strip of territory only twelve miles wide, lying south of 35 ° north latitude, and extend- ing along the southern borders of North Carolina and Tennessee, to the Mississippi, on Aug. 9, 1787. North Carolina adjusted her western border, Feb. 25, 1790, by ceding the territory which afterwards became Tennessee. Georgia made a most important cession of the territory west of her present western boundary, June 16, 1802. These cessions of their lands, and surrenders of their claims to lands, by the original States, fulfilled their pledges to thus dis- pose of them for the common benefit, made before the Articles of Confederation were adopted, and in order that they might be adopted. They quieted the title of the United States to all the territory, outside of the limits of the States, ceded by Great Britain in 1783. They put this part of the fruits of the war at the disposal of all the people. The United States could now begin to enjoy the full fruitions of that treaty. The States would cease their clamors and jealousies about old charter boundaries, and the general government could go on with its great work of State building and the acquisition of new territory. The old States had done nobly in making these surrenders. They proved by them the depth of their interest in the new experiment of 92 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. self-constituted federal government, and the extent of their de- sire not to let selfish love of acres and limitless boundaries stand in the way of permanent national union, peace and progress. As States they could not contribute further to the geographic framework of the nation, nor to matters of title. The govern- ment as a whole must now buy or conquer its own rough stones and timbers. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE.— And it went about the work right speedily. The English cession of 1783 left intact the Spanish claim to Florida and Louisiana, east of the Missis- sippi, and beyond that river the United States owned nothing, the boundary being the middle of the stream. We have seen how France ceded her Louisiana to Spain in 1763, and what it meant. Foreign possession of the mouth of the Mississippi was not tolerable. Nor was similar possession of its western shores, and to its middle, any more tolerable. Both were an annoyance and a menace, as had been abundantly proved time and again, and as would continue to be proved, if not removed. In 1795 a treaty had been made with Spain which gave the United States commercial rights at New Orleans. In 1802 Spain gave notice that these rights had ceased. Alarm spread all along the line of the river. It was looked upon as a Spanish trick, instigated by France. But what was the consternation when it was discov- ered that two years before Spain had parted with Louisiana to France, though the distinctive act of cession had not yet taken place. The treaty of cession had been a secret one, carried out in the interest of Napoleon. Though we doubt not it was a shrewd move on the part of France to further cripple England by first getting back possession of this immense domain and then turning an honest penny by selling to the United States, thus helping the creation of a great commercial rival to England on this continent, in accordance with the French theory of 1763, yet Jefferson, then President, chose to look upon it as an attempt of France to rival England directly. He therefore sent Monroe to the aid of Livingston, minister to France, first to protest that if France took possession the United States would be forced into an alliance with England against her, and, second, to sound BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 93 France as to the probability of a purchase. Probably the latter was what France wanted. She was needy, was about to war with England, and was in no position to be hampered with such a possession. Driving the best bargain she could, going up in her price from $13,000,000 to $15,000,000, a sale was consum- mated by treaty of April 30, 1803, ratified by the Senate Oct. 20, 1803, and by a resolution of the House to carry it into effect* Of the $15,000,000, to be paid, $3,750,000 were withheld to be disbursed, under the French Spoliation bill, to pay the losses Americans had suffered in their commerce at the hands of the French. By this magnificent purchase the United States got a gulf frontage east of the Mississippi extending from that river to Florida, though all this Spain disputed. Leaping the Missis- sippi the country shot clear to the Pacific, for the ceded territory embraced Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota west of the Mississippi, part of Kansas, the Territories of Dakota, Montana, Idaho, Washington, the Indian country, and portions of Colorado and Wyoming,f an added empire of 900,000 J square miles, or one larger than the entire area of the country before. SPAIN CEDES FLORIDA.— The next cession of foreign soil was by Spain, Feb. 22, 18 19. This was a transaction almost wholly in the interest of Spain, judged by the extent of territory which passed. She claimed that her Florida ran to the Missis- sippi, also that she had never recognized France's claim to that part of Louisiana west of the Sabine River (Texas). The United * Owing to the opposition of the Federalists to this purchase, which they regarded unwarranted by the constitution and as tending to increase the preponderance of the South in national legislation, Jefferson called the Eighth Congress together earlier than usual fof the express purpose of having it ratify the treaty of purchase and, vindicate his procedure. He admitted that the constitution gave no power to pur- chase foreign territory and make it a part of the Union, but claimed that when once the deed was done, it could be validated by the nation's ratification. f For the French boundaries of their Louisiana, much wider than those here enumerated, see page 66. And this is important, for Texas was clearly in the Louisiana of France, as the United States acknowledged when Spain came to cede Florida. \ Not counting what was afterwards confirmed by the Oregon treaty of 1846, amounting to 300,000 square miles. 94 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. States claimed that Louisiana ran eastward to the present boundary of Florida. To quiet everything, Spain ceded her Florida clear to the Mississippi, for the sum of $5,000,000, and the additional consideration that the United States should abandon all claim to that part of French Louisiana which lay west of the Sabine. Thus a territory equal to six Floridas, which had already been bought and paid for by the United States, was surrendered to Spain, and was soon to become a part of the Republic of Mexico. In twenty-six (1845) years it drifted back to the United States again, as we shall see when the cession of Texas is reached. THE OREGON TREATY.— Away up in the Northwest the boundary of Louisiana could not be made to fit to that claimed by Great Britain for her possessions. The United States claimed 54 40' N. lat. as the boundary. England claimed that it was the Columbia River. From 1827, the disputed territory had been held by both claimants. The Democratic party made it an issue in their platform of 1844 to claim to 54 40', with or without war with England. The watchword all along the line was " 54 40' or fight." In the Congress of 1845-46, Calhoun, to the great embarrassment of President Polk and the Democratic party, proposed 49 as a compromise line. After much party backing and filling, and long negotiation, a treaty was agreed upon, June 15, 1846, which was ratified by the Senate, the Whigs coming to the rescue of the President, saving him from his party friends and the country from war. The treaty fixed 49 N. lat. as the boundary, as originally proposed by Calhoun. This necessitated an immense cession of land — all between the southern limit claimed by Great Britain and the 49 — to the United States. It amounted to 308,052 square miles, and the cession was called "The Cession by the Oregon Treaty of 1846." Thus were cured the defects of the treaty of purchase of 1803, with France, and the Ashburton treaty of 1842, with Great Britain. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS*— Texas had been a State of * As Texas came directly into the Union as a State, see further about her history in connection with the State of Texas, next article. BUILDING GEOGRAPHICALLY. 95 the Republic of Mexico, but had seceded, had set up for herself an independent republic, and was, in 1845, at wai " with Mexico, though an armistice was then pending, with a view to peace. It was deemed an opportune moment to secure her vast domain for the United States. Under the lead of Calhoun, a treaty of annexation, pure and simple, was proposed, but rejected. This was followed by another proposing her admission into the Union, which was coupled with one for negotiation and treaty. In this shape it passed, and Texas was admitted as a State Dec. 29, 1845. Her debt, amounting to $7,500,000, was assumed by the United States. Besides incorporating her wonderful territory of 318,000 square miles, with our own, she relinquished all her claims, by virtue of her having been a member of the Mexican Republic, to the lands west of the 27th meridian, and now in the territory embraced by Colorado and New Mexico. Her status being that of war with Mexico, it was assumed by the United States. Thus the country was plunged into the Mexican war, which made the Texas experiment a very costly one in the end. By that war, however, other vast and valuable areas were ac- quired. MEXICAN CESSION.— The Mexican war (1846-48) which had been going on for two years was brought to a close by the treaty of Feb. 2, 1848. By its terms Mexico ceded all the territory now covered by the States of California and Nevada, also her claims to Texas, Utah, Arizona and New Mexico, and parts of Wyoming, Colorado and the Indian country, holding, however, to a part of New Mexico and Arizona south of the Gila River. The lower Rio Grande from its mouth to El Paso was taken for the boundary of Texas. The United States paid Mexico, for this land, $15,000,000, in five annual instalments, and in addition assumed the claims of American citizens against Mexico, to an amount not exceeding $3,250,000. GADSDEN PURCHASE.— The lands, above mentioned, as reserved by Mexico south of the Gila river, were purchased by the United States, Dec. 30, 1853, for $10,000,000. The transac- tion became known as the " Gadsden Purchase." This purchase gave the United States a better southern boundary, and compact 96 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. areas between the two oceans. " Westward the course of em- pire " had taken its way, and the Pacific front took a range of 1,343 miles, as against the Atlantic's 2,163 miles. ALASKA CESS ION". — The last accession of national terri- tory was May 28, 1867, when Russia ceded all her territory in North America to the United States for the sum of $7,200,000. This gave us Alaska, which is not coterminous territory, being cut off by intervening British possessions. The policy of this purchase was, at first, regarded as unwise. But time has changed sentiment respecting it. If the question were up as to the pro- priety of its sale at the price paid for it there would be a nega- tive response. It is, to say the least, a good pivotal and strategic point, barren as it may be of other importance. TERRITORIAL SUMMARY.— How look our national areas when thrown into figures ? Using estimates and round numbers the showing is as follows: Sq. miles. Sq. miles. Estimated Area 1783 820,680 Gadsden Purchase.. . 1853 30,000 Louisiana Purchase .... 1803 899,579 Alaska Purchase .... 1867 500,000 Florida Purchase 1819 66,900 Grand Total 3,466,166 Oregon Treaty Lands . . 1846 308,052 Est > d La ke & Water Surface 396,1 16 Texas Annexation 1846 318,000 c ., ttb tz ~o~ Mexican Cession.. ...1848 522^55 Sq. mile s 3,862,282 Acres 2,471,860,480 To all these acres the United States has undisputed title. They are the acquisition of one hundred years of national sover- eignty, and are exceeded by the figures of only three other em pires in the world — Great Britain with all her detached de- pendencies, the Chinese Empire and Russian Empire. And now, having seen Whence our national titles sprang, having built our country territorially, and having studied the beginnings of our institutions amid colonial life, let us turn to that part of the fabric in which States comprise the artistic subdivisions and comprise the sublime whole. WEST FROM GRTSEmVICH ip lis iE BUILDING POLITICALLY; OR, THE CONSTITUTION AND THE STATES. ROM COLONY TO STATE.— Having taken a view of the country in the rough, seen its titles and begin- nings as they arose like dry land out of a multitude of waters, caught something of that free, republican spirit which ripened in the colonies and urged perpetually toward independence and union, and witnessed our majestic territorial strides from Atlantic to Pacific, buying where the market was open, conquering where it was closed, let us turn to finer parts of the national fabric. The resolution of the Continental Congress, passed May 10, 1776, suppressing royal authority in the colonies, made neces- sary the formation of local 'governments, capable of answering the ends of political society and of continuing without interrup- tion the protection of law oyer property, life and public order. These newly formed local governments, or these reformed col- onial governments, for fortunately the political situation in many of the colonies required but little departure from their previous local institutions, were the true beginnings of the States. They were spoken of as " States " in the Declaration of Independence, and they made a near approach to States as they now are, under the Articles of Confederation. But, though States of a Union, they were not our States of the Union. How were they trans- formed ? THE FIRST STEP. — As has been seen, the Continental Congress was the only government during the Revolution and up until the adoption of the Articles of Confederation in 1781. It was simply a revolutionary government, with power for any- 7 (97) 98 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. thing or nothing, just as its acts were sanctioned or condemned by the popular voice. It was the result of a Union on account of public danger and not of a Union as the result of a charter or constitution. When the danger had passed, the function of the Congress would cease, and the Union would melt into its original components. There was more danger in this than in the presence of an armed foe. Statesmen were busy at work to prevent such a catastrophe. Before the Declaration Franklin had proposed a scheme of Confederation. The Continental Con- gress of 1775 (the Congress of the Declaration as it was called) had raised a committee in whose hands measures for a more permanent Union were placed. The newspapers teemed with plans for a permanent republican government. On the 12th of July, 1776, the committee of Congress reported Articles, drawn by John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania. They did not meet the approval of the Congress, but rather plunged it into debate over questions of commerce, public lands, taxation, and the relative positions of the larger and smaller States. For sixteen months the Articles were delayed. At last, November 15, 1777, an agreement was had, and a draft of Articles, as agreed upon by the Congress, was sent out to the States for ratification, together with a letter commending them as a plan " for securing the free- dom, sovereignty and independence of the United States," as the best that could be adapted to the circumstances of all, as " essen- tial to their very existence as a free people, " and without which they might" soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, liberty and safety. " Nine of the States promptly ordered their delegates in Con- gress to rati'y the Articles, which was done July, 1778. But they were not to be binding unless ratified by all the States. Political languor seemed to have taken the place of that blaze of freedom which had hitherto burned so brightly in the inchoate States. The burdens of war pressed heavily. Congress issued an appeal to the remaining States " to conclude the glorious compact." Henry Laurens, the President of Congress, wrote despairingly to Washington : " Where is virtue, where is patriot- ism now, when almost every man has turned his attention to BUILDING POLITICALLY. 99 gain and pleasure, practising every artifice of Change-alley or Jonathan's ? " * The capture of Burgoyne, October 16, 1777, and word of a French alliance, February 6, 1778, served to stir enthusiasm again and revive the hope of Union under fully ratified Articles. A few other States gave their assent, but Maryland held out. She would not consent till the great question of public domain was disposed of, nor did she consent till the States to whom the valley of the Mississippi would have fallen by virtue of their charter limits patriotically agreed to surrender all lands which England might cede by any treaty of peace to the United States. All conquered, or to be conquered, lands thus made common property, Maryland ratified February 2, 1 78 1, and signed March I, 1 78 1. The revolutionary government by a Congress was at an end. The step taken made union firmer under the forms of the first American constitution. WHAT THE ARTICLES DIDj—They renewed the * Jonathan's was a London coffee-house, the resort of speculators. Precisely why the English applied the term to Americans is not clear. But, as thus applied, it appears in a printed ballad on the expedition to Rhode Island, 1778, "Jonathan felt bold, sir." The British account of the burning of Fairfield, 1779, uses the word thus : " The troops faced about and drove Jonathan." In the form of " Brother Jonathan," the term hardly appeared till after peace had softened the asperities of war. -{•The great seal of the American Union was adopted June 20, 1782. It was the American Eagle, holding in his right talon an olive branch, in his left a bundle of thirteen arrows, in his beak a scroll inscribed with "E Pluribtis Unum " (one composed of many), and over his head an azure field with thirteen stars. On the reverse was an unfinished pyramid with an eye, having over it "Annuit Coeptis" (a beginning permitted, or approved), at the base MDCCLXXVL, and underneath ** Novus Ordo Seclorum " (a new order of ages). Previously, June 14, 1777, Congress voted " That the flag of the United States be thirteen stripes, alternately red and white ; that the Union be thirteen stars, white, in a blue field, representing a new constellation. This flag continued till Ver- mont (1791) and Kentucky (1792) were admitted, when it was changed (Act of January 13, 1794) to fifteen stripes and fifteen stars. It became apparent that the increase of stripes, as new States were admitted, would throw the flag out of pro- portion. Therefore the following was passed, April 4, 1818: " That from and after the 4th of July next the flag of the United States be thirteen horizontal stripes, alternate fed and white ; that the Union be twenty stars (the then number of States), white, in a blue field ; that, on the admission of every new State, one star be added to the union of the flag, such addition to be made on the 4th of July next succeeding such admission." 100 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. pledge of the States to Union, or rather made public and official record of such pledge. They made inter-state citizenship free. They created a Congress and defined its powers, but endowed it with no executive function. They gave the States something to conform to. They created a tribunal to settle disputes between the States. But the best thing they did was to confer a great educational service through their weaknesses and defects. WHAT THEY DID NOT DO.— In saying that. the Ar- ticles soon proved themselves full of glaring defects, it must not be forgotten that the States, while colonies, had been subject to a foreign rule whose restrictions had been severely felt and whose assumptions had been a source of constant jealousy and alarm. They had, naturally, nourished a spirit of resistance to all author- ity outside of themselves, and, having no experience of the con- venience or- necessity of a general government to care for their common interests, they deemed the least possible delegation of their power quite sufficient for national purposes. Therefore the Articles created a confederation which had few powers for peace. It could make treaties, but could not execute them; appoint am- bassadors, but not pay their expenses ; borrow money, but not pay a dollar; make coin, but not import an ounce of bullion; declare war and order the number of troops, but not raise a single soldier; in short, declare anything and do nothing. It was truly a feeble thread on which to string thirteen States and hold them in' bonds of union. Its unfitness as a frame of government for a free, enterprising and industrious people, so manifest at the start, grew more and more so, till it finally lost all vigor and re- spect and tottered to its fall. Should it be left to silent dissolu- tion, or should an attempt be made to form something more commanding and vigorous before the great interests of the Union were crushed and buried beneath its ruins? DA WN OF A CONSTITUTION.— -Hamilton saw the de- fects of the Articles of Confederation and (1780) proposed a con- vention to reform them even before they were ratified by the States. Similar propositions were made by Pelatiah Webster in 1 78 1, the New York Legislature in 1782, Hamilton in Con- gress 1783, Richard Henry Lee in 1784, Governor Bowdoin in BUILDING POLITICALLY. 301' : 1785. But it required more than cold propositions and dignified discussion to overcome the indifference of the States. It re- quired the flat refusal of New Jersey to comply with an act of Congress. It required the open offense of Massachusetts in raising troops to crush Shay's rebellion. It required the quarrel between Virginia and Maryland as to the right to navigate the waters of the Chesapeake and Potomac. This last brought a convention to Annapolis, September 11, 1786. Only five States were represented. They did nothing respecting the point in dis- pute ; they could do nothing. But Hamilton was there, and Madison, and Dickinson, and they saw but one way out of such difficulties — that was by creating a stronger central government and endowing it with ample powers on all such delicate subjects. Their report suggested a call of delegates from all the States to meet in Philadelphia, May (second Monday), 1787. A CONSTITUTION.— Congress adopted this report, Febru- ary 21, 1787, and ordered a Convention. All the States sent delegates except Rhode Island. On May 14, they met in Inde- pendence Hall, but a majority of the States not being represented they adjourned from day to day till the 25th. Then organiz- ing by the election of George Washington as President, they proceeded to business. It was a memorable body. The veterans of the revolution were there, and the wise statesmen of the times which gave birth to the Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Inde- pendence, and the Articles of the Confederation. They were there to remedy the defects of the past and propose a new de- parture for the future. Franklin was there, at eighty-one. John- son of Connecticut, Rutledge of South Carolina, and Dickinson, had been members of the Stamp Act Congress. Seven of them had been in the Congress of 1774. Eight of them had signed the Declaration of Independence. Their deliberations ran through four months, and they were carried on amid great diversity of opinion.* The antagonisms of American society, errors of *The sessions were held with closed doors, and the utmost secrecy was enjoined, no member being even allowed to copy from the Convention's Journal, which was entrusted to Washington, and by him deposited in the State Department. It was printed by direction of Congress in 181 8. 10^ BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. opinion and deep-rooted prejudices, local interests, State jealousies and ambitions, and especially the matter of slavery, these all trooped into the convention to make it a scene of furious storms, and to threaten its disruption time and again. Even the calm and hopeful Washington said he almost despaired of seeing a favorable issue to the proceedings, and more than once repented of having had any agency in the business. But an era of com- promise was reached, and the work was completed on September 17, 1787. All the members present signed The Constitution of the United States of America, except Edmund Randolph and George Mason of Virginia, and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts. It was then sent to the States to be ratified by Conventions, specially called for the purpose, and was to become operative when so ratified by nine of the States. All the States called Conventions and ratified, except Rhode Island and North Carolina.* NEW GOVERNMENT.— On July 2, 1788, the President of Congress laid before that body the ratification of the requisite nine States. By September 13, "a plan for putting the Con- stitution in operation " was completed. The first Wednesday in January was fixed for the appointment of electors; the first Wednesday in February for their meeting to vote for a President ; and the first Wednesday in March as the time, and New York as the place, for commencing proceedings under the new Con- stitution. The necessary elections of Senators and Representa- tives having been held, the first Congress assembled at New York, Wednesday, March 4, 1789, to adjourn for want of a quorum till April 6, when the votes of the electors being counted it was found that George Washington had been unanimously elected President and John Adams Vice-President. On April * North Carolina afterwards in a new convention held November, 1789, adopted the Constitution, and Rhode Island by a convention held May, 1790. The debates in the respective State Conventions over the question of ratifying took the widest range and showed great diversity of sentiment. In only three States was the Con- stitution adopted unanimously, New Jersey, Delaware and Georgia. In Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina it had large majorities. In Massa- chusetts, New York and Virginia it had a bare majority, and in the remaining States a small majority. BUILDING POLITICALLY. 103 30, Washington was sworn into office, and our present form of government was a fact.* SENTIMENT.— -In his inaugural Washington said, " In the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil delibeaations and voluntary con- sent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future bless- ings which the past seems to presage." " The strongest government on earth " and " the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the stand- ard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern." — Jefferson's Inaugural. " America has emerged from her struggle into tranquillity and freedom, into affluence and credit ; and the authors of her Con- stitution have constructed a great permanent experimental an- swer to the sophisms and declarations of the detractors of liberty." — Sir James Mackintosh. 14 To those great men who framed the Constitution and secured the adoption of it, we owe a debt of gratitude which can scarcely be repaid. It was not then, as it is now, looked upon, from the blessings which, under the guidance of Divine Providence, it has bestowed, with general favor and affection. On the contrary, many of those pure and disinterested patriots, who stood forth the firm advocates of its principles, did so at the expense of existing popularity. They felt that they had a higher duty to perform than to flatter the prejudices of the people, or subserve selfish, sectional or local interests. Many of them went to their graves without the soothing consolation that their services and sacrifices were appreciated. Scorning every attempt to rise to power and influence by the common arts of the demagogue, they were content to trust their characters and conduct to the deliberate judgment of posterity." — Story on the Constitution. * Chancellor Livingston administered the oath of office. The President delivered his inaugural address in the presence of both Houses of Congress, a custom whicji was adhered to till Jefferson changed it. 104 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. " It animated freemen all over the world to resist oppression. It gave an example of a great people not only emancipating themselves, but governing themselves without even a monarch to control or an aristocracy to restrain them ; and it demonstrated for the first time in the rystory of the world, contrary to all the predictions of statesmen and the theories of speculative inquirers, that a great nation, when duly prepared for the task, is capable of self-government ; or in other words, that a purely republican form of government can be formed and maintained in a country of vast extent, peopled by millions of inhabitants." — Brougham's Political Philosophy. "The republican government was a success because in its operation it met the needs of the two fundamental conditions of American political life, diversity and union, as correlative forces — on the one hand, the development of the Commonwealth or State ; on the other, of the union or nation." — Frotldngham s Rise of the Republic. " It actually secured, for what is really a long period of time, a greater amount of combined peace and freedom than was ever before enjoyed by so large a portion of the earth's surface. There have been, and still are, vaster despotic empires; but never before has so large an inhabited territory remained for more than seventy years in the enjoyment of internal freedom and of ex- emption from the- scourge of internal war." — Freeman s Hist, of Federal Gov. Even as Freeman wrote (1861), the Republic was passing through its severest ordeal — that of civil war ; and the verdict rendered in this supreme court of armed force was in favor of the Constitution. All the above are wonderfully pleasing and in- spiring pictures of potency and adaptation, yet they were not undreamt of among the early patriot seers. " The celestial light of the gospel was directed here by the finger of God ; it will doubtless finally drive the long, long night of heathenish darkness from America. So arts and sciences will change the face of nature in their tour from hence over the Appa- lachian chain to the Western ocean ; and as they march through the vast desert, the residence of wild beasts will be broken up BUILDING POLITICALLY. 105 and their obscure howl cease forever. Instead of which, the stones and trees will dance together at the music of Orpheus, the rocks will disclose their hidden gems, and the inestimable treasures of gold and silver be broken up. Huge mountains of iron-ore are already discovered, and vast stores are reserved for future generations. This metal, more useful than gold and silver, will employ millions of hands, not only to form the mar- tial sword and peaceful share, alternately, but an infinity of utensils improved in the exercise of art and handicraft amongst men. Nature through all her works has stamped authority on this law, namely, that all fit matter shall be improved to its best purposes. Shall not, then, those vast quarries that teem with mechanic stone, those for structure be piled into great cities, and those for sculpture to perpetuate the honor of renowned heroes, even those who shall now save their country ? O ye unborn inhabitants of America ! should this page escape the destined conflagration at the year's end, and these alphabetical letters remain legible, when your eyes behold the sun after he has rolled the season round for two or three centuries more, you will know that in Anno Domini 1758, we dreamed of your times." * THE OLD THIRTEEN STATES.— These States had first colonial existence, then independent revolutionary existence under the Congress, then united existence under the pledge of the Confederation, and now they come to have cemented exist- ence under the Constitution and constitutional form of govern- ment. Their membership in the Republic dates from their rati- fication of the Constitution by conventions chosen for the pur- pose. These dates are: "Delaware, Dec. 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, Dec. 12, 1787; New Jersey, Dec. 18, 1787; Georgia, Jan. 2, 1788; Connecticut, Jan. 9, 1788; Massachusetts, Feb. 6, 1788; Mary- land, April 28, 1788; South Carolina, May 23, 1788; New Hampshire, June 21, 1788; Virginia, June 25, 1788; New York, July 26, 1788; North Carolina, Nov. 21, 1789; Rhode Island, May 29, 1790. * Written by Nathaniel Ames, father of Fisher Ames, in Ames' Almanac for 1758, and one of the most remarkable prophecies relating to America. 106 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. THE EARLIEST TERRITORIES.— While yet the country was limping along under the Confederation, it entered upon the work of disposing of its lands acquired by the treaty of 1783. Its first action was by the celebrated ordinance of July 13, 1787, already alluded to, which created " The Territory Northwest of the Ohio river " out of the Virginia cession up to 41 °, and out of all north of that parallel, ceded by Great Britain. Out of this territory, according to the provisions of the ordinance, not less than three States were to be formed fronting on the Ohio river. Out of all that was left, lying north of an east and west line drawn through the southern extremity of Lake Michigan, one or two other States were to be formed. The provisions of this ordinance were afterwards carried out in the formation of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and so, of the remaining portion of the ter- ritory, were formed Michigan, Wisconsin, and that part of Min- nesota east of the Mississippi. The next disposition of public domain was made by the present government on May 26, 1790. It then erected the "Ter- ritory south of the Ohio river," out of cessions by Virginia and North Carolina, and gave it a government similar to that or- dained for the Territory northwest of the Ohio. Out of this Territory, in due time, sprang the States of Kentucky and Ten- nessee, though to the latter was added the strip of twelve miles wide, ceded by South Carolina. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.— All this was simply pushing the jurisdiction of the government in a Territorial way. The real work of State carving and building, outside of original limits, was, however, soon to begin in earnest. But we must first notice that important grant which had the effect of fixing the location of the National Capital. Article 1, Sec. 8, of the Constitution empowered Congress " to exercise exclusive legis- lation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States." By act of her legislature, Dec. 23, 1788, Maryland made a cession of territory ten miles square for the above purpose. Nearly a year afterwards, Dec. 3, 1789, Vir- BUILDING POLITICALLY. 107 ginia ceded a like, or less, quantity of land for a similar purpose. Thus the government was in possession of more than it needed for a capital. However, it accepted both grants, July 16, 1790, and ordained that the same should become the permanent seat of government of the United States. In the same act the Presi- dent was authorized to fix the boundaries of the cessions so as to bring their limits within the constitutional provision of ten miles square. * This he did by proclamation, March 30, 1791. The territory retained embraced sixty-four square miles of that part ceded by Maryland and thirty-six of that ceded by Virginia. Over this the government assumed control by Act of Feb. 27, 1 80 1. But it was cut in twain by the Potomac. Therefore, by act of July 9, 1846, the Virginia portion was retroceded to that State, leaving the District of Columbia and the permanent seat of government to occupy only the Maryland cession of about sixty-four square miles. VERMONT FIRST.— The introduction of new States makes a curious and instructive history. Some ripened as Territories and drifted naturally into their places as States of the Union. Others were forced into position ere they were ready, in obedi- ence to a balancing principle which, at an early day, was resorted to for the gratification of sectional feelings and interests. Still others were admitted for protective border or commercial rea- sons. But, let it be hoped, that all were admitted for their own advantage and that of the national government, and that now no one would wish to lose its place in the federal arch. The first to link her fortunes with the " old thirteen " was Vermont. She, above all others, had had an unfortunate terri- torial existence, and her admission was a happy escape from troubles which otherwise seemed unending. Claimed by Massa- chusetts under the wonderful Plymouth charter, by New Hamp- shire whose western limit was practically unascertained, by New York because "the New Netherlands," afterwards the possession of the Duke of York, ran indefinitely northeastward, and by France because it lay along a water way into the St. Lawrence, and peopled more or less by all these claimants, New Hamp- shire had been from the earliest times a common raiding-ground 108 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. and seat of contention. The fight between New York and New Hampshire waxed so bitter that a decision was invoked from the crown. New York won, and her line was adjudged to extend to the Connecticut river. The folly of New Y6rk in deciding the New Hampshire grants of lands in Vermont illegal stirred up the landholders to armed resistance. There is no telling how far the war would have been carried, for the Vermonters were very determined, had not the revolution turned attention in another direction. Even during the war with Great Britain the Vermonters, January, 1777, established for their territory an independent jurisdiction under the name of " New Connecticut or Vermont." Thus equipped they petitioned the Continental Con- gress for admission into the Union, a request which was entitled to respect, for Vermont was playing a brave and important role, and was really as much of an independent colony as any other. But she was headed off by New York and New Hampshire, neither of whom were yet ready to relinquish their hold upon her. To make matters worse Massachusetts revived her sleep- ing claim to the soil. The plight was pitiable. No redress was to be had of tlie indecisive government of the Confederation, for it was really no government at all. The farmers again flew to arms under the lead of the intrepid Ethan Allen, and were i\ow more than ever determined to resist the attempt of New York to push her authority into their midst. The British, knowing the tardiness and negligence of the Congress of the Confederation, and hoping that the Vermonters would soon be driven to seek the protection of a stronger government, actually opened negotia- tions to have them cast their lot in with theirs. But these spirited Green Mountain men were not disloyal enough for that. They clung closely together, kept up a government of their own, fought bravely through the war of the revolution, and at the peace of 1783 constituted a State, so far as machinery went, as perfect as any of the original thirteen. After the adoption of the constitution of 1787, and the forma- tion of the new government under it, she again petitioned for admission. New York opposed her as before. But this time the power of the central government was stronger. It could hear BUILDING TOLITICALLY. 109 and decide, and was willing to do so. A commission was created to investigate and decide the conflict. New York was paid $30,000 with which to quiet the titles of her citizens holding lands in Vermont. Thereupon she withdrew all claims to juris- diction, and by act of Feb. 18, 1791, to take effect March 4, 1 79 1, Vermont was admitted into the Union, with all the rights and privileges of a State. As intimated her independent State existence became necessary as a cure for the evils which had come upon her through conflicting claims of ownership and their foolish assertion, and not for any very pressing geographic or commercial reason. The United States now embraced four- teen States. KENTUCKY'S ADMISSION.— Kentucky very properly came into the Union at an early date. She had been a dissatis- fied and dangerous Territory for a long time. Her region had been a hunting-ground and battle-field remote from her mother Virginia, whose protection was quite too feeble to be of any account. The wild, brave spirits who had found a home in the midst of " the dark and bloody grounds " had more than once declared that inasmuch as Virginia could give them no pro- tection, they ought to set up a government of their own. But they never completely severed their relations with the mother colony or State, for the reason that they regarded the govern- ment of the Confederation as of no more consequence to them, in the matter of protection, than Virginia. So they drifted amid years and years of conventions, debates and resolutions, on the propriety of doing something toward protective organization. At one time it looked as if the entire territory might be lost to the Union, and a war to recover it be the consequence. Spain, understanding the situation, secretly proposed rare commercial favors if the Territory would declare independence and start out on a career of its own. Knowledge of this proposition stirred pub- lic sentiment to the very bottom. Two conventions * were held in quick succession, at Danville, looking toward a territorial govern- ment, and as a greater measure of safety toward admission into the Union. In these the debates ran high, and disputes were often * They were the sixth and seventh which had been held. HO BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. long and angry. At length out of the turmoil came a proposi- tion to recommend separate territorial existence. Congress acted promptly and erected " The Territory South of the Ohio River," including Kentucky and Tennessee, May 26, 1 790. This action was followed Feb. 4, 1 791, to take effect June 1, 1792, by another act admitting Kentucky into the Union as a State. Thus was used the old territory of Virginia s6uth of the Ohio. TENNESSEE ADMITTED.— -Tennessee was that part of the national domain ceded by North Carolina, to which was added, on the south, the strip of twelve miles wide ceded by South Carolina. It was also all that was left of " the Territory South of the Ohio," after Kentucky was admitted. It too was a dangerous Territory, bordering as it did on partly foreign waters (the Mississippi), and subject to the same inducements to drift away from the Atlantic influence, as was Kentucky. Like Ken- tucky, also, the Tennessee region had early become the scene of white settlement and bloody Indian encounter. It too was " a dark and bloody ground " for many years, extending from, say 1754 to the close of the American revolution. Indeed, during the revolution Great Britain attempted to work in the rear of the American situation by arming the Cherokees and pushing them through the settlements of the Cumberland and on to the colonists of Virginia and the Carolinas. Only by the most heroic efforts of the Carolina and Virginia militia was the terri- tory held against Indian foe and English promise to the inhabi- tants of special favors if they too would take up arms against the Atlantic colonists. As long as the territory belonged to North Carolina it was known as the " District of Washington." After the peace of 1783, and the founding of Nashville, the people felt that the Mother Colony was no longer protective, yet like those of Ken- tucky, they had no faith in the government of the Confederation, and deemed it a feeble power to tie to. They were, therefore, at sea as to a proper allegiance, till after the adoption of the Con- stitution of 1787. Then, with a stronger central government in view, one which could afford the much needed protection, and which was worthy of confidence and support, their political BUILDING POLITICALLY. Hi future became plain. North Carolina relinquished all control in 1790, and in the same year Tennessee became a part of "The Territory South of the Ohio." Two years after the admission of Kentucky, the people formed a State Constitution and pre- sented it to Congress. It was approved June 1, 1796, and Ten- nessee became a State of the American Union, her territory having been that of North Carolina and part of South Carolina. The admission of Kentucky and Tennessee was a commercial necessity. They gave to the Union a Mississippi frontage, headed off further Spanish scheming in the upper valley, and presented the hand of our dynasty in such a way as to be taken hold of in friendly commercial clasp across the " Father of Waters," or with iron grip for supremacy from Lake Itaska to the Delta. The stars on the American flag numbered sixteen. OHIO GETS READY.— Turning the century the govern- ment was busy with its " Territory Northwest of the Ohio." By act of May 7, 1800, to take effect July 1, 1800, it was divided into two parts. This was getting ready for the State of Ohio, for one part was very like the present Ohio. The other part was incorporated into the " Territory of Indiana." And a word about this " Territory of Indiana." It of course comprised all that was left of M The Territory Northwest of the Ohio," after Ohio was taken away. But it had a greater fame before it. After France made her cession of Louisiana it was, by act of October I, 1804, erected into "The District of Louisiana," and placed under the jurisdiction of the officers appointed to govern the Territory of Indiana. Thus, for purposes of government, the Territory of Indiana was a vast empire, the largest by far ever organized by the government within its territory. Territorial Indiana reached to the Pacific and the gulf. The part cut off, and which was to become Ohio, embraced all of present Ohio up to a line drawn east and west through the southern point of Lake Michigan, and this was Ohio as ad- mitted into the Union by act of April 30, 1802, to take effect November 29, 1802. But the Ohio of to-day contains some 600 square miles more territory. Her northern boundary was adjusted by act of June 15, 1836, called the " Enabling act for the State of Michigan," and by act of June 23, i8?6. 112 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. France and England, both original claimants of Ohio, began to clash about, and on, the soil as early as 1750. It had been a stamping ground for French traders long before this. At that time Virginians and Englishmen, having obtained a grant of 600,000 acres, came as settlers and traders. Frequent collisions with the French ended in war. To drive out the French was the object of Braddock's disastrous march on Fort Du Quesne. Not until the loss of Canada and the Mississippi valley by France in 1763, did Ohio become undisputed English soil. On account of these rival claims and bloody disputes, permanent settlement was tardy in a land so inviting and so contiguous to the old States. Even after the organization of " The Territory of the Northwest," Ohio was by no means a pleasant place to go to, for the Indians were very tenacious of their titles to the land, and were kept in a state of ferment and opposition by the British on the north. The entire region was in a state of war from 1790 to 1794, when the Miamies were humiliated by General Wayne. After this migration and settlement were phenomenally rapid. LOUISIANA COMES.— The mention of Louisiana intro- duces us to a strange people. The Latin race was in the ascend- ant there and not the Saxon. It was the key to the mouth of the Mississippi, and was desirable to any nation with commercial ambitions. When Spain held it she was very jealous of it, and her ownership was a bar to free commerce through either gulf or Mississippi channels. She saw that her occupancy was a standing threat on the United States, and that the commercial drift of all the country east of the river, whose drainage was into it, must be toward her. Hence, her schemes of an empire which should embrace both sides of the river. Hence, also, those other schemes, of which Aaron Burr's was one, for a great southwestern country whose strong point should be control of the " Father of Waters " — at this date let it be charitably sup- posed, in favor of the United States. After the purchase of Louisiana from France in 1803, no time was lost in getting it under control. That part of the immense territory now in the State of Louisiana (nearly all) was erected BUILDING POLITICALLY. \\o into the "Territory of Orleans," by act of March 26, 1804. Claiborne, who was sent as governor, found our form of govern- ment unsuitable for a people who spoke little English and whose institutions rested on laws and customs foreign to our own. So by act of Congress (1805") tne y were given a government similar to that established for the Territory of Mississippi, which also contained a mixed Spanish and French population. Out of this act sprang a system of local laws, embracing many features of the Code Napoleon, to which the people were reconciled. All the rest of the Louisiana purchase went into the District of Louisiana, which, as we have seen, became a part of the Terri- tory of Indiana. Spain would not relinquish her right to the territory of Louisiana lying east of the Mississippi, claiming that her ces- sion to France did not cover it, and that she still owned it as a part of her Florida. Therefore, in 1 8 10, the United States seized the port of Baton Rouge, and adjudged the Spanish territory to be a part of Louisiana. An act of Congress passed Feb. 20, 181 1, enabled the Territory of Orleans to become a State. By act of April 8, 18 12, to take effect April 30, the same was admitted as a State, under the name of Louisiana. Thus finally ended what had for a long time been a quiet struggle between Spain and the United States for permanent sovereignty of a section which, had the result been otherwise, must have for a long time retarded our western growth. The admission was a matter of clear and decisive policy, in a commercial sense, however much it may have been objected to by certain parties at the time. It created a sovereign State right where the greatest inducement existed to protect it, and right where one of firm attachment to the Union was most needed. It projected the national authority to the gulf lines and set up an everlasting barrier to interference with internal commerce along ten thou- sand miles of water way. INDIANA ADMITTED.— -The vast Territory of Indiana, created in 1800 out of that northwest of the Ohio and extended indefinitely by adding, in 1804, the District of Louisiana, now gave a State to the Union and its name to that State. It was 8 114 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. carved out of the southeastern part of that Territory by the en- abling act of April 19, 18 16, and the resolution approving of its constitution and admitting it into the Union, as the State of In- diana, was passed Dec. 11, 1 8 16. The State was not without a remote territorial history. France had dotted it with trading and missionary posts, some of which, as Vincennes, became permanent settlements. After the loss of the French territory, in 1763, to England, Indiana, like Ohio, was not an inviting field for settlement. The Indians were tenacious of their lands. Their liking for the old French influence, and the ease with which the British stirred them up to resent pioneering, kept back our civilization. After the treaty of 1783, when the whole ter- ritory passed from Great Britain to the United States of the Confederation, the Indians became bitterly hostile. In 1788, one year after the framing of the constitution, an Indian war broke out, which involved the whole Northwest. It only ceased when their powerful and dangerous confederacy was broken by the victories of General Wayne. Even then the brave Shawnee leader Tecumseh would not submit but held on, a source of terror to every infant settlement, till his defeat by General Har- rison in the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe, Nov. 11, 181 1. MISSISSIPPI ADMITTED.— The twentieth State to enter the Union was Mississippi. It was carved out of the Territory of Mississippi, by act of March 1, 1817, which was also the date of the enabling act. Her constitution and form of government having been submitted to Congress and approved, she was ad- mitted into the Union by joint resolution of Dec. 10, 18 17. Out of the balance of Mississippi Territory, the State of Alabama was created. ILLINOIS A STATE.— We must turn to the north for the next State of the Union. Not less than three States were to be formed out of the territory northwest of the Ohio. Two have ap- peared, Ohio and Indiana. The third takes shape as Illinois. It became the Territory of Illinois by act of March 1, 1809, though it extended clear to the British possessions. By the enabling act of April 18, 1 818, the present limits of the State were fixed, and by joint resolution of Dec. 3, 18 18, the State was BUILDING POLITICALLY. 115 admitted into the Union. Though the twenty-first State, Illinois had a history extending back into the seventeenth century. Her towns of Kaskaskia, Cahokia and others were French settle- ments and distributing centres as early as 1673. But the French occupancy was a lonely one, and Illinois presents the historic spectacle of a Christian civilization gradually falling back and merging with that of its Indian surroundings. Like Ohio and Indiana, Illinois became deeply involved in the French and English wars for the possession of the Northwest, and like them it passed into British hands by the treaty of 1763, and into the possession of the United States by the treaty of 1783. ALABAMA ENTERS.— Now that we have had a Northern State there must be a Southern one. By this time it was regarded as the proper thing to create alternate free and slave States. Indeed, few States had hitherto been admitted without discussion of the question of slavery, and few were to be ad- mitted without similar discussion. The matter had been some- what bitterly mooted when the question of the Louisiana purchase was up, and afterwards when Kentucky was a candi- date for admission. Well, the new State was to be Alabama, the remnant of Mississippi Territory. Two days after the State of Mississippi was cut out of this Territory, the Territory of Alabama was formed, March 3, 18 17. Two years afterwards an act enabling Alabama to become a State was passed, March 2, 1 8 19. By joint resolution of Dec. 14, 1 8 19, she was admitted as a State in the Union, the twenty-second on the list. MAINE APPEARS. — There was a race between the North and South for the next State, the twenty-third. Maine and Missouri were the competitors, with Maine in the lead. Lapse of time had fixed the claim of Massachusetts to the soil of Maine, and to the right to govern her. There were many of her people, however, who never acknowledged this claim, and various attempts were made, notably in 1785 and 1802, to effect a separation. At length, in 18 19, the Territorial legislature* ordered an election of delegates " to express the true will of the people." The convention thus created, operating with the con- * Not a Territory of the United States, but a Territory of Massachusetts. 116 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sent of the Legislature of Massachusetts, adopted a constitution and separate form of government, which received the approba- tion of the people. Massachusetts made formal cession of all her claims to the Territory. By act of Congress, March 3, 1820, to take effect March 15, 1820, Maine was admitted into the Union as a State. MISSOURI ENTERS AMID STORM.— At least a year before Maine was admitted, a bill to enable the Territory of Mis- souri (a part of the Louisiana purchase) to become a State was introduced in Congress. In the House an amendment was offered, in the words of the ordinance (1787) for the government of the Territory Northwest of the Ohio, " prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in Missouri, except as a punishment for crime." Though the Republicans (Democrats) were in an over- whelming majority in both branches, party lines were dropped in the House, and the amendment was carried, but was rejected in the Senate.* This brought the slavery question into a shape it had never assumed before. It came suddenly. Ex-President Jefferson said, " it startled him like a fire-bell in the night." It came, as a question, from the house of its supposed friends. Before this the Ohio River had been a convenient line upon which to determine these questions of slave and free State admissions. But there was no Ohio beyond the Mississippi. Hence a new line became necessary, or rather no line, for the best anti-slavery minds con- tended that slavery in the Territories was a question absolutely within the purview of Congress. It was not a question of parties. The Federal party was practically dead, and the Re- publican (Democratic) party held the entire political line north and south. It therefore became a question of sections, and bit- terly the battle was fought over Missouri. The next year (1820) the defeated Missouri bill came up again in the House, as did * This astounding measure and vote in the House, together with the popularity of Clay's plans for American Protection and Internal Improvement, showed that there was then the nucleus of a new party within the Republican ranks, which was soon (1825) to assume shape as the National Republican, afterwards the Whig party. BUILDING POLITICALLY. 117 the bill to admit Maine. Both passed, and both prohibited slavery. The Senate passed the Maine bill, and united it with a bill for Missouri, permitting slavery.* This was done to throw the responsibility of rejection on the House, a responsibility which the House did not hesitate to assume, for it speedily de- feated the Senate bill. Henry Clay then came forward with the celebrated compromise measure, known as " The Missouri Com- promise of 1820," by which both sections agreed to pass the respective bills, one admitting Maine as a free State, the other admitting Missouri as a slave State, and forever prohibiting slavery in all territory north of the line of 36 30'. This memorable controversy ended, the Missouri enabling act was passed March 6, 1820. By joint resolution of March 2, 1 82 1, the admission of the State was further provided for, and by proclamation of August 10, the State was declared to be a member of the Union. It had a population in excess of the 60,000 then required to enable a Territory to become a State, and its chief town, St. Louis, with a population of 5,000, was the commercial emporium of the upper. Mississippi. Missouri was the first State formed wholly out of the territory west of the Mississippi. Though but a small part of that land of Louisiana which stretched away to the Pacific and up to the British line, it was felt that whatever policy, as to slavery, prevailed in her ad- mission would be likely to prevail in all the States carved out of the same lands. This was why the fight over her admission was so bitter, and why it was deemed proper, then and there, to fix the policy which should control the admission of future trans- Mississippi States, by the compromise line of 36 30'. By act of June 7, 1836, the northwest boundary of the State was ex- tended to the Missouri River, the triangular piece thus added containing about 3,168 square miles. ARKANSAS ADMITTED.— There was a period of rest from the work of State building, which lasted for sixteen years, dur- ing which time the outlying territories were ripening. The * The Senate only partially divided into sections. Enough Northern Senators voted with those from the South, to defeat the action of the House. 118 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. " Territory of Arkansaw " * had been carved out of the Territory of Missouri, by act of March 19, 1819. It had limits coincident with those of the present State. By act of June 15, 1836, the same was admitted as the State of Arkansas. It had not a full quota of inhabitants when admitted, and but little previous history except what belonged to the period of French and Spanish occupancy. The French claimed Arkansas Post as among the oldest settlements of the country. MICHIGAN A CANDIDATE.— An important State was now ready in the Northwest. The Territory of Michigan had been formed as early as June 30, 1805, from the Territory of In- diana. It then included but little more than the Michigan penin- sula, between Lakes Huron and Erie and Lake Michigan. On June 28, 1834, the Territory of Michigan was made to extend to the Missouri and White Earth Rivers. Out of this large area was carved the present State of Michigan, by the enabling act of June 15, 1836. Her constitution and form of government having met with the approval of Congress, she was admitted as a State by act of Jan. 26, 1837. The trail of the French trader and missionary is plainer in Michigan than in any other State of the Northwest. Detroit was a French town as early as 170 1. River, lake, bay, and town bear frequent witness to the French occupancy. It cannot be said that the American influence was felt in Michigan before 1796. During the war of 18 12, Detroit was held by the British, and became the starting-point of those Anglo-Indian campaigns which wrapped the Northwest in gloom and drenched it with blood. At the time of her admission, Michigan had far more than her quota of population, and nearly four times as many as Arkansas, admitted the year before. FLORIDA A MEMBER.— It was now the turn of the " Flowery realm." Though thinly populated, and with but little more than half a quota, it was deemed politic to make Florida the twenty-seventh State. The " East Florida," which Spain ceded Feb. 22, 1 8 19, was erected into the Territory of Florida March 30, 1822. By act of March 3, 1845, it was admitted as a * The Territory was that of Arkanscnv, which spelling has recently been decided by the State authorities to control the pronunciation of Arkansas. BUILDING POLITICALLY. 119 State. It had had a long and eventful history both as a Spanish and English possession. From its climate, situation, and prom- ises, it was always a coveted country, yet ever an expensive one to take and hold. IOWA ADMITTED.— -The day that gave birth to Florida saw also a new State in the Northwest. Iowa Territory had been cut out of Wisconsin Territory, June 12, 1838. This Territory was not identical with the present State of Iowa, but embraced all north of Missouri and between the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers. Out of this was carved a State of Iowa, which was ad- mitted into the Union March 3, 1845. But the boundaries were not satisfactory. By act of Aug. 4, 1846, the northern boundary was lowered from the parallel running through the mouth of the Mankato or Blue Earth River to where it now is, and the western boundary was pushed from meridian of \J° 3c/ to where it now is. After this adjustment of boundaries the State was readmitted Dec. 28, 1846. As part of the French domain, Iowa had a history as early as 1686, when Dubuque was a fort and trading- post. TEXAS ANNEXATION.— The twenty-ninth State, Texas, was the most imposing piece of territory that had, as yet, applied for admission into the Union. It was not carved out of our own territory as other States had been, nor was it prepared for mem- bership by any process of ripening under a Territorial govern- ment. A member of the Mexican Republic, it had seceded and set up for itself. Its admission into the American Union would be a surrender of its independence to again try the experiment of membership in a Republic to which it had all along been for- eign.* Discussion of the question of Texas Annexation occu- pied most of the time of the second session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, 1844-45. A proposition to prohibit slavery within its borders was voted down.f With full knowledge of the fact that * Quite a number of Saxon settlers had drifted into Texas who had done much to foster the spirit of annexation. f Mexico had abolished slavery twenty years before, and therefore by the law of the Mexican Republic Texas was free territory. But Texas, when independent, had re-established slavery. 120 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. its status was one of war with Mexico, and that annexation would be an assumption of that status, the Congress voted for it. The joint resolution of annexation prohibited slavery in any- State formed of Texas territory north of 36 30', but left the question to the people of the States to be formed of said terri- tory south of that line. We have already seen the steps by which her territory passed to the United States and the conse- quences.* The date of her admission was Dec. 29, 1845. WISCONSIN ADMITTED.— The thirtieth State was Wis- consin. The Territory of Wisconsin was erected by act of April 20, 1836. It was cut out of the Territory of Michigan, and that part east of the Mississippi had previously been in the Territories of Illinois, Indiana and the northwest of the Ohio. The Terri- tory of Wisconsin embraced the States of Wisconsin, Iowa and part of Minnesota. The Territory of Iowa was severed by act of June 12, 1838. By the enabling act of August 6, 1846, Wiscon- sin took its present shape, and by act of May 29, 1848, was ad- mitted as a State. Like the rest of the northwest territory Wisconsin shows in its names of places the trail of its early French occupants and owners. CALIFORNIA COMES.— The Mexican war ended by the peace of February 2, 1848, called the treaty of Guadaloupe- Hidalgo. This brought that immense cession of territory men- tioned on page 95, and out of which the Territory of California was organized. This cession threw the country into another ferment over the slavery question. By the laws of Mexico all this territory was free. But the proslavery wing of the Demo- cratic party joined issue with the friends of the Wilmot Proviso and forced another compromise (that of 1850), which, so far as California was concerned, had the effect of making her a free State. f She applied for admission Feb. 13, 1850, and was ad- mitted Sept. 9, 1850. The discovery of gold in her soil, the rapid population of the State by the adventurous and not too peaceful " forty-niners," and various apparent commercial rea- sons, not to say a pardonable national pride, made a State on * See ante, p. 94, and page 533, post. f For fuller details of this compromise see page 544. BUILDING POLITICALLY. 121 the Pacific coast most desirable. The arch of the Union now spanned the continent. From 1787 to 1850 had been just sixty- three years. ' MINNESOTA ADMITTED.— Minnesota Territory had been formed March 3, 1849, out of the parts of Territories of Iowa and Wisconsin not included in those two States. Out of this Territory was carved the present State of Minnesota by the enabling act of Feb. 26, 1857. On May 11, 1858, the State of Minnesota was admitted into the Union. The balance of Minne- sota Territory went to Territory of Dakota. OREGON HEARD FROM.— The Pacific Coast presents another candidate. The immense Territory of Oregon was created out of all the northwestern portion of the Louisiana purchase, on Aug. 14, 1848. It extended from the fortieth parallel to the British possessions, and from the Pacific to the Rocky Mountains, with an area of nearly 300,000 square miles. Out of this domain was carved the State of Oregon, which by act of Feb. 14, 1859, was admitted into the Union. The rest of her Territory became the Territory of Washington. KANSAS, AND TROUBLE.— The thirty-fourth State, Kan- sas, had a stormy birth. The throes she engendered shook the Union to its very centre. The celebrated Kansas-Nebraska bill was introduced into the House Jan. 23, 1854. It was designed to establish the fact that the compromise of 1820 had been re- pealed by that of 1850, and further to establish the principle that slavery, north or south of 36 30', was a matter for the people of each Territory to decide for themselves. The bill passed in March, 1854, and both North and South encouraged colonization within the limits of Kansas, which the bill created into a Terri- tory immediately west of Missouri and between 37 and 40 ,. as well as Nebraska, lying north of Kansas and between 40 and 43 . Under the circumstances the condition of Kansas was that of constant petty war. It became a " bleeding Kansas " indeed, and as to bloodless party passion the rest of the country was no better off.* For seven years this warfare went on, and only ended * For fuller details of Kansas-Nebraska question see Administrations and Con- gresses, pages 554 anc * 566* 122 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. after the work of seceding from the Union began. Then the government which had been set up under the Lecompton con- stitution was repudiated, and that formed under the Wyandot Free State Constitution was adopted by a Republican Congress Jan. 29, 1 86 1, and Kansas became a State in the Union. The* Territory of Kansas formed under the bill of Jan. 23, 1854, adopted May 30, 1854, had for its western boundary the Rocky Mountains, which were the eastern boundary of Utah. The act which admitted her as a State fixed the 25th meridian as her western boundary. All the rest of the Territory of Kansas went to the Territory of Colorado. WEST VIRGINIA CREATED.— The destructive work of secession introduced a new feature in State building. Virginia seceded from the Union and cast her lot with the Southern Con- federacy, April 17, 1861. Some thirty-nine of the western coun- ties refused to be bound by her action. Representatives from these met at Wheeling to protest against secession. A second convention met in August which framed a separate State con- stitution and form of government. This was submitted to the people in May, 1862, and ratified. It was then submitted to Congress, and after some slight amendments was accepted. The President was authorized to proclaim that it should take effect June 19, 1863, on which date West Virginia became a State in the Union. In 1872 the counties of Jefferson and Berkley, parts of Old Virginia, were added to West Virginia, the thirty-fifth State. NEVADA ADMITTED.— Nevada Territory was erected March 2, 1861, out of a strip from California, and that part of Utah Territory lying west of 38th meridian, though California has not yet made formal cession of the portion taken from her. The enabling act for the Territory was passed March 21, 1864, and on October 31, 1864, Nevada was admitted as a State. Her boundaries were much enlarged by act of May 5, 1866, which added some 18,326 square miles from Utah, and 12,225 square miles from Arizona, Territories. NEBRASKA ACCEPTED.— The original Territory of Ne- braska was erected May 30, 1854, out of that part of the public BUILDING POLITICALLY. 123 domain lying between Minnesota and the Rocky Mountains and between 40 N. lat., and the British possessions. But as part of this Territory shared with Kansas the vicissitudes of the slavery excitement, the paring process, which ran through half a dozen acts of Congress, did not end till April 19, 1864, when an enabling act was passed for the present limits of Nebraska. On February 9, 1867, she was admitted as a State, the act to take effect March 1, 1867. THE CENTENNIAL STATE.— The Territory of Colorado was created by act of February 28, 186 1. It was one of a set then erected,* about which no mention of slavery was made in obedience to the terms of the Dred Scott decision. But there was then no need of such mention, for the South had given up its efforts to populate the debatable Territories and vote therein for slavery, and had entered upon secession as a remedy for evils it deemed otherwise incurable. Owing to mining, Colorado had a fluctuating population for many years. A State Constitution was framed in convention 1875-76, and accepted by the people July 1, 1876. The date of final admission was August 1, 1876. TEARING DOWN— -The sentiment of the country respect- ing slavery had grown more divergent ever since the adoption of the Constitution. It was not at first sectional, but as time passed it took that shape. Then it got to be political as well. The Kansas affair (see Kansas), the division of the Democratic party in its convention of i860, the evidence of a solidified and overwhelming anti-slavery sentiment supplied by the election of Mr. Lincoln, determined the slave States to no longer fight a losing battle for the maintenance and spread of their institution in the Union, but to secede and set up a central government of their own. Not doubting the wisdom of the step nor their ability to maintain it against the armed remonstrance they knew it was sure to provoke, they began the work of dismemberment in i860. The war which followed, and its results, must be the historic test of both the wisdom and strength of their undertaking, as well as of the ability of the Union to maintain itself against this kind * Including Nevada and Dakota. 124 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. of attack, and to adapt itself to the prevalent vital thought of each succeeding age. The first open and direct step of dismemberment was taken by South Carolina in a convention called for the purpose. It was an ordinance of secession entitled "An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina and other States united with her in the compact entitled the Constitution of the United States of America," and was to take effect Dec. 20, i860. Before the end of January, 1861, similar ordinances had been passed by Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas. Delegates from these States met at Montgomery, Alabama, in February, 1 861, and formed a government called the " Confederate States of America," whose constitution closely resembled that which they had repudiated, save that it recognized slavery and prohibited protective tariffs. This Confederacy attracted other slave-holding States to it, to wit, Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas and North Carolina. Thus eleven States were lost to the American Union and were in open war with it. It was the hardest and most direct blow ever administered to the Republic, because it came not from strangers but friends, not from without but within. The shock was fearful. For four years the grand monument of the fathers trembled to its base. For four years Republican institutions existed amid cloud and darkness, doubt- ful of clearing sky or auspicious sunrise. Those years ended, the result was failure of the Confederacy to maintain itself, the loss of slavery to its States, surrender of the attempt to wrench by force what reason could not win. REBUILDING. — This was a delicate and somewhat tedious task. There was no standard by which to determine the relation of these seceded States to the National Union, now that they had failed to validate by force their ordinances of separation. But the Supreme Court furnished one in 1869, in the case of Texas vs. White. It was held that " the ordinances of secession were absolutely null," that the seceding States had no right to secede, had never been out of the Union, could not get out ex- cept through successful rebellion. That the utmost they had done was to put off their old State governments, and take on BUILDING POLITICALLY. 125 others which fitted them for membership in their Confederacy, but unfitted them for the place a State must hold in the Union, under the amended Constitution. That, therefore, the Congress had the right to re-establish the relation of these seceded States to the Union. The terms fixed were the establishment of State Constitutions and forms of government in accord with the amended National Constitution, and full ratification of its provisions. Waiving the above questions, Tennessee had sought and secured readmission, July 24, 1866; Arkansas, June 22, 1868; North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia and Florida under act of June 25, 1868, but with the proviso that they must further subscribe to the act of 1867 regarding free citizenship. All did this promptly except Georgia. Virginia was readmitted Jan. 25, 1870; Mississippi, Feb. 23, 1870; Texas, March 30, 1870. Georgia held out for the right to exclude negroes from office, but finally opened her offices to all citizens, and was readmitted July 15, 1870. The Union was restored to its full strength and majesty — let it be said to a fuller strength and majesty than before. THE TERRITORIES. UTAH.— Of those vast outlying acres not yet ready for States, but which have organizations and governments through Congress, Utah Territory was formed Sept. 9, 1850. It had then an immense area of 220,000 square miles, parts of which were spared to Colorado, Nebraska, Nevada and Wyoming, leaving its present boundaries and an area of 82,190 square miles. This Territory is the seat of Mormonism, and has on that account been conspicuous in our history. NEW MEXICO.— -The Territory of New Mexico was erected Sept. 9, 1850, the same day as Utah. It embraced lands ceded by Mexico and those included in the Gadsden purchase. By losing parts to Colorado and Arizona it has gotten its present boundaries and an area of 122,460 square miles. WASHINGTON. — Six years before Oregon became a State her immense territory was severed, and the northern portion be- came Washington Territory, March 2, 1853. By losing, the Territory of Idaho, and part of Nebraska, it got its present boundaries and an area of 66,880 square miles. 126 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. THE INDIAN COUNTRY.— The idea of setting apart a por- tion of our domain for the exclusive use of Indians was not more humanitarian than the result of a need for protection. Remains of brave tribes, many of them despairing, most of them at enmity with the whites, were scattered about in the States and Territories. To get rid of them by putting them on soil they could call their own, where they would not be in the white man's way and where they might, perchance, lift themselves a little toward the civilization which had surrounded them and driven them thither, was the object of an Indian Country. It was laid off geographically, but was not organized as a Territory, June 30, 1834. It was to embrace "all that part of the United States west of the Mississippi, and not within the States of Mfssouri, Louisiana and the Territory of Arkansas." The extent of this country and the fact that no organization was provided for showed that the legislation which set it apart was not serious. Almost immediately the land began to be needed for other pur- poses, and there was nothing in the act setting it apart for Indian uses to raise even so much as a question about the impropriety or wrongfulness of dividing it up and appropriating it to other uses. So by various Acts of Congress this "Indian Country" was pared down to its present size and shape. The last act, that of May 30, 1854, organizing the Territory of Kansas, limited it to 69,830 square miles, with Missouri and Arkansas on its east, Kansas on its north, the Red River on its south and the 100th meridian on its west. The "Indian Country" is a monument of national honor and disgrace ; honor, because it is the first distinct recognition, on the part of our government, of a policy that savored of human- ity; disgrace, because, until lately, it was the only formal an- nouncement of such a policy, and because through lack of candor, through bad management, through failure to engraft on it any working system, it has never produced a satisfactory fruitage. It seems amazing that the Saxon, even when highly civilized and in the enjoyment of strong, reducing and redeem- ing institutions, should always have regarded the Indian problem as a difficult one. It never was difficult. The French mission- BUILDING POLITICALLY. 127 ary and trader did not find it so. But then he chose to regard the Indian as a man, as endowed with feeling akin to his ownj as owner of the soil, as susceptible to civilizing influences. Failure to so regard him is the secret of our neglect of the Indian, or rather of our ungenerous treatment of him. The idea of his extermination got an early hold on the colonist, and we seem never to have been able to outgrow this primitive and absurd no- tion. Modern humanitarians are more awake to the thought of making the Indian a part of our people. They feel the disgrace the nation has brought on itself, and the age, by its unwillingness or inability to devise a plan by which the Indian can be turned from his ways and made a factor in industry, art, science, govern- ment and morals. With a plan of government which will secure him schools, right to own separate farms, ownership of the pro- ceeds thereof, immunity from disturbance by whites when he appears to be in the way, the franchise, privileges of citizenship, there is no doubt of his future peacefulness and usefulness. DAKOTA. — Dakota Territory was erected by act of March 2, 1 86 1, out of the Territory of Nebraska, and the remains of Minnesota Territory. It contained 310,867 square miles, but by losing Idaho, and by other adjustments, it was left with its present area of 147,700 square miles, July 25, 1868. ARIZONA. — Arizona was made a Territory Feb. 24, 1863, out of lands ceded by Mexico, and embraced in the Territory of New Mexico. By act of May 5, 1866, she lost a part of her soil to Nevada. Present area 1 12,920 square miles. IDAHO. — Idaho was formed from Washington Territory, March 3, 1863. Her area was 118,439 square miles, which was increased by various acquisitions to 326,373 square miles. Then by losses to Montana, Dakota and Wyoming, she got her present boundary, and area of 84,290 square miles, all of which was once in Washington Territory, formerly in Oregon Terri- tory, and is a part of the Louisiana Purchase. MONTANA — Was erected May 26, 1864, from northern Idaho. Her entire area of 145,310 square miles is part of the Louisiana Purchase. ALASKA ACQUISITION.— -This territory is unorganized, 128 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. though efforts to secure a Territorial organization are now being made. It came into the possession of the United States May 28, 1867, from Russia (see ante). Our evidences of sovereignty there and the keeping of the peace depend on the presence of the military or naval branches of the government. Area 531,409 square miles ; or as large as two States like Texas, twenty like Pennsylvania, or four hundred and thirty-four like Rhode Island. WYOMING. — The last Territory formed was Wyoming, by act of July 25, 1868. Area 97,575 square miles. It embraces the remnants of more States and Territories than any other, being the last formed. It includes parts of the French and Mexican cessions, and parts of what were Oregon, Nebraska, Idaho, Dakota, Washington and Utah Territories. ALL HARMONIOUS.— -This brings all the Territory of the United States into definite subdivisions, and gives to each a form of government in harmony with the government of the whole. The States have constitutions, forms of government, and codes of laws, enacted by their people, and in accord with the federal constitution. The Territories have only statutory existence and definite metes and bounds. Their governments do not exist by voice of the people but by Act of Congress : they therefore are provisional and temporary, lasting till the people are sufficiently numerous * and unanimous to form acceptable State govern- ments. As already seen, Alaska is held under a military or naval government. * In general,- the population ought to equal the last apportionment for a member of Congress. But where commercial or other high reasons exist, States are often admitted with a less quota. AMERICAN PRODUCTS AND INDUSTRIES. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY; OR, ADVANTAGE AND RESOURCE. HAT we have learned of the dawn of our government and of its completed political shape may serve to invite further study of its' structure and better knowledge of ©) gy its real sources of vitality. Constitutions may be very complete, institutions may be very grand, but that which gives them solemnity and efficacy is resource. That our institutions do promote national peace, encourage individual and corporate enterprise, favor the growth of wealth and morals, contribute to that political and material development which may be said to be peculiar to the United States, none will deny. But outside of them we have a country whose grandeur is phenomenal. Without lowering our pride of institution, weakening our patriotism, or departing in any large degree from exact truth, it may be said that any constitutional form of gov- ernment which secured freedom of action in dealing with our practically inexhaustible resources and measureless advantages, among which may be mentioned our mineral treasures, fruitful soil, beneficent climate and unexampled geographic situation, would have made of the United States a home, filled with plenty and comfort, and one equally attractive to the seekers of fortune from other parts of the globe. While, therefore, we very properly dispose ourselves to study of the principles of our government, and seek to know their germs and results, we cannot know ourselves entirely till we learn something of our material side. And, rest assured, there is as much in that side to delight the understanding, encourage pertinent inquiry, stimulate to admiration, and contribute to in- 9 (129) 130 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. telligent citizenship, as in any other. Indeed, we do not hesitate to say that in a physical or material sense, the United States are a more wonderful study, their endowment, so to speak, more superb by contrast, their resource more exceptional and blessed than in a strictly political or institutional sense. We do not say this for the purpose of diminishing the impor- tance of any part of our wonderful history, but rather to inspire inquiry into a portion which, because it cannot be spiritedly pre- sented, and appeals to no passion, is very apt to be neglected. All should be read together, for they are parts of a majestic picture, any one of which being absent the whole is impaired. CLIMATE. — The United States proper is entirely within the north temperate zone. But while this is so it has a greater variety of climate than any other single country. One may select a residence with the temperature of Moscow or Calcutta, for its northern boundary is but iyj4° from the frigid zone, and its southern but I *4° from the torrid zone. Few countries equal it in breadth north and south, and fewer still in length east and west. These facts, added to wonderful differences of elevation and to its land and water conformations, heighten the variety of climate, making it genial here and severe there, but nowhere un- inviting or deadly, rather everywhere conducive to the growth of a highly civilized community — cold enough to make a home necessary, warm enough to encourage husbandry. The scientific test of climate is its mean annual temperature. This is the average temperature of a place as ascertained from all the observations made in a year. It runs from 72 ° Fahren- heit at St. Augustine or New Orleans to 36 on the high plains of Minnesota, or 43 ° in Maine, and drops into a range of from 51 at Puget Sound to 62 ° at San Diego, Cal. Our Atlantic coast temperature is uniformly much lower than that of the same latitudes in Europe, the difference being in some instances equivalent to as much as io° of latitude. Inland the four mountain ranges, Appalachian in the east and Rocky Mountains, Sierra Nevada and Cascade ranges in the west, have a wonderful effect on our climate. While the long slopes of these mountains and the extensive valleys between are BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 131 vast reservoirs of heat, they are tempered by the proximity of these cool, wooded and often snow-capped heights to an extent that keeps them within the limit of temperate. Moisture affects climate. The rainfall of the Atlantic coast is very uniform, being 42 inches annually in New England, and increasing gradually to 63 inches in Florida. So the distribution of heat is far more uniform in this portion of the United States than in any other. The Mississippi valley, as high up as St. Louis, is within the influence of south and southwesterly winds (supposably gulf trade winds), which give a heavy rainfall to the Southern States, and gradually decreases to the north. But the whole country being practically within the region of variable winds, there is quite a variety of moisture, and, in so far as climate depends upon it, an equal variety of climate. A re- markable feature of our climate is that of the extreme North- west, which is affected by the Pacific waters. A region of com- parative mildness, covering many degrees of latitude, extends inland from the Puget Sound section, and its genial influence is not lost till it passes to the head waters of our great lakes. This wonderful variety of temperate climate is one of our greatest natural advantages and most pleasing attractions. It consults the health, habit and taste of every citizen, and conduces to an abundance of soil products unsurpassed by any other nation. VEGETATION. — Vegetation affects climate and yet depends on it. All east of the Mississippi is a region of forest and prairie vegetation. Westward, and especially northwestward, the region is prairie, running into arid uplands. In the northern part of the first region the evergreens predominate, as pine, spruce and hemlock. In the middle part, say at 38 to 42 lat., the evergreens give way to oak, elm, ash, maple, chestnut, walnut, hickory, and other deciduous trees. Thence southward to the gulf evergreens of another class appear, giving fame to southern forests as the best in the world for live oak and pitch pine. The region west of the Mississippi, running into uplands, bears in- digenously only grass and herb plants, though it will support forests if properly planted. It is treeless by nature because the 132 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. prevailing winds are westerly and the ranges of mountains tap the Pacific evaporations before they can be borne so far inland. Art is striving to overcome this obstacle to forest growth. Beyond are the great plains and elevated plateaus of the Cor- dilleras, with still less humidity of atmosphere, with an alkaline and comparatively barren soil, and with treeless embellishment, save as some kindly bottom or protecting recess invites growth. West and northwest of the alkali plains the region is again, in general, forest-bearing, some of the growth being gigantic and dense, and mostly of pine and fir. The Pacific slopes have both peculiar vegetation and climate. The winters are mild, short and rainy, and the summers dry. They are an American reproduc- tion of the Mediterranean slopes of France and Italy. POPULATION.— -The population of the United States has increased in the following rapid ratio : Per cent 1790 3,929,214 of increase. 1800 5,308,483 35- 1 1810 7,239,881 36.38 1820 9> 6 33,822 33.06 1830 12,866,020 32.51 Per cent, of increase. 840 17,069,453 32.52 850 23,191,876 35.83 860 31,443,321 35.11 870 38,558,371 22.65 880 50,155,783 30- 8 Subdivided and allotted the following appears : Persons 50,155,783 Area in sq. miles (omitting Alaska) 2,970,000 Families 9,945,916 Dwellings 8,955,812 Persons to a sq. mile 17-29 Families to a sq. mile 3.43 Dwellings to a sq. mile 3.02 Acres to a person 37-°i Acres to a family 186.62 Persons to a dwelling 5.60 Persons to a family 5.04 The rank of the United States may be better seen thus : Countries. Population. Chinese Empire 435,000,000 Est. British India 250,000,000 Russian Empire 98,000,000 United States 50,000,000 Germany 45,000,000 Austria 40,000,000 France 38,000,000 Great Britain and Ireland.. . 35,000,000 Japan 36,000,000 Turkey 33,000,000 Italy 27,000,000 Spain 1 7,000,000 From which it appears that the United States ranks as the fourth country in population, British India being considered as Sq. miles. Inhabitants to Sq. mile. 4,000,000 800,000 109 312 8,500,000 11 3,500,000 208,000 216 240,000 166 204,000 186 121,000 146,000 1,800,000 290 246 18 113,000 183,000 239 93 BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 133 a part of Great Britain. It will be seen also that, except Russia, it is the thinnest populated of the great nations. The most densely populated country is Belgium, its 11,373 square miles supporting a population of 5,500,000, or about 480 to the square mile. The rapidity of increase in our population is marvellous. It has held to a decennial average of over 30 per cent., or a grand total of over 1200 per cent, on the census of 1790. This rate is from five to seven times that of Great Britain, Russia or France. It is attributable to births or natural increase, and somewhat to territorial acquisition. But immigration has contributed more than any other factor to our wonderful rate of increase in population. There are no returns of immigrant arrivals prior to 1820, but in that year the arrivals were 8,385 ; in 1830, 23,322; in 1840, 84,066; in 1850, 369,980. These beginning figures of each decade show that the intermediate years witnessed a rapid increase of arrivals. In 1854 the arrivals reached the hitherto unprecedented number of 427,833. From that time till i860 they fell off each year, the arrivals then being only 153,640. This was owing to the panic of 1857. During 1861 the arrivals were 91,920, and in 1862 about the same. In 1863 they were 176,282, and in 1864, 193,- 416. These were the years of the civil war. From that time on they arose each year till 1873, when they were 437,004. Then came the panic of 1873, and there was an annual falling off till 1878, when they were 138,469. Then there was a re- bound, and in 1 88 1 the figures were 669,431 ; in 1882, 712,544; in 1883, 560,196, an average for the three years of over 600,000 a year. These figures are curious as showing that our prosperity is a direct invitation to immigration. They are also significant as pointing to the constancy and strength of this element of in- crease in our population. The total immigration since 1790 exceeds 1 1,000,000 persons, and the number of foreigners in our midst in 1880 as shown by the census was 6,679,943. Assuming that the value of each immigrant is $800, the total of 11,000,000 added to our population from time to time has directly increased the wealth of the country by the stupendous sum of $8,800,000,000. i88i. 1882. 1883. Sweden 49,760 58,739 28,748 Canada 102,922 83,074 62,218 A cou„tries r } 93,345 105,9*5 65,83, 134 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. For the past three years foreign countries contributed to our population as follows : 1881. 1882. 1883. SflSKd }.'«** ,63,355 ^A>S Germany . . 210,485 229,996 180,812 Austria.... 21,109 15,950 11,032 it^iy 15.387 29,317 29,446 Norway.... 22,705 26,188 19,704 669,431 712,544 560,196 This proportion 4of the respective nationalities does not hold in all the past. All-in-all Great Britain and Ireland, chiefly through Ireland, has been the largest contributor. But of late years the German tide has been flowing hitherward the strongest; not strong enough however to catch up with the British tide, for we find that of our 6,679,943 foreign-born population in 1880, 2,772,169 were from Great Britain and Ireland, and 1,966,742 from the German Empire. Looking back along the line of causes which have led to this great immigration, we find first the attractiveness of our institu- tions. They offer in general larger political freedom, and in busi- ness men are not tied down by iron-clad caste. Excellence and cheapness of land form another cause. The opening of the then Northwest invited a heavy stream of immigration, beginning with 1825. This stream was accelerated in 1832, and for a few years afterwards by troubles in Europe. The loss of the potato crop in Ireland in 1847 perceptibly increased the inflow. Now the new Northwest with its splendid wheat-fields offers fresh attractions. "The certainty of finding labor, higher pay for the same than abroad, equality of citizenship, suffrage after five years' residence, and various causes which will readily occur to the reader, have operated and will operate as invitations to foreigners to come and dwell with us. Many times during our history the question of immigration has agitated the popular mind, and once it took political shape, giving rise to the American or Know-Nothing party, in or about 1844. It is true that the quality of immigrants has not at all times been of the best, and their number has sometimes been startling. But our traditions have ever favored their coming, except in the shape of absolute criminals and paupers. If in- BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 135 dustrious and frugal they can never be objectionable; and re- specting such, it is safe to say, * let them come just as fast as the country can assimilate them." The objection to the native American idea was that it drew no line of distinction between a profitable and profitless immigrant. Many who would be profitable are tempted to stop in the cities, where they become so clannish as to prevent assimilation, or quickly augment the criminal classes. This is one of the wrongs of liberty, but its corrective Is not in locking our doors to every one that knocks. The voting population of the United States, under the census of 1880, appears approximately as follows: MALES OVER TWENTY-ONE YEARS OF AGE. Colored, Chinese, Japanese Native Whites. Foreign-born. and Civilized Indians. Total. 8,270,518 3,072,487 1,487,344 12,830,349 The number of votes actually polled in the Presidential election of 1880 was 9,204,428. Therefore one-fourth of the males over twenty-one years of age did not vote. The natural militia of the United States, that is, all between the ages of eighteen and forty-four, is 10,231,239. This is our defensive or offensive contingent. From such a number many magnificent armies could be recruited. The colored population of the United States was, in 1880, 6,580,793. They are chiefly in the Southern States, as will be seen in the population tables of the respective States. Since the abolition of slavery they rank as citizens, but on account of color they are productive of problems. Their natural in- crease is set down as greater in proportion than that of the whites. Accepting this as true, and allowing that with equal opportunities they will, in time, become as intelligent, persever- ing and thrifty, they must rise to great industrial importance in a zone of our country which seems peculiarly fitted for them by reason of its climate and production. In all other respects nationalities will blend and disappear in our domains, and we shall have the proud distinction of having 136 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. built the world into our population, inspired it with love of free institutions, awakened in it new thoughts of man's capacity for improvement, and given it full faith in his ability to govern him- self without the interposition of jeweled crown or cruel sceptre. What we shall then be in language, it is not hard to tell. An adequate English will be the common speech, rich in commer- cial, industrial and scientific phrases, strong and apt for conver- sation, direct for argument, and facile for pathos, poetry and love. What we shall be physically and in the elements of man- hood, may be surmised from what we are alrea'dy permitted to see. There is no cross under our free institutions, on our fruit- ful soil, and amid our grand opportunities, between German, English, Scotch, Irish, Swede, Frank, Swiss, Italian, Russian, or what not, that does not result in a better American than the original. The mixing of bloods, tempers, geniuses, and all constitutional qualities, under the auspices here existent, must as surely produce a stronger, braver and more catholic man as did a blending of similar qualities on the plains of Nor- mandy. OCCUPATIONS.— The people of the United States are divided, for statistical purposes, into four great classes of occu- pations, viz. : Agriculture, Professional and Personal Services, Trade and Transportation, and Manufactures, which last includes mechanical and mining industries. The showing for each is as follows : All Persons. Males. Females. Agriculture 7^70,493 7.<>75>983 594,5 10 Professional and Personal Services 4,074,238 2,712,943 1,361,295 Trade and Transportation 1,810,256 1,750,892 59»3^4 Manufacturing, Mechanical and Mining.. 3,837,112 3,205,124 631,988 Total I7>39 2 >°99 14. 744.942 2,647,157 From this it will seen that 34.68 per cent, of our population is engaged in gainful occupation. In 1 870 the proportion so en- gaged was 32.43 per cent, of the population, the entire number then being 12,505,923. We are, therefore, growing more in- dustrious. It will be seen too that, so far as the numbers em- ployed indicate, we are as yet essentially an agricultural people, BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 137 though the other occupations show a greater relative increase of persons engaged during the past ten years. AGRICULTURE. — This branch of industry finds a natural home in the United States. It has ever been a great and con- stant contributor to our national wealth and prosperity, and the country's mainstay in time of depression or war. Its growth has been phenomenal. A propitious climate and inviting soil have encouraged native energy, and held out perpetual induce- ment to foreigners. The government has always fostered this industry, regarding it as the safest in point of investment and the best criterion of permanent progress. It has thrown open its public lands to agricultural settlers at nominal figures, and has created a Department of Agriculture whence may flow improved seeds, and such information as will keep our farming communities abreast of the world. It is a regretable fact that agriculture in the United States has not been carried on as an exact study. This is attributable to the excellent native qualities of the soil, to the kindliness of the climate, and to that rush after fresh landed possession so characteristic of the American. It may be said that the time has not yet arrived, especially in the newer States, which is to ad- monish the agriculturist against hard usage of the soil, and teach him that annual treasures can be gathered from it only at the expense of scientific care. The native dignity and independ- ence of agricultural life are appreciated by all, but not as they will be when the life comes to involve the pleasures of study into soil resource and plant growth, and when its surroundings shall be an atmosphere of intelligent inquiry and exalted experi- ment. Still we look in vain for anything like our rapid agricultural development among other nations. Australia is the nearest approach to it, yet far behind. Over seven millions of our people are helping to swell the pages of that brilliant history. Their genius and earnestness are attested by the introduction of iabor-saving machines and high-grade implements, which make our agricultural system distinctive among the nations of the world. Yet, with all this, there crops out the disparaging fact 138 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. that the average of cereal products per acre is not increasing, but rather diminishing. This is not complimentary to the system nor to the patron of husbandry. It is evidence of a wear and tear of soil, which its virgin character will not long excuse. It is further the completest argument in the world in favor of immediate change from soil murder to soil culture. To break in wild prairie, to level primeval forest, to plow, sow, and reap, to revel in a wealth of golden product, these must all come under agriculture, but how much better if they embraced also the intel- ligent care and quiet fitness of things involved in the term til- lage. Agriculture is woven so intimately with our prosperity that our annual crops are the best possible gauge of business feeling. Grain and cotton are as barometric as gold and stocks. Dep- recating always a speculative tendency, it is yet a happy thing that a nation with so many resources is thus compelled to graduate its prosperity by an industry so noble as agriculture, and so helpful ; so productive of good homes for the people, so conducive to freedom and health, so promotive of morals, and Sturdy citizenship. CORN. — This is the American crop, the maize of the Indian, not the corn of Egypt. It was what Raleigh studied among the tribes of North Carolina, and what the Puritan and Cavalier learned to rely on when other food failed. It is a widely dis- tributed crop, a leading food for man and beast, and a supply for a large and increasing foreign demand. But though raised, more or less, in all the States, the Lake States have no surplus, the South has to buy of the West, and only nine of the States, including Kentucky and Tennessee, bordering on the Ohio and Missouri Rivers, have corn for export. The distribution of the crop of 1 88 1 gives at a glance the corn areas of the country and their importance. Bushels. Bushels. New England States. . . . 7,476,000 Middle States 65,453,000 Southern States 217,152,000 Kentucky and Tennessee 87,856,000 Central Western States. . 737,759,000 Lake States (Michigan, Wis. and Minn.) 70,360,000 Pacific States and Terr's . 8,860,000 The Central Western States are therefore the true corn areas BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. • 139 of the country. Now notice their remarkable development in the line of this product. 1849. l8 59- 1869. 1879. Bushels. Bushels. Bushels. Bushels. Ohio 50,078,695 73,543.190 67,501,144 111,877,124 Indiana. .. 52,964,363 71,588,919 51,094,538 115,482,300 Illinois. . . 57,646,984 115,174,777 129,921,395 325,792,481 Iowa 8,656,799 42,410,686 68,935,065 275,024,247 Missouri. . 36,214,537 72,892,157 66,034,075 202,485,723 Kansas.. .. 6,150,727 1,482,080 383,242,536 17,025,525 4,736,7io 405,248,452 105,729,325 65,450,135 Nebraska . 215,561,378 1,201,841,335 The next table we present is full of wonders. It shows a gradual lowering of the average yield per acre, an increase in the price per bushel, a falling off in the profit per acre, yet a steady and surprising growth of acreage and bushels. In order to make the view more valuable, it is extended over eleven years. Value Yield Value. Years. Production. Acres. Value. per Bush. per Acre. per Acre. $ Cents. Bushels. $ 187I 991,898,000 34,091,137 478,275,900 48.2 29.I 14.02 1872 1,092,719,000 35,526,836 435,149,290 39-8 30.7 12.24 1873 932,274,000 39,I97,H8 447,183,020 48.0 238 II.4I 1874 850,148,500 41,036,918 550,043,080 64.7 20.7 I3.4O 1875 1,321,069,000 44,841,371 555,445,930 42.0 29.4 12.38 1876 1,283,827,500 49,033,364 475,491,210 37-o 26.1 9.69 1877 1,342,558,000 50,369,113 480,643,400 35-8 26.6 9-54 1878 1,388,218,750 51,585,000 441,153,405 3i-8 26.9 8-55 1879 1,547,901,790 53,085,450 580,486,217 37-5 29.2 10.93 1880 1,717,434,543 62,317,842 679,714,499 39-6 27.6 10.91 l88l 1,194,916,000 64,262,025 525,346,204 759,482,170 5,883,068,121 63.6 18.6 11.82 Total . . . 13,662,965,083 Annual Average . . 1,242,087,735 47,758,746 534,824,375 43-i 26 11.20 Crop for 1883, estimated, 1,637,790,000 bushels, being the largest on record, ex- cept 1880. In 1849 three-tenths of the corn crop was grown in the Atlantic States, in 1879 but a little over one-tenth. Thus fast has the corn area marched westward and northward. We say north- ward, for in 1849 the Southern States produced fifty-nine per cent, of the crop. By 1859, tne Northern States had exchanged positions with the South. For several years the average product per capita has been over thirty bushels, and there has been a surplus for export averaging about six per cent, of the total product. The total export of corn and corn-meal for 188 1 was 140 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 93,650,000 bushels, valued at #51,973,000, out of a total product of 1,194,916,000 bushels, valued at #759,483,000. WHEA T. — The development of wheat culture has been almost as wonderful as that of corn, but it has been encouraged much more than corn by a foreign demand. The value of wheat turns on the combined production of Europe, Asia, Australia and Amer- ica. Three to four-tenths of our wheat goes abroad in years of European scarcity, the chief market being England and other manufacturing countries of Europe. Russia was for a long time a leading competitor of America in the wheat markets of Europe, but under a determined English policy India and Australia have become formidable rivals. The wheat of neither of these coun- tries is, however, comparable in quality with that of America and Russia. Wheat, like corn, is grown in all the States and Territories, but it also has its favorite areas. The New England States grow barely enough for a three weeks' supply of their population. The Middle States grow about seven-tenths of what they con- sume, and so do the Southern States. The States borderincr on the Ohio, those lying in the valley of the Missouri, and the Pacific States, are the true wheat areas of the country. The average wheat acreage of the country for eleven years, beginning with 1871, has been 28,052,480 acres, as against 47,- 758,746 for corn. For the same years the average wheat crop has been 342,224,776 bushels, valued at #359,654,528. The average price per bushel has been #1.05.1, the average yield per acre 12.2 bushels, and the average yield per acre in dollars #12.82. The largest crop on record was that of 1880, 498,549,- 868 bushels. The crop of 1883 was 426,000,000 bushels. The average amount of wheat consumed in a year by one of our inhabitants is 4^ bushels, or a full barrel of flower. It therefore takes 233,000,000 bushels to supply our 50,000,000 people for a year, to which must be added 50,000,000 bushels for seed. The largest export of wheat ever made in one year was in 1.880, 186,321,214 bushels, but the average export for the last five years has been 145,274,678 bushels, valued at #187,- 000,000 yearly. The export of wheat contains a lesson on the BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 141 value of agriculture to a nation which ought to be learned by heart and never forgotten. For years before the civil war wheat exports were only nominal. The country depended largely on its cotton exports to pay for its imports. The war cut that source of pay off entirely. Yet the situation was such that our imports had to be greatly increased. It was a ruinous business unless something should arise to fill the place of cotton and meet the necessarily heavy imports. Wheat came up to fill the bill, for wheat was gold. During those four years of exhaustion at home, and with hundreds of thousands of producers in the ranks of . consumers, the average annual export of wheat was 50,- 000,000 bushels. For the subsequent five years the annual export averaged only 20,000,000 bushels. This industry thus stepped timely into the breach and proved a resource in emer- gency which gladdened the heart of the nation. . OATS AND OTHER GRAINS.— The oats areas of the country are less extended than wheat, and lie within the wheat areas. The average acreage for eleven years has been 12,272,- 309 acres a year, with an annual average of 339,227,342 bushels, valued at $122,459,823, the average per acre being 27.6 bushels, or $9.98, at an average of 36.1 cents per bushel. It is not a favorite grain, except as its planting gives opportunity for rota- tion of crops, though in seasons of scarcity it comes into prominence as a substitute for corn. Barley areas are confined chiefly to the northern tiers of States and to the Pacific coast. The average acreage for eleven years has been 1,635,953 acres a year, with an annual product of 36,097,982 bushels, valued at $26,414,823. The annual crop falls behind the demand some 6,000,000 bushels. Though the acreage has increased as fast in proportion as that of v/heat, the supply has never caught up with the demand occasioned by increased manufacture of beer. Rye areas are general, but it is chiefly grown in Pennsylvania, New York, Illinois, Wisconsin and Iowa. The average acreage per year for eleven years has been 1,402,835, with an annual average product of 19,489,275 bushels, valued at $14,066,430. The average .price per bushel for the same time has been 72.2 cents and the yield per acre 13.9 bushels. 142 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The chief buckwheat areas are in New York and Pennsyl- vania, though it is grown all over the country to the extent of 10,000,000 bushels a year. These make what are known as the cereal products of the country. We now group them for the last four censuses as the best means of showing at a glance our advance in their pro- duction. The fifth column is added as a matter of curiosity. It is the estimate of the Department of Agriculture for the crops of 1882, which was satisfactorily close. Census. Corn. Wheat. Oats. Barley. Rye. Buckwheat. 18-0 592,071,104 100,485,944 146,584,179 5,167,015 14,188,813 8,956^912 i860 838,792,742 173,104,924 172,643,185 15,825,898 21,101,380 17,571,818 1S70 760,944,549 287,745,626 282,107,157 29,761,305 16,918,795 9,821,721 1S80 i.754,&6i,535 459.479.5Q5 407,858,999 44,n3,495 i9,83 x ,595 ",8i7,3 2 7 Est. Dcp. Ag. for 1882 1,625,000,000 510,000,000 470,000,000 45,000,000 20,000,000 12,000,000 Thus in i860 the total cereal product of the country was, in round numbers, 1,230,000,000 bushels; in 1880 2,700,000,000 bushels, an increase of over 100 per cent, in twenty years. Dur- ing the same time the value of farms increased from $6,600,- 000,000 to $10,000,000,000. HA Y. — This humbler crop than golden wheat or corn is the most valuable in the country. By this we do not mean that the quantity actually cut and housed is more valuable than the corn product, but that this quantity taken in connection with grass used for pasture, upon which depends an overwhelming propor- tion of the growth in flesh of all food and draught animals, be- comes by far the most valuable. Yet even hay proper ranks, of late years, next to corn in value, and as an agricultural product it has kept pace with the growth of others. The hay areas are general, but the largest crops are in the corn and wheat sections where rotation in culture has become necessary. The average acreage of hay for eleven years has been 24,392,660 acres ; average product per year, 29,800,281 tons ; average annual value, $335,212,062 ; average value per ton, $1 1.25 ; average yield per acre, 1.22 tons; average value per acre, $13.74. Yield as given in census of 1880, 35,205,712 tons. POTATOES. — Though a native vegetable and of almost as much importance, as a food product, as wheat or corn, and though its areas are general, the potato crop is the least certain BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 143 of all, and its culture is hardly beyond mere guesswork. The yearly average acreage for eleven years has been 1,608,974 acres, yielding 135,491,019 bushels, valued at $76,745,679. The value per bushel has been 56.1 cents*; the yield per acre, 84.2 bushels; the value per acre, $47.08. Though the value per bushel has steadily risen from 59 cents in 1871 to 91 cents in 1 88 1, the yield per acre has shown no corresponding increase, while the value per acre has decreased from $58 to $48. The acreage for 1881 was 2,041,670 acres, as against 1,220,912 acres for 1 87 1, while the yield for 1881 (it was a disastrous potato year and we had to import from Canada, Ireland and Scotland) was only 109,145,494 bushels, as against 120,461,100 bushels for 1871. RICE. — This is a sub-tropical plant, and its culture depends on great quantities of moisture. Indeed, it is hardly a possible crop beyond the line of lands which can be overflowed, of which there is an abundance on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, and along the Mississippi and other streams which empty sluggishly into the Gulf. It was early introduced into Virginia and the Caro- linas, and in 1840 the total crop was 80,841,000 pounds. Im- proved cultivation gave in 1850 a crop of 215,312,710 pounds, and in i860, 187,167,032 pounds. During the civil war the cultivation was greatly neglected, and in 1870 it had only risen to 73,635,021 pounds, and in 1879 to 110,131,373 pounds. In i860 rice was an export to the extent of $2,500,000. At present the home supply does not meet the demand. SUGAR-CANE. — The profitable sugar-cane area of the country is, thus far, limited to the region about the lower waters of the Mississippi, and even there it is planted annually. In the West Indies it is a perennial plant. Its growth has not kept pace with that of other agricultural products, and, as we shall see, the United States ranks very low in the list of sugar-pro- ducing nations. It is quite certain that profitable cane-areas exist outside of those found in Louisiana, for instance, in all the Gulf States, and it is not improbable that we shall ere long, with better adaptation of labor, employment of improved machinery, and closer attention to the science of culture, take higher rank 144 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. as a sugar-producing country. We are the largest sugar and molasses consumers in the world, in proportion to our popula- tion, and have always been willing to pay dearly for these prime articles. The sugar product of the country has never exceeded 13 per cent, of the amount consumed, nor the molasses product 21 per cent. At this time we are importing an annual average of $80,000,000 worth of sugar and molasses, and paying thereon a duty nearly equal to half that amount. This condition of affairs is directly encouraging to fresh development of the in- dustry. Louisiana, which grows 95 per cent, of our sugar product, raised 30,000 hogsheads in 1823. The amount fluctuated greatly each year since, but showed, on the whole, an increase up to 1853, when the crop was 449,324 hogsheads. There was then a general decline to an annual average of some 250,000 hogs- heads, till the great crop of 1 861 gave 459,410 hogsheads. Since then the falling off has been to an average scarcely in excess of 100,000 hogsheads annually. The crop of 1879 (census crop) was 178,872 hogsheads and 16,573,273 gallons of molasses, grown from 227,776 acres. Our methods of sugar culture have been such as to keep the product down to very low figures. It has never raised the price of sugar lands to a higher average than $20 to $25 per acre, nor the yield per acre to over 2,000 pounds for any long term of years. The average in the West Indies runs from 3,000 to 5,000 pounds per acre, and it has been quoted as high as 7,000 pounds in the East Indies. Even after the cane is harvested in this country, it is estimated that unskillful handling results in a loss of 40 per cent, of the saccharine matter. With perfect farming appliances and good agricultural methods, with a divi- sion of the unwieldy sugar estates into smaller farms, and better protection against overflows, it is thought that every acre of sugar land can be made to yield 60,000 pounds of cane, which would give 5,000 pounds of sugar and 3,500 pounds of molasses, the former being worth 8 cents per pound and the latter 4 cents per pound. Here is a product equal to $540 per BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 145 acre, which, less $200 per acre for culture, leaves a net profit of $340. Surely this is an invitation to investment and improved methods of industry which cannot long escape proverbial American enterprise, and must change the fact that our annual sugar product does not rank by 63 per cent, as high as in i860. Much thought has lately been given to the growth of Sorghum, which is hardier than sugar-cane and susceptible of cultivation in our highest latitudes. Experiments have led, thus far, to the establishment of three factories which have succeeded in re- ducing the juices of this cane to a fine grade of sugar, at a profit. Many suppose that a supply equal to the demand can be reached, ere long, by this culture. The areas of Sorghum. cane-growing are gradually enlarging, but the date of tedious and costly ex- periment with it has not yet passed. A more seductive enterprise is that of beet sugar culture. In this line the experiments of other nations, as Germany, France, Russia, Belgium and Holland, have resulted in success and answer as encouragements. France sup- plies her own demand, by producing annually a crop equal to 500,000 tons of beet sugar. One factory in California has been making beet sugar for three years at a profit. Another in Maine made over a million pounds a year for three years, but had to suspend because the farmers were not sufficiently skilled in raising the roots, though it Was found that an average of ten tons per acre could be reached, worth $5 to $6 per ton. Within a comparatively short period, Continental Europe has carried the beet sugar production up to and beyond a supply, and an excess of 95,000 tons is computed for 1884. Even Russia is said to raise within 15,000 tons of her own supply. In addition to our home supply and that derived from the West Indies and Sandwich Islands, most of the latter going into the Pacific States, we imported of this European beet sugar in 1880,2,353 tons; in 1881, 5,941 tons; in 1882, 7,204 tons; and in 1883, 45,889 tons. Here are figures which show a rapid growth of trade in this product, much to our detriment. It is impossible # to tell what particular line of sugar product will be the suc- cessful one in the future. All are promising, all profitable. 10 146 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. That one will soon be hit upon and pursued with our charac- teristic energy, we feel sure. It cannot be that America shall long lag in this respect. It would be in the nature of a reproach if, with a resource of land and climate for this industry equal to any other country, her energy should finally fail in its grasp. COTTON. — Cotton seed was first planted at Jamestown in 1 62 1, and the " cotton wool " of the colonial garden was long a matter of curiosity and discussion here and in England. In an experimental way its culture extended at first northward rather than southward. Maryland, New Jersey, Delaware and Penn- sylvania all tried the growing of it, and in 1776 it was said that the crop secured in favorable places around Philadelphia was equal to the demand ; which, of course, was not saying much, as wool was the chief article of clothing. Its trial in the Carolinas and Georgia in 1733-34, and in Louisiana in 1742, directed attention to it as a possible Southern staple, valuable alike as an article of clothing at home and as a leading export. It was not only climatically at home there, but the soil was then virgin, and the labor supposed to be of a kind best fitted for its culture, though subsequent facts have led to another conclusion. Charleston exported several bags of cotton in 1747. In 1770 three bales were exported from New York, four from Virginia and Maryland, and three barrels from North Carolina. The crop of 1 79 1 was estimated at 2,000,000 pounds, and then it began to dawn that a staple was at our command which would in time largely affect commerce and the welfare of nations. In 1795 the few American cotton mills imported for their use 4,107,000 pounds, though our exports for that year were 6,276,- 300 pounds. In 1801 the production was estimated at 48,000,000, 21,000,000 of which were exported. In 18 10 the export rose to 94,000,000 pounds, and in 181 3, owing to the war, fell off to 19,400,000 pounds. Then the situation was such as to prove that England virtually commanded our cotton market, for the price was only 12 cents a pound at home while there it ran from 30 to 40 cents. This was further shown after the peace of 181 5; for in 1 82 1 our estimated crop was 180,000,000 pounds; 124,- Cotton seed first planted at Jamestown 1621 ; first planted in the Carolinas 1733; in Georgia 1734; in Louisiana 1742. Cotton first exported from Charleston 1747. Whitney's Cotton Gin in- vented 1793. COTTON INDUSTRIES OF THE UNITED STATES. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 147 893,000 of which was exported. In 1825 the crop had grown to 255,000,000 pounds, or 580,000 bales. From that time till i860 the acreage and annual yield largely increased. The fig- ures for that year are 4,669,770 bales of 440* pounds each. This was the greatest crop of the country prior to the civil war. From the above it will be seen that cotton came into impor- tance with the invention of Whitney's Cotton Gin in 1793. Its production grew rapidly, and reached its climax, under the system of slave labor, between 1850 and i860, during which decade the average annual yield was in excess of 3,000,000 bales. So much did it absorb agricultural attention that during that decade there was a marked decrease in the other three Southern staples, viz., sugar, rice and tobacco. From 1862 to '65 there are no records of cotton production, but in 1866, under free labor, the product was 2,193,987 bales. There was a steady annual increase of these figures till in 1 878 the crop was 4,811,265 bales, or larger than the greatest crop under the old system. Nor did the increase stop. If anything it has grown more rapidly, through subdivision of plantations, introduction of machinery and improved tillage, and closer alliance of labor with the crop output. In order to show the true cotton areas we give the acreage of three years beginning with 1880: c . . 1882. 1881. 1880. btates ' Acres. Acres. Acres. Virginia 61,985 57,930 53.H7 North Carolina 1,050,543 1,061,155 973*537 South Carolina 1,587,244 1,619,639 1,527,959 Georgia 2,844,305 2,994,005 2,878,851 Florida 260,402 263,032 257,875 Alabama 2,534,388 2,639,988 2,563,095 Mississippi 2,233,884 2,351,228 2,260,796 Louisiana 887,524 944,174 916,674 Texas .2,810,113 2,676,298 2,478,054 Arkansas 1,110,790 1,181,692 1,147,274 Tennessee 815,760 840,990 816,495 Other States and Ter. . . . 79,793 80,599 76,761 Total 16,276,731 16,710,730 I5,95°»5i8 * The commercial bale of cotton has varied in weight at different times. It is now computed at 490 gross pounds, or 460 pounds of net lint. 148 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Prior to 1878 Louisiana ranked as the fourth cotton-growing State, and before 187 1 "as the third. Now Texas is rapidly- coming to the front. In i860 Mississippi raised nearly half of all the cotton grown in the United States. Commercial figures place the later cotton product of the coun- try thus : 1881. 1882. , 1883. Bales 6,589,329 5>435>845 6,959,000 The average annual consumption of cotton in Europe is esti- mated at 6,000,000 bales. The United States of late years sup- plies on an average 56 per cent, of this consumption. Of the above England alone takes over 2,000,000 bales annually. The actual exportation in 1881 was 4,596,279 bales, or over 2,000,- 000,000 pounds, and in 1883, 2,288,075,000 pounds. Running back a period of seventeen years we find that the average annual exportation has approximated 3,000,000 bales. And we take advantage of the figures which show this, to show also a com- parison of our cotton production for that period with a corre- sponding period before the civil war, the labor conditions being different: Movement. Exportation. Consumption. Seventeen years. Bales. Bales. Bales. 1844-186 1 5i»33°.79° 39,913,005 11,422,799 1865-1882 68,377,375 46,892,528 21,494,210 The culture of cotton is arduous and painstaking and the crop results uncertain, owing to its sensibility to cold and moisture, to its frequently falling a prey to insects, and to lack of exact agricultural science. Its price is as fluctuating as the crop. The yield per acre runs from 100 to 250 pounds (the crop of 1879 g ave an average of 189 pounds of lint per acre), and it is hardly possible to grow and market it profitably under 9 cents a pound, taking the seasons as they run, and counting the aver- age yield per acre as low as 150 pounds. The market price has for many years been such as to give a handsome profit on this figure. The total value of raw cotton exported for the past three years has been — 1881. 1882. 1883. £247,695,746 £199,812,644 £247,328,721 Showing that it is a most important addition to our commercial BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 149 wealth, and a direct invitation to the highest grade of agricul- tural industry and enterprise. As things exist no other nation can compete with us in its production. The weak spot in con- nection with its growth is that considerably more than half of our annual product is sent abroad at a dead loss of a sum equal to the cost of freight and handling. When we agree to save this loss by manufacturing the fibre on the spot of production, and serving the world with fabrics rather than raw material, we will better appreciate the adage that " cotton is king." Cotton is not a novelty. In India and many islands of the Indian Ocean it has been cultivated, spun and woven from time immemorial. The Spaniards found it in Mexico at the time of their conquest. Pliny speaks of it as in use among the Egyptians in his time. The Chinese cultivated it as a garden plant at an early period, and in the thirteenth century spun and wove its filaments. The Saracens cultivated it in Spain and Sicily in the tenth century. Its common use in England dates from the in- ventions of Arkwright in 1769. The value of the product in manufacture is graded by the length, fineness and tenacity of its filament. The longest, finest and most valuable fibre in the world is known as Sea Island cotton, raised on the coasts of the Carolinas. All other American cot- tons are known as Uplands. They are not noted for length of fibre, but for fleeciness and elasticity they give to American- grown cotton first rank. Sea Island seed sown in Egypt does not produce its native length of fibre, though it is better for some kinds of thread, and for such special uses we import a certain quantity of it. South American cottons are harsh and irregular of fibre, and adapted only for coarse uses. India cotton ranks next to that of the United States in texture and adaptability. South African cotton and that of Borneo and China lack the silkiness and elasticity of fibre common to that grown in America. TOBACCO. — This native plant, of which the historian of Sir Walter Raleigh's colonial experiment says, " It hath a soothing and medicinal effect upon the system," became at an early period a Southern staple, and at one time was used to pay taxes, liquidate 150 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. royal stipends, and perform the uses of currency. The tobacco areas of the country remained for a long time south of Mason and Dixon's line, and it was a favorite staple with old Southern planters, more because their labor was supposed to be suited to raising it, than because it found a natural home in either the soil or climate of the South. The Southern areas grow a tobacco peculiarly fitted for pipe smoking and for the manufacture of chewing plug. They have gradually expanded till they not only embrace the whole Southern States, but, as the census reports of 1880 show, all the Northern States as well. Almost from the settlement of the country tobacco has been an article of export, running from $25,000,000 to $30,000,000 for the last few years. Virginia for a long time headed the list of tobacco-producing States, followed by North Carolina. These in turn gave way to Kentucky and Tennessee. In later years the areas shifted rapidly northward, and Pennsylvania, which ranked twelfth as a tobacco-growing State in 1 870, ranked third in 1880. Ohio passed from fifth to fourth; Maryland from fifth to seventh ; Tennessee from third to fifth ; Missouri from seventh to ninth. The culture of the plant in northern areas, which is com- paratively modern, has been encouraged by the introduction of careful tillage, and by the discovery that their growth is the best fitted for domestic consumption. Crop of 1840.* 1850. i860. 1870. 1880. 219,163,319 lbs. 199,752,646 lbs. 434,209,641 lbs. 262,735,341 lbs. 472,661,159 lbs. A grouping of leading tobacco States, the tobacco product therein for 1879, the value of the crop in the farmers' hands, the value per acre, and the cost of raising, are so briefly instructive, and so suggestive of the entire situation, that we take the liberty of using it as found arranged in Spofford's Treasury of Facts for 1884. In consulting it let it be borne in mind that there was in 1879 but little foreign demand for the peculiar leaf raised by Missouri, Maryland, Indiana, Illinois, and those States in which the value per acre and per 100 pounds runs the lowest. The * These are census figures. As a general thing they relate, as to crops, to the previous year. Thus, the 1880 returns give the crop of 1879. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 151 other States were more fortunate in finding a home demand for their crop. Cost of Value per Value per raising States. Acres. Pounds. Value. acre. ioo lbs. 100 lbs. Kentucky 226,120 171,120,784 $11,089,782 l $49.04 $6.48 $4.90 Virginia 140,791 79,988,868 5,406,744 38.40 6.75 5.33 Pennsylvania 27,566 36,943,272 4,612,894 167.33 12.48 8.42 Ohio 34,676 34.735,235 2,653,234 76.51 7.63 5.91 Tennessee 4!,532 29,365,052 i,53 8 ,757 37-°4 524 4.50 North Carolina 57,208 26,986,213 3,805,089 66.51 14.10 9.33 Maryland 38,174 26,082,147 1,825,750 47.82 7.00 5.91 Connecticut 8,666 14,044,652 1,929,982 222.70 13. 74 9.85 Missouri 15,521 12,015,657 600,256 38.67 4.99 3.58 Wisconsin 8,810 10,608,423 899,118 102.05 847 4.95 Indiana n.955 8,872,842 443,642 37-io 5.00 3.60 New York 4,937 6,481,431 720,868 146.01 11. 12 8.00 Massachusetts 3,358 5,369,436 683,575 203.56 12.73 9 7 2 Illinois 5,612 3,935,825 202,745 36.12 5.15 4.17 West Virginia 4,07* 2,296,146 J 7°,374 4J-85 7.42 6.00 Arkansas 2,064 970,220 4*, 547 20.12 4.28 2.70 BUTTER, CHEESE AND MILK.— These useful and valu- able products of the farm have kept pace with agricultural develop- ment in other respects, though the cheese production has suf- fered a notable reduction, owing to the fact that milk has, of it- self, a greater commercial value than formerly. The Northern States are in a long lead in these products, and New York heads the list. Their increase and decrease are best shown by the following table : 1850. i860. 1870. 1880. Butter, lbs 313, 345, 306 459,681,372 514,092,683 777, 2 5°,287 Cheese, lbs 105,535,893 103,663,927 53,49 2 , x 53 27,272,489 Milk (sold) gallons 235,500,599 53°, I2 9,755 The above figures are those which relate only to farm pro- ducts of butter and cheese. Of late years their manufacture has been largely carried on by factories, of which there are some 4,000 in the United States, making yearly 175,000,000 pounds of cheese, valued at $14,000,000, and 17,000,000 pounds of butter, valued at $4,000,000. In 1882 our export of cheese amounted to $14,000,000, and in 1883 to $11,000,000. For the same years our butter export was $2,864,000 and $2,290,000, respectively. WOOL. — While there has always been a certain wool pro- duction in the United States, wool-growing in a commercial sense does not date very far back. Indeed, prior to 1840, a raw wool product may have been considered as an incident to sheep- raising for food or simply domestic purposes. At any rate it was not a rapidly increasing product, and did not keep pace with 152 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. development in other agricultural industries. The drift of the older States was backward in respect to wool production, and the new States had not yet filled their place. As soon as they began to do this the production showed a wonderfully rapid growth. While Ohio long held the lead as a wool-growing State, it was in California that the problem of sheep-rais- ing and feeding for the sake of the clip first met with practical solution. There the flockage rose from almost nothing in 1850 to over four millions in 1880. For a long time our native-grown wools did not take high rank in the manufactures. But the introduction of improved breeds of sheep, greater attention to their food and food-ranges, and larger knowledge of their habits, health, and fleece-producing qualities have enabled the American wool-grower to produce an article which, after close analysis, and. often comparison with foreign wools, is pronounced as fine as any that is grown elsewhere. Wool-growing in its highest sense is now a pronounced industry, and one that is bound to keep abreast of the other great industries. It, like sugar, has a home-field which is as yet unfilled except by heavy annual importations. The amount and rate of growth appears thus : 1850. i860. 1870. 1880. 52,516,959 lbs. 60,264,913 lbs. 100,102,387 lbs. 155,681,751 lbs. Ranch sheep and wool of slaughtered sheep estimated.. . 85,000,000 Total for 1880 240,681,751 LIVE-STOCK. — Passing from the great staples to the living products of the farm, we have as great occasion for surprise and congratulation at the evidences of substantial progress. In the rearing of domestic animals this country takes a decided lead. Every condition favors numerous, strong and prolific breeds of stock. Encouragement to surround the homestead and dot the farm with draught animals is found in the needs of active and growing agriculture, while the redundancy of grain, grass, hay and fodder assures food for rearing and fattening a supply for our home markets and those abroad. It is significant that American beef and pork are as much depended upon for food in foreign markets as American corn and wheat. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 153 An idea of the increase in live-stock may be gleaned from the following, which gives the number on farms only : i860. 1870. 1880. Horses 6,249,174 7,145,370 10,357,488 Mules and Asses 1,151,148 1,125,415 1,812,808 Oxen 2,254,911 1,319,271 993' 8 4i Milch Cows 8,581,735 8,935,332 12,443,120 Other Cattle 14.779.373 * 13-566,605 22,488,550 Sheep 22,471,275 28,477,951 42,192,074 Swine 33,512,867 25,134,569 47,681,700 89,000,483 85,704,513 I37.969.58i Value $1,089,329,915 $1,525,276,457* $1,500,464,609 It is estimated that the number of cattle not on farms will increase the above figures at least fifteen per cent.f FARMS. — In the United States a farm means more than in any other country. It is in general a man's own acres, and is thus a direct contributor to thrift and independence of character. Farm occupancy is not, as a rule, humble tenancy, but proud ownership. In whatever section of our country this rule holds to the greatest extent there the yeomanry are best off in every respect. Even foreigners recognize this characteristic, and the ambitious among them seek a fee simple in the productive prairies of the West in preference to a location in sections where tenantry customs prevail. Out of our four million farms fully three-fourths are occupied by actual owners. The farms of the remaining fourth lie largely in the Southern States, where freedmen, not yet able to own or stock the land, but anxious to try the experiment of working on the shares, take holdings under contracts of various kinds. No. of farms. Occupied by owner. Rented for money. Rented on shares. 4,008,907 2,984,306 3 22 .357 702,244 * In all comparisons of values between 1870 and 1880, it must be remembered that in the former year gold was at a premium of 25.5 per cent. j- These figures shift so rapidly that it is almost impossible to keep up with them. Those for 1883, with those for 1884, estimated, have been published by the Depart-' ment of Agriculture, and are as follows : 1883. 1884. Value for 1884. Horses 10,838,111 11,169,283 $ 833,734,400 Mules 1,871,079 1,914,126 161,214,976 Milch cows 13,125,685 13,501,206 423,486,649 Oxen and other cattle. .28,046,077 29,046,101 683,229,054 Sheep 49,237,291 50,626,626 119,902,706 Hogs 43,279,086 44,200,893 246,301,139 $2,467,868,924 154 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Another feature of our farms is their size. They are divided in the census returns into seven classes, according to the num- ber of acres. The two classes, containing from 50 to 100 acres and from 100 to 500 acres, embrace more than half the whole number of farms. With our lands thus finely subdivided there is given opportunity for actual ownership, higher grade of farming, and better realization of the blessings which flow from agricultural industry. The largest farms are in the Southern States, if we except the ranches of the Pacific States and some of the Territories, which can scarcely be called farms. New York has only 281 farms of over 1,000 acres; Georgia has 3,491. The improved land comprised in farms has increased as fol- lows : 1850. i860. 1870. 1880. 113,000,000 Acres 163,000,000 189,000,000 284,771,042 But the improved land is not by any means all of the area embraced in farms, as the following shows : 1870. 1880. Improved land 189,000,000 Acres 284,771,042 Unimproved land 218,735,041 251,310,793 Total farm areas 407,735,041 536,081,835 The total number of farms in 1880 being 4,008,907, the aver- age size of each farm would be 134 acres, as against 153 in 1870, 199 in i860, and 203 in 1850. The increase in the value of farms has been as follows : 1850. i860. 1S70. 1880. $3,271,575,426 $6,645,045,007 $9,262,803,861 $10,197,096,776 To work our farms requires implements and machinery to the value of $406,520,055. Repairs and fencing cost, in 1879, $77,- 763,473, and fertilizers $28,586,397. For the same year the total of farm products footed the magnificent sum of $2,213,- 402,564. And so we might turn over these bewildering figures for hours, each time getting new ideas of the immense importance of our agricultural interests and of the wonderful growth of the industry. As we have seen, it occupies the direct attention of BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 155 nearly eight millions of our people. Indirectly it concerns the life and comfort of all at home and countless millions abroad. There is no wealth so substantial as that of agriculture, no re- source so far-reaching. When we point to our growth from thirteen colonies to thirty-eight States, from a little fringe of At- lantic territory to a magnificent domain of 3,000,000 square miles, and from a population of 3,000,000 to one of 50,000,000 people, we do but indirectly exult over the triumphs of our agricultural system and exalt the quiet power that, more than any other, has made us stable, rich and independent. In learn- ing of our institutions, and in striving to rule them well and to perpetuate them continuously, there is nothing of greater con- cern than farm industry, coupled with untrammelled ownership of the land. Says Thomas H. Benton : " Tenantry is unfavor- able to freedom. The tenant has, in fact, no country, no hearth, no domestic altar, no household god. The freeholder, on the contrary, is the natural supporter of a free government, and it should be the policy of republics to multiply their freeholders, as it is the policy of monarchies to multiply their tenants." MANUFACTURES.— We pass to a more bustling, less con- servative, and equally interesting branch of industry. In it we meet with the same evidences of growth as in agriculture, and the same compliments to our thrift and genius. That we are not yet as independent in manufacture as in agriculture is be- cause manufacture necessarily follows, and is dependent on, a certain amount of prior development of soil, acquisition of wealth, and growth of population. It is the secondary outcrop of the genius of an enterprising and industrious people. The time never existed, since we cut our colonial apron-strings, when we did not manufacture something, and our manufacturing possi- bilities made vivid the dreams of our earliest statesmen and capi- talists. Our immense water power was visible, before the age of coal and steam. So was our forest wealth. What was be- neath the soil, and what its surface could yield, were such as the imagination delighted to sketch, but which, in the light of revelation, no imagination, however glowing, could sufficiently outline and color. 156 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. We have seen that our government has ever had a kindly leaning toward its agricultural interests, believing that land ownership and a free and independent yeomanry were bulwarks of the republic. It has not always been so kindly disposed toward its manufactures, for the reason that these, in their estab- lishment and encouragement, required a greater amount of legislation, and such legislation, always intricate and clashing, could never be kept free from the ambitions of statesmen and the bias of parties. Our earliest laws, looking to future manu- facturing possibilities, were kind. But there came a relapse in fostering legislation, and such manufactures as took hold did so in defiance of the competition which came from abroad. No doctrine of home development prevailed till " the American sys- tem," as formulated by Henry Clay, directed the attention of our people to the necessity of cultivating an independent manu- facturing polity, if ever they were to attain that pre-eminence which they were entitled to by reason of native resource and advantage of position and institution. That was the dawn of hopefulness for American manufactures, and the beginning of a philosophy respecting them which has been amplified amid much vicissitude, until it has come to be well understood by inquisitive and conservative capital, and will, ere long, be equally well understood by the interested artisan and laborer. With whatever pride we recount our manufacturing successes, they are as yet only begun. The splendid sweep of our popula- tion and empire through the prairies, over the Mississippi, and into Texas and the Northwest, has been agricultural. It is being followed apace by a grander manufacturing sweep, whose evidences are already in the midst of the prairies. It is even broader than the first, and freer, for there is no line through its middle, splitting its capital and labor into sectional parts, and setting up two presiding geniuses to glare furiously at each other. Georgia evokes a spinning jenny, Missouri a furnace, and the Red River country a grist mill, all in keeping with the spirit that dominates true manufacturing progress, viz., the con- version of grosser into finer materials on the spot of their pro- duction. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 157 Our growth in manufactures since 1850 is thus shown : Establish- ri«!n»1 Hands Em- Yearly Value of Value of ments. capital. ployed. Wages. Materials. Products 1850 123,023 $533,245,351 957,o59 $236,755,464 $555,123,822 $1,019,106,616 i860 140,433 1,009,855,715 1,311,246 378,878,966 1 ,031,605^92 1,885,861,675 1870 252,148 2,118,208,769 1,939,368 775,584.343 2,488,427,242 4,232,325,442 1880 253,852 2,790,272,606 2,732,595 947,953,795 3,39°, 8 23,549 5,3 6 9,579, x 9i Not only is this a wonderful growth, but the art of manufac- turing is getting to be better understood, for the annual value of the products rises in a much greater proportion than the number of establishments. The capital invested must therefore go into larger and better appointed factories, with higher classed pro- ducts" and surer results. Adding to the above yearly wages and cost of material six per cent, on the capital employed and ten per cent for wear and tear, and subtracting the sum from the total value of products, there remains a profit of $1,568,000,000, or $30 per head of our population. New York stands at the head of the manufacturing States (as the tables under each State will show), followed in order by Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Illinois and Ohio, as to value of products. Textile and higher grade manufacturing is, as yet, largely confined to the Atlantic States. The Western States have advanced very rapidly in milling and the manufacture of farming implements and machinery. Some of the Southern States, as Georgia, are making satisfactory progress in textile manufactures. Under the head of "Manufactures and Mechanical and Min- ing Industries" in the Census of 1880 are enumerated 332 sepa- rate branches or industries, with the number of establishments under each, the capital and hands employed, the wages paid, the cost of materials used and the value of the products for that year. It would be impossible to mention them all here, nor is it necessary. Many of them are yet unimportant. Many more are not diversified and show special rather than general growth. The classification of a few in the order of their notation in the Census will serve to illustrate our progress, show tendencies of capital, labor and genius, and sufficiently magnify the importance of the subject in the minds of those who seek to learn of our country that they may the better govern it. 158 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Many of them began in a primitive way with the birth of the country. Wool and flax were spun and woven by our earliest forefathers in their kitchens and cellars. The first water frame for spinning cotton was erected in Rhode Island in 1790. Many are new, necessities of later years, outcrops of fresh resources, results of growthy enterprise and a daily quickening genius. Notable among these is the manufacture of agricultural imple- ments, which tells the story of our conquest of outlying millions of acres in the absence of what in Europe would be called " work people," but here " farm help ; " or, if obtainable, only at figures which stimulated invention and forced machine substitutes. The figures appear thus: 1850, value of product, $6,842,611 ; i860, $17,487,960; 1870, $52,066,875 ; 1880, $68,640,486. The total number of establishments in 1880 was 1,943, with a capital of $62,109,668, using materials to the value of $31,531,- 170, and employing 39,580 hands at a cost for wages of $15,359,- 610. Here we see almost the beginning of this industry, the be- ginning so far as it passed from the domain of the wheelwright and into the realm of factory output of the great labor-saving inventions. A closer view of the growthiness of the industry may be had by comparing the number of a few of the leading implements made in 1870 and 1880, thus: 3S 11 S Si = a ' s " * 5 a U £ Stfl.S'3 £ K * 1870 21,790 88,740 9,150 1,298,260 159,519 881,244 3,566 864,947 1880 68,691 318,057 127,997 2,480,724 162,317 1,244,264 25,737 1,326,123 The manufacture of boots and shoes has had a growth in the United States which attests our inventive capacity and our wonderful adaptation of machinery and power to this desirable industry. The value of the products in i860 was $91,889,298; in 1870, $181,644,090; in 1880, $[66,050,354. Our boot and shoe machinery is the best in the world, and the product is re- garded with exceptional favor everywhere. In this nation of homes and home-owners it is pleasurable to note the growth of some of the industries which add to our comfort in this respect. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 159 Sawed and Bricks and Carpenters' and ^ .. n ^ Planed ~. n . , , . , Furniture. Glass. , , liles. Builders trade. Lumber. 1870.. $29,302,016 $132,901,432 $68,522,221 $19,235,862 $210,159,327 1880.. 3 2 ^33»5 8 7 94>i5 2 > 1 39 79,544,759 23,689,580 270,072,185 The manufacture of carpets has had a surprising growth. In 1850 the value of factory-made carpets, other than rag, was only #5,401,234; in i860, #7,857,636; in 1870, #21,761,573; and in 1880, #31,792,802. The product includes every known style and design, the machinery is as perfect as any in the world, and the industry has a future, under proper care, which will tell on other nations. It is as yet confined to seven States, Con- necticut, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania, the product of Pennsylvania alone being #14,304,660, or nearly one-half of the total. From the fact that this is a cotton-growing country, the manufacture of the staple has always been a matter of great importance. But England held so long a lead, that this manu- facture more than any other had to bear the brunt of her com- petition. Its existence at home has been a struggle whose severity has been sharpened by partisanship and intensified by the introduction of wild, unbusiness-like theories. Its present triumph is due rather to innate persistency than to a fostering polity. Cotton-raising was for sixty years the enemy of cotton manufacture on our soil. The spirit of raw material perpetually antagonized that of fabric. Soil, climate and labor were against factory and art Nevertheless cotton manufacture got a hold and grew — grew more firmly, perhaps, if not so fast, amid vicis- situde. The manufacture now ranks among our most interesting, profitable and growthy. Next to iron and steel it engages more capital than any other, and it involves the finest machinery, best artisanship and closest commercial calculations. Its utility is such as to command the respect of conservative capital and shrewd labor everywhere. We are clearly over our pupilage in cotton manufacture. Two evidences only need be quoted. Our manufactures are forcing their way into foreign markets.* * By i860 our exports of cotton fabrics had grown to quite handsome proportions, 160 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. We are fast learning that our fields of manufacture ought to be diversified and that the cheapest, if not the best, ought to be nearest those which produce the raw material. This reversal of the old situation is rapidly going on. In it there is assurance of ultimate and entire independency in the manufacture. It will be the first spectacle ever presented of cotton-fields giving forth their lint in the form of woven bales and beautified prints, and of perfect accord between the hand that plants and picks, and the hand that spins and weaves. In 1850 the number of spindles in operation in the country was 3,633,693, and the value of the cotton product $65,501,687. In i860 the spindles had increased to 5,235,727, and the value of the product to $115,681,774. In 1870 the spindles were 7,132,415, and the value of the product $177,489,739. In 1880 the spindles were 10,921,147, and the value of the product $210,950,383. The number of establishments in 1880 was 1,005 5 hands em- ployed, 185,472; capital, $219,504,794; material used, 1,586,481 bales; value of all material used, $1 13,765,537. Massachusetts runs 4,665,290 spindles, and produces a proportionate amount of the manufactured goods — or a third of the whole. She is fol- lowed in order by Rhode Island, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Maine, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Georgia — the latter with 200,974 spindles. But these figures have been greatly augmented in the past four years in some of the Southern States. It is estimated that the cotton mills under contract since Jan. I, 1884, in the South, will cost $3,250,000, and add 100,000 spindles to those already there. The dyeing and finishing of textile fabrics is an industry by itself which must keep pace with some $9,000,000. Their export ceased during the civil war, the factories being chiefly devoted to the production of woollen goods. They began again in 1873 with $2,947,528, and by rather uneven progress rose to $13,571,387 in 1881, the year of largest export. In 1883 their value was $12,951,145. Thus the increase since 1873 has been some 350 per cent. The export for' 1883 was 34,063,292 yards of colored cotton goods and 103,634,459 yards of uncolored cotton goods. The countries taking the largest amount were China, 30,442,846 yards; Epgland, 27,794,992 yards; and then in order Mexico, Africa, Columbia, Chi i and Brazil. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 161 their manufacture. It employed a capital (1880) of $26,223,981, and yielded a product equal to $32,297,420. Flouring and grist mill products foot up the wonderful total of $505,185,712, as against $^.985,143 in 1870, and $248,- 580,365 in i860. The number of establishments in 1880 was 24,338, employing a capital of $177,361,878, and 58,367 hands, to whom were paid as wages $17,422,316. The materials con- sumed were 304,775,737 bushels of wheat, valued at $315,394,- 386, and 234,907,220 bushels of other grain, valued at $112,- 372,071. In other words 59,612 run of stones and burrs con- verted daily 4,730,106 bushels of grain into flour and meal. The total product of flour and grist mills ($505,185,712) is the largest of any manufacture in the United States, though the capital employed is not. The manufacture has followed closely on the development of our agricultural areas, and many of the newer States equal, or exceed, the older agricultural States in the value of their annual product, though not in the number of establishments ; which fact shows that the progress of the man- ufacture westward is attended by the erection of larger mills. Thus, Pennsylvania with 2,873 establishments and a product equal to $41,522,662, is only on a par with Minnesota which has but 436 establishments and a product of $41,519,004. In hosiery and knit goods the country has created a manu- facture within the memory of man, and carried it to great per- fection. The product in 1850 was only $1,028,102 ; in i860 it was $7,280,606; in 1870, $18,411,564; and in 1880, $29,167,- 227. The capital employed was $15,579,591, in 359 establish- ments, running 28,885 hands, and consuming $15,210,057 worth of material. The iron and steel industry of the country has ever been growthy, but of late years has assumed proportions which place us in advance of every country except Great Britain. It is easy to surmise that another /decade will see us leading the world in the manufacture, for as yet we have only begun to tap our resources and test our capacities. We have, like England, a wonderful proximity of coal vein and ore bed. We have both covering vaster areas than hers, and in quantities which are prac- 11 162 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. tically inexhaustible. Thus far our manufacture has been at the bidding of a home market. This market is in its infancy, con- sider what branch of the manufacture we may. The only great question involved is whether we can hold it for ourselves against the rivalry of other countries. That we ought to do so is some- thing about which Americans should not dispute. It is to be regretted that our space will not permit separate pursuit of the great branches of the iron industry. We should then find much that is interesting and educative respecting the beginning and growth of these branches, much that is instructive about the part a government can play in fostering industrial de- velopment, and much that touches our pride respecting internal resource and ability to maintain ourselves against the compe- tition of countries which had centuries the start of us and which employ a far cheaper labor than ours. One branch only need be mentioned as an illustration, and that is the manufacture of Bessemer steel rails for railroads. This industry had no exist- ence in this country prior to 1867. That year the product was 2,550 tons. Their superiority over iron rails was so manifest that they began immediately to crowd iron rails off the track. They commanded a high price, so high, that the duty was no protection, and their importation was large. But by 1870 our capacity for their manufacture had so grown that the product of that year was 34,000 tons. In 1872 it was 94,070 tons ; in 1877, 432,169 tons. The growth was regular and startlingly rapid, notwithstanding these years of panic and depression. For the census year (1879) tne production of Bessemer and open Hearth steel rails was 750,680 tons, valued at $37,892,070. In 1882 the total production was 1,460,920 tons, and in 1883 1,295,740 tons, the falling off being due to over-production. In 1882 the total product of steel rails in Great Britain was 1,235,785 tons. Thus in twelve years the United States started this important industry and pushed it so energetically as to surpass the greatest iron- producing country of the world. The total number of establishments engaged in making iron and steel, in 1880, was 1,005 '■> °f these, 490 were blast furnaces, which turned out 3,781,021 tons of pig and other cast iron, valued BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 163 at $89,315,569; 118 were bloomeries, producing 72,557 tons of blooms, valued at $3,968,074; 324 were rolling mills, turning out 2,353,248 tons of bar and other rolled iron, valued at $136,798,- 574 J 36 were Bessemer and open Hearth steel works, turning out 983,039 tons of steel rails and other structural steel, valued at $55,805,210; 37 v/ere crucible steel works, turning out 75,275 tons of steel bars and blooms, valued at $10,670,258. The total iron and steel product for that year, and of the 1,005 establishments was — Capital. Troduct in Tons. Value of Product. $230,971,884 7,265,140 $296,557,685 The manufactures of iron and steel embraced the following : Iron bolts, etc lo >°73>333 doors and shutters 495,000 forgings 6,492,028 nails and spikes 5,629,240 pipe 13,292,162 railing 1,300,549 architectural work 2,109,537 Total iron and steel, and manufactures thereof $335»949>594 Pennsylvania is the leading State in the production of iron and steel, her establishments numbering 366 of the 1,005, anc ^ ner product equalling $145,576,268 of the $296,557,685. One cannot help speaking with pride of the growth of our silk manufacture. It is so young as to be within the memory of all. It is an industry which owes its existence to the fostering spirit of the government, and is fighting its battle without the aid of home silk-growers and a raw material within easy reach of the factories, and this not because either soil or climate is unkind. New Jersey leads in the manufacture, followed by New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. The total silk product for i860 was $6,607,771 ; for 1870, $12,210,662 ; for 1880, $34,519,723. In 1883 we consumed 2,800,000 pounds of raw silk, and produced $40,000,000 worth of goods, thus rank- ing third among the silk manufacturing countries of the world. American silks are woven chiefly by machinery, foreign silks by hand. This enables us to overcome to a great extent the difference in the price of labor, which is something marvellous in this industry. In one factory alone, at Cannabbis, Italy, there are ]64 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 600 orphan children at work in the various spinning and winding departments, who receive nothing but clothing and food for their first four years of apprenticeship, and sixty cents a month for four years more. Employes who receive here from $4 to $6 per week receive abroad for the same kind of labor from 6 to 8 cents a day. This is the testimony of Mr. Herman Simon, of the Allentown, Pa., silk mill, who visits Europe every year for pur- poses of inspection. For ten years prior to i860 we imported $27,600,000 of silk manufactures a year. The average for the last ten years'has been $27,800,000, with 20,000,000 more people. The raw material is all imported. American silks are but very little higher in price than those from abroad, and, if anything, give better satisfaction in wearing, our climate forbidding the artificial weighting practiced so largely in other countries. A few of our other leading manufactures are here shown, without comment, the comparison afforded by the decades being sufficiently suggestive of growth and resource. 1870. 1880. Woollens and Worsteds #i55,4°5-35 8 $194,156,663 Clothing (men's) 147,650,378 209,548,460 Machinery 138,519,248 214,378,468 Leather (tanned) 86,169,883 1 13,348,336 Leather (curried) 54,192,017 71,351,297 Tobacco 38,388,356 52,793,056 Cigars .* 28,299,067 63,979,575 Carriages and wagons 65,362,837 64,95 l >6 J 7 Sugar and Molasses, refined 108,941,911 155.484,915 Liquors, distilled, malt, and vinous. . . 94,133,014 144,290,641 Paper 48,676,935 55,109,914 Printing and Publishing 32,674,037 90,789,341 Slaughtering and meat packing (not retail) 303,562,413 To carry on our manufactures in 1870, it required a combined steam and water-power equal to 2,346,142 horse-power. The amount required in 1880 was 3,410,837 horse-power, an increase of 45.38 per cent. The proportion of each power was (1870), water, 48.18 per cent, steam 51.82 per cent. In 1880 the pro- portion was, water 35.93 per cent, steam 64.07 per cent Thus, steam is fast supplying the place of water as a power, or rather is developing in a larger ratio. MINING AND MINERALS.— As to the precious and lead- ing useful minerals the United States justly ranks as the first BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 165 country in the world. Her resources, in this respect, cover a wide range of mineral substances and highly diversified mineral structures. While this is true, it must be said that the develop- ment of many of our mineral deposits is yet in its infancy. No one can compute our wealth of iron ore nor our deposits of coal. Every now and then fresh discoveries of some valuable mineral substance is announced. Mining, like agriculture, has been roughly and carelessly carried on. Except in some of the deep silver and coal mines, where a great outlay of capital is required, the era of scientific mining has not yet been reached. Nature has been so lavish that economy is regarded as unnecessary. Yet, as a whole, mining industry has not been uncertain, and it is daily growing more constant and healthful. THE PRECIOUS METALS.— The beginning of our mining operations for the precious metals dates from 1 804. Before that time desultory and ineffectual attempts were made to dig for gold and silver in suspected fields, chiefly those of North Caro- lina and Georgia. After that operations assumed more definite shape, and gold was mined to the extent of a million dollars a year up till the discovery of the mineral in California in 1848. Silver was almost an unknown treasure in our soil until its discovery in Nevada in 1858. Before that our estimated annual product did not exceed $50,000. On the discovery of gold in California in 1848 our country entered upon a career of mining development which has ever since poured a constant stream of glittering wealth into her lap and placed her at the head of the list of producers of this pre- cious mineral. In 1847 the gold product of the country did not exceed $889,085. But in 1848 it rose to $10,000,000, in 1849 to $40,000,000, and averaged for the next ten years some $5 5 ,000,000 annually. Then came the discovery of silver in 1858. The yield of that year was $500,000. By 1864 it reached $11,000,000. Year by year it increased till in 1874 it overtopped the gold product at $37,324,594. Nor has it ceased to increase since. The esti- mated yield for 1882 was $46,800,000, while that of gold for the same year was $32,500,000, a grand total of $79,300,000. The greatest yield of gold was in 1853, estimated at $65,000,000. 166 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The estimate of gold and silver production in the United States from 1845-82, a period of thirty-eight years, is : Gold. Silver. Total. #1,590,878,301 $550,972,260 #2,153,845,471 The vast importance of this element of the national resource is shown by the fact that one-third of the gold and one-half of the silver yearly produced in the world are mined within our borders. The figures run thus : Gold. Silver. Total. Product of entire world for 1882. . ..$103,161,532 $109,446,595 $212,608,127 Product of United States for 1882. . . 32,500,000 46,800,000 79,300,000 The census gives the output of the precious metals for the year ending May 31, 1880, at gold $33,379,663, and silver $41,- 110,957 — a total of $74,490,620. The areas of precious metals are three in number, (1) Pacific Division; (2) Rocky Mountain Division ; (3) Eastern Division. Pacific Division, with product of 1880: Gold. Silver. Total. Alaska $5*951 $5* $6,002 Arizona 211,965 2,325,825 2,537,790 California 17,150,941 1,150,887 18,301,828 Idaho 1,479.653 464,550 L944.203 Nevada 4,888,242 12,430,667 17,318,909 Oregon 1,097,701 27,793 1,125,494 Utah 291,587 4,743,o 8 7 5,034,674 Washington 135,800 1,019 136,819 Total $25,261,840 $21,143,879 $46,405,719 Rocky Mountain Division and product of 1880: Gold. Silver. Total. Colorado $2,699,898 $16,549,274 $19,249,172 Dakota 3,3°5, 8 43 70,813 3,376,656 Montana 1,805,767 2,905,068 4,710,835 New Mexico 49,354 39 2 ,337 441,691 Wyoming I7>35 1 Uj^ll Total $7,878,183 $19,917,492 $27,795,675 Eastern Division and product of 1 880: Gold. Silver. Total. Alabama $1,301 $i,3 GI Georgia 81,029 $332 81,361 Maine 2,999 7,200 10,199 Michigan 25,858 25,858 New Hampshire 10,999 16,000 26,999 North Carolina 1 18,953 ! 4° I I9>°93 South Carolina 13,040 56 I3,°9 6 Tennessee 1 ,998 1 ,998 Virginia _ 9,321 9>3 21 Total $239,640 $49,5 86 $289,226 BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 167 The original form of gold mining was placer mining, in which gold-bearing sand was washed in order to obtain the product. This was succeeded by hydraulic mining, which was only placer mining by machinery. Now only 36 per cent, of the gold pro- duct is obtained from placer and hydraulic mining. The bal- ance, 64 per cent, is obtained from deep mining, or quartz mining. QUICKSILVER is found in paying quantities in the coast ranges of California. In 1883 it was exported to the extent of 2,762,555 pounds, valued at $1,020,834. Nickel is found in pay- ing quantities only in Lancaster county, Pa. Traces of tin have been found in several States, but nowhere has the ore been struck in paying quantities. The newspapers report its exist- ence in Virginia and North Carolina, but this remains to be proved. The government offers a reward of $50,000 for the discovery of a workable tin deposit. LEAD AND ZINC. — These useful minerals are generally produced from the same mine, especially in Illinois, Iowa and Wisconsin. The successful reduction of their ores requires a high degree of science, and as this is being more and more applied the product increases rapidly. The output of 1880, tak- ing the smelting returns, was : Lead 162,938,105 pounds. Valued at $7,935,140 Zinc 62,681,459 " " 4,240,006 Total 225,619,564 " " $12,175,146 which was 174 per cent, increase c^n the value of the production of 1870. Much of the lead product is obtained from ores which are smelted for the silver they contain. COPPER. — This valuable mineral is chiefly mined in what is called the Lake Superior copper-bearing region, embraced in Michigan and Wisconsin, though it is found in Arizona and California, but is not refined there. The production of metallic copper, as taken from the smelters' returns for 1880, was 54,172,- 017 pounds, valued at $9,458,434, an increase of 71 per cent, on the value of the 1870 product. IRON ORE is widely distributed through the United States, is found in inexhaustible quantities irt some States, and in almost 168 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. every degree of purity. It is regularly mined in twenty-three States, and the. annual increase of the production keeps pace with the rapid growth of our iron industry. The total product in 1880 was 7,974,706 tons, valued at $23,156,957, and these fig- ures show an increase of 55 per cent, over the value of the pro- duction in 1870. The production of iron ore bears such a close relation to the production of pig-iron, that we get the best idea of the growth of this industry by a glance at the following figures : Tons of pig-iron produced in 1875 2,266,581 tons. 1876 2,093,236 " 1877 2,314,585 " 1878 2,577,361 " Tons of pig-iron produced in 1879 3.070,875 tons. [880 4,295,414 " [881 4,641,564 " 1882 5,178,122 " The total number of furnaces in January, 1883, was 687, 277 of which were in Pennsylvania, whose product of pig for 1882 was 2,449,256 tons, or nearly half of the total product of the country. Ohio follows Pennsylvania with 97 furnaces; New York with 57; Virginia with 38; Michigan with 29; Mary- land with 23, and so on. The production of pig in Great Britain in 1882 was 8,493,387 tons, and in Germany 3,170,957 tons. COAL. — " Coal," says an official report, " next to gold is the most important mining interest in the United States." Consid- ered as to its uses and benefits it is by far the most important minings interest, and happy it is for the country that such a neces- sary mineral is so widely distributed, so accessible and so abundant. It would seem that the first coal discovered in America was near Ottawa, 111., by the French Jesuit, Father Hennepin, in 1669. The first employment of coal was that of anthracite, by a blacksmith of Wyoming valley in 1775. A nailer of the same locality employed it in his trade in 1788, and twenty years after- wards (1808) contrived a grate for burning it as fuel in his house. The first mining of coal was in 1813, when five ark-loads of inferior anthracite were sent down the Lehigh and Delaware, and sold in Philadelphia for twenty dollars a ton. Liverpool coal was then sparely imported, the importation for 182 1 being BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 169 22,122 tons for the entire country. By 1820 regular shipments of coal began to be made from the anthracite regions of Penn- sylvania to Philadelphia, and the total for that year was 18,000 tons, which figures were not again reached till 1825, when the total from the Lehigh, Wyoming and Schuylkill regions reached 38,499 tons. The age of steam transit began with 1830. Then the con- struction of railroads, the rapid increase of population, the grow- ing scarcity of wood fuel, stimulated coal development, and the annual product of anthracite rose rapidly to 678,517 tons in 1835; to 1,008,220 tons in 1840; to 3,863,365 tons in 1850; to 9,807,118 tons in i860; to 17,819,700 tons in 1870; to 28,649,- 812 tons in 1880, valued at $42,196,678. The total of the anthracite production to Jan. 1, 1883, is esti- mated to be 509,333,695 tons. These anthracite areas do not embrace over 500 square miles, and they lie in Schuylkill, Carbon, Luzerne, Northumberland, Dauphin and Columbia counties. The original amount of coal contained in their beds is estimated at 25,000,000,000 tons. A sad feature of this anthracite mining (common to bituminous mining also) is its wastefulness. Not a third of the coal mined has been consumed as fuel. Some 40 per cent, has remained as pillar coal in the mines, and some 30 per cent, has been wasted, leaving but 30 per cent, for actual fuel. Counting the anthracite production of 1882 at 31,281,066 tons, it would establish a rate of production which would exhaust the entire supply in 250 years. But the science of mining is being rapidly learned and applied, and the saving for the last year or two has been such as to considerably raise the actual fuel product. The time will no doubt come when, admonished by scarcity of supply and encouraged by high prices, economic methods will reduce the per cent, of waste to a minimum. But this limited anthracite section, rich and inexhaustible as it has been, is a very small part of our great coal areas. Other coal-fields are known and worked in twenty-six States and Ter- ritories; but, with the exception of those in Rhode Island, their product is of the bituminous, or soft coal, kind. The oldest of 170 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. these fields is that of the Cumberland, in Maryland, where min- ing operations were begun in 1842. But the bituminous fields of Western Pennsylvania give by far the greatest annual yield, though they are only estimated at 12,000 square miles as against 36,800 for the bituminous fields of Illinois. Interesting as the figures for the coal areas of the several States might prove, they must be omitted because of uncer- tainty. They however credit Illinois with the largest areas, 36,800 square miles ; Missouri with 26,887 5 Kansas with 22,256 ; Pennsylvania with 12,772; Arkansas with 12,000; West Vir- ginia with 16,000; Kentucky with 12,871. Other States are credited with even larger areas, but they are as yet undeveloped. Working mines exist, as has been said, in twenty-six States and Territories, and the total areas therein are estimated at 195,403 square miles, with an estimated output for 1882 of 86,- 862,614 tons, and for 1883 of 88,000,000 tons. The Census figures are : 1870. 1880. Anthracite 15,664,275 T. $23,619,911 28,649,812 T. $42,196,678 Bituminous 17,199,415 " 49,905,081 42,776,624" 53,520,173 Totals 32,863,690 " $72,524,992 71,426,436" $95,716,851 A comparison with the areas and annual output of other coun- tries may be interesting : Areas in square miles. Tons for 1882. Great Britain 11,900 156,499,097 United States 195,403 86,862,614 Germany 1,77° 65,332,925 Belgium 510 17,485,008 Austro-Hungary 1,800 15,304,013 1881 China 4,000,000 " India 2,000 4,000000 " Russia 30,000 3,293,312 1880 France 2,086 2,251,581 1882 Nova Scotia .... 1,365,81 1 " All others 6,236,014 World's production 362,631,275 tons. PETROLEUM. — The story of this mining (if such it may be called) industry reads like one from the "Arabian Nights." It begins within the last quarter of a century and must be real, though every chapter is full of surprises, and every sentence a BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 171 source of wonder. Who would believe a word of it, if it had been written two thousand years ago in Greek or Hebrew, and then all evidence of the industry lost except the text of the story ? Petroleum, or rock oil, was not in itself a novelty. It was used in ancient times in Sicily. The Persians obtained it from the Caspian shores. The Birmese gathered it on the banks of the Irawaddy. The Indians of our continent caught it in blankets, and used it for medicinal purposes. An article in the " Massachu- setts Magazine," in 1791, speaks of a body of soldiers passing through Oil Creek Valley and collecting rock oil, which they found good for rheumatism and a gentle purgative. Mr. Pater- son, Pa., in 1845, took a sample bottle to a Pittsburg factory to test its lubricating qualities. It found such favor that it was used for a long time in the establishment instead of sperm oil. But all this was as to surface oil, the oil of the magician and curiosity-seeker. There came a time when the discovery of its fountains was to startle the world and begin a history which has no parallel in commercial and industrial enterprise, except that of steam. Petroleum, as we now know it, came to the surface just when the world needed it. Fish and animal oils were an- nually decreasing. Illuminating and lubricating agents were getting higher. In 1859, the first artificial well in Oil Creek Valley was filled with oil to within five inches of the surface, and from it was taken as high as 1,000 gallons a day. Then began the stampede to the oil regions, and the era of reckless pursuit of fortune, extravagant experiment, wild successes, dismal failures. The 1849 of California was repeated for years in Pennsylvania. Money and enterprise brought wonderful machinery. Flowing wells were struck in 1861. Development took in all subjects connected with oil production and its possibilities. Amid mighty waste of health, money, machinery and raw product, a perma- nent industry grew. It was the oil industry of America, created almost in a single year, and in less than half a dozen years ex- panded into an importance which affected the commerce of the world and the comfort of millions of its people. 172 BUILDING AND RULING, THE REPUBLIC. As to our own country what so opportune as the discovery of this wonderful resource ! The trade of the nations was against us. Gold was passing away from us. We were being drained of other natural resources to meet the exigency of civil war. Petroleum came to quicken our external commerce, and to stimulate our internal industry. Almost from the start it became an article of export, and has been going out every year since with the certainty of a staple, and, until lately, without com- petition, at the average rate of nearly $50,000,000 worth a year. 1882. 1883. Gallons. Value. Gallons. Value. Export of crude and refined oil 556,239,278 $51,019,904 499,786,266 $44.47 c >433 The petroleum areas are in Western Pennsylvania, and West Virginia, and in Eastern Ohio, extending into Kentucky. The census figures for the product of 1879-80 are : Barrels. Pennsylvania 24,005,392 West Virginia and Washington Co., Ohio 219.254 Ohio 5,059 Kentucky 5,376 Total barrels 24,235,081 At 42 gallons per barrel 1,017,873,402 gallons. At i]l cents a gallon for crude $23,000,000 The delay and expense of carrying this enormous oil product to the shipping ports, as well as the danger attending' it, have been overcome by underground transit provided by means of pipes and pumping stations. Through these oil can be con- stantly, cheaply and safely delivered at, or near to, ports of foreign shipment, and in quantities equal to the demand. Great quantities are always in stock in these pipes, and one thousand barrel certificates of such stock are as common on the market and as much a source of speculative purchase and sale as rail- road or mining stocks. A result of the discovery of petroleum has been the establish- ment of the great industry of refining the crude material. Some of the refining establishments, mostly located at coast or inland shipping points, are very large and costly. In 1880 they used 731,533,127 gallons of crude oil, valued at $16,340,581. When BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 173 converted into illuminating oil and other products of petroleum the above value became $43,705,218, or nearly three times its crude worth. Various and curious are the higher products of petroleum. Besides the naphtha, gasoline, rhigoline and paraffine produced in this country, we have the beautiful aniline dyes made in Germany, and brought back to us thence, which rival in brilliancy and permanency the celebrated colors of ancient Tyre. COMMERCE. — We derive great advantage from the nature, extent and accessibility of our sea-board. Our whole Atlantic coast from Maine to Florida presents an infinite variety of en- trances and harbors. So does the gulf coast ; and if the variety is not so great on the Pacific, the harbors are spacious, safe and sufficiently numerous to invite the largest commerce. The great lakes of the North give an extent of navigation almost equal to that of an ocean. Our leading ports are all rendered accessible to an incalculably rich interior by means of navigable streams, or by elaborate systems of railroads. Our commercial situation is therefore favorable on all sides and from within. We ought to, and we will, stand at the head of the list of commer- cial nations. Almost at the start the United States sprang into importance as a commercial nation. Nature was on our side ; so were the political circumstances of the old world. We were compara- tively neutral amid long periods of European commotion. American shipping became the safest medium through which to conduct the commerce of the world. Americans had, further, every advantage for wooden ship-building — genius, enterprise, timber, resource of every kind. Says an author, "At the begin- ning of the nineteenth century it seemed as if the commerce of the world were passing into American hands." By this is meant the carrying trade of the world. We were not only carrying our own goods but those of other nations. Our ships went everywhere, on extensive and profitable lines of trade. The foolish invitation of an unnecessary war, in 181 2, which decided nothing, weakened us greatly as ocean carriers. The foreign trade we had only begun to enjoy passed largely to foreign bottoms. 174 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. We never really recovered the vantage ground of 1812, though with our splendid " Liners " and " Clipper Ships " of a much later period we got to be somewhat of a carrying nation. But our greatest commercial blow was during the civil war, 1861-65, when our ships engaged in the foreign carrying trade were com- pelled to change ownership and flag in order to escape capture by Confederate cruisers, or owing to the temporary demand for them went voluntarily into other service. Since then we have not recovered our position as foreign carriers. We have but one American steamship line of four vessels, and that is operated at a loss. While it is true that we have not advanced as ocean-carriers, on the contrary have lost ground, our general commercial in- terests have expanded in proportion to the growth of the country, and our merchant tonnage is second only to that of Great Britain. The latter country employed in 1880-81, 2,869 steamers of over 100 tons burden, with a net tonnage of 2,652,941 tons. We em- ployed 548 steamers, of a net tonnage of 389,937 tons. But a majority of the British steamers were engaged in foreign trade, while ours were, with very few exceptions, engaged in domestic or coastwise trade. The same may be said of the sailing vessels, of which Great Britain employed 11,893, of 4,295,589 net ton- nage, and the United States 5,958, of 2,048,975 net tonnage. In 1789 our total foreign, coastwise, and fishing tonnage, in other words the tonnage of our merchant marine, was 201,562 tons. This grew with wonderful rapidity till it reached 972,492 tons in 1800, and 1,424,783 tons in 18 10. Then came the decline incident to the war of 18 12. In 1820 the tonnage was 1,280,167, and of this amount, not a half was in the foreign trade. In 1830, it was 1,191,776 tons; in 1840, 2,180,764 tons ; in 1850, 3,535,454 tons; in 1861, 5,539,813 tons, which was the highest point it ever reached. In 1870 it was 4,246,507 tons; in 1880, 4,068,034 tons; and in 1882, 4,165,933 tons. It can hardly be said that we have begun to recover from the set-back in 1861, for, except for coastwise purposes, we are not building ocean craft, notwith- standing our boast that we can do so as cheaply and well as England, and the further fact that there is need of American BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 175 ships for American products. Of this total tonnage of 4,165,933 tons in 1882, but 1,259,492 tons were engaged in foreign trade, and, as already stated, but four of the vessels were steamers. In passing to our trade growth as shown by exports and im- ports, we shall endeavor to show also the loss of our ability to handle, as ocean-carriers, the immense product we part with and consume. In 1790 we imported goods to the value of $22,460,- 844. As a set-off to this we exported only $19,666,000 worth of product. This, at that time, was a large balance against us. But we had not yet begun to know our resources. In 1800 our exports were $31,840,903, and our net imports $52,121,891, a still larger balance against us, which had existed through the preceding decade and was to exist through the next. In 18 10 the account stood, exports $42,366,675, imports $61,008,705. To show how nearly our trade was extinguished by the war of 1 81 2, the exports of 18 14 were only $6,782,272, and our imports $12,819,831. And to show our need after the struggle, as well as the willingness and ability of foreign nati9ns to supply us, our exports for 181 5 were $45,974,403, and our net imports $106,- 457,924. But up to this period our total imports were almost double what the above figures show and what we actually con- sumed, for we were thus far a great ocean-carrying nation, and constantly brought hither the products of other nations with intent to export them again. Thus in 1806 we brought $60,283,- 236 worth of this class of products (called foreign exports), or one-half of our total imports for the year. This class of pro- ducts, which at that time very nearly measured our superiority as ocean-carriers, fell to $145,169 in 1814; that is to say, the long and profitable trading routes of our splendid wooden sailers had been broken up and the ships themselves condemned to rot at idle wharves. However, recovery was in part had, but only to be followed again by a gradual decadence of early prestige as carriers. The showing for 1 820 was total imports $74,450,000, less re-exports $18,008,029, equal to $56,441,971. Total domestic exports $51,683,640. At this time nearly ninety per cent, of our imports and exports were carried in American vessels. 176 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. We can continue this history more briefly in tabular form. Per cent Total of • Total of carried in both carried both carried Ameri- Total Total. in American in foreign can ves- imports. exports. vessels. vessels. sels. 1830 $70,516,920 $73,849,508 $129,918,458 14,447.970 89.9 1840 107,141,519 132,085,946 198,424,609 40,802,856 82.9 1850 178,138,318 151,898,720 239,272,084 90,764,954 72.5 i860 362,166,254 400,122,296 507,247>757 255,040,793 66.5 1865.... 248,555,652 355,857,344 167,402,872 437,010,124 27.7 1870 462,377,587 529,5 19,302 352,969,607 638,927,282 35.6 1880.... 743,481,765 845,990,528 280,005,497 1,309,466,796 17.6 1881 733,737,199 912,849,421 268,080,603 1,378,506,017 16.2 J882 741,446,035 741,324,945 241,422,832 1,241,348,148 16.2 1883.... 75i, 6 70,3 5 855,659,735 247,761,173 1,281,200,026* 16.2 While the above figures are complimentary as showing the wonderful growth of our ability to sell and buy in the markets of the world, and while they are especially flattering as proof of success in retaining a balance of trade in our favor, the gradual decline of ability to act as our own carriers or as carriers for others, is humiliating. It has been nearly continuous, and at times rapid, since the war of 18 12. The period of the civil war was particularly disastrous, as the column of per cent, de- clines shows. There was an attempt to recover lost ground by 1870, but this was spasmodic, and the old ratio of losses set in shortly after. The matter is now awakening universal interest, and it is possible that our pride, co-operating with our un- doubted facilities for making iron and steel ships, will eventuate in a restoration of our early prestige as ocean carriers. Among our imports for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1883, were: Free of duty. Quantity. Value. Chemicals $7,164,675 Coffee 5 1 5,878,5 1 5 lbs. 42,050,513 Hides and skins 27,640,030 India rubber, crude 21,646,320 " 15,511,066 Silk, raw..... 3, 2 53,370" 14,043,340 . Tea 73,479,164" 17,302,849 Tin, pigs 26,635,168 " 6,106,250 * The import and export of coin and bullion for 1883 and the imports and ex- ports of goods from and to Canada by vehicles are not included in the last two columns for that year. The two make a total movement of $78,368,841, which is not assigned to vessels. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 177 Dutiable. Quantity. Value. Living animals 20 per ct. .... $4,030,822 Barley 15 cts. per bush. 9,944,066 bush. 7,573,443 Rice 2% cts. per lb. 63,909,474 lbs. 1,391,742 Buttons 30 per ct. 3,771,331 Chemicals and dyes various rates 16,134,204 Manufactures cotton chiefly 35 per ct. 3 2 >359>344 China and earthenware " 50 " 8,693,273 Fancy articles " 50 " 7,908,102 Manufactures flax " 40 " 22,088,891 Fruits and nuts i Chiefly^. ct*. > I5I ,902,523 lbs. 18,157,687 Manufactures of glass various 7,597,^97 Hemp and manufactures of. . " 12,615,393 Iron and manufactures of. ... " 20,305,844 Steel and manufactures of .. . " 20,531,532 Leather and manufactures of.. " 12,653,722 Silk and manufactures of. . . .50 and 60 per ct. 33,3°7,i T 2 Spirits and wines { ^^oTspirifsf ^ } 9,309,849 galls. 12,586,869 Sugar 1^ and 2 c. per lb. 1,900,054,706 lbs. 83,025,729 Molasses 6J| c. per gall 28,059,013 galls. 7,059,907 Tin plates 1^ c. per lb. 453,724,126 lbs. 16,688,277 Wool and manufactures of. ..various. 57,044,444 The grand total for the year, as seen above, was $751,670,305. Our heaviest articles of import are therefore sugar, wool and woolen goods, silks, cottons and linens, coffee, tea and raw silk. As to coffee and tea, we must always be buyers ; as to the rest, we need not always be dependent on a foreign supply. Our principal articles of export for 1883 were: Quantity. Value. Agricultural implements $3,883,919 Cattle and hogs 10,921,163 Indian corn 40,586,825 bush. 27,756,082 Wheat 106,385,828 " 1 19,879,341 " flour 9,205,664 bbls. 54,824,459 Cotton 1,288,074,062 lbs. 247,328,721 Cotton manufactures 137,700,751 yds. 10,302,867 Manufactures of iron and steel 19.165,321 Leather 6,038,097 Oils, crude and refined 499,786,266 galls. 44,470,433 Provisions, as Bacon 294,118,759 lbs. 32,282,751 " Hams 46,140,911 " 5,873,201 " Beef, fresh 81,064,373 " 8,342,131 " " salted 41,680,623 " 3,742,282 " Butter 12,348,641 " 2,290,665 " Cheese 99,220,467 " 11,134,526 " Lard 224,718,474 " 26,618,048 " Pork 62,116,302 " 6,192,268 f All others 10,911,415 Tobacco and manufactures of. .. 235,647,348 lbs. 22,095,249 Wood and manufactures of 26,793,708 Coin and Bullion ; . 21,623, 181? 12 178 BUILDING AND RULING THk REPUBLIC. The grand total for the year was, as we have seen, $855,- 659735- A glance at our exports shows that cotton is the leading article, followed closely by the cereals and flour. Then comes the long list of provisions. We not only live well ourselves, but we help others to subsist. Our fourth article of export is petro- leum and its manufactures, which has risen to its rank inside of twenty years. All these leading articles of export are those of a people with great natural resources, which they as yet mainly rely on for commercial purposes. But we see in the sending abroad of agricultural implements, manufactures of cotton, wood, iron and steel, -evidences of a perfection in machin- ery and mechanical arts which is already commanding respect elsewhere, and must ere long give us a conspicuous place among the older nations as competitors for the supply of these higher classed manufactures. Of our exports Great Britain and Ireland receives nearly 52 per cent., and participates in 40 per cent, of our entire foreign trade. That kingdom takes the bulk of our wheat, flour, cotton, and provisions, Germany tobacco and cotton, Brazil and China much of our cotton manufactures, the world in general our petroleum. Great Britain in turn sends us cotton and woollen manufactures, iron in all forms, tin plates and tin pigs, earthen- ware, and wool ; Germany, woollen and cotton goods, glass and wines ; France, silks, laces and gloves ; Brazil, coffee ; the West Indies and Mediterranean countries, fruits and nuts; Norway and Sweden, iron; Russia, wool and iron; China, tea; Turkey, opium and wool. Nearly 56 per cent, of our foreign commerce is carried on at the port of New York, the value for 1883 being $857,430,637. The transactions at Boston amounted to $134,918,824; at New Orleans (chiefly exports), to $104,704,076; at San Francisco, $90,661,650; at Philadelphia, $71,880,300; at Baltimore, $69,- 602,530. The domestic or internal commerce of the United States far exceeds the foreign commerce in value and importance. There are no figures to show its extent exactly, but when we BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 179 consider that the number of steamers, sailing vessels, canal-boats, barges, flat-boats and craft of every kind, owned in the country and plying in its waters, is 38,656, with a tonnage of 6,487,310 tons, and a value of $155,784,709, and that the most of these are busy the year round ; and when we further consider the wonderful carrying capacity of our railroads, whose net earnings alone for 1883 are estimated at $800,000,000; the annual value of our internal commerce may be set down as among the billions of dollars without exceeding the probabilities. RAILROADS. — In no line of progress has this country shown such rapidity and brilliancy as in erecting and operating railroads. Many claim that our enterprise in this direction has exceeded the bounds of prudence. No doubt many railroad projects of mistaken propriety have been pushed through. Much capital has been wasted. The government and some of the States have been generous in the extreme with gifts of public lands as a basis of railroad securities. But, all in all, it cannot be said that our dash and enterprise have been misdirected. Streams of population and substantial improvement have made haste to follow railroad lines even when they seemed to be pierc- ing what was regarded as a wilderness or barren plain. In general our railways have surely developed the fields they traversed. If pioneered amid seeming extravagance they have subsisted on food of their own bringing. In 1830 we made a beginning in railroad building. The mileage for that year was 23. In 1840, it was 2,818; in 1850, 9,021; in 1860,30,635; in 1870, 52,9*4; in 1880,91,944; and in 1883, 117,717 miles. This total mileage exceeds that of any other country in the world, and indeed that of all Europe ; the total for Europe being 105,895, of which Germany has 21,565 ; Great Britain and Ireland 18,168; Russia, 14,067; France, 17,027; Austro-Hungary, 1,738. The world's railways stand thus : Miles of Railroad. Miles of Railroad. North America 127,830 West Indies and Nicaragua. . . . 1,094 South America 7»3 1 ^ Europe 105*895 Asia I4.U 1 Africa 3,068 Australia 5,592 Total miles 264,826 180 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Taking the figures as found in " Poor's R. R. Manual " for 1883 (they are for the year 1882) we find that the total mileage in the United States was 1 12,4 12, of which 107,158 were operated. Of this length of line Illinois had 10,656 miles; Ohio came next with 7,968 miles ; then New York, 6,723 miles ; Pennsylvania, 6,608 miles; Indiana, 6,366 miles; Missouri, 6,029 miles; Wis- consin, 5,744 miles; Texas, 5,715 miles. The other States have smaller mileage, but the distribution is very general, extending into forty-four States and Territories. The total cost of constructing and equipping each mile of road has been about $52,756, or altogether $5,930,409,624. The capital stock was $3,456,078,196, the funded debt $3,184- 415,201, and the total investment $6,895,664,390. They carried 289,190,783 passengers, at an average fare of 2.86 cents per mile, and with gross earnings equal to $202,140,775. They carried 380,490,375 tons of freight, at an average cost of 1.2 cents a ton per mile, and with gross earnings equal to $506,367,247. Their total gross earnings for the year were $770,256,762, and net earnings $280,316,696. They paid $149,295,300 in interest on indebtedness, and $102,- 031 434 in dividends. Every 100 miles of road had 19.67 locomotives; 13.83 passenger cars; 4.77 baggage cars; and 632 freight cars. CANALS. — There is no such thing as a canal system in the United States. This method of internal communication was once a favorite. It early received the attention of Congress, and was for a long time a chief object of solicitude. During all the time that " Internal Improvement " was a party tenet, it referred mostly to the building of canals. In proportion to their length, amount of capital invested, and their importance to internal commerce they have been more liberally treated by the government and the States than the railroads. For instance the national government has expended directly for canals over $9,000,000, while it has not similarly favored railroads to the ex- tent of over $85,000,000, half of which is a simple loan of security to be refunded in certain ways, and on which interest BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 181 is collectable. Besides this 4,405,986 acres of public lands have been given to canals. The States have been equally liberal. Hence we say they were a favorite means of building up internal commerce, at an early period. But that was before the era of railroads. Canal-building began before the adoption of the Constitution, or as early as 1785, on the James River, Va. But the period of greatest activity dates from 1 8 1 7 to 1 8 1 9, when were conceived and begun those projects for connecting the lakes with the Hudson, the Delaware with New York, and the Upper Susquehannah and Schuylkill with tide water, and which then looked like the dawn of a vast internal carrying system. Many of these were completed between 1820 and 1830, and served an excellent pur- pose — indeed, serve the same yet. But after 1840 the slow- going water way was in general superseded by steam, and canal building was limited to slackwater enterprises or to short lines around falls or through necks for the purpose of facilitating steam communication. The total length of canals in operation in the United States in 1880 was 2,926 miles, of which 2,515 miles were canal and 41 1 miles slackwater. Of this length New York had a total of 722 miles; New Jersey, 171 miles; Pennsylvania, 775 miles; Delaware, 14 miles; Maryland, 200 miles; Virginia, 75 miles; North Carolina, 13 miles; Georgia, 25 miles; Florida, IO miles; Louisiana, 28 miles ; Texas, 38 miles ; Illinois, 102 miles ; Michigan, 3 miles ; Ohio, 749 miles. The total cost of constructing these canals was $170,028,636. They carried, in 1880, 21,044,292 tons of freight, at a gross in- come of $4,538,620, and a net income of $2,954,156. At the same time there were in the United States 1,954 miles of abandoned canals, whose cost was $44,013,166; showing that canal communication was largely abandoned on the appearance of railroads, or that many of the schemes for canal-building were originally wild and impracticable. TELEGRAPHS. — The telegraphic method of communication, so swift, cheap, and capable of such diversification, came into favor instantly in the United States. By 1866 when the scat- 182 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. tered and struggling individual lines were gathered into a single corporation, known as the Western Union Telegraph Company, there were 37,380 miles of line and 75,686 miles of wire. The figures for 1870 were 54,109 miles of line and 112,191 miles of wire. For 1880 they were 110,726 miles of line and 291,212 miles of wire, for the United States; 85,645 miles of line and 233,534 miles of wire being operated by the Western Union Company. The total value of the telegraphic franchises in the country is in round numbers $100,000,000. The capital stock of the Western Union is $80,000,000. Their receipts in 1880 were $16,669,623 ; expenses $10,218,281 ; and net receipts $6,645,342. This does not include the length of lines connected with the various railroad companies, nor that of government, private and telephone lines. There are no figures for these. As to the principal countries of the world we stand thus : Length of Tel. Lines. Messages sent. United States, 1882 163,940 51,942,247 Russia, 1880 53 ,736 4,710,120 France, 1 88 1 45,878 19,466,000 Germany, 1 88 1 45,070 17,507,000 Austro- Hungary, 1881 31,121 8,865,000 Australasia, 1880 27,831 Great Britain, 1882 26,289 3 T ,345,86i India (British), 1880 20,468 1,431,000 Italy, 1881 16,692 6,250,000 The total length of the world's lines was quite 600,000 miles in 1883, more than a fourth of which was in the United States, not counting railroad and private lines. TELEPHONES. — This new and unique method of communi- cation has come into existence within the memory of the young- est. For use in cities and between neighboring towns it has largely superseded the telegraph, and it is thought that ere long it will be possible to talk by telephone over very long distances and even through submarine wires. Not even the most enthusi- astic of us can begin to conjure the possibilities of electric com- munication, or of electricity as a motor. It is impossible to ascertain the number of telephones and the length of telephone wires already in the United States. Lines and instruments are being erected so rapidly as to defy all BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 183 ordinary statistics. The Census figures (1880) give 34,305 miles of telephone wire in use. By Jan. 1, 1883, it was estimated that there were 100,000 miles of wire in use, over which passed com- munications at the rate of 120,000,000 annually. But the reader is left to guess the amount of capital now rushing into this busi- ness and the number of miles of wire annually erected. He can safely double any of the above estimates without exceeding the figures for 1884. EDUCATION. — Passing from commercial to educational development, we find the same cause for pride in a growth which has been signal and exceptional. It seems like a marvel that education should have kept up with the whirl of material development incident to a new country and one so full of induce- ment. That it has so done is due to a spirit traceable to our fathers, who early recognized the paramount importance of mental culture amid institutions which were free. The # marvel is only increased when we consider that our various systems of education have had to meet not only the, mental wants of native children, but those of immigrants less favored than our own, and, more lately, the wants of a vast aggregate of persons in the South who did not for generations enjoy school opportunities. We doubt if the world presents another such an instance of will- ingness to educate its people, and of ability to contend with the problems of primary education. The supreme thought of every intelligent section, and of every hour since we were colonies, has been that the safety of the nation and its system of government rests on the general diffusion of knowledge. Common school systems, therefore, found an early birth and a hearty support. Their growth has been a pride, even amounting to competition among most of the States. The general government has not been backward in aiding the States, by its grant to the school fund of each State of a section (640 acres) out of each township of public lands ; by its further grant of 9,000,000 acres to certain States for State universities; and again in 1862 by a grant of 30,000 acres for each Congressman in each State for the purpose of founding a College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts. 184 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. It is no part of our work to discuss the nature of our respective common school systems. They are happily coincident in secur- ing to the young an education sufficient for every-day require- ments, and the standard is such that that education is of no mean order. It makes excellent business men, readers and thinkers, and is a sufficient foundation upon which to base acquisition of a higher and more special order. Our educational system does not end with common schools. It ramifies thoughout an infinite number of public and private academies, and ends in a chain of high schools and colleges which embraces the land. Some of the latter are our very oldest institutions, dating far beyond the period of the Declara- tion, and not a few of them rank with the best of the kind in the old world. In special schools of agriculture, science, and observation, we are making more rapid progress than ever before. While our past educational growth is a matter of pride, and our facilities such as they are, we must not forget that there is vast room for improvement, especially in forcing our educational systems down lower among the masses and addressing them to their precise wants. Our army of illiterates is sjtill large and greatly out of proportion to our population. This time will remedy if all the States are persistent. But there must be no remission of effort. As to the other question, the kind of educa- tion : the tendency is to change methods so as to educate the hand and eye along with the mind; in other words to make primary education the basis of a practical training in handicraft of some kind or all kinds. The universities and colleges in the United States numbered, in 1882, 365, with 4,413 instructors and 64,096 students. In the same year the theological seminaries numbered 145, with 712 instructors and 4,921 students. The Census figures for 1880 give 225,880 common schools in the United States, valued at #211,411,540. For the same year there were employed 236,019 teachers, at an average monthly salary of #36.21. To sustain these schools for the school year there was ex- BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 185 pended $79,339,814, of which $55,745,029 was for teachers' salaries. The schools were open an aggregate of 1,462,174 months, or an average of six months and a fraction for each school. The whole number of pupils who attended was 9,946,160, and the average attendance was 6,276,398. The figures of the Commissioner of Education for 1882 give the total school population of the country at 16,210,133, of whom 9,996,133 were enrolled as at school, and the average daily attendance as 6.120,454. The total amount expended for school purposes, for the year, was $91,400,459, of which $57,954,986 was for teachers' salaries. The school ages vary in the re- spective States, from 4-21 to 8-14 years, an average of 14^ years. A comparison with the leading educational countries of the world affords cause for congratulation. The figures are from the report of the Bureau of Education for 1 88 1, but refer to statistics for 1879 and those years next previous, as they could be ob- tained. They are for elementary schools only : Population. School Pop. Schools. Pupils. Teachers. United States 50,152,866 14,962,336 225,000 Est. 9,424,080 272,686 Austria 21,752,000 3,122,863 15,166 2,134,683 31,196 England & Wales. 25,165,336 2,500,000 17,166 3,710,883 69,527 France 36,905,788 6,409,087 71,547 4,716,935 110,709 Prussia 25,742,404 4,39 6 .738 34,988 4.007,776 57,936 Italy 26,801,000 4,527,582 47,411 1,931,617 47,085 Japan 34,245,323 5,251,807 25,459 2,162,962 59.825 Our elementary school age is longer than that of any other country, which is a good point in our favor. The usual age in Europe is from six to fourteen, or at most sixteen. While this makes our school population larger in proportion to our entire population, it will be seen that we are also better equipped in the way of schools and teachers to meet its wants than any other country. The dark side of the situation is presented by the figures bearing on illiteracy. Persons over 10 years who Persons over 10 years who Population. cannot read. cannot write. 1870. .. .38,558,371 4,528,084 1 1.8 per cent. 5,658,144 14.7 per cent. 1880.... 50,155,783 4.923.45 1 9-8 " 6,239,958 12.4 « 136 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. It would appear then that even this dark side is not without its ray. Those who could not read were 2 per cent, less of the population in 1880 than in 1870, and those who could not write were 2.3 per cent. less. Of the 6,239,958 who could not write 2,255,260 were native whites, 763,620 foreign whites, and 3,220,- 878 colored persons. The per cents, of illiteracy are lowest in the New England, Western and Northwestern States, and highest in the Southern, even among whites ; but their per cent, is greatly increased by the number of illiterate colored persons found there. Taking our rate of total illiteracy at 10 per cent., it ranks almost as low as that of any other country. Bavaria has a rate of 7 per cent. Japan may fall below 10 per cent. The German rate is placed at 12 per cent, England and Wales at 30 per cent., Scotland at 16 per cent., Austria at 49 per cent., Ireland at 46 per cent, Russia at 91 per cent, Spain at 80 per cent. So that if we cannot claim 'a lead in diffused elementary intelligence, we stand well and are in possession of the agencies to give us the rank which is our due. LIBRARIES. — While we cannot boast of immense libraries — the collection of ages — like the National Library of France with its 2,000,000 volumes, the British Museum with its 1,500,- OOO volumes, or the Imperial Library of Russia with its 1,100,000 volumes, we are nevertheless a nation of readers, with a greater number of public and private libraries of respectable proportions than any other people. They are found in every State. Statis- tics respecting them are very uncertain, but those of New York and Pennsylvania are the most numerous, while the collections of Massachusetts and the District of Columbia are very valuable. The largest library in the country is the Congressional Library at Washington, whose volumes approximate 500,000 in number. The number of libraries in the country is in excess of 200,000 with over 50,000,000 books. Of these full 60,000 are public and contain 25,000,000 books. But these estimates are far below the truth. The fact is, a house without a library, or the nucleus of one, is getting to be an exceptional thing. Books of value are bought and treasured by our people, and. sales of popular works often reach enormous figures. BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 187 THE PRESS. — In no branch of literature has our progress been more marked than in that known as periodical publication. The figures show for Number of Periodicals. Circulation. Number of Periodicals. Circulation. 1850 2,526 5,142,177 i860 4,051 13,663,409 1870 5,871 20,842,475 1880 11,403 31,177,924 Of those for 1880, 980 were daily papers, 8,718 weekly papers, 1,705 miscellaneous, and 10,625 of them were published in Eng- lish and yy8 in other languages. Of the entire number 8,816 were devoted to news, 574 to religious subjects, 162 to agricul- ture, 146 to general literature, and 1,705 to miscellaneous matters. The whole number of printed copies was 1,344,- 101,235, valued at $87,441,132. Wages paid by publishers, $28,571,330. While all this is flattering to our literary tastes, the business of periodical publishing is the most precarious in existence. Failures to establish permanent paying newspapers and maga- zines are the rule and not the exception. The pathway of this class of publishing is strewn with thick wreckage. It is an in- fluential, captivating business, but one prolific of disaster, unless it engages more than ordinary tact, talent and capital. CHURCHES. — Under our free, non-sectarian, yet Christian institutions, the religions of Protestantism have found their grandest opportunity and have made the most of it. They have built congregations and edifices, have instructed and converted, have enlightened and evangelized, wherever people could be grouped or the light of the cross could penetrate. They have carried the divine energy into the midst of all the other mighty forces which have been shaping our government, directing our enterprises and developing our resources, so that, if not as pious a people as we might be, we are not irreverent, but are imbued with a spirit which, on proper call, awakens readily to philan- thropy and responds to refined and holy emotions. It is a matter of great moment to us in a national sense that the religious energy has so successfully worked in with the other energies which a new country called into play, but which would, by reason of their freedom and lustiness, have inevitably grown 188 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. coarse and heathenish if they had not been influenced by some sweet, refining and saving presence. The church has been a growth here in a highly institutional sense. That growth has been regular, as it has been needful. Church property in the United States has gotten to be of fabulous value. Church architecture is based on approved models. Church accommoda- tion may be inadequate, but it is cleanly, comfortable and invit- ing, as far as it goes. Of denominations there is great variety, as there should be where there is no restriction on the order of human thought and no curb on the emotions. The Catholic faith claims 6,832,954 adherents in the United States. It does not report church membership, but counts its adherents by birthright. It worships through 6,546 ministers in 6,241 churches. The Methodist faith has ever been a popular one in this new country, on account of its energy and directness. It is subdivided into some ten or eleven branches, widely spread, and reaching the lowest of the masses. Its figures in 1882 were : Churches. Ministers. Members. Methodist Episcopal 17,935 24,658 1,724,420 (South) 1 1,703 860,687 (African)..*. 1,738 387,566 " " (Zion) 1,800 300,000 " " (Colored) 638 112,938 Methodist Free 260 12,318 " Congregational 225 13,75° " Primitive 52 3,369 " Protestant 1,385 135,000 " Calvinistic 1, 134 600 118,979 " Wesleyan 400 17,087 Total membership 3,686,1 14 The Baptist faith has been actively pushed by an intelligent ministry. It has divided into five branches. i Churches. Ministers. Members. Baptist 26,060 16,596 2,296,327 " Anti-Mission 900 400 40,000 " Free Will 1,432 1,213 78,012 " Seventh Day 94 no 8,539 " Six Principles 20 12 2,000 Total membership 2,424,978 The Presbyterian faith, like the Baptist, is in the keeping of BUILDING INDUSTRIALLY. 189 an influential ministry, and has been embraced in our most thoughtful and vigorous communities. Its subdivisions and numbers are : Churches. Ministers. Members. Presbyterian 5,858 5,218 600,695 " South 2,010 1,081 123,806 " Cumberland 2,457 1,386 111,863 " Reformed.. .... 167 143 17,273 " United 826 719 84,573 Total membership 938,210 The Episcopal faith embraces : Churches. Ministers. Members. Episcopal, Protestant 3,000 3,43 2 338,333 " Reformed ioo 9,448 Total membership 347,781 The other faiths are Second Adventists with 800 churches, 600 ministers and 70,000 members; Seventh Day Adventists with 640 churches, 144 ministers and 15,570 members; Con- gregational with 3,804 churches, 3,713 ministers and 351,697 members; Disciples of Christ with 5,100 churches, 3,782 minis- ters and 591,821 members; Dunkards with 250 churches, 200 ministers and 100,000 members; Evangelical Association with 1,576 churches, 1,545 ministers and 117,027 members; Friends with 392 churches, 200 ministers and 60,000 members ; Jews with 269 churches, 202 ministers and 13,683 members ; Luther- ans, one of our strongest and most influential ecclesiastical bodies, with 5,553 churches, 3,132 ministers and 950,868 mem- bers; Mennonites with 300 churches, 350 ministers and 50,000 members; Moravian with 84 churches, 94 ministers and 9,491 members ; Mormon with 654 churches, 3,906 ministers and 1 10,- 377 members ; Swedenborgian with 93 churches, 89 ministers and 3,994 members ; Reformed (Dutch) with 509 churches, 545 ministers and 80,167 members; Reformed (German) with 1,405 churches, 748 ministers and 155,857 members ; Shaker with 18 churches, 68 ministers and 2,400 members; Unitarian with 335 churches, 394 ministers and 17,960 members; United Brethren with 4,524 churches, 2,196 ministers and 157,835 members; Universalists with 959 churches, 729 ministers and 27,429 mem- 190 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. bers; Winebrennerians with 400 churches, 350 ministers and 30,000 members. Here is a Protestant membership in excess of 10,000,000, which added to the Catholic adherents makes over 16,000,000 pledged Christians. This is a large proportion of our popula- tion, and an influence which is stronger than any other in mould- ing thought and shaping morals. ^ l MON P.G>^ LEVYTYPt: CO. ••••■-■•■•-• | NOTABLE AMERICAN STATESMEN OE THE XIXth CENTURY PART II. RULING THE REPUBLIC RULING NATIONALLY; OR, THE MACHINERY OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. HE THREE GREAT BRANCHES.— Our government is divided by the Constitution into three distinct branches or departments, the Legislative, the Executive, and the Judicial. The existence of these departments is neces- sary for the energy and stability of the government. Their separation is necessary for the preservation of public lib* erty and private rights. When they are all united in one person or one body of men, that government is a despotism. The first resolution adopted by the Convention which framed the Con- stitution was that " a national government ought to be established consisting of a supreme legislative \ judiciary and executive." THE LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. This department consists of the Senate and the House of Representatives, and these -two are called the Congress. The Senate is sometimes called the Upper House, and the House of Representatives the Lower House. The latter is also known as " the House," in contrast to " the Senate." In the Constitution they are spoken of as " each House," the " two Houses," " both Houses." The Constitution gives to the Congress the power to make all laws, and withholds that power from the other depart- ments. It is a representative body, and is supposed to do what the people would do if they were assembled in deliberative meeting to (191) 192 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. enact laws for their government. The Congress meets in regular session, according to the Constitution, on the first Monday in December, each year ; but the President may call extra sessions when necessary. The two Houses not only meet on the same day, but neither can adjourn without the consent of the other for more than three days at a time, nor to any other place than that of regular meeting, now the capitol at Washington. The Presi- dent may however change the place of meeting to avoid plague or other danger. Congresses themselves run by odd years, like the administrations. The 48th Congress met in first regular session Dec. (1st Monday), 1883. This first session of any Con- gress is called " the long session." It may end at any time dur- ing the next year, prior to December. The " long session " usually runs to July or August of an even year. The second session of a Congress is called the " short session." It meets in December of an even year and ends by limitation on March 3d of an odd year. Thus elections for President and for Congress- men occur in even years. Administrations and Congresses begin and end in odd years. THE SENA TE. — This branch or House of Congress is com- posed of two Senators from each State. There are now thirty- eight States. Multiply 38 by 2 and you have the number of United States Senators. It seems somewhat unfair that a large and populous State like New York should have no greater representation in the National Senate than small States like Delaware and Rhode Island. But this result was one of the necessary compromises of the Constitution. The Senate is built on the theory of State representation, the House of Representa- tives on the theory of popular or people representation. Senators are elected for six years. No man can be a Senator who is not thirty years old, who has not been a citizen of the United States for nine years, and who is not an inhabitant of the State for which he is chosen. The Senate is regarded as a more dignified and honorable body than the House of Representatives. Its very name (from senatus, which is from scnex, old) presumes an older and graver membership. It is further removed from the populace. It does RULING NATIONALLY. 193 not need to represent the fickle will of the masses, but the higher and more deliberative wish of the States, which are its constit- uency. As a law-making branch of the Congress it is equal with the House, except that it cannot originate bills * for raising revenue. Revenue bills must, according to the Constitution, originate in the House of Representatives/)" No bill can become a law till it has received the approval of a majority in both Houses, and been approved by the President. The Senate has powers beyond those which are purely legisla- tive, and is therefore stronger in this respect than the lower House. It is a part of the Executive branch for the purpose of making appointments to office. All executive nominations for office must be approved by the Senate before they are final. The Senate may reject such nominations and compel the Presi- dent to send in other names. When the Senate is sitting to de- liberate on the President's nominations it is said to be in Execu- tive session. So the Senate in connection with the President constitutes the Treaty-making power of the government. When the Senate is sitting to deliberate on Treaties or other delicate matters it is said to be in " secret session." Further the Senate is the court before which impeachment cases are heard and by which they are determined. The Vice-President of the United States is the presiding officer of the Senate, but has no vote ex- cept when there is a tie. This presiding officer is called the President of the Senate. If the Vice-President should die or his seat be vacant for any cause, the Senate elects a President from its own members. As a matter of fact the Senate is never * An act when first presented to either House and up until the time of its passage is called a " bill." After its passage it is an "act" or "law." Acts which are merely declarative of the intent of either House and binding on it, but which do not bear directly on the people at large, are called " Resolutions; " if passed by both Houses and binding on both they are called "Joint Resolutions." f The jurisdiction of the two Houses over this point gives rise to frequent contro- versies. During the 2d session of 47th Congress the Senate originated, debated and passed a Tariff bill on its own account. This proceeding was objected to by the House, but as the final bill (the act of March 3, 1883) was the result of a confer- ence of both Houses, much time was saved by the Senate action and no harm was done. 13 194 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. without a President pro tem. y that officer being important as a possible President of the United States, in case of the death, resig- nation, removal or disability of both President and Vice-President. A two-third vote of all the Senators present is required to ratify a treaty or convict a person impeached. ELECTION OF SENATORS.— The place at which United States Senators shall be chosen must be determined by the States. This place, usually the State Capitol, cannot be changed by the Congress. But the Congress may fix the time and manner of electing Senators. It has done so. When a vacancy is about to exist by reason of expiration of a senatorial term, the State Legislature chosen next preceding such vacancy must, on the second Tuesday after its meeting, proceed to elect a Senator in Congress. Each branch of the Legislature selects, by a majority of all the viva voce votes cast, a candidate for Senator. The next day after the above-named second Tuesday at 12 m., both Houses meet in joint assembly. If it is found they have both nominated the same candidate, he shall be declared the Senator. If they have not, then the two Houses shall sit in joint assembly, meet- ing each day at 12 m., and casting at least one vote daily, till a Senator is chosen by a majority of the votes of said joint assembly, cast viva voce, a majority of both Houses being present. Vacancies by death or resignation are filled in the same way by the first Legislature which meets, finding such vacancy. The Governor of the State certifies such election, under the seal of the State and signed by his Secretary of State, to the President of the Senate of the United States. Both the Senate and House of Representatives are the final judges of the qualifications of their own members. In the first Senate one-third of the mem- bers were selected by lot for two years, another third for four, an- other third for six. This was to give effect to the clause in the Constitution making one-third of the Senate elective every two years. SENATE MACHINERY.— The Senate employs for its com- fortable working a Secretary of the Senate at a salary of $4,896 ; RULING NATIONALLY. 195 a Chief Clerk, $3,000; a Librarian; and a corps of regular clerks, committee clerks, pages, pasters and folders, numbering quite one hundred. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.— -Known also as " The Lower House " and as the " House." It is equal and co-ordi- nate with the Senate as a branch of Congress, but has the sole power to originate revenue bills, and to move in cases of im- peachment. Its bill of impeachment is like the bill of indict- ment found by a grand jury, and is tried before the Senate sit- ting as a court. Bills and resolutions pass in the House, as in the Senate, by a majority. Though the Senate and House make the Congress, a custom has grown up of designating the members of the House as M. C.'s (Members of Congress) and members of the Senate as Senators. ELECTION OF M. OS.— A member of the House must be twenty-five years of age, a citizen of the United States for seven years, and an inhabitant of the State in which he is chosen. He is elected for two years, and by the qualified electors in each State. His salary like that of Senator is $5,000 per year.* The Congress fixes the number of members of the House after each decennial census, as required by the Constitution. Its act to this effect generally goes into operation on the third of March of the third year after the census. Thus the act for this purpose after the census of 1880 went into effect on and after March 3, 1883. The Congress enacted, Feb. 25, 1882, that, until another act after another census, the number of members of the House should be 325. This number was then divided among the States in proportion to their population. It was * The salary of a Congressman was $8 per clay up to 1856. From that time to 1866 it was $3,000 per year. It remained at this figure till act of March 3, 1873, increased it to $7,500 per year. This act increased the President's salary from $25,- 000 to $50,000, and made a general increase of salaries among Department officers. It was very unpopular and was followed by the act of Jan. 20, 1874, re- ducing the salary of Congressmen to $5,000. It made material reductions in all the raised salaries. The President's salary remained at $50,000. In addition to $5,000 per year members of Congress (Senators and M. C.'s) are entitled to mile- age. This has always remained at forty cents a mile, on the principle, be it charit- ably supposed, that they all go to the capitol by stage-coach as of yore. 196 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. found that each State was entitled to the following number of members : MEMBERS OF HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES As Apportioned [after March 3, 1883) Under Census of 1 880. Alabama , 8 Arkansas 5 California 6 Colorado I Connecticut 4 Mississippi 7 Missouri 14 Nebraska 3 Nevada I New Hampshire 2 Delaware 1 New Jersey 7 Florida 2 New York . . 34 Georgia 10 North Carolina 9 Illinois 20 ! Ohio 21 Indiana 13 I Oregon I Iowa 1 1 I Pennsylvania 28 Kansas 7 I Rhode Island 2 Kentucky 1 1 ■ South Carolina 7 Louisiana 6 ! Tennessee _ 10 Maine 4 I Texas 11 Maryland 6 ! Vermont 2 Massachusetts 12 Virginia 10 Michigan II West Virginia 4 Minnesota 5 I Wisconsin 9 Total 325 Quota for a Representative 154,325 This act is called the apportionment act,* though the final work of apportionment is left to the States, each of which is required to divide itself into as many Congressional districts of contiguous territory, and containing as nearly as may be the number of inhabitants ascertained to be a quota or ratio, as the Congress has assigned to each. Thus by the above table New York has thirty-four members of Congress between the years 1883 and 1893, under the census of 1880. Her Legislature must * The first apportionment was made by the Convention which framed the Consti- tution. It gave to N. H. 3 ; Mass. 8; R. I. 1 ; Conn. 5 ; N. V. 6; N. J. 4; Pa. 8; Del. I ; Md. 6 ; Va. io ; N. C. 5 ; S. C. 5 ; Ga. 3, or 65 in all. The ratio of represen- tation was 30,000. After the census of 1790, the act of 1792 fixed the ratio at 33,- 000; the act of 1803 left it at 33,000; the act of 1811 at 35,000; the act of 1822 at 40,000; the act of 1832 at 47,700; the act of 1842 at 70,680. Up to this time the apportionment acts only fixed a ratio of representation. The number of members was ascertained by dividing this ratio into the total population. But the act of 1852 fixed instead the number of members of the House at 233, leaving the ratio to be ascertained by dividing 233 into the population of 1850. This made the ratio 93,423. And so the ratio after i860 was 127,381 ; after 1870, 131,425; and after 1880, as above. RULING NATIONALLY. 197 divide the State into thirty-four Congressional districts, each of which is to contain as nearly as may be 154,325 inhabitants. To get at the electoral vote of each State you must add the two Senators to the number of Representatives in the House. If a Congressional election takes place in a State before it has made its apportionment, and said State shall be entitled to one or more members of Congress than it had under the previous apportion- ment, the additional member or members may, for the time being, be elected on the general State ticket as " Members of Congress at Large." The States formerly voted for Congressmen at their annual State elections, no matter when they came off. Now, under an act of Congress (March 3, 1875) prescribing a "uniform time for holding Congressional elections," they are all required to hold them on the H Tuesday next after the first Monday in No- vember," of every second year, and all will do so as soon as they can amend their Constitutions to that effect. ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE.— -The chief officer of the House is called the Speaker. He is elected by the mem- bers, at the beginning of each Congress. His election is a necessary part of organization. His compensation is $8,000, because his duties are more arduous than those of the average member, and his knowledge of parliamentary law and usages supposed to be greater. He may become President, for should there be no President, nor Vice-President, nor President of the Senate pro tan., the Speaker of the House becomes Acting Pres- ident. The most important officer of the House, after the Speaker, is the Clerk of the House, salary $4,500. Indeed, it would not be amiss to call him the most important officer of the House, for upon him devolves the duty of preparing a list of the members elected to each Congress, and only the members on this list are entitled to participate in the work of organization. If names are wrongfully omitted, the matter must be settled by regular hearing before the House, or a Committee on Elections, under the rule that each House is the judge of the qualification of its own members. 198 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. TERRITORIAL DELEGATES.— -Each organized Territory is entitled to a representative in Congress (two, if the population warrants, though generally Territories become States by that time), elected by the qualified electors thereof, the same as Members of Congress. This Territorial representative is called a Delegate. He is entitled to join in debate but cannot vote. His pay is $5,000 per year and mileage. HOUSE MACHINERY.— The House machinery is more elaborate than that of the Senate. The Clerk of the House has a large corps of assistants, as has the Sergeant-at-Arms. The reading clerks, committee clerks, post-office clerks, library em- ployes, door-keepers, messengers, pasters and folders, etc., num- ber from 250 to 300. MAKING LA WS.— Both Houses rely largely on their Com- mittees to prepare bills and resolutions, before they are presented for discussion and final passage. These Committees are very numerous, and are organized presumably with reference to their fitness for the subjects referred to them. After the Speaker of the House is elected, his first important business is to appoint the Standing Committees of the House. The President of the Senate does the same for the Senate, at the opening of each new Congress. When a bill is introduced, it is read for the informa- tion of the members. If it is not opposed or rejected, it is said to be passed to a second reading, which may be the next or some subsequent day. On that second reading the question comes up shall it be committed to one of the above Standing Committees, the subject of the bill suggesting the proper Committee. Some- times the nature of the bill is such as to require its reference to a special or select Committee. When bills of great moment are under discussion, the House resolves itself into a Committee of the Whole, on account of the greater freedom of debate then allowed. After the Committee to which a bill has been referred are done deliberating on it, it is reported back to the House either adversely or favorably, and with or without amendments. Then the question is on its engrossment (copying in a fair hand) for third reading. After being engrossed (if it has been so ordered), it is read a third time and the question is on its pas- RULING NATIONALLY. 199 sage. If passed, it is signed by the presiding officer and sent to the other House, where it goes through the same routine. Sometimes amendments are added on its passage. If so, it is sent back to the House where it originated. If these are agreed to, it is repassed there. If not, and the bill is important, the dis- agreement between the two Houses is settled, if possible, in what is called a Committee of Conference ; that is, a Committee com- posed of members from both Houses. This Committee reports to both Houses the results of its deliberations, and if in the shape of a bill, it is again on its final passage in both Houses as before. When passed by both Houses, it is sent to the Presi- dent. If he approves it, he signs it, and then it is law. If he does not approve it, he sends it back to the House in which it originated, with his veto message, where the question is, " Shall it pass notwithstanding the President's veto?" Unless it is sus- tained by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses it cannot become a law over the veto. If so sustained it becomes law in spite of the veto. The President has ten days in which to consider a bill before he signs or vetoes it. Many bills are crowded on the President within ten days of the adjournment of Congress. Those he favors he returns with his approval in time, and so with those he does not favor, if he wishes his reasons for a veto to become public. But sometimes he does not return the bill at all in time for adjournment, and thus kills it. This is called the " pocket veto," the bill being in the President's pocket, as it were. It is not regarded as a very manly way of exercising the veto power, but must be excused sometimes to rush of busi- ness during the closing days of a session. Resolutions and Joint Resolutions follow the routine of Bills. CONGRESSIONAL LIBRARY.— An act of April 24, 1800, appropriated $5,000 to buy necessary books for Members of the Congress. Act of Jan. 26, 1802, organized The Library of Congress, located it in a room previously occupied by the House of Representatives, created the office of Librarian, made him appointive by the President, and limited the use of books to Members of Congress and the Departments. Up to 18 14 there were only 3,000 volumes in the library. It was burned Aug. 25, 200 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 1 8 14, with the capitol, by the British. In September, 1 8 14, Jef- ferson offered his library of 6,700 volumes, as the nucleus of a new library of Congress, at cost. It was accepted, and the sum of $23,950 paid for it. In 18 18 the annual appropriation to the Library was raised to $2,000 a year, and in 1824 to $5,000 a year. This year it was moved to the central capitol. In 1851 it had 55,000 volumes, and again met with a loss by fire of 35,000 volumes. Starting anew, Congress rebuilt a fire-proof hall for $75,000, and appropriated $75,000 to buy books. By i860 it contained 75,000 volumes, on an annual appropriation of $7,000. This was increased to $10,000 in 186 1. In 1866 it re- ceived the 40,000 volumes of the Smithsonian Institute. In 1867 the Force library was purchased at a cost of $100,000. It contained 60,000 books and articles. The Law Department of the Library was constituted by act of July 14, 1832. Under an annual appropriation of $2,000 a year it has grown from 2,011 volumes to 35,000. By act of July 8, 1870, the granting of copyrights was centered in the office of the Librarian of Congress, where two copies of each publication entered for copyright must be deposited. This has brought an annual addition of 25,000 books, maps, and other articles, in duplicate. In January, 1880, the library contained 365,000 volumes and 120,000 pamphlets, and in 1883, 513,441 volumes and 165,000 pamphlets. The catalogue alone fills four royal octavo volumes. Measures are now being taken to erect a new building, which is much needed, the capacity of the present one being wholly inadequate. Expenditure for the Library is under control of a joint committee of both Houses of Congress. The same committee have control of the Botanical Garden, which supplies plants, seeds and flowers to Members of Congress for public distribution and personal use. PUBLIC PRINTING OFFICE.— Until i860 the govern- ment hired men to do its printing, and each House employed a printer. The expense got to be so enormous that Congress authorized a Government Printing Office, and appropriated $150,000 to start it. It was placed under the management of a Superintendent of Public Printing, or the Public Printer, whose RULING NATIONALLY. 201 salary is $3,600. This officer is selected by Congress. He has power to purchase all necessary material and employ ample help. He must report to Congress each session the work done, the expense incurred, the number of hands employed, the full and exact condition of the establishment. The office is now the largest and best appointed in the world. It prints and binds all public books and papers, except where otherwise ordered. The number of these is simply enormous, and many of them of very little use. The force employed consists of six clerks, and some 1,500 hands. The cost of work done in the office must not ex- ceed that of private printing offices in Washington. THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. The language of the Constitution is, Art. II. Sec. 1 : " The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows." Before showing how he is elected let it be said that he is sometimes called " The Executive," and " The Chief Magistrate of the Nation." The Congress (Legislative Branch) legislates, that is, makes the laws ; the President (Executive Branch) exe- cutes or enforces the laws ; the Supreme, Circuit and District Courts (Judicial Branch) adjudge, expound, interpret, pronounce, and, with the civic machinery at their command, also execute the laws. PRESIDENT-MAKING.— The people do not vote directly for the President and Vice-President but for Presidential electors, whose number in each State is equal to the number of the representatives (Senators and M. C.'s) in the Congress from that State.* The President must be thirty-five years of age and a native of the United States. At first the political parties desig- * At first the Legislatures of the respective States generally made choice of the electors. This was gradually abandoned, and by 1824 most of the States used the popular vote. In 1828 the popular vote of the States became an element of com- putation. South Carolina retained the method of electing electors by her Legisla- ture till 1868. This word elector is misleading. Any qualified voter is an elector. But it is in the Constitution and besides has the sanction of long custom. 202 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. nated their candidates for President in Congressional Caucus. This method began to give way to the modern system of Na- tional Nominating Conventions with a platform of principles about 1832-36. The first four Presidential elections were con- ducted under Art. II., Sec. I, Clause 3, of the Constitution, which did not require a separate nomination for Vice-President, but that each elector should vote for two persons, not from the same State, the one having the highest number of votes to be Presi- dent, the one having the next highest to be Vice-President. In the election of 1800, Jefferson and Burr had each 73 votes, and the contest had to be settled in the House. At the previous election of 1796, John Adams, Federal, had 71 votes, Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 68 votes. Here was a President of one party, and a Vice-President of another. It was evident that the clause was defective, and it was amended in 1804 by tne adoption of the 12th Amendment. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.—'' Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Repre- sentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator, or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector," Cons. Art. II., Sec. 1, Clause 2. THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE.— Under the above article, and the apportionment in accordance with the Census of 1880, the Electoral Colleges of the respective States contain electors, as follows : Alabama IO j Maryland 8 Arkansas 7 Massachusetts 14 California 8 Michigan 13 Colorado 3 Minnesota 7 Connecticut 6 Mississippi 9 Delaware 3 Missouri 16 Florida 4 Nebraska 5 Georgia 12 I Nevada 3 Illinois 22 i New Hampshire 4 Indiana 15 i New Jersey 9 Iowa 13 I New York 36 Kansas 9 North Carolina 11 Kentucky 13 Ohio 23 Louisiana 8 Oregon 3 Maine 6 Pennsylvania 3a RULING NATIONALLY. 203 Rhode Island 4 I Vermont 4 South Carolina 9 \ Virginia 12 Tennessee 12 West Virginia 6 Texas 1 3 I Wisconsin 1 1 Total 4 01 Requiring, as between two candidates, 201 to elect. CHOOSING OF ELECTORS.— Electors of President and Vice-President are chosen in each State on the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November, in every fourth year suc- ceeding every election of a President or Vice-President. This is the Presidential election. The number of electors must equal the whole number of Representatives and Senators to which the several States are by law entitled at the time when the President and Vice-President to be chosen come into office. But where no apportionment of Representatives has been made after a Census, at the time of choosing electors, the number of electors must be according to the then existing apportionment of Senators and Representa- tives. Each State may by law provide for filling any vacancies in its electoral college, when such college meets to give its elec- toral vote. When any State has held an election for electors and has failed to make a choice on the day fixed by law, electors may be appointed on a subsequent day in such manner as the Legislature may prescribe. ELECTORAL COLLEGE.— Electors for each State meet and give their votes the first Wednesday in December in the year in which they are chosen, at such place in each State as its Legislature directs. On the day of meeting, or before, the Governor of each State delivers to the electors three certified lists of the names of electors of such State. The electors vote for President and Vice-President, as the Constitution directs in Art. XII. of the Amendments. They then make and sign three certificates of the votes given by them, each of which contains two distinct lists, one of the votes for Presi- dent, the other of votes for Vice-President, and annex to each 204 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. of the certificates one of the lists of electors furnished them by the Governor. They seal these certificates, and certify on each that it contains the lists of all the votes of such State for Presi- dent and Vice-President. One of them must be placed in the hands of a person appointed by them, to be delivered by him to the President of the Senate, in Washington, before the first Wednesday of the ensuing January. The second they forward by mail to the President of the Senate. The third they forth- with deliver to the judge of the district in which the electors assemble. If the certificates of any State have not arrived in Washington by the first Wednesday in January, the Secretary of State sends a messenger for the list deposited with the district judge. Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in February after each meeting of electors, and the certificates, or as many as have been received, shall be opened, the votes counted, and the persons to fill the offices of President and Vice- President ascertained and declared agreeably to the Constitu- tion. See Art. XIII., Amendments. If there is no President of the Senate at Washington when the person to whom the certificates have been entrusted arrives,, he deposits them with the Secretary of State, to be turned over to the President of the Senate as soon as may be. The four years term of President and Vice-President begins on the fourth of March next succeeding the day on which the votes of the electors have been given. As we have seen, this is always an odd year, and the election is always on an even year. PRESIDENTS D UTIES.— He is sworn into office, together with the Vice-President, on March 4th after his election, and usually delivers an inaugural address foreshadowing his policy. He communicates annually with the Congress by means of a formal, written message. Before Jefferson's time the Presidents delivered their annual messages in person. Jefferson established the custom of communicating by written messages, as in better accord with Republican simplicity. The President also com- municates with Congress by message at any time during the session if he has anything important to say. RULING NATIONALLY. 205 He received, up to 1873, $25,000 salary; since then his salary has been $50,000, with the use of the White House and its fur- niture. He is not allowed to receive any other emolument, not even a gift, and his salary cannot be raised or lowered during his term of office. He is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, may grant pardons except in cases of impeachment, call extra sessions of Congress, and change the meeting-place of Congress in time of danger or great emergency. He has, jointly with the Senate, the treaty-making power and the appointing power. He may be impeached and removed from office. In case of death, absence or disability the Vice- President becomes President. Around him and in the Execu- tive office proper are his Private Secretary, Assistant Secretary, and a corps of stenographers and clerks, doorkeepers, watch- men and ushers. But the President's chief body of assistants and advisers is made up of the members of his Cabinet. PRESIDENTS CABINET.— Cabinet means a small room in which select or secret councils are held by an executive or chief officer of state. The President's Cabinet is not a creation of law but of custom. The law merely creates the departments or bureaus and authorizes for each a chief, who is appointed by the President, by and with the consent of the Senate. These departments being important, and a direct means by which the President executes the laws, their heads or chiefs are supposed to act in concert with the President. To maintain this concert they must be frequently called into council or cabinet meeting. The chiefs of departments who are now recognized as officers of the Cabinet are the Secretary of State, Secretary of War, Secretary of Treasury, Secretary of Navy, Secretary of Interior, Attorney-General, and Postmaster-General, seven in all. Of the function of each of these, as heads of their respective depart- ments, we shall speak in the proper place. We now speak of them only as members of the Cabinet, or President's advisers. Their pay, not as Cabinet members, but as heads of their departments, is $8,000 a year. As ex officio members of the Cabinet they are called into " Cabinet meeting " by the Presi- 206 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. dent whenever he needs their advice in shaping a policy,* or in- formation from them respecting the running of their depart- ments, though this latter is usually laid before the Congress and country in the annual reports of the heads of depart- ments. Whenever a head of department, who ranks as a Cabinet officer, cannot agree with the President in his policy, and is tenacious of his views, he resigns on the principle that he is no longer a proper adviser. The Senate rarely fails to confirm the nominations of the President to those department places which rank as Cabinet offices, for the reason that he is entitled to the privilege of surrounding himself with advisers who are in har- mony with his executive views. From what we have now learned of the Cabinet, it will be understood that it has been a growth. Under Washington's administration there were but three department officers who ranked as Cabinet members, viz. : Secretary of State, Secretary of Treasury and Secretary of War. Naval affairs were then under the control of the Secretary of War. The separate Navy Department was not organized till April 30, 1798, Adams' ad- ministration, when the Cabinet was augmented by the Secretary of Navy. The Postmaster-General was a subordinate of the Treasury Department till 1829. Though the office of Attorney- General was created by act of September 24, 1789, he did not rank as a full Cabinet officer till 1841-45, Tyler's administration. The Department of Interior was created March 3, 1849, last day of Polk's administration, and the Secretary of the Interior be- came a Cabinet officer. A list of the Cabinet officers will be found under their respective department heads. VICE-PRESIDENT.— -The Constitution says all executive power shall be in the President. But when it comes to speaking of his qualification and election, it mentions a Vice-President. " No person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to the office of Vice-President." 12th Amend- ment, clause 3. The Vice-President is not endowed with much power. His salary is $8,000. He is presiding officer of the Senate, but without a vote, except in case of a tie. In all else he is like an alternate, merely an official provision against the RULING NATIONALLY. 207 possibility of being without a President. The Vice-President be- comes President in case of the death, resignation, impeachment, or disability of the latter. This has happened four times in the history of our government, when Harrison and Taylor died and Lincoln and Garfield were assassinated. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. CREATIVE ACTS. — There is no mention in the Constitution of this department nor any other belonging to the Executive branch of the government. They are all creations of Congress, which was endowed with power to pass all laws necessary to give effect to the Constitution. At the starting of the govern- ment, foreign relations were intricate and momentous. There- fore the act of July 27, 1789 (1st Congress, extra session), created a Department of Foreign Affairs, whose Secretary should attend to correspondence and negotiations with foreign ministers, and to such other foreign affairs as the President might order and direct. By act of September 15, 1789 (same session), the name of this department was changed to Department of State, and the chief to Secretary of State, and he was, in addition to the above duties, charged with the receipt and publication of the laws of Congress, made custodian of the great Seal, and author- ized to use it on civil commissions. In 1853 the office of Assist- ant Secretary of State was created. NATURE AND DUTIES.— The Department of State usu- ally heads the list of the Executive Departments. The Secretary of State is regarded as the nearest officer to the President, and is usually selected on account of the great confidence reposed in him as a lawyer, diplomatist and safe political adviser. He is sometimes called the President's Premier, or Prime Minister, after the English fashion, because he ranks as first of his coun- sellors. In monarchies the class of officers we call Secretaries are called Ministers. The Secretary of State conducts all correspondence with and issues all instructions to United States consuls and ministers ; negotiates with foreign ministers and representatives on all mat- ters they submit, under the direction of the President ; fixes the 208 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC great seal to all executive commissions ; receives and preserves the originals of all bills, orders and resolutions of House or Senate ; promulgates and publishes the laws, amendments to the Constitution, and all consular and diplomatic information ; lays before Congress annually a report of commercial systems among nations, treaties, diplomacy and all information touching our relations with foreign governments ; grants passports. His is indeed an arduous and responsible office. As a cabinet officer the President relies on him more than on any other, because of the delicacy, often intricacy, of the subjects which come under his consideration. Foreign relations are seldom free from serious complications, and negligence or blunder might at any moment lead to war. MACHINERY. — The machinery for working this important department is ample and intricate. It consists of a number of bureaus, branches and divisions, each of which is designed to attend to one of the many duties of the department. Thus there is a Diplomatic Bureau, Consular Bureau, Bureau of Indexes and Archives, Bureau of Accounts, Librarian, Division of Statistics, Bureau of Law, Division of Translations, Division of Pardons, Passport Division. DIPLOMATIC SERVICE.— The Diplomatic Bureau of the Department of State is the centre of the Diplomatic Service of the United States. This service embraces Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary. These high-sounding titles designate our most important ministers to foreign countries. They, like all our foreign ministers of whatever grade, are ap- pointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. They do not, however, represent the President but the entire government. It is to be regretted that a service dedi- cated to diplomacy, which is supposably exact and exacting, should be so loose in its use of terms. The word Embassador has with us none but the most general meaning. It might very properly include all that is meant by the above lengthy titles. The persons sent abroad to represent the government and who are called Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary are not only authorized to reside in the country they go to, but RULING NATIONALLY. 209 are fully commissioned to act for our government there. They are offices of great dignity and responsibility, and are usually filled with men of prudence and knowledge of foreign affairs. By the Law of Nations Embassadors, Envoys, Ministers and duly accredited representatives of any kind are exempt from arrest, imprisonment and prosecution. Violation of the person, property or rights of an Embassador in any civilized country would be a cause for war on the part of the country offended. We have now sixteen Embassadors abroad who rank as Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary, viz. : one each to France, Germany, Great Britain and Russia, at a salary of $17,500 each. One each to Austro-Hungary, Brazil, China, Italy, Japan, Mexico and Spain, at a salary of $12,000 each. One each to Central American States, Chili and Peru, at a salary of $10,000 each. One to Turkey, at a salary of $7,500. One to Corea, at a salary of $5,000. They are accredited to the Sover- eigns of the countries to which they are sent. MINISTERS RESIDENT.— These like the former reside abroad. By this word " reside " is not meant permanent resi- dence, but only until their commissions expire. They do not go on a special mission, to return when it is ended. The Resident Ministers are instructed and clothed with authority, the same as those of a higher grade, but the countries to which they are sent being of less importance, and their salaries smaller, they do not rank so high. They are one each to Argentine Republic, Belgium, United States of Colombia, Hawaiian Islands, Nether- lands, Sweden and Norway, and Venezuela, salary $7,500 ; and one each to Bolivia, Hayti, Denmark, Liberia, Persia, Portugal and Switzerland (who are also Consuls-General), salary $5,000. The Minister Resident to Greece, salary $6,500, also represents the country in Roumania and Servia. CHARGE D'AFFAIRES.— These are officers like Ministers Resident, though not accredited to sovereigns, but to ministers of foreign affairs. Their authority is full, but they go to countries without intricate diplomacy. One is sent to Paraguay and Uruguay, salary $5,000. SECRETARIES OF LEGATION.— These are usually com- 14 '210 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. missioned attendants of the more important ministers and act as their secretaries and interpreters. In the absence of their prin- cipal they supply his place, and sometimes they are the only American representative in a foreign country, as, till lately, the Secretary of Legation and Interpreter at Pekin, salary $5,000. There are other Secretaries of Legation, as follows : One at Constantinople, salary $3,500, and one Interpreter, salary $3,000; two at Paris, salaries $2,625 and $2,000; two at Berlin, salaries $2,625 and $2,000; two at London, salaries $2,625 anc * $2,000; one at St. Petersburg, salary $2,625 J one Secretary of Legation and one Interpreter at Yedo, Japan, salary $2,500 each ; one each at Vienna and Rome, salary $3,500; one each at Rio de Janeiro and Mexico, salary $1,800; and one at Madrid, salary $3,000. CONSULAR SERVICE.— The second Bureau in the State Department is the Consular Bureau. It is a large and important Bureau, and through its consuls the government finds a representation in every important city and country in the world. Like Ministers, Envoys and Secretaries of Legation, they are appointed by the President and Senate. They hear all complaints of American captains, masters, crews and passengers, and adjudicate their cases; hear protests of American merchants, also of foreigners respecting American citizens ; certify to the correctness of all invoices of goods shipped to this 'country ; gather commercial information of the country and send it to the Consular Bureau ; take charge of deceased Americans, their effects and estates, and properly dis- pose of the same. They have no representative or diplomatic status, but are nevertheless protected under the Law of Nations, the raised flag of the country being their safeguard. They may determine all matter of wages for seamen on board American ships, receive ships' papers and see that they are correct, provide for sick or destitute seamen and send them home, dismiss crews if mutinous or disobedient, settle questions of wreck and salvage, .assist in defence of American criminals on trial in their jurisdic- tion ; and in some countries aid in adjudicating civil disputes. There is a full code of laws and instructions for their government. They are of three grades. No. 1 embraces Consuls-General RULING NATIONALLY. 211 and Consuls with fixed salaries, who are not allowed to transact any other business. No. 2 includes those with fixed salaries (lower than the first), who are allowed to transact other business. No. 3 embraces all who are paid by fees, and allowed to transact other business. Some of the third-class find a large profit from fees, some find nearly nothing. Besides those in these classes there are Commercial Agents and Consular Clerks with similar duties and powers. It will be readily seen the Consular Service embraces many hundred persons. They are appointed usually at the instance of Senators and Representatives, but many through the influence of commercial men, and for their knowl- edge of foreign languages and business usages. SECRETARIES OF STATE. Name. Appointed. Thomas Jefferson, Va Sept. 26, 1789 Edmund Randolph, Va. .Jan. 2, 1794 Timothy Pickering, Pa. . .-Dec. 10, 1795 John Marshall, Va May 13, 1800 James Madison, Va Mar. 5, 1 801 Robert Smith, Md Mar. 6, 1809 James Monroe, Va April 2, 181 1 JohnQuincy Adams, Mass. Mar. 5, 1817 Henry Clay, Ky Mar. 7, 1825 Martin Van Buren, N. Y..Mar. 6, 1829 Edward Livingston, La. . .May 24, 1 83 1 Louis McLane, Del May 29, John Forsyth, Ga June 27, Daniel Webster, Mass. . . . Mar. 5, Hugh S. Legare, S. C. . . .May 9, Abel P. Upshur, Va July 24, 1833 1834 1841 1843 Name. Appointed. John Nelson, Md Feb. 29, 1844 John C. Calhoun, S. C Mar. 6, 1844 James Buchanan, Pa Mar. 6, 1845 John M. Clayton, Del Mar. 7, 1849 Daniel Webster, Mass July 22, 1850 Edward Everett, Mass Nov. 6, 1852 William L. Marcy,N.Y. .Mar. 7, 1853 Lewis Cass, Mich Mar. 6, 1857 Jeremiah S. Black, Pa Dec. 17, i860 William H. Seward, N. Y.Mar. 5, 1861 E. W. Washburne, III. . . .Mar. 5, 1869 Hamilton Fish, N. Y Mar. II, 1869 William M. Evarts, N. Y.Mar. 12, 1877 James G. Blaine, Me Mar. 5, 1881 F. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J..Dec. 12, 1881 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. CREATIVE ACTS.— The Treasury of the Continental Con- gress was conducted under the auspices of a Committee of Con- gress. Under the Confederation the office of " Secretary of the Treasury " was created by act of Feb. 11, 1779. By act of June 30, 1779, it was resolved into a Board of Commissioners. By act of Feb. 7, 1781, the Board of Commissioners gave way to a Superintendent of Finance, who was given (Sept. 11, 1781) the assistance of a Comptroller, Register, Treasurer and Auditors. By act of May 28, 1784, the old Board of Commissioners was reinvested with control. This was very changeable legislation 212 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. respecting an office so important as that of the Treasury, but it was characteristic of the Confederation. During the first session of Congress, Sept. 2, 1789, our present Treasury Department was established with a Secretary of the Treasury, Comptroller, Auditor, Treasurer, Register and Assistant Secretary. Around this nucleus has been built by repeated acts of Congress the present stupendous fabric, whose officials are more numerous than those of any other department, whose re- sponsibilities are greater, whose existence is inseparable from that of the government, whose transactions amount to hundreds of millions of dollars a year. POWERS AND DUTIES.— All accounts of the United States are settled in the Treasury Department, and there all moneys due are received, and owing, paid. The transactions of this department date from July 1 of each year. This is called the Fiscal (money) year. No officer or clerk in this department is permitted to accept any compensa- tion over and above his salary for transacting any business in the department, nor can any employe trade in the funds of or debts of the United States. The chief officer is the Secretary of the Treasury, salary $8,000. He is a member of the Cabinet, and is appointed, like all department officers, by the President, by and with the con- sent of the Senate. He has two Assistant Secretaries at a salary of $4,500 each. The Secretary must manage the collection of all revenue and lay plans for supporting the public credit; order and keep all public accounts ; grant warrants for moneys appro- priated by Congress ; audit accounts of receipts and disburse- ments ; collect all commercial statistics ; report annually to Con- gress, or whenever called upon, his methods of management, results and recommendations. For his assistance in the discharge of these multifarious and responsible duties he has a corps of officers, clerks and assistants which number over 3,000. These are all at work in the follow- ing subdepartments, bureaus or divisions : FIRST ASSISTANT.— This officer supervises all the work relating to Appointments; Public Moneys; Revenue Marine; RULING NATIONALLY. 213 Stationery, Printing and Blanks ; Loans and Currency ; Bureau of Engraving and Printing ; Bureau of the Mint. SECOND ASSISTANT supervises all the work belonging to the Division of Customs ; Special Agents ; Navigation ; In- ternal Revenue ; Appropriations, Warrants and Estimates ; Super- vising Architect ; Marine Hospital Supervision ; Bureau of Statistics ; Inspector-General of Steam-vessels. • CHIEF CLERK'S OFFICE has supervision of all the Treasury buildings, their furniture, repairs, mails, horses, wagons, working property. APPOINTMENTS.— -This division supervises all appoint- ments and removals in the department, the Customs Service, In- ternal Revenue, and other branches of the Treasury Department; prepares the Treasury Register (Blue Book) ; and attends to matters of estimates, pay-rolls, etc. WARRANTS.— The Division of Warrants, Estimates and Appropriations issues Warrants for the payment of Public Moneys ; keeps Sinking Fund, Public Debt and Pacific R. R. accounts; account of Appropriations and Estimates therefor; states annual expenditures and monthly statement of debt; keeps Financial Statistics. PUBLIC MONEYS.— This division supervises the sub- Treasuries and National Banks, and enforces the laws and regu- lations respecting them. CUSTOMS. — The Division of Customs hears and determines all questions of tariff laws and regulations arising in the Customs Districts or Consular service. The Commissioner of Customs makes final revision of the accounts of Customs officers from all the ports of the country. INTERNAL REVENUE.— This division, uniting with it that of Navigation, has charge of all questions arising in the Marine service and relating to, or growing out of, the collection of Internal Revenue. The actual work of collection belongs to the Bureau of Internal Revenue. LOANS AND CURRENCY is a division which supervises the National loans, the redemption of bonds ; preparations for printing bonds ; delivery and redemption of bonds and their can- 214 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. cellation and destruction. In its records a U. S. bond can be traced from the paper-mill to the furnace. REVENUE MARINE SERVICE is an adjunct of the Cus- toms service. It consists of 37 fast revenue cutters for the use of Customs officers, that they may board vessels, make searches, collect duties, and enforce the laws against smuggling. STATIONERY, PRINTING AND BLANKS.— This divi- sion purchases, prints, binds and distributes books and blanks for use in the subdivisions of the Treasury Department. SPECIAL AGENTS. — This division supervises the work of the thirty odd special agents of the Treasury who go, armed with full authority, into the Customs Districts tp note the man- ner of doing work, correct wrong methods, and secure uniform enforcement of the laws. SECRET SERVICE. — This division superintends the work of detecting and punishing counterfeiters of the National bonds, coin and currency. It is supported by annual appropriations devoted to this secret, detective work. CAPTURED PROPERTY.— This*livision has in charge all the records, archives and property captured or abandoned during the Rebellion. It furnishes all information to claimants or for historical and legal purposes which is sought through it. ENGRAVING AND PRINTING— -The engraving and printing of government bonds, United States notes, securities, stamps, and whatever represents value, is in charge of this Bu- reau. It embraces many subdivisions, and is regarded as the completest establishment of its kind in the world. BUREAU OF THE MINT supervises the work of all the United States Mints and Assay offices. Its chief officer is the Director of the Mint, salary $4,500. The United States Mints are located at Philadelphia, Pa. ; San Francisco, Cal. ; New Or- leans, La.; Carson, Nevada. The Assay offices are located at Denver, Col.; New York City; Helena, Montana; Boise City, Idaho; and Charlotte, N. C. The Assay offices do not coin money, but reduce gold and silver to ingots or bars, and stamp the fineness or quality on each bar. In addition to overseeing the workings of the respective Mints and Assay offices, the RULING NATIONALLY. 215 Director of the Mint must certify to the Secretary of Treasury each year the actual value of the coins of every nation. The officers directly in charge of the different Mints are called Superintendents of Mints. SUPERVISING ARCHITECT.— -This office was created in 1853, to obviate the difficulty of erecting the large and numerous public buildings through irresponsible and unskilled commis- sions. Before the creation of the office there was no uniformity in public buildings, but little taste, and poor adaptation to the purposes intended. The duties of the office are to select proper sites, submit plans and estimates, and carry on the work of con- struction. The Supervising Architect is assisted by an able corps of clerks and draughtsmen numbering nearly 100. STEAM-VESSEL INSPECTION.— The head of this ser- vice is the Supervising Inspector-General of Steam- Vessels. His duty is to enforce all the laws relating to the inspection of steam-vessels. Tnere are local inspectors and officers in all the commercial cities of the country. LIFE-SA VING SER VICE.— The Superintendent of this ser- vice has charge of all the life-saving stations on our coasts. This service in its present form dates from 1878. It is a growing and important service, and is at present conducted at an annual expense of $500,000, with a force of some 1,400 men, mostly hardy surfmen, who lead an exposed and dangerous life at points on our coast where wrecks are most likely to occur. STATISTICS. — The Chief of this Bureau receives, arranges and publishes the statistics of finance, coinage, immigration, population, railroads, minerals, agriculture, manufacture, and domestic and foreign commerce of the United States, sent from every authorized source. LIGHT-HOUSES. — The Secretary of the Treasury is Presi- dent of the Light-House Board. This Board is composed of nine men, chosen for their scientific knowledge. They have in charge the work of lighting the coasts of oceans and rivers. It was organized in 1852. Their labors involve the proper lighting of 5,000 miles of Atlantic coast, 1,500 of Pacific coast, 3,000 miles of lake coast, and 5,500 miles of river coast. Thus far about 216 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 12,000 light-houses or stations have been erected; 3,000 buoys, 420 day beacons, 54 fog signals, and 25 light-ships have been placed in position. MARINE HOSPITALS.— -This service is under a Supervis- ing Surgeon-General. It was established July 16, 1798, and re- organized in 1870 and 1875. It is designed to afford protection to sick and disabled seamen, with a view to encouraging fit per- sons to become sailors. The terms of enlistment require a pay- ment of forty cents a month from seamen's wages. This goes to the government. As a consideration for this the government cares for them when sick or disabled at one of its Marine Hos- pitals, or, where none exist, at any designated hospital. It is an important service, and has charge of as many as 20,000 invalid seamen annually. FIRST COMPTROLLERS Office has charge of all civil accounts except those relating to the Customs and Postal Ser- vice. The office was established September 2, 1789. The First Comptroller checks the work of the First and Fifth Auditor and the Commissioner of the Land Office. SECOND COMPTROLLERS Office, established March 3, 1 817, revises and checks all the accounts of the Second, Third and Fourth Auditors. BUREAU OF COMPTROLLER.— The Comptroller of the Currency has the responsible duty of enforcing all laws relating to the issue and regulation of the National Currency. He is custodian of the plates from which notes are printed, supervises the naming and starting of National banks, attends to their clos- ing operations when they fail, reports to Congress annually con- cerning the entire workings of the National banking system. The office was established in February, 1863, and was rendered necessary by the National Currency system which came into existence at that time. A UDITORS. — The accounts of the Treasury Department of whatever kind must reach final settlement under the hands of Auditors. There are six of these, and each is the head of a separate office. The numerous accounts are subdivided accord- ing to nature or subject, and each Auditor receives those which by law or custom fall under his jurisdiction. RULING NATIONALLY. 217 TREASURER.— The office of United States Treasurer was established by act of September 2, 1789. The Treasurer re- ceives and accounts for all public moneys arising from customs, internal revenue, sale of lands, or whatever source. The United States Treasury is not only the Treasury at Washington, but the sub-Treasuries located for Convenience at New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, Cincinnati, New Orleans, San Francisco and St. Louis. It comprises also certain banks which are designated as depositaries of public moneys, though these last cannot receive any moneys arising from customs. The sub-Treasuries are officered by Treasurers, who give bond and are responsible outside of the United States Treasurer at Wash- ington. This is why they are called Independent Treasuries. REGISTER OF TREASURY.— While the United States Treasurer is the officer who actually handles the money and is responsible for its safe-keeping, the accounts of receipts and dis- bursements are under the supervision of the Register. This office was created by the same act as the Treasurer. INTERNAL REVENUE BUREAU— The establishment of a system of Internal Revenue, made necessary by the civil war, gave rise to a Bureau devoted to the supervision of the sys- tem. Its chief is Commissioner of Internal Revenue. The Bureau was established by act of July 1, 1862. In it centre the accounts of the Collectors of Internal Revenue, who are the officers appointed to make actual collections in the Revenue Districts into which the entire country has been divided. The Bureau consists of several sub-divisions devoted to Law, Ac- counts, Agents, Stamps, Tobacco and Distilled Spirits. COAST SUR VEY.— Instituted Feb. 10, 1807, for mapping the coasts, rivers, and harbors of the United States, locating rocks, shoals, and shallows, and making charts of the soundings. The work is under the supervision of the Secretary of the Treasury, but is actively prosecuted by a Superintendent of Coast Survey. BOARD OF HEALTH.— -This body was created by act of March 3, 1879. It is composed of seven members. Their duty is to co-operate with similar Boards in the States, and to act in- 218 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. dependently, for the purpose of finding out how epidemics origi- nate, and what will prevent them. CUSTOMS SERVICE. — Custom Houses are of course only found at the points where goods from foreign ports are landed. These are called Ports of Entry. They are officered, in ports of first rank, by a Collector of the Port, who is responsible for the execution of the tariff laws and all moneys collected as duties on imported goods. He is also the custodian of the gov- ernment buildings and property at the respective ports. His work is supervised and checked by a Naval Officer of the Port. He is assisted by an Appraiser of the Port, whose duty it is to ascertain the nature and true value of all goods imported. He is further assisted by Weighers who weigh goods paying a specific rate of duty, and by Gaugers who gauge all liquids on which there is a duty. The Inspectors are the officers who police the wharves and ships and see that no goods are landed except those for which the Collector has issued a permit. The Surveyor of the Port has immediate charge of the Inspectors and assigns them to duty, though he does not appoint them. The heads of the Customs Service are appointed by the Presi- dent, the Deputies and Clerks by the Secretary of the Treasury. Moneys arising from customs in the respective Districts are de- posited in the sub-treasuries, and thence find their way into the central treasury. All customs accounts, statistics, etc., are re- ported to the Secretary of the Treasury. Of late years the Customs Service has been extended from sea-coast ports to inland cities. Thus Cincinnati, St. Louis, and other inland cities are Ports of Entry. Goods intended for Inland Ports are unloaded directly from the ship into sealed cars and carried to the Inland Port as if the ocean voyage were con- tinued. _ There they are entered, appraised, and assessed with duty. INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE.— Tike that of Cus~ toms, the active work of this service is done in the Internal Revenue Districts. The entire country was divided into some 1 20 Districts, to each of which was assigned a Collector, depu- ties, and a corps of store-keepers, gaugers, etc. This was when RULING NATIONALLY. 219 (i 862-1 882) the Internal Revenue laws were in full vigor. Since the revenue taxes have been lowered, and the number of taxable articles reduced, many of these Districts have been consolidated, and ere long the whole system will pass away. Customs duties and Internal Revenue taxes are the chief sources of government income. But it also receives a large income from the sale of public lands. These sales were con- ducted under the auspices of the Treasury Department till 1849, when they were transferred to the Department of the Interior, where we will speak of them and of the homestead law. NATIONAL BANKS— -When the government first started, a National bank was deemed necessary to act as its financial agent. One was chartered in 179 1 for twenty years. Attempts to revive the charter in 181 1 failed, owing to the opposition of those who construed the Constitution narrowly. In 18 16, after the war of 1812, when the country was heavily in debt and in need of a steady finance, another National bank was chartered for twenty years. This was the bank which President Jackson fought so determinedly and finally drove out of existence. All subsequent attempts to establish a similar bank or to secure a uniform currency failed till 1 863, when the exigency of civil war eventuated in, first, an issue of notes (greenbacks) directly by the government ; and, second, the establishment of the National banking system. The government had to use its own credit in order to exist. Could it so use it as to provide a uniform currency and at the same time relieve itself of the trouble and expense of acting as banker for the entire people ? This was the problem which the National banking system was to solve. The National Banking Act is an elaborate one, but by its provisions any number of persons not less than five may start a National Bank by (1) certifying to the Comptroller of the Cur- rency, a name ; (2) a place ; (3) the amount of capital stock (which cannot be less than $50,000) and number of shares ; (4) names and residences of the shareholders, and number of shares held by each ; (5) that they seek the benefits of the National Banking Act ; (6) the time when they intend to begin banking. These being approved, the Comptroller grants a certificate of 220 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. incorporation, with the right to use a seal, and to engage in legitimate banking business for twenty years from the passage of the act. Every shareholder is personally liable for the debts of the bank to the amount of his stock. But as yet the bank has no bills or notes. In order to obtain these it must buy interest-bearing United States bonds to an amount not less than one-third of the paid-up stock of the bank, but the amount need not be in excess of $50,000. These are deposited in the United States Treasury. Circulating notes, engraved and printed in the Treasury Department, are then issued to the bank, to the value of the bonds deposited, less ten per cent. If $50,000 in bonds have been deposited, $45,000 in circulating notes are issued in different denominations.* Should the bank fail the deposited bonds are sold, and with the proceeds the notes are redeemed. The fact that there is a margin of ten per cent, between the notes and the security for them, and the additional fact that that margin is increased by the bonds being above par, has given rise to the expression that the notes of a broken national bank are better than those of a sound one. No National bank can loan money directly on real estate security. This is to keep them on a strictly commercial basis. The notes formerly issued were ones, twos, fives, tens, twenties, fifties, one hundreds, five hundreds, and one thousands ; but since the resumption of specie payments (1879) the ones and twos have been discontinued, in order to give circulation to the silver dollars. The total output of National Bank notes has been in round numbers, $350,000,000. Add to this the total issue of Green- backs or Legal Tenders, $346,681,016, and the total National paper currency of the country (not including fractional currency) is $700,000,000. The National Banks are taxed annually one per cent, on circu- lation, one-half per cent, on deposits, and one-half per cent, on the capital stock over and above the amount invested in * There is a bill now pending in the (48th) Congress which seeks to increase the issue of notes to an amount equal to the par value of the bonds deposited. RULING NATIONALLY. 221 United States bonds. They are not exempt from State tax- ation. The total tax paid by National Banks is nearly $7,000,- OOO annually. These banks now number 2,359, anc * tnev are situated in all parts of the country. They have almost entirely taken the place of the old State banks, and they secure to the people a uniform system of currency and banking. The note of a bank in Maine is as good in California as at home. The holder is secure, because the note is backed up by security in bonds greater by at least ten per cent, than the note itself. The notes are harder to counterfeit. The plates are beyond the control of the bank. The people have never had so uniform, stable, safe, and conve- nient a paper currency. DEBT AND BONDS— Our country has never been free from public debt. It started under the indebtedness of the war for independence, which when gathered together in 1791 footed $75,463,476. This fluctuated up to 1804, when it was $86,427,- 120. It then decreased till in 18 12 it was $45,209,737. The war of 18 12 came on, and in 1 8 16 the debt was $127,334,993. By gradual reduction, it was only $37,513 in 1835, when the government was practically out of debt. But in 1836 it was $336,957, and gradually ascended till the time of the Mexican war, say 1846, when it was $15,550,202. Then in consequence of that war it leaped, 1848, to $47,044,862, and in 1849 to $63,- 061,858. In 1856 it was down to $31,972,537, but by i860 up to $64,842,287. Then came the civil war with its immense ex- penditure. By 1866, the year in which the debt reached its highest figures, it was $2,778,236,173. To handle this immense indebtedness put the energies of the country to extreme test, necessitated new subjects and methods of taxation, multiplied collection machinery, and made the Treasury Department a centre of extraordinary power and responsibility. The tariff laws were strengthened and given protective features. The system of Internal Revenue was formulated. One source of war revenue has passed entirely away. This was what was known as the Income Tax, which originated in 1863, and went out of existence by 1873. It was in its greatest 222 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. vigor in 1866, when the government receipts from it were $72,- 982,160. At the close of the war the government found itself not only with this immense indebtedness of $2,778,236,173 on hand, but it was in an ugly and pressing shape. War times did not facilitate funding; that is, gathering the floating debt up and placing it at interest, with gradual and remote payments of the principal. The shape of the debt was as follows : Debt already funded $1,109,568,191.80 Matured debt 1 ,503,020.09 Temporary loans 107,148,713.16 Certificates of indebtedness 85,093,000.00 Five per cent, legal tender notes 33,954,230.00 Compound interest legal tender notes 217,024,160.00 Seven-thirty notes 830,000,000.00 U. S. Legal tender notes (greenbacks) 433,160,569.00 Fractional currency 26,344,742.51 Suspended requisitions 2,111 ,000.00 Total 2,845,907,626.56 Less cash in the treasury 67,671,453.56 Total as above 2,778,236,173.00 Amount funded 1,109,568,191.80 Amount unfunded or floating 1,668,667,981.20 Here then was a total of $1,668,667,981 which was not funded, was floating about loosely, and which the government was liable to be called on to pay at any moment. Worst of all, a part of it (the $830,000,000 of seven-thirties) bore interest at 7 3-10 per cent. Of course no government could stand for a moment in the face of such a drain as would be occasioned by the presentation of these floating claims for payment. Yet it must either pay, fund, or be dishonored. It could not do the first, nor submit to the third. Large as the debt was, the national honor was above all price. It must, therefore, do what all corporations and business firms do, viz. : fund its floating in- debtedness. This was a mighty work. In order to do it bonds were prepared, of various denominations, and mostly bearing interest at six per cent. These were to run not less than five nor more than twenty years. Hence they were called five- twenty six per cents. They were offered to the banks, and through them to the people. Could the government get enough RULING NATIONALLY. 223 money from their sale to pay its floating indebtedness of $i, 668,- 667,981 ? Could it pay its interest promptly, and have some- thing over toward the principal ? We have seen how the tarifflaws and other revenue laws were strengthened. There would be enough and more. The people responded with a hearty good-will. The bonds were taken with alacrity, and looked upon as so desirable an investment that they soon sold at a premium. In a short time the government funded, through its five-twenty six per cents. $1,602,698,950 of its floating indebtedness, and thus relieved " itself of all immediate pressure, except what was necessary to provide interest, and gradually reduce the principal. Such was the favor with which these securities (bonds) were received, that the government concluded it might lower its in- terest on them, and still sell them, thus saving a large amount of interest. This was no longer funding, but refunding. Re- funding began by acts of July 14, 1870, and Jan. 20, 187 1. Again bonds were authorized to be issued to the extent of $1,500,000,000, bearing interest, $500,000,000 at five per cent, and payable in ten years or at the pleasure of the United States ; $300,000,000 at 4*4 per cent. ; the balance at 4 per cent. With the proceeds of these, the former high interest-bearing bonds were to be lifted. The crisis of 1873 interfered with their sale. But in 1876 they struck a favorable market, were successfully disposed of, and soon at a premium, as before. This favorable situation the government again took advantage of, and by repeated acts down to 1883, succeeded in carrying out a system of refund- ing which greatly lowered the interest on its bonds, the rates now running from 43^ to 3 per cent. It at the same time paid off the principal of its clebt at an average rate of $70,000,000 a year, so that the total is now below $1,400,000,000. It is not supposed that the process of refunding is yet com- plete. Many think that the 4 and 4^ per cent, bonds can be refunded into 3 per cents., and some enthusiastic persons think the whole interest-bearing debt can be floated at less than 3 per cent. This is hardly possible so long as the government adheres to the policy of paying off the debt so fast. This policy gives 224 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. to a bond too short a life. It is not issued for any great number of years, and is called in when there is money enough to meet it. Thus the inducement of length of time, which is supposed to overcome the non-inducement of a low rate of interest, is lost. And as to this policy of rapid payment of the principal, it is be- ginning to receive criticism. The time was when it was proper, as helping to show the nation's earnestness and for the support of its credit. This time has passed. There is. now no reason for haste, except- a desire to "be free from the annual loss of interest. Whether it is better to save this annual loss by prompt payment of the principal, or distribute the burden of payment over the generations that are to follow us, is a question which now draws a variety of opinions. A concluding remark must be made about the management of the Treasury Department during this period of immense receipts, expenditures and great responsibility. It has been such as to show less loss to the government than any former period. Considering the great influx of new force, the rush of business during war times, the newness and experimen- tal character of much of its work, this is agreeably surpris- ing, yet it may go to prove that a financial department, like a financial man, is capable of rising with an emergency, and meet- ing with honor the severest tests of ability and honesty. In answer to a request from the Senate the Treasury Department submitted the following table, showing the per cent, of losses in its transactions since the beginning of the government and up to June 30, 1879: Received and Loss on Administrations. Expended. Total loss. #1,000. Washington 8 Yrs. $1 1 2,560,504 #250,970 #2.22 Adams, John 4 90,733,612 235,412 2.59 Jefferson 8 219,072,736 603,468 2.75 Madison 8 526,764,050 2,191,660 4.16 Monroe 8 376,328,275 3,229,787 8.58 Adams, John Q 4 201,488,077 885,374 4.39 Jackson 8 500,081,748 3,761,112 7.52 Van Buren 4 285,327,949 3,343,79 2 »-7« Harrison and Tyler 4 244,590,156 1,565,903 6.40 Polk ' 4 423,913,687 1,732,851 4-o8 Taylor and Fillmore 4 432,861,677 1,814,409 4*9 Pierce 4 608,257,816 2,167,982 3.56 Buchanan...! 4 697,500,871 2,659,108 3.81 RULING NATIONALLY. 225 Administrations. Lincoln 4 Yrs. Johnson 4 Grant , 8 Hayes 2 Received and Expended. ^9,386,697,144 8,014,908,984 10,842,922,583 3,353^29,856 Total loss. $7,200,984 4,619,600 2,622,479 2,677 Loss on $1,000. $0.76 •57 .24 .008 SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY. Names. Appointed. Alex. Hamilton, N. Y Sept. II, 1789 Oliver Wolcott, Conn. . . .Feb. 2, 1795 Samuel Dexter, Mass Jan. 1, 1801 Albert Gallatin, Pa May 14, 1S01 Geo. W. Campbell, Tenn. Feb. 9, 1814 Alex. J. Dallas, Pa Oct. 6, 1814 Wm. PI. Crawford, Ga... Oct. 22, 1816 Richard Rush, Pa Mar. 7, 1825 Samuel D. Ingham, Pa.. .Mar. 6, 1829 Louis McLane, Del Aug. 2, 1831 Wm. J. Duane, Pa May 29, 1 833 Roger B. Taney, Md. . ..Sept. 23, 1833 Levi Woodbury, N. H.. .June 27, 1834 Thomas Ewing, O Mar. 5, 1841 Walter Forward, Pa Sept. 13, 1 841 John C. Spencer, N. Y.. .Mar. 3, 1843 Geo. M. Bibb, Ky June 15, 1844 Names. Appointed. Robert J. Walker, Miss. .Mar. 6, 1845 Wm. M. Meredith, Pa.... Mar. 8, 1849 Thomas Corwin, O July 23, 1850 James Guthrie, Ky Mar. 7, 1853 Howell Cobb, Ga Mar. 6, 1857 Philip F. Thomas, Md... .Dec. 12, i860 John A. Dix, N. Y Jan. 11, 1861 Salmon P. Chase, O Mar. 7, 1861 Wm. P. Fessenden, Me.. July 1, 1864 Hugh McCullough, Ind. .Mar. 7, 1865 Geo. S. Boutwell, Mass.. .Mar. 11, 1869 Wm. A. Richardson, Mass. Mar. 17, 1873 Benj. H. Bristow, Ky. . . .June 4, 1874 Lot M. Morrill, Me July 7, 1876 John Sherman, O Mar. 8, 1877 Wm. H. Windom, Minn. .Mar. 5, 1881 Charles J. Folger, N. Y. . Oct. 27, 1881 THE WAR DEPARTMENT. As the name indicates, this Department has charge of all mat- ters appertaining to the army. It is presided over by the Secre- tary of War, salary $8,000, who is appointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for the term of four years .unless sooner removed. He is a member of the President's Cabinet, and in a military point of view ranks next to the President. The War Department was established by act of August 7, 1789, and therefore is as old as the government. The act says " there shall be an executive Department denominated the De- partment of War, and there shall be a principal officer therein to be called the Secretary for the Department of War, who shall perform such duties as shall be entrusted to or enjoined on him by the President agreeably to the Constitution, relative to land forces, ships, or warlike stores of the United States." The De- partment then had control of " land forces and ships." It was both a War and Navy Department, the latter not having a sepa- rate existence till some time afterwards. 15 226 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— When it is said that the De- partment has charge of all matters relating to war a sharp line must be drawn between its affairs and those of the army in the field. The responsibility for campaigns, battles and manoeuvres rests on the generals who represent the commander-in-chief, the President, in the field. The War Department is the civil side of army affairs. The Secretary conducts the business of the De- partment. In war he is one hand of the President and the army the other. He attends to all commissions of officers, to the raising of forces, to the matter of army supplies. He has charge of all captured property, and sees to the transportation of troops, muni- tions, equipments and stores throughout .the United States. He defines the quantity and kind of supplies and attends to their purchase through the Subsistence and Quartermaster's Depart- ments. He procures buildings to store them in. He receives field officers' accounts of clothing, munitions, supplies of every kind, and adjusts and passes on their accounts. In connection with army officers he must see to the condition of prisoners of war, advise with the militia officers of the States, issue proposals for supplies, and report to Congress annually or whenever called upon, the transactions of his office and its condition. An im- portant duty added since the civil war is the purchase, prepa- ration and care of the national cemeteries, of which there are seventy-nine, containing the bodies of tens of thousands of Union soldiers, known and unknown. His office is divided into sub-Departments, Bureaus or Divi- sions, each of which is presided over by a responsible head. ADJUTANT-GENERAL.— -This subdepartment is in charge of an Adjutant-General of the Army, who has army rank as Brigadier, and army pay. The business of the office is the organization and management of the armies. All orders to the military establishments and armies go out through this office. It attends to recruiting the armies, keeps all muster in and out rolls, and officers' accounts, furnishes statements to Treasury Auditors, Pension Commissioners, Paymasters, Commissaries and Quartermasters. RULING NATIONALLY. 227 INSPECTOR-GENERAL.— -The Inspector-General ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. His business is to keep the Secretary of War posted as to the true condition of the army, its tents, arms, clothing, quarters, accoutrements, drill, discipline, and entire condition. • SIGNAL OFFICE. — This useful office, a comparatively mod- ern one, is part civic and part military. It has charge, under the instructions of the Secretary of War, of a School of Instruction at Fort Whipple, Va., where war manoeuvres, the construction and working of rapid field telegraphy, the erection and manage- ment of army signals, and the control of all instruments of field observation, are taught. It has also charge of the Army Signal Corps, which is a mod- ern army essential, in time of active service, for safe and speedy operations. It is also useful in time of peace for the assistance . it renders in conducting the Sea Coast Service, with its signal codes and quick telegraphy. To this office belongs also the well-known, popular, and now indispensable Weather Bureau, over which the familiar " Clerk of the Weather " presides. This Bureau conducts its business through Signal Stations erected at all exposed points on ocean, lake and river coast, at prominent points of observation in cities and on mountains and plains, with which it is connected by tele- graph. It is the duty of the officers in charge of these stations to telegraph, at least once a day, to the Central Bureau in Wash- ington the state of the barometer and thermometer, the velocity of wind and its direction, the nature of the storm or calm that ex- ists; in short, such a full condition of the weather as will enable a forecast to be made inland or for the sea, for the general use of sailors, merchants, farmers and others likely to be affected by it. When the conditions on coasts are dangerous, storm signals are erected, and mariners either heed them or sail at their peril. The active operations of the Weather Bureau date from 1868-69. QUARTERMASTER.— -This Department purchases and dis- tributes to the army all military stores and supplies, such as clothing, fuel, forage, camp and garrison equipage (the furnish- ing of rations belongs to the Subsistence Department), and fur- 228 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. nishes means of transportation for the army and its stores. It is presided over by the Quartermaster-General, who ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. While the duties of the central office at Washington are important and responsible, its main responsi- bility is in the camps and garrisons in time of peace, and in the field in time of war. It reaches these remote points by means of Quartermasters. These subordinate officers are the agents of the Quartermaster-General. They represent the movable quality of the office. They are at all the military posts during peace. In time of war their number has to be increased, and they are found in all the armies and sections of armies superintending the matter of transportation and supplies, holding the officers to strict account for whatever is furnished, and in turn accounting themselves to their chief for what they receive and distribute. COMMISSARY DEPARTMENT.— This office is presided over by the Commissary-General, who ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. It is not unlike the Quartermaster-General's office, except that it has sole charge of the supply of army ra- tions. It buys all rations and furnishes them to the officers and men of the army at cost price. It carries its work down to the military posts and to the camps in the field by means of subor- dinates called Commissaries, who, like Quartermasters, are more numerous in time of war than in peace, and who must be promptly on hand with food whenever it is needed. PA YMASTER. — This Department is presided over by a Pay- master-General, who ranks as Brigadier with army pay. The title suggests the duty, which is to pay the army and keep all the pay rolls and accounts connected with the operation. The field and post work of the office is carried on by means of Pay- masters' in fact, who are assigned to duty at the respective posts and in the divisions of the army in time of active service. MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.— The chief officer of this De- partment is the Surgeon-General, who ranks as Brigadier with army pay. He is chosen for his scientific knowledge. The De- partment has in charge the matter of army hospitals and hospital supplies, the care of sick and wounded soldiers, the furnishing of artificial limbs, eyes and other appliances for the maimed, re- RULING NATIONALLY. 229 ports on hospital diseases, treatments and operations, the control of the Medical Museum, which, by the way, is now one of the best appointed and most interesting of its kind in the world. ORDNANCE OFFICE.— The officer in charge of this De- partment is called the Chief of Ordnance. He ranks as Briga- dier with army pay. This office attends to procuring and sup- plying to the army all cannon, gun-carriages, and all ammunition and equipments for the same, whether for use in garrison, field or siege service. It is the heavy gun department of the war branch. It operates through Ordnance Stations, situated in dif- ferent portions of the country, where ordnance is kept for con- venience of use and for preservation, and which are called Ar- senals. There are now twenty-two of these Ordnance Stations or Arsenals in the country. In this list of Arsenals are included the Armory at Springfield, Mass., where small arms and am- munition are made and stored. There was a large Armory at Harper's Ferry, which was destroyed during the civil war. CHIEF ENGINEER. — The responsible officer is a Chief of Engineers, who ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. The duties of this office are various. The Chief of Engineers commands the Corps of Engineers whose duty is to attend to locating, building and caring for fortifications, coast and "inland ; design- ing, building and handling pontoon bridges ; designating and carrying out river and harbor improvements ; making surveys for military purposes. The Chief of Engineers is also Commissioner of Public Buildings and Grounds in Washington. He is Superin- tendent of the Washington Aqueduct, which supplies the capital with water, and from the Engineer Corps are selected three of the seven members of the Mississippi River Commission, which has charge of the public improvements along that stream. SECRETARIES OF WAR. Names. • Appointed. Names. Appointed. Henry Knox, Mass Sept. 12, 1789 [ John Armstrong, N. Y. . . Jan. 13, 1813 Timothy Pickering, Pa. .. .Jan. 2, 1795 James McIIenry, Md Jan. 27, 1796 James Marshall, Va May 7, 1800 Samuel Dexter, Mass May 13, 1800 Roger Griswold, Conn.. . .Feb. 3, 1801 Henry Dearborn, Mass. .. Mar. 5, 1801 William Eustis, Mass Mar. 7, 1809 James Monroe, Va Sept. 27, 1814 Wm. H. Crawford, Ga Aug. I, 1S15 Geo. Graham {ad in.), Va.. April 7, 1817 John C. Calhoun, S. C Oct. 8, 18 17 James Barbour, Va Mar. 7, 1825 Peter B. Porter, N. Y May 26, 1828 John H. Eaton, Tenn Mar. 9, 1829 230 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. secretaries of war- 8 - Continued. Names. Appointed. Louis Cass, Mich Aug. I, 1831 Benj. F. Butler, N. Y Mar. 3, 1837 Joel R. Poinsett, S. C Mar. 7, 1837 John Bell, Tenn Mar. 5, 1841 John McLean, O Sept. 13, 1841 John C. Spencer, N. Y Oct. 12, 1841 James M. Porter, Pa Mar. 8, 1843 William Wilkins, Pa Feb. 15, 1844 William L. Marcy, N. Y. .Mar. 6, 1 845 George W. Crawford, Ga.. Mar. 8, 1849 Winfield Scott (adin.), Va.July 23, 1850 Charles M. Conrad, La.. ..Aug. 15, 1850 Jefferson Davis, Miss Mar. 5, 1853 John B. Floyd, Va Mar. 6, 1857 Joseph Holt, Ky Jan. 18, 1861 Names. Appointed. Simon Cameron, Pa Mar. 5, i86r Edwin M. Stanton, Pa Jan. 15, 1862 U. S. Grant {ad in.), 111... .Aug. 12, 1867 Edwin M. Stanton, Pa. . . .Jan. 14, 1868 L. Thomas {adin.), Md. .Feb. 21, 1868 John M. Schofield, 111. ...May 28, 1868 John A. Rawlins, 111 Mar. 11, 1869 William T. Sherman, O.. ..Sept. 9, 1869 William W. Belknap, Iowa.Oct. 25, 1869 Alphonso Taft, O Mar. 8, 1876 James D. Cameron, Pa May 22, 1876 Geo. W. McCrary, Iowa. .Mar. 12, 1877 Alexander Ramsey, Minn. .Dec. 10, 1879 Robert T. Lincoln, 111 Mar. 5, 1881 THE ARMY. — The army of the United States is in one sense an organization separate from the War Department, in another connected with it. Its field administrations are separate, yet in all things appertaining to its supplies, enlistments, accounts, the two are inseparable. The question of a standing army in this country — that is, an army in time of peace — has always been a troublesome one, and the policy has been to keep it reduced to the lowest standard possible. This policy results from a whole- some dread of such large standing armies as enable European monarchs to keep their thrones, and which are a constant menace to the peace of nations, as well as a great source of expense to the supporting governments. But our experience has shown the necessity of at least a small standing army for the purpose of executing the laws in exposed places, as on the border, and suppressing disturbances wherever they may arise. The moral effect of an army, as an arm of the executive, is also very great. Power is far more imposing and effective when backed by a vigor which lawlessness regards it folly to dispute, or before which it quails ; and power is never so impotent and ridiculous as when attempts to exercise it are foiled by the mob. The dignity and efficacy of executive authority require, as things go, an army of some shape and proportion; and a navy too. The economic argument in favor of an army is also very great. Besides assur- ing peace and protection it is the nucleus of that larger army which is made up of volunteers and called into service when RULING NATIONALLY. 231 emergency requires. It is a constant training school for officers and men, so that the country is never without a sufficient amount of military discipline to meet the needs of larger called armies, when the condition is one of active war. The army of the United States is called the Regular army in contradistinction to that added to it in time of war, called the Volunteer army. It is also thus distinguished from the militia of the several States, and the militia system, which is a mixed government and State system. The present army is not in excess of 25,000 men, and, by act of June 18, 1878, cannot exceed 30,000. Enlistments are for five years. There are twenty-five regiments of infantry, ten of cavalry and five of artillery, and a force of 1,000 Indian scouts. An infantry regiment is composed of ten companies, of fifty men each, which the President may increase to 1 00. A regiment of cavalry consists of twelve troops, and each troop of 78 men. A regiment of artillery consists of twelve bat- teries, and each battery of 120 men. These figures are the maximum of each. They are in excess of the actual number in each regiment and company. The higher officers of the army are a General and Lieutenant- General, which two are honorary, conferred only at times on account of distinguished service, and expire with the death or resignation of their incumbent. The salary of the General is $13,500, that of Lieutenant-General $11,000. The regular officers are Major-Generals, salary $7,500 ; Brigadier-Generals, salary $5,500; Colonels, salary $3,500; Captains, salary $1,800; and Lieutenants, $1,600. Then there are with the army representatives or duplicates of each of the departments we have seen in connection with the Department of War, as Adjutant-General's Department, Quar- termaster's Department, Inspector-General's Department, Engi- neer Corps, Ordnance Department, Medical Department, Pay Department, Signal Officer, Bureau of Military Justice, Chaplains, bands, etc., all of which have their place and add to the comfort and efficiency of the force. The army is governed by a code prescribed by Congress called Articles of War. They are 128 232 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. in number; and are read at the time of enlistment and every six months afterwards. A charitable provision in our army system is, first, gradually increasing pay for the minor officers as they add to their years of service, and second, three-fourth pay to all commissioned officers when they are placed on the retired list. Officers pass to the retired list by law after thirty-two years of service or on arriving at the age of sixty-two, but may be retired for honor- able cause and by proper authority at any time. MILITARY ACADEMY.— This government school for the education of men in the science and art of war is situated at West Point on the Hudson. It was authorized by act of Con- gress in 1802, and then instituted in a modest way. It has since grown to be a large and useful institution, ranking with the best of its kind in the world. Its chief officer is a superintendent, who ranks as Colonel. It has a large corps of professors de- voted to teaching tactics, engineering, philosophy, mathematics, history, geography, ethics, chemistry, mineralogy, geology, drawing, modern languages, gymnastics, music, etc. ; the idea being to provide not only men skilled in whatever appertains to army affairs, but educated gentlemen also. Each Congressional district and Territory in the United States is entitled to have one cadet or scholar at the Military Academy. The District of Columbia is entitled, to one, and the United States to ten, called cadets at large. The President selects the cadets at large. The Secretary of War selects those from the Congressional districts, at the request of the representative thereof in Congress. Candidates must be between seventeen and twenty-two years old, at least five feet in height, physically per- fect, and must be proficient in the elementary branches. They are paid $540 a year, which is regarded as sufficient to maintain them. They graduate with the rank of lieutenant in the army, and are standing candidates for an active place with that rank. The academy is visited annually by a commission appointed by the President and composed of members of Congress and mili- tary officers, who report to the Secretary of War for the use of Congress. RULING NATIONALLY. 233 NAVY DEPARTMENT. The Navy Department was at first connected with the War Department. It was erected into a separate department by act of April 30, 1798, and went into operation in June, 1798. Its chief officer is the Secretary of the Navy, salary $8,000, ap- pointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for four years, unless sooner removed. He ranks as a member of the cabinet. Like all the other departments, this is divided into a number of Bureaus or Divisions, for its more effective working. The name of the department suggests that it is devoted to the naval affairs of the country. The question of a navy has always been an interesting one, and parties have often divided on the propriety of keeping a naval establishment in time of peace, likewise over the policy of strengthening it in time of emergency. It must be said that in time of war, when our destinies were all in the keeping of our vessels of war and our hardy sailors, that the American Navy has been a source of safety and credit, and has given proof that we can conduct ocean warfare with all the brilliancy and effect of those who boast of more formidable ships and thoroughly trained mar- iners. SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— He must provide all naval stores and construct, arm, equip and employ vessels of war. All captures of ships, standards and guns must be reported to him and pass into his custody. He prepares and publishes all charts, maps, sailing directions and nautical books, bearing on navigation, which he deems necessary. He reports annually to Congress the state of the navy and submits estimates for ap- propriations. He accounts for all disbursements on behalf of the navy. He establishes coal stations in different parts of the world, disposes of old ships and worn-out equipments, acts as trustee of the Navy Pension Fund and Privateer Fund ; in short does all that appertains to efficient management of naval affairs. YARDS AND DOCKS.— This Bureau has charge of the Navy Yards and Naval Stations, their construction and main- 234 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. tenance, and the supply of timber therefor. There are several Navy Yards and Stations in the country, located at what are supposed to be available points, as at Portsmouth, N. H.; Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Philadelphia, Pa.; Boston, Mass. ; Washing- ton, D. C. ; Norfolk, Va. ; Pensacola, Fla. ; Mare Island, Cal. ; New London, Conn. (N. Station) ; Port Royal, S. C. (store ships). They were erected for the purpose of building ships of war, but that work has been discontinued at many of them. They are convenient stations and repair-shops, and no longer a reliance for the speedy construction of large and effective war-ships, owing to the cost of properly maintaining them, and the spasmodic demand for their services. The Chief of the Bureau of Yards and Docks ranks as a Captain in the navy. EQUIPMENT AND RECRUITING.— The Chief of this Bureau ranks as Commodore in the navy. It is the recruiting office of the navy, and attends to the equipment of vessels oi war with sails, rigging, anchors, fuel, etc. NAVIGATION— The Chief of this Bureau ranks as Com- modore. He has a chief clerk and four assistants. The Naval Observatory and Hydrographic Office are in the care of this Bureau, which in addition supplies vessels of war with flags, charts, signals, chronometers, barometers, glasses, etc. The Naval Observatory just mentioned is the counterpart, in America, of the Greenwich Observatory in England, and arose from the same necessity ; to wit, that for accurate astronomical observations and safe computations for the purposes of naviga- tion. The Observatory employs a Superintendent, who ranks as Rear Admiral, and ten assistant professors who rank as naval officers of different grades. It is a finely equipped institution and employs some of the best astronomical observers and calcu- lators in the country. As to astronomical observations its work is the same as that of the numerous collegiate and private ob- servatories throughout the country, but aside from that, its energies are devoted to the tabulation of results, and the turning of discoveries, corrections, and calculations to practical scientific account. Scarcely less important is the Hydrographic Office, where the RULING NATIONALLY. 235 results of surveys, soundings and coast, lake and river observa- tions are engraved, printed and published in map, chart or book form and given out for the use of naval vessels and those of the merchant marine. Its Chief ranks as Captain in the navy. The Nautical Almanac is published from this office. BUREAU OF ORDNANCE.— The Chief of this Bureau ranks as Commodore in the navy. He has charge of the manu- facture of naval ordnance, ammunition, armament for vessels, of arsenals and magazines, the torpedo service and stations, all ex- periments for testing guns, torpedoes and other naval weapons. CONSTRUCTION AND REPAIRS.— The Chief of this Bu- reau ranks as Commodore. He controls all dry-docks, and designs, builds and fits out vessels of war. STEAM-ENGINEERING.— The Chief ranks as Commo- dore. He controls the designing, manufacturing and adjusting of all the steam-engines and steam-machinery of war vessels. PROVISION AND CLOTHING.— The Chief of this Bu- reau ranks as Commodore. The office supervises the purchase and supply of food and clothing for the navy. MEDICINE AND SURGERY—- The Chief ranks as Com- modore. The Bureau supplies medicines, instruments and medical stores to vessels of war and marine hospitals and accounts for the same. The Navy, like the Army, has given rise to a set of charitable and educational institutions which are objects of pride on the part of the Department and of great utility. The first of these is the NAVAL ASYLUM located at Philadelphia. It is a home for old or disabled naval officers, seamen and marines. It oper- ates outside of and distinct from the pension system. Navy pensioners may commute their pensions for places in the Asylum. The applicant must be unable to work and must have served twenty years in the navy. If admitted, the Asylum is his home till death, on condition that he obeys its rules, which are quite rigid. For good conduct one dollar a month is awarded to each sojourner. The institution is presided over by a governor, with navy rank and pay. 236 * BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. NA VAL HOSPITALS.— These are institutions for the tem- porary treatment of sick and disabled seamen. They are sup- ported by an annual appropriation. There are eighteen Naval Hospitals in the country, located at leading ports or wherever there are naval stations, and one at Yokohama in Japan. NA VAL ACADEMY.— This Academy, a national institution, is as much a part of the Navy Department as the Military Academy is a part of the War Department. It is located at Annapolis, Md. Its Superintendent always ranks high among naval officers. He is assisted by other officers of the navy and by a corps of professors, who teach seamanship, gunnery, mathe- matics, engineering, astronomy and navigation, chemistry, phys- ics, modern languages, history, drawing, and whatever will fill out the education of a naval officer, a private engineer or retired gentleman. The pupils come from the Congressional districts and Territories, one from each, with one for the District of Columbia, and ten at large. The President appoints those at large. The Secretary of the Navy, deferring to the recommen- dation of the member of Congress from a district or delegate from a Territory, appoints those from the districts. Applicants are examined by the Superintendent of the Academy in June and September of each year. In order to pass they must be physically sound, of good moral character, not under fourteen nor over eighteen, and up to the standard in the elementary English branches. If admitted, candidates become cadet-mid- shipmen, and are not only pupils but inmates of the Academy for a term of six years, to which they must bind themselves to add two years of active service if not discharged. They are paid $500 a year from time of admission. After their eight years of service and schooling they graduate as Midshipmen in the navy. There is also a course of studies in, or rather a department of, the Academy devoted to Naval Engineering. It is a four-year course at the Academy and two in a vessel at sea. The pupil in this course is a cadet-engineer. When he graduates he is entitled to a commission as Assistant Engineer in the navy, when there is a vacancy. RULING NATIONALLY. 237 U. S. NA VY. — The highest rank in the navy is Admiral, salary, $13,000; the next, Vice- Admiral, salary, $9,000. These, like General and Lieutenant-General in the army, are honorary and temporary, and expire with those on whom they were spe- cially conferred. The highest real or working rank is Rear- Admiral, salary, $6,000. Then comes, in order, Commodore, salary, $5,000; Captain, $4,500; Commander, $3,500; Lieu- tenant-Commander, $2,800; Lieutenant, $2,400 ; Master, $1,800; Ensign, $1,200; Midshipmen, $1,000. All these salaries are actual duty salaries at sea. They are considerably less for shore duty. The salary of the officers, from Lieutenant-Commander down, increases after a service of five years from date of com- mission. Pensions and retiracy from service on pay are on the same general plan as prevails in the army. Enlistments in the navy are for not less than three nor more than five years. Minors from fifteen to eighteen may be enlisted till they are twenty-one, with the consent of parents. The total force of officers and men in the navy, in time of peace, or as the laws now stand, cannot exceed 8,250. The navy is governed by a code of sixty articles prescribed by Congress. MARINE CORPS. — This very useful arm of the service is a nondescript. It is a body of enlisted men, not exceeding 2,500 in number, who are officered and disciplined according to army rules and tactics, who do regular military duty at United States arsenals and naval stations, but who may be detailed for active service on board war vessels. They have proved excellent for policing and garrison purposes, and the complement of them as- signed to ships during actual war have enabled victorious vessels to hold captured places permanently without the constant men- ace of heavy guns. SECRETARIES OF NAVY. Name. Appointed. George Cabot, Mass May 3, Benjamin Stoddert, Mass.. May 21, Robert Smith, Md July 15 J. Crowninshield, Mass. . .May 3, Paul Hamilton, S. C Mar. 7, William Jones, Pa Jan. 12, B.W. Crowninshield, Mass. Dec. 19, 1798 1798 1801 1805 1809 I813 1814 Name. Appointed. Smith Thompson, N. Y. ..Nov. 9, 1 818 John Rogers, Mass Sept. I, 1823 Samuel L. Southard, N. J. Sept. 16, 1823 John Branch, N. C ; .Mar. 9, 1829 Levi Woodbury, N. H.,* .May 23, 1 83 1 Mahlon Dickerson, N. J. .June 30, 1 834 James K. Paulding, N. YJune 25, 1S38 238 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. secretaries of navy — Continued. Name. Appointed. George E. Badger, N. C. .Mar. 5, 1S41 A. P. Upshur, Va Sept. 13, 1841 David Henshaw, Mass... .July 24, 1843 Thomas W. Gilmer, Va.. .Feb. 15, 1844 John Y. Mason, Va Mar. 14, 1844 George Bancroft, Mass.. . .Mar. 10, 1845 John Y. Mason, Va Sept. 9, 1846 William B. Preston, Va. ..Mar. 8, 1849 William A. Graham, N. C.July 22, 1850 John P. Kennedy, Md July 22, 1852 Name. Appointed. James C. Dobbin, N. C. ..Mar. 7, 1853 Isaac Toucey, Conn Mar. 6, 1857 Gideon Welles, Conn Mar. 5, 1861 Adolph E. Borie, Pa Mar. 5, 1869 George M. Robeson, N. J. June 25, 1869 Rich. W. Thompson, IncL.Mar. 12, 1877 Nathan Goff, Jr., W. Va. Jan. 6, 1881 W. H. Hunt, La Mar. 5, 1881 Wm. E. Chandler, 'N. H.. April 1, 1882 INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. This office did not exist till authorized by act of March 3, 1849. It became necessary by reason of the great growth of some of the Bureaus and Divisions of the other Departments, especially those of Public Lands and Patents, and because the time had come for a grouping of them under a head more sig- nificant of their real character. We are not sure that the title " Interior Department " is the happiest which could have been chosen, but it savors of home and gives one to understand that the business of the office relates to affairs quite within our own boundaries. It has not only drawn something from other offices, but has been the office most called upon to meet the great and growing demands of the country, whenever a Department was needed to take control of a newly created service. The office has for its head a Secretary of Interior, appointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for the term of four years unless sooner removed. His salary is $8,000, and he is a Member of the Cabinet. SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— Hz attends to all business relat- ing to Public lands and mines, Indians, bounty lands, patents, custody and distribution of publications, education, census, Ter- ritories, government asylums. He reports annually, or whenever called upon, to Congress respecting the workings of his office. He prepares the Federal Blue Book or Biennial Register of all the government employes, keeps the return office in which are filed the contracts made in the Departments of War, Navy, and Interior, controls the Yellowstone Park, and publishes at the RULING NATIONALLY. 239 close of each session of Congress n,ooo copies of the laws just passed. Like all the other Departments, this is divided into Bureaus and Divisions devoted to certain duties, that the entire work of the Department may be carried on in an orderly manner. Perhaps the most important is the GENERAL LAND OFFICE.— This was a part of the Treasury Department until the creation of the Interior Depart- ment. Quite early, the matter of disposing of the Public lands became important, and a Land office was created by act of April 25, 181 2. This question of selling public lands and disposing of the proceeds was for over half a century actively political, and not until the passage of the Homestead laws, beginning in 1862, did a satisfactory method of dealing with them exist. The duties of the General Land Office are attended to by a Commissioner, who acts under the Secretary of the Interior. These duties relate to the surveying and plotting of public lands, their sale, and the issuing of patents for those sold. There are local Land offices, numbering sixteen, in all the States and Territories containing public lands for sale. These are presided over by U. S. Surveyors-General. The Surveyor-General em - ploys surveyors, draughtsmen, and clerks who are engaged in the active work of field surveys. This work of surveying, plot- ting, dividing, and giving metes and bounds to public lands is always going on. At first townships are formed, six miles square, with true east and west and north and south boundaries, and the four corners are located and marked. Then each township is cut in sections one mile square, or 640 acres each, and these are subdivided into quarter sections of 160 acres each. They are all numbered and booked, and are known, referred to, sold, and patented according to their number and range. The actual selling of the lands is done through still another set of offices more numerous than those of the Surveyors, and located at all available points. They are known as Land offices too, but they are Registers' and Receivers' offices, being presided over each by a Register and Receiver. His business is to make final disposition of the lands to the actual applicant or settler, 240 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. give him title and possession, collect the fees and purchase- money, and account to the government. PUBLIC LANDS. — These formerly existed in every State outside of the original thirteen, but they now exist only in the Territories, and to a greater or less extent in Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Michigan, Minnesota, Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, Wisconsin, Florida, California, Nevada, Oregon and Colorado. The public lands are being disposed of very rapidly. Figures respecting surveys and sales are almost daz- zling. The sales for 1883 amounted to 16,830,000 acres, the largest on record. In 1873 they only amounted to 3,793,000 acres, but they always fall off during hard times. PUBLIC LAND SYSTEM.— -It may be said in general that public lands are of two classes, one rating at $1.25 per acre, the other at $2.50 per acre. There are four ways of getting posses- sion : 1st, under the Homestead act; 2d, under the Pre-emption laws ; 3d, under the Timber Culture act ; 4th, under the Military bounty act. The Homestead act provides that any head of a family, or person over 21 years, a citizen or one who has declared his intentions, may enter a homestead of 160 acres, or alternate 80 acres, of surveyed land. He must pay the entry fees, from $7 to $22, take possession and be an actual settler for five years, pay the government price, and get the title. Under the pre- emption laws the same class of persons may enter any unsur- veyed, offered, or unofTered lands, and by payment of fees, and proof of actual settlement, hold a section of the same against sale to any one else. He must make final proofs and payments as under the Homestead act, in order to complete his title. Title to a section of land may be acquired by a soldier who holds a bounty land-warrant, said land-warrant being good payment for the land as far as it goes. * But the government has never issued many of such land-warrants. Title may be secured under the Timber Culture acts of 1873-78, by any actual settler who culti- vates for two years five acres of trees. Such an one gets 80 acres; and 160 acres if he cultivate ten acres of trees. His patent will be issued free at the end of three years, on proof of what he has done. The design is to encourage timber culture RULING NATIONALLY. 241 on farm land. Of course nothing in these acts prevents a cash purchaser at the public auction of these lands from acquiring patented title. These acts all refer to the sale of Agricultural lands. The Min- eral lands are located and disposed of under another set of regu- lations, which miners and mining companies alone are interested in, though all are open to the ordinary private citizen. After i860 the policy of giving government aid to Railroads, chiefly those through to the Pacific, in the shape of large grants of public lands, became popular for a time, but is so no longer. The public lands yet unsold amount to 1,814,793,938 acres. PENSION OFFICE.— This important branch of the Depart- ment of the Interior is presided over by the Commissioner of Pensions. Our pension system began with the government and was conducted by the Secretary of War until 1833. Then a Pension Office was created which remained with the War De- partment till the establishment of the Interior Department in 1849. Our government has always been liberal in its payment of pensions to soldiers and their families. Not a year has elapsed since the starting of the government that a good round sum has not been paid in the shape of pensions. The average up to 18 1 5 would be about $100,000 yearly. From that time on till 1865 the average would be fully $2,000,000 annually. Since then the figures have assumed enormous proportions, owing to the fact that the civil war greatly increased the list of pensioners, and the further fact that Congress has exceeded all former liber- ality by dating the payment of pensions back to the time of in- jury or deprivation, instead of beginning it with the date on which the pension is granted. Our pension system does not reach the Civil Service as in England, if we except the retiracy of Judges of the United States Courts, who may, since 1869, retire at seventy with full salary for life, if they have served ten years continuously. The total cost of the system for 1882 was $54,296,280.84. COMMISSIONER'S DUTIES.— He must hear through his examiners, surgeons, etc., all applicants for pensions, grant pen- sion papers to the meritorious, investigate frauds, issue bounty 16 242 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. land-warrants, and do all that this elaborate and expensive system requires of him. In paying pensions he is assisted by Pension Agents, located at offices throughout the country called Pension Agencies. There are now seventeen of these, located at Boston, Chicago, Columbus, Concord, Des Moines, Detroit, Indianapolis, Knox- ville, Louisville, Milwaukee, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, St. Louis, San Francisco, Syracuse, Washington, D. C. The manner of applying for pensions is carefully guarded by formalities, oaths, examinations, etc., as it must necessarily be, owing to the great number of applicants and the inducement to raise fictitious cases. The rate of pension paid is regulated by the character of the disability and the rank of the pensioner. Widows of soldiers killed in service are entitled, and orphans under sixteen. In addition to pension each soldier is entitled to periodical allowance for an artificial limb or eye, if compelled to use such. INDIAN BUREAU.— A Bureau of Indian Affairs was estab- lished as early as 1832, and became connected with the Interior Department in 1849. Its chief officer is a Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The active work of the Bureau is done among the Indians at Agencies, and by Agents, of which there are some seventy, situated so as to accommodate the respective tribes. The government has from time to time made treaties with different tribes, allotted reservations to others, and entered upon a variety of contracts, possible and impossible, according to the whim of the natives, many of which are but little better than agreements to support whole tribes in idleness. The fulfillment of these compacts makes what are called our Indian relations. These it is the business of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to superintend. The fact that such superintendence never served to ameliorate the condition of the Indian gave rise to a Board of Indian Commissioners, composed of intelligent and charitably disposed men, appointed by the President, and who serve with- out pay, whose duty it is to supervise all moneys appropriated for Indians, and inspect food and clothing purchased for their use. RULING NATIONALLY. 243 The necessity for such commission is a confession that the eovernment either had not conducted or could not conduct its Indian affairs properly: both of which were doubtless true, in the absence of a clearly defined Indian policy, which no more exists to-day than when the Cavalier and Puritan landed. PATENT OFFICE. — This interesting office is under the immediate supervision of a Commissioner of Patents. The name of the office suggests its use. The first act relating to patents was that of April 10, 1790. It authorized the grant- ing of patents by the Secretary of State, after consultation with the Secretary of War and Attorney-General, though either could act on his own responsibility. The present office and something like the present system was created by act of March 3, 1849, in connection with the Interior Department. But it was not until the act of July 8, 1870, that the existing system took full shape and vigor. The model-rooms of the Patent Office were begun in 1836. They were greatly enlarged, and quite well filled with models, when the fire of Sept. 24, 1877, destroyed some 87,000 of them, besides other interesting historic relics. They have been again enlarged and are rapidly filling up with evidences of American genius and skill. Patents are granted only after full designs or models have been presented and examined by experts, and something found therein " new and useful, not known or used by others in this country, and not patented or described in print in this or any other country." A patent for an original invention runs for seventeen years. A patent for a design may run from three and a half years to fourteen years. CENSUS OFFICE. — The Secretary of the Interior is charged with the duty of taking each decennial census, through and by means of a Superintendent of Census. The active work of enumeration is done by means of Supervisors of districts, specially appointed. These send out enumerators into all the subdivisions of a district, who gather the facts and figures from the people, and return them in a given time. When they reach the Central Office at Washington they are tabulated and 244 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. printed in the form of Census Reports. The work of census-taking is important, and it is to be regretted that it has never reached, in this country, the perfection it has in some others. This may seem strange in view of the fact that the United States was the first nation to provide in its fundamental law for a periodical count of its people. The first census under the Constitution was taken in 1790. They have been taken every ten years since, and the results duly published. The early censuses con- tained but little more than an enumeration of the people. The omission of statistics and facts relating to the industries of the country caused a general overhauling of the census methods in 1849. By act of March 3 of that year a Census Board was created, composed of the Secretary of State, Postmaster-General and Attorney-General, to prepare a plan for the census of 1850. This resulted in an act of May 23, 1850, creating a Census Office in the Department of the Interior, with a Superintendent, as above noted. Since then the census inquiries have been framed so as to cover not only population, but age, nationality, physical and mental condition, social matters, churches, schools, industrial establishments, farms, products of every kind, and whatever will contribute to knowledge of our wealth, progress and actual status as a people. One hundred inquiries could be addressed to the citizen by the census enumerator, but no more. The three censuses taken under the act of 1850 were great ad- vances on those taken before, and their results form a set of volumes which are indispensable to historians, statisticians and students of social problems. Still the act was defective, and the machinery under it clumsy and uncertain. An attempt was made to remedy it by the census act of 1880. It is not yet time to say whether the attempt has been a success or a failure. It has certainly not resulted in a prompter receipt, tabulation and publication of the returns, though those already perfected show a completeness and utility beyond all others. BUREAU OF EDUCATION.— This Bureau was created by act of March 2, 1867, and attached to the Department of the Interior. Its Chief is a Commissioner of Education. The business of the Bureau is to collect, publish and disseminate RULING NATIONALLY. 245 among the people such information touching schools and school systems as will enable them to keep pace with modern improve- ments in school organization and management, and meet the national desire to overcome illiteracy wherever it exists. The Bureau was a noble conception, and its work bears on vital points, for our Republic is ever confronting the dangers that lurk in illiteracy. RAILROAD ACCOUNTS.— -The Bureau was established in 1878, and connected with the Interior Department. It was made necessary by the new policy of the government extending aid to the Pacific and other railroads. The aid to build these long, through and necessary lines was either by guarantee of their bonds or by gift of public lands. In either event the govern- ment felt that it should exercise a control over the management of such roads to the extent of auditing their accounts and seeing that all acts of Congress in their interest were respected. This is the duty of the Bureau of Railroad Accounts, whose chief is called Auditor. CAPITOL ARCHITECT.— -This officer has control of the Capitol repairs and Capitol grounds. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY.— Under the head of Public Lands we saw they were divided into Agricultural and Mineral Lands. This division requires a knowledge of their geological structure and underground resource. For this purpose the Geological Survey was established in 1879. Its chief is called Director of the Geological Survey. The annual appropriations for carrying on this work of examining and classifying public lands according* to their mineral substances and worth average $100,000. OTHER ADJUNCTS.— The Secretary of the Interior was in 1877 authorized to appoint a Commission of Entomologists to inquire into the visitation of the Rocky Mountain Locusts and devise means for suppressing their annual invasions. He appoints by law a Recorder of Deeds and Register of Wills for the District of Columbia. With his Department is connected the management of the Government Hospital for the Insane. This noble institution, erected at a cost of $500,000, and contain- ing nearly 1,000 inmates, is designed for the care and treatment 246 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. of the insane of the Army and Navy and the indigent insane of the District of Columbia. It was founded in 1855 and stands on a conspicuous bluff south of the Anacostia River, in full view of the Capitol. So also it has the management of the Columbia Institution for the Instruction of the Deaf and Dumb, established in 1857, located at Washington, and designed for the free edu- cation of the deaf and dumb of the District of Columbia, and the paid education of pupils from all the States and Territories. The Freedmen's Hospital and Columbia Hospital for Women are also under the general superintendence of the Interior Department. SECRETARIES OF THE INTERIOR. Name. Appointed. Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio. .Mar. 8, 1849 Alex. H. H. Stuart, Va. . .Sej>t. 12, 1850 Robert McClelland, Mich.. Mar. 7, 1853 Jacob Thompson, Miss Mar. 6, 1857 Caleb P. Smith, Ind Mar. 5, 1861 John P. Usher, Ind Jan. 8, 1863 James Harlan, Iowa May 15, 1865 Name. Appointed. O. H. Browning, 111 July 27, 1866 Jacob D. Cox, Ohio Mar. 5. 1869 Columbus Delano, Ohio.. .Nov. 1, 1870 Zachariah Chandler, Mich. Oct. 19, 1875 Carl Schurz, Mo Mar. 12, 1877 S. J. Kirkwood, Iowa Mar. 5, 1881 Henry M. Teller, Col April 6, 1882 THE POST-OFFICE DEPARTMENT. The government comes down closer to the people through the Post-Office Department than any other. It intimately concerns all of us and exists for our accommodation in the matter of correspondence with friends and business folk at home and abroad. The Constitution, Art. I., Sec. 8, authorizes the estab- lishment of Post-offices and Post-roads. This is not peculiar to our government. All civilized powers assume to do the same thing for their people, and nearly all in the same way, so much so at least that what is known as a Postal Union has become possible, whereby different countries agree to recognize our stamps on letters and engage to carry them through their mails, we doing the same toward their stamps and with their letters. This wonderful triumph of political civilization brings the peo- ple of all countries in the Postal Union as closely together as if they were of one country. The earliest Post-Office System in our country arose under act of Sept. 22, 1789. It was a crude affair, run in connection RULING NATIONALLY. 247 with the Treasury Department, though presided over by an officer called the Postmaster-General, as to-day. There were then 75 post-offices in the country, and the routes extended over 1,875 miles. It cost the country in 1790, $32,140, and the re- ceipts were $37,935. Now there are in round numbers 48,000 post-offices, a routeage of 350,000 miles, an annual revenue of $33,000,000, and an expenditure somewhat in excess of this revenue. Mail facilities are enjoyed by the people in even remote places. It has always been the policy of the government to favor this method of intercommunication not more for purposes of business than to foster exchange of thought and a truly educa- tional spirit. It has never been a part of this policy to make money out of the system. The cost has therefore, as a rule, been in excess of the profit, measured in strict dollars and cents. As the profit approximated the cost, there has been a reduction of rates of postage. Many are yet alive who remember the old letter rate of six cents and over, and very many who remember the five-cent rate. Then came the uniform rate of three cents for every two ounces, and in 1883 the two-cent rate. It is very probable that a one-cent rate will prevail before the end of the century, for the system proves that cheapness of rate is more than met by increased amount of matter mailed, especially in populous communities. A great stride was made in our postal system by act of May 8, 1794. But in 1829 the grand step was taken which made it a separate system. Then the Post-Office Department was de- tached from the Treasury Department, and the Postmaster-Gen- eral made responsible for its management. He became a mem- ber of the Cabinet, and a direct adviser with the President. DUTIES OF POSTMASTER.— The general duties of the Postmaster-General are to conduct the multiform and intricate accounts of the postal service ; originate and distribute books, blanks and forms ; establish and discontinue post-offices ; appoint postmasters ; negotiate postal treaties with foreign countries ; report to Congress annually the condition of his office ; execute all laws relating to the postal service. He has more appoint- ments than any other Department official, and his responsibility 248 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. never ceases till it reaches down into the very bosom of the masses. POST-OFFICES. — The machinery of the Department is largely outside of it, and it works in every city, hamlet and far corner of the land. The postal routes are established by law. They are not always wisely laid down at first, but time and the drift of settlement generally cure all defects. The Department, following the routes, establishes post-offices, appoints postmasters and places the people in contact with the service. All this is fully in the hands of the Department. Postmasters receiving over $1,000 salary must have their nominations confirmed by the Senate, and as a rule they are appointed by the President. All minor appointments are made by the Postmaster-General directly. Postmasters are graded, and paid accordingly. OTHER FEATURES.— The postal system has been very growthy, and prolific of many new features, all tending to make it more convenient and safe. The sending of money in small sums by mail was a constant invitation to robbery and led to many losses. The attempt to secure greater safety by means of a registry of letters did not amount to much. Then the money order feature was introduced, by which money can be sent with entire safety. Sums up to $50 can thus be sent from one Money Order Office, payable at another. There are now 6,500 of these offices, and the amount transmitted through them annually aggregates several millions. They are the poor man's bank, through which he can send drafts to any part of this country and to many foreign countries. The propriety of a postal-sav- ing bank has often been mooted. But we are not yet quite far enough on for such an advantageous feature. The Postal Note feature was authorized in 1883. A deposit of less than $$ at any Money Order Office will entitle one to a note for the amount of his deposit less a fee of five or ten cents, which he can use as money for 90 days, and which will be re- deemed at any Money Order Office on demand. It is a handy note for transmission by letter. The Letter Carrier feature is a modern one. It exists, or may exist, in any city with a population of 20,000, or in which the RULING NATIONALLY. 249 post-office yields $20,000 a year. In such cities carriers gather and deliver the mail matter, to the great convenience of business men. The Railway Service is also a new feature. By law all navi- gable waters of the United States, all canals and railroads, are established postal routes, and the mails were carried thereon in the ordinary pouches, the distribution being made at some central office. The Railway Service introduced on the Rail routes a Postal car or cars, officered by mail agents whose duty it is to collect and distribute all the mail matter on that route. It is a post-office on wheels, and a very complete and popular institution. POSTMASTERS-GENERAL. Name. Appointed. Samuel Osgood, Mass. . . .Sept. 26, 1789 Timothy Pickering, Pa Aug. 12, 1 791 Joseph Habersham, Ga. . .Feb. 25, 1 795 Gideon Granger, Conn.. . .Nov. 28, 1801 Return J. Meigs, Jr., Ohio.Mar. 17, 1814 John McLean, Ohio June 26, 1823 William T. Barry, Ky Mar. 9, 1829 Amos Kendall, Ky May I, John M. Niles, Conn May 25, Francis Granger, N. Y . . . . Mar. 6, Charles A. Wickliffe, Ky. .Sept. 13, 1841 Cave Johnson, Tenn Mar. 6, 1845 Jacob Collamer, Ver Mar. 8, Nathan K. Hall, N. Y.. ..July 23, 1835 1840 [841 849 850 Sam'l D. Hubbard, Conn. .Aug. 31, 1852 Name. Appointed. James Campbell, Penna.. .Mar. 5, 1853 Aaron V. Brown, Tenn.. .Mar. 6, 1857 Joseph Holt, Ky Mar. 14, 1859 Horatio King, Me Feb. 12, 1861 Montgomery Blair, Md Mar. 5, 1861 William Dennison, Ohio. .Sept. 24, 1864 Alex. W. Randall, Wis... July 25, 1866 John A. J. Creswell, Md..Mar. 5, 1869 Marshall Jewell, Conn. . . .Aug. 24, 1874 James N. Tyner, Ind. . . .July 12, 1876 David McK. Key, Tenn. .Mar. 12, 1877 Horace Maynard, Tenn.. .June 2, 1880 Thomas L. James, N. Y. .Mar. 5, 1881 Timothy O. Howe, Wis. .Dec. 20, 188 1 Walter Q. Gresham, Ind. .April 3, 1883 DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE. The presiding officer of this Department is the Attorney-Gen- eral, who is appointed by the President, and is a member of the Cabinet. His salary is $8,000. The act of 1789 authorizing an Attorney-General empowered him to " conduct all suits for the United States in the Supreme Court, give his advice and opinion on questions of law when re- quested by the President or heads of Departments." By act of 1861 he has charge of Attorneys and Marshals in all the Judicial Districts in the United States and Territories. He is not only legal adviser of the President and heads of De- partments, but must examine all titles to lands for public build- 250 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ings, forts, navy yards, etc. ; report to Congress the condition of his office; distribute U. S. statutes to the lower courts; designate the places of confinement for criminals under U. S. laws. He is a useful and invaluable official in the executive branch of the government, and ought to be well informed in both the law and practice of the U. S. Courts. The position is highly honorable and has been held by some of the brightest legal minds of the country. ATTORNEYS-GENERAL. Name. Appointed. Edmund Randolph, Va. . .Sept. 26, 1789 William Bradford, Pa. .. .Jan. 27, 1794 Charles Lee, Va . . Dec. 10, 1 795 Theophilus Parsons, Mass. .Feb. 20, 1801 Levi Lincoln, Mass Mar. 5, 1801 Robert Smith, Md Mar. 3, 1805 John Breckinridge, Ky... .Aug. 7, 1805 Caesar A. Rodney, Pa. . . Jan. 28, 1807 William Pinkney, Md....Dec. II, 1811 Richard Rush, Pa Feb. 10, 1814 William Wirt, Va Nov. 13, 181 7 John M. Berrien, Ga Mar. 9, 1829 Roger B. Taney, Md July 20, 1831 Benj. F. Butler, N. Y... . . Nov. 15, 1833 Felix Grundy, Tenn July 5, 1838 Henry D. Gilpin, Pa Jan. 1 1, 1840 John J. Crittenden, Ky. . ..Mar. 5, 1841 Hugh S. Legare, S. C Sept. 13, 1841 John Nelson, Md July 1, 1S43 John Y. Mason, Va Mar. 6, 1845 Name. Nathan Clifford, Me Isaac Toucey, Conn Reverdy Johnson, Md. . . . Jno. J. Crittenden, Ky Caleb Gushing, Ma^s Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. . . . Edwin M. Stanton, Pa. . . . Edward Bates, Mo T. J. Coffee [ad. in.), Pa.. James Speed, Ky Henry Stanbery, O William M. Evarts, N. Y., E. Rock wood II oar, Mass Amos T. Akerman, Ga. . .. Geo. H. Williams, Oregon Edwards Pierrepont, N. Y Alphonso Taft, Ohio Charles Devens, Mass Wayne McVeagh, Pa Benj. H. Brewster, Pa Appointed. Oct. 17, 1846 June 21, 1848 Mar. 8, 1849 July 22, 1850 Mar. 7, 1853 Mar. 6, 1857 Dec. 20, i860 Mar. 5, 1 86 1 June 22, 1863 Dec. 2, 1864 Jan. 23, 1866 July 15, 1868 Mar. 5, 1869 June 23, 1870 .Dec. 14, 1871 .April 26, 1875 .May 22, 1876 Mar. 12, 1877 Mar. 5, 1881 Dec. 19, 1881 DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. The officer in charge is the Commissioner of Agriculture. The Agricultural Bureau was created in 1862, and only lately erected into a separate Department. Its chief is not a Cabinet officer. The Department is designed to be the centre toward which shall be attracted information respecting agriculture and whence it shall flow to all the people. It is further a Depart- ment of experiments with agricultural products and industries and a source of supply for new and rare seeds and plants. The Commissioner is expected to correspond with scientists in all countries, collect statistics bearing on agricultural subjects, pub- lish such works as will best spread the information he gathers, investigate diseases of domestic animals, inquire into the nature RULING NATIONALLY. 251 and prevention of injury to crops by insects, worms, birds and all enemies of plants and grains. Much is hoped of this youth- ful Department. The propagating garden and museum attached to it are already interesting. JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT. USES OF THE JUDICIARY.— -The third co-ordinate de- partment of the national government is the Judicial Department, or The Judiciary. The existence of such a Department, or branch of the government, with functions independent of and separate from the legislative and executive branches, yet co- ordinate with them, is indispensable to the safety of a free gov- ernment. Wherever there is no judiciary to interpret, pronounce and execute laws, two things must happen. 1st. Either the government will perish through sheer weakness and confusion, or, 2d, the judicial power will be absorbed by the other two branches to the utter extinction of civil and political liberty. Montesquieu has wisely said: "There is no liberty if the judi- ciary be not separated from the legislative ano! executive power." And Judge Story says : " In the national government the judicial power is equally as important as in the States. The want of it was a vital defect in the Confederation. Without it the laws of the. Union would be perpetually in danger of being controverted by the laws of the States. The national government would be reduced to a servile dependence on the latter for the due execu- tion of its powers, and we should have reacted over again the same solemn mockery which began in the neglect and ended in the ruin of the Confederation. Power without adequate means to enforce it is like a body in a suspended state of animation. For all practical purposes it is as if its faculties were extinguished. A single State might under such circumstances, at its mere pleasure, suspend the whole operations of the Union." The two grand uses of the Judiciary are (i) to execute the powers of the government. In this it co-operates directly with the Executive branch, while it acts independently of it. (2) It secures uniform and certain operation of those powers and of the laws made under them. In this it co-operates with the Legis- 252 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. lative branch, helping it here and checking it there, making its edicts certain in results, and assuring the people against the oppression of unconstitutional enactments. SUPREME COURT.— ■" The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and estab- lish. The judges of both the Supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall at stated times receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office." — Art. III., Con. Thus the establishment of a Supreme Court is imperative. The establishment of inferior courts is left to the discretion of Congress. Congress has acted promptly in both instances. Among its first acts was one looking to the formation of the Supreme Court, and subsequent acts passed in obedience to the demands of legal business have contributed to the formation of our present imposing judicial system. The Supreme Court of the United States is the highest tribu- nal, or court of last resort, in the nation. Its decisions settle finally the law of the land. It has both original and appellate jurisdiction. Its original jurisdiction extends to civil causes in which a State is a party, which involve public ministers and matters affecting the marine. Its appellate jurisdiction is general; that is, it must hear all appeals from the Circuit and District Courts. It consists of a Chief Justice and eight Associate Justices. The former receives $10,500, and the latter receive '$ 10,000 a year. They are appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Their appointment is for life or good behavior, though by a recent enactment they may re- tire at seventy years of age and still draw their pay, provided they have held their commissions for ten years.* They are thus removed as far as possible from party influences. The number of Judges of the Supreme Court has not always * Under this act three Justices have already withdrawn, viz., Noah H. Swayne, Ohio; William Strong, Pa.j and Ward Hunt, N. Y., their salary of #10,000 being continued. RULING NATIONALLY. 253 remained the same. At its first session in 1790 it consisted of a Chief Justice and five Associates. The Associates were increased to six in 1807, to eight in 1837, to nine in 1863, In 1865 they were decreased to eight, and in 1867 to seven, but were increased to eight in 1 870. The Supreme Court must hold one regular term a year, com- mencing on the second Monday in October, and such special terms as is necessary. Its regular sessions are always at the Capitol. CHIEF JUSTICES OF UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. Term of service. John Jay, N. Y 1 789-95 John Kutledge, S. C 1795—95 Oliver Ellsworth, Conn 1 796-1 800 John Marshall, Va 1801-35 Term of service. Roger B. Taney, Md 1836-64 Salmon P. Chase, O 1864-73. Morrison R. Waite, O 1873- . . ASSOCIATE JUSTICES OF UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT. Term of service. John Rutledge, S. C 1789-91 William Cashing, Mass 1789-1810 James Wilson, Pa 1789-98 John Blair, Va 1789-96 Robert H. Harrison, Md 1789-90 James Iredeil, N. C 1790-99 Thomas Johnson, Md 1791-93 William Patterson, N. J 1793-1806 Samuel Chase. Md 1796-1811 Bushiod Washington, Va 1 798-1 829 Alfred Moore, N. C 1799-1804 William Johnson, S. C 1804-34 Brockholst Livingston, N. Y. . 1806-23 Thomas Todd . Ky 1 807-26 Joseph Story, Mass 181 1-45 Gabriel Duval, Md 181 1-36 Smith Thompson, N. Y 1823-43 Robert Trimble, Ky 1826-28 John McLean, O 1829-61 Henry Baldwin, Pa 1830-46 James M. Wayne, Ga .'. .1835-67 Philip P. Barbour, Va 1836-41 CIRCUIT COURTS.— An important part of the U. S. Judi- ciary, and second to the Supreme Court, are the Circuit Courts. There are nine of these Courts now, or rather nine Judicial Cir- cuits or Districts,* say one for each Judge of the Supreme Court. * Care must be taken not to confound the Circuit with the District. There are nine Circuit Districts, each composed of a number of miner Districts, no one of which can be smaller than a State. Term John Catron, Tenn John McKinley, Ala Peter V. Daniel, Va Samuel Nelson, N. Y Levi Woodbury* N. H Robert C. Giier, Pa Benjamin R. Curtis, Mass. . . . John A. Campbell, Ala Nathan Clifford, Me Noah H. Swayne, O Samuel F. Miller, Iowa David Davis, 111 Stephen J. Field, Cal William M. Strong, Pa Joseph P. Bradley, N. J Ward Hunt, N. Y John M. Harlan, Ky William B. Woods, Ga Stanley Matthews, O Horace Gray, Mass Samuel Blatchford, N. Y of service. 1837-65 1837-52 1841-60 1845-72 1845-51 1846-69 1851-57 1853-61 1858-81 1 861-81 1 862-. . 1862-77 1 863-. . 1870-80 1870-.. 1872-82 1877-.. 1880-. . 1881-. . 1881-. . 1882-.. 254 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. In order to facilitate the work of the Supreme Court, the entire country is thus divided into these nine Judicial Circuits or Dis- tricts, and a Judge of the Supreme Court is assigned to each District, which he is expected to visit at least once in two years. He is thus said to make his circuit; whence the name, Circuit Court. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court takes his cir- cuit with the rest. The Circuit for the respective Judges is determined by allotment. Though this Supreme Court Judge is really the presiding officer in each Circuit Court, it is easy to see that such Court must be closed a great part of the time if its operation depended on his presence. The Supreme Court judges are busy most of the year with their session at the Cap- ital. Even when on a circuit made up of several States, they must with difficulty hold a court in each State, which they are required to do. There is, therefore, appointed for each of the Circuits a permanent Circuit Judge, who holds the Sessions of the Circuit Courts, and who is visited by the allotted Supreme Court Judge, and assisted by him when he appears. Each of these Circuit Judges receives a salary of $6,000 a year. They are appointed by the President by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate. These Circuit Courts being minor courts are not courts of final resort. They are, however, appellate courts for many pur- poses, appeals being taken to them from the District Courts, as we shall see. They have original jurisdiction of a class of causes denied to the District Courts, but for the most part have con- current jurisdiction with the latter. The Circuits are numbered from one to nine, and are sometimes familiarly spoken of as Justice So-and-So's Circuit, after the name of the Justice allotted to it. The First Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island. The Second Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Ver- mont, Connecticut, and New York. The Third Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. The Fourth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Mary- land, West Virginia, Virginia, North and South Carolina. RULING NATIONALLY. 255 The Fifth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas. The Sixth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Ohio, Michigan, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The Seventh Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin. The Eighth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of Min- nesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, Arkansas, Colorado, and Ne- braska. The Ninth Judicial Circuit embraces the districts of California, Oregon, and Nevada. Appeals from the Circuit Courts are direct to the Supreme Court. An act of March 3, 1875, gave the Circuit Courts con- current jurisdiction with State Courts in a large number of cases arising under the Constitution and treaties of the United States, and likewise concurrent jurisdiction with the District Courts. DISTRICT COURTS.— In order to further facilitate judicial work and give greater convenience to the people, the National Judiciary is again divided into a lower grade of Courts, called District Courts. Perhaps it would be better to say the country is divided into a number of judicial districts, in each of which is a District Court presided over by a District Judge. Twenty-two of the States are each a Judicial District. The others are divided into two and three Judicial Districts, according to population and the amount of business transacted. The salaries of the District Judges range from $5,000 to $3,500. They are a more popular court than the Circuit Court, because closer to the people, and as we have seen, their jurisdiction is nearly the same ; the same, in fact, where there is no Circuit Court ; and indeed, a District Judge, or two of them sitting together, may hold a Circuit Court. There are now fifty-nine Judicial Districts (there must be at least one in each State), and the same number of District Courts and Judges, District Attorneys, District Clerks and Marshals. All of these officers are appointed by the President and Senate, except the clerks, who are chosen by the courts. The District Attorneys prosecute all delinquents for crimes under United States laws, and all civil causes in which the government is con- 256 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. cerned. The U. S. Marshal has a function analogous to that of the County Sheriff. COURT OF CLAIMS.— This Court was created as late as 1855, and given enlarged power and increased force in 1 863. It may be properly classed as a part of the Judicial System of the United States, for appeals are had from it to the Supreme Court, where the amount involved exceeds $3,000. It was created as a relief to both Congress and the Courts, and has jurisdiction of a class of cases founded on laws of Congress, contracts with the United States, or on claims against the government, where the amount rather than the fact is in dispute, and where final relief is to be had through an appropriation by the Congress. It has proved a convenient court, because it works more expeditiously than a Congressional investigation, and lifts a great number of cases above partisan level. It tries cases for and against the United States, and in general all matters referred to it by Con- gress. Its decisions when favorable to the claimant are reported to Congress, and the necessary appropriation follows. Its powers and rules of procedure are now akin to those of other courts, but proceedings therein are begun by petition, as if the applica- tion were made direct to Congress. Its officers are a Chief Justice and four Judges, whose salaries are $4,500 each. SUPREME COURT, D. C— This important court is a nec- essary part of the Judiciary of the United States, the District of Columbia being under a government provided by Congress. It is composed of a Chief Justice and four associates, the former at a salary of $4,500, the latter at $4,000 each. It possesses the same jurisdiction as a Circuit Court. Any one of its Justices may hold a special term, and when doing so his court ranks as a District Court of the United States. It is also a Criminal Court for the trial of offences in the District. DISTRICT ATTORNEYS— -The Attorney-General of the United States, appointed by the President, and ranking as a Member of the Cabinet, is, in common speech, the District At- torney for the Supreme Court. He is the prosecuting officer of that court. So the District Attorneys, appointed in the same way as the Attorney-General, but in and for their respective dis- RULING NATIONALLY. 257 tricts, are the prosecuting attorneys of the District Courts. As a general thing there is a District Attorney for each District Court, though in one or two States which contain two or more Districts there is only one District Attorney. He is the attorney for the United States, just as the District Attorney in any county of a State is the attorney for the Commonwealth. His duty is to prosecute in his District all crimes cognizable under the laws of the United States, and all civil actions in which the govern- ment is concerned. U. S. MARSHALS. — As already indicated these officers are attached to every District Court, and their function is similar to an ordinary County Sheriff. They serve the processes of the court, and execute its judgments and decrees. They are equally the officers of the Circuit Courts. JURIES. — The machinery of the Judiciary would be very imperfect without mention of the two kinds of juries in use. They are required by the Constitution, see Art. V. of the amendments. The Grand Jury is organized, like that in the judicial districts of the States, and has the same powers and duties. It is that part of the judicial system which first inquires into a charge of crime brought against a citizen, and no indictment for such crime can be presented to the court unless a majority of said jury certify that there are good reasons for be- lieving that the charge is well founded. It is the body o{ citizens which stands between a criminal and all petty, spiteful and illy- founded charges, and protects him from the annoyance and ex- pense of trials without probable cause. When the Grand Jury is called by a Circuit Court it must inquire into all the crimes against the laws of the United States in that Circuit ; when called by a District Court, its inquiries extend only to the District. The Petit (small) jury has the same uses and powers as in the County Courts. It is called by a Judge of the District or Circuit Court, on subpoena, is composed of a panel of forty-eight men, from which the usual twelve are selected for the trial of a cause. A Grand Jury acts only in criminal cases ; both civil and criminal cases are tried before a Petit Jury. The finding of a Grand Jury is called a presentment or indictment — a presentment when it 17 258 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. acts from knowledge within itself, an indictment when it acts on knowledge derived from the District Attorney, or other person. The finding of a Petit Jury is called a verdict. The Grand Jury deliberates alone, the Petit Jury hears the evidence as presented in court, the pleas of the attorneys and the charge of the judges before it retires to deliberate. These remarks apply to Grand and Petit Juries in United States as well as State Courts. ADMIRALTY COURTS— In remote times, when judicial systems were narrow, there arose a set of courts separate from those of common law, called Admiralty and Maritime Courts. They have separate existence yet in many countries, but here Admiralty and Maritime causes are heard in the District Courts of the United States, which are thus said to have Admiralty and Maritime jurisdiction. There would be little use in keeping up this distinction but for the fact that the laws of Admiralty, which are laws respecting ships of war and warlike operations at sea, and Maritime laws, which are those respecting vessels engaged in commerce, are different from those relating to land affairs, and are a code in themselves, thus requiring, if not a separate set of courts and judges, at least a class of attorneys specially learned in Admiralty and Maritime matters. Cases within Admiralty and Maritime jurisdiction are not necessarily limited to those arising on the sea, but embrace those arising on the lakes and navigable rivers of the country. GOVERNMENT OF THE TERRITORIES. Congress provides a government for the Territories. Its form has become stereotyped, and it is in general a miniature of that enjoyed by the States. It recognizes the usual division of power into three branches, Executive, Legislative and Judicial. The Executive power is in a Governor, appointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for four years. His powers are akin to those of the State Govern- ors. He must reside in his Territory, is commander of the militia, may grant pardons and reprieves, commission officers, and in general must execute the laws. He has a Secretary, appointed for four years, who may act as Governor in case of a RULING NATIONALLY-. 259 vacancy. The salary of a Governor is $2,600 and of a Secretary $ 1 ,800. The Legislative power is vested in a Legislative Assembly, composed of a Council and House of Representatives. The former is limited to twelve members and the latter to twenty-four. They are elected by the qualified voters of the Territory for two years. Sessions of the Assemblies are biennial, and limited to sixty days. Laws passed by both Houses and signed by the Governor are sent to Congress and if approved are operative, if not, null and void.* The Legislative power of a Territory is necessarily limited to subjects permitted by Congress. Every Territory has the right to send a Delegate to the House of Rep- resentatives of the United States, with power to speak but not to vote. The Judicial power of a Territory is in a Supreme Court, District Courts, Probate Courts and Justices of the Peace. Pro- bates and Justices of the Peace are provided for by the Territory itself. The Supreme Court is composed of three judges (Dakota has four) appointed by the President and Senate. They hold one term annually. Then each Territory is divided into three Judicial districts, one for each Judge of the Supreme Court. The judge assigned to a district must hold court therein as often as the laws prescribe, and he must reside in his district after assignment. There is a United States Marshal and a District Attorney in each Territory, and each court is entitled to a clerk and minor officers. The salary of Territorial judges is $3,000. All of the above is true of the Territories proper, but not of the Indian Country nor the District of Columbia. The government of the Indian Country is hardly describable. It is of course a dependency of the United States, but the design is that it shall be as independent as possible. The tribes have been assigned land, and left to regulate their internal affairs according to their own laws and customs, of course with the hope that as they grow civilized they will become full-fledged * Dakota, Idaho, Montana and Wyoming need not send their laws to Congress for approval. 260 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. citizens, with institutions which will readily take the laws and customs of the nation. Crimes against the Indians by whites, and against whites by the Indians of this Territory, are taken cognizance of by the United States Courts in some of the adjoining districts. The government would protect the Indian Country against invasion, and the inhabitants thereof against such tumult as they could not control, but the theory connected with this magnificent reservation is that the inhabitants shall be let alone to work out their social, political, industrial and moral problems in their own way, or with such help as they choose to invite. The District of Columbia is governed by a Commission of three persons appointed by the President and Senate, one of whom must be an officer of the Engineer Corps, above the rank of Captain. He receives no additional pay. The other two, appointed for three years, from civil life, receive each $5,000 a year. They have no powers except those conferred by Congress, and they are simply the Agents of Congress to suggest laws and execute those which are enacted. They control streets, bridges, aqueducts, sewers, appoint the trustees of public schools, regulate the maintenance of prisons, hospitals and re- formatory institutions, and do all that usually belongs to a corps of municipal regulators. They estimate for all municipal ex- penditures, and if their estimates are approved by the Secretary of the Treasury and by Congress, the Congress appropriates one- half of the amount and leaves the Commissioners to provide the balance by taxation of the property in the district. As we have passed along in our history of government machinery we have struck other offices connected with the District of Columbia, appointed by the President, giving to it a diversified but very complete government. RULING BY STATES; OR, THEIR GOVERNMENTS AND RESOURCES. ALABAMA. NAME. — From one of the Indian tribes of the southern Mississippi valley, " The Alabamas," meaning, " Here we rest." ADMISSIO N— Organized as a Territory, March 3, 1817; act of admission, Dec. 14, 1819; admitted, Dec. 14, 1819. AREA* — Square miles, 51,540; acres, 32,985,600; pop. to square mile, 24.5. POPULATION and rate of increase: Per cent, of Census, Pop. increase. 1820 127,901 1830 3°9>5 2 7 142.01 1840 590,756 90.86 1850 771,623 30.62 Census. Pop. i860 964,201 1870 996,992 1880 1,262,505 Per, cent, of increase. 24.96 3-40 26.6 1880 by Classes. Males. . . .622,629 Native. . . . 1,252,771 Females. .639,876 Foreign... 9,734 Dwellings 240,227 Families 248,961 Voters — Males over 21 259,884 White 662,185 Chinese 4 Black. .. .600,103 Indians, 213 Persons to a dwelling 5.26 " " family 5.07 Natural militia, 18-44 213,192 * These State areas are those found in the tenth (1880) census, as corrected for the same. All figures are from the last census, except those otherwise indicated. (261$ 262 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Autauga 13.108 Baldwin 8,603 Harbour 33.979 Bibb 9,487 Blount 15,369 Bullock 29,066 Butler 19,649 Calhoun 19, 591 Chambers 23,440 Cherokee 19,108 Chilton io,793 Choctaw I5.73 1 Clarke 17,806 Clay 12,938 Cleburne 10,976 Coffee 8,119 Colbert 16,153 Conecuh 12,605 Coosa 15, 113 Covington 5,639 Crenshaw 11,726 Cullman 6,355 Dale 12,677 Dallas 4 8 ,433 De Kalb 12,675 Elmore 17,502 Escambia S'7 1 ? Etowah 15,398 Fayette 10,135 Franklin 9,1 55 Geneva 4,342 (Jreene 2I -93 I Hale ,6,553 1870. 11,623 6,004 29,309 7,469 9.945 24,474 14,981 i3,9 8 ° 17,562 11,132 6,194 12,676 14,663 9,56o 8,017 6. 1 71 12,537 9,574 ".945 4,c68 11,156 i860. 16.739 7,53o 30,812 11,894 10,865 18,122 21,539 23,214 18,360 : 3,877 1 5.o49 9,623 «,3« I9. 2 73 6.469 ",325 40,705 7,126 M.477 4,041 10,109 7,136 8,006 2,959 '8,399 21,792 12.197 33.625 10,705 12,850 18,627 3o,859 Counties. Henry Jackson 25, Jefferson 23, Lamar 12, Lauderdale 21, Lawrence 21, Lee 27 Limestone 21 Lowndes 31, Macon 17 Madison.r. 37 Marengo 30 Marion 9 Marshall 14 Mobile 48 Monroe 17 Montgomery... 52 Morgan 16 Perry 30 Pickens 21 Pike 20 Randolph 16 Russell 24 Saint Clair 14 Shelby 17 Sumter 28 Talladega 23 Tallapoosa 23 Tuscaloosa 24 Walker 9 Washington 4 Wilcox 31 Winston 4 761 114 272 ,142 .035 ■39 2 ,262 ,600 ,176 .371 ,625 ,890 ,364 .585 ,653 ,091 ,356 ,428 ,74i ,479 ,640 ,575 ,837 ,462 ,236 ,728 360 401 957 4 79 538 828 253 1870. 14,191 19,410 12,345 8,893 15,091 16,658 21,750 15,017 25,719 17,727 31,267 26,151 6,059 9,871 49.3^1 14.214 43.704 12,187 24.975 17,690 17.423 12,006 21,636 9,36o 12,218 24,109 18,064 16,963 20,081 6,543 3,912 28,377 4.155 i860. 14,918 18,283 11,746 17,420 13,975 15,3-6 27,716 26,8-2 26,451 31,171 11,182 11,472 41,131 15,667 35,9°4 11,335 27,724 22,316 24,435 20,059 26,592 11,013 12,618 24,035 23,520 23,827 23,200 7,980 4,669 24,618 3.576 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 4; instructors, 47 ; students, 485. Public schools, 4,629 ; value of school property, $299,599 ; teachers, 4,637; teachers' salaries, $388,128; receipts for school purposes, $505,201 ; expended for same, $430,131 ; school age, 7 to 21 years; school population (1882), 401,002; pupils en- rolled (1882), 177,428; average attendance (1882), 1 14.577 5 average length of school session in 1882, 79 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 370,279, or 43.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 1 1 1,040 ; foreign white, 727 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 321,680; total, 433447* or 5°-9 P er cent - of all persons over ten years. Daily papers, 7; others, 122; total, 129. Circulation, 86,813. CCUPA TIONS.— Persons engaged in agriculture, 380,630; in professional and personal service, 72,211 ; in trade and trans- portation, 16,953 ; in manufactures, mechanics and mining, 29,996. A GRICULTURE— Number of farms, 135,864; total acres in farms, 18,855,334; improved acres, 6,375,706; average size of farms, 139 acres; -value of farms and buildings, $78,954,648; RULING BY STATES. 263 value of farm implements, $3,788,978 ; total value of farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $56,872,994. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 5,281 bush. Buckwheat 363 " Butter 7.997,7 19 lbs. Cheese 14,091 " Cotton 699,654 bales. Hay 10,363 tons. Indian Corn 25,451,278 bush. Milk 267,387 gal. Oats 3»039»639 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $362,263 Potatoes, Irish 334,925 bush. " sweet 3,448,819 " Rice 810,889 lbs. Rye 28,402 bush. Sugar & Mol., 94 hhds. 795,199 gal. Tobacco 452,426 lbs. Wheat 1,529,657 bush. Wool 762,207 lbs. Number- Other cattle 404,213 Sheep 347,538 Swine 1,252,462 Live- Stock. Number. Horses 1 13,950 Mules and asses 121,081 Working oxen 75,534 Milch cows 271,443 Total value of live-stock on farms June I, 1880 $23,787,681 MANUFACTURES. — Number of establishments, 2,070; capi- tal invested, $9,668,008; hands employed, 10,019; wages paid, $2,500,504; value of materials, $8,545,520; value of products, $13,565,504. The principal manufactures are : Cotton goods $1,352,000 I Iron and steel $1,452,856 Hour and mill products 4,315,174 ' Lumber sawed 2,649,634 Total steam and water power in use, 27,576 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value, Gold $1 ,301 Coal, bituminous 322,934 tons 475,559 Iron ore 184,110 " 189,108 Value of all mining products $665,968 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,809 miles of line; miles operated, 1,519; cost, $61,612,917 ; total rail- road investment, $68,903,393. Steam craft, 43 ; tonnage, 7,168 ; value, $257,600. Sail craft, 73 ; tonnage, 7,937 ; value, $198,400. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $91,740,536; of personal property, $64,285,883; State taxation (1883), $906,807, rate 65 cents on $100; county taxa- tion, $682,851 ; city and town, $388,781 ; State debt (1883) #12,- 164,023 ; county and city debts, $5,656,780. 264 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. GO VERNMENT. — Capital, Montgomery. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $3,000. The other State officers — term of each two years — are, Secretary of State, salary, $1,800; Treasurer, $2,100; Auditor, $1,800; Attorney-General, $1,500; Adjutant-General, $1,500; Superintendent Public Instruction, $2,250; Librarian, $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 33 Senators and 100 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Legislature meets biennially on Tuesday after second Monday in November. Sessions limited to 50 days. Salary of a Legislator, $4 per day and 10 cents mileage. State elections held every two years on first Monday in Au- gust. Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tuesday after first Monday in November.* The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two As- sociate Justices, elected by the people for six years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representatives in Congress, 8 ; Presidential electors, 10. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. or opp. Maj. 1872 President 79,444 90,272 10,828 R. 1874 Governor 107,118 93,928 13,1900. 1876 Governor 100,837 56,091 44,746 D. 1876 President 102,989 68,708 34,281 D. 1878 Governor 89,571 89.571 D. 1880 Governor 134,213 42,458 91,7550. 1880 President 89,928 56,126 33,802 D. 1882 Governor 101,841 46,839 55,002 D. ALASKA TERRITORY. For statistical and other purposes the Census Bureau divides Alaska into the following sections : Sq. miles. White pop. Creole. Native. Total. Arct ; c 125,245 ... ... 3,094 3,094 Yukon 176,715 18 19 6,833 6,870 Kuskokvim 114,975 3 III 8,797 8,911 Aleutian 14,610 82 479 1,890 2,451 Kadiak 70,884 34 917 3,401 4»35 2 Southeastern 28,980 293 230 7,225 7,748 Totals 53*>4°9 43° !>756 31,240 33,426 * As to Congressional and Presidential elections see Ruling Nationally, page 197. RULING BY STATES. 265 The ascertained products in 1880 were, gold $5,951, and silver $51, besides fur skins of unknown value. The government, as we have seen, is military or naval ; that is the public peace and interests are in the keeping of an officer stationed at the principal port or coast town. See Alaska, pages 96 and 127. ARIZONA TERRITORY. NAME. — From the Arizona Indians ; Arizona meaning "sand hills." ORGANIZATION.— Act of Feb. 24, 1863. AREA. — Square miles, 112,920; acres, 72,268,800; popula- tion to square mile, 0.36. POPULATION and rate of increase: 1870. 9,658 Per cent, of increase. 1880 40,440 318.7. 1880 by Classes. Male. .. .28,202 Native. .. .24,391 White. .. .35,160 Chinese. ... 1,632 Female. . 12,238 Foreign . ..16,049 Black.... 155 Indians. .. .3,493 Dwellings 9>°33 Persdns to a dwelling 4.48 Families 9»536 " " family 4-24 Voters — Males over 21 20,398 Natural militia, 18-44. 18,144 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880 1870 i860 Apache 5,283 Maricopa 5,689 Mohave 1,190 179 Pima 17,006 5,716 Counties. 1880 1870 Pinal 3j°44 Yavr.pai 5,013 2,142 Yuma 3,215 1,621 EDUCATION. — Public schools, 101 ; value of school prop- erty, $1 13,599; teachers, 101 ; teachers' salaries, $56,744; receipts for school purposes, $103,028 ; expended for same (1882), $98,- 268; school age, 6-21 years; school population, 10,283; pupils enrolled, 3,844; average attendance, 2,847; average length of school session, 109 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 5,496, or 16.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 1,225; foreign white, 3,599; colored, Chinese and Indians, 1,018; total, 5,842, or 17.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years. 266 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Daily papers, 6; others, u ; total, 17. Circulation, 14,350. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 3,435 ; in professional and personal service, 8,210 ; in trade and transporta- tion, 3,252; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 7,374. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 767 ; total acres in farms, 135,573; improved acres, 56,071; average size of farms, 177 acres ; value of farms and buildings, $1,127,946; value of imple- ments, $88,811 ; total value of all farm products sold, consumed or on hand, $614,327. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 239,051 bush. Butter 61,817 lbs. Cheese 18,360 Quantity. Orchard products #5,53° Potatoes, Irish 26,249 bush. sweet 5,3°3 Hay 5,6o6 tons, i Tobacco 600 lbs. Indian Corn 34,746 bush. ! Wheat 136,427 bush. Milk 42,618 gal. J Wool 313,698 lbs. Oats 564 bush. I Live- Stock. Number. Other cattle 34,843 Sheep 7 6 >5 2 4 Swine 3,819 Number. Horses 6,798 Mules and asses 891 Working oxen 984 Miich cows 9^56 I Total value of all live-stock on farms June I, 1880 $1,167,980 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 66; capital invested, $272,600; hands employed, 220; wages paid, $m,- 180; value of materials, $380,023 ; value of products, $618,365. Total steam and water power in use, 530 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $211,965 Silver 2,325,825 Copper ingots 3,183,750 lbs. COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— There were 412 miles of railroad projected or built in 1882, but none operated from within. The cost of building and equipment was $29,537,212, and total investment, $30,1 19,000. The water craft numbered 4 barges, of a tonnage of 554 tons; value $1,600. FINANCIAL * CONDITION— Assessed valuation of real estate, $3,922,961 ; of personal property, $5,347,253; territorial taxation, $56,620; county, $220,471; city and local, $16,945; territorial debt, none; county and local indebtedness, $377,501. RULING BY STATES. 267 GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Prescott. Governor appointed by the President for four years. Salary, $2,600. Legislature composed of 12 Senators and 24 Representatives, all elected for two years. Salary of Legislators $4 per day and 20 cents mile- age. Sessions held biennially on first Monday in January and limited to 60 days. Territorial elections held every two years and, with presidential election, on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two associates, appointed by the President for four years. Salary of judges, $3,000. POLITICS.— Vote for Delegate : Dem. Rep. Maj. 1880 4,095 3,606 489 D. 1882 6,121 5,14* 980 D. ARKANSAS. NAME. — From the word Kansas, with the prefix of arc, a bow. The story runs that the name Arkansas was applied to a portion of the Kansas tribe of Indians who separated from the main stem, and were noted for the superiority of their bows. The word was spelled Arkansaw, in the act creating it a Terri- tory, and the Legislature recently affirmed that as the pronuncia- tion. Popular name, " The Bear State." ADMISSION— Organized as a Territory March 2, 1 8 19. Act of admission, and actual admission, June 15, 1836. AREA. — Square miles, 53,045 ; acres, 33,948,800; population to the square mile, 15.13. 268 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. POPULATION and rate of increase Census. Pop. 1820 14.255 1830 3°,3«8 1840 97,574 1850 209,897 Per cent of increase. II3.I 221.0 II5** 1880 by Male 416,279 Native 792,175 Female. ..386,246 Foreign.... 10,350 Dwellings 149,377 Families 154,272 Voters — Males over 21 182,977 Census. Pop. i860 435.450 1870 484,471 1880 802,525 Per cent of increase. 107.4 II. 2 65.6 Classes. White 591,531 Chinese 133 Black 210,666 Indian 195 Persons to a dwelling 5.37 " " family 5.20 Natural militia, 18-44. • 159,606 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Arkansas 8,038 Ashley 10,156 Baxter 6,004 Benton 20,328 Boone 12,146 Bradley 6,285 Calhoun 5,671 Carroll 13,337 Chicot 10,117 Clark 15,771 Clay 7,213 Columbia 14.090 Conway 12,755 Craighead 7»°37 Crawford 14,740 Crittenden 9.415 Cross 5,050 Dailas 6,505 Desha 8,973 Dorsey 8,370 Drew 12,231 Faulkner 12,786 Franklin 14,951 Fulton 6,720 Garland 9,023 Grant "6,185 Greene 7.480 Hempstead 19,015 Hot Spring 7,775 Howard 9,9*7 Independence 18,086 Izard 10,857 i Jackson 10,877 Jefferson 22,386 ohnson ",565 .a Fayette 5,73° Lawrence 8,782 1870. 8,268 8,042 13,831 7,032 8,646 3,853 5,78o 7,214 ",953 ",397 8,112 4,577 8,957 3,831 i860. 8,844 8,590 9,3o6 4,103 9.383 9, 2 34 9.735 i2,4-i9 6,697 3 ,c66 7.850 4,920 3,9*5 5,707 6,125 8,283 6.459 9.960 9,o78 9,627 4.843 7,298 4,024 3,943 7.573 13,768 5,877 5,843 13.989 5.635 14,566 6,806 7,268 15,733 9.»52 9>*39 5,98i M,307 7,2*5 10,493 i4,97i 7,612 8,464 9.37 2 Counties. i\ Lee 13 Lincoln 9 Little River 6 Logan 14 Lonoke 12 Madison 11 Marion 7 M Mississippi 7, Monroe 9 Montgomery 5 Nevada 12 Newton 6 Ouachita n Perry 3 Phillips 21 Pike 6 Poinsett 2 Polk 5 Pope 14 Prairie 8, Pulaski 32 Randolph 11 Saint Francis 8 Saline 8 Scott 9 Searcy 7 Sebastian 19 Sevier 6 Sharp 9 Stone 5 Union 13 Van Buren 9 Washington 23 White 17 Woodruff. 8 Yell 13 ,255 ,404 ,885 ,146 ,455 .907 ■9*9 .332 ,574 ■7 2 9 ,959 ,120 ,758 ,872 ,262 ,345 , T 9 2 ,857 ,3 22 ,435 ,616 ,724 ,389 ,953 ,174 ,278 ,560 ,192 ,047 ,089 ,419 ,565 ,844 .794 ,646 ,852 1870. 8,231 3,9?9 3. 6 33 8,336 2,984 i860. 3,236 7,74o 6,192 3.895 5-657 3,633 4,374 3,393 12.975 12,936 2,685 2,465 15.372 M,877 3.7^8 4,025 1,720 3,621 3,376 4,262 8,386 7,883 5,604 8,854 32,066 ",699 7,466 6,261 6,714 8,672 3,9" 6,640 7,483 5,145 5,614 5,271 12,940 9,238 4,49 a 10,516 5,4oo 10,571 12,288 5,107 5,357 17,266 14,673 8,316 io,347 6,891 8,048 6,333 EDUCATION.^CoWzges, 5 ; Instructors, 35 ; Students, 709. Public schools, 2,768 5 value of school property, $273,302 ; teachers, 2,823; teachers' salaries (1882), $388,616; receipts for school purposes, $500,978; expended for same (1882), $503,857; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 289,617; pupils enrolled (1882), 117,696; average attendance (1882), 56,291 ; average length of school session in 1880, 91 days. RULING BY STATES. 269 Persons over ten years who cannot read, 153,229, or 28.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 97,- 990; foreign white, 552; colored, Chinese and Indians, 103,473; 202,015, or 38 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers ; 6; others, 114; total, 120; circulation, 92,621. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 216,655 ; in professional and personal services, 23,466; in trade and trans- portation, 9,233; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, II,- 338. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 94,433 ; total acres, 12,061,547; improved acres, 3,595,603; average size of farms, 128 acres; value of farms and buildings, $74,249,655 ; value of implements, $4,637,497 ; total value of all farm products sold, consumed or on hand, $43,796,261. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 1 ,952 bush. Buckwheat. 548 " Butter 7,790,013 lbs. Cheese 26,301 " Cotton 608,256 bales. Hay 2 3> 2 95 tons. Indian Corn 24,156,417 bush. Milk 316,858 galls. Quantity. Oats 2,219,822 bush. Orchard products $867,426 Potatoes, Irish 402,027 bush. " sweet 881,260 " Rye '. .. 22,387 " Tobacco 970,220 lbs. Wheat 1,269,715 bush. Wool. 557,368 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 146,333 Mules and asses 87,082 Working oxen 25,444 Milch cows 249,407 Total value of all live-stock on farms June I, 1880 $20,472,425 Number. Other cattle 433,392 Sheep 246,757 Swine 1,565,098 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 1,202 ; capi- tal invested, $2,953,130; hands employed, 4,557; wages paid, $925,358; value of material, $4,392,080; value of products, $6,756,159. The principal manufactures are : Flour and grist-mill products..$2,249,289 I Oil and cotton-seed cake 590,000 Lumber sawed 1 ,793,848 Total steam and water-power in use, 15,733 horse-power. 270 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Coal, bituminous 14,778 tons $33,535 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,020 miles of line; miles operated, 558; cost, $40,307,404; total in- vestment, $40,046,318. Steam craft, 37 ; tonnage, 5,047; value, $227,400; barges and flats, 78; value, $6,600. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate, Oct. 1, 1883, $75,000,000; personal property, $48,000,000; State taxation (1883), 70 cents on $100, $750,000; county taxation (1880), $734,974; township and municipal taxation, $388,878; State debt (1883), bonded, $2,454,000 ; floating, $2,689,000; total, $5,143,000; amount in sinking fund, $1,006,668; local and county indebtedness, $3,899,047. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Little Rock. Governor elected every two years. Salary, $3,500. The other officers, all elected for two years, are the Secretary of State, salary, $1,800; At- torney-General, $1,500; Treasurer, $2,250; Superintendent Public Instruction, $1,600; Auditor, $2,250; Land Commis- sioner, $1,800. Legislature composed of 31 Senators and 94 Representatives. Senators elected for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary $6 a day. Legislature meets biennially on second Mon- day in January. Sessions limited to 60 days. State election held every two years on first Monday in September. Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two Associate Justices, elected for eight years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representatives in Congress, 5 ; Presidential electors, 7. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Greenback. Maj. 1872 President 37.927 41,073 3.146 R. 1874 Governor 76,87 1 76,87 1 D. 1876 Governor 71,298 37,306 33,992 D. 1876 President 58,083 38,699 19,414 D. 1878 Governor 88,792 ...... 88,7920. 1880 President 60,489 41,661 18,828 D. 1880 Governor 84,185 31,424 52,761 D. 1882 Governor 87,675 49,352 10,142 28,181 D. RULING BY STATES. 271 CALIFORNIA. NAME. — The name California originated in the imagination of one Garcia Ordonez de Montalvo, a Spaniard, and author of the romance called " Esplandian," published about 15 10. In this work " California" is the name of an imaginary island " on the right hand of the Indies, very near to the Terrestrial Para- dise, abounding in great treasures of gold." Cortes applied the word to the peninsula of Lower California in 1535. The ro- mancer evidently conjured up the word from the Arabic Khalafa, our word caliph, successor. Popular name, " The Golden State." ADMISSION, — Act of admission and actual admission, September 9, 1850. AREA. — Square miles, 155,980; acres, 99,827,200; persons to a square mile, 5.54. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. »350 92,597 1860 379,994 Per cent, of increase. 3*0-3 Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1870 560,247 47.4 1880 864,694 54.3 1880 by Classes. Males 518,176 Native 571,820 White 767,181 Chinese 75,218 Females. .346,518 Foreign. . .292,874 Black .... 6,018 Indians .... 16,277 Dwellings 161,037 Persons to a dwelling 5.37 Families 177,508 " " family 4.87 Voters — Males over 21 329,392 Natural militia, 18-44 257,229 By Counties for three Censuses. 1870. i860. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. 24,237 8,927 Del Norte 2,584 2,022 *,993 685 El Dorado 10,683 10,309 20,562 9,582 10,930 Fresno 9.478 6,336 4,605 11,403 12,106 Humboldt 15.512 6,140 2,694 8,895 16,299 I n yo 2,928 1,956 6,165 2,274 Kern 5,6oi 2,925 8,461 5,328 I Klamath 1.686 1,803 Counties. Alameda Alpine Amador Butte .... 62,976 539 .... 11,384 .... 18,721 Calaveras 9,°94 Colusa 13,118 Contra Costa 12,525 272 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Counties. 1880. 1870. Lake 6,596 2,969 Lassen 3,34° 1,327 Los Angeles 33>3 Sl 15,309 Marin ",324 6,903 Mariposa 4,339 4,572 Mendocino 12,800 7,54" M.rced 5,656 2,807 Modoc 4,399 Mono 7,499 43° Monterey 11,302 9,876 Napa 13,235 7, l6 3 Nevada 20,823 19,134 Placer 14,232 n,357 Plumas 6,180 4,489 Sacramento 34.39° 26,830 San Benito 5,584 San Bernardino 7,786 3,988 San Diego 8,618 4,95* San Francisco 234.959 149,473 San Joaquin 24,349 21,050 By Counties for three Censuses — Continued i860 ".333 3,334 6,243 3,967 1,141 Counties. 1880. San Luis Obispo 9,142 San Mateo 8,669 Santa Barb; ra 9,513 Fanta Clara 35,°39 Santa Cruz 12,802 Sbasta 9,492 Sierra 0,623 Siskiyou 8,610 Solano 18,475 4,739 Sonoma 25,926 5,521 Stanislaus 8,751 16,446 Sutter 5,159 I 3> 2 7 ' Tehama 9>3 ox 4,363 I Trinity 4,999 24,142 l Tulare 11,281 i Tuolumne 7,848 5,55i j Ventura 5,073 4,324 J Yolo 11,772 56,802 Yuba ",284 9.435 I 1870. 4,772 6,635 7,784 26,246 8,743 4,i73 5,619 6,848 16.871 19,819 6,499 5,030 3,587 3,2i3 4,533 8,150 9,899 10,851 i860. 1,782 3,214 3,543 11,912 4,944 4,36o ",387 7,629 7,169 11,867 2.245 3,390 4,o44 5,125 4,638 16,229 4.7 l6 13,668 EDUCATION. — Colleges, u; instructors, 180; students, 2,193- Public schools, 3,446 ; value of school property, $6,949,983 ; teachers, 3,556; teachers' salaries (1882), $2,406,781; receipts for school purposes, $3,525,527; expended for same (1882), $3,122,666; school age, 5 to 17 years; school population (1882), 216,380; pupils enrolled (1882), 168,024; average attendance (1882), 107,177; average length of school session in 1882, 155.4 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 48,583, being 7.1 per cent, of all persons over ten years. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 7,660; foreign white, 18,430; col- ored, Chinese and Indians, 27,340; total, 53,430, being y.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years. Daily papers, 59; others, 305; total, 364. Circulation, 671,- 811. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 79,396; in professional and personal services, 121,435; in trade and transportation, 57,392 ; in mining, mechanics and manufacturing, 118,282. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 35,934; total acres in farms, 16,593,742; improved acres, 10,669,698; average size of farms, 462 acres; value of farms and buildings, $262,051,282; value of implements, $8,447,744 ; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $59,721,425. RULING BY STATES. 273 Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 12,463,561 bush. Buckwheat 22,307 " Butter 14,084,405 lbs. Cheese 2,566,618 " Hay 1,135,180 tons. Hops 1 ,444,077 lbs. Indian Corn *,993>3 2 5 bush. Milk 12,353,178 galls. Quantity. Oats 1,341,271 bush. Orchard products $2,017,314 Potatoes, Irish 4,550,565 bush. " sweet 86,284 " Rye 181,681 " Tobacco . . 73,317 lbs. Wheat 29,017,707 bush. Wool 16,798,036 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Horses 237,710 Mules and asses 28,343 Working oxen 2,288 Milch cows 210,078 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June Number. Other cattle 451,941 Sheep 4,152,349 Swine 603,550 1880 #35>5°°>4i7 MANUFACTURES.— -Number of establishments, 5,885 ; cap- ital invested, $61,243,784; hands employed, 43,693; wages paid, $21,065,905; value of material, $72,607,709; value of products, $116,218,973. The principal manufactures are : Lumber, sawed $4,428,950 Printing and publishing 3,148,978 Slaughtering and packing.... 7,953,914 Tobacco and Cigars 3,947,353 Sugar-refining 5,932,000 Boots and shots #3,649,551 Clothing (men's) 3,992,209 Flour and mill products 12,701,477 Machinery 4,797,232 Leather, tanned and curried. . 5,740,573 Malt liquors 3,862.431 Total steam and water power in use, 32,921 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $17,150,941 Silver 1,150,887 Coal, bituminous 236,950 tons. 663,013 Copper, ingots 720,000 lbs. Minor minerals 2,597 tons. 19,948 Total precious $18,301,828 Total non-precious $682,961 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Rail roads in 1883, 3,187 miles of line; miles operated, 3,745; cost, $268,485,344; total investment, $289,618,204. Total number of steam craft, 187 ; ton- nage* 59>°3° i value, $3,792,800. Number of sail craft, 652; tonnage, 117,970; value, $2,949,250. Barges and flats, 88; value, $110,800. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1882), $446,219,940; personal property, $161,152,822. State 18 274 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. taxation (1882), 59.6 cents on $100, $3,934,184; county taxa- tion, $4,059,471 ; township and municipal taxation, $5,353,357; State debt (1882), all funded, $606,500; local and county indebt- edness, $13,449,074. GOVERNMENT.— -Capital, Sacramento. Governor elected every four years. Salary, $6,000. The other State officers, all elected for four years, are : Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $12 per day; Secretary of State, $3,000; Treasurer, $3,000; Comptroller, $3,000; Superintendent Public Instruction, $3,000; Attorney- General, $3,000; Surveyor-General, $3,000; State Librarian, $3,000. The Legislature is composed of 40 Senators and 80 Repre- sentatives. Senators are chosen for four years and Representa- tives for two years. Salary of each, $8 a day, $25 extra, and 10 cents mileage. Sessions held biennially, commencing on first Monday after Jan. 1. Limit of session, 60 days. The date of State election is Tuesday after first Monday in November ; also of Presidential and Congressional election. Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and six associates, elected for twelve years. Salary of each, $6,000. Representatives in Congress, 6; Presidential Electors, 8. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Ind.& others. Maj. 1872 President 40,718 54,020 1,068 13,302 R. 1873 Sup. Court I9.247 13*841 24,554 5.2071. 1875 Governor 61,509 31,322 29,752 30,1870. 1876 President 76,464 79,269 44 2,805 R. 1879 Governor 47,647 67,965 44,482 20,318 R. 1880 President 80,417 80,273 144 D. 1882 Governor 90,695 . 67,173 6,792 16,730 D. RULING BY STATES. 275 COLORADO. NAME. — From the Rio Colorado, the ruddy, red or colored river. Popular name, " The Centennial State." ADMISSION.— Organized as a Territory, Feb. 28, 1861 ; act of admission, March 3, 1875 ; admission took effect August 1, 1876. AREA. — Square miles, 103,645; acres, 66,332,800; persons to square mile, 1.87. POPULA TION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. Per cent, of i860 34,277 increase. 1870 39,864 16.2 1880 194,327 3874 1880 by Classes. Native 154,537 White. Male 129,131 Female... 65,196 Foreign.... 39,790 Dwellings 39,oi8 Families 41,260 Voters — Males over 21 93,608 Black [91,126 2,435 Chinese. . . .612, Indian 154 Persons to a dwelling 4.98 " " family 4.7 1 Natural militia, 18-44 86,004 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Arapahoe 38,644 Bent 1,654 Boulder 9,723 Chaffee 6,512 Clear Creek 7,823 Conejos 5,605 Costilla 2,879 Custer 8,080 Douglas 2,486 Elbert 1,708 El Paso 7,949 Fremont 4,735 Gilpin 6,489 Grand 417 Greenwood Gunnison 8,235 1870. i860. 6,829 59 2 i,939 1,596 2,504 i,779 1,388 987 1,064 5,49<> 5io Counties. 1880. Hinsdale 1,487 Huerfano 4,124 Jefferson 6,804 Lake 23,563 La Plata 1,110 Larimer 4,892 Las Animas 8,903 Ouray 2,669 Park 3,970 Pueblo 7,617 Rio Grande *,944 Routt 140 Saguache 1,973 San Juan ~ 1,087 Summit*™ < 5,459 Weld „ ... 5,646 1870. 2,250 2,390 522 "838 4,276 2,265 258 1,636 EDUCATION.— Colleges, 3; instructors, 25; students, 380. Public schools, 514; value of school property, $710,503; teachers, 559; teachers' salaries (1882), $300,128; receipts for 276 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. school purposes, $526,126; expended for same (1882), $626,- 965 ; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 49,208; pupils enrolled (1882), 31,738; average attendance (1882), 18,- 488; average length of school session in 1882, 100 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 9,321, being 5.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 8,373; foreign white, 1,533; colored, Chinese and Indians, 568; total, 10,474, being 6.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 20; others, 70; total, 90. Circulation, 101,329. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 13,539; in professional and personal service, 24,813 ; in trade and trans- portation, 15,491 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 47,408. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 4,506; total acres in farms, 1,165,373; improved acres, 616,169; average size of farms, 259 acres; value of farms and buildings, $25,109,223; value of implements, $910,085 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $5,035,228. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 107,116 bush. Buckwheat no " Butter 860,379 lbs. Cheese 10,867 " Hay 85,062 tons. Indian Corn 455,968 bush. Milk 506,706 gal. Quantity. Oats 640,900 bush. Orchard products $3,246 Potatoes, Irish 383,123 bush. Rye 19,465 " Wheat 1,425,014 " Wool 3» I 97,39 I lb s- -Stock. Number. Horses 42,257 Mules and asses 2,581 Working oxen 2,080 Milch cows 28,770 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $8,703,342 Number. Other cattle 3 X 5>989 Sheep 746,443 Swine 7>°56 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 599; capi- tal invested, $4,311,714; hands employed, 5,074; wages paid, $2,314,427; value of material, $8,806,762; value of products, $14,260,159. The principal products were ; RULING BY STATES. 27' Flour and mill products #2,534,644 Machinery 1,037,522 Slaughtering and packing. . . . 1,082,690 Lumber planed #1,276,000 " sawed 1,051,295 Total steam and water-power in use, 5,802 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold ... #2,699,898 Silver 16,549,274 Coal, bituminous 462,747 tons 1,041,350 Copper ingots 1,578 lbs. Total precious metals..#i9,249,i72. Non-precious.. #1,041,350 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 2,157 miles of line; miles operated, 1,799; cost, $87,581,073; tot^l investment, $88,398,364. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal estate (1882), $73,776,109; State taxation (1882) at 40 cents on $100, $295,104; county taxation, $1,209,808; town- ship and municipal taxation, $569,841 ; State debt, Dec. 1, 1882, $233,688, not funded. The Constitution prohibits a debt in ad- vance of appropriations. County and municipal indebtedness, $3,381,482. GO VERNMENT. — Capital, Denver. Governor elected every two years. Salary, $5,000. The other State officers, all elected for two years, are Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $1,000; Secretary of State, $3,000; Treasurer, $3,000; Auditor, $2,500; Attorney- General, $2,000; Superintendent Public Instruction, $3,000; Adjutant-General, $500; State Librarian. The Legislature is composed of 26 Senators and 49 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator $4 per day and 15 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednesday in January. Session limited to 40 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections on Tuesday after the first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two As- sociates, elected for nine years. Salary of each, $5,000. Representative in Congress, 1 ; Presidential electors, 3. 278 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Grbk. Maj. 1872 Congress 7,696 6,260 1,336 R. 1874 Congress 9,333 7,170 2,163 R. 1876 Congress 13,308 12,310 998 R. 1876 Governor 14,154 13,316 838 R. 1878 Governor 14,396 11,573 2,755 2,823 R. 1878 Congress 14,294 12,003 2,329 2,291 R. 1880 President 27,450 24,647 1,435 2,803 R. 1882 Governor 27,552 29,897 937 2,345 D. CONNECTICUT. NAME. — From the Indian Quinni-tuk-ut, the country " upon the long river/' or " the long river " itself. Popular name, " The Free Stone State," and jocularly " The Nutmeg State." ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, Jan. 9, 1788: AREA. — Square miles, 4,845 ; acres, 3,100,800; persons to a square mile, 128.52. POPULATION and rate of increase: Per cent, of Census. Pop. I790 237,946 1800 251,002 1810 261,942 1820 275,148 1830 297,675 increase. 5-4 4-3 50 8.1 Census. Pop. 1840 309,978 1850...: 37o>792 i860 460,147 1870 537,454 1880 622,700 Per cent, of increase. 4.1 19.6 24.0 16.8 15.8 1880 by Classes. Male 305,782 Native 492,708 Female. ..316,918 Foreign 129,992 Dwellings 108,458 Families 136,885 Voters — Males over 21 177,291 White 610,769 Chinese 129 Black i!,547 Indians 255 Persons to a dwelling 5.74 " family 4-55 Natural militia, 18-44 127,590 i8yo. i860. 121,257 97.345 66,570 6i,73i 22,000 21,177 38.518 34.7*9 RULING BY STATES. 279 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. I Counties. 1880. Fairfield 112,042 95,276 77,746 New Haven 156,523 Hartford 125,382 109,007 89,962 New London 73, 152 Litchfield 52,044 48,727 47,318 Tolland 24,112 Middlesex 35,589 36,099 30,859 j Windham 43,856 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 3; instructors, 74; students, 939. Public schools, 2,601 ; value of school property, $3,454,275 ; teachers, 2,719; teachers' salaries (1882), $1,056,268; receipts for school purposes, $1,441,255 ; expended for same (1882), $1,- 553,065; school age, 4-16; school population (1882), 146,188; pupils enrolled (1882), 121,185; average attendance (1882), 77,041 ; average length of school session in 1882, 179.66 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read 20,986, being 4.2 per cent, of all over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 3,728 ; foreign white, 23,035 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 1,661 ; total, 28,424, being 5.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 17; others, 123; total, 140. Circulation, 233,- 240. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 44,026 ; in professional and personal service, 51,296; in trade and trans- portation, 29,920; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 116,091. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 30,598; total acres in farms, 2,453,541; improved acres, 1,642,188; average size of farms, 80 acres; value of farms and buildings, $121,063,910; value of implements, $3,162,628 ; total value of all farm products sold, consumed or on hand, $18,010,075. * Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 12,286 bush. Buckwheat x 37,563 ■" Butter 8,198,995 lbs. Cheese 826,195 " Hay 557,86o tons. Indian Corn 1,880,421 bush. Milk 12,289,893 galls. Oats 1,009,706 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $427,506 Potatoes, Irish 2,584,262 bush. " sweet 918 " Rye 370,733 " Tobacco 14,044,652 lbs. Wheat 38,472 bush. Wool 230,133 lbs. 280 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Live- Stock. Number. Other cattle 92,149 Sheep 59,431 Swine 63,699 Number. Horses 44.94° Mules and asses 539 Working oxen 28,418 Milch cows 116,319 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $10,959,296 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 4,488 ; capi- tal invested, $120,480,275; hands employed, 112,915; wages paid, $43,501,518; value of material, $102,183,341; value of pro- ducts, $185,697,211. The principal manufactures are : Machinery #6,339,599 Hardware 10,374,293 Hats and caps 4,407,993 Hosiery 2,432,271 Mixed Textiles 5>9 I 9>5°5 P a P er 4,337,55° Plated and Britannia ware . . 6,080,076 Sewing machines 2,969,741 Silk and silk goods 5,881,000 Slaughtering and packing. .. 4,669,540 Woollen goods 16,892,284 Boots and shoes #2,211,385 " " rubber 4, I 75>997 Brass and copper rolled 10,985,47 1 Carpets 2,500,559 Carriages and wagons . . . . 2,605,591 Clocks 3,016,717 Clothing, men's 2,210,159 Cotton goods 1 7,050, 1 26 Corsets 3>3 22 >359 Cutlery 2,704,708 Fire-arms 2,470,398 Flour and mill products. . . . 2,964,134 Total steam and water-power in use, 118,232 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Iron ore 35,oi8 tons $147,799 . COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 973 miles of line; miles operated, 1,029; cost, $46,471,572; total investment, $47,633,321. Steam craft, 116; tonnage, 29,323; value, $1,752,200. Sail craft, 641; tonnage, 44,299; value, $1,107,475. Canal boats, 4; barges and flats, y6. 83 miles of abandoned canal, costing $827,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $228,487,700; of personal property, $95,901,223. State taxation (1883), 12.5 cents on $100, $1,630,536; county taxa- tion, $145,707; township and municipal taxation, $4,730,907. State debt, Jan. 1, 1883, all funded, $4,272,100; county and town indebtedness, $17,034,061. GO VERNMENT— Capital, Hartford. Governor elected every two years. Salary, $2,000. The other State officers, all selected for two years, except Insurance Commissioner, are : Lieutenant- RULING BY STATES. 281 Goverhor, salary, $500; Secretary of State, $1,500; Treasurer, $1,500; Comptroller, $1,500; Secretary State Board Education, $3,000; Adjutant-General, $1,200; Insurance Commission (three years), $3,500; Secretary Board Agriculture, $700; State Libra- rian, $1,800; three Railroad Commissioners, each, $3,000. The Legislature is composed of 24 Senators and 249 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for two years and Repre- sentatives for one year. Salary, $300 a year and mileage. Ses- sions of Legislature annual, beginning on Wednesday after first Monday in January. No limit to session. State, Congressional and Presidential elections on Tuesday after first Monday, in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice, salary $4,500, and four associates, salary of each $4,000. All elected for eight years. Representatives in Congress, 4; Presidential electors, 6. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. 1872 President 45,894 1873 Governor 45,°59 1874 Governor 4°»755 1875 Governor. .' 53,752 1876 President 6 1,934 1878 Governor 46,385 1880 President 64,417 1882 Governor 59» OI 4 Rep. Temp. Grbk. Maj. 50,318 206 4,218 R. 39,245 2,541 3,273 D. 39,973 4,960 1,809 D. 44,272 2,942 6,538 D. 59,034 378 2,900 D. 48,867 1,079 8,314 2,482 R. 67,073 412 868 2,656 R. 54,853 1,034 697 4,161 D. DAKOTA TERRITORY. NAME. — Dakota is Indian for " leagued " or " allied." It was applied to the confederated Sioux tribes. ORGANIZATION.— Act of organization, March 2, 1861. AREA. — Square miles, 147,700; acres, 94,528,000; persons to a square mile, 0.92. POPULATION*^ rate of increase: Census. Pop. Per cent of i860 4,837 increase. 1870 14,181 193. 1 l8 8o 135,177 853.2 282 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. [880 by Classes. Male. .. .82,296 Native. .. .83,382 Female. .52,881 Foreign . ..51,795 Dwellings 29,324 Families 31,202 Voters — Males over 21 51,603 White 133,147 Chinese 238 Black.... 401 Indians. .. .1,391 Persons to a dwelling 4.61 " " family 4.33 Natural militia, 18-44 45, 7^8 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1! Aurora Barnes 1 Beadle 1 Billings 1 Bonhomme 5, Boreman Bottineau Brookings 4 Brown Brule Buffalo Burleigh 3 Campbell Cass 8 Cavileer Charles Mix Cheyenne Clark Clay.. 5, Coddington 2 Custer Davison 1 Day Delano DeSmet Deuel 2 Douglas Edmunds Emmons Faulk Forsyth Foster Gingras Grand Forks 6, Grant 3 Gregory Hamlin Hand Hanson 1, Howard ..» Hughes Hutchinson 5, Hyde Jayne Kidder * Kingsbury 1, Lake 2, La Moure Lawrence 13, Lincoln 5, 69 ,585 3»3 468 534 1870. i860. 965 353 238 63 ,246 50 ,998 407 1x4 001 156 995 256 97 248 010 693 153 301 12 268 573 109 657 20 248 896 608 163 246 2,621 712 1870. 355 Counties. 1880. Logan Lugenbeel Lyman 124 McCook 1,283 McHenry McPherson Mandan Mercer Meyer 115 Miner 363 Minnehaha , 8,251 Moody 3,9J5 Morton 200 Mountraille 13 Pembina 4,862 Pennington 2,244 Potter Pratt Presho Ramsey 281 Ransom 537 Renville Richland 3,597 Rolette Rusk 46 Shannon 113 Sheridan Spink 477 Stanley 793 Stark Stevens 247 Stutsman I ,ocy Sully 296 Todd v 203 Traill 4,123 Tripp Turner 5,320 Union 6,813 3,507 Wallette 432 Walworth 46 White River Williams 14 Yankton 8,390 2,097 Zieback Sisseton and Wahpeton In- dian Reservation 73 Fort Sisseton 134 Unorganized portion of the Territory 2,091 i860. 337 EDUCATION. — Public schools, 508; value of school prop- erty, $214,760; teachers, 520 ; teachers' salaries, $81,31 1 ; receipts for school purposes, $137,817; expended for same, $183,257; school age, 5-21; school population (1881), 33,815; pupils enrolled (1881), 25,451 ; average attendance, 8,530. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 3,094, being 3.1 per RULING BY STATES. 283 cent, of all over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 933; foreign white, 3,224; colored, Chinese and Indians, 664; total, 4,821, being 4.8 per cent, of all over ten years of age. Daily papers, 9; others, 57; total, 66. Circulation, 37,843. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 28,508 ; in professional and personal service, 14,016; in trade and trans- portation, 6,219; m manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 9,101. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 17,435 ; total acres in farms, 3,800,656; improved acres, 1,150,413; average size of farms, 218 acres; value of farms and buildings, $22,401,084; value of implements, $2,390,091 ; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $5,648,814. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 277,424 bush. Buckwheat 2,521 " Butter 2,000,955 lbs- Cheese 39.437 " Hay 308,036 tons. Indian Corn 2,000,864 bush. Milk 415,119 galls. Quantity. Oats 2,217,132 bush. Orchard products $156 Potatoes, Irish 664,086 bush. Rye 24,359 " Tobacco 1*897 ^s. Wheat 2,830,289 bush. Wool 157,025 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Other cattle 88,825 Sheep 30,244 Swine 63,394 Number. Horses 41,670 Mules and asses 2,703 Working oxen 11,418 Milch cows 40,572 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $6,463,274 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 251; capi- tal invested, $771,428; hands employed, 868; wages paid, $339,- 375 ; value of materials, $1,523,761; value of products, $2,373,- 970. The principal manufactures are : Flouring and grist-mill products $1,040,958 Sawed lumber 435,79 2 Total steam and water-power in use, 2,224 horse-power. 284 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $3,305M3 Silver 70,813 Total value of precious minerals $3,376,656 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 151 miles of line; miles operated, none ; cost, $5,800,000; total in- vestment, $5,850,000. Steam craft, 19; tonnage^ 7,592 ; value, $328,000. Barges, 12; tonnage, 1, 220; value, $9,500. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal estate in 1883, $69,154,910; Territorial taxation, 1883, 36 cents on $100, $195,346; county taxation, $296,692; city and town taxation, $79,765 ; Territorial debt, 1883, all funded, $309,500 ; county, city and town indebtedness, $998,860. GOVERNMENT. — Capital, Bismarck. Governor appointed for four years by President by and with advice and consent of Senate. Salary, $2,600. The other Territorial officers are Sec- retary of Territory, appointed for four years, salary, $1,800; Treasurer, elected for two years, $2,000; Auditor, two years, $1,000; Superintendent of Public Instruction, two years, $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 12 Senators and 24 Repre- sentatives, all chosen for two years. Salary, $4 per day and 20 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on second Tuesday in January. Session limited to 60 days. Territorial and Delegate elections held on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and three As- sociates, appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary, $3,000. POLITICS.— -Vote for Delegate : Rep. Dem. > Maj. 1880 18,796 9,340 9,456 R. 1882 38,151 9,034 29,117 R. RULING BY * STATES. 285 DELAWARE. NAME. — Named from the river and bay to which Lord de la Warr's, or Ware's, name was affixed, he having visited the bay as early as 1610, and died on his vessel at its mouth. Popular name, "The Blue Hen," or u Diamond " State. ADMISSIO N.— Ratified the Constitution, December 7, 1787, being the first State to ratify. AREA. — Square miles, 1,960; acres, 1,254,400; persons to a square mile, 74.80. POPULATIONS rate of increase : Census. Pop. I790 59,096 1800 64,273 1810 72,674 1820 ... 72,749 1830 76,748 Per cent, of increase. 8.7 13.0 0.1 54 Census. Pop. 1840 78,085 '850 91,532 i860 112,216 1870 125,015 1880 146,608 Per cent, of increase. 1-7 17.2 22.5 11.4 17.2 1880 by Classes. Males 74,108 Native 137,140 White 120,160 Chinese 1 Females.. . 72,500 Foreign.. .. 9,468 Black 26,442 Indians 5 Dwellings 27,215 Persons to a dwelling 5.39 Families ! 28,253 " " family 5.19 Voters — Males over 21 38,298 Natural militia, By Counties for three Censuses. [8-44. Counties. 1880. 1870. Kent 32,874 29,804 New Castle 77,7*6 63,515 i860. I Counties. 1880. 27,804 Sussex 36,018 54,797 I 1870. 31,696 •30,361 i860. 29,615 EDUCATION— College, i; instructors, 8; students, 54. Public schools, 519; value of school property, $440,778; teachers, 526; teachers' salaries, $138,819; receipts for school purposes, $177,653; expended for same, $207,281 ; school age, 6-21; school population (1881), 37,285; pupils enrolled 286 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. (1881), 29,122 ; average attendance, 17,439; average length of school session in 1881, for white schools only, 153 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 16,912, being 15.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 6,630 ; foreign white, 1,716; colored, Chinese and Indians, 11,068; total, 19,414, being 17% per cent, of all persons over ten years of age- Daily papers, 5 ; others, 21 ; total, 26. Circulation, 36,925. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 17,849; in professional and personal services, 17,616; in trade and trans- portation, 4,967 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 14,148. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 8,749; total acres in farms, 1,090,245; improved acres, 746,958; average size of farms, 125 acres; value of farms and buildings, $36,789,672; value of implements, $1,504,567; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $6,320,345. Principal Products. Quantity. . Barley 523 bush. Buckwheat 5,857 " Butter 1,876,275 lbs. Cheese 1,712 " Hay 49,632 tons. Indian Corn 3,894,264 bush. Milk 1,132,434 galls. Oats 378,508 bush. Quantity. Orchard products #846,692 Potatoes, Irish 283,864 bush. sweet I95»937 " Rye 5.953 " Tobacco 1 ,278 lbs. Wheat 1,175,272 bush. Wool 97,946 lbs. Live -Stock. Number. Horses 2I >933 Mules and asses 3,93 1 Working oxen 5,8l8 Milch cows 27,284 Total value of live-stock on farms . Number. Other cattle 20,450 Sheep 21,967 Swine 48, 186 June I, 1880 #3,420,080 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 746; capi- tal invested, $15,655,822; hands employed, 12,658; wages paid, $4,267,349; value of material, $12,828,461 ; value of product, $20,514,438. RULING BY STATES. 287 The principal manufactures are : Cars $1,185,688 Cotton goods 1,057,257 Flour and mill products 1,341,026 Iron and steel 2,347,177 Iron pipe, wrought $2,000,000 Leather 1 ,886,597 Ships 2,162,503 Woollen goods 665,253 Total steam and water power in use, 15,428 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Iron ore 2,726 tons $6,553 Minor minerals 14,510 " 163,310 Total mineral products $169,863 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 204 miles of line; miles operated, 189; cost, $4,309,977; total in- vestment, $4,341,215. Canals, 14 miles; cost, $3,730,230. Steam craft, 25; tonnage, 5,888; value, $302,300. Sail craft, 159; tonnage, 12,127; value, $303,175. Barges and flats, 16; value, $51,600. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Delaware does not impose a State tax on property,* and there is therefore no assessed value, but a total valuation of real and personal property was returned to the Census Bureau, equal to $59,951,643. State taxation (1883), $117,458; county, $248,275; city and township, $355,- 982; State debt (1883), all bonded, $781,750; county, city and town indebtedness, $1,465,835. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Dover. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $2,000. The other State officers are : Sec- retary of State, four years, salary, $1,000; Treasurer, two years, $1,450; Auditor, two years, $700; Superintendent of Public Instruction, one year; Attorney-General, five years, $2,000; State Librarian, two years. The Legislature is composed of 9 Senators and 21 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for four years and Representa- tives for two years. Their salary is $3 a day and mileage. Legislature holds biennial sessions, beginning on first Tuesday in January. No limit to the sessions. * Her State moneys are raised principally from licenses and from taxes on rail- roads and passengers. The former gave $64,000 in 1882, and the latter $40,428, out of a total of State receipts of $141,238. The State also owns railroad securities to the value of $1,168,790, and is therefore practically out of debt. 288 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Judiciary is appointed by the Governor for life or good behavior. It consists of a Chancellor and Chief Justice, who each receive $2,500 a year, and three Associate Justices, who receive each $2,200 a year. Representative in Congress, 1 ; Presidential electors, 3. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Others. Maj. 1872 President 10,205 11,115 4^7 423 R. 1874 Governor 12,488 11,259 .... 1,229 D. 1876 Congress .. 13,169 10,562 238 2,3390. 1876 President *3,379 10,691 2,688 D. 1878 Governor .... . 10,730 2,835 7,895 D. 1878 Congress 10,576 2,966 7,610 D. 1880 President 15,180 14,148 1,032 D. 1882 Governor 16,558 14,620 1,9380. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. NAME. — The Capitol District, or central place of Columbia ; Columbia being (formerly more than now) a poetical or rhetori- cal title for the United States, and even North America and the Continent — from Columbus. ORGANIZATION.— ]u\y 16, 1790, and March 3, 1791. Re- duced to present size in 1846. Not organized as a Territory, but governed by Congress and Commissions. AREA. — Square miles, 60 ; acres, 38,400 ; persons to a square mile, 2,960.4. RULING BY STATES. 289 POPULATION and rate of increase: Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1850 51,687 18.2 i860 75,o8o 45.2 1870 131.700 75.4 1880 177,624 34.8 Per cent of Census. Pop. increase. 1800 14,093 1810 24,023 70.4 1820 33,039 37.5 1830 39,834 20.5 1840 43,7*2 9-7 1 880 by Classes. Male 83,578 Native 160,502 White 118,006 Chinese 4 Female... 94,046 Foreign.... 17,122 Black.... 59,596 Indians.... 5 Dwellings 28,687 Persons to a dwelling 6.19 Families 34,896 " " family 5.09 Voters — Males over 21 45,873 Natural militia, 18-44 35>4 ri . EDUCATION. — Colleges, 5; instructors, 5 1 ; students, 473. Public schools, 415; value of school property, #1,206,355; teachers, 425; teachers' salaries (1882), #317,329; receipts for school purposes, #476,957 ; expended for same (1882), #579,312 ; school age, 6-17; school population, 43,558; pupils enrolled (1881), 27,299; average attendance, 20,637 ; average length of school session in 188 1, 190 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 21,541, being 15.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 1,950; ^foreign white, 2,038 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 21,790; total, 25,778, being 18.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years. Daily papers, 5 ; others, 39; total, 44. Circulation, 202,023. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 1,464; in professional and personal service, 39,975 ; in trade and trans- portation, 9,848 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 15,337. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 435; total acres in farms, 18,146; improved acres, 12,632; average size of farms, 42 acres ; value of farms and buildings, #3,632,403 ; value of implements, #36,798 ; total value of all farm products sold, con- sumed or on hand, #514,441. Principal Products. Quantity. Butter s 20,920 lbs. Hay 3,759 tons. Indian Corn 2 9,75° bush. Milk 496,789 galls. Orchard products #12,074 19 Quantity. Potatoes, Irish 33,064 bush. sweet 23,347 " Rye 3,704 " Tobacco 1,400 lbs. Wheat 6,402 bush 290 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 1,027 Mules and asses 68 Working oxen Number. Milch cows 1,292 Other cattle 271 Swine 1,132 Total value of live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 #123,300 MANUFACTURES.— -Number of establishments, 971 ; capi- tal invested, $5,552,526; hands employed, 7,146; wages paid, $3,924,612; value of material, $5,365,400; value of products, $11,882,316. The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products #1,172,375 | Printing and publishing #2,896,312 Total steam and water power in use, 3,143 horse-power. COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— The railroads of the Dis- trict are those centering there. They are the property of cor- porations outside, and their mileage is counted in with the length operated by said. corporations. Steam craft, 34;. tonnage, 6,946; value, $595,000. Sail craft, 58; tonnage, 1,920; value, $48,000; canal boats, 33; barges and flats, 27; tonnage of same, 3,675; value, $28,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed valuation of real estate, $87,980,356; of personal property, $11,421,431; total District taxation, $1,469,254; net debt of District, $22,675,459. GOVERNMENT. — The District is governed by a commission of three persons appointed by the President and Senate for three years. Two of them must be from civil life; salary, $5,000. The third must be an officer of the Engineer Corps of the army. He draws army pay. The judicial power of the District is vested in a Supreme Court, with a Chief Justice, salary, $4,500, and five Associates, salary, $4,000 each. RULING BY STATES. 291 FLORIDA. NAME. — Pascna Florida is Spanish for Easter Sunday. The peninsula, or " Land of Flowers," discovered by Ponce de Leon on that day he called Florida. ADMISSION. — Organized as a Territory, March 30, 1822; act of admission, and actual admission, March 3, 1845. AREA. — Square miles, 54,240; acres, 34,713,600; persons to a square mile, 4.97. POPULATION 'and rate of increase : Census. Pop. 1830 34,730 1840 54,477 1850 87,445 Per cent, of 56.8 60.5 Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. i860 140,424 60.5 1870 187,748 33-7 1880 269,493 43.5 Male 136,444 Female. ..133,049 Foreign.... 9,909 Dwellings 52,868 Families 54,691 Voters — Males over 21 61 ,699 1880 by Classes. Native 259,584 White 142,605 Chinese. Black 126,690 Indians. Persons to a dwelling U " family Natural militia, 18-44 Counties. Alachua 16 Baker Bradford 6 Brevard 1 Calhoun 1 Clay 2 Columbia 9 Dade Duval 19 Escambia 12 Franklin 1 Gadsden 12 Hamilton 6 Hernando 4 Hillsborough 5 Holmes 2 Jackson 14 Jefferson 16 Lafayette 2 Leon 19 ,462 3°3 112 ,478 ,580 ,838 ,589 257 ,43i ,156 ,79^ .169 ,79° ,248 ,814 ,170 ,372 ,065 ,44i 662 By Counties for three Censuses. 1870. 17,328 1,325 3, 6 7! i860. 8,232 1,216 246 998 1,446 2,098 1,914 7,335 4,646 85 83 11,921 5,074 7,817 5,768 1,256 1,904 9,802 9,396 5,749 4,i54 2,938 1,200 3,216 2,981 i,572 1,386 9,528 10,209 13,398 9,876 1,783 2,068 15,236 12,343 Counties. iS Levy 5 Liberty 1 Madison 14 Manatee 3 Marion 13 Monroe 10 Nassau 6 New River Orange 6 Polk 3 Putnam 6, Saint John's 4 Santa Rosa 6, Sumter 4. Suwannee 7, Taylor 2, Volusia 3, Wakulla 2, Walton 4, Washington 4, 767 ,362 ,793 ,544 046 940 6.55 261 53S 645 636 161 2 79 294 7 2 3 201 1870. 2,018 1,050 11,121 1,931 10,804 5,657 4,247 2,195 3,169 3,821 2,618 3,312 2,952 3,556 i,453 1,723 2,506 3,o4i 2,302 . 18 .180 5.10 4-93 [,807 i860. 1,781 1,457 7,779 854 8,609 2,913 3,644 3,820 987 2,712 3,038 5,480 1,549 2,303 1,384 1,158 2,839 3,037 2,154 292 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. EDUCATION. — Public schools, 1,135; value of school property, $134,804; teachers, 1,151 ; teachers' salaries, $99,177; receipts for school purposes, $129,907; expended for same, $117,- 724; school age, 4-21 years; school population, 88,677; pupils enrolled, 39,315 ; average attendance, 27,046. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 70,219, being 38 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 19,024; foreign white, 739; colored, Indians and Chinese, 60,420; total, 80,183, being 43.4 per cent, of all persons over ten years. Daily papers, 3 ; others, 42 ; total, 45. Circulation, 27,607. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 58,731; in professional and personal service, 17,923; in trade and trans- portation, 6,446; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 8,436. AGRICULTURE.— Number of farms, 23,438; total acres in farms, 3,297,324; improved acres, 947,640; average size of farms, 141 acres; value of farms and buildings, $20,291,835; value of implements, $689,666 ; total value of all farm products' sold, consumed or on hand, $7,439,392. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 210 bush. Butter 353J56 lbs. Cheese 2,406 " Cotton 54>997 bales. Hay 149 tons. Indian Corn 3,174,234 bush. Milk 40,967 galls. Oats 468,112 bush. Quantity. Orchard products* $758,295 Potatoes, Irish 20,221 bush. " sweet 1,687,613 " Rice 1 ,294,677 lbs. Sugar & Mol., 1,273 lids. 1,029,868 galls. Tobacco 21,182 lbs. Wheat 422 bush. Wool. 162,810 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Number. Horses 22,636 Mules and asses 9,606 Working oxen 16,141 Milch cows 42,174 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $5,358,980 Other cattle 409,055 Sheep 56,681 Swine 287,05 1 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 426; capi~ tal invested, $3,210,680; hands employed, 5,504; wages paid, * Includes $690,553 worth of oranges and lemons. RULING BY STATES. 293 $1,270,875; value of material, $3,040,119; value of products, $5,546,448. The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products $337,78° I Tar and turpentine $295,500 Lumber, sawed 3,060,291 | Tobacco and cigars I >347?555 Total steam and water power in use, 7,147 horse-power. COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 984 miles of line; miles operated, 490 ; cost, $23,762,424; total in- vestment, $27,191,194. Steam craft, 70 ; tonnage, 6,827 ; value, $448,500. Sail craft, 323; tonnage, 25,333; value, $633,300. Barges, 6; value, $3,000. Length of canals in operation, 10.5 miles; cost, $70,000. This does not include the canals now building for drainage purposes. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real and personal property (1883), $56,000,000; State taxation (1883), 50 cents on $100, $317,625 ; county taxation, $266,306; city and town taxation, $101,944; State debt (1883), funded, $1,276,500, floating, $31,287; county and local indebtedness, $1,491,629. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Tallahassee. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $3,500. The other State officers, se- lected for four years, are : Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $500 ; Secretary of State, $2,000; Treasurer, $2,000; Comptroller, $2,000; Attorney-General, $2,000; Superintendent of Public In- struction, $2,000; Adjutant-General, $2,000^ Commissioner of Lands, $1,200. The Legislature is composed of 32 Senators and y6 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Salary of each, $6 per day and 10 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on Tuesday after first Monday in January. Session limited to 60 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice, salary, $3,500, and two associates, salary of each, $3,000. They are appointed by the Governor and Senate for life or during good behavior. Representatives in Congress, 2 ; Presidential electors, 4. 294 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. I 1872 Governor. . . .16,004 17,603 1872 President. . ..15.428 17,765 1874 Congress . . ••17,555 18,600 1876 Governor. . ..24,179 23,984 1876 President. . ..22,923 23,849 (Disputed) . 1878 Congress . . ..20,171 17,927 1880 President. . ..27,964 23,654 1880 Governor. . ..28,341 23,285 1882 Congress . . ..24,059 20,098 3 GEORGIA. Maj. 1,599 R. 2,337 R- 1,045 R. 195 D. 1,061 R. 2,244 D. 4,310 D. 5,056 D. 414 D. NAME. — So called in honor of George II., of England. ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, January 2, 1788. AREA. — Square miles, 58,980; acres, 37,747,200; persons to a square mile, 26.15. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. 1790... 1800.. . Pop. - 82,548 . 162,686 1810 252,433 1820 340,985 1830 516,823 Per cent of increase. Census. Pop. 1840 631,392 97.0 1850 906,185 55.1 i860 1,057,286 35.0 1870 1,184,109 51.5 1880 1,542,180 880 by Classes. Per cent of increase. 33-7 31.0 16.6 11.9 30.2 Male 762,981 Native 1,531,616 Female. .779,199 Foreign... 10,564 Dwellings 289,474 Families 303,060 Voters — Males over 21 321,438 Counties. 1880. Appling 5,276 Baker 7,3°7 Baldwin 13,806 Banks 7,337 White 816,906 Chinese 17 Black 725,133 Indian 124 Persons to a dwelling 5.33 " " family 5-°9 Natural militia, 18-44 275,815 By Cotinties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Bartow 18,690 16,566 15,724 Berrien 6,619 4,518 3,475 Bibb 2 7, I 47 21,255 16,291 Brooks IX »7 2 7 8,342 6,356 1870. i860. 5,086 4,190 6,843 4,985 10,618 9,078 4,973 4,7°7 RULING BY STATES. 295 By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Bryan 4,9 2 9 5, 2 5 2 4» OI 5 Bullock 8,053 5,6io 5,668 Burke 27,128 17,679 17,165 Butts 8,311 6,941 6,455 Calhoun 7,024 5,503 4,9*3 Camden 6,183 4,6i5 5,420 Campbell... 9,97° 9,176 8,301 Carroll 16,901 11,782 11,991 Catoosa 4,739 4,4°9 5,°8 2 Charleton 2 ,i54 1,897 1,780 Chatham 45,° 2 3 4 1 , 2 79 3 I »°43 Chattahoochee 5,670 6,059 5,797 Chattooga 10,021 6,902 7,165 Cherokee I 4,3 2 S IO ,399 II > 2 9 1 Clarke 11,702 12,941 11,218 Clay 6,650 5,493 4,893 Clayton 8,027 5,477 4,466 Clinch 4,138 3,945 3,063 Cobb 2 o,748 13,814 14,242 Coffee 5,070 3,192 2,879 Colquitt 2 ,5 2 7 *,6S4 1,316 Columbia 10,465 1 3,5 2 9 11,860 Coweta 21,109 15,875 J 4.7C3 Crawford 8,656 7,557 7,693 Dade 4,7° 2 3,°33 3, o0 9 Dawson 5,837 4,369 3,856 Decatur 19,072 15,183 11,922 De Kalb 14, 497 10,014 7,806 Dodge 5,358 Dooly. 12,420 9,79° 8,917 Dougherty 12,622 11,517 8,295 Douglas 6,934 Early 7,6n 6,998 6,149 Echols 2,553 1,978 J,49 J Effingham 5,979 4,214 4,755 Elbert i 2 .957 9, 2 49 *°,433 Emanuel 9,759 6,134 5,081 Fannin 7,245 5,429 5,139 Fayette .. 8,605 8,221 7,047 Floyd 24,418 17,230 15,195 Forsyth io,559 7,983 7>749 Franklin *i,453 7, 8 93 7.393 Fulton 49,137 33,446 i4,4 2 7 Gilmer 8,386 6,644 6,724 Glascock 3,577 2,736 2,437 Giynn 6,497 5,376 3,889 Gordon 11,171 9,268 10,146 Greene 17, 547 i 2 ,454 i 2 ,65 2 Gwinnett 19,531 i 2 ,43 r i 2 ,94o Habersham 8,718 6,322 5,966 Hall 15,298 9,607 9,366 Hancock 16,989 11,317 12,044 Haralson 5,974 4,°°4 3,°39 Harris 15,758 13,284 13,736 Hart 9,094 6,783 6,137 Heard 8,769 7,866 7,805 Henry i4,!93 10,102 10,702 Houston 22,414 20,406 15,611 Irwin 2,696 1,837 1,699 Jackson 16,297 11,181 10,605 Jasper 11,851 10,439 10,743 Jefferson 15,671 12,190 10,219 Johnson 4,800 2,964 2,919 Jones 11,613 9,436 9,107 Laurens 10,053 7, 8 34 6,998 Counties. iS Lee .10 Liberty 10 Lincoln 6 Lowndes 11 Lumpkin 6 McDuffie 9 Mcintosh 6 Macon 11 Madison 7 Marion 8 Meriwether 17 Miller 3 Milton 6 Mitchell 9 Monroe '...18 Montgomery 5 Morgan ....14 Murray 8 Muscogee 19 Newton 13 Oconee <. 6 Oglethorpe 15 Paulding 10 Pickens 6 Pierce 4 Pike 15 Polk 11 Pulaski 14 Putnam 14 Quitman 4 Rabun 4 Randolph 13 Richmond 34 Rockdale 6 Schley 5 Screven 12 Spalding 12 Stewart 13 Sumter 18 Talbot 14 Taliaferro 7 Tattnall 6 Taylor Telfair 4 Terrell to, Thomas 20, Towns 3. Troup 20, Twiggs 8 Union 6 Upson 12 Walker 11' Walton 15 Ware 4 Warren 10 Washington 21 Wayne 5 ,577 ,649 ,412 ,°49 ,526 449 , 2 4i ,675 ,978 ,598 ,651 ,720 ,261 ,39 2 ,8„8 ,381 ,032 ,269 ,322 ,623 ,35i ,400 ,887 ,79° ,538 ,849 ,95 2 ,058 ,539 ,39 2 ,634 ,34i' ,665 ,838 ,302 ,786 ,585 ,998 , 2 39 ,"5 ,034 ,988 8,597 828 45i 597 261 565 918 43i 400 056 622 i59 Webster ... White Whitfield . Wilcox .... Wilkes Wilkinson Worth 964 980 2 37 34i 900 109 985 061 1870. 9,567 7,683 5,413 8,321 5,161 4,49 J 11,458 5,227 8,000 13,756 3,091 4,284 6,633 i7,2J3 3,*6 10,696 6,500 16,663 14,615 11,782 7,639 5,3i7 2,778 10,905 7,822 11,940 10,461 4,i5o 3, 2 56 10,561 25,724 S,i29 9»*75 10,205 14,204 i6,559 ",9*3 4,79° 4,86a 7, x 43 3,245 9,o53 14,523 2,780 17,632 8,545 5,267 9.430 9,9 2 5 11,038 2,286 io,545 i5,84 2 2,177 4. 6 77 4,606 10,117 2,439 11,796 9-383 3,778 i860. 7,196 8,367 5,466 5,2 49 4,62-6 5,546 8,449 5,933 7,390 i5,33o i,79i 4,602 4,3o8 15,953 2,997 9-997 7,^83 16,584 i4,3 2 o ",549 7,038 4,95i i,973 10,078 6,295 8,744 10,125 3,499 3,271 9,57i 21,284 4,633 8,274 8,699 i3,4 2 2 9,428 13,616 4,583 4,35 2 5,998 2,713 6,232 10,766 2 ,459 16,262 8,320 4,413 9,910 10,082 11,074 2,200 9,820- 12,698 2,268 5,030 3,3*5 10,047 2,115 11,420 9,376 2 ,763 EDUCATION.— Colleges, 7; instructors, 68 ; students, 524. Public schools, 5,939; value of school property, $1,046,026; teachers, 6,146; teachers' salaries, $616,096; receipts for school purposes, $659,560; expended for same (1882), $584,174; school 296 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. age, 6-18 years; school population (1882), 507,861 ; pupils en- rolled (1882), 256,432; average attendance (1882), 164,180; average length of school session in 1882, 65 days. Persons over ten years who cannot. read, 446,683, being 42.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 128,362; foreign white, 572 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 391,482 ; total, 520,416, being 49.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 16; others, 184; total, 200. Circulation, 291,631. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 432,204; in professional and personal service, 104,269 ; in trade and trans- portation, 25,222; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 36,167. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 138,626; total acres in farms, 26,043,282; improved acres, 8,204,720; average size of farms, 188 acres; value of farms and buildings, $111,910,540; value of implements, $5,317,416; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $67,028,929. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 16,662 bush. Buckwheat 402 " Butter . . . . 7,424,485 lbs. Cheese I 9» I 5 I " Cotton 814,441 bales. Hay ■ 14,409 tons. Indian Corn 23,202,018 bush. Milk 374,645 gal. Oats 5>548,743 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $782,972 Potatoes, Irish 249,590 bush. sweet 4,397,778 " Rice 25,369,687 lbs. Rye 101,716 bush. Sug. & mol., 601 hhds. 1,565,784 gal. Toloacco 228,590 lbs. Wheat 3,159,771 bush. Wool 1,289,560 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Other cattle 544,812 Sheep 527,829 Swine 1,471,003 Number. Horses 98,520 Mules and asses 132,078 Working oxen 50,026 Milch cows 31 5,073 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $25,930,352 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 3,593 ; capi- tal invested, $20,672,410; hands employed, 24,875 ; wages paid, $5,266,152 ; value of materials, $24,143,939; value of products, $36,440,948. The principal manufactures are : RULING BY STATES. 297 Iron and steel $990,850 Lumber sawed 4,875,310 Rice cleaning 1,488,769 Tar and turpentine 1,455,739 Agricultural implements $601,935 Carriages and wagons 582,581 Cotton goods 6,513,490 Flouring mill products 9>793>898 Machinery 1,299,491 Total steam and water-power in use, 51,169 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $81,029 Silver 332 Coal, bituminous 154,644 tons. 231,605 Iron ore 72,705 " 120,692 Copper ingots 922 lbs. Minor minerals 120,135 Total value of precious minerals, $81,361. Non-precious, $472,432. COMMERCIAL FA CILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 2,371 miles of line; miles operated, 2,321; cost, $61,872,829; total investment, $72,825,130. Canal lines operated, 25 miles; cost, $1,907,818. Steam craft, 44; tonnage, 13,331; value, $1,387,- 300. Sail craft, 86; tonnage, 9,354; value, $233,850. Canal boats, 20; barges and flats, 55. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1882), $148,057,235; of personal property (1882), $106,195,- 395 ; State taxation (1883), 30 cents on $100, $741,824 ; county taxation, $1,076,421 ; city and town taxation, $1,055,488. Prop- erty of cotton factories and iron works is exempt from taxation. State debt, Oct. 1, 1882, net, $9,624,135 ; county, city and town indebtedness, $9,730,403. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Atlanta. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $3,000. The other State officers are : Secre- tary of State, two years, salary, $2,000; Treasurer, two years, $2,000 ; Comptroller-General, two years, $2,000 ; Attorney-Gen- eral, two years, $2,000; Superintendent Public Instruction, two years, $2,000; Adjutant-General, two years; Commissioner of Agriculture, four years, $2,500; State Librarian, two years, $1,000. The Legislature is composed of 44 Senators and 175 Repre- sentatives, both elected for two years. Salary, $4 a day and mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednesday in November. Session limited to 40 days, but may be extended by special vote. 298 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. State elections are held every second year on first Wednesday in October. Congressional and Presidential elections held Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two asso- ciates, elected for four years by the Legislature. Salary of each, $2,500. Representatives in Congress, 10; Presidential electors, 12. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. 1872 Governor 103,529 1872 President 76,278 1874 Congress 93,347 1876 President 138,756 1876 Governor 110,617 1880 President 102,407 1880 Governor 1 18,349 1882 Governor 107,253 Rep. Ind. Maj. 46,643 56,886 D. 62,715 4,000 13,563 D. 33> l6 i 60,186 D. 50.538 88,218 D. 34,529 76,088 D. 54,086 48,321 D. 64,004 54,345 D. 44,896 62,357 D. IDAHO TERRITORY. NAME. — Perpetuates that of an Indian tribe. ORGANIZATION.— Act of organization dated March 3, 1863. AREA. — Square miles, 84,290; acres, 53,945,600; persons to a square mile, 0.39. POPULATIONS rate of increase: 1870 14,999 P er cent - of increase. 1880 32,610 117.4 1880 by Classes. Males 21,818 Native 22,636 White 29,013 Chinese 3,379 Females. .10,792 Foreign... 9,974 Black 53 Indians 165 Dwellings 7, 700 Persons to a dwelling 4.24 Families 7,774 " " family 4.19 Voters — Males over 2 1 14,795 Natural militia, 18-44 11,726 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Ada 4,674 2,675 Alturas 1,693 689 Bear Lake 3,235 Boise 3,214 3,834 Cassia i,?,* 2 Idaho 2,031 849 Kootenai 518 Counties. 1880. 1870. Lemhi 2,230 988 Nez Perce 3,965 1,607 Oneida 6,964 1,922 Owyhee 1,426 1,713 Soshone 469 722 Washington 879 .-.._.. EDUCATION.— -Public schools, 128; value of school prop- RULING BY STATES. 299 er ty, $31,000; teachers, 129; teachers' salaries, $33,421 ; receipts for school purposes, $50,234; expended for same, $38,411; school age, 5-21 years; school population (1882), 9,650; pupils enrolled (188 1 ), 6,080; average attendance (188 1), 4,127; aver- age length of school session in 1881, 150 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 1,384, being 5.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 443; foreign white, 341 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 994; total, 1,778, being 7.1 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, o; others, 8. Circulation, 5,000. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 3,858; in professional and personal service, 3,861 ; in trade and transpor- tation, 1,327; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 6,532. AGRICULTURE.— Number of farms, 1,885; total acres in farms, 327,798; improved acres, 197,407; average size of farms, 174 acres; value of farms and buildings, $2,832,890; value of implements, $363,930; value of all farm products sold, con- sumed or on hand, $1,515,314. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 274,750 bush. Butter 310,644 lbs. Quantity. Orchard products $23,147 Potatoes, Irish I57>3°7 bush. Rye 4,341 " Tobacco 400 lbs. Wheat 540,589 bush. Wool 127,149 lbs. Number. Other cattle 71,292 Sheep 27,326 Swine 14,178 Cheese. 20,295 Hay 40,053 tons. Indian Corn 16,408 bush. Milk 15,627 gal. Oats 462,236 bush. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 24,300 Mules and asses 610 Working oxen 737 Milch cows 12,838 Total value of live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $2,246,800 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 162; capi- tal invested, $677,215; hands employed, 388; wages paid, $136,326; value of material, $844,874; value of products, $1,- 27i,3i7- The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products $520,986 | Lumber sawed #349,635 Total steam and water power in use, 1,682 horse-power. 300 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold • #1,479,653 Silver 464,550 Copper ingots 150,000 lbs. Total precious minerals $1,944,203 • FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal property (1883), $13,567,525. Territorial taxation (1883), 25 cents on $100, $101,900; county taxation, $139,088; city and town, $8,343 ; Territorial debt (1883), funded, $69,248; county and town indebtedness, $146,938. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Boise City. The Governor is appointed for four years by President and Senate of United States. Salary, $2,600. The other officers are a Secretary (four years), salary, $1,800; Treasurer (two years), $1,000; Auditor (two years), $1,800. The Legislature consists of 12 Senators and 24 Representa- tives, both elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $4 per day and 20 cents mileage. Sessions biennial, beginning on second Monday in December, and limited to 60 days. Territorial and Delegate elections held on Tuesday after the first Monday in November. The Judiciary is composed of a Chief Justice, and two Asso- ciates, each appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representative in Congress, 1 Delegate. POLITICS.— Vote for Delegate : Dem. Rep. Maj. 1878 3,645 2,294 1,351 D. 1880 3,604 2,090 1,5140. 1882 about 3,500 R. RULING BY STATES. 301 ILLINOIS. NAME. — So called from the Illinois River, or tribe, and that from the Indian, illini, men, with the French termination ois, " tribe of men," or " real men." Popular names, " Sucker State " and " Prairie State." ADMISSION. — Organized as a Territory, Feb. 3, 1809; act of admission dated Dec. 3, 181 8; actual admission, same date. AREA. — Square miles, $6,000; acres, 35,840,000; persons to square mile, 54.96. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 1810 12,282 1820 55,i62 1830 157,445 1840 476,183 Per cent, of increase. 349.1 185.4 202.4 Census. Pop. 1850 851,470 i860 ijii^ 1 1870 2,539,891 1880 3>°77,87i Per cent, of increase. 78.8 IOI.O 48.3 21. 1 [880 by Classes. Male 1,586,523 Native 2,494,295 Female. . 1,491,348 Foreign... 583,576 Dwellings 538,221 Families 59 I ,934 Voters — Males over 21 796,847 White 3,031,151 Chinese. . . .212 Black 46,368 Indians. ... 140 Persons to a dwelling 5.72 " " family 5.20 Natural militia, 18-44 651,310 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Adams 59, I 35 Alexander 14,808 Bond 14,866 Boone 11,508 Brown 13,041 Bureau 33, T 72 Calhoun 7,4°7 Carroll 16,976 Cass 14,493 Champaign 40,863 Christian 28,227 Clark 21,894 Clay 16,192 Clinton 18,714 Coles 27,042 Cook 607,524 1870. 56,3 6 2 10,564 13,152 12,942 12,205 32,415 6,562 16,705 11,580 32,737 20,363 18,719 15,875 16,285 25,235 349,966 i860. 41,323 4,7°7 9,8i5 11,678 9.938 26,426 5,144 ",733 ",325 14,629 10,492 14,987 9,336 10,941 14,203 M4,954 Counties. i£ Crawford 16 Cumberland 13 DeKalb 26 DeWitt 17 Douglas 15 Du Page 19 Edgar 25 Edwards 8 Effingham 18, Fayette 23 Ford 15 Franklin 16 Fulton 41 Gallatin 12 Greene 23 Grundy 16 i97 759 768 010 % .499 597 920 241 099 ,129 ,240 ,861 ,010 ,732 1870. 13,889 12,223 23,265 14,768 13,484 16,685 21,450 7,565 15,653 19,638 9,i°3 12,652 38,291 ",i34 20,277 14,938 i860. ",55i 8,311 19,086 10,820 7,140 14,701 16,925 5,454 7,816 11,189 i>979 9,393 33,338 8,055 16,093 io,379 302 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses. — Continued. Counties. 1880. Hamilton 16,712 Hancock 35,337 Hardin 6,024 Henderson 10,722 Henry 3 6 ,597 Iroquois 35,45i Jackson 22,505 Jasper 14,515 Jefferson 20,686 Jersey 15, 542 Jo Daviess 27,528 Johnson 13,078 Kane 44,939 Kankakee 25,047 Kendall 13,083 Knox 38,344 Lake 21,296 La Salle 70,403 Lawrence 13,663 Lee 27,491 Livingston 38,450 Logan 25,037 McDonough 27,970 McHenry 24,908 McLean 60,100 Macon 30,665 Macoupin 37,692 Madison 50,126 Marion 23,686 Marshall 15,055 Mason 16,242 Massac 10,443 Menard 13,024 Mercer 19,502 Monroe 13,682 1870. 13,014 35,935 5,"3 12,582 35,5o6 25,782 19,634 11,234 1 7,864 1 5. P54 27,820 11,248 39,09! 24,352 12,399 39,522 21,014 60,792 12,533 27,171 3i,47i 23,053 26,509 23,762 53,988 26,481 32,726 44, 131 20,622 16,956 16,184 9,58i n,735 18,769 i860. 9,9*5 29,061 3,759 9,5oi 20,660 12,325 9,589 8,364 12,965 12,051 27,325 9,342 30,062 15,412 i3,o74 28,663 18,257 48,332 9,214 17,651 ",637 14,272 20,069 22,089 28,772 13,738 24,602 31,251- 12,739 13,437 10,931 6,213 9,584 15,042 12,832 Counties. Montgomery. Morgan Moultrie Ogk 1880. .. 28,078 ■• 31,514 .. 13,699 •• 29,937 Peoria 55,355 Perry 16,007 Piatt 15,583 P'ke 33,75i Pope 13,256 Pulaski 9,507 Putnam 5,554 Randolph 25,690 Richland 15, 545 Rock Island 38,302 Saint Clair 61,806 Saline 15,940 Sangamon 52,894 Schuyler 1 6,249 Scott 10,741 Shelby 30,270 Stark 11,207 Stephenson 31-963 Tazewell 29,666 Union 18,102 Vermillion 41,588 Wabash 9,945 Warren 22,933 Washington 21,112 Wayne 21,291 White 23,087 Whiteside 30,885 Will 53,422 Williamson 19,324 Winnebago 30,505 Woodford 21,620 1870. 25,3H 28,463 10,385 27,492 47,54o 13,723 10,953 30,768 ii,437 8,752 6,280 20,859 12,803 29,783 51,068 12,714 46,352 17,419 10,530 25,476 10,751 30,608 27,903 16,518 30,388 8,841 23,174 17,599 19,758 16,846 27,503 43,oi3 17,329 29,301 18,956 i860. 13,979 22,112 6,385 22,888 36,601 9,552 6,127 27,249 6,74 2 3,943 5,587 17,205 9,7" 21,005 37,694 9,33i 32,274 14,684 9,069 14,613 9,004 25,112 21,470 11,181 19,800 7,313 18,336 13,731 12,223 12,403 i8,737 29,321 12,205 24,491 13,282 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 28; instructors, 306; students, 5.213- Public schools, 15,203; value of school property, $15,876,572; teachers, 15,912; teachers' salaries (1882), $4,985,770; receipts for school purposes, $9,850,011; expended for same (1882), $8,567,675; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 1,037,567; pupils enrolled (1882), 713,431 ; average attendance (1882), 452,485 ; average length of school session in 1882, 150 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 96,809, being 4.3 per cent, of ail persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 88,519; foreign white, 43,907; colored, Chinese and Indians, 12,971; total, 145,397, being 6.4 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 75 ; others, 957; total, 1,032. Circulation, 2,445,- 960. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 436,371; in professional and personal services, 229,467 ; in trade and trans- RULING BY STATES. 303 portation", 128,372; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 205,570. A GRICULTURE.— Number of farms, 255,741; total acres in farms, 31,673,645; improved acres, 26,115,154; average size of farms, 124 acres; value of farms and buildings, $1,009,594,- 580; value of implements, $33,739,951 ; value of all farm pro- ducts sold, consumed or on hand, $203,980,137. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 1,229,523 bush. Buckwheat 178,859 " Butter 53> 6 57,943 lb s. Cheese 1,035,069 " Hay 3,280,319 tons. Hops 7,788 lbs. Indian Corn 325,792,481 bush. Milk 45,419,719 galls. Quantity. Oats 63,189,200 bush. Orchard products $3,502,583 Potatoes, Irish 10,365,707 bush. " sweet 249,407 " Rye 3,121,785 " Tobacco 3,935,825 lbs. Wheat 51,1 10,502 bush. Wool 6,093,066 lbs. Live- Stock. Horses Mules and asses. . , Working oxen .... Milch cows Total value of Number. 1,023,082 123,278 3.346 865,913 live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $132,437,762 Number. Other cattle. 1,515,063 Sheep 1,037,073 Swine 5,1 70,266 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 14,549; capital invested, $140,652,066; hands employed, 144,727; wages paid, $57,429,085; value of material, $289,843,907; value of products, $414,864,673. The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements. . . .$13,498,575 Carriages and wagons 5,°°3>°53 Clothing, men's 19,356,849 Flour and mill products. . . . 47,471,558 Machinery 13,515,791 Furniture 7,644,638 Iron and steel $20,545,289 Lard, refined 5,055,000 Leather, tanned and curried. 7,793,450 Liquors, malt and distilled. . 20,398,869 Printing and publishing.... 7,114,939 Slaughtering and packing.. . 97,891,517 Total steam and water power in use, 144,2^ MINING.— Quantity : Coal, bituminous 6,089,514 tons Lead ore 722 " Zinc ore 3,000 " Minor minerals horse-power. Total mineral products COMMERCIAL FACILITIES. ■Railroads in Value. 8,739,755 30,200 39,000 102,324 8,911,279 1883, 10,656 304 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. miles of line; miles operated, 12,765 ; cost, $505,822*453; total investment, $560,594,778. Length of canal lines in operation, 102 miles; cost, $6,557,681. Steam craft, 171 ; tonnage, 22,- 546; value, $1,226,800. Sail craft, 275 ; tonnage, 66,528 ; value, $1,663,200. Canal boats, 104; barges and flats, 91. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed valuation of real estate, 1883, $817,914,723; of personal estate, $180,442,970; State taxation (1882), 32 cents on $100, $2,740,000 ; county taxa- tion, $6,000,000; city and town, etc., $18,500,000; State debt, none ; county, city and town debts, $44,942,422. All municipal debts now limited to 5 per cent, of assessed value of property. GO VERNMENT.— Capital, Springfield. Governor elected every four years. Salary, $6,000. The other State officers are : Lieutenant-Governor (four years), salary, $1,000; Secretary of State (four years), $3,500; Treasurer (two years), $3,500; Audi- tor (four years), $3,500; Attorney-General (four years), $3,500; Adjutant-General (appointed by Governor), $2,000; Superin- tendent Public Instruction (four years), $3,500 ; three Railroad Commissioners (two years), each, $3,500. The Legislature is composed of 51 Senators and 153 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of Legislator, $5 a day, $50 extra and mile- age. Legislature meets biennially on Wednesday after first Monday in January. No limit to session. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and six Associates, elected by the people for nine years. Salary of each, $5,000. Representatives in Congress, 20 ; Presidential electors, 22. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. 1872 President 241,248 1874 Sup. Pub. Inst 166,984 1876 President 278,232 1876 Governor 279,226 1878 Treasurer 206,458 1880 President ' 318,031 1880 Governor 314,565 1882 Treasurer 254,542 Dem. Greenback. Maj. 184,770 56,478 R. 197,490 30,506 D. 258,601 19,631 R. 272,432 6,794 R. 170,085 68,689 36,373 R- 277,321 26,358 40,710 R. 277,532 26,663 37,o33 R- 249,067 5,475 R. RULING BY STATES. 305 INDIANA. NAME. — Simply perpetuates the word "Indian." Popular name, " The Hoosier State." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, May 7, 1800. Act of admission and actual admission, Dec. II, 1816. AREA. — Square miles, 35,910; acres, 22,982,400; persons to a square mile, 55.09. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. 1800* 1810... 1820... 1830. Pop. 5.641 24,520 147,178 343,03 l 1840 685,866 Per cent, of 334-6 500.2 !33-o 99.9 Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1850 988,416 44. 1 i860 1,350,428 36.6 1870 1,680,637 24.4 1880 1,978,30! 17-7 [880 by Classes. Males 1,010,361 Native 1,834,123 Females.. 967,940 Foreign... 144,178 Dwellings 375,225 Families 39 1 ,203 Voters — Males over 21 498,437 White. .1,938,798 Chinese... 29 Black . . 39,228 Indians . . . 246 Persons to a dwelling 5.27 " " family. 5.06 Natural militia, 18-44 407,650 By Counties for three Censuses. <;20 25,922 Counties. 1880. Aclanis 15,385 Allen 54,763 Bartholomew 22 ,777 Benton 11,108 Blackford Boone Brown 10.264 Carroll 18,345 Ca:-s 27,611 Clark 28,610 Clay 25,854 Clinton 23,472 Crawford 12,356 Daviess 21,552 Dearborn 26,671 Decatur 19, 779 DeKalb 20,225 20 1870. 11,382 43,494 21,133 5,615 6,272 22,^93 8 ,68 1 16,152 24,193 24,770 19,084 i7,33o 9,85i 16,747 24,116 i9, 53 17,167 1863. 9,252 29,328 17,865 2,809 4,122 16,753 6,507 13,489 16,843 20,502 12,161 14,505 8,226 * 3 323 24,406 17,294 13,880 Counties. i! Delaware 22 Dubois 15 Elkhart 33, Fayette 11, Floyd 24, Fountain 20, Franklin 20, Fulton 14, Gibson 22 Grant 23 Greene '... 22 Hamilton 24 Hancock 17 Harrison ax, Hendricks 22 Henry 24, Howard 19 ,926 ,992 454 394 1 59° ,228 ,092 ,301 ,742 ,618 ,996 ,801 ,123 326 ,981 ,016 ,584 1870. 19,030 12,597 26,026 1 ,476 23,300 16,389 20,223 12,726 I7,37i 18,487 19,514 20,883 15,123 i9,9»3 20,277 22,986 15,847 i860. 15,753 io,394 20,986 10,225 20,183 15,566 19,549 9,422 14,532 15,797 16,041 i7,3io 12,802 18,521 i6,953 20,119 12,524 306 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. Huntington 21,805 Jackson 23,050 Jasper 9,464 Jay 19,282 Jefferson 25,977 Jennings 16,453 Johnson 19,537 Knox 26,324 Kosciusko 26,494 Lagrange 15,630 Lake 15,091 La Porte 30,985 Lawrence 18,543 Madison 27,527 Marion 102,782 Marshall 23,414 Martin 1 3,475 Miami 24,083 Monroe 15,875 Montgomery 27,316 Morgan 18,900 Newton 8,167 Noble 22,956 Ohio 5,563 Orange i4,3 6 3 Owen i5,9°i Parke 19,460 Perry 16,997 Pike 16,383 1870. i860. 19,036 14,867 18,974 16,286 6,354 4,291 15,000 ",399 29,74i 2 5 ,o 6 16,218 M,749 18,366 14,854 21,562 16,056 23,53i 17,418 14,148 11,366 12,339 9,M5 27,062 22,919 14,628 13,692 22,770 16,518 71-939 39,855 20,211 12,722 11,103 8,975 21,052 16,851 14,168 12,847 23,765 20,888 17,528 16,110 5,«2 9 2,360 20,389 I 4,9 I 5 5,837 5,462 13.497 12,076 16,137 14,376 18,166 15,538 14,801 11,847 13,779 10,078 Counties. 1880. Porter 17,227 Posey 20,857 Pulaski 9,851 Putnam 22,501 Randolph 26,435 Ripley 21,627 Rush 19,238 Saint Joseph 33,178 Scott 8,343 Shelby 25,257 Spencer 22,122 Starke 5,105 Steuben 14,645 Sullivan 20,336 Switzerland 13,336 Tippecanoe 35,966 Tipton 14,407 Union 7,673 Vanderburgh 42,193 Vermillion 12,025 Vigo 45,658 Wabash 25,241 Warren ",497 Warrick 20,162 Washington 18,9^5 Wayne 38,613 Wells 18,442 White 13,795 Whitley 16,941 1870. i860. 13,942 10,313 19,185 16,167 7,801 5,7" 21,514 20,681 22,862 i8,997 20,977 i9, 54 17,626 16,193 25,322 i8,455 7,873 7,303 21,892 19,569 17,998 14,556 3,888 2,195 12,854 io,374 18,453 15,064 12,134 12,698 33,5i5 25,726 n,953 8,170 6,34i 7,109 33,i45 20,552 1^,840 9,422 33,549 22,517 21,305 17,547 10,204 10,057 17,653 13,261 i8,495 17,909 34,048 29,558 13,585 10,844 io,554 8,258 H,399 10 ,73° EDUCATION. — Colleges, 15; instructors, 183; students, 2,- 962. Public schools, 11,623; value of school property, $11,907,- 541 ; teachers, 11,906; teachers' salaries (1882), $3,143,529; re- ceipts for school purposes, $7,267,700; expended for same (1882), $4,793,704; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 708,596; pupils enrolled (1882), 498,792; average attendance (1882), 305,513; average length of school session in 1882, 133 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 70,008, being 4.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 8y,y86 ; foreign white, 12,612; colored, Chinese and Indians, 10,363; total, 110,761, being 7.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 40; others, 438; total, 478. Circulation, 591,- 284. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 331,240; in professional and personal service, 137,281 ; in trade and trans- portation, 56,432 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 110,127. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 194,013; total acres RULING BY STATES. 307 in farms, 20,420,983; improved acres, 13,933.738; average size of farms, 105 acres; value of farms and buildings, $635,236,- 1 1 1 ; value of implements, $20,476,988 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $114,707,082. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 382,835 bush. Buckwheat 89,707 " Butter 37,377,797 lbs. Cheese 367,561 " Hay 1,361,083 tons. Hops 21,236 lbs. Indian Corn 115,482,300 bush. Milk 6,723,840 galls. Quantity. Oats ^15,599,518 bush. Orchard products 2 >757>359 Potatoes, Irish 6,232,246 bush. " sweet 244,930 " Rye 303,105 " Tobacco 8,872,842 lbs. Wheat 47,284,853 bush. Wool . 6,167,498 lbs. Live -Stock. Number. I Number. Horses 581,444 Other cattle 864,846 Mules and asses 51,780 | Sheep 1, 100^511 Working oxen 3>97° Swine 3,186,413 Milch cows 494,444 I Total value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $71,068,758 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 11,198; capital invested, $65,742,962; hands employed, 69,508; wages paid, $21,960,888; value of material, $100,262,917; value of products, $148,006,411. The principal manufactures are : Iron and steel $4,551,403 Liquors, malt and distilled. . 4,987,866 Lumber sawed 14,260,830 Slaughtering and packing. . . . 15,209,204 Woollen goods 2,729,347 Agricultural implements. . . . $4,460,408 Carriages and wagons 3,998,520 Cars 4,960,500 Cooperage 3,342,552 Flour and mill products. . . . 29,591,397 Machinery 6,833,648 Total steam and water power in use, 131,770 horse-power. ^fflV7/V^.--Quantity : Value. Coal, bituminous 1,449,496 tons $2,143,093 Minor minerals 7>599 " 22,291 Total mineral product $2,165,384 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 6,366 miles of line; miles operated, 6,948 ; cost, $277,168,906; total investment, $295,052,158. Steam craft, 51; tonnage, 7,745; value, $399,000. Barges, 14. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate 308 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. (1883), $541,110,434; personal property, $220,858,071; State taxation (1881) 30 cents on $100, $2,764,851 ; county, $4,031,- 029; city, town, etc., $4,318,838. State debt, Nov. 1, 1881, funded, $4,876,608; county, city and town indebtedness, $13,- 356,559- GOVERNMENT. — Capital, Indianapolis. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $5,000. The other State officers — term of each two years, except Lieutenant-Governor, which is four years, are — Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $8 per day ; Secretary of State, $2,000; Treasurer, $3,000; Auditor, $1,500; Attorney- General, $2,500; Superintendent Public Instruction, $2,500; Secretary Board of Agriculture, $1,200; State Librarian, $1,200. The Legislature is composed of 50 Senators and 100 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator $6 per day and 20 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on Thursday after first Monday in January. Session limited to 60 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of five Justices elected by the people for a term of six years. Salary of each, $4,000. Representatives in Congress, 13; Presidential electors, 15. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Ind. and Gbk. Maj. 1872 Governor 188,276 189,422 189 1,146 D. 1872 President 189,144 163,637 1,417 25,507 R. 1874 Secretary of State. ..... 164,902 182,154 16,233 17,252 D. 1876 President 207,971 213,526 9,533 5,555 D. 1876 Governor ..208,080 213,164 13,213 5,0840. 1878 Secretary of State 180,657 194,770 39,4*5 14,1130. 1880 Governor 231,405 224,452 14,881 6,953 R. 1880 President 232,164 225,522 12,986 6,642 R. 1882 Secretary of State. .... .210,234 220,918 18,520 10,684 D. RULING BY STATES. 309 IOWA. NAME. — The Sioux Indians called the u Gray Snow ** tribe Pa/ioja, the " drowsy " or " sleepy ones." On French lips Pahoja took the form of Iowa. Popular name, " The Hawkeye State." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, June 12, 1838; act of admission, March 3, 1845 ; actual admission, Dec. 28, 1846. AREA. — Square miles, 55,475; acres, 35,504,000; persons to square mile, 29.29. POPULATION 'and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 1840 43>"2 1850 192,214 i860 674,913 Per cent, of increase. 345-8 251. 1 Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1870 1,194,020 76.9 1880 1,624,615 36.0 Male 848,136 Native Female. .776,479 Foreign... 261,650 Dwellings 301,507 Families 310,894 Voters — Males over 2 1 416,658 1880 by Classes. 1,362,965 White 1,614,600 Chinese 33 Black .... 9,516 Indians 466 Persons to a dwelling 5.39 " % " family 5.23 Natural militia, 18-44 333.89Q By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Adair 11,667 Adams 11,888 Allamakee 19,791 Appanoose 16,636 Audubon 7,448 Benton 24,888 Black Hawk 23,913 Boone 20,838 Bremer 14,081 Buchanan 18,546 Buena Vista 7,537 Butler 14,293 Calhoun 5,595 Carroll 12,351 Cass 16,943 Cedar 18,936 Cerro Gordo 11,461 1870. 3.982 4,614 17,868 16,456 1,212 22,454 21,706 M,584 12,528 17,034 1.585 9,951 1,602 2,451 5,464 I9.73I 4,722 i860. 984 1.533 12,237 ",93i 454 8,496 8,244 4.232 4,9i5 7,906 57 3,724 147 281 1,612 12,949 940 Counties. 1880. Cherokee 8,240 Chickasaw 14, 534 Clarke 11,513 Clay 4,248 Clayton 28,829 Clinton 36,763 Crawford 12,413 Dallas 18,746 Davis 16,468 Decatur 15,336 Delaware 17,950 Des Moines 33,°99 Dickinson 1,901 Dubuque 42,996 Emmett 1,550 Fayette 22,258 Floyd 14,677 1870. i860. 1,967 5» 10,180 4,336 8,735 5,427 1,523 52 27,771 20,728 35,357 18,938 2,530 383 12,019 5,244 15,565 13,764 12,018 8,677 17,432 11,024 27,2S6 19,611 1,389 i8» 38.969 31,164 1.392 105 16,973 12,073 10,768 . 3,744 310 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. Franklin 10,249 Fremont ,. 17,652 Greene 12,727 Grundy 12,639 Guthrie 14, 394 Hamilton 11,252 Hancock 3,453 Hardin 17,807 Harrison 16,649 Henry 20,986 Howard 10,837 Humboldt 5>34i Ida 4,382 Iowa 19,221 Jackson 23,771 Jasper 25,963 Jefferson Johnson Jones Keokuk. Kossuth. Lee Linn Louisa 13,142 Lucas 14,53° 17,469 25,429 21,052 21,258 6,178 34,859 37, 2 37 Madison 17,224 Mahaska 25,202 Marion 25,111 Marshall 23,752 Mills i4,i37 Mitchell 14,363 Monona 9,055 1870. 4,738 11,174 4,627 6,399 7,001 6,055 13,684 8,931 21,463 6,282 2,596 226 16,644 22,619 22,116 17,839 24,898 19,731 19,434 3,351 37,210 31,080 12,877 10,388 221 13,884 22,508 24,436 17,576 8,7l8 9,582 3,654 i860. 1,309 5,074 1,374 793 3,058 1,699 179 5,44o 3,621 18,701 3,168 332 43 8,029 i8,493 9,883 15,038 17,573 13,306 13,271 416 29,232 i8,947 10,370 5,766 Counties. Monroe Montgomery. 7,339 14,816 16,813 6,015 4,48i 3,409 832 • i3,7i9 • 15,895 Muscatine „ 23,170 O'Brien 4,155 Osceola 2,219 Page 19,667 Palo Alto 4,131 Plymouth 8,566 Pocahontas 3,713 Polk 42,395 Pottawattamie 39,850 Poweshiek 18,936 Ringgold 12,085 Sac 8,774 Scott 41,266. Shelby 12,696 Sioux 5,426 Story 16,906 Tama 21,585 Taylor 15,635 Union 14,980 Van Buren.... i7,°43 Wapello 25,285 Warren 19,578 Washington 20,374 Wayne 16,127 Webster 15,951 Winnebago 4.917 Winneshiek 23,938 Woodbury 14,996 Worth 7,953 Wright 5,062 1870. 12,724 5,934 21,688 7i5 9.975 i,336 2,199 1,446 27,857 16,893 i5,58i 5,691 1,411 38,599 2,540 576 11,651 16,131 6,989 5,986 17,672 22,346 17,980 18,952 11,287 10,484 1,562 23,570 6,172 2,892 2,39 2 i860. 8,612 1,256 16,444 4,4i9 103 11,625 4,968 5,668 2,923 246 25,959 4,o5i 5,285 3,59° 2,012 17,081 14,518 10,281 14,235 6,409 2,504 168 13,942 1,119 756 653 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 19; instructors, 108; students, 3,546. Public schools, 12,638 ; value of school property, $9,460,775 ; teachers, 12,794; teachers' salaries (1882), $3,075,870; receipts for school purposes, $6,288,167; expended for same (1882), $5,525,449; school age, 5-21 years; school population (1882), 604,739; pupils enrolled (1882), 406,947; average attendance (1882), 253,688; average length of school session in 1882, 142 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 28,1 17, being 2.4 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 23,660; foreign white, 20,677; colored, Chinese and Indians, 2,272 ; total, 46,609, being 3.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 30; others, 549; total, 579. Circulation, 555r 408. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 303,557; in professional and personal service, 103,932 ; in trade and transportation, 50,872 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 69,941. RULING BY STATES 311 AGRICULTURE— -Number of farms, 185,351 ; total acres in farms, 24,752,700; improved acres, 19,866,541 ; average size of farms, 134 acres; value of farms and buildings, $567,430,277 ; value of implements, $29,371,884; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $136,103,473. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 4,022,588 bush. Buckwheat 166,895 " Butter 55,481,958 lbs. Cheese 1,075,988 " Hay 3,613,941 tons. Indian Corn 275,014,247 bush. Milk 15,965,612 galls. Oats 50,610,591 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $1,494,365 Potatoes, Irish 9,962,537 bush. " sweet 122,368 " Rye 1,518,605 " Tobacco . . 420,477 lbs. Wheat 31,154,205 bush. Wool 2,971,975 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 792,322 Mules and asses 44,424 Working oxen 2,506 Milch cows 854,187 Total value of all farm products, June Number. Other cattle.. „ 1, 755.343 Sheep 455.359 Swine 6,034,316 1880 $124,715,103 MANUFACTURES— Number of establishments, 6,921 ; cap- ital invested, $33,987,886; hands employed, 28,372; wages paid, $9,725,962; value of material, $48,704,311; value of products, $71,045,926. The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements $1,271,872 Carriages and wagons 2,212,197 Cheese and butter 1,736,400 Clothing (men's) 1,508,398 Flour and mill products 19,089,401 Machinery 1,594,349 Furniture 1,293,504 Liquors, malt and distilled. ..$1,941,851 Lumber, sawed .. .. 6,185,628 Printing and publishing 1,399,289 Saddlery and harness 2,068,486 Sash, doors and blinds. ..A. 1,286,072 Slaughtering and packing. . ..11,285,032 Total steam and water power in use, 54,221 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Coal, bituminous. Lead ore ',442,333 tons. 384 " Value. #2,473>i55 19,172 Total value of mineral products $2,492,327 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 2,880 miles of line; miles operated, 1,932; cost, $99,752,621; total investment, $105,352,918. Total number of steam craft, 70; ton- nage, 9,862 ; value, $387,350. Barges and flats, 99. 312 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $463,824,466; personal property, $98,809,203. State taxation (1883), 20 cents on $100, $1,228,216; county taxation, $4,280,091; city, town, etc., $5,154,129. State debt (1883), funded, $245,435 ; county, city and town indebtedness, $7,592,- 332. GO VERNMENT.— Capital, Des Moines. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $3,000. The other State officers, all elected for two years, except the Railroad Commissioners, whose term is three years, are, Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $1,100 ; v Secretary of State, $2,200; Treasurer, $2,200; Auditor, $2,200; Attorney-General, $1,500; Adjutant-General, by Governor, $1,- 500; Superintendent of Public Instruction, $2,200; three Rail- road Commissioners, each, $3,000; State Librarian, by Governor, $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 50 Senators and 100 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for four years and Repre- sentatives for two years. Salary of each, $550 a year. Legis- lature meets biennially on second Monday in January. No limit to length of session. State elections are held annually on Tuesday after second Monday in October, except on Presidential years, when they are held on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and four as- sociates, elected by the people for a term of six years. Salary of each, $4,000. Representatives in Congress, 11 ; Presidential electors, 13. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Grbk 1872 President 131,173 7M34 1873 Governor 105,143 82,589 1874 Secretary of State. 107,250 79,054 1875 Governor 125,058 93,359 1876 President 171,332 112,121 1876 Secretary of State. 172,171 112,115 1877 Governor 121,546 79,353 1878 Secretary of State. 134,544 1,302 123,57 Maj. 60,039 R- 22,554 R. 28,196 R. 31,699 R. 59,211 R. 60,056 R. 42,193 R. [0,967 R. [879 Governor I 57»57 I 85,056 45,429 72,515 R. 1880 President 183,927 105,845 32,701 78,082 R. 1881 Governor 133,326 73,397 28,146 59,929 R. 1882 Secretary of State. 149,05 1 112, 180 30,817 36,871 R. 1883 Governor 164,182 139,093 23,089 25,089 R. RULING BY STATES. 313 KANSAS. NAME. — From Kansas river or tribe. The tribal name is written many ways, as Kansas, Kansaw, Kows. It evidently took its name from the river Kansas, which means " smoky water ; " according to some, " good potato." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, May 30, 1854; act of admission and date of admission Jan. 29, 1 861. AREA. — Square miles, 81,700; acres, 53,288,000; persons to square mile, 12.19. POPULATION vnA rate of increase: Census. Pop. Per cent, of i860 107,206 increase. '870 3 6 4,399 239.9 1880 996,096 173.3 1880 by Classes. Male 536,667 Native 886,010 White 952,155 Chinese 19 Female.. .459,429 Foreign. . ..1 1 0,086 Black.... 43,107 Indians ... .815 Dwellings ... 189,432 Persons to a dwelling 5.26 Families 197,679 " " family 5.04 Voters — Males over 21 265,714 Natural militia, 18-44 223,338 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Allen 1I ,3°3 Anderson 9>°57 Arapahoe 3 Atchison 26,668 Barbour 2,661 Barton 10,318 Bourbon !9,59* Breckenridge Brown 12,817 Buffalo 191 Butler 18,586 Chase 6,081 Chautauqua 11,072 Cherokee 21,905 Cheyenne 37 Clark 163 Clay 12,320 £'°" d 15.343 Coney ",438 1870. 7,022 5,220 i860. 3,682 2,400 15,507 7,729 a 15,076 6,823 6,101 3,i97 2,607 3,°35 i,975 437 808 11,038 2,942 2,323 6,201 '"163 2,842 Counties. 1880. Comanche 372 Cowley 21,538 Crawford 16,851 Davis 6,994 Decatur 4, 180 Dickinson 15,251 Doniphan 14,257 Dorn Douglas 21,700 Edwards 2,409 Elk 10,623 Ellis 6,179 Ellsworth 8,494 Foote 411 Ford 3,122 Franklin , 16,797 Godfrey Gove 1,196 Graham 4,258 1870. 1,175 8,160 5,526 1,163 3,o43 13,969 378 8,083 20,592 8,637 i,336 1,185 427 10,385 3,°3° ^9 314 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. Grant 9 Greeley 3 Greenwood 10,548 Hamilton 168 Harper 4,133 Harvey u.45 1 Hodgeman 1 »7°4 Howard Hunter Jackson 10,718 Jefferson 15,563 Jewell 17,475 Johnson 16,853 Kansas 9 Kearney 159 Kingman 3,713 Labette 22,735 Lane 6di Leavenworth 3 2 ,355 Lincoln 8,582 Linn 15,298 Lykins Lyon ' 17,326 McGhee McPherson *7,M3 Madison Marion * 2,453 Marshall 16,136 Meade 296 Miami 17,802 Mitchell 14,911 Montgomery 18,213 Morris 9,265 Nemaha 12,462 Neosho 15,121 Ness 3,722 Norton 6,998 Osage 19,642 1870. i860. 3,484 759 2,794 6,053 12,526 207 13,684 "158 i,936 4,459 4,364 9.973 32,444 5i6 12,174 8,014 12,606 6,336 4,980 "738 '"768 6,901 1,501 "036 74 2,280 ",725 485 7,564 2,225 7,339 10,206 770 2,436 2 7,648 Counties. 1 Osborne 12 Otoe Ottawa 10 Pawnee 5 Phillips 12 Pottawatomie 16 Pratt 1 Rawlins 1 Reno 12 Republic 14 Rice 9 Riley 10 Rooks 8 Rush 5 Russell 7, Saline...... 13 Scott Sedgwick 18 Sequoyah Seward Shawnee 29 Sheridan 1 Sherman Smith 13 Stafford 4 Stanton Stevens Sumner 20 Thomas Trego 2 Wabaunsee 8 Wallace Washington 14 Wichita Wilson 13 Woodson 6 Wyandotte 19 307 .396 ,014 .350 800 623 826 .913 292 430 112 490 35i 808 43 753 568 5 093 567 '3 883 755 5 12 812 161 535 750 636 910 14 775 535 143 1870. i860. 33 238 2,127 179 7,848 1,529 1,281 5 5,io5 1,224 "T56 4,246 1,095 3,121 3,5i3 ""66 22 166 3,362 1,023 538 4,081 383 6,694 3,827 10,015 27 1,488 2,609 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 8; instructors, 8; students, 1,343. Public schools, 6,148 ; value of school property, $4,723,043 ; teachers, 6,619; teachers' salaries (1882), $1,296,256; receipts for school purposes, $2,163,161 ; expended for same (1882), $2,194,175; school age, 5-21 years; school population (1882), 357,920; pupils enrolled (1882), 269,945; average attendance (1882), 162,017; average length of school year in 1882, 114 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 25,503, being 3.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 17,825; foreign white, 7,063; colored, Chinese and Indians, 14,588; total, 39,476, being 5.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 21 ; others, 328; total, 349. Circulation, 290,- 064. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 206,080; in professional and personal services, 53,507 ; in trade and trans- RULING BY STATES. 315 portation, 26,379; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 36,3I9- AGRICULTURE.-*- -Number of farms, 138,561 ; total acres in farms, 21,417,468; improved acres, 10,739,566; average size of farms, 155 acres; value of farms and buildings, $235,178,936; value of implements, $15,652,848*, total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $52,240,361. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 300,273 bush. Buckwheat 24,421 " Butter 21,671,762 lbs. Cheese 483.987 " Hay 1,589,987 tons. Hops 500 lbs. Indian Corn 105,729,325 bush. Milk 1,360,235 galls. Quantity. Oats 8,180,385 bush. Orchard products #358,860 Potatoes, Irish.. . . ... 2,894,198 bush. " sweet...... 195,225 " Rye 413,181 " Tobacco 191,609 lbs. Wheat 17,324,141 bush. Wool 2,855,832 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Other cattle 1,015,935 Sheep 499,67 1 Swine 1,787,969 Number. Horses 43°,9°7 Mules and asses 64,869 Working oxen 16,789 Milch cows 4*8,333 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $60,907,149 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 2,803; capi- tal invested, $11,192,315 ; hands employed, 12,062; wages paid, $3,995,010; value of material, $21,453,141 ; value of products, #30,843,777. The principal manufactures are : Carriages and wagons #745,800 Flour and mill products 11,858,022 Iron and steel 1,004,100 Slaughtering and packing.. . .#5,618,714 Machinery 889,294 Saddlery and harness 835,934 Total steam and water power in use, 21,079 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Coal, bituminous 763,597 tons #1,498,168 Lead ore 10,681 " 460,980 Zinc ore 7,248 " 477,693 Total mineral products #2,436,841 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 3,801 miles of line; miles operated, 3,761; cost, $104,476,667; total investment, $153,967,714. 316 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $127,863,782 ; of personal property, $75,320,717. State debt (1883) funded, $1,120,175; county indebtedness, $7,950,- 921 ; city, town and township indebtedness, $6,967,232. State taxation, 1883,43 cents on $100, $1,512,668; county, $2,060,- 878; city, town and local, $1,470,804. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Topeka. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $3,000. The Legislature is composed of 40 Senators and 125 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator $3 a day and 15 cents mile- age. Sessions every second year, beginning on second Tuesday in January. Limit of session 50 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two As- sociates, elected by the people for six years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representatives in Congress, 7 ; Presidential electors, 9. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. 1872 President 67,048 1874 Governor 48,594 1876 Governor 69,073 1876 President 78,322 1878 Governor 74,020 1880 President 121,549 1880 Governor 115,104 1882 Governor 75,155 Dem. Grbk. Maj. 3 2 ,97o 34,078 R 35,301 13,293 R 46,204 22,869 R 37,902 40,420 R, 37,208 27,057 36,412 R, 59,789 19,851 61,570 R, 63,557 19,477 51,647 R. 83,107 20,935 7,952 L> RULING BY STATES. 317 KENTUCKY. NAME. — So called from a Shawnee Indian word, Kantuckee, meaning " the head of a river," or the " long river." Popular name, " State of the Dark and Bloody Ground." ADMISSION.— Act of admission, Feb. 4, 1791; admitted, June i, 1792. AREA. — Square miles, 40,000; acres, 25,600,000; persons to a square mile, 41.22. POPULATION and rate of increase : Census. Pop. I790 73.677 1800 220,955 1810 406,511 1820 5 6 4,i35 1830 687,917 Per cent, of increase. 199.8 83.9 38.7 21.9 Census. Pop. 1840 779,828 1850 982,405 i860 1,155,684 1870 1,321,011 1880 1,648,690 Per cent, of increase. 13-3 25-9 17.6 H-3 24.8 1880 by Classes. Males. . ..832,590 Native 1,589,173 Females. .816,100 Foreign.... 59,517 Dwellings 286,600 Families 302,63 1 Voters — Males over 21 376,221 White . . . .1,377,179 Chinese. ... 10 Black.... 271,451 Indians. .. .50 Persons to a dwelling 5.75 " " family 5.45 Natural militia, 18-44 313,136 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. iS Adair 13 Allen 12, Anderson 9 Ballard 14 Barren 22 Bath 11, Be* 6 Boone n, Bourbon 15 Boyd Boyle Brachen 13 Breathitt 7, Breckinridge 17 Bullitt ,078 ,089 ,361 ,378 ,321 982 -055 ,996 ,956 ,165 .93o 509 ,742 ,486 ,521 1870. 11,065 10,296 5,449 12,576 17,780 io,i45 3,73i 10,696 14,863 8,573 9,515 11,409 5,672 i3.44o 7,781 i860. 9,5o9 9,187 7,404 8,692 16,665 12,113 11,196 14,860 6,044 9.304 11,021 4,980 13,236 7,289 Counties. 1 1 Butler 12 Caldwell 11, Calloway 13, Campbell 37, Carroll 8, Carter 12, Casey 10, Christian. 31 Clark 12; Clay 10, Clinton 7, Crittenden 11, Cumberland 8, Daviess 27, Edmonson. _.7 1870. 9-404 10,826 9,410 27,406 6,189 7,509 8,884 23,227 10,882 8,297 6,497 9.38i 7,690 20,714 4,459 i860. 7.927 9,3i8 9.9*5 20,909 6,578 8,^6 6,466 21,627 11,484 6,652 5,78i 8,796 7,34o 15,549 4,645 318 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. 1870. Elliott , 6,567 4,433 Estill 9,860 9,198 Fayette 29,023 26,656 Fleming 15,221 13,398 Floyd 10,176 7.877 Franklin 18,699 15,300 Fulton 7,977 6,161 Gallatin 4,832 5,074 Garrard ",704 10,376 Grant 13.083 9,529 Graves 24,138 19,398 Grayson 15,784 11,580 Green 11,871 9.379 Greenup 1 3,37 I ".463 Hancock 8,563 6,591 Hardin 22,564 15,705 Harlan 5,278 4,415 Harrison 16,504 12,993 Hart 17,133 13.687 Henderson 24,515 18,457 Henry 14,492 11,066 Hickman 10,651 8,453 Hopkins 19,122 13,827 Jackson 6,678 4,547 Jefferson 146,010 118,953 Jessamine 10,864 8,638 Johnson; 9,155 7,494 Kenton 43,983 36,096 Knox 10,587 8,294 La Rue 9,793 8,235 Laurel 9,131 6,016 Lawrence 13,262 8,497 Lee 4,254 3,055 Leslie 3,74° Letcher 6,601 4,608 Lewis 13^54 9, "5 Lincoln 15,080 10,947 Livingston 9,165 8,200 Logan 24,358 20,429 Lyon 6,768 6,233 McCracken 16,262 13,988 McLean 9,293 7.614 Madison 22,052 19, 543 Magoffin 6,944 4,684 i860. 6,886 22,599 12,489 6,388 12,694 5,317 5,056 10,531 8,356 16,233 7,982 8,806 8,760 6,213 15,189 5,494 13,779 10,348 14,262 ",949 7,008 ",875 3,087 89,404 9,465 5,3o6 25,467 7,707 6,891 5,488 7,601 3,904 8,361 10,647 7.213 19,021 5.807 10,360 6,144 17,207 3,485 Counties. iS8o. Marion !4,693 Marshall 9,647 Martin 3,057 Mason 20,469 Meade 10,323 Menifee 3,755 Mercer 14,142 Metcalfe 9, 423 Monroe 10,741 Montgomery 10,566 Morgan 8,455 Muhlenbergh 15,098 Nelson ^16,609 Nicholas 11,869 Ohio 19,669 Oldham 7,667 Owen 17,4°! Owsley 4,942 Pendleton 16,702 Perry 5,607 Pike 13,001 Powell 3,639 Pulaski 21,318 Robertson 5,814 Rockcastle 9,670 Rowan 4,420 Russell 7,59! Scott 14,965 Shelby 16,813 Simpson 10,641 Spencer 7,040 Taylor 9, 2 59 Todd 15,994 Trigg 14,489 Trimble 7,171 1870. 12,838 9,455 i860. 12,593 6,982 Union. Warren Washington. Wayne Webster Whitley Wolfe 5,638 Woodford 11,800 i7, 8c 9 27,53i 14,419 12,512 14,246 12,000 18,126 9,485 1,986 i3,M4 7,934 9, 2 3i 7,557 5,975 12,638 14,804 9,129 15,561 9,027 14,309 3,889 14,030 4,274 9.562 2,599 17,670 5,399 7, x 45 2,991 5,809 11,607 15,733 9,573 5,956 8,226 12,612 13,686 5,577 13,640 21,742 12,464 10,602 io,937 8,278 3,603 8,240 13,701 6,745 8,55i 7,859 9,237 10,725 15,799 11,030 12,209 7,283 12,719 5,335 io,443 3,95o 7,384 2,257 17,201 5,343 2,282 6,024 14,417 16,433 8,146 6,188 7,48i n,575 11,051 5,88o 12,791 17,320 ",575 10,259 7,533 7,762 11,219 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 15; instructors, 142; students, 1,750. Public schools, 7,392 ; value of school property, $2,143,013 ; teachers, 7,706 ; teachers' salaries, $1,025,659 ; receipts for school purposes, $2,163,261; expended for same (1881), $1,248,524; school age, 6-20; school population (1881), 553,638; pupils enrolled (1881), 238,440; average attendance, 192,331; average length of school session in 1880, 102 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 258,186, being 22.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 208,796 ; foreign white, 5,701; colored, Chinese and Indians, 133,895; total, 348,392, being 29.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. RULING BY STATES. 319 Daily papers, n ; others, 202; total, 213. Circulation, 402,- 070. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 320,571 ; in professional and personal service, 104,239; in trade and trans- portation, 33,563 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 61,481. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 166,453 ; total acres in farms, 21,495,240; improved acres, 10,731,683; average size of farms, 129 acres; value of farms and buildings, $299,298,631 ; value of implements, $9,734,634 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $63,850,155. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 486,326 bush. Buckwheat 9.942 " Butter 18,21 1,904 lbs. Cheese 58,468 " Cotton 1,367 bales. Hay 218,739 tons. Indian Corn 72,852,263 bush. Milk 2,5 13,209 galls. Quantity. Oats 4,580,738 bush. Orchard products #1,377,670 Potatoes, Irish 2,269,890 bush. " sweet 1,017,854 " Rye 668,050 " Tobacco 171,120,784 lbs. Wheat 11,356,113 bush. Wool 4>59 2 >576 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 372,648 Mules and asses 116,153 Working oxen 36,166 Milch cows 301,882 Total value of live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $49,670,567 Number. Other cattle 505,746 Sheep l ,000,269 Swine 2,225,225 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 5,328; capital invested, $45,313,039; hands employed, 37,491 ; wages paid, $11,657,844; value of material, $47,461,890; value of products, $75483.377- The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements $1,647,116 Carriages and wagons 1,474,475 Clothing, men's 1,506,668 Cooperage 1 ,243,930 Flour and mill products 9,604,147 Machinery 3> OI 3>°79 Iron and steel 5,090,029 Leather, tanned and curried.. 3,199,843 Liquors, malt and distilled. .$10,772,677 Lumber, sawed and planed. . 5,014,999 Printing and publishing 1,289,316 Saddlery and harness I>37°>885 Slaughtering and packing. .. 4,538,888 Tobacco and cigars 3>734>835 Woollen goods 1 ,264,988 Total steam and water power in use, 54,929 horse-power. 320 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Coal, bituminous 935,857 tons $1,123,046 Iron ore 33>522 " 88,930 Total value of mineral products $ 1 , 211, 976 Add petroleum 5,376 barrels of 42 galls. @ 2^ cts. per gal. 5,080 Grand total of all mineral products $1,217,056 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES,— Railroads in 1883, 2,499 miles of line; miles operated, 2,603; cost, #129,110,231; total investment, #150,744,624. Steam craft, 91 ; tonnage, 23,257; value, #1,300,500. Barges and flats, 252; value, #126,- 375- FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1883), #278,134,467 ; of personal property, #96,420,512. State taxation (1883), 47^ cents on #100, #2,482,696; county, #i,~ 623,118; city, town and local, #1,982,832. State debt (1883), funded, #180,394; unfunded, #400,000; county, city and local indebtedness, #13,888,025. GO VERNMENT.— Capital, Frankfort. Governor elected for four years. Salary, #5,000. The other State officers are : Lieu- tenant-Governor, four years, salary #10 per day; Secretary of State, four years, #1,500; Treasurer, two years, #2,400; Auditor, four years, #2,500; Quartermaster and Adjutant-General, four years, #2,000; Superintendent of Public Instruction, four years, #2,500 ; Attorney-General, four years, #500 and fees ; Register of Lands, four years, #2,000; Commissioner of Agriculture, two years, #2,000 ; Insurance Commissioner, four years, #4,000 ; three Railroad Commissioners, two years, each, #2,000 ; State Librarian, two years, #1,000. The Legislature is composed of 38 Senators and 100 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for four years and Representa- tives for two years. Their salary is #5 a day and 15 cents mile- age. Sessions are held biennially, beginning on last day of December. Length of session limited to 60 days, but may be extended by consent of both Houses. State elections are held on first Monday in August. Congres- sional and Presidential elections held on Tuesday after first Monday in November. RULING BY STATES. 321 The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and three As- sociates, elected for eight years. Salary of each, $5,000. Representatives in Congress, 1 1 ; Presidential electors, 1 3. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. 1872 President 100,212 1875 Governor 126,976 1876 President 160,445 1877 Treasurer 96,557 1879 Governor 125,799 1880 President H7,999 1883 Governor 133,615 Rep. Ind. Maj. 88,816 2,374 11,396 D. 90,795 36,181 D. 98,415 62,030 D. 20,451 76,106 D. 81,882 18,954 43,9170. 104,550 11,498 43,449 D. 89,181 , 44,434 D. LOUISIANA. NAME. — So called in honor of Louis XIV. of France. All the French territory about the mouth of the Mississippi and west of that river was called Louisiana. Popular name, " The Creole State." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, March 3, 1805; act of admission dated April 8, 1 8 12 ; admitted, April 30, 1812. AREA. — Square miles, 45,420; acres, 29,068,800; persons to a square mile, 20.69. POPULATION and rate of increase: . Census. Pop. 1810 76,556 1820 152,923 1830 215,739 1840 352.411 Per cent of increase. 99-7 41.0 633 Census. Pop. 1850 517,762 i860 708,002 1870 726,915 1880 939,946 Per cent, of increase. 46.9 36-7 2.6 29-3 21 322 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 1880 by Cla Male 468,754 Native 885,800 Female. .471,192 P'oreign.... 54,146 Dwellings 1 74,867 Families 192,833 Voters — Males over 21 216,787 White. . . .454,954 Chinese. Blnck . . . .483,655 Indians, Persons to a dwelling. . . . . . " " family Natural militia, 18-44 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Ascension 16,895 Assumption 17,010 Avoyelles 16,747 Bienville 10,442 Bossier 16,042 Caddo 26,296 Calcasieu 12,484 Caldwell 5,767 Cameron 2,416 Carroll Catahoula 10,277 Claiborne 18,837 Concordia 14,914 De Soto 15,603 East Baton Rouge... 19,966 East Carroll 12,134 East Feliciana 15,132 Franklin 6,495 Grant 6,188 Iberia 16,676 Iberville 17, 544 Jackson 5,328 Jefferson 12,166 La Fayette 13,235 La Fouiche 19, "3 Lincoln 11,075 Livingston 5,258 Madison 13,906 Morehouse 14,206 Natchitoches 19,707 1870. ",577 13,234 12,926 10,636 12,675 21,714 6,733 4,820 i,59i 10,110 8,475 20,240 9,977 14,962 17,816 13,499 5,c78 4,5i7 9,042 12,347 7,646 17,767 10,388 14,719 4,026 8,600 9,387 18,265 i860. 11,484 15,379 11,000 ",348 12,140 5,9 2 8 4,833 18,052 11,651 16,848 13,805 13,298 16,046 14,697 6,162 14,661 j 9,465 15,372 9,003 j 14,044 4,43i I 14,133 ; 10,357 ! 16,699 ! Counties. 1880. Orleans 216,090 Ouachita 14,685 Plaquemines ",575 Point Coupee 17,785 Rapides 23,563 Red River 8,573 Richland 8,440 Sabine 7,344 Saint Bernard 4,405 Saint Charles 7, 161 Saint Helena 7,5°4 Saint James 14,714 Saint John Baptist... 9,686 Saint Landry 40,004 Saint Martin 12,663 Saint Mary 19,891 Saint Tammany 6,887 Tangipahoa 9,638 Tensas 17,815 Terrebonne i7-9=;7 Union 13,526 Vermillion 8,728 Vernon 5, 160 Washington 5,190 Webster 10,005 West Baton Rouge... 7,667 West Carroll 2,776 West Feliciana 12,809 Winn 5,846 1870. 191,418 11,582 10,552 12,981 18,015 5,"o 6,456 3,553 4,867 5,423 10,152 6,762 25,553 9,37° 13,860 5,586 7,928 12,419 12,451 11,685 4,528 3,330 5, "4 10,-499 4,954 ...489 . . .848 ..5.38 ..4.87 73,731 i860. 174,49* 4,727 8,494 17,718 25,360 5,828 4,076 5,297 7,130 ",499 7,93o 23,104 ft, 674 16,816 5,406 16,078 12,091 10,389 4,324 "J*.** 7»3» ,1,671 6 ; 8 7 6 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 9; instructors, 84; students, 1,156. Public schools, 1,669; value of school property, $752,903; teachers, 1,713; teachers' salaries (188 1), $374,127 ; receipts for school purposes, $498,409 ;. expended for same (1881), $441,484 ; school age, 6-18 years; school population (1881), 271,414; pupils enrolled (188 1), 62,370; average attendance (1881), 45,- 626; average length of school year in 1881, 100 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 297,312, being 45.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 53,261 ; foreign white, 5,690; colored, Chinese and Indians, 259,429; total, 318,380, being 49.1 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 13 ; others, 99 ; total, 1 12. Circulation, 134,830. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 205,306; in professional and personal services, 98,1 1 1 ; in trade and trans- portation, 29,130; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 30,681. RULING BY STATES. 323 AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 48,292; total acres in farms, 8,273,506; improved acres, 2,739,972; average size of farms, 171 acres; value of farms and buildings, $58,989,117; value of implements, $5,435,525; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $42,883,522. Principal Products. Quantity. Butter 916,089 lbs. Cheese 7,618 " Cotton 508,569 bales. Hay 37,029 tons. Indian Corn 9,889,689 bush. Milk 256,241 galls. Oats 229,840 bush. Orchard products $188,604 Potatoes, Irish 180,115 bush. Quantity. Potatoes, sweet 1,318,110 bush. Rice 23,188,311 lbs. Rye 1,013 bush. Sugar 171,706 hhds. Molasses ... 1 1,696,248 galls. Tobacco 55,954 lbs- Wheat 5,034 bush. Wool 406,678 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. 1 Number. Other cattle 282,418 Sheep I35> 6 3i Swine 633,489 Horses 104,428 Mules and asses 76,674 Working oxen 41 ,729 Milch cows 146,454 Total value of live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $12,345,905 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 1,553; cap- ital invested, $11,462,468; hands employed, 12,167; wages paid, $4,360,371 ; value of material, $14,442,506; value of pro- ducts, $24,205,183. The principal manufactures are : Clothing, men's $1,079,559 Machinery 1,554,485 Lumber, sawed arid planed... 2,035,120 Cotton seed oil and cake. . . . 3,739,466 Rice cleaning 1,573,281 Slaughtering and packing. . . 1,500,000 Sugar and molasses refining. 1,483,000 Total steam and water power in use, 1 1 ,346 horse-power. COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,249 miles of line; miles operated, 1,231 ; cost, $70,242,976 ; total in- vestment, $70,550,578. Length of canal and slack-water line, 28 miles; cost of same, $2,030,000. Steam craft, 195 ; tonnage, 53,672; value, $4,385,700- Sail craft, 447; tonnage, 31,958; value, $798,950. Barges and flats, 102; value, $25,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1882), $122,889,315 ; of personal property (1882), $58,570,646. State taxation (1883), rate 60 cents on $100, $1,714,984; parish 324 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. taxation, $710,573; city, town and village, #1,914,219. State debt (1882), funded, #13,195,933; unfunded, $3,959,000; parish, city and local indebtedness, $19,428,312. GO VERNMENT.— Capital, Baton Rouge. Governor elected for a term of four years. Salary, $4,000. The other State officers, their terms being for four years, are : Lieutenant-Gov- ernor, salary, $8 per day, Secretary of State, $ 1 ,800 ; Treasurer, $2,000; Auditor, $2,500; Attorney-General, $3,000; Adjutant- General, $2,000; Superintendent of Public Education, $2,000; Register of Lands, $1,500; Commissioner of Agriculture, $2,000 ; State Librarian, $900. The Legislature is composed of 36 Senators and 98 Repre- sentatives, all elected for four years. Salary of a Legislator, $4 per day and mileage. Legislature meets biennially on second Monday in May. Session limited to 60 days. State elections are held on Tuesday after first Monday in April. Presidential election on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and four associates, appointed by the Governor and Senate for a term of twelve years. Salary of each, $5,000. Representatives in Congress, 6 ; Presidential electors. 8. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Maj. 1872 Governor 55,249 72,890 17,641 R. 1874 Treasurer 68,586 69,544 (Disputed) 958 R. 1876 President 70,508 75,315 " • 4,807 R. 1876 Governor 71,198 74,624 " 3,426 R. 1878 Treasurer 77,212 34,064 43,1480. 1879 Governor 73,988 43,185 30,803 D. 1880 President 65,310 31,891 33,4190. RULING BY STATES. 325 MAINE. NAME. — Said to be so called from Maine in France, in honor of Henrietta Maria, of England, who was proprietor of that province. But the name appears in the charter to Gorges and Mason, Aug. 10, 1622, two years at least before Henrietta Maria was thought of as a wife for Prince Charles. It is therefore probable that the title in the charter was the name by which the coast was known at the time, either " the Main " or "the mayne- land of New England." Popular name, " Lumber or Pine Tree State." ADMISSION.— Act of admission dated March 3, 1820; admission Marcji 15, 1820. AREA. — Square miles, 29,895 ; acres, 19,132,800; persons to a square mile, 21.71. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 179° 9 6 >540 1800 151,719 1810 228,705 1820 298,269 1830 399.455 Per cent, of \ Per cent, of increase. j Census. Pop. increase. .-• ! 1840 501,793 25.6 57.1:1850 583,169 16.2 50.7 j i860 628,279 7.7 30.4 1870 626,915 0.2 dec. 33-9 i l88 ° 648,936 3.5 [880 by Classes. Male 324,058 Native 590,053 Female. ..324,878 Foreign 58,883 Dwellings .1 24,959 Families 141,843 Voters — Males over 21 187,323 White 646,852 Chinese 8 Black 1,451 Indians. ... 625 Persons to a dwelling 5. 19 " " family 4.58 Natural militia, 18-44 I2 7>975 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Androscoggin 45,042 Aroostook 41,700 Cumberland 86,359 1870. 35.866 29,609 82.021 i860. 29,726 22,479 75,591 Counties. 1880. Franklin 18,180 Hancock 38,129 Kennebec 53,058 1870. i860. 18,807 20,403 36,495 37,757 53. 2 °3 55,655 326 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. Knox 32,863 Lincoln 24,821 Oxford 32,627 Penobscot 70,476 Piscataquis x 4>87 2 1870. i860. 30,823 32,716 25,597 27,860 33,488 36,698 75,x5o 72,73i 14,403 15,032 Counties. 1880. Sagadahoc 19.272 Somerset 32,333 Waldo 32,463 Washington f 44,484 York 62,257 1870. i860. 18,803 21,790 34,611 36,753 34,522 38,447 43.343 42,534 60,174 62,107 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 3; instructors, 33; students, 377. Public schools, 4,736 ; value of school property, $3,027,602 ; teachers, 4,797; teachers' salaries (1882), $952,394; receipts for school purposes, $1,074,554; expended for same (1882), $1,- 081,834; school age, 4-21 ; school population (1882), 213,007 ; pupils enrolled (1882), 147,988; average attendance (1882), 1 1 1,188 ; average length of school year in 1882, 1 17 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 18,181, being 3.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 8,775 \ foreign white, 12,- 983 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 412 ; total, 22,170, being 4.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 12; others, 112 ; total, 124. Circulation, 1,215,- 572. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 82,130; in professional and personal services, 47,41 1 ; in trade and trans- portation, 29,790; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 72,662. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 64,309; total acres in farms, 6,552,578; improved acres, 3,484,908; average size of farms, 102 acres; value of farms and buildings, $102,357,615 ; value of implements, $4,948,048 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $21,945,489. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 242,185 bush. Buckwheat 382,701 " Butter 14,103,966 lbs. Cheese 1,167,730 " Hay 1,107,788 tons. Hops 48,214 lbs. Indian Corn 960,633 bush. Milk 3,720,783 galls. Quantity. Oats 2,265,575 bush. Orchard products $1,112,026 Potatoes, Irish 7,999,625 bush. Rye 26,398 " Tobacco 250 lbs. Wheat 665,714 bush. Wool 2,776,407 lbs. RULING BY STATES. 327 Live-Stock. Number. Other cattle 140,527 Sheep 565r9i 8 Swine 74.369 Number. Horses 87,848 Mules and asses 298 Working oxen 43,049 Milch cows 1 50,845 Value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 #16,499,376 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 4,48 1 ; capi- tal invested, $49,988,171 ; hands employed, 52,954; wages paid, $13,623,318; value of material, $51,120,708; value of products, $79,829,793. The principal manufactures are : Boots and shoes $5,823,541 | Lumber sawed and planed.. #8,445,667 Clothing, men's 1,130,381 I Mixed textiles I ,9°9»937 Cotton goods I3»3 I 9>363 I Paper 2,170,321 Dyeing and finishing 1,107,616 j Printing and publishing 1,606,098 Flour and mill products. . . . 3,966,023 Machinery 2,232,675 Canned goods 1,402,100 Shipbuilding 2,909,846 Slaughtering and packing. .. 1,093,687 Sugar refining 1,499,512 Leather curried and tanned;. 9,713,371 Woollen goods 6,686,073 Total steam and water power in use, 100,476 horse-power. MIMING.— Quantity : Value. Gold #2,999 Silver 7,200 Iron ore 6,000 tons 9,000 Copper ingots 102,500 lbs. 18,040 Minor minerals 2,000 Total precious minerals, #10,199. Non-precious. . . . 29,040 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,123 miles of line; miles operated, 1,004; cost » $39,162,141; total investment, $39,820,687. Steam craft, 112; tonnage, 16,992; value, $1,135,700. Sail craft, 2,559; tonnage, 491,348; value, $12,283,700. Barges and flats, 155 ; value $132,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real and personal property (1883), $265,978,716. State taxation, rate 40 cents on $100, $1,063,510; county and town taxation, $4,118,- 625. State debt (1883) funded, $5,749,000; county, city and town indebtedness, $17,724,100. GOVERNMENT— -Capital, Augusta. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $2,000. The other State officers are : Secre- tary of State (two years), salary, $1,200; Treasurer (two years), 328 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. $1,600; Attorney-General (two years), $1,000; Adjutant-General (two years), $900; Superintendent Common Schools (three years), $1,000; Land Agent (four years), $900; Insurance Commis- sioner (three years), $900 ; three Railroad Commissioners (three years), fees ; Secretary Board Agriculture (four years), $600 ; State Librarian (three years), $600. The Legislature is composed of 31 Senators and 151 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of each $150 and 20 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednes- day in January. No limit to length of session. State elections held every second year on second Monday in September. Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and seven associates, appointed by the Governor for a term of seven years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representatives in Congress, 4; Presidential Electors, 6. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Others. Maj. 1872 President 61,422 29,087 32,335 R. 1873 Governor 45,674 32,816 2,090 12,858 R. 1874 Governor 53,131 41,734 275 11,397 R. 1875 Governor 57»°8S 53.213 3.872 R- 1876 Governor 75>7io 60,215 529 15,459 R. 1876 President 66,300 49,283 663 16,477 R- 1877 Governor 53,631 42,114 6,076 11,517 R. 1878 Governor 56,519 27,872 41,404 15,115 R. 1880 Governor 73,597 73,7^6 463 189 D. 1880 President 74,052 65,211 4,640 8,841 R. 1882 Governor 72,724 63,852 1,967 8,872 R. RULING BY STATES. 329 MARYLAND. NAME. — So called in honor of Henrietta Maria, wife of Charles I., in his patent to Lord Baltimore. ADMISSION— Ratified the Constitution, April 28, 1788. AREA. — Square miles, 9,860; acres, 6,310,400; persons to a square mile, 94.82. POPULATION and rate of increase: Per cent, of I Census. Pop. I790 3I9.7 2 8 1800 341,548 1810 — : 380,546 1820 407,35° 1830 447,040 :ase. ! Census. Pop. ; 1840 470,019 6.8 ■ 1850 583,034 1 1.4 i860 • 687,049 7.0 ! 1870 780,894 9-7 I 1880 934,943 [880 by Classes. Per cent, of increase. 5-1 24.0 17.8 13.6 19.7 Male 462,187 Native 852,137 Female... 472,756 Foreign.... 82,806 Dwellings 155,070 Families 175,318 Voters — Males over 21 232, 106 White 724,693 Chinese.... 5 Black 210,230 Indians.... 15 Persons to a dwelling 6.03 " family 5-33 Natural militia, 18-44 182,609 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Allegany 38,012 Anne Arundel 28,526 Baltimore 83,336 Baltimore City 33 2 ,3 I 3 Calvert 10,538 Caroline 13,766 Carroll 3 C ,99 2 Cecil 27,108 Charles 18,548 Dorchester 23,110 Frederick. 50,482 Garrett 12,175 1870. 38,536 *4,457 63.387 267,354 0,865 12,101 28,619 25,874 15,738 19.458 47,572 i860. 28,348 23,900 54,135 512,418 10,447 11,129 24,533 23,862 16,517 20,461 46.59 1 I Counties. 1880. i Harford 28,042 J Howard 16,140 ; Kent 17,605 ! Montgomery 24,759 J Prince George's 26,541 Queer. Anno 19,257 j Saint Mary's 16,934 j Somerset 21,668 i Talbot 19,065 ' Washington 38,561 ! Wicomico 18,016 I Worcester x 9,539 1870. 22,605 14,150 17,102 20.563 21,138 16,171 14,944 18,190 !6,i37 34,712 15,802 16,419 i860. 23,415 13,338 13,267 18,322 23,327 15,961 15,213 24,992 M,795 3i,4i7 20,661 EDUCATION. — Colleges, n; instructors, 162; students, 1,658. Public schools, 2,551 ; value of school property, $2,083,013; teachers, 3,038; teachers' salaries (1882), #1,146,558; receipts 330 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. for school purposes, #1,452,557 ; expended for same (1882), #1,651,908; school age, 5-20 years; school population (1882), 319,201; pupils enrolled (1882), 159,945; average attendance (1882), 83,189; average length of school session in 1882, 199 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 1 1 1,387, being 16 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 36,027 ; foreign white, 8,289; colored, Chinese and Indians, 90,172; total, 134,488, being 19.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 15; others, 129; total, 144. Circulation, 387,- 594- OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 90,927 ; in professional and personal services, 98,934 ; in trade and trans- portation, 49,234; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 85,337. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 40,517; total acres in farms, 5,119,831; improved acres, 3,342,700; average size of farms, 126 acres; value of farms and buildings, #165,503,341 ; value of implements, #5,788,197 ; total value of all farm pro- ducts sold, consumed or on hand, #28,839,281. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 6,097 bush. Buckwheat . . 136,667 " Butter , 7,485,871 lbs. Cheese 17,416 " Hay 264,468 tons. Indian Corn 1 5,968,533 bush. Milk 4,722,944 galls. Oats 1,794,872 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $1,563,188 Potatoes, Irish 1,497,017 bush. " sweet 329,590 M Rye 288,067 " Tobacco 26,082,147 lbs. Wheat 8,004,864 bush. Wool 850,084 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. 1 Number. Horses 1 1 7,796 | Other cattle 1 1 7,387 Mules and asses 12,561 j Sheep 171,184 Working oxen 22,246 Swine 335,4°8 Milch cows 122,907 I Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $15,865,728 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 6,y8y; capital invested, #58,742,3*84; hands employed, 74,945; wages RULING BY STATES. 331 paid, $18,904,965; value of material, $66,937,846; value of products, $106,780,563. The principal manufactures are : Boots and shoes $2,212,963 Bakery products 2,275,227 Clothing, men's 9,579,066 Confectionery 1,164,755 Cotton goods 4,688,714 Fertilizers 5,770,198 Flour and mill products 7,954,004 Machinery 4,454,3 1 7 Canned goods 6,245,297 Iron and steel 4,470,050 Leather, tanned and curried. .$1,977,049 Liquors, malt and distilled.. .. 3,022,696 Lumber, sawed 1,813,332 Paper 1,028,591 Printing and publishing 1,477,164 Ship-building. . . 1,788,630 Slaughtering and packing.. . . 3,377,605 Tin and copper ware x 3,564,994 Tobacco and cigars 3,262,028 Total steam and water power in use, 51,259 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Coal, bituminous 2,227,884 tons $2,584,455 Iron ore 57,940 " 118,050 Zinc ore 672 H 7,200 Copper ingots 30,910 lbs. Minor minerals 159»3°3 Total mineral products $2,869,008 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,153 miles of line; miles operated, 1,198; cost, $92,435,610; total investment, $88,475,123. Canal and slack-water lines, 199.5 miles; cost, $11,290,327. Steam craft, 169; tonnage, 45,967; value, $3,886,750. Sail craft, 1,645; tonnage, 81,856; value, $2,046,375. Canal boats and barges, 471 ; value, $376,600. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— -Value of real and personal estate (1883), $466,089,380. State taxation, rate 18.75 cents on $100 (1883), $2,097,377 ; county, city and town taxation, $4,576,- 485. State debt (1883), funded, $11,269,820"; county, city and town debt, $3,268,338. GO VERNMENT. — Capital, Annapolis. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $4,500. The other State officers are : Sec- retary of State, four years, salary, $2,000; Treasurer, two years, $2,500; Comptroller, two years, $2,500; Attorney-General, four years, $3,000; Adjutant-General, four years, $1,500; Secretary Board of Education, two years, $1,000; Commissioner of Lands, four years, $2,000; Insurance Commissioner, four years, $2,500; State Librarian, four years, $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 26 Senators and 91 Repre- 332 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sentatives. Senators elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Salary of each, $5 a day and mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednesday in January. Session limited to 90 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after the first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and seven as- sociates, elected by the people for a term of fifteen years. Salary of each, $3,500. Representatives in Congress, 6 ; Presidential electors, 8. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Maj. 1872 President 67,685 66,760 925 D. 1875 Governor 85,451 72,530 12,921 D. 1876 President 91,780 71,981 19,7990. 1879 Governor. ...... .90,771 68,609 22,162 D. 1880 President 89,950 73.789 16,161 D. 1883 Governor 92,698 80,648 1 1 ,950 D. MASSACHUSETTS. NAME. — From the Indian equivalent, applied to both the bay and tribe. Its meaning is "about, or near, the great, or blue, hills." " I have learned," says Roger Williams, " that the Massachusetts were so called from the Blue Hills." Popular name, " The Bay State." ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, February 6, 1788. AREA. — Square miles, 8,040; acres, 5,145,600; persons to a square mile, 221.78. RULING BY STATES. 333 POPULATION and rate of increase : Census. Pop. I790 378j87 1800 422,845 1810 472,040 1820.... 523, 159 1830 610,408 Natn Per cent, of increase. 11.6 11.6 10.8 16.6 Census. Pop. 1840 737,699 1850 994,5H i860 1,231,066 1870 1,457,351 1880 1,783,085 Per cent, of increase. 20.8 34-8 23-7 18.3 22.3 Male 858,440 Female . . .924,645 Foreign . . . .443,49 Dwellings 281,188 Families 379>7 ! o Voters — Males over 21 502,648 by Classes. 339>594 White. ... 1 ,763,782 Chinese 237 Black 18,697 Indians 369 Persons to a dwelling 6.34 " " family 4.70 Natural militia, 18-44 373,284 Counties. 1880. Barnstable 3 I >897 Berkshire 69,032 Bristol 139,040 Dukes 4,300 Essex 244,535 Franklin 36,001 Hampden 104,142 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1870. 32,774 64,827 102,886 3,787 200,843 32,635 78,409 i860. 35,99<> 55,i2o 93,794 4,403 165,611 3i,434 57,366 Hampshire 47,232 Middlesex 317,830 Nantucket 3,727 Norfolk 96,507 Plymouth 74,oi8 Suffolk 387,927 Worcester 226,897 1870. 44,388 274,353 4,123 89,443 65,365 270,802 192,716 i860. 37,823 216,354 6,094 109,950 64,768 192,700 159,659 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 7; instructors, 157; students, 2,- 101. Public schools, 6,604; value of school property, $21,660,392 ; teachers, 7,336; teachers' salaries (1882), $4,144,722; receipts for school purposes, $4,696,612; expended for same (1882), $5,- 881,124; school age, 5-15 years; school population (1882), 321,377; pupils enrolled (1882), 330,421; average attendance, (1882), 235,739; average length of school year in 1882, 178 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 75,635, being 5.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 6,933 ; foreign white, 83,725 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 2,322 ; total, 92,980, being 6.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 39; others, 393; total, 432. Circulation, i r 938,818. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 64,973; in professional and personal service, 170,160; in trade and trans- portation, 115,376; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 370,265. 334 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 38,406; total acres in farms, 3,359,079; improved acres, 2,128,311; average size of farms, 87 acres; value of farms and buildings, $146,197,415; value of implements, $5,134,537 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $24,160,881. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 80,128 bush. Buckwheat 67,117 " Butter ' 9,655,587 lbs. Cheese 829,528 " Hay 684,679 tons. Hops 9,895 lbs. Indian Corn 1,797,768 bush. Milk 29,662,953 galls. Quantity. Oats 645,159 bush. Orchard products $1,005,303 Potatoes, Irish. 3,070,389 bush. " sweet 450 " Rye 213,716 " Tobacco 5,369,436 lbs. Wheat 15,768 bush. Wool 299,089 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 59,629 Mules and asses 243 Working oxen '4*57 l Miich cows 150,435 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June Number. Other cattle 96,045 Sheep 67,979 Swine 80,123 1880.. $12,957,004 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 14,352; capital invested, $303,806,185 ; hands employed, 352,255 ; wages paid, $128,315,362; value of material, $386,972,655; value of products, $631,135,284. The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements. . . . $1,670,242 Bookbinding and blanks.. . . 1,360,577 Boots and shoes (all) 101,162,009 Bakery products 4.942,769 Carpets 6,337,629 Carriages and wagons 4,048,141 Clothing, men's 17,902,662 Confectionery ' 2,281,850 Cordage 2,995,395 Cotton goods 74,780,835 Cutlery 2,133,654 Dyeing and finishing 9,482,939 Flour and mill products . . 8,774,049 Machinery 23,935,604 Furniture 6,041,618 Nails and spikes 3,1 26,275 Iron and steel 10,288,921 Jewelry $4,265,525 Leather, all kinds 38,771,113 Liquors, malt and distilled. . 6,216,618 Lumber sawed and planed. . 4,31 7>555 Mixed textiles 13,043,829 Paper 15,188,196 Printing and publishing. . . . 7,757,260 Rubber elastics 4,206,465 Silk goods 3,764,260 Slaughtering and packing. . . . 22,951,782 Soap and candles 4,489,555 .Straw goods 6,898,628 Sugar and molasses refined. . 22,880,439 Wire 4,539,399 Woollen goods 45,099,203 Worsted goods 10,466,016 Total steam and water power in use, 309,759 horse-power. RULING BY STATES. 335 MINING.— Quantity : Value. Iron ore 62,637 tons $226,130 Minor minerals 101,970 Total mineral product $328,100 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 2,263 miles of line; miles operated, 2,493 ; cost, $153,970,932 ; total investment, $191,241,132. Steam craft, 180; tonnage, 48,918; value, $3,266,400. Sail craft, 2,136; tonnage, 378,333; value, $9,458,325. Barges and flats, 55; value, $64,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate, $1,262,698,224; of personal property, $515,682,475. State taxa- tion (1882), rate 3.5 cents on $100, $2,902,546 ; county taxation, $1,125,901; city, town and local, $21,699,794. State debt (1883) funded, $32,511,681 ; amount in sinking fund, $16,944,263; net State debt, $15,567,418; county, city and town indebtedness, $71,124,435. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Boston. Governor elected for one year. Salary, $4,000. The other State officers — chosen for one year, except Insurance and Railroad Commissioners whose terms are three years — are : Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $2,000; Secretary of State, $2,500; Treasurer, $4,000; Auditor, $2,500; Attorney-General, $4,000; Adjutant-General, $2,500; Secretary Board Education, $2,000 ; Secretary Board Agri- culture, $2,500; Insurance Commissioner, $3,000; three Rail- road Commissioners, one at $4,000 and two at $3,500; State Librarian, $2,000. The Legislature is composed of 40 Senators and 240 Repre- sentatives, all elected for one year. Salary of a Legislator, $500 a year. Legislature meets annually on first Wednesday in Janu- ary. No limit to length of session. State elections held annually on same date as Congressional and Presidential elections, viz., Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and six asso- ciates, appointed by the Governor and Council, for life or during good behavior. Salary of Chief Justice, $6,500; of associates, $6,000 each. 336 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Representatives in Congress, 12; Presidential electors, 14. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. 1872 President I33,47 2 59> 26 ° 1873 Governor 72,183 59,360 1874 " 89,345 96,376 1875 " 83,639 78,333 1876 President 150,063 108,777 1876 Governor 137,605 106,850 1877 " 91,255 73,185 1878 " '. 134,725 10,162 1879 " 122,751 9,989 1880 President 164,205 111,960 1880 Governor 164,825 111,410 1881 " 96,609 54,586 1882 " H9,997 133,946 1883 * 160,092 150,228 Lab. 3i6 16,354 109,435 109,149 4,548 4,864 4,889 Tem. 9,124 779 12,274 3,552 1,913 1,645 682 1,059 2,335 1,881 Maj. 74,212 R. 12,823 R. 7,031 D. 5,306 R. 41,286 R. 30,755 R- 18,070 R. 25,290 R. 13,602 R. 52,245 R. 53,415 R. 42,023 R. 13,949 D. 9,864 R. MICHIGAN. NAME. — So called from the lake, and that from the Indian word meaning " a weir of fish." By others it is coupled with Mitcha-gan, Chippewa for "great lake." Popular name, "The Wolverine State." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, Jan. II, 1805. Act of admission and actual admission, Jan. 26, 1837. AREA. — Square miles, 57,430; acres, 36,755,200; persons to a square mile, 28.50. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 1810 4,762 1820 8,765 1830 31,639 1840 212,267 Per cent, of increase. 84.0 260.9 570.9 Census. Pop. 1850 397,654 i860 749,U3 1870 1,184,059 1880 1,636,937 Per cent, of increase. 87.3 88.3 58.0 38.2 RULING BY STATES. 337 1880 by Classes. Males 862,355 Native 1,248,429 Females. .774,582 Foreign... 388,508 Dwellings 321,514 Families 33 6 >973 White. .-1,614,560 Chinese 28 Black... 15,100 Indians.. . .7,249 Persons to a dwelling 5.09 family 4.86 Voters — Males over 21 467,687 Natural militia, 18-44. ,371,140 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Aicona 3>™7 Allegan 37, 815 Alpena 8,789 Antrim 5> 2 37 Baraga 1,804 Barry 25,317 Bay 38,081 Benzie 3,433 Berrien 36,785 Branch 27,941 Brown (Now Calhoun 38,452 Cass 22,009 Charlevoix 5,115 Cheboygan 6,524 Chippewa 5,248 Clare 4**87 Clinton 28,100 Crawford i,*59 Delta 6,812 Eaton 31,225 Emmett 6,639 Genesee 39,220 Gladwin 1,127 Grand Traverse 8,422 Gratiot 21,936 Hillsdale 32,723 Houghton 22,473 Huron 20,089 Ingham 33,676 Ionia 33,872 Iosco 6,873 Iowa (Now Isabella 12,159 Isle Royale 55 iackson 42,031 Lalamazoo 34,342 Kalkaska 2,937 Kent 73,253 Keweenaw 4,270 Lake 3,233 1870. 696 32,105 2,756 1,985 i860. 185 [6,087 290 179 '3,858 3,164 22,199 15,900 2,184 35,104 26,226 in Wisconsin.) 36,569 29,564 22,378 21,094 1,724 2,196 1,689 366 22,845 2,542 25,171 1,211 33,900 17,721 5i7 1,603 1,172 16,476 4,443 1,286 11,810 4,042 31,684 25,675 13,879 9,234 9,049 3.165 25,268 17,435 2 7 ,e8i 16,682 • , 3 ,V l63 175 in Wisconsin.) 4,"3 i,443 36,047 32,054 424 50,403 4,205 548 26,671 24,646 30,716 Counties. 1880. Lapeer 30,138 Leelanaw 6,253 Lenawee 48,343 Livingston 22,251 Mackinac 2,902 Macomb 31,627 Manistee 12,532 Manitou i,334 Marquette 25,394 Mason 10,065 Mecosta 1 3,973 Menominee ",987 Midland 6,893 Missaukee i,553 Monroe 33,624 Montcalm 33, r 48 Montmorency Muskegon 26,586 Newaygo 14,688 Oakland 4*,537 Oceana ",699 Ogemaw I ,9 I 4 Ontonagon 2,565 Osceola IO ,777 Oscoda 467 Otsego i,974 Ottawa 33,126 Presque Isle 3, "3 Roscommon i,459 Sa:nt Clair 46,197 Saint Joseph 26,626 Snginaw 59,095 Sanilac 26,341 Schoolcraft i,575 Shiawassee 27,059 Tuscola 25,738 Van Buren 30,807 Washtenaw 41,848 Wayne 166,444 Wexford 6,815 1870. i860. 21,345 14,754 4,576 2,158 45,595 38,112 19,336 16,851 1,716 x,938 27,616 22,843 6,074 975 891 1,042 15,033 3,821 3,263 831 5,642 970 i,79i 3,285 787 130 27,483 21,59: 13,629 (To Alpena 3,96& ) 14,894 3,947 7,294 2,760 40,867 38,261 7,222 1,816 2,845 2,093 70 26,651 355 4,568 27 13,215 26 36,661 26,275 39>°97 14,562 26,604 21,262 12,693 M $ 12,349 4,886 15,224 35,686 75,547 20,858 13,714 28,829 4i,434 119,038 650 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 9; instructors, 141; students, 2,- 701. Public schools, 8,608; value of school property, $8,982,- 344; teachers, 8,608; teachers' salaries (1882), $2,193,267; re- ceipts for school purposes, $3,792,740; expended for same (1882), $3,789,291; school age, 5-20 years; school population (1882), 538,356; pupils enrolled (1882), 385,504; average attendance (1880), 263,775 J average length of school session in 1882, 148 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 47,112, being ^.8 22 338 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 19,981; foreign white, 38,951; colored, Chinese and Indians, 4,791; total, 63,723, being 5.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 33 ; others, 436; total, 469. Circulation, 602,- 749- OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 240,319; in professional and personal service, 143,249; in trade and trans- portation, 54,723 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 130,913- AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 154,008; total acres in farms, 13,807,240; improved acres, 8,296,862; average size of farms, 90 acres; value of farms and buildings, $499,103,- 181 ; value of implements, $19,419,360; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $91,159,858. Principal Products Quantity. Barley 1,204.316 bush Buckwheat 413,062 " Butter 38,821,890 lbs. Cheese 440,540 " Hay 1,393,888 tons. Hops 266,010 lbs. Indian Corn 32,461,452 bush. Milk 7,898,273 galls Quantity. Oats 18,190,793 bush. Orchard products. . . . $2,760,677 Potatoes, Irish 10,924,111 bush. " sweet 4,904 " Rye 294,918 " Tobacco 83,969 lbs. Wheat 35,53 2 ,543 bush. Wool 11,858,497 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 378,778 Mules and asses 5,°83 Working oxen 40,393 Milch cows 384,578 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $55,720,113 Number. Other cattle 466,660 Sheep 2,189,389 Swine 964,07 1 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 8,873 \ capi- tal invested, $92,930,959; hands employed, 77,591 ; wages paid, $25,313,682; value of material, $92,900,269; value of products, $150,715,025. The principal products are : Agricultural implements $3,102,638 Carriages and wagons 2,741,143 Cars 1 ,466,256 Clothing, men's 3,029,478 Cooperage 1,584,469 Flour and mill products.. . .$23,546,875 Machinery 5,271,142 Furniture 3,514,176 Iron and steel 4,591,613 Leather, tanned and curried. . 3,026,585 RULING BY STATES. 339 Liquors, malt $2,184,392 Lumber, planed and sawed. .53,525,977 Salt . .. 2,271,913 Sashes and doors 2,240,402 Shipbuilding $2,034,636 Slaughtering and packing. . . . 2,065,634 Tobacco and cigars 3,666,235 Total steam and water power in use, 164,747 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Silver $25,858 Coal, bituminous 100,800 tons 224,500 Iron ore 1,837,712 " 6,034,648 Copper ingots 45,830,262 lbs. 7,979,232 Minor minerals 4!,c>57 Total value of mineral products $14,305,295 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 4,341 miles of line; miles operated, 3,767; cost, $170,042,764; total investment, $170,412,717. Length of canal lines, 3.14 miles; cost, $7,425,300. Steam craft, 422 ; tonnage, 67,093 ; value, $4,550,725. Sail craft, 470; tonnage, 62,105 \ value, $1,552,625. Barges and flats, 206 ; value, $136,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal property, 1883, $810,000,000. State taxation (1883), rate \2]/ 2 cents on $100, $1,021,091 ; county taxation, $1,804,- 512; city, town and township, $5,139,877. State debt (1883), all funded, $309, 1 50 ; county, city and town indebtedness, $8,803,- 144. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Lansing. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $1,000. The other State officers, all elected or selected for two years, are : Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $3 a day; Secretary of State, $800; Treasurer, $1,000; Auditor- General, $2,000; Attorney-General, $800; Superintendent of Public Instruction, $1,000; Adjutant-General (appointed), $1,000 ; Secretary Board of Agriculture (appointed), $1,500; Commis- sioner of Lands, $800; Insurance Commissioner (appointed), $2,000; Railroad Commissioner (appointed), $2,500; Immigra- tion Commissioner (appointed), $2,000 ; State Librarian (ap- pointed), $1,000. The Legislature is composed of 32 Senators and 100 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $3 a day and ten cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednesday in January. No limit to length of session. 340 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and three as- sociates, elected by the people for a term of eight years. Salary of each, $4,000. Representatives in Congress, 11 ; Presidential electors, 13. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Tern. Grbk. Maj. 1872 President 136,202 79,088 1,271 55,843 R. 1874 Governor 111,519 105,550 3,937 •••• 2,032 R. 1876 " 165,926 142,492 870 8,297 23,434 R. 1876 President 166,534 141,095 .... 25,439 R. 1878 Governor 126,399 79,682 .... 74,333 46,717 R. 1880 " 177.954 137,691 .... 35, 32 40,263 R. 1880 President 185,341 131, 597 942 34,895 53,744 R. 1882 Governor 149,581 154,404 6,349 .... 4,8230. MINNESOTA. NAME. — From the river, meaning "cloudy, or colored, water," in the Indian language. ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, March 3, 1849; act of admission dated May 4, 1858; actual admission, May 11, 1858. AREA. — Square miles, 79,205; acres, 50,691,200; persons to a square mile, 9.86. POPULATION and rate of increase: Per cent o r Census. Pop. increase. 1850 6,077 i860 172,023 2,730.7 Per cent of Census. Pop. increase. 1870 439,7o6 155-6 1880 78o,773 77-5 RULING BY STATES. 341 1880 by Classes. Male 4I9352 1820 75,448 1830 136,621 1840 375,651 Per cent, of increase. 355-9 86.9 81.0 174.9 Census. Pop. 1850 606,526 i860 79 I >3°5 1870 827,922 1880 i,i3i»597 Per cent, of increase. 61,4 30-4 4-6 36.6 1880 by Classes. Male 567,177 Native. .1,122,388 Female. .. 564,420 Foreign... 9,209 Dwellings 208,297 Families 215,055 Voters — Males over 21 238,532 White. . .479,398 Chinese. . . 51 Black.. .650,291 Indians 1,857 Persons to a dwelling 5.43 " " family 5.26 Natural militia, 18-44 203,080 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Adams 22,649 Alcorn 14,272 Amite 14,004 Attala 19,988 Baldwin Benton 11,023 Bolivar 18,652 Calhoun 13,492 Carroll 1 7,795 Chickasaw fjjgof, Choctaw 9,036 Claiborne 16,768 Clarke 15,021 1870. 19,084 10,431 10,973 M,776 i860. 20,165 12,336 14,169 9.732 10,561 21,047 19,899 16,988 13,386 7,505 10,471 9.5i8 22,035 16,426 15,722 15,679 10,771 Counties. 1880. Clay 17,367 Coahoma 13.568 Copiah 27,552 Covington 5.993 De Soto 22,924 Franklin 9,7 2 9 Greene 3,!94 Grenada 12,071 Hancock 6,439 Harrison 7,895 Hinds 43,958 Holmes 27,164 Issaquena 10,004 1870. 7.M4 20,608 4.753 32,021 7.498 2,038 10,571 4,239 5,795 30,488 i9.37o 6,887 i860. 6,606 15,398 4,408 23,3^6 8,265 2,232 3,i39 4,819 3 T »339 i7,79i 7,831 RULING BY STATES. 345 By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties, Itawamba . Jackson .... Jasper Jefferson ... Jones 1880. 1870. 10,663 7,812 7,607 4,362 12,126 10,884 17.314 13,848 iuii^ 3,828 3,313 Kemper 15,719 12,920 La Fayette 21,671 18,802 Lauderdale 21,501 13,462 Lawrence 9,420 6,720 Leake 13,146 Lee 20,470 Le Flore 10,246 Lincoln 13.547 Lowndes 28,244 Madison 25,866 Marion 6,901 Marshall 2 9,33° Monroe 28,553 Montgomery 13,348 Neshoba 8,741 7,439 Newton 13,436 10,067 Noxubee 29,874 20,905 Oktibbeha J 5-978 14,891 Panola 28,352 20,754 Perry 3,4 2 7 2,694 i860. 17,695 4,122 11,007 1 5,349 3,3 2 3 11,682 16,125 13,313 9, 2I 3 8,496 9»324 15,955 10,184 3°.502 23,625 20.948 23,^82 4,211 4,686 29,416 28,823 22,631 21,283 S.343 9,661 20,667 12,977 I 3,794 2,606 Counties. 1880. Pike 16,688 Pontotoc 13,858 Prentiss 12,158 Quitman 1,407 Rankin 16,752 Scott 10,845 Sharkey 6,306 Simpson 8,008 Smith 8,088 Sumner 9,534 Sunflower 4,661 Tallahatchie 10,926 Tate.... 18,721 Tippah 12,867 Tishomingo 8,774 Tunica 8,461 Union 10,030 Warren 31,238 Washington 25,367 Wayne 8,741 Wilkinson 17,815 Winston 10,087 Yalobusha 15,649 Yazoo 33,845 1870. i860. ",303 ",i35 12,525 9,348 22,113 12,977 7,«47 13,635 8,139 5,7'8 7,126 6,080 7,638 5,oi5 7,852 5,oi9 7,890 20,727 22,550 7,35o 5,358 24,H9 4,366 26,769 14,569 4/206 20,696 15,679 3,691 12,705 8,984 15933 9,811 13,25 16,952 17,2 22..373 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 3 ; instructors, 25 ; students, 724. Public schools, 5,166; value of school property, $553,610; teachers, 5,473; teachers' salaries (1881), $644,352; receipts for school purposes, $742,765; expended for same (1881). $757,758; school age, 5-21 years; school population (1881), 444,131; pupils enrolled (1881), 237,288; average attendance (1881), 136,315 ; average length of school session in 1881, 75.5 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 315,612, being 41.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 52,910; foreign white, 538; colored, Chinese and Indians, 319,753; total, 373,201, being 49.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 5; others, 118; total, 123. Circulation, 87,904. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 339,938; in professional and personal service, 49,448 ; in trade and trans- portation, 12,975 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 13,145- AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 101,772; total acres in farms, 15,855,462; improved acres, 5,216,937; average size of farms, 156 acres; value of farms and buildings, $92,844,915; value of implements, $4,885,636; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $63,701,844. 346 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 348 bush. Butter 7,454,657 lbs. Cheese.. 4,239 " Cotton 963,1 1 1 bales. May 8,894 tons. Indian Corn 21,340,800 bush. Milk 427,492 galls. Oats 1,959,620 bush. Orchard products #378,145 Quantity. Potatoes, Irish 303,821 bush. " sweet 3,610,660 " Rice 1,718,951 lbs. Rye 5,134 bush. Sue. & mol., 18 hhds. . 536,625 galls. Tobacco 414,663 lbs. Wheat 218,890 bush. Wool 734,643 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Other cattle 387,452 Sheep 287,694 Swine 1,151,818 Number. Horses 1 1 2,309 Mules and asses 129,778 Working oxen 61,705 Milch cows 268,178 Value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $24,285,717 MANUFACTURES. — Number of establishments, 1,479; cap- ital invested, $4,727,600; hands employed, 5,827 ; wages paid, $1,192,645; value of material, $4,667,183; value of products, $7,518,302. The principal manufactures are : Cotton goods $691,415 I Oil and oil cake $560,363 Flour and mill products 1 ,762,523 Woollen goods 299,605 Lumber, sawed 1,920,335 j Total steam and water power in use, 18,450 horse-power. COMMERCIAL FA C/LIT/LS.— Railroads in 1883, 491 miles of line; miles operated, 413; cost, $17,670,929; total investment, $17,674,544. Steam craft, 40; tonnage, 3,657 ; value, $204,450. Sail craft, 119; tonnage, 2,970; value, $74,225. Barges and flats, 42 ; value, $8,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $87,596,173; of personal property, $39- I 5 8 >754- State taxation (1883), rate 22 cents on $100, $348,869; county taxa- tion, $1,595,444; city and town, $235,661. State debt (1882), net funded, $867,722; county, city and town debt, $1,633,705. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Jackson. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $4,000. The other State officers, all elected for four years, except Commissioner of Lands and Librarian, whose term is two years, are, Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $800; Secretary of State, $2,500; Treasurer, $2,500 ; Auditor, RULING BY STATES. 347 $2,500; Attorney-General, $2,500; Superintendent Public Educa- tion, $2,000; Commissioner Agriculture, $1,000; Commissioner Lands, $1,000; Adjutant-General, $500.; State Librarian, $800. The Legislature is composed of 37 Senators and 120 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $400 a year. Legislature meets biennially on Tuesday after first Monday in January. No limit to length of session. State, Congressional and Presidential elections are held on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two asso- ciates, appointed by the Governor and Senate for a term of nine years. Salary of each, $3,500. Representatives in Congress, 7; Presidential electors, 9. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Maj, 1872 President. . = 47,191 81,916 34,725 R. 1873 Governor 52,904 74,307 21,403 R. 1876 President 109,173 51,605 57,5680. 1877 Governor 96,454 1,168 95,286 D. 1880 President 75.750 34.854 40,8960. 1881 Governor. 76,365 51,364 25,001 D. MISSOURI. NAME. — So called from the river, which means, in Indian, " muddy water." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, June 4, 181 2 ; act of admission, March 2, 1821; actual admission, Aug. 10, 1821. 348 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. AREA. — Square miles, 68,735 J acres, 43,990,400; persons to square mile, 31.55. POPULA TION and rate of increase : Census. Pop. 1810 20,845 1820 66,557 1830 140,455 1840 383J 02 Per cent, of increase. 219.2 III.O I73-I Census. Pop. 1850 682,044 i860 1,182,012 1870 1,721,295 1880 2,168,380 Per cent, of increase. 77-7 73-3 45-6 25-9 1880 by Classes. Male 1,127,187 Native 1,956,802 Female. .1,041,193 Foreign... 211,578 Dwellings 369,180 Families 403,186 Voters — Males over 21 541,207 White 2,022,826 Chinese 91 Black 145,350 Indians 113 Persons to a dwelling 5.87 " " family 5.38 Natural militia, 18-44 459> 2 °9 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Adair 15,190 Andrew 16,318 Atchison 14,556 Audrain I 9,73 2 Barry 14,405 Barton 10,332 Bates 25,381 Benton 12,396 Bollinger 11,130 Boone 25,422 Buchanan 49792 Butl r 6,011 Caldwell 13,646 Callaway 23,670 Camden 7,266 Cape Girardeau 20,998 Carroll 23,274 Carter 2,168 Cass 22,431 Cedar 10,741 Chariton 25,224 Christian 9,628 Clark 15,031 Clay 15,572 Clinton 16,073 Colet 15,515 Cooper 21,596 Crawford 10,756 Dade 12,557 Dallas 9,263 Daviess 19,145 De Kalb 13, 334 Dent 10,646 Dodge Douglas 7,753 Dunklin 9,604 Franklin 26,534 Gasconade ",153 Gentry 17,176 Greene 28,801 Grundy 15,185 Harrison 20,304 Henry 23,906 Hickory 7,387 Holt 15,5^9 Howard 18,428 Howell 8,814 1870. 11,448 15,137 8,440 12,307 io,373 5,087 15,960 11,322 8,162 20,765 35,io9 4,298 ",39o 19,202 6,108 17,558 17,446 i,455 19,296 9.474 19.136 6,707 1 3,667 15,564 14,063 10,292 20,692 7,982 8,683 8,383 14,410 9.858 6,357 3.9*5 5,982 30,098 10,093 11,607 2i,549 10,567 14,635 17,401 6,452 11,652 17,233 4,218 i860. 8,531 11,850 4.649 8,075 7.995 1,817 7,215 9,072 7,37i 19,486 23,861 2,891 5,o34 17,449 4,975 15,547 9.763 1,235 t'2 4 6,637 12,562 5,491 11,684 13,023 7,848 9.697 17,356 5,823 7,072 5,892 9,606 5.224 5,654 2,414 5,026 18,085 8,727 11,980 13,186 7,887 10,626 9,866 4,705 6,550 15,946 3.169 Counties. Iron Jackson Jasper Jefferson Johnson Knox Lackde La Fayette.... L.iwrence Lewis Lincoln Linn Livingston McDonald M:tcon Madison Maries Marion Mercer , MilLr Mississippi.... Moniteau Monroe Montgomery ., Morgan New Madrid.. Newton Nodaway Oregon Osage Ozark Pemiscot Perry Pettis Phelps Pike Platte Polk Pulaski Putnam Ralls Randolph Ray Reynolds Ripley Saint Charles. Saint Clair 1880. 8,183 82,325 32,019 18,736 28,172 13,047 11,524 25.710 17,383 i5,9 2 5 17,426 20,016 20,196 7,8i6 26,222 8,876 7,304 24,837 14,673 9,805 9,270 14,346 19,071 16,249 10,132 7,694 '8,947 29,544 5,791 11,824 5,618 4,299 n.895 27,271 12,568 26,715 17,366 15.734 7.250 13,5^5 11,838 22,751 20,190 5,722 5,377 23,065 14,125 1870. 6,278 55,o4i 14,928 15,380 24,648 io,974 9,}8o 22,623 13,067 15,114 15 960 15,900 16,730 5,226 23,230 5,849 5,9i6 23,780 ",557 6,616 4.982 ",375 17.149 10,405 8,434 6.357 12,821 14,751 3,2«7 10,793 3,363 2,059 9,877 18,706 10,506 23,076 17,352 12,445 4,714 11.217 10,510 15,908 18,700 3,756 3,175 21,304 6,742 i860. 5,842 22,013 6,883 lo,344 14,644 8,727 5,182 20,098 8,846 12,286 14,210 9,112 7,417 4,038 14,346 5.664 4.901 18,838 9,300 6,812 4,859 10,124 14,785 9,718 8,202 5,654 9.319 5,252 3,009 7,879 2,447 2,962 9,128 9.392 5,714 18,417 18,350 9.995 3,835 9,207 8,592 11,407 14.092 3,173 3.747 16,523 6,812 RULING BY STATES. 349 By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. Sa:nt Francois 13,822 Saint Genevieve 10,390 Saint Louis 31,888 Saint Louis City 350,518 Saline 29,911 Schuyler 10,470 Scotland 12,508 Scott 8,587 Shannon 3,44* Shelby 14,024 Stoddard 13,431 Stone 4,404 1870. i860. 9,742 8,384 351,189 7.249 8,029 190,524 21,672 8,820 10,670 7,317 2,339 10,119 8,535 3,253 Counties. 1880. Sullivan 16,569 Taney 5,599 Texas 12,206 Van Buren 14,699 I Vernon 19,369 6,697 Warren io,8c6 8,873 J Washington 12,896 5,247 \ Wayne 9,096 2,284 i Webster I2 ,i75 7,301 J Worth 8,203 7,877 I Wright 9,712 2,400 I 1870. 11,907 4,407 9,618 i860. 9,198 3,576 6,067 11,249 4,8=0 9,673 8,839 11,719 9-7 2 3 6,068 5,629 10,434 7,099 5,004 5,684 4,5o8 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 17; instructors, 233; students, 3>239- Public schools, 10,329; value of school property, $7,810,924; teachers, 10,802; teachers' salaries (1882), $2,226,610; receipts for school purposes, $3,930,003; expended for same (1882), $3,753,224; school age, 6^-20 years; school population (1882), 741,622; pupils enrolled (1882), 488,091; average attendance (1880), 260,540; average length of school session in 1882, Sy days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 138,818, being 8.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 137,949; foreign white, 14,561 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 56,244; total, 208,754, being 13.4 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 43 ; others, 488 ; total, 531. Circulation, 1,031,- 360. OCCUPATION'S. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 355,297; in professional and personal service, 148,588; in trade and trans- portation, 79,300; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 109,774. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 215,575 ; total acres in farms, 27,879,276; improved acres, 16,745,031; average size of farms, 129 acres; value of farms and buildings, $375,633,307; value of implements, $18,103,074 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $95,912,660. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 123,031 bush. Buckwheat 57,640 " Quantity. Butter 28,572,124 lbs. Cheese 283,484 " 350 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Principal Products — Continued. Quantity. Cotton 20,3 1 8 bales. Hay 1,077,458 tons. Indian Corn 202,414,413 bush. Milk 3#I73/>«7 galls. Oats 20,670,958 bush. Orchard products #1,812,873 Quantity. Potatoes, Irish 4,189,694 bush. " sweet 431,484 " Rye 535.426 « Tobacco 12,015,657 lbs. Wheat 24,966,627 bush. Wool 7,313,924 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 667,776 Mules and asses 192,027 Working oxen 9,020 Milch cows 661,405 Total value of live-stock on farms Number. Other cattle 1,410,507 Sheep 1 ,41 1 ,298 Swine 4,553, I2 3 June 1, 1880 #95,785,282 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 8,592; capital invested, $72,507,844 ; hands" employed, 63,995 ; wages paid, $24,309,716; value of material, $110,798,392; value of products, $165,386,205. The principal manufactures are Agricultural implements. \ . . .#1,141,822 Bags of flax and hemp 1,730,000 Boots and shoes 1,982,993 Bakery products 3,250,192 Brick and tile. 1 ,602,5 22 Carriages and wagons 2,483,738 Cars 1,93 1 ,609 Clothing, men's 3,822,477 Flour and mill products 32,438,831 Machinery 6,798,832 Furniture Iron and steel Liquors, malt and distilled. . Lumber, sawed and planed. , Paints Printing and publishing Saddlery and harness Slaughtering and packing. . . Sugar and molasses, refined. Tobacco and cigars #2,380,563 4,660,530 5,575,607 6,533, 2 53 2,825,860 4,452,962 3,976,175 14,628,630 4,475,740 6,810,719 Total steam and water power in use, 80,749 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Coal, bituminous #543,990 tons. Iron ore 386,197 " Lead ore 28,315 " Zinc ore , 34,344 " Copper ingots 230,717 lbs. Minor minerals Value. #1,037,100 1,674,875 1,478,571 599,373 25,730 ^,196 Total value of mineral products #4,828,845 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 6,029 miles of line; miles operated, 4,922 ; cost, $293,442,271; total investment, $349,823,650. Steam craft, 167; tonnage, 60,873 ; value, $2,098,000. Barges and flats, 277 ; tonnage, 183,988 ; value, $1,049,800. RULING BY STATES. 351 FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $478,454,266; personal property, $170,813,976. State taxation (1883), rate 40 cents on $100, $2,839,523 ; county tax- ation, $2,885,503 ; city, town and district, $5,258,955. State debt, 1883, all funded, $13,979,000; county, city and town indebted- ness, $40,748,384. GO VERNMENT.— Capital, Jefferson City. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $5,000. The other State officers — all for four years, except Railroad Commissioners, for six years — are : Lieutenant-Governor, salary $5 per day ; Secretary of State, $3,000; Treasurer, $3,000; Auditor, $3,000; Attorney-General, $3,000; Adjutant-General (Governor's will), $2,000; Superin- tendent of Public Schools, $3,000; Land Register, $3,000 ; 3 Railroad Commissioners, $3,000; Superintendent of Insurance, $4,000 ; State Librarian, $4,000. The Legislature is composed of 34 Senators and 141 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of each, $5 a day, $30 extra and mileage. Legislature meets biennially on Wednesday after January 1st. Sessions limited to 70 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after the first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and four as- sociates, elected by the people for ten years, one being elected every two years. Salary of each, $4,500. Representatives in Congress, 14; Presidential electors, 16. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. 1872 President 151,433 1874 Governor 149,556 1876 " I99,58o 1876 President 203,077 1880 " 208,609 1880 Governor 207,670 1882 Judge Supreme Court. 193,620 Rep. Grbk. Maj. 119,196 32,237 D. 112,104 37,452 D. 147,694 51,886 D. 145,029 58,048 D. I53»567 35.045 55,042 D. 153.636 36,338 54,034 D. 128,239 33,407 65,381 D- 352 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. MONTANA TERRITORY. NAME. — A name descriptive of its topography — the moun- tainous Territory. ORGANIZATION.— Erected into a Territory, May 26, 1864. AREA. — Square miles, 145,310; acres, 92,998,400; persons to a square mile, 0.27. POPULA TION and rate of increase : Census. Pop. Per cent of 1 370 20,595 increase. 1880 39,159 901 1880 by Classes. Male. .. .28,177 Native 27,638 White 35,385 Chinese 1,765 Female. . 10,982 Foreign .. .11,521 Black.... 346 Indians. ... 1,663 Dwellings 9,205 Persons to a dwelling 4.25 Families 9,931 " " family 3.94 Voters — Males over 21 21,544 Natural militia, 18-44 18,147 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. i Beaver Head 2,712 722 Choteau 3,058 517 Custer 2,510 38 Dawson 180 177 Deer Lodge 8,876 4,367 Gallatin 3,643 1,578 EDUCATION. — Public schools, 159; value of school prop- erty, $132,507; teachers, 167; teachers' salaries, $53,785; re- ceipts for school purposes, $76,302 ; expended for same, $68,- 002; school age, 4-21 years; school population (1882), 10,482; pupils enrolled (1882), 6,054; average attendance (1882), 3,558 ; average length of school year in 1882, 125 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 1,530, being 4.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 272; foreign white, 359; col- ored, Chinese and Indians, 1,076; total, 1,707, being 5.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 4 ; others, 14; total, 18. Circulation, 21,227. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 4,513 ; in professional and personal services, 6,954; in trade and trans- portation, 2,766; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 8,- 022. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 1,519; total acres in Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Jefferson 2,464 1,531 Lewis and Clarke 6,521 5,040 Madison 3,915 2,684 Meagher 2,743 1,387 Missoula 2,537 2,554 RULING BY STATES. 353 farms, 405,683 ; improved acres, 262,61 1 ; average size of farms, 267 acres; value of farms and buildings, $3,234,504; value of implements, $401,185 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $2,024,923. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 39,97° bush. Buckwheat 437 " Butter 403,738 lbs. Cheese 55»57° " Hay 63,947 tons. Indian Corn 5,649 hush. Milk 41,165 galls. Quantity. Oats 900,9 1 5 bush . Orchard products $1,530 Potatoes, Irish 228,702 bush. Rye 430 " Wheat .. 469,688 " Wool 995,484 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Number. Other cattle 160,143 Sheep 184,277 Swine 10,278 Horses 35,1 14 Mules and asses 858 Working oxen 936 Milch cows 1 1,308 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $5, 151, 554 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 196; capital invested, $899,390; hands employed, 578; wages paid, $318,759; value of material, $1,006,442 ; value of products, $1,835,867. The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products $475,467 | Lumber, sawed $527,695 Total steam and water power in use, 1,498 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold #1,805,767 Silver 2,905,068 Coal, bituminous 224 tons 800 Copper ingots* 1,21 2,500 lbs. Total mineral products $4,7 1 1 ,635 FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed valuation of real estate (1882), $8,639,736; of personal property, $24,582,583. Territorial taxation (1883), rate 10 cents on $100, $90,272; county, $317,337; city and town, $10,781. Territorial debt (1884), $45,000; county and town debt, $695,248. GO VERNMENT.—Q^\\A y Helena. Governor appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary, $2,600. The' * The copper ingots of the precious mineral areas have their values credited to the sections in which they are refined. 23 354 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. other Territorial officers are a Secretary, term four years, salary, $1,800; a Treasurer and Auditor, term two years each, salary of each, $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 12 Senators and 24 Repre- sentatives, all chosen for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $4 a day and 20 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on second Monday in January. Session limited to 60 days. Territorial elections held on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two as- sociates, appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representative in Congress, 1 Delegate. Rep. Maj. 6,371 1,428 D. 10,914 1*484 D. POLITICS.- —Vote for Delegate : 1880 .... 1882.... Dem. 7,799 12,398 NEBRASKA. l *-HlNt NAME. — So called from the Nebraska River. The word is Indian, meaning " water valley," or " shallow river." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, May 30, 1854; act of admission, February 9, 1867; actual admission, March 1, 1867. AREA. — Square miles, 76,185 ; acres, 48,758,400; persons to a square mile, 5.94. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. Per cent of i860 28,841 increase. 1870 122,993 3 26 -4 1880 45 2 >402 267.8 RULING BY STATES. 355 [880 by Classes. Male 249,241 Native 354,988 Female. .203,161 Foreign.... 97,414 Dwellings 85,848 Families 89,135 Voters — Males over 21 129,042 White. . ..449,764 Chinese 18 Black.... 2,385 Indians. .. .235 Persons to a dwelling 5.27 " " family 5.08 Natural militia, 18-44 112,884 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Adams i°> 2 35 Antelope 3,953 Blackbird 109 Boone 4,170 Buffalo 7,53i Burt 6,937 Butler 9, I 94 Calhoun Cass 16,683 Cedar 2,899 Chase 70 Cheyenne 1,558 Clay 11,294 Colfax 6,588 Cuming 5,569 Custer 2,2ii Dakota 3, 213 Dawson 2,909 Dixon 4,177 Dodge 11,263 Douglass ... 37,645 Dandy 37 Fillimore 10,204 Fort Randall Franklin 5,465 Frontier 934 Furnas 6,407 Gage i3, l6 4 Gosper J ,673 Grant Greeley 1,461 Green Hall 8,572 Hamilton 8,267 Harian 6,086 Harrison Hayes 119 Hitchcock 1,012 Holt 3,287 Howard 4,39* Jackson 1870. *9 i860. 31 193 2,847 1,290 114 388 27 41 3»369 246 8,151 1,032 190 54 1,424 2,964 '"165 67 2,040 103 1,345 4,212 19.982 819 16 247 309 4,328 238 26 353 3.359 421 484 16 *>°57 130 116 631 9 Counties. 1880. Jefferson 8,096 Johnson 7,595 Jones Kearney 4>°72 Keith 194 Knox 3,666 Lancaster 28,090 Lincoln 3,632 Lyon Madison 5,589 Merrick 5, 341 Monroe Nance 1,212 Nemaha 10,451 Nuckolls 4,235 Otoe 1 5,7 2 7 Pawnee 6,920 Phelps 2,447 Pierce 1,202 Platte 9,511 Polk 6,846 Red Willow 3»o44 Richardson 15,031 Saline 14,491 Sarpy 4,481 Saunders 15,810 Seward ",147 Sherman 2,061 Shorter Sioux 699 Stanton 1,813 Taylor Thayer 6,113 Valley 2,324 Washington 8,631 Wayne 813 Webster 7, io 4 Wheeler 644 York ",170 Unorganized Ter'y.. 2,913 1870. 2,440 3,429, 5*8 261 7>°74 17 78 i,i33 557 235 44 7,593 8 12,345 4.171 152 1,899 136 9,780 3,ic6 2,9*3 4.547 2,953 636 97 4,452 182 16 604 235 i860. '"528 122 474 152 153 109 3,i39 22 4,211 782 *9 2,835 39 117 1,249 ,765 EDUCATION— Colleges, 5; instructors, 49 ; students, 538. Public schools, 3,286; value of school property, $2,061,059; teachers, 3,418; teachers' salaries (1882), $702,127 ; receipts for school purposes, $1,252,898 ; expended for same (1882), $1,358,- 346; school age, 5— 21 years; school population (1882), 165,- 511; pupils enrolled, 115,546; average attendance (1882), 66,027; average length of school year in 1882, in days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 7,830, being 2.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 5,102; foreign white, 356 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 5,824; colored, Chinese and Indians, 602; total, 11,528, being 3.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 15; others, 174; total, 189. Circulation, 160,158. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 90,507; in professional and personal services, 28,746 ; in trade and trans- portation, 15,106; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 18,255. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 63,387; total acres in farms, 9,944,826; improved acres, 5,504,702 ; average size in farms, 157 acres; value of farms and buildings, $105,932,541; value of implements, $7,820,917; total value of farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $31,708,914. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 1,744,686 bush. Buckwheat 17,562 " Butter 9,725,198 lbs. Cheese 230,819 " Hay 785,433 tons. Indian Corn 65,450,135 bush. Milk 625,783 galls. Oats 6,555,875 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $72,244 Potatoes, Irish 2,150,896 bush. " sweet 13,628 M Rye 424,348 " Tobacco 57,979 lbs. Wheat 13,847,007 bush. Wool 1,282,656 lbs. Live -Stock. Number. Other cattle 590,129 Sheep 199,453 Swine 1,241,724 Number. Horses 204,864 Mules and asses I 9,999 Working oxen 7, 2 34 Milch cows 161,187 Total value of live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $33,440,265 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 1,403; capital invested, $4,881,150; hands employed, 4,793 ; wages paid, $1,742,311; value of materials, $8,208,478; value of products, $12,627,336. The principal manufactures are : Brick and tile $349,478 Flour mill products 4,193,086 Lumber sawed 265,062 Paints 350,000 Printing and publishing $419,461 Saddlery and harness 477,364 Slaughtering and packing 1,359,397 Liquors, malt 393,870 Total steam and water power in use, 8,494 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Coal, bituminous 200 tons. $750 RULING BY STATES. 357 COMMERCIAL FA CILIT1ES.— Railroads in 1883, 2,408 miles of line; miles operated, 2,102; cost, $166,962,120; total investment, $202,539,049. Steam craft, 14; tonnage, 1,193; value, $64,300. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1882), $61,700,259; of personal property, $48,843,385. State taxation for two years (1881-82), rate 74 cents on $100, $982,- OI2 ; county taxation, $1,522,229; city, town and district, $914,- 786; State debt (1883), all funded, $375,582; county, city and town debt, $7,050,175. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Lincoln. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $2,500. The other State officers — selected for two years, except Secretary Board Agriculture one year, and Librarian four years — are : Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $6 a day; Secretary of State, $2,000; Treasurer, $2,500; Auditor, $2,500; Attorney-General, $2,000; Superintendent Public In- struction, $2,000; Adjutant-General, $500; Secretary Board Agriculture, $1,000; Commissioner Public Lands, $2,000; Librarian, $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 33 Senators and 100 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $3 a day and 10 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially oh first Tuesday in January. Session limited to 40 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two Associate Justices, elected by the people for six years. Salary of each Judge, $2,500. Representatives in Congress, 3 ; Presidential electors, 5. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. 1872 President 18,245 1874 Governor 20,874 1876 President 31,916 1876 Governor 3 r ,947 1878 " 29,469 1880 President 54,979 1880 Governor 55, 237 *882 " 43,495 Dew. Ind. Tem. Maj. 7,705 10,540 R. 8,471 3,987 1,257 7,I59R- 17,554 2,336 4,964 14,362 R. 17,219 3,022 30 14,728 R. 13,473 9,475 15,996 R. 28,523 3,95<> 26,456 R. 28,167 3,898 27,027 R. 28,562 16,991 14.933 R 358 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC NEVADA. NAME. — From the Sierra Nevada Mountains, which in turn duplicate the Sierra Nevadas of Spain. Nevada, or nevado, means, in Spanish, " white with snow." Popular name, " The Silver State." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory March 2, 1861. Act of admission dated March 21, 1864; actual admission, Oct. 31, 1864. AREA. — Square miles, 109,740; acres, 70,233,600; persons to a square mile, 0.57. POPULATION 2 55 White 53,556 Chinese 5,419 Black 488 Indians 2,803 Persons to a dwelling 4.28 " " family. 4. n Natural militia, 18-44 25,967 Counties. 1880. Carson Churchill 479 Douglas 1,581 Elko 5,716 Esmeralda 3,220 Eureka 7,086 Humboldt 3,480 Lander 3,624 Lincoln 2,637 By Counties for three Censuses 1870, 196 1,215 3,447 1,553 1,916 2,815 2,985 i860. 6,712 Counties. 1880. Lyon 2,409 Nye 1,875 Ormsby 5,4*2 Roop 286 Saint Mary's Storey I 6,ii5 Washoe 5,664 White Pine 2,682 1870. i860. 1,837 1,087 3,668 133 105 i,359 3,091 7,189 EDUCATION — Colleges, I ; instructors, I ; students, 40. Public schools, 185; value of school property, $282,870; teachers, 195; teachers' salaries, $131,019; receipts for school purposes, $275,967 ; expended for same, $212,164; school age, RULING BY STATES. 359 6-18 years; school population (1882) 10,483; pupils enrolled (1882), 8,158; average attendance (1882), 5,286; average length of school year in 1882, 146 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 3,703, being 7.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 240; foreign white, 1,675 > colored, Chinese and Indians, 2,154; total, 4,069, being 8 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 14; others, 23; total, 37. Circulation, 28,395. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 4,180; in professional and personal services, 10,373 ; in trade and trans- portation, 4,449 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 13,231- AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 1,404; total acres in farms, 530,862; improved acres, 344,423; average size of farms, 378 acres; value of farms and buildings, $5,408,325 ; value of implements, $378,788 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $2,855,449. Principal Products. Quantity. 1 Quantity. Barley 513,470 bush. Butter 335, J88 lbs. Cheese 17,420 " Hay 95> 8 53 tons- Indian Corn 12,891 bush. Milk 149,889 galls. Oats 186,860 bush. Orchard products $3,619 Potatoes, Irish 302,143 bush. Tobacco 1,500 lbs. Wheat 69,298 bush. Wool 655,012 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Other cattle 158,137 Sheep I33.695 Swine 9,080 Number. Horses 32,087 Mules and asses 1,258 Working oxen 765 Milch cows J 3,319 Value of live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $3,399,749 MANUFACTURES.— dumber of establishments, 184; cap- ital invested, $1,323,300; hands employed, 577; wages paid, $461,807; value of material, $1,049,794; value of products, $2,179,626. The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products $405,089 | Foundry and machine-shop. . . .$320,955 Total steam and water power in use, 716 horse-power. 360 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $4,888,242 Silver 12,430,667 Copper ingots 734,73° 1 DS - Total value of precious minerals $17,318,909 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 509 miles of line ; miles operated, 447; cost, $22,788,998; total in- vestment, $25,714,003. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $19,152,542; of personal property, $8,216,714. State taxation (1883), 90 cents on $100, $246,324; county taxation, $619,169 ; city and town, $91,403. State debt (1883), all funded, $555,000; county, city and town debt, $1,024,523. GOVERNMENT. — Capital, Carson City. Governor chosen for four years. Salary, $5,000. The other State officers, all chosen for four years, are: Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $3,000; Secretary of State, $3,000; Treasurer, $3,000; Comptroller, $3,- 000; Attorney-General, $3,000; Superintendent Public Instruc- tion, $2,400; Surveyor-General, $3,000. The Lieutenant-Gov- ernor acts as Adjutant-General and Librarian. The Legislature is composed of 20 Senators and 40 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $8 per day and 40 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Monday in Jan- uary. Session limited to 60 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two as- sociates, chosen by the people for a term of six years. Salary of each Judge, $6,000. Representative in Congress, 1 ; Presidential electors, 3. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Maj. 1872 President. . . . . . 6,236 8,413 2,177 R. 1874 Governor. . . . • • io,339 7,755 2,584 D. 1876 President. . . . . • 9,3°8 10,383 1,075 R- 1878 Governor • • 9J5I 9,678 527 R. 1880 President .. 9,611 8,732 879 D. 1882 Governor. . . . • • 7.770 6,535 1,235 D - RULING BY STATES. 361 NEW HAMPSHIRE. NAME. — Named by Mason, grantee of the Plymouth Com- pany, New Hampshire, after Hampshire county, England. Pop- ular name, " The Granite State." * ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, June 21, 1788. AREA. — Square miles, 9,005 ; acres, 5,763,200; persons to a square mile, 38.53. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. I790 141,885 1800 183,858 1810 214,460 1820 244,022 1830 269,328 Per cent, of increase. 29-5 16.6 13-7 10.3 Census. Pop. 1840 284,574 1850 3 I 7>976 i860 326,073 1870 318,300 1880 346,99! Per eent. of increase. 5-6 11.7 2-5 2.3 dec. 9.0 1880 by Classes. Male. . . . 170,526 Native. . . . 300,697 Female. . 176,465 Foreign. . . 46,294 Dwellings 68,381 Families 80,286 Voters — Males over 21 105,138 White.. . 346,229 Chinese.... 14 Black * 685 Indians 63 Persons to a dwelling 5.07 " " family 4-32 Natural militia, 18-44 7°,4iO By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Belknap , 17,948 Carroll 18,224 Cheshire 28,734 Coos 18,580 Grafton 38,788 1870. 17,681 17.332 27,265 M,932 39, io 3 i860. 18,549 20.465 27,434 13,161 42,260 Counties. 1880. Hillsborough 75,634 Merrimack 46,300 Rockingham 49,064 Strafford 35,558 Sullivan 18,161 1870. 64,238 42,151 i860. 62,140 41,408 47,297 50,122 30.243 18,058 3M93 19,041 EDUCATION. — Colleges, i; instructors, 18; students, 235. Public schools, 2,552; value of school property, $2,328,796; teachers, 2,620; teachers' salaries (1882), 417,016; receipts for school purposes, $559,133 ; expended for same (1882), $578,702 ; school age, 5-15 years; school population (1882), 60,899; pupils 362 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. enrolled (1882), 64,349; average attendance (1882), 43,996; average length of school year in 1882, 96.27 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 11,982, being 4.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 2,710; foreign white, II,- 498; colored, Chinese and Indians, 94; total, 14,302, being 5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 10; others, 79; total, 89. Circulation, 197,268. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 44,490; in professional and personal service, 28,206 ; in trade and trans- portation, 11,735; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 58,037- AGRICULTURE.— Number of farms, 32,181; total acres in farms, 3,721,173; improved acres, 2,308,112; average size of farms, 116 acres; value of farms and buildings, $75,834,389; value of implements, $3,069,240 ; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $13,474,330. Principal Products. Quantity. Quantity. Barley 77,877 bush, j Oats 1,017,620 bush. Buckwheat 94,090 " | Orchard products. .. . $972,291 Butter 7,247,272 lbs. ] Potatoes, Irish 3,358,828 bush. Cheese 807,076 " Rye 34,638 Hay 583,069 tons. Hops 23,955 lbs. Indian Corn 1,350,248 bush. Milk 5,739,128 galls. Tobacco 1 70,843 lbs. Wheat 169,316 bush. Wool 1,060,589 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Number. Horses 46,773 Mules and asses 87 Working oxen 29,152 Milch cows 90,564 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $9,812,064 Other cattle 112,689 Sheep 211,825 Swine 53A37 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 3,181 ; capi- tal invested, $51,112,263 ; hands employed, 48,831 ; wages paid, $14,814,793; value of material, $43,552,462; value of products, $73,978,028. The principal products are : Boots and shoes #7,230,804 I Dyeing and finishing #1,568,100 Cotton goods 18,226,573 I Flour and mill products. . . . 2,542,784 RULING BY STATES. 363 Mixed textiles #2,703,281 Paper 1,731,170 Woollen goods 8,113,839 Worsted goods 2,694,232 Machinery #2,024,656 Hosiery 2,362,779 Leather curried and tanned.. 4,477,350 Liquors, malt 1,265,477 Lumber, sawed 3,842,012 Total steam and water power in use, 87,750 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold #10,999 Silver 1 6,000 Copper ingots 34,050 lbs. 5,993 Minor minerals 1 1 2,550 Total precious minerals, $26,999. Non-precious. . . . 118,543 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 890 miles of line; miles operated, 638; cost, $25,176,984; total investment, $27,281,758. Steam craft, 25; tonnage, 2,000; value, $122,900. Sail craft, 69; tonnage, 9,482; value, $2^y r 050. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $112,911,992 ; of personal property, $100,085,140. State taxation (1883), rate 19 cents on $100, $398,692 ; county, $483,- 978; city and town, $1,818,290. State debt (1883) funded, $3,- 306,000; unfunded, $100; county, city and town debt, $7,162,980. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Concord. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $1,000. The other State officers are : Secre- tary of State (two years), salary, $800 ; Treasurer (two years), $1,800; Attorney-General (five years), $2,200; Superintendent Public Instruction (two years), $2,000; Commissioner of Insur- ance (three years), fees ; three Railroad Commissioners (one, two and three years), $2,500, $2,200 and $2,000; Adjutant-General (two years), $1,000; Secretary Board Agriculture (two years), $1,000; State Librarian (two years), $800. The Legislature is composed of 24 Senators and 321 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $3 a day and mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednes- day in June. No limit to the session. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice, salary, $2,900, and six Associate Justices, salary of each, $2,700. They are all ap- 364 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. pointed by the Governor and Council until such time as they shall reach seventy years of age. Representatives in Congress, 2; Presidential Electors, 4. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Tem. Maj. 1872 President 37, l6 8 3*. 425 200 5,743 R. 1875 Governor 39, 2 93 39.121 792 172 R. 1876 President 41,539 38,509 82 3,030 R. 1877 Governor 40,755 3 6 ,72i 338 4.034 R. 1878 " 38,175 31,135 6,507 7,040 R. 1880 President 44,855 40,798 708 4,057 R. 1880 Governor 44,435 40,866 892 3,569 R. 1882 " 38,399 36,879 1,520 R. NEW JERSEY. NAME. — So called in honor of Sir George Carteret, one of its original proprietors, an inhabitant of the Island of Jersey, in the British Channel, who bravely defended the island against the Long Parliament during the civil war. ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, Dec. 18, 1787. AREA. — Square miles, 7,455; acres, 4,771,200; persons to ; a square mile, 151.73. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. *79° 184,139 1800 211,149 1810 245,562 1820 ... 277,426 1830 320,823 Per cent, of increase. 14.6 16.2 12.9 15.6 Census. Pop. 1840 373,3o6 1850 489,555 i860 672,035 1870 906,096 1880 1,131,116 Per cent, of increase. 16.3 3ii 37-2 34.8 24-8 RULING BY STATES 365 1880 by Classes. Male. . ..559,922 Native 909,416 White. .. .1,092,017 Chinese 172 Female. .571,194 Foreign 221,700 Black 38,853 Indians.... 74 Dwellings 190,403 Persons to a dwelling 5.94 Families 232,309 " " family 4.87 Voters — Males over 21 300,635 Natural militia, 18-44 230,054 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Atlantic 18,704 Bergen 36,786 Burlington 55,402 Camden 62,942 Cape May 9,765 Cumberland 37,687 Essex 189,929 Gloucester 25,886 Hudson 187,944 Hunterdon 38,570 Mercer 58,061 1870. 14,093 30,122 53,6.39 46,193 8,349 34,665 143,839 21,562 129,067 36,9 6 3 46,386 i860. J Counties. 1880. 11,786 Middlesex 52,286 21,618 ! Monmouth 55,538 49,730 ! Morris 50,861 34,457 ! Ocean 14,455 7,130 ! Passaic 68,860 22,605 98,877 18,444 62,717 33,654 37,4i9 Salem ; 24,579 Somerset 27,162 Sussex 23,539 Union 55, 571 Warren 36080 1870. i860. 45,029 34,8i2 46,195 39,346 43. J 37 34,677 13,628 11,176 46,416 29,013 22,458 23,943 23,510 22,057 23,168 23,846 41,859 27,780 34,336 28,433 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 4; instructors, 75; students, 727. Public schools, 3,241 ; value of school property, $6,298,500; teachers, 3,422; teachers' salaries (1882), $1,776,052; receipts for school purposes, $1,881,103 ; expended for same (1882), $2,- 142,385; school age, 5-18 years; school population (1882), 343,897; pupils enrolled, 209,526; average attendance (1882), 1 13,532 ; average length of school year in 1882, 192 days. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 39,136, being 4.5 per cent, of all those over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 20,093 ; foreign white, 2 3»956 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 9,200; total, 53,249, being 6.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 27 ; others, 190; total, 217. Circulation, 256,- 040. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 59,214; in professional and personal service, 1 10,722 ; in trade and trans- portation, 66,382 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 160,561. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 34,307; total acres in farms, 2,929,773 ; improved acres, 2,096,297 ; average size of farms, 85 acres; value of farms and buildings, $190,895,- 833; value of implements, $6,921,085; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $29,650,756. 366 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 4,091 bush. Buckwheat 466,414 " Butter 9,513,835 lbs. Cheese 66,518 " Hay 518,990 tons. Indian Corn 11,150,705 bush. Milk 15,472,783 galls. Oats 3>7io,573 bush. Quantity. Orchard products. . . . $860,090 Potatoes, Irish 3,563,793 bush. " sweet 2,086,731 " Rye 949,064 " Tobacco 1 72,3 1 5 lbs. Wheat I,9 0I ,739 bush. Wool 441,110 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 86,940 Mules and asses 9,267 Working oxen 2,022 Milch cows 152,078 Value of all live-stock on farms, June Number. Other cattle 69,786 Sheep 1 1 7,020 Swine 219,069 1880 $14,861,412 MANUFA CTURES. —N\imhzr of establishments, 7,128; capi- tal invested, $106,226,593; hands employed, 126,038; wages paid, $46,083,045; value of material, $165,285,779; value of products, $254,380,236. The principal products are : Boots and shoes $7,055,751 Bakery products 2,798,311 Brick and tile 1,672,533 Carriages and wagons 1,808,593 Celluloid goods 1,251,540 Clothing, men's 4,737, 5 2 5 Cotton goods 5,039,519 Drugs and chemicals 4,993<9°5 Dyeing and finishing 3,365,700 Fertilizers 2,423,805 Flour and mill products 8,459,944 Machinery 1 1,282,748 Canned goods 1,417,085 Glass 2,810,170 Hats and caps $6,152,447 Iron and steel 10,341,896 Jewelry 4,079,677 Leather, tanned and curried. .15,475,222 Liquors, malt 4,532,733 Paper 2,015,569 Sewing machines 4,640,852 Silk and silk goods 17,1 22,230 Slaughtering and packing. . . .20,719,640 Smelting and refining 8,370,100 Stone and earthenware 2,598,757 Sugar and molasses refined. .22,841,258 Tobacco and cigars 6,572,759 Woollen goods 4,984,007 Total steam and water power in use, 99,858 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Iron ore 754,872 tons Zinc ore 39,381 " Minor minerals 33,828 " Value. $2,900,442 451,070 40,270 Total value of mineral products. . , $3,391, 782 COMMERCIAL FA CILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,863 miles of line ; miles operated, 1,823; cost, $197,833,199; total investment, $240,992,895. Length of canal lines, 171 miles; cost, $10,776,353. Steam craft, 175; tonnage, 43,688; value, RULING BY STATES. 36 £2,461,150. Sail craft, 906; tonnage, 58,123 ; value, $i,453>°5°- Canal boats and barges, 621 ; tonnage, 62,293 ; value, $570,350. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1882), $452,062,356; of personal property, $125,922,571. State taxation (1882), rate 25 cents on $100, $1,200,906; county taxa- tion, $1,938,318; city, town and district, $5,736,036. State debt (1882), all funded, $1,796,300; county, city and town debt, $48,- 733427- GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Trenton. Governor elected for three years. Salary, $5,000. The other State officers are: Secretary of State (five years), salary, $6,000 ; Treasurer (three years), $4,000; Comptroller (three years), $4,000; Attorney- General (five years), $7,000; Superintendent Public Instruction (three years), $3,000; Adjutant-General (five years), $1,200; Secretary Board Agriculture (appointed), fees ; State Librarian (five years), $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 21 Senators and 60 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for three years ; Representa- tives for one year. Salary of a Legislator, $500. Legislature meets annually on second Tuesday in January. No limit to sessions. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Judiciary consists of a Chancellor chosen for seven years, salary, $10,000; and a Supreme Court composed of a Chief Justice and eight Associate Justices. The Judges are appointed by the Governor and Senate for the term of seven years. Salary of Chief Justice, $7,500; of Associate Justices, $7,000 each. Representatives in Congress, 7 ; Presidential electors, 9. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Maj. 1872 President 76,801 91,611 14,810 R. 1874 Governor 97,283 84,050 13,2330. 1876 President.. "5,956 103,511 12,445 D. 1877 Governor 97,840 85,094 12,746 D. 1880 " 121,666 121,015 651 D. 1880 President 122,565 120,555 2,010 D. 1883 Governor 103,856 97,047 6,809 D - 368 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. NEW MEXICO TERRITORY. NAME. — An acquisition from Mexico. Hence the name. ORGANIZATION.— Act of Sept. 9, 1850. AREA. — Square miles, 122,460; acres, 78,374,400; popula- tion to a square mile, 0.98. POPULATION and rate of increase: Per cent, of I Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. Census. Pop. increase. 1850 61,547 1870 91,874 1.7 dec. i860 93,516 51.9 I 1880 119,565 30.1 1880 by Classes. Male 64,496 Native 111,514 White 108,721 Chinese.... 57 Female. .55,069 Foreign.... 8,051 Black.... 1,015 Indians. .. .9,772 Dwellings 26,311 Persons to a dwelling 4.54 Families 28,255 Persons to a family 4.23 Voters — Males over 21 34,076 Natural militia, 18-44 28,452 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. 1.860. Arizona 6,482 Bernalillo 17,225 7,591 8,769 Colfax 3,398 1 >99 2 Donna Ana 7,612 5,864 6,239 Grant 4,539 1.143 Lincoln 2,513 1,803 Mora 9,75i 8,056 5,566 Counties. 1880. Rio Arriba 11,023 San Miguel 20,638 Santa Ana w Santa Fe 10,867 Socorro 7,875 Taos 11,029 Valencia 13,095 J 870. i860. 9,294 9- 8 49 16,058 i3,7i4 2,599 3,572 9,699 8,114 6,683 5,787 12,079 14,103 9,o93 1 1 ,3- • EDUCATION. — Public schools, 162; value of school prop- erty, $13,500; teachers, 164; teachers' salaries, $28,002 ; receipts for school purposes, $32,171; expended for same, $28,973; school age, 7-18 years; school population, 20,255; pupils en- rolled, 4,755 ; average attendance, 3,150. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 52,994, or 60.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 46,329; foreign white, 3,268; colored, Chinese and Indians, 7,559; total, 57,156, or 65 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 3; others, 15; total, 18. Circulation, 8,855. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 14,139; in professional and personal services, 19,042 ; in trade and trans- portation, 3,264 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 4,377. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 5,053; total acres in farms, 63 1 , 1 3 1 ; improved acres, 237,392; average size of farms, RULING BY STATES. 369 125 acres; value of farms and buildings, $5,514,399 ; value of implements, $255,162 ; total value of all farm products, sold, con- sumed or on hand $1,897,974. Principal Products. Quantity. Quantity. Barley 50,053 bush. Potatoes, Irish 21,883 bush. Butter 44,827 lbs. " sweet 3,217 " Cheese 10,501 Hay 7,650 tons. Indian Corn 633,786 bush Oats 156,527 " Orchard products #26,706 Live- Stock Number. Rye 240 * Tobacco 890 lbs. Wheat 706,641 bush. Wool 4,019,188 lbs. Number. Other cattle 137,314 Sheep 2,088,831 Swine 7,857 Horses 14,547 Mules and asses 9,063 Working oxen 16,432 Miich cows I2 »955 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 #5,010,800 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 144; capi- tal invested, $463,275 ; hands employed, 557 ; wages paid, $218,- 731; value of material, $871,352; value of products, $1,284,- 846. The principal manufactures are : Grist-mill products $529,171 | All others $755,675 Total steam and water power in use, 1,359 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. - Gold $49,354 • Silver 39 2 ,337 Copper 4,o55 lbs. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed valuation of real estate and personal property (1883), $27,137,903. Territorial taxation (1882), $94,352; county taxation, $70,719. Territory has no debt ; county indebtedness, $84,872. GOVERNMENT. — Capital, Santa Fe. Governor appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of Senate, for four years. Salary, $2,600. Legislature composed of 12 Senators and 24 Representatives. Term of both, two years. Legislature sits biennially, meeting on first Monday in January. Session limited to 60 days. Salary of a Legislator, $4 per day and 20 cents mileage. 24 370 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Territorial elections held every two years on Tuesday after first Monday in November. Delegate and Presidential elections on same date. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two asso- ciates, appointed by the President for four years. Salary of each, $3,000. POLITICS.— -Vote for Delegate: 1880 1882, Rep. [0,835 [5,062 Dem. 9>562 13,378 Maj. 1,273 R- 1,684 R- NEW YORK. NAME (originally New Netherlands). — So called in honor of the Duke of York, original English grantee, and afterwards King James II. Popular names, " Empire State " and " Excel- sior State." ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, July 26, 1788. AREA. — Square miles, 47,620; acres, 30,476,800; persons to a square mile, 106.74. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 179° 340,120 1800 589,051 1810 959,049 1820 1,372,111 1830 1,918,608 Per cent, of increase. 73-1 62.8 43° 39-8 Per cent, of increase. 26.5 1,211,379 Male. .. .2,505,322 Native. Female. .2,577,549 Foreign Dwellings 772,512 Families 1,078,905 Voters — Males over 21 1,408,751 Census. Pop. 1840 2,428,921 1850 3,°97,394 i860 3,880,735 1870 .4,382,759 1880 5,082,871 1880 by Classes. ..3,871,492 White 5,016,022 Chinese Black .... 65,104 Indians , Persons to a dwelling 6.58 " " family 5.46 Natural militia, 18-44 x i° 775 27-5 25.2 12.9 15-9 ,926 "19 RULING BY STATES. 371 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Albany 154,890 Allegany 41,810 Broome 49,783 Cattaraugus 55,8o6 Cayuga 65,081 Chautauqua 65,342 Chemung 43,°6s Chenango 39,981 Clinton 50,897 Columbia 47,928 Cortland 25,825 Delaware. «. 42,721 Duchess 79,184 Erie 219,884 Essex 34,5i5 Franklin 32,390 Fulton 30,985 Genesee 32,806 Greene 32,695 Hamilton 3,9 2 3 Herkimer 42,669 Jefferson 66,103 Kings 599.495 Lewis 31,416 Livingston 39,562 Madison 44, 112 Monroe 144,903 Montgomery 38,315 New York 1,206,299 Niagara 54, 173 1870. 133.052 40,814 44,103 43,909 59,55o 59.327 35,28i 40,564 47,947 47,o44 25,i73 42,972 74,o4i 178,699 29,042 30,271 27,064 31,606 31,832 2,960 39.929 65,415 419,921 28,699 38,309 43,522 117,868 34,457 942,292 5o,437 i860. 113.917 41,881 35,9° 6 43,886 55,767 58,422 26,917 4o,934 45,735 47^72 26,294 42,465 64,941 Ui,97i 28,214 30,837 24,162 32,189 3i,93o 3,024 40,561 69,825 279,122 28,580 39,546 43,545 100,648 30,866 813,669 5o,399 Counties. Oneida Onondaga Ontario Orange Orleans Oswego Otsego Putnam Queens Rensselaer Richmond Rockland Saint Lawrence. Saratoga Schenectady Schoharie Schuyler Seneca Steuben Suffolk Sullivan , Tioga Tompkins Ulster Warren Washington Wayne Westchester Wyoming Yates "5,475 "7,893 49,54i 88,220 30,128 77,9" 5i,397 15,181 9°>574 115,328 38,991 27,690 85,997 55,156 23,538 32,910 18,842 29,278 77,586 53,888 32.49 1 32,673 34,445 85,838 25,179 47,87i 5',7°o 108,988 3°,9°7 21,087 1870. 110,008 104,183 45,io8 80,902 27,689 77,94i 48,967 15,420 73.8o3 99.549 33.029 25,213 84,826 51,529 21,347 33,340 18,989 27,823 67,717 46,924 34,55o 30,572 33,t78 84,075 22,^92 49.568 47,7io 131,348 29,164 I9.59S i860. 105,202 90,686 44,563 63,812 28,717 75 958 50,157 14,002 57,39* 86,328 25,49 2 22,492 83,689 51,729 20,002 34,469 18,840 28,138 66,690 43. 2 75 32,385 28,748 31,409 76,381 21,434 45.9°4 47,762 99.497 31.968 20,290 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 28; instructors, 535; students, 6,646. Public schools, 18,615 ; value of school property, $31,235,401 ; teachers, 20,738 ; teachers' salaries (1882), $7,986,261 ; receipts for school purposes, $11,035,511; expended for same (1882), $11,422,593; school age, 5-21 years; school population (1882), 1,681,161; pupils enrolled (1882), 1,041,068; average attend- ance (1882), 569,471 ; average length of school session in 1882, 176 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 166,625, being 4.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 59,516; foreign white, 148,659; colored, Chinese and Indians, 11,425; total, 219,600, being 5.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 116 ; others, 1,296; total, 1,412. Circulation, 9,- 398,495- OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 377,460; in professional and personal service, 537,897; in trade and trans- portation, 339,419; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 629,869. 372 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 241,058; total acres in farms, 23,780,754; improved acres, 17,717,862; average size of farms, 99 acres; value of farms and buildings, $1,056,176,741; value of implements, $42,592,741 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $178,025,695. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley. .., 7,792,062 bush. Buckwheat 4,461,200 M Butter 1 1 1,922,423 lbs. Cheese 8,362,590 " Hay 5,240,563 tons. Hops 21,628,931 lbs. Indian Corn 25,690,156 bush. Milk 231 ,965,533 galls. Quantity. Oats 37. 575. 506 bush. Orchard products $8,409,794 Potatoes, Irish 33,644,807 bush. " sweet 6,833 " Rye 2,634,690 " Tobacco 6,481,431 lbs. Wheat 11,587,766 bush. Wool 8,827,195 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Other cattle 862,233 Sheep 1,715,180 Swine 751 ,907 Number. Horses 610,358 Mules and asses 5>°72 Working oxen 37*633 Milch cows I.437.855 Value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $117,868,28; MANUFACTURES.— -Number of establishments, 42,739; capital invested, $514,246,575 ; hands employed, 531,533 ; wages paid, $198,634,029; value of material, $679,612,545; value of products, $1,080,696,598. The principal manufactures are: Agricultural implements $10,717,766 Blank books 5,296,691 Boots and shoes 18,979,259 Bakery products I 9-937>953 Carpets 8,419,254 Carnages and wagons 8,888,479 Cheese and butter 12,295,353 Clothing, men's 81,133,611 " women's 20,314,307 Confectionery 6,686,389 Cooperage 6,765,7 19 Cordage 5,207,135 Cotton goods 9,723,527 Drugs 9,991,259 Flour and mill products.... 49,331,984 Machinery 44,714,915 Furniture 15,210,879 Gloves 5,718,529 Grease and tallow 7,322,970 Hats and caps 6,464,058 Hosiery 9,899,540 Iron and steel $22,219,219 Jewelry 5,340,806 Lard 14,758,718 Leather, tanned and curried. 32,939,670 Liquors, malt 35,392,677 Lumber, sawed and planed. . 22,430,676 Malt 9,874,098 Marble-work 10,189,267 Mixed textiles 13,376,380 Musical instruments 8,084,154 Paints 9.455.900 Paper 8,524,279 Printing and publishing. . . . 27,885,376 Shirts 1 1,014,820 Shipbuilding 7,985,044 Silk and satin goods. 10,170,140 Slaughtering and packing. . .. 43,096,138 Sugar and molasses refined.. 71,237,051 Tin and copper ware 9,858,768 Tobacco and cigars 33,675,241 Woollen goods 9,874,973 RULING BY STATES. 373 Total steam and water power in use, 454,143 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Iron ore 1,239,759 tons $3A99^3^ Minor minerals 1,623,011 Total value of mineral products #5,122,143 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 6,723 miles of line; miles operated, 6,437; cost > $670,307,286 ; total investment, #740,271,251. Length of canal lines, 608 miles; cost, #68,229,416. Steam craft, 1,230; tonnage, 358,445; value, #25,708,650. Sail craft, 2,984 ; tonnage, 623,681 ; value, #15,592,000. Canal boats, barges and flats, 5,944; total tonnage, #1,006,101 ; value, #6,963,395. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate ( 1 882), #2,432,661 ,378 ; of personal property, #351 ,02 1 , 1 89. State taxation (1882), rate 32.5 cents on #100, #7,690,416; county taxation, #6,160,119; city and town, #42,352,053. State debt (1883) net, and all funded, #6,385,356; county, city and town debts, #211,186,582. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Albany. Governor elected for three years. Salary, #10,000. The other State officers are: Lieutenant-Governor, three years, salary, #5,000; Secretary of State, two years, #5,000; Treasurer, two years, #5,000; Comp- troller, two years, #6,000; Attorney-General, two years, #5,000; Superintendent Public Instruction, three years, #5,000; Adjutant- General, three years, #3,000 ; State Librarian, three years, #2,500; State Engineer, two years, #5,000; Superintendent of Insur- ance, three years, #7,000. The Legislature is composed of 32 Senators and 128 Repre- sentatives. Senators are elected for two years ; Representatives for one year. Salary of >a Legislator, #1,500 a year and 10 cents mileage. Legislature meets annually on first Tuesday iri January. No limit to length of session. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and six Asso- ciate Justices, elected by the people for fourteen years. Salary of Chief Justice, #7,500 ; of Associate Justices, #7,000. 374 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Representatives in Congress, 34 ; Presidential electors, 36. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Grbk. Tern. Maj. 1872 President ... 387,279 44°,759 53,480 R. 1874 Governor 416,391 366,074 11,168 50,3170. 1876 " 519,831 489,031 30,800 D. 1876 President 522,043 489,225 32,818 D. 1878 Sup. Judge. . 356,451 391,112 75,133 34,66i R. 1880 President 534,5 J I 555,544 12,373 21,033 R. 1882 Governor. .. . 535,347 341,523 26,602 193,8240. 1883 Sec. of State.. 427,491 446,088 7,066 18,205 18,597 R. NORTH CAROLINA. NAME. — " Fort Charles, the Carolina, so called in honor of Charles IX. of France, first gave a name to the country, a century before it was occupied by the English. The name re- mained, though the early colony perished." Bancroft, vol. i., p. 62. Popular names, " Old North State " and " Turpentine State." ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, Nov. 21, 1789. AREA. — Square miles, 48,580; acres, 31,091,200; persons to a square mile, 28.81. POPULATION and rate of increase : Census. Pop. I790 393J5 1 1800 478,103 1810 555,5oo 1820 638,829 1830 737,987 Per cent, of [ 21.4 16.1 15.0 >5-5 Census. Pop. 1840 753,419 1850 869,039 i860 992,622 1870 1,071,361 1880 1,399,75° Per cent, of increase. 2.0 15.3 14.2 7-9 30.6 RULING BY STATES. 375 1880 by Male 687,908 Native. . .1,396,008 Female. ..711,842 Foreign.. 3,742 Dwellings 264,305 Families 270,994 Voters — Males over 21 294,750 Classes. White.... 867,242 Chinese I Black.... 531,277 Indians.. ..1,230 Persons to a dwelling 5-3° " M family 5. 1 7 Natural militia, 18-44 241,140 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Alamance 14,613 Alexander 8,355 Alleghany 5,486 Anson 17,994 Ashe 14,437 Beaufort 1 7,474 Bertie 16,399 Bladen 16,158 Brunswick 9,389 Buncombe 21,909 Burke 12,809 Cabarrus 14,964 Caldwell 10,291 Camden 6,274 Carteret 9,784 Caswell 17,825 Catawba 14,946 Chatham 23,453 Cherokee 8,182 Chowan 7,900 Clay 3,316 Cleaveland 1 6, 571 Columbus 14,439 Craven I 9.7 2 9 Cumberland 23,836 Currituck 6,476 Dare 3,243 Davidson 20,333 Davie 11,096 Duplin 18,773 Edgecombe 26,181 Forsyth 18,070 Franklin 20,829 Gaston 14,254 Gates 8,897 Graham 2,335 Granville 31,286 Greene : ; IO ,°37 Guilford 23,585 Halifax 30, 300 Harnett 10,862 Haywood 10,271 Henderson 10,281 Hertford 11,843 Hyde 7,765 Iredell 22,675 Jackson 7,343 1870. 11,874 6,868 3,691 12,428 9-573 13,011 12,950 12,831 7.754 15.412 9.777 ",954 8,476 5,36i 9,010 16,081 10,984 19,723 8,080 6,450 2,461 12,696 8,474 20,516 17,035 5,i3i 2,778 I7,4i4 9,620 15,542 22,970 13,050 I4, I 34 12,602 7,724- 24,831 8,687 21,736 20,408 8,895 7,921 7,706 9,2 73 6,445 16,931 6,683 i860. 11,852 6,022 3,59° 13,664 7,956 14,766 14,3*0 ii,995 8,406 12,654 9,237 10,546 7,497 5,343 8,186 16^215 10,729 19,101 9,166 6,842 12,348 8,597 16,268 16,369 7,4i5 16,601 8,494 15,784 1 7,376 12,692 14,107 9.307 8,443 23,396 7.9 2 5 20,056 19,442 8,039 5,8oi 10,448 9,504 7,732 15,347 5,515 Counties. 1880. Johnston 23,461 Jones 7,491 Lenoir 1 5,344 Lincoln 11,061 McDowell 9,836 Macon 8,064 Madison 12,810 Martin i3, J 4o Mecklenburg 34, J 75 Mitchell 9,435 Montgomery 9,374 Moore 16,821 Nash I 7,73 1 New Hanover 21,376 Northampton 20,032 Onslow 9,829 Orange 23,698 Pamlico 6,323 Pasquotank IO ,369 Pender 12,468 Perquimans 9,466 Person ^Ztl^ Pitt 21,794 Polk 5,062 Randolph 20,8^6 Richmond 18.245 Robeson 23,880 Rockingham 21,744 Rowan 19,965 Rutherford 1 5,'98 Sampson 22,894 Stanley 10,505 Stokes 15,353 Surry 15, 3° 2 Swain 3,784 Transylvania 5,34° Tyrrell 4,545 Union 18,056 Wake 47-939 Warren 22,619 Washington 8,928 Watauga 8,160 Wayne 24,951 Wilkes 19,181 Wilson 16,064 Yadkin 12,420 Yancey 7,694 1870. i860. 16,897 15,656 5,002 5,730 10,434 10,220 9,573 8,195 7,592 7,120 6,615 6,004 8,192 5.908 9,647 10,195 24,299 17,374 4,7°5 7,487 7,649 12,040 11,427 11,077 11,687 27,978 2i,7»S 14,749 13,372 7,569 8,856 17,507 16,947 8,131 8,940 7.945 7.238 11,170 11,221 17,276 16,080 4,3i9 4,o43 i7,55i 16,793 12,882 11,009 16,262 15,489 15.708 16,476 16,810 M,589 13,121 ",573 16,436 16,624 8,3i5 7,801 1 1 ,208 10,402 11,252 10,380 3,536 4,i73 4,944 12,217 11,202 35,6i7 28,627 17,768 15,726 6,516 6,357 5,287 4,957 18,144 >4,9°5 15,539 M.749 12,258 9,720 10,697 10,714 5,909 8,65s EDUCATION.— Colleges, 9; instructors, 81 ; students, 1,145. Public schools, 6,161; value of school property, $248,015; teachers, 6,266; teachers' salaries, $328,717; receipts for school purposes, $553,464; expended for same, $383,709; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 463,160; pupils enrolled (1882), 263,071; average attendance (1882), 132,546; average length of school year in 1882, 62.5 days. 376 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 367,890, being 38.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Per- sons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 191,913; foreign white, 119; colored, Chinese and Indians, 271,943; total, 463,975, being 48.3 per cent, of all persons over ten years of Daily papers, 13; others, 127; total, 140. Circulation, 104,- 846. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 360,937; in professional and personal services, 69,321 ; in trade and transportation, 15,966; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 33,963- AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 157,609; total acres in farms, 22,363,558; improved acres, 6,481,191 ; average size of farms, 142 acres; value of farms a'nd buildings, $135,793,602; value of implements, $6,078,476; total value of farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $51,729,611. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 2,421 bush. Buckwheat 44,668 " Butler 7,212,507 lbs. Cheese 57,3^0 " Cotton 389,598 bales. Hay 93,7 1 1 tons. Indian Corn 28,019,839 bush. Milk . . . 446,798 gal. Oats 3,838,068 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $903, 513 Potatoes, Irish 722,773 bush. " sweet 4,576,148 " Rice . 5,609,191 lbs. Rye 285,160 bush. Tobacco.. 26,986,213 lbs. Wheat 3>397>393 bush. Wool 917,756 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 133,686 Mules and asses 81,871 Working oxen 50,188 Milch cows 232,133 Value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $22,414,659 Number. Other cattle 375, 105 Sheep 461,638 Swine 1,453,541 MANUFACTURES. — Number of establishments, 3,802 ; capi- tal invested, $13,045,639 ; hands employed, 18,109; wages paid, $2,740,768; value of materials, $13,090,937; value of products, $20,095,037. RULING BY STATES. 377 The principal manufactures are : Tar and turpentine $1,758,488 Tobacco 2,215,154 Woollen goods 303,160 Cotton goods $2,554,482 Flour and mill products .... 6,462,806 Leather, tanned 367,920 Lumber, sawed 2,672,796 Total steam and water power in use, 45,088 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $118,953 Silver 140 Coal, bituminous 350 tons. 400 Iron ore 3,276 " 5,102 Copper ingots 1,640,000 lbs. 350,000 Minor minerals 79*855 Total value of mineral products $554,450 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,578 miles of line; miles operated, 1,322; cost, $43,085,123; total investment, $44,871,170. Length of canal lines, 13 miles; cost, $300,000. This does not include 40 miles of drainage and lumber canals. Steam craft, 52; tonnage, 3,851; value, $205,- 700. Sail craft, 289; tonnage, 9,158; value, $228,925. Flats, 144; tonnage, 8,940; value, $36,800. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $104,742,911 ; of personal property, $62,995,728. State taxation (1883), rate 28 cents on $100, $700,000; county taxa- tion, $986,956; city and town, $222,273. State debt (1883) funded, $11,270,345; unfunded, $4,151,700; county, city and town debts, $2,487,990. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Raleigh. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $3,000. The other State officers — terms four years — are: Lieutenant-Governor; Secretary of State, salary, $2,000 ; Treasurer, $3,000; Auditor, $1,500 ; Attorney- General, $1,000; Superintendent Public Instruction, $1,500; Adjutant-General, $600; Commissioner of Agriculture, $1,- 200; Commissioner of Lands ; State Librarian, $750. The Legislature is composed of 50 Senators and 120 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $4 a day and ten cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on Wednesday after first Monday in January. Session limited to 60 days. 378 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two Asso- ciate Justices, elected by the people for eight years. Salary of each, $2,500. Representatives in Congress, 9; Presidential electors, 11. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Maj. 1872 President 9**363 67,489 23,874 R. 1872 Governor 98,630 96,731 1,899 R. 1876 President 108,419 125,427 17,008 D. 1876 Governor 109,990 123,198 13,208 D. 1880 President 115,878 124,204 8,326 D. 1880 Governor 115,590 121,827 6,237 D. 1882 Cong, at Large 111,242 111,756 514D. OHIO. NAME. — From the river and southern boundary. By some, the Indian word Ohio is rendered, " beautiful." A kindred word in the Wyandotte dialect signifies " something to eat." Popular name; "Buckeye State." ADMISSION.— Act of admission dated April 30, 1802; actual admission, Nov. 29, 1 802. AREA. — Square miles, 40,760 ; acres, 26,086,400 ; persons to a square mile, 78.46. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 1800 45,365 1810 230,760 1820 581,295 l8 3° 937,903 1840 i,5 I 9»467 Per cent, of increase. 408.6 I5I-9 61.3 62.0 Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1850 1,980,329 30.3 i860 2,339,511 18.1 1870 2,665,260 13.9 1880 3,198,062 19.9 RULING BY STATES 379 1880 by Classes Males 1,613,936 Native 2,803,119 Females. . 1,584,126 Foreign.... 394,943 Dwellings 586,664 Families 641,907 Voters — Males over 21 826,577 White. ..3,117,920 Chinese.... 112 Black... 79,900 Indians.... 130 Persons to a dwelling 5.45 " " family 4-9& Natural militia, 18-44 647,092 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. iJ Adams 24 Allen 31 Ashiand 23 Ashtabula 37 Athens 28 Auglaize 25 Belmont 49 Brown 32 Butler 42 Carroll 16 Champaign 27 Clarke 41. Clermont 36, Clinton 24, Columbiana 48, Coshocton 26, Crawford 30, Cuyahoga 196 Darke 40 Defiance 22 Delaware 27, Erie 32 Fairfield 34 Fayette 20 Franklin 86 Fulton 21 Gallia 28 Geauga 14, Greene 31. Guernsey 27 Hamilton 313 Hancock 27 Hardin 27 Harrison 20, Henry 20, Highland 30, Hocking 21, Holmes 20, Huron 31, Jackson 23, Jefferson 33, Knox 27, Lake 16, Lawrence 39, B80. 1870. ,00s 20,750 ,314 23,623 ,a«3 2i,933 ,139 32,5'7 ,4" 23,768 ,444 20.041 ,638 39.7H ,911 30,802 ,579 39,9" ,410 14,49! ,817 24,188 .948 32,070 .713 34,268 ,7S6 21,914 ,602 38,299 ,642 23,600 .583 25,556 ,943 132,110 ,496 32,278 ,515 i5,7i9 ,381 25,r75 ,640 28,188 ,284 31,138 .364 17,170 ,797 63,019 ,053 17,789 .124 25,545 ,251 14,190 ,349 28,038 ,i97 23,838 ,374 260,370 ,7«4 23.847 ,° 2 3 18,714 ,456 18,682 ,5«5 14,028 126 ,776 (')' .9 6% 018 43i 326 068 29^33 17,925 18,177 28,532 2i,759 29,188 26,333 15,935 31,380 i860. 20,309 19,185 22,951 31.814 21,364 17,187 36,398 29,958 35,840 15,738 22,698 25,3°° 33,o34 21,461 32,836 25,032 23,881 78,033 26,009 11,886 23,902 24,474 30,538 15,935 50,361 H.043 22,043 15,817 26,197 24-474 216,410 22,886 i3,57o 19,110 8,901 27,773 i7,o57 20,589 29,616 17,941 26,115 27,735 15,576 23,249 Counties. 1880. Licking 40,450 Logan 26,267 Lorain 35,526 Lucas 67,377 Madison 20,129 Mahoning 42,871 Marion 20,565 Medina 21,453 Meigs 32,325 Mercer 21,808 Miami 36,158 Monroe 26,496 Montgomery 78,550 Morgan 20,074 Morrow 19,072 Muskingum 49,774 Noble 21,138 Ottawa 19,762 Paulding 13,485 Perry 28,218 Pickaway 27,415 Pike i7,9 2 7 Portage 27,500 Preble 24,533 Putnam 23,713 Richland 36,306 Ross 4°,3°7 Sandusky 32,057 Scioto 33.511 Seneca 36,947 Shelby 24,137 Stark 64,031 Summit 43,788 Trumbull 44,880 Tuscarawas 40,198 Union 22,375 Van Wert 23,028 Vinton 17,223 Warren 28,392 Washington 43,244 Wayne 40,076 Williams 23,821 Wood 34,022 Wyandot 22,395 1870. i860. 35,756 37,on 23,028 20,996 3°,3°8 29,744 46,722 25,831 15,633 13,015 31,001 25,894 16,184 15,49° 20,092 22,517 31,465 26,534 17,254 14,104 32,740 29.959 25,779 25.741 64,006 52,230 20,363 22,119 18,583 2o,445 44,886 44,416 19,949 20,751 13,364 7,016 8,544 4,945 18,453 19,678 24,875 23,469 15,447 13,643 24,584 24,208 21,809 21,820 17,081 12,808 32,516 31,158 37,o97 35,o7i 25,503 21,429 29,302 24,297 30,827 30,868 20,748 17,493 52,508 42,978 34,674 27,344 38,659 30,656 33,840 32,463 18,730 16,507 15,823 10,238 15-027 13,631 26,689 26,902 40,609 36,268 35,"6 32,483 20,091 16,633 24,596 17,886 i8,553 15,596 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 35 ; instructors, 363; students, 6,- 186. Public schools, 16,473 ; value of school property, $21,643,515 ; teachers, 16,875 ; teachers' salaries (1882), $5,376,087; receipts for school purposes, $11,085,315; expended for same (1882), $8,- 820,914; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 1,081,321; pupils enrolled (1882), 751,101 ; average attendance, (1882), 483,232; average length of school year in 1882, 155 days. 380 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 86,754, being 3.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 83,183; foreign white, 32,308; colored, Chinese and Indians, 16,356; total, 131,847, being 5.5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 56; others, 720; total, 776. Circulation, 1,- 885,347. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 397,495 ; in professional and personal service, 250,371 ; in trade and trans- portation, 104,315 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 242,294. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 247,189; total acres in farms, 24,529,226; improved acres, 18,081,091 ; average size of farms, 99 acres; value of farms and buildings, #1,127,497,353; value of implements, #30,521,180; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, #156,777,152. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 1,707,129 bush. Buckwheat 280,229 " Butter 67,634,263 lbs. Cheese 2,170,245 " Hay 2,210,923 tons. Hops 5,510 lbs. Indian Corn 111,877,124 bush. Milk 46,801,537 galls. Quantity. Oats 28,664,505 bush. Orchard products. . . . $3,576,242 Potatoes, Irish 12,719,215 bush. " sweet 239,578 " Rye 389,221 bush. Tobacco 34735.235 ] bs. Wheat 46,014,869 bush. Wool 25,003,756 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. 1 Number. . 736,478 I Other cattle 1,084,917 19.481 I Sheep 4,902,486 8,226 I Swine 3.141,333 Milch cows 767,043 I Value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $103,707,730 Horses Mules and asses Working oxen MANUFA CTURES.— Number of establishments, 20,699 5 cap- ital invested, #188,939,614; hands employed, 183,609; wages paid, #62,103,800; value of material, #215,334,258; value of products, #348,298,390. The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements. . . .$15,479,825 Boots and shoes 4,167,476 Bakery products. • 3,805,506 Brick and tile $3,481,291 Carriages and wagons 10,043,404 Cars 3,429,996 RULING BY STATES. 381 Cheese and butter 12,756,976 Clothing, men's 20,008,398 Cooperage 3,486,032 Flour and mill products. . . . 38,950,264 Machinery 18,242,325 Furniture 6,865,027 Iron and steel 34,918,360 Leather, tanned and curried. 8,243,900 Liquors, malt and distilled. . 15,817,750 Lumber, planed and sawed. 16,826,127 Marble work $2,240,160 Oils 4,953,808 Paper 5,108,194 Printing and publishing. . .. 6,579,565 Saddlery 3,170,413 Sashes and doors 4,043,844 Slaughtering and packing.. . 19,231,297 Tin and copper ware. . . ... 3,230,208 Tobacco and cigars 9,396,940 Total steam and water power in use, 261,143 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Coal, bituminous 5,932,853 tons $7,629,488 Iron ore 198,835 " 448,000 Total mineral products 8,077,488 Add petroleum 24,313 barrels at 42 galls. @ 2^ cents a gal. 22,977 Grand total of all mineral products $8,100,465 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 7,968 miles of line; miles operated, 7,522 ; cost, $616,114,849; total expenditure, $662,842,398. Length of canal lines, 674 miles ; slack-water lines, 75 miles: cost of both, $15,370,267. Steam craft, 236; tonnage, 73,525 ; value, $3,612,700. Sail craft, 196; tonnage, 56,275 ; value, $1,406,875. Canal boats, flats and barges, 764; tonnage, 116,744; value, $476,825. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $1,116,681,655 ; personal property, $518,229,079. State taxation (1883), rate 29 cents on $100, $4,553,242 ; county tax- ation, $6,131,502 ; city, town and village, $15,144,667. State debt (1883), funded, $4,901,665 ; county, city and town debts, $43,- 021,454. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Columbus. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $4,000. The other State officers are : Lieu- tenant-Governor, two years, salary $800 ; Secretary of State, two years, $2,000 ; Treasurer, two years, $3,000 ; Auditor, four years, $3,000; Attorney-General, two years, $1,500; Adjutant-General, two years, $2,000; Commissioner of Common Schools, three years, $2,000 ; Superintendent of Insurance, three years, $2,000 ; Railroad Commissioner, two years, $2,000; Secretary Board of Agriculture (by Board), $2,000 ; State Librarian, two years, $1,500; Statistical Commissioner, two years, $2,000. 382 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The Legislature is composed of 33 Senators and 1 05 Repre- sentatives, all selected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $600 a year and mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Monday in January, but may hold adjourned sessions. No limit to length of session. State and Congressional elections held on second Tuesday in October. Presidential elections on Tuesday after the first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and four As- sociate Justices, elected by the people for a term of five years. Salary of each, $3,500, increased to $5,000 for next incumbents. Representatives in Congress, 21 ; Presidential electors, 23. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Grbk. Tern. Maj. 1872 President. . . ...281,852 245,484 2,100 36,368 R. 1873 Governor. . . • ••213,837 214,654 817 D. 1875 " ...297,817 292,273 2,593 5,544 R. 1876 President. . . ...330,698 323,182 7,5i6 R. 1877 Governor. . . ...249,105 271,625 29,201 22,520 D. 1879 " ...336,261 3 IO >232 9,072 17,029 R. 1880 President. . . • • • 375,048 340,821 6,456 34,227 R. 1 88 1 Governor. . . ..•3 I2 ,735 288,426 6,330 24,309 R. 1883 " ...347,064 359,593 2,785 8,361 12,529 D. OREGON, NAME. — From the river, called by Carver, Oregon or Ore- gan, i. e., " River of the West." According to others from the Spanish oregano, wild marjoram, abundant on the Pacific coast. ADMISSION.— Organized as a Territory, Aug. 14, 1848 ; act of admission, and actual admission, Feb. 14, 1859. RULING BY STATES. 383 AREA. — Square miles, 94,560; acres, 60,518,400; persons to a square mile, 1.85. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. 1850... i860... Male. . ..103,381 Female. . 71,387 Pop. I3>294 52,465 Native. Foreign. Per cent of increase. Census. 1870... 1880... 294.6 1880 by Classes. .144,265 White Per cent, of Pop. increase. 90,923 73-3 [74,768 92.2 • 3°,5°3 Dwellings 32,374 Families 33,468 Voters — Males over 21 59,629 Black . 163,075 487 Chinese. . . .9,512 Indians. . . . 1,694 Persons to a dwelling 5.4 family Natural militia, 18-44. , .. 5.22 .48,783 Counties. 1880. Baker 4,616 Benton 6,403 Clackamas 9,260 Clarke Clatsop 7,222 Columbia 2,042 Coos 4.834 Curry 1,208 Douglas 9,596 Grant 4,3°3 Jackson 8,154 Josephine 2,485 Lake 2,804 By Counties for three Censuses i860 1870. 2,804 4,584 5,993 i,255 863 1,644 504 6,066 2,251 4,778 1,204 3,°74 3,466 1880. Counties. Lane 9,4*! Lewis Linn 12,676 Marion 14,576 498 J Multnomah 25,203 532 i Polk 6,601 445 j Tillamook 970 393 1 Umatilla 9,607 3,203 I Umpqua ! Union 6,650 3,7 6 I Wasco 11,120 Washington 7,082 Yam Hill 7,945 1870. i860. 6,426 4,780 8,717 6,772 9,965 7,088 1,510 4,150 4,701 3,625 408 95 2,916 1,250 .6?i 2,552 2,509 4,261 i',689' 2,801 5,012 3,245 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 7; instructors, 50 ; students, 1,187. Public schools, 1,068; value of school property, $249,087; teachers, 1,141; teachers' salaries (1882), $249,378; receipts for school purposes, $340,932; expended for same (1882), $346,- 961 ; school age, 4-20 years; school population (1882), 65,216; pupils enrolled (1882), 37,743; average attendance (1882), 27,- 347; average length of school year in 1882, 90.6 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 5,376, being 4.1 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 3,433 ; foreign white, 910; col- ored, Chinese and Indians, 3,080; total, 7,423, being 5.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 7; others, 6y ; total, 74. Circulation, 81,078. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 27,091 ; in professional and personal services, 16,645 ; in trade and trans- portation, 6,149; m manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 17,- 458. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 16,217; tota l acres in 384 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. farms, 4,214,712; improved acres, 2,198,645; average size of farms, 260 acres; value of farms and buildings, $56,908,575; value of implements, $2,956,173 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $13,234,548. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 920,977 bush. Buckwheat 6,215 " Butter 2,443,725 lbs. Cheese 153,198 " Hay 266,187 tons- Hops 244,371 lbs. Indian Corn 126,862 bush. Milk 227,540 galls. Quantity. Oats 4,385,650 bush. Orchard products #583.663 Potatoes, Irish I>359,930 bush. %e 13,305 « Tobacco 1 7,325 lbs. Wheat 7,480,010 bush. Wool 5,718,524 lbs. Live -Stock. Number. Horses 124,107 Mules and asses 2,804 Working oxen 4,132 Milch cows 59,549 Total value of live-stock on farms Number. Other cattle .... 352,561 Sheep 1,083,162 Swine 156,222 June 1, 1880 $13,808,392 MANUFACTURES—Nuvribtt of establishments, i ,080; capi- tal invested, $6,312,056; hands employed, 3,473; wages paid, $1,667,046; value of material, $6,954,436; value of products, $10,931,232. The principal manufactures are: Flour and mill products $3475.531 Lumber, sawed 2,030,463 Saddlery 385,35° Tin and copperware #31 1,650 Woollen goods 549,030 Total steam and water power in use, 13,589 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $1,097,701 Silver 27,793 Coal, bituminous 43,205 tons 97,8 10 Iron ore 6,972 " 4,669 Value of precious metals, $1,125,494; of non-precious. .$102,479 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 880 miles of line; miles operated, 734; cost, $45,928,924; total in- vestment, $55,213,550. The only canal line' is the Willamette ship canal, three-quarters of a mile long and costing $600,000. Steam craft, 89 ; tonnage, 31,371 ; value, $2,177,000. Sail craft, 38; tonnage, 7,041; value, $176,025. Barges and flats, 100; value, $26,600. RULING BY STATES. 385 FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal estate (1882), $59,256,175. State taxation (1882), rate 55 cents on $100, $258,000 ; county taxation, $454,699; city, town and village, $195,014. State debt (1882), all funded, $304,- 020; county, city and town indebtedness, $337,126. GO VERNMENT.— Capital,' Saleih. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $1,500. The other State officers are: Secretary of State (four years), salary, $1,500; Treasurer (four years), $800; Superintendent Public Instruction (four years), $1,500; State Librarian (two years), $500. The Legislature is composed of 30 Senators and 60 Repre- sentatives. Senators are chosen for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $3 a day and 1 5 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Monday in January. Session limited to 40 days. State election held on first Monday in June of every second year. Presidential election on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two Asso- ciate Justices, elected by the people for a term of six years. Salary of each, $2,000. Representatives in Congress, 1 ; Presidential electors, 3. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Ind. Maj. 1872 President 7, 753 11,818 3,065 R. 1874 Governor 9,7*3 9> ID 3 6,532 550 D. 1876 President 14,158 15,208 508 1,050 R. 1878 Governor 16,063 16.009 1,353 54 D. 1880 President i9»95o 20,618 245 668 R. 1882 Governor 20,069 21,481 1,312 R. 25 386 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. PENNSYLVANIA. NAME. — Penn's woods (Lat. sylva, a wood). Named in honor of Perm, the grantee and founder. Popular name, " The Keystone State." ADMISSION.-^ Ratified the Constitution, Dec. 12, 1787. AREA. — Square miles, 44,985 ; acres, 28,790,400; persons to a square mile, 95.21. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. I790 434,373 1800 602,365 1810 810,091 1820 1,047,507 1830 1,348,233 Per cent, of increase. 38.6 34-4 29-3 28.7 Census. Pop. 1840 1,724,033 1850 2,311,786 i860 2,906,215 1870 3,521,951 1880 4,282,891 Per cent, of increase. 27.8 34.0 25-7 21. 1 21.6 1880 by Classes. Male. .. .2,136,655 Native ... .3,695,062 White ... .4,197,016 Chinese.. 156 Female. .2,146,236 Foreign 587,829 Black.... 85,535 Indians.. 184 Dwellings 776,124 Persons to a dwelling 5.52 Families 840,452 " " family 5. 1 Voters — Males over 21 1,094,284 Natural militia, 18-44 853,972 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 18 Adams 32 Allegheny 355 Armstrong 47 Beaver 39 Bedford 34, Berks 122, Blair 52 Bradford 58 Bucks 68 Butler 52 Cambria 46 Cameron 5 Carbon 31 Centre 37 Chester 83 Clarion 40, Clearfield 43 Clinton 26 Columbia 32 Crawford 68 Cumberland 45 455 869 641 605 929 597 740 54i ,656 ,536 811 159 9 2 3 ,Q22 ,481 328 ,408 278 i409 ,607 .977 1870. 30,315 262,204 43.382 36,148 29,635 106,701 3 8 >°5i 53.2°4 64,3? 6 36,510 36,569 4,273 28,144 34,4i8 77,8o5 26,537 25,74i 23,211 28,766 63,832 43,912 i860. 28,006 178,831 35,797 29,140 26,736 93,8i8 27,829 48,734 63,578 35,594 29,155 21,033 27,000 74,578 24,988 18,759 17.723 25,^65 48,755 40,098 [880. Counties. Dauphin 76,148 Delaware 56,101 Elk 12,800 Erie 74,688 Fayette 58,842 Forest 4,385 Franklin 49,855 Fulton 10,149 Greene 28,273 Huntingdon 33,954 Indiana 40,527 Jefferson 27,935 Juniata 18,227 Lackawanna 89,269 Lancaster 139,447 Lawrence 33,312 Lebanon 38,476 Lehigh 65,969 Luzerne 133,065 Lycoming 57,486 McKean 42,565 - 1870. 60,740 39-403 8,488 65,973 43.284 4,010 45,365 9,36o 25,887 31,251 36,138 21,656 i7,39o 121,340 27,298 34,096 56,796 160,915 47,626 8,825 i860. 46,756 30,597 5,9 J 5 49,432 39,009 898 42,126 9,i3i 24,343 28,100 33,687 18,270 16,986 "6,314 22,999 31,831 43,753 90,244 37,399 8,859 RULING BY STATES. 387 By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. 1870 i860. 49.977 36,856 17,5-8 16,340 18.362 16,758 81,612 7^,5oo 15,344 i3,o53 61,432 47,9°4 4i,444 28,922 25,447 22,793 674,022 5*5.539 8,436 7,155 11,265 11,470 116,428 89,510 15,606 15,035 Counties. 1880. Somerset 33, no Sullivan 8,073 Susquehanna 4°, 354 Tioga 45,814 Union 16,9 ,5 Venango 43,670 Warren 27,981 Washington L 5,4i8 Wayiu..... 33,513 Westmoreland *. 78,036 Wyoming 15,598 York 87,841 1870. 28,226 6,191 37,523 35,o97 15,565 47.9 2 5 23, 8 97 48,483 33,i88 58,7'9 14,585 76,134 26,773 5,637 36,267 31,044 i4,M5 25,043 19,190 46,805 32,239 53,736 12,^40 68,200 Counties. 1880. Mercer 56,161 Mifflin 19,577 Monroe 20,175 Montgomery 96,494 Montour 15,468 Northampton 70,312 Northumberland 53,123 Perry 27,522 Philadelphia 847,170 Pike 9,663 Potter 13,797 Schuylkill 129,974 Snyder 17, 797 EDUCATION.— Colleges, 26; instructors, 328; students, 4.434- Public schools, 18,616; value of school property, $25,919,397; teachers, 19,388; teachers' salaries (1882), $4,863,718 ; receipts for school purposes, $8,126,827; expended for same, $8,263,- 245; school age, 6-21 years; school population, 1,422,377; pupils enrolled, 945,315 ; average attendance, 61 1,317 ; average length of school year in 1882, 153.78 days. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 146,138, being 4.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 123,206 ; foreign white, 86,775 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 18,033; total, 228,014, being 7.1 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 100; others, 885; total, 985. Circulation, 5,517,343- OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 301,112; in professional and personal service, 446,713 ; in trade and trans- portation, 179,965 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 528,277. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 213,542; total acres in farms, 19,791,341 ; improved acres, 13,423,007; average size of farms, 93 acres; value of farms and buildings, $975,689,410; value of implements, $35,473,037; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $129,760,476. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 438, 100 bush. Buckwheat 3.593,326 " Butter 79,336,012 lbs. Cheese 1,008,686 " Quantity. Hay 2,811,654 tons. Hops 36,995 lbs. Indian Corn 45,821,531 bush. Milk 36,540,540 galls. 388 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Prin cipal Products — C ont i nu e d . Quantity. Oats 33,841 ,439 '>"*»• Orchard products $4,862,826 Potatoes, Irish 16,284,819 bush. " sweet 184,142 ** Quantity. Rye 3,683,621 bush. Tobacco 36,943,272 lbs. Wheat 19,462,405 bush. Wool 8,470,273 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Number. Horses 533-587 Mules and asses 22,914 Working oxen 15,062 Milch cows 854,156 Total value of live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $84,242,877 Other cattle 861,019 Sheep 1,776,598 Swine 1,187,968 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 31,232; capital invested, $474,510,993; hands employed, 387,072; wages paid, $134,055,904; value of material, $465,020,563; value of products, $744,818,445. The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements. . . $3,686,212 Boots and shoes 9,590,002 Bakery products 8,448,474 Brick and tile.. . . 4,813,153 Carpets 14,304,660 Carriages and wagons 4,760,723 Cars 8,082,272 Clothing, men's 23,821,887 Coke 4,190,136 Confectionery 3.564.934 Cooperage 3> 2 5 6 >552 Cotton goods 21,640,397 Drugs 13,092,863 Dyeing and finishing 6,259,852 Fiour and mill products... 41,522,662 Machinery. 35,° 2 9>673 Furniture 7,588,229 Glass 8,720,584 Hardware. 3,725,526 Hosiery $8,935,147 Iron and steel 145,576,268 Iron .pipe.. 8,418,975 Leather, curried and tanned, etc 41,639,289 Liquors, malt and distilled.. 11,980,832 Lumber, planed and sawed. 27,060,112 Marble work 3» I 35^5I Mixed textiles 20,882,764 Paints 3,674,043 P;>per 5*355.9" Printing and publishing. . . . 10,229,893 Ship-building 6,689,471 Slaughtering and packing. . 9,908,545 Sugar and molasses, refined. 24,294,929 Tin and copperware 5,442,555 Tobacco and cigars 7,816,807 Woollen goods 32,341,291 Worsted goods 10,072,473 Total steam and water power in use, 512,408 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Coal, anthracite 28,612,595 tons. Coal, bituminous 18,075,548 " Iron ore 1,820,561 " Zinc ore 20,459 " Copper ingots 214,736 lbs. Minor minerals Value. $42,116,500 18,267,151 4,318,999 394,568 3 6 ,256 426,102 Total mineral products $65,559,576 To which add Petroleum, 24,224,646 barrels, @ 42 gal- lons per barrel, 1,017,435,132 gallons, @ 2) a gallon for crude, equals $22,892,285 Grand total of all mineral products $88,451,861 RULING BY STATES. 389 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 6,60$ miles of line; miles operated, 9,754; cost, $466,058,385; total investment, $809,734,001. Length of canal lines in opera- tion, 629 miles ; slack-water lines, 146 miles ; cost, $37,706,645. Steam craft, 416 ; tonnage, 1 16,601 ; value, $8,479,300. Sail craft, 655; tonnage, 138,000; value, $3,429,975. Canal boats, barges and flats, 5,560; tonnage, 1,036,453; value, $4,968,100. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate, $1,540,007,957; of personal property, $143,45 1,059. No State taxation on real estate. Amount of State taxation on personal property, rate 30 cents per $100, $437,716 for 1882 ; total State revenue from tax on corporations, licenses, etc., $6,346,540; county taxation, $4,612,165; city, town and village taxation, $23,506,591. State debt (1883), net and funded, $13,794,328 ; unfunded, $880,719; county, city and town indebtedness, $93,- 318,474. GO VERNMENT.— -Capital, Harrisburg. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $10,000. The other State officers are: Lieutenant-Governor, four years, salary, $3,000; Secretary of State, four years, $4,000 ; Treasurer, two years, $5,000; Auditor- General, three years, $3,000; Secretary Internal Affairs, four years, $3,000; Attorney-General, four years, $3,500; Adjutant- General, four years, $2,500; Superintendent Board Public In- struction, four years, $2,500; Insurance Commissioner, three years, $3, cod ; State Librarian, four years, $1,800. The Legislature is composed of 50 Senators and 201 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $1,000 for session of 100 days and 5 cents mileage. Ten dollars a day is allowed for an additional 50 days. Session limited to 150 days. Legislature meets biennially on first Tuesday in January. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice, salary, $8,500, and six Associate Justices, salary of each, $8,000, all elected by the people for a term of twenty-one years. Representatives in Congress, 28 ; Presidential electors, 30. 390 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. POLITICS for twelve years Rep. 1872 Governor 353-387 1872 President 349.589 1875 Governor 304,175 1876 President 384,148 1878 Governor 319,490 1880 President 444,704 1882 Governor 3 1 5,589 1883 Audiiur-General. .319,106 Dem. Tem. Grbk. Maj. 317,760 1,259 35, 62 7 R 211,841 1,630 137,748 R 292,145 I3, 2 44 12,030 R 366,204 1,318 7,204 17,944 R 297,137 3,759 8i,758 22,353 R 407,428 i,939 20,668 37,276 R 355,791 5,196 43,743 Ind. 40,202 D 302,031 6,602 4,452 Gbk . 17,075 R RHODE ISLAND. «^^^@^5* NAME. — Probably so called from a fancied resemblance to the Island of Rhodes, in the Mediterranean. Some ally it to the German Roth or red island, others to Road or Roadstead Island, as being on or near harborage. Popular name " Little Rhody." ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, May 29, 1790; the last State to do so. AREA. — Square miles, 1,085; acres, 694,400; persons to a square mile, 254.87. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 1790 f 68,825 1800 69,122 1810 . 76.931 1820 83,015 ^30 97,199 Per cent, of increase. 0.4 II. 2 7-9 17.0 Census. Pop. 1840 108,830 1850 H7,545 i860 174,620 1870 217,353 1880 276,531 Per cent, of increase. 11.9 35-5 18.3 24.4 27.2 Male 133,030 Female.. .143,501 Native . . Foreign. 1880 by Classes. 202,538 White. 73,993 Black 269,939 6,488 Chinese 27 Indians 77 RULING BY STATES. 391 Dwellings 41,388 Persons to a dwelling 6.68 Families 60,259 " " family 4.59 Voters — Males over 21 76,898 Natural militia, 18-44 57.854 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. 1860. Bristol ",394 9.4' 1 8,907 Kent 20,588 18,595 17,303 Newport... v 24,180 20,050 21,896 Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Providence 197,874 149,190 107,799 Washington 22,495 20,097 18,715 EDUCATION. — Colleges, I ; instructors, 17; students, 270. Public schools, 850; value of school property, $1,895,877; teachers, 902; teachers' salaries (1882), $417,553; receipts for school purposes, $541,607; expended for same (1882), $591,836; school age, 5-15 years; school population (1882), 55,832; pupils enrolled (1882), 45,695; average attendance (1882), 29,390; average length of school session in 1882, 184 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 17,456, being 7.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 4,261; foreign white, 19,283; colored, Chinese and Indians, 1,249; total, 24,793, being 1 1.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 8; others, 36; total, 44. Circulation, 98,326. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 10,945 ; in professional and personal services, 24,657 ; in trade and trans- portation, 15,217; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 66,160. AGRICULTURE.— Number of farms, 6,216; total acres in farms, 514,813; improved acres, 298,486; average size of farms, 83 acres; value of farms and buildings, $25,882,079; value of implements, $902,825 ; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $3,670,135. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 17,783 bush. Buckwheat 1,254 " Butter 1,007,103 lbs. Cheese 67,171 " Hay 79,3 2 8 tons. Tndian Corn 372,967 bush. Milk 3,831,706 galls. Oats I 59,339 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $58,751 Potatoes, Irish 606,793 bush. " sweet .. 714 " Rye 12,997 " Tobacco 785 ll>s. Wheat 240 bush. Wool 65,680 lbs. 392 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 9,66 1 Mules and asses 46 Working oxen 3,523 Milch cows 21,460 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June Number. Other cattle 10,601 Sheep 17,211 Swine 14,121 1880.... ^2,254,142 MANUFACTURES. — Number of establishments, 2,265 J ca pi" tal invested, $75,575,943 ; hands employed, 62,878; wages paid, $21,355,619; value of material, $58,103,443; value of products, $104,163,621. r The principal manufactures are : Boots and shoes $1,455,420 Cotton goods 24,609,461 Dyeing and finishing 6,874,254 Flour and mill products. . . . 1,137,999 Machinery 6,281,707 Gold and silver, refined. ... 1,421,100 Jewelry 5» 6 5°» I 33 Mixed textiles $2,718,822 Rubber goods 2,217,000 Screws 1,367,672 Slaughtering and packing. .. 3,876,740 Woollen goods 15,410,450 Worsted goods 6,177,754 Total steam and water power in use, 63,575 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Coal, anthracite 6,176 tons Value. $15,44° COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 147 miles of line; miles operated, 139; cost, $5,627,831; total investment, $6,943,309. Steam craft, 70; tonnage, 21,487 ; value, $1,539,650. Sail craft, 241; tonnage, 16,588; value, $414,675. Barges and flats, 80; tonnage, 9,000; value, $132,600. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $243,658,190; of personal property, $84,872,369. State taxation (1883), rate 12 cents on $100, $492,796; county taxa- tion, none; city and town, $2,298,477. State debt (1883), net and funded, $1,159,846; county, city and town debts, $11,- 270,327. GOVERNMENT— Capitals, Newport and Providence. Gov- ernor elected for one year. Salary, $1,000. The other State officers — term one year except Adjutant-General, five years — are, Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $500; Secretary of State, $2,- 500; Treasurer, $2,500; Auditor, $1,000; Insurance Commis- RULING BY STATES. 393 sioner, $1,500; Railroad Commissioner, $500; Attorney- General, $2,500; Adjutant-General, $600; Commissioner of Public Schools, by Board of Education, $2,500. The Legislature is composed of 36 Senators and 72 Repre- sentatives, all elected for one year, and each receiving one dollar a day and eight cents mileage. Legislature meets annually on last Tuesday in May at Newport, and holds an adjourned session at Providence. No limit to length of sessions. State elections held annually on first Wednesday in April. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and four as- sociates, elected by the Legislature till their places are filled, the effect being a choice for life, good behavior, or mental compe- tency. Salary of Chief Justice, $4,500, and of the Associate Justices, $4,000 each. Representatives in Congress, 2 ; Presidential electors, 4. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. 1872 President .. 13,665 5,329 1876 .. 15.787 10,712 1877 Governor. . . . .. 12,458 11,787 1878 • • n,454 7,639 1879 " •• 9,717 5,5o8 1880 President • • 18,195 10,779 1 88 1 Governor. . . . . 10,489 4,756 1882 . . 10,056 5,3H 1883 « .. 13,078 10,201 1884 .. 15,903 9,498 Ind 281 706 Maj. 8,336 R. 5,o75 R- 671 R. 3,815 R- 4,209 R. 7,416 R. 5,733 R. 4,745 R- 2,877 R- 6,405 R- 394 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. SOUTH CAROLINA. NAME. — See North Carolina. Popular name " Palmetto State." ADMISSION. — Ratified the Constitution, May 23, 1788. AREA. — Square miles, 30,170; acres, 19,308,800; persons to a square mile, 33.00. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. I790 249,073 1800 345.591 1810 415,115 1820 ... 502,741 1830 581,185 Per cent, of 38.7 20.1 21. 1 15.6 Census. Pop. 1840 594,398 1850 668,507 i860 703,708 1870 705,606 1880 995,577 Per cent, of increase. 2.2 12.4 5-2 0.2 41.0 [880 by Classes. Male 490,408 Native 987,891 Female. .505,169 Foreign... 7,686 Dwellings 191,914 Families 202,062 Voters — Males over 21 205,789 White ... .391,105 Chinese 9 Black 604,332 Indians 131 Persons to a dwelling 5.19 '' " family 4-*93 Natural militia, 18-44 170,922 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Abbeville 40,815 Aiken 28,112 Anderson 33,612 Barnwell 39.857 Beaufort 30,176 Charleston 102,800 Chester 24,153 Chesterfield 16,345 Clarendon 19,100 Colleton 36,386 Darlington 34,485 Edgefield 45,844 Fairfield 27,765 Georgetown 19,613 Greenville 37,496 Hampton 18,741 Horry 15,574 1870. 31,129 24,049 35,724 34,359 88,863 18,805 10,584 14.038 25,4'o 26,243 42,486 19,888 16,161 22,262 10,721 i860. 32,385 22,873 3o,743 40,053 70,100 18,122 11,834 I3.C95 41,916 20,361 39,887 22,111 2i,3-5 21,892 7,962 Counties. 1880. Kershaw 21,538 Lancaster 16,903 Laurens 29,444 Lexington 18,564 Marion 34,i°7 Marlborough 20,598 Newberry 26,497 Oconee 16,256 Orangeburgh 4*, 395 Pickens 14.389 Richland 28,573 Spartanburgh 40,409 Sumter 37,°37 Union 24,080 Williamsburgh 24,110 York 30,713 1870. i860. ",754 13,086 12,087 ",797 22,536 23,858 12,988 15,579 22,160 2I,lQO 11,814 12,434 20,775 20,879 10,536 16,865 24,896 10,269 I9, 6 39 23,025 18,307 25,784 26,919 25.268 23,859 19,248 I9, 6 35 15,489 15,489 24,286 21,502 RULING BY STATES. 395 EDUCATION.— Colleges, 9; instructors, 65 ; students, 618. Public schools, 3,077; value of school property, $407,256; teachers, 3,204; teachers' salaries (1882), 349,696; receipts for school purposes, $405,551 ; expended for same (1882), $378,886; school age, 6-16 years; school population, 262,279; Pupils enrolled, 145,974; average attendance (1882), 101,816; average length of school year in 1882, 80 days. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 321,780, being 48.2 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 59,415 ; foreign white, 362; colored, Chinese and Indians, 310,071 ; total, 369,- 848, being 55.4 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 4; others, y8 ; total, 82. Circulation, 70,902. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 294,602; in professional and personal services, 64,246 ; in trade and trans- portation, 13,556; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 19,698. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 93,864; total acres in farms, 13,457,613; improved acres, 4,132,050; average size of farms, 143 acres ; value of farms and buildings, $68,677,482 ; value of implements, $3,202,710; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $41,969,749. Principal Products. Quantity. | Quantity. Barley 16,257 bush, j Potatoes, Irish 144,942 bush. Butter 3,196,851 lbs. " sweet 2,189,622 Cheese 16,018 Cotton 522,548 bales. Hay 2,706 tons. Indian Corn 11,767,099 bush. Milk 257,186 galls. Oats 2,7 1 5,505 bush. Orchard products $78,934 Rice 52,077,5 15 lbs. Rye 27,049 bush. Sug. & mol., 229hhds. 138,944 trails Tobacco 45,678 lbs. Wheat 962,358 bush. Wool 272,758 lbs. ■Stock. Number. Horses 60,660 Mules and asses 67,005 Working oxen 24,507 Milch cows 139,881 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $12,279,412 MANUFACTURES. — Number of establishments, 2,078; cap- Number. Other cattle 199,321 Sheep.. , 118,889 Swine 628,198 396 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ital invested, #11,205,894; hands employed, 15,828; wages paid, #2,836,289; value of material, #9,885,538; value of products, #16,738,008. • The principal manufactures are : Lumber, sawed $2,031,507 Tar and turpentine 1,893,206 Cotton goods $2,895,769 Fertilizers 2,691,053 Flour and mill products 3>779>47° Total steam and water power in use, 25,868 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $13,040 Silver 56 Minor minerals 7,427 tons 27,709 Total mineral products $40,805 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 1,517 miles of line; miles operated, 1,442; cost, #40,783,037; total investment, #41,998,949. Steam craft, 41 ; tonnage, 5,242 ; value, #242,700. Sail craft, 173; tonnage, 5,017; value, #125,425. Flats, 375 ; value, #124,150. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1883), #87,132,401 ; of personal property, #48,249,939. State taxation (1883), rate 47.5 cents on #100, #351,910; county taxa- tion, #554,164; city, town and village, #542,109. State debt (1883), funded, #6,103,024; unfunded, #6,531,299; county, city and town debts, $6,706,767. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Columbia. Governor elected for two years. Salary, #3,500. The other State officers — terms two years — are: Lieutenant-Governor, salary, #1,000; Secretary of State, #2,100; Treasurer, #2,100; Comptroller, #2,100; Attor- ney-General, #2,100; Superintendent Public Education, #2,100; Commissioner Agriculture, #2,100; Adjutant-General, #1,500; three Railroad Commissioners, two, three and four years ; State Librarian, #625. The Legislature is composed of 35 Senators and 124 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, #5 a day and 10 cents mile- age. Legislature meets annually on fourth Tuesday in Novem- ber. No limit to length of session. RULING BY STATES. 397 State elections held biennially, and with Congressional and Presidential elections, on Tuesday after first Monday in No- vember. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice, salary, $4,000, and two Associate Justices, salaries of each, $3,500, all elected by the Legislature for a term of six years. Representatives in Congress, 7 ; Presidential electors, 9. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Maj. 1872 Governor 69,838 36,553 33,285 R. 1872 President 72,290 22,683 49,607 R. 1874 Governor 80,403 68,818 1 1,585 R. 1876 President 91,870 90,896 974 R. 1878 Congress 45>o8i 116,917 71,8360. 1880 Governor 4,277 Grbk. 117,432 113,1550. 1880 President 57,966 111,236 53,2700. 1882 Governor 17,719 Grbk. 67,158 49>439 £>• TENNESSEE. NAME. — So called from the river Tennessee, which is the rfver " of the big bend," or " curved spoon," as some have it. Popular name, " The Big Bend State." ADMISSION. — Act of admission, and date of admission, June 1, 1796. AREA. — Square miles, 41,750; acres, 26,720,000; persons to a square mile, 36.94. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 179° 35.69I 1800 105,602 1810 261,727 1820 422,771 1830 681,904 Per cent, of increase. 195.8 147.8 61.5 61.2 Census. Pop. 1840 829,210 1850 1,002,717 i860 1,109,801 1870 1,258,520 1880 .1,542,359 Per cent, of increase. 21.6 20.9 10.6 134 22.5 398 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBI AC. :88o by Classes. Male 769,277 Native 1,525,657 Female. .773,082 Foreign... 16,702 Dwellings. 276,7 ^4 Families 286 539 Voters — Males over 21 33°>3°5 White 1,138,831 Chinese 2$ Black.... 403,151 Indians. .. .353 Persons to a dwelling 5.57 " " family 5.38 Natural militia, 18-44 276,895 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. And.-rson 10,820 8,704 Bedford 26,025 24.333 Benton 9,780 8,234 Bledsoe 5,617 4.870 Blount 15,985 14,237 Bradley 12,124 11,652 Campbell 10,005 7,445 Cannon ....11,859 10,502 Carroll 22,103 19,447 Carter 10,019 79 9 Cheatham 7,95° 6,678 Claiborne 1 3,373 9,3 21 Clay 6,987 Cocke 14,808 12,458 Coffee 12,894 10,237 Crockett 14,109 Cumberland 4,538 3,461 Davidson 79,026 62,897 Decatur 8,498 7,772 DeKalb 14,813 ",425 Dickson 12,460 9,340 Dyer 15,118 13,706 Fayette 31,871 26,145 Fentress 5,941 4,7 J 7 Franklin 17,178 14,970 Gibson 32,685 25,666 Giles 36,014 32,413 Grainger 12,384 12,421 Greene 24,005 21,668 Grundy 4,592 3,250 Hamblen 10,187 Hamilton 23,642 1 7,241 Hancock 9,098 7,148 Hardeman 22,921 18,074 Hardin 14,793 11,708 Hawkins 20,610 15,837 Haywood 26,053 25,094 Henderson 17,430 14,217 Henry 22,142 20,380 Hickman 12,095 9,856 Houston 4,295 Humphreys n 379 9,326 Jackson 12,008 12,583 James 5,187 Jefferson 15,846 19,476 Johnson 7,766 5,852 Knox 39,124 28,990 i860. 7,068 zi,s84 8,463 4,459 13,270 ll.ptt 6,712 9009 17,437 7, I2 4 7,258 9,°43 10,408 9,689 3,46o 47.055 6,276 10,573 9,982 10,536 24,327 f,o54 13,848 21,777 26,166 10,962 19,004 3,093 13,258 7,02.0 17,769 11,214 16,162 19,232 i4,49 T 19^33 9,3*2 9.096 11,725 16,043 5.018 22,813 Counties. 1880. Lake 3,968 Lauderdale 14,918 Lawrence 10,383 Lewis 2,181 Lincoln 26,960 Loudon 9,148 McMinn 15,064 McNairy 17,271 Macon 9,321 Madison 3^,874 Marion 10,910 Marshall 19,259 Maury .....39,904 Meigs 7,117 Monroe 14,283 Montgomery 28,481 Moore 6,233 Morgan 5,156 Obion 22,912 Overton 12,153 Perry 7,174 Pclk 7,269 Putnam 11,501 Rhea 7,°73 Roane i5, 2 37 Robertson 18,861 Rutherford 36,741 Scott 6,021 Sequatchie 2,565 Sevier 15,541 Shelby 78,430 Smith 1 7,799 Stewart 12,690 Sullivan 18.321 Sumner 23,625 Tipton 21,033 Trousdale 6,646 Unicoi 3,645 Union 10,260 Van Buren 2,933 Warren 14,079 Washington 16,181 Wayne 11,301 Weakeky 24,538 White 11,176 Williamson 28,313 Wilson 28,747 1870. i860. 2,428 10,838 7,559 7,6.1 9,i 2 ° 1,986 2,241 28,050 22,828 13,969 13,555 12,726 14,732 6,633 7,290 23,480 2i,535 6,841 6,190 16.207 14,592 36,289 32,498 4.5" 4,667 12,589 12,607 24,747 20,895 2,969 3,353 15,584 12,817 11,297 12,637 6,925 6,542 7,369 8.698 8,726 8,558 5,538 4.99 1 13,583 15.622 16,166 15,265 33,289 27,918 4,o54 3,519 2,335 2,120 11,028 9,122 76,378 48,092 15,994 16,357 12,019 9,896 13,136 13,552 23,7" 22,030 14,884 10,705 7,6o5 6,117 2,725 2,581 12,714 ",147 16,317 14,829 10,209 9,"5 2o,755 18,216 9,375 9,38i 25,3 2 8 23,827 25,881 26,072 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 19; instructors, 168; students, 2,- 941. Public schools, 5,688; value of school property, $1,025,858; teachers, 5,937; teachers' salaries (1882), $718,921 ; receipts for school purposes, $973,198; expended for same (1882), $827,154; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 549,179; pupils enrolled (1882), 264,356; average attendance (1881), 180,509; average length of school year in 1882, 73 days. RULING BY STATES. 399 Persons over ten years who cannot read, 294,385, being 27.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 214,994; foreign white, 1,233; colored, Chinese and Indians, 194,495; total, 410,722, being 38.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 12; others, 180; total, 192. Circulation, 298,619. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 294,153; in professional and personal services, 94,107 ; in trade and trans- portation, 23,628; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 36,082. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 165,650; total acres in farms, 20,666,915; improved acres, 8,496,556; average size of farms, 125 acres; value of farms and buildings, $206,749,837; value of implements, $9,054,863 ; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $62,076,311. Principal Products. Quantity. ■ Quantity. Barley 30,019 bush. Oats 4,722,190 bush. Buckwheat 33*434 " Orchard products $919,844 Butter 17,886,369 lbs. Potatoes, Irish 1,354,481 bush. Cheese 98,740 " " sweet 2,369,901 " Cotton 330,621 bales. Hay 186,698 tons. Indian Corn 62,764,429 bush. Milk 1,006,795 galls. Rye 156,419 " Tobacco 29,365,052 lbs. Wheat 7.33^353 bush. Wool 1,918,295 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Number. Other cattle 452,462 Sheep 672,789 Swine 2,160,495 Horses 266,119 Mules and asses 173,498 Working oxen 27,312 Milch cows 303,900 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $43,651,470 MANUFA CTURES.—Number of establishments, 4,326 ; capi- tal invested, $20,092,845 ; hands employed, 22,445 ; wages paid, $5,254,775; value of material, $23,834,262; value of products, $37,074,886. The principal manufactures are : Carriages and wagons $1,253,721 Cotton goods 934,014 Flour and mill products 10,784,804 Machinery 1,191,531 Furniture 954,100 Iron and steel 2,274,203 Leather, tanned and curried . 2,051,087 Liquors, distilled $540,729 Lumber, planed and sawed . . 4,015,310 Oil and oil cake 1,235,000 Printing and publishing 653,645 Slaughtering and packing.... 1,376,476 Tin and copperware 710,813 Woollen goods 620,724 400 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Total steam and water power in use, 51,952 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold #1,998 Coal, bituminous 494,491 tons 628,954 Iron ore 89,933 " 129,951 Lead ore 60 " 2,500 Zinc ore 3,699 " 22,145 • Copper ingots 153,880 lbs. Total mineral products #785,548 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 2,194 miles of line; miles operated, 1,928; cost, $120,195,150 ; total investment, $126,323,124. Steam craft, 61; tonnage, 11,348; value, $58,900. Barges, 29; value, $5,800. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1882), $195,635,100; of personal property, $16,133,338. State taxation (1882), rate 20 cents on $100, $954,903 ; county, $1,488,- 126; city town and village, $644,568. State debt funded, $20,- 206,300; unfunded, $6,336,550; county, city and town debt, $9,- 947469. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Nashville. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $4,000. The other State officers are : Secre- tary of State (four years), salary, $1,800; Treasurer (two years), $2,700 ; Comptroller (two years), $2,700 ; Attorney-General (two years), $3,000; Superintendent Public Instruction (two years), $1,800; Adjutant-General (two years), $1,200; Commissioner of Agriculture (two years), $3,000 ; Land Register (four years), fees; three Railroad Commissioners (two years), each $2,000; State Librarian (two years), $1,000. The Legislature is composed of 33 Senators and 99 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of each, $4 a day and 16 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Monday in January. Session limited to 75 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after the first Monday in November. Supreme Court consists of a Chi^f Justice, and four associ- ates, elected by the people for eighl years. Salary of each, $4,- OOO. Representatives in Congress, xo; Presidential electors, 12. RULING BY STATES. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. 1872 President 94,391 83,655 1874 Governor 103,061 55,843 1876 President 133,166 89,566 1878 Governor 89,018 42,328 1880 President 130,381 98,760 1882 Governor 109,873 80,149 401 Ind 246 Maj. 10,736 D. 47,218 D. 43,600 D. 46,690 D. 31,621 D. 29,624 D. TEXAS. NAME. — So called by the Spaniards, in 1690, who that year drove the French from their settlement at Matagorda. Popular name, " The Lone Star State." ADMISSION. — Texas was admitted by annexation. Act of admission, March 1, 1845 ; actual admission, Dec. 29, 1845. AREA. — Square miles, 262,290; acres, 167,865,600; persons to a square mile, 6.07. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. Per cent, of 1850 212,592 increase. i860 604,215 184.2 1870 818,579 35.4 1880 i,59i,749 94-4 1880 by Classes. Male 837,840 Native 1,477,133 Female. .753,909 Foreign.... 114,616 Dwellings 287,562 Families 297,259 Voters — Males over 21 380,376 White 1,197,237 Chinese 136 Black 393,384 Indians. . . .992 Persons to a dwelling 5.54 " " family 5.35 Natural militia, 18-44 332,120 402 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Anderson... 17,395 Andrews Angelina 5> 2 39 Aransas 996 Archer 596 Armstrong 31 Atascosa 4,217 Austin 14,429 Bailey Bandera 2,158 Bastrop 17,215 Baylor 715 Bee 2,298 Bell 20,518 Bexar 30,470 Bexar District Blanco 3:583 Borden 35 Bosque ",217 Bowie 10,965 Brazoria 9,774 Brazos 13,576 Briscoe 12 Brown 8,414 Burleson 9,243 Burnet 6,855 Caldwell n>757 Calhoun i,739 Callahan 3,453 Cameron 14,959 Camp 5,931 Carson Cass 16,724 Castro Chambers 2,187 Cherokee 16,723 Childress 25 Clay 5,045 Cockran Coleman 3,603 Collin 25,983 Collingsworth 6 Colorado 16,673 Comal 5,546 Comanche 8,608 Concho 800 Cooke 20,391 Coryell 10,924 Cottle 24 Crockett 127 Crosby 82 Dallam Dallas 33,488 Dawson 24 Deaf Smith 38 Delta 5,597 Denton 18,143 De Witt 10,082 Dickens 28 Dimmitt 665 Donley 160 Duval 5,732 Eastland 4,855 Edwards 266 Ellk 21,294 El Paso 3,845 Encinal 1,902 Erath., 1 1,796 Falls 16,240 Fannin 25,501 Fayette 27,996 Fisher......... 136 Floyd 3 Fort Bend 9,380 1870. 9,229 3,985 2,915 15,087 649 12,290 1,082 9,77i 16,043 1,077 1,187 4,684 7,527 9,205 544 8,072 3,688 6,572 3,443 10,999 8,875 1,503 1,079 347 14,013 8,326 5,283 1,001 5,3^5 4,124 7,251 6,443 109 1,083 7,5H 3,671 427 1,801 9,85i 13,207 16,863 i860. 10,398 4,291 i,578 10,139 399 7,006 910 4,799 14,454 1,281 2,005 5,052 7,M3 2,776 244 5,683 2,487 4,481 2,64? 6.028 1,508 12,008 9,264 7»»»5 4, 3o 709 3,76o 2,666 8,665 281 5,031 5,i° 8 99 5,246 4,051 43 2,425 3,6i4 9,217 11,604 Counties. 1880. Franklin 5,280 Freestone 14,921 Frio 2,130 Gaines 8 Galveston 24,121 Garza 36 Gillespie 5,228 Goliad 5,832 Gonzales 14,840 Gray 56 Grayson v 38,108 Gregg 8,530 Grimes 18,603 Guadalupe 12,202 Hale Hall 36 Hamilton 6,365 Hansford 18 Hardeman 50 Hardin 1,870 Harris 27,985 Harrison 25,177 Hartley 100 Haskell 48 Hayes 7,555 Hemphill 149 Henderson 9,735 Hidalgo 4,347 Hill 16,554 Hockley '. ,. ... Hood 6,125 Hopkins 15,461 Houston...... 16,702 Howard .' 50 Hunt 17,230 Hutchinson 50 Jack Y 6,626 Jackson .... 2,723 Jasper 5,779 Jefferson 3,489 Johnson x 7,9 11 Jones 546 Karnes 3,270 Kaufman 15,448 Kendall 2,763 Kent 92 Kerr 2,168 Kimble i>343 King 40 Kinney 4,487 Knox 77 Lamar 27,193 Lamb Lampasas 5,421 La Salle 789 Lavaca 13.641 Lee 8,937 Leon 12.817 Liberty 4,999 Limestone 16,246 Lipscomb 69 Live Oak i»994 Llano 4,962 Lubbock 25 Lynn 9 McCulloch 1,533 McLennan 26,934 McMullen 701 Madison 5,395 Marion 10,983 Martin 12 Mason 2,655 Matagorda 3,94° Maverick 2,967 1870. 8,139 3°9 15,290 3,566 3,628 8,951 14,387 13,218 7,282 733 1,460 17,375 13,241 6,786 2,387 7.453 2,585 12,651 8,i47 10,291 694 2,278 4,218 1,906 4,923 1,705 6,^95 i,536 1,042 72 1,204 I 5,79° i,344 69 9,168 6,523 4,4i4 8,591 852 1.379 173 13,5 o 2 AO 4,1 61 8,;62 "7 7 8 3.377 i,95i i860. 6,881 42 8,229 2,736 3,384 8,059 RULING BY STATES. By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. Medina 4.492 Menard 1,239 Milam 18,659 Mitchell 117 Montague 11,257 Montgomery 1 ° 5 I 54 Moore Morris 5,032 Motley 24 Nacogdoches n,59° Navarro 21,702 Newton 4.359 Nolan 640 Nueces 7,673 Ochiltree Oldham 287 Orange 2,938 Palo Piuto 5,885 Panola 12,219 Parker 15,870 Parmer Pecos 1,807 Polk 7,189 Potter 28 Presidio 2,873 Rains 3>°35 Randall 3 Red River 1 7, I 94 Refugio 1,585 Roberts 32 Robertson 22,383 Rockwall 2,984 Runnels 980 Rusk 18,986 Sabine 4, 161 San Augustine 5,084 San Jacinto 6,186 San Patricio 1,010 San Saba.... 5,324 1870. 2,078 667 8,984 6,482 9,614 8,879 2,187 3,975 i,255 [0,119 8,707 i',636 10,653 2,324 16,916 3,256 4,196 i860. 5,175 849 5,479 0,292 5,99 6 3,"9 2,906 1,916 1,524 8,475 4,213 8,300 "580 8,535 1,600 15,803 2,750 4,o94 602 1,425 620 9*3 Counties. : Scurry Shackelford 2, Shelby 9 Sherman Smith 21 Somervell 2 Starr 8 Stephens 4 Stonewall Swisher-. Tarrant 24 Taylor 1 Terry Throckmorton Titus 5 Tom Green 3, Travis 27 Trinity 4 Tyler J Upshur 10, Uvalde 2 Van Zandt 12 Victoria 6 Walker 12 Waller 9 Washington 27 Webb 5 Wharton 4 Wheeler Wichita Wilbarger Williamson 15, Wilson 7 Wise 16 Wood 11; Yoakum Young 4 Zapata 3 Zavalla ,863 ,649 ,3°4 ,725 104 4 ,671 -736 1870. 455 5,732 '6,532 4,^54 330 5,788 :86o. 44 5,362 13,392 2,406 230 6,020 124 9,648 ,028 13,153 8,080 ,915 4,i4i 4,39 2 825 5,010 4,525 266 12,039 10,645 ,541 851 506 ,619 6,494 3,777 ,289 4,860 4,171 ,024 9,776 8,191 ,024 ,565 23,104 15,215 ,273 2,615 i,397 ,549 3,426 3,38o 512 433 126 155 6,368 4,529 ,118 2,556 ,601 i,45o 3,160 212 6,894 4,968 ,726 135 592 ,636 1,488 1,248 410 133 26 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 10; instructors, 105; students, 2,396. Public schools, 6,692; value of school property, $1,130,762; teachers, 6,764; teachers' salaries (1882), $714,207; receipts for school purposes, $921,595 ; expended for same (1882), $803,850; school age, 8-14 years; school population (1882), 295,344; pupils enrolled (1882), 142,960; average attendance (1882), 60,259; average length of school year in 1882, 92 days. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 256,223, being 24.1 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 97,498 ; foreign white, 26,414; colored, Chinese and Indians, 192,520; total, 316,432, being 29.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 31; others, 248; total, 279. Circulation, 355,- 938. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 359,317; 404 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. in professional and personal services, 97,561 ; in trade and trans- portation, 34,909; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 30,346. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 174,184; total acres in farms, 36,292,219; improved acres, 12,650,314; average size of farms, 208 acres; value of farms and buildings, $170,468,886; value of implements, $9,051,491; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $65,204,329. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 72,786 bush. Buckwheat 535 " Butter 13,899,320 lbs. Cheese 58,466 " Cotton 805,284 bales. Hay 59,699 tons. Indian Corn 29,065,172 bush. Milk 1,296,806 galls. Oats 4,893,359 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $876,844 Potatoes, Irish 228,832 bush. " sweet ... 1,460,079 " Rice 62,152 lbs. Rye 25,399 bush. Sug. & mob, 4,951 hhd. 810,605 galls. Tobacco 221,283 lbs. Wheat 2,567,737 bush. Wool 6,928,019 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Other cattle 3,387,927 Sheep 2,411,633 Swine 1,950,371 Number. Horses 805,606 Mules and asses 132,447 Working oxen 90,502 Milch cows 606, 176 Value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $60,307,987 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 2,996; capital invested, $9,245,561; hands employed, 12,159; wages paid, $3,343,087; value of materials, $12,956,269; value of pro- ducts, $20,719,928. The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products $7,617,177 Foundry and machine-shop.. . 532,778 Lumber, planed and sawed... 4,130,049 Printing and publishing 605,000 Saddlery $587,871 Tin and copperware 491,420 Sash and doors 416,500 Slaughtering and packing 486,400 Total steam and water power in use, 30,543 horse-power. COMMERCIAL FA CILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 5,715 miles of line; miles operated, 4,363; cost, $172,323,744; total investment, $223,701,146. Steam craft, -35; tonnage, 4,352; value, $196,900. Sail craft, 230; tonnage, 7,713; value, $192,- 800. Barges and flats, 23 ; value, $25,500. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real and RULING BY STATES. 405 personal property (1882), $520,000,000; in 1880, $320,364,515. State taxation (1882), rate 30 cents on $100, $1,396,170; county taxation, $1,685,907; city, town and village taxation, $694,269. State debt (1882), funded, $4,447,700; county, city and town debts, $6,037,985. GOVERNMENT.— -Capital, Austin. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $4,000. The other State officers are : Lieu- tenant-Governor (two years), salary, $5 a day; Secretary of State, $2,000 ; Treasurer, $2,500; Comptroller, $2,500; Attor- ney-General, $2,000; Adjutant-General, $2,000; Commissioner Lands, $2,500 ; Commissioner Insurance, $2,000; Railroad Com- missioner, $3,000. The Legislature is composed of 31 Senators and 106 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $5 a day and mileage. Legis- lature meets biennially on second Tuesday in January. Session limited to 60 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two Asso- ciate Justices, elected by the people for six years. Salary of each, $3,500. Representatives in Congress, 1 1 ; Presidential electors, 1 3. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Grbk. Maj. 1872 President ... 68,622 46,482 22,140 D. 1873 Governor. . . , , . . 99,984 52,353 47,631 D. 1875 - .... , .. 150,581 50,000 100,581 D. 1876 President •. 104,755 44,800 59,955 D- 1878 Governor. . . •• 158,933 23,402 *>*>&>* 134,531 D. 1880 President .. 146,863 53,298 26,244 93,565 D. 1882 Governor .. 150,890 102,501 48,389 D. 406 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. UTAH TERRITORY. NAME. — Probably the Indian tribal name, Ute. ORGANIZATION.— Erected into a Territory, Sept. 9, 1850. AREA. — Square miles, 82,190; acres, 53,601,600; persons to a square mile, 1.75. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 1850 11,380 i860 40,273 Per cent, of increase. 253-8 Census. 1870... 1880... 1880 by Classes. Per cent, of Pop. 86,786 43.963 increase. "5-4 65.8 Male 74,509 Native .... 99,969 Female. . . 69,454 Foreign . . . 43,994 Dwellings 26,710 Families 28,373 Voters — Males over 21 32,773 White 142,423 Chinese 501 Black 232 Indians. . . . 807 Persons to a dwelling 5.39 " " family 5.07 Natural militia, 18-44 26,480 By Cotaities for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Beaver 3,918 Box Elder 6,761 Cache 12,562 Cedar Davis 5» 2 79 Emery 556 Green River Iron 4,013 Juab 3,474 Kane 3,085 Millard 3,727 Morgan J >783 Pi Ute 1,651 Rich 1,263 1870. 2,007 4,855 i860. 785 1,608 8,229 2,605 74i 4,459 2,904 141 2,277 1,010 2,034 672 i,5i3 2,753 7i5 1,972 82 i,955 Counties. 1880. Rio Virgin Salt Lake ....31,977 San Juan 204 Sanpete ",557 Sevier 4,457 Shambip Summit 4,921 Tooele 4,497 Uintah 799 Utah 17,973 Wassatch 2,927 Washington 4,235 Weber 12,344 1870. i860. 450 8,337 ",295 6,786 3.8i5 *9 162 2,512 198 2,177 1,008 2,203 8,248 1,244 3,064 691 7,858 3,"75 EDUCATION. — Colleges, i; instructors, 4 ; students, 193. Public schools, 383 ; value of school property, $372,273 ; teachers, 434; teachers' salaries (1882), $149,637; receipts for school purposes, $176,048; expended for same (1882), $185,588 ; school age, 6-18 years; school population (1882), 43,393; RULING BY STATES. 407 pupils enrolled (1882), 27,216; average attendance (1882), 17,- 594; average length of school year in 1882, 139 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 4,85 1, being 5 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 3,183; foreign white, 4,954; colored, Chinese and Indians, 689 ; total, 8,826, being 9.1 per cent. of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 5 ; others, 19; total, 24. Circulation, 36,675. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 14,550; in professional and personal services, 1 1,144; in trade and trans- portation, 4,149; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 10,212. AGRICULTURE.— Number of farms, 9,452; total acres in farms, 655,524; improved acres, 416,105 ; average size of farms, 69 acres; value of farms and buildings, $14,015,178; value of implements, $946,753 ; total value of all farm products, sold, con- sumed or on hand, $3,337,410. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 217,140 bush. Butter 1,052,903 lbs. Cheese 126,727 " Hay 9 2 >735 tons. Indian Corn 163,342 bush. Milk 155,263 galls. Quantity. Oats 418,082 bush. Orchard products $148,493 Potatoes, Irish 573,595 bush. Rye 9,605 " Wheat 1,169,199 " Wool 973,246 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Number. Other cattle 58,680 Sheep 233,121 Swine 17,198 Horses 38,131 Mules and asses 2,898 Working oxen 3,968 Miich cows 32,768 Total value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $3,306,638 MANUFACTURES.— -Number of establishments, 640; capi- tal invested, $2,656,657 ; hands employed, 2,495 ; wages paid, $858,863; value of material, $2,561,737; value of products, $4,324,992. The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products .... $1,364,619 1 Woollen goods $279,424 Lumber, sawed 375,164 I Total steam and water power in use, 4,689 horse-power. 408 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. MINING.—- Quantity : Value. Gold $291,587 Silver 4,743,087 Total mineral products $5,034,674 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 1,123 miles of line ; miles operated, 864 ; cost, $36,894,249 ; total in- vestment, $36,914,860. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal estate (1882), $25,579,234. Territorial taxation (1882), rate 60 cents on $100, $174,792; county taxation, $155,706; city and town, $130,882. No Territorial debt; county, city and village debt, $107,131. GOVERNMENT.— Cartel, Salt Lake City. Governor ap- pointed by President and Senate for four years. Salary, $2,600. The other officers are a Secretary, term four years, salary, $1,800; a Treasurer, term two years, $600; Auditor, term two years, $1,500; Superintendent Public Instruction, term two years, $1,500; Secretary Board of Agriculture, and Territorial Librarian. The Legislature is composed of 12 Senators and 24 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $4 a day and 20 cents mileage. Legislature meets on second Monday in January. Session limited to 60 days. Territorial elections held on first Monday in August an- nually. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two as- sociates, appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representative in Congress, I Delegate. POLITICS— Vote for Delegate : Mormon. A nti- Mormon. Maj. 1880 18,568 1,357 17,211 M. 1882 23,239 4,908 18,331 M. Out of a total registration of voters, in 1882, of 33,266, 14,491 were female voters. Owing to the operation of the " Edmunds' Law," the Delegate for 1880 held over. RULING BY STATES. 409 VERMONT. NAME. — A descriptive name. French verd, green, and mont, mountain, " green mountain." Popularly called " The Green Mountain State." ADMISSION.— Act of admission, Feb. i8, 1791 ; actual admission, March 4, 179 1. AREA. — Square miles, 9,135 ; acres, 5,846,400; persons to a square mile, 36.38. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. I790 85,425 1800 I54,4°5 1810 217,895 1820 235,966 1830 280,652 Per cent, of increase. 80.8 41.0 8.2 18.9 Census. Pop. 1840 291,948 1850 314,120 i860 315,098 1870 330,551 1880 332,286 Per cent, of increase. 4.0 7-5 o-3 4.9 05 [880 by Classes. Males 166,887 Native 291,327 Females.. 165,399 Foreign.... 40,959 Dwellings 66,769 Families 73»°9 2 Voters — Males over 21 95,621 White... 331,218 Chinese. Black... 1,057 Indians. Persons to a dwelling " " family Natural militia, 18-44 Counties. 1880. Addison 2 4, I 73 Bennington 21,950 Caledonia 23,607 Chittenden 32,792 Essex 7,931 Franklin 30,225 Grand Isle 4,124 By Counties for three Censuses i860. 1870. 23,484 21,325 22,235 36,480 6,8n 30,291 4,082 24,010 i9,43 6 21,698 28,171 5,786 27,231 4,276 Counties. 1 880. Lamoille 12,684 Orange 23,525 Orleans 22,083 Rutland 41,829 Washington 25,404 Windham 26,763 Windsor 35,196 1870. 12,448 23,090 21,035 40,651 26,520 26,036 36,063 II .. 498 •• 4-55 64,162 i860. 12,311 25,455 18,981 35,946 27,622 26,982 37,193 EDUCATION — Colleges, 2 ; instructors, 22 ; students, 97. Public schools, 2,597; value of school property, #1,427,547; teachers, 2,597; teachers' salaries (1882), $381,608; receipts for school purposes, #462,139; expended for same (1882), $476,- 410 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 478; school age, 5-20 years; school population (1880), 99,463; pupils enrolled (1882), 74,000; average attendance (1882), 47- 772; average length of school year (1882), 126.5 days. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 12,993, being 4.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 5,354; foreign white, 10,327; colored, Chinese and Indians, 156; total, 15,837, being 6.0 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 5; others, JJ ; total, 82. Circulation, 130,- 842. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 55,251; in professional and personal services, 28,174; in trade and trans- portation, 8,945 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 26,- 214. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 35,522; total acres in farms, 4,882,588; improved acres, 3,286,461; average size of farms, 137 acres; value of farms and buildings, $109,346,010; value of implements, $4,879,285 ; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $22,082,656. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 267,625 bush. Buckwheat 356,618 " Butter 25,240,826 lbs. Cheese 1,545,789 " Hay 1,051,183 tons. Hops. 109,350 lbs. Indian Corn 2,014,271 bush. Milk 6,526,550 galls. Quantity. Oats 3,742,282 bush. Orchard products $640,942 Potatoes, Irish 4,438,172 bush. %e 71,733 « Tobacco 131,432 lbs. Wheat 337> 2 57 bush. Wool 2,551,113 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Horses 75,215 Mules and asses 283 Working oxen 1 8,868 Milch cows 217,033 Value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $16,586,195 Number. Other cattle 167,204 Sheep 439,870 Swine 76,384 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 2,874; capital invested, $23,265,224; hands employed, 17,450; wages paid, $5,164,479; value of material, $18,330,677; value of pro- ducts, ^31,354,366. RULING BY STATES. . 41 1 The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements $718,455 I Marble-work $1,303,700 Cotton goods., 915,864 i Mixed textiles 1,277,903 Flour and mill products 3,038,688 j Musical instruments 680,800 Machinery f 783,828 Paper 1,237,484 Hosiery 595> 2 7° | Scales 2,080,474 Leather, tanned and curried... 1,614,840 j Woollen goods 3,217,807 Lumber, planed and sawed. . . . 5,968,338 | Total steam and water power in use, 63,314 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Iron ore 560 tons $2,750 Copper ingots 2,647,894 lbs. ' 469,495 Minor minerals 48,788 Total value, of mineral products $521,033 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 836 miles of line; miles operated, 884; cost, $38,639,234; total in- vestment, $40,877,661. Steam craft, 12; tonnage, 2,259; value, $221,300. Sail craft, 17; tonnage, 938 ; value, $23,425. Canal boats, 12; tonnage, 1,000; value, $20,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $106,372,797; of personal property, $46,218,508. State taxation (1883), rate 10 cents on $100, $278,397 ; county taxa- tion, $15,344; city, town and village, $1,326,481. State debt (1883), none; county, city and town debt, $4,348,168. GOVERNMENT— Capital, Montpelier. Governor elected for two years. Salary, $1,000. The other State officers — all elected for two years — are : Lieutenant-Governor, salary, $6 a day; Secretary of State, $1,700; Treasurer, $1,700; Auditor, $2,000; Finance Inspector, $500; Railroad Commissioner, $500; Adjutant-General, $750; two Insurance Commissioners, fees ; Superintendent Public Instruction, $1,400; Secretary Board of Agriculture; State Librarian, $350. The Legislature is composed of 30 Senators and 240 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $3 a day. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednesday in October. No limit to length of session. State elections held on first Tuesday in September. Presi- dential election held on Tuesday after first Monday in No- vember. 412 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and six Asso- ciate Justices, elected by the Legislature for a term of two years. Salary of each, $2,500. Representatives in Congress, 2 ; Presidential electors, 4. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. 1872 President 41,487 10,947 1874 Governor 33>5 82 "3» 2 5? 1876 President 44,091 20,254 1878 Governor 37,312 17,247 1880 President 45,5°7 18,316 1880 Governor 47,848 21,245 1S82 " 35 s 839 14,466 Grbk. 2,635 1,215 1,578 1,535 Maj. 30,540 R. 20,324 R. 23,837 R- 20,065 R. 27,251 R. 26,603 R. 21,373 R- VIRGINIA. NAME.— In honor of Queen Elizabeth, " the Virgin Queen," in whose reign Sir Walter Raleigh made the first attempt to colonize the region. Popular names, " Old Dominion," " Mother of Presidents," and " Mother of States." ADMISSION.— Ratified the Constitution, June 25, 1788. AREA.— Square miles, 40,125 ; acres, 25,680,000; persons to a square mile, 37.70. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. 1790 747,6lo 1800 880,200 1810 974,600 1820 1,065,116 1830 1,211,405 1840 1,239,797 Per cent, of increase. 17.7 •10.7 9.2 13-7 2-3 Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1850 1,421,661 14.6 i860 1,596,318 12.2 f Va. & 1870 1,225,163 4.4 J w Va 1880 1,512,565 23.4 RULING BY STATES. 413 1880 by Classes. Male 745,589 Native 1 ,497,869 Female. .766,976 Foreign. . . 14,696 Dwellings 265,61 1 Families 282,355 White 880,858 Chinese 6 Black ... .631,616 Indians 85 Persons to a dwelling 5.69 family 5.36 Voters— Males over 21 334,5°5 Natural militia, 18-44 264,033 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Accomac 24,408 Albemarle 32,618 Alexandria 17,546 Alleghany 5,586 Amelia 10,377 Amherst 18,7 9 Appomattox 10,080 Augusta 35, 710 Bath 4,482 Bedford 31,205 Bland 5,004 Botetourt 14,809 Brunswick 16,707 Buchanan 5,694 Buckingham 15, 540 Campbell 36,250 Caroline I 7, 2 43 Carroll 13,323 Charles City 5,512 Charlotte 16,653 Chesterfield 25,085 Clarke 7,682 Craig 3,794 Culpeper 13,408 Cumberland 10,540 Dinwiddie 32,870 Elizabeth City 10,689 Essex 11,032 Fairfax 16,025 Fauquier «, 22,993 Floyd 13,255 Fluvanna 10,802 Franklin 25,084 Frederick 17,553 Giles 8,794 Gloucester 11,876 Goochland 10,292 Grayson 13,068 Greene 5,830 Greensville 8,407 Halifax 31,588 Hanover 18,588 Henrico 82,703 Henry 16,009 Highland 5,164 Isle of Wight 10,572 James City 5,422 King and Queen 10,502 King George 6,397 King William 8,751 1870. i860. 20,409 18,586 27,544 26,625 16,755 12,652 3,674 6,765 9,878 10,741 14,900 J Hi 2 8,950 8,889 28,763 27,749 3,795 3,676 25,327 25,068 4,000 11,329 11,516 13,427 14,809 3,777 2,793 i3,37i 15,212 j 28,384 26,197 1 15,128 18,464 1 9,i47 8,012 4,975 5,609 1 14,513 14,471 1 18,470 19,016 i 6,670 7,146 j 2,942 3,553 ! 12,227 12,063 ; 8,142 9,961 30,702 30,198 8,303 5,798 9»9 2 7 10,469 12,952 ",834 19,690 21,706 9,824 8,236 9.875 io,353 18,264 20,098 16,596 16,546 5,875 6,883 10. 211 10,956 10,313 10,656 9,587 8,252 4,634 5,022 6,362 6,374 27,828 26,520 i6,455 17,222 66,179 61,616 12,303 12,105 4,i5i 4,3i9 8,320 9,977 4,425 5,798 9,7o9 10,328 5,742 6,571 7,5i5 8,53o Counties. 1880. Lancaster 6,160 Lee 15,116 Loudoun 23,634 Louisa 18,942 Lunenburg ",535 Madison 10,562 Mathews '. 7,501 Mecklenburg 24,610 Middlesex 6,252 Montgomery 16,693 Nansemond 15,903 Nelson 16,536 New Kent 5,515 Norfolk 58,657 Northampton 9,152 Northumberland 7,9 2 9 Nottoway 11,156 Orange 13,052 Page 9,965 Patrick 12,833 Pittsylvania 52,589 Powhatan 7,817 Prince Edward 14,668 Prince George 10,054 Princess Anne 9.394 Prince William 9,180 Pulaski 8,755 Rappahannock 9,291 Richmond 7, 195 Roanoke 13,105 Rockbridge 20,003 Rockingham 29,567 Russell 13,906 Scott 17,233 204 160 8,012 4,828 7,211 7,39i Shenandoah Smyth Southampton Spotsylvania. Stafford Surry Sussex 10,062 Tazewell 12,861 Warren 7,399 Warwick 2,258 Washington 25,203 Westmoreland 8,846 Wise 7,772 Wythe 14,318 York 7,349 1870. 5,355 13,268 20,929 16,332 10,403 8,670 6,200 21,318 4,98i 12,556 ",576 13,898 4,38i 46,702 8,046 6,863 9,291 10,396 8,462 10,161 3i,343 7,667 12,004 7.820 8,273 7,504 6,538 8,261 6,503 9.35o 16,058 23,668 11,103 13,036 14,936 8,898 12,285 11,728 6,420 5,585 7,885 10,791 5,7 l6 1,672 16,816 7,682 4,785 11,611 7,i98 i860. 5,i5i 11,032 2i,774 16,701 ",983 8,854 ' 7,091 20,096 4,364 10,617 13,693 13,015 5,884 36,227 7,832 7,53i 8,836 10,851 8,109 9,359 32,104 8,392 11,844 8,4" 7,714 8,565 5,4i6 8,850 6,856 8,048 17,248 23,408 10,280 12,072 13,896 8,952 12,915 i6,c 7 6 8,555 6,i33 10,175 9,920 6,442 i,74o 16,892 8,282 4,5o8 12,305 4,949 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 7; instructors, 71 ; students, 956. Public schools, 4,876; value of school property, $1,246,283; teachers, 4,933 ; teachers' salaries (1882), $896,274; receipts for school purposes, $1,287,526; expended for same (1882), $1,157,- 142; school age, 5-21 years; school population (1882), 555,- 414 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. 897; pupils enrolled (1882), 257,362 ; average attendance (1882,, 144,904 ; average length of school year in 1882, 1 18.2 days. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 360,495, be- ing 34 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 1 13,915 ; foreign white, 777 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 315,660; total, 430,- 352, being 40.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 20; others, 175 ; total, 195. Circulation, 258,228. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 254,099; in professional and personal services, 146,664; in trade and trans- portation, 30,418; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 63P59- AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 118,517; total acres in farms, 19,835,785; improved acres, 8,510,113; average size of farms, 167 acres; value of farms and buildings, $2 16,028,- 107; value of implements, $5,495,114; total value of all farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $45,726,221. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 14.223 bush. Buckwheat 136,004 " Butter 1 1,470,923 lbs. Cheese 85,535 " Cotton I 9>595 bales. Hay 287,255 tons. Hops 1 ,599 lbs. Indian Corn 29,119,761 bush. Milk 1 ,224,469 galls. Quantity. Oats 5,333,181 bush. Orchard products $1,609,663 Potatoes, Irish 2,016,766 bush. " sweet 1,901,521 " Rye ,*. 324,431 " Tobacco 79,988,868 lbs. Wheat 7,826,174 bush. Wool 1,836,673 lbs. Live- Stock. Number. Other cattle 388,414 Sheep 497,289 Swine 956,451 Number. Horses 218,838 Mules and asses 33>598 Working oxen 54»7°9 Milch cows 243,061 Total value of live-stock on fauns, June I, 1880 # 2 5>953>3 I 5 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 5,710; cap- ital invested, $26,968,990; hands employed, 40,184; wages paid, $7,425,261 ; value of material. $32,883,933 ; value of pro- ducts, $51,780,992. The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements #602,959 1 Carnages and wagons #508,400 Bakery products 644,560 | Clothing, men's 584,077 RULING BY STATES. 415 Printing and publishing $624,975 Slaughtering and packing. . . . 1,054,500 Tin and copperware 608,150 Tobacco and cigars 13,714,991 Tobacco stemming 1,074,005 Woollen goods 577^9^8 Cotton goods 515040,962 Fertilizers 624,300 Flour and mill products 12,210,272 Machinery 1,361,231 Iron and steel 2,585,999 Leather, tanned 1, 01 1,830 Lumber, planed and sawed.. . 3,718,163 Total steam and water power in use, 57,174 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $9,321 Coal, anthracite. 2,600 tons 7,800 Coal, bituminous 40,520 " 9 2 ,837 Iron ore 169,683 " 384,331 Lead ore 11,200 " 33,000 Zinc ore 10,448 " 24,126 Copper ingots 678 lbs. Minor minerals 179,125 Total value of mineral products $730,540 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 2,737 miles of line; miles operated, 2,611; cost, $154,640,870; total investment, $174,975,172. Total length of canal and slack- water lines, 74.56 miles ; cost, $4,042,363. Steam craft, 89 ; ton- nage, 6,251; value, $494,400. Sail craft, 1,061; tonnage, 26,- 638; value, $665,950. Canal boats, barges and flats, 131; tonnage, 8,731 ; value, $52,950. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate ( 1 881), $234,272,951 ; of personal property, $70,391,078. State taxation ( 1 881), rate 50 cents on $100, $1,523,320; county taxa- tion, $1,170,413; city, town and village, $1,553,297. State debt (1881), all funded, $29,614,793; county, city and town debt, $12,754,576. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Richmond. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $5,000. The other State officers, all chosen for four years, or at the pleasure of the Governor, are : Lieu- tenant-Governor, salary, $900; Secretary of State, $2,500; Treasurer, $2,000 ; Auditor, $3,000; Second Auditor, $2,000; Attorney-General, $3,500; Superintendent Board Public In- struction, $2,000; Adjutant-General, $1,100; Commissioner of Agriculture, $1,500; Superintendent of Lands, $1,300; Railroad Commissioner; State Librarian. The Legislature is composed of 40 Senators and 100 Repre- 416 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sentatives. Senators are chosen for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $540 a year. Legislature meets biennially on first Wednesday in December. Session limited to 90 days. State, Congressional and Presidential elections held on Tues- day after first Monday in November. « The Supreme Court consists of a President Judge and four asso- ciates, elected by the Legislature for twelve years. Salary of President Judge, $3,250. Salary of associates, $3,000 each. Representatives in Congress, 10; Presidential electors, 12. POLITICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Readj. Maj. 1872 President 91,44° 93.415 1,975 R. 1873 Governor 127,738 93,499 34,239 D. 1876 President 139,670 95,558 44,112 D. 1877 Governor 101,940 4,329 97,611 D. 1880 President 96,599 83,642 31,484 12,9570. 1 88 1 Governor 99,757 •'• m,473 11,716 Read. 1882 Cong, at Large 94,184 99,992 5,808 Read. WASHINGTON TERRITORY. NAME. — In honor of Washington. ORGANIZATION.— Erected into a Territory, March 2, 1853. AREA. — Square miles, 66,880 ; acres, 42,803,200; persons to a square mile, 1.12. POPULATION and rate of increase: Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1880 75,n6 213.5 Per cent of Census. Pop. increase. i860 n,594 1870 23,955 Io6 -6 1880 by Classes. Male 45,973 Native.... 59,313 White 67,199 Chinese 3,187 Female.. 29,143 Foreign.. 15,803 Black.... 325 Indians 4,405 Dwellings I 5,5 12 Persons to a dwelling. 4.84 Families. 16,380 " " family 4.59 Voters — Males over 21 27,670 Natural militia, 18-44 22,542 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Chehalis 921 401 285 Clallam 638 408 149 Clarke 5,49° 3>o8i 2,3 8 4 Columbia 7, io 3 Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Cowlitz 2,062 730 406 Island I ,o87 626 294 Jefferson 1,712 1,268 531 King 6,910 2,120 302 RULING BY STATES. 417 By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. ] Counties. 1880. 1870. 1860. Kitsap i»738 866 544 ; Spokane 4,262 Klikitat 4,055 329 230 | Stevens I , 2 45 Lewis 2,600 Mason 639 Pacific 1,645 Pierce 3,3 J 9 San Juan 948 Skamania 8(9 Snohomish 1,387 329 230 888 384 289 162 738 420 1,409 1,115 554 133 173 599 Thurston 3.270 Wahkiakum 1,598 Walla Walla 8,716 Whatcom 3, J 37 Whitman 7*014 Yakima 2,811 734 990 2,246 1,507 270 42 5,3 1,318 534 352 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 2; instructors, 12 ; students, 244. Public schools, 531; value of school property, $161,309; teachers, 532; teachers' salaries, $95,582; receipts for school purposes, $120,549; expended for same, $1 12,615 ; school age, 4-21 years; school population (1881), 23,899; pupils enrolled (1881), 14,754; average attendance, 10,456. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 3,191, being 5.7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 895; foreign white, 534; col- ored, Chinese and Indians, 2,460; total, 3,889, being 7 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 4* others, 25 ; total, 29. Circulation, 17,141. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 12,781 ; in professional and personal services, 6,640 ; in trade and trans- portation, 3,405 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 7,- 296. AGRICULTURE., — Number of farms, 6,529; total acres in farms, 1,409,421; improved acres, 484,346; average size of farms, 216 acres; value of farms and buildings, $13,844,224; value of implements, $958,573; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $4,212,750. Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 566,537 bush. Buckwheat 2,498 " Butter 1,356,103 lbs. Cheese 109,200 " Hay 106,819 tons. Hops 703.277 lbs. Indian Corn 39,183 bush. Milk 226,703 galls. 27 Quantity. Oats 1,571,706 bush. Orchard products $127,668 Potatoes, Irish 1,035,177 bush. Rye 7,124 " Tobacco v . . 6,930 lbs. Wheat 1,921,322 bush. Wool 1,389,123 lbs. 418 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Live-Stock. Number. Horses 45,848 Mules and asses 626 Working oxen 3,821 Milch cows 27,622 Value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880 $4,852,307 Number. Other cattle 103,111 Sheep 292,883 Swine 46,828 MANUFACTURES.— dumber of establishments, 261; cap- ital invested, $3,202,497; hands employed, 1,147; wages paid, $532,226; value of material, $1,967,469; value of products, $3,250,134. The principal manufactures are : Lumber, sawed $1,734,742 | All other industries $1,515,392 Total steam and water power in use, 4,395 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $135,800 Silver 1,019 Coal, bituminous 145,01 5 tons 389,046 Total value of mineral products $525,865 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 37 miles of line ; miles operated, 22; cost, $885,000; total investment, $885,000. Steam craft, 52; tonnage, 6,805; value, $537,300. Sail craft, 62; tonnage, 23,389; value, $584,700. Barges, 18; value, $2,600. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal estate (1883), $44,107,567. Territorial taxation (1883), $110,267; county taxation, $393,150; city, town and district, $40,471. Territorial debt, none; county, city and town debt, #239,311. GOVERNMENT. — Capital, Olympia. Governor appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary, $2,600. The other territorial officers are, a Secretary, term four years, salary, $1,800; Treasurer, two years, $1,200; Auditor, two years, $1,200; Superintendent of Public Instruction, two years, $1,000; State Librarian, $400. The Legislature is composed of 12 Senators and 24 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator, RULING BY STATES. 419 $4. a day and 20 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on first Monday in October. Session limited to 60 days. Territorial elections held biennially on Tuesday after the first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two Asso- ciate Justices, appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representatives in Congress, 1 Delegate. POLITICS.— Vote for Delegate: Rep. Dem. Maj. 1880 8,810 7,013 1,797 R. 1882 11,252 8,244 3,008 R. WEST VIRGINIA. NAME. — So named as lying West of Virginia. ADMISSION.— Act of admission, Dec. 31, 1862; actual admission, June 19, 1863. Before that a part of Virginia. AREA. — Square miles, 24,645 ; acres, 15,772,800; persons to a square mile, 25.09. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. Per cent, of 1870 442,014 increase. 1880 618,457 39.9 1880 by Classes. Male. . . .314,495 Native 600,192 Female. .303,962 Foreign.... 18,265 Dwellings 108,349 Families 111,732 Voters — Males over 21 139,161 White 592,537 Chinese 5 Black.... 25,886 Indians 29 Persons to a dwelling 5. 71 Persons to a family 5.54 Natural militia, 18-44 114,664 420 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for th?-ee Censuses. Counties. 18 Barbour n Berkeley 17, Boone 5 Braxton 9 Brooke 6 Cabell 13 Calhoun 6 day 3 Doddridge 10 Fayette n Gilmer 7 Grant.... 5 Greenbrier 15 Hampshire 10 Hancock 4 Hardy 6 Jackson Jefferson Kanawha Lewis Lincoln Logan McDowell Marion Marshall 18 Mason 22 ,312 ,005 ,466 ,269 ,739 ,329 ,o74 ,198 ,840 293 1870. 10,312 14,900 4,553 6,480 5,464 6,429 2,939 2,196 7,076 6,647 4,338 4,467 ",4i7 7,643 4,363 5,5i8 16,714 10,300 13.219 22,349 10,175 5,o53 5,124 i,952 12,107 H,94i 15,978 i860. 8,958 12,525 4,840 4,992 5,494 8,020 2,502 1,787 5,203 5,997 3,759 12,211 13.9*3 4,445 9,864 13,790 8,306 M,535 16,150 7,999 4,938 1,535 12,722 12,997 9,173 Counties. li Mercer 7 Mineral 8 Monongalia 14 Monroe n Morgan 5 Nicholas 7 Ohio 35 Pendleton 8 Pleasants 6 Pocahontas 5 Preston 19 Putnam n Raleigh 7 Randolph 8 Ritchie 13 Roane 12 Summers 9 Taylor 11 Tucker 3 Tyler u, Upshur 10 Wayne 14 Webster 3 Wetzel 13 Wirt 7 Wood 25 Wyoming 4 ,467 ,630 ,985 ,501 ,777 ,223 .457 ,022 ,256 ,59* ,091 ,375 ,367 ,102 .474 ,184 ,°33 ,455 .151 .073 .249 ,739 ,207 ,896 ,104 ,006 .322 1870. 7,064 6,332 13,547 11,124 4,3i5 4,458 28,831 6,455 3,012 4,069 M,555 7,794 3,673 5,563 9,°55 7,232 i860. 6,819 I 3,°48 io,75T 3,732 4,627 22,422 6,164 2,945 3,958 13,3" 6,301 3,367 4,99o 6,847 5,38i 9,367 1,907 7,832 8,023. 7,852 1.730 8,595 4,804 19,000 3,i7i 7,463 1,428 6,517 7,292 6,747 i,555 6,783 3,75i 1 1 ,046 2,861 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 3; instructors, 33 ; students, 278. Public schools, 3,874; value of school property, $1,686,999; teachers, 4,156; teachers' salaries (1882), $553,509; receipts for school purposes, $875,913 ; expended for same (1882), $879,820; school age, 6-21 years; school population (1882), 216,605; pupils enrolled (1882), 155,544; average attendance (1882), 96,652 ; average length of school year in 1882, 99 days. Persons over ten years who cannot read, 52,041, being 12. 1 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write : native white, 72,826 ; foreign white, 2,41 1 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 10,139; total, 85,376, being 19.9 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 2 ; others, 107 ; total, 109. Circulation, 89,- 283. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 107,578; in professional and personal services, 31,680; in trade and transportation, 10,653 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 26,288. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 62,674; total acres in farms, 10,193,779; improved acres, 3,792,327; average size of farms, 163 acres; value of farms and buildings, $133,147,175; value of implements, $2,699,163; total value of farm products, sold, consumed or on hand, $19,360,049. RULING BY STATES. 421 Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 9>74Q bush. Buckwheat 285,298 " Butter 9>309 5 5 * 7 lbs. Cheese 100,303 " Hay 232,338 tons. Indian Corn 14,090,609 bush. Milk 75°> 2 79 gal- Oats 1,908,505 bush. Quantity. Orchard products $934,400 Potatoes, Irish I >398,539 bush. " sweet 87,214 " Rye 113,181 bush. Tobacco 2,296,146 lbs. Wheat 4,001,71 1 bush. Wool 2,681,444 lbs. Live-Stock, Number. Horses 126,143 Mules and asses 6,226 Working oxen 12,643 Milch cows 156,956 Value of all live-stock on farms, June 1, 1880. $17,742,387 Number. Other cattle 288,845 Sheep 674,769 Swine 510,613 MANUFACTURES. — Number of establishments, 2,375 ; capi- tal invested, $13,883,390; hands employed, 14,311; wages paid, #4,313,965 ; value of materials, #14,027,388; value of products, #22,867,126. The principal manufactures are : Flour and mill products $3,942,818 Foundry and machine-shop products 466,862 Glass 748,500 Iron and steel 6,054,032 Leather, tanned and curried. .$2,176,538 Lumber, planed and sawed. . 2,784,407 Salt 380.369 Tobacco and cigars *45 2 >993 Woollen goods 356,986 Total steam and water power in use, 37,910 horse-power MINING.— Quantity : Value. 1,971,847 88,595 4,5oo Coal, bituminous 1,792,570 tons Iron ore 60,37 1 " Minor minerals Total value of all mineral products $2,064,942 Add 200,000 barrels Petroleum, @ $1.00 for crude 200,000 Grand total of all mineral products $2,264,942 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, miles of line; miles operated, 168; cost, #12,923,502; investment, #18,182,1 16. Steam craft, 61 ; tonnage, 7,497 ; value, #312,600. Barges and flats, 450; tonnage, 56,707 tons ; value, #206,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real estate (1882), #106,910,444; of personal property, #39,637,735. State 258 total 422 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. taxation (1882), rate 30 cents on $100, $600,992 ; county taxa- tion, $769,138; city, town and village, $706,639. State debt, none ; debt prohibited in Constitution ; county, city and town debts, $1,513,424. GO VERNMENT— -Capital, Wheeling. Governor elected for four years. Salary, $2,700. The other State officers, all chosen for four years, or at the pleasure of the Governor, are : Secre- tary of State, salary, $1,000; Treasurer, $1,400; Auditor, $2,- 000; Superintendent of Schools, $1,500; Attorney-General, $1,- 000; Adjutant-General, $250; State Librarian, $700. The Legislature is composed of 26 Senators and 65 Repre- sentatives. Senators chosen for four years ; Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $4 a day and 10 cents mile- age. Legislature meets biennially on second Wednesday in January. Session limited to 45 days. State elections held biennially on second Tuesday in October. Presidential elections on Tuesday after first Monday in No- vember. The Supreme Court consists of a Presiding Judge and three Associate Judges, elected by the people for a term of twelve years. Salary of each, $2,250. Representatives in Congress, 4 ; Presidential electors, 6. POL/TICS for twelve years : Dem. Rep. Ind. and Grbk. Maj. 1872 Governor • 40,305 42,883 2,578 Ind. 1872 President ■ 29,537 32,283 600 2,746 R. 1876 « • 56,565 42,001 14,564 D. 1876 Governor . 56,206 43,477 12,729 D. 1880 President.. . 57,391 46,243 9,o79 11,148 D. 1880 Governor . 58,407 43,072 12,326 15,335 D. 1882 Supreme Judge. . 46,661 43>44Q 3,221 D. RULING BY STATES. 423 WISCONSIN. NAME. — From the river Wisconsin. It is Indian, according to some, and means " wild rushing channel." According to others it is a French corruption of an Indian word meaning 4< westward flowing." Popular name, " Badger State." ADMISSION.— Erected into a Territory, April 20, 1836. Act of admission dated March 3, 1847. Actual admission, May 29, 1848. AREA. — Square miles, 54,450; acres, 34,848,000; persons to a square mile, 24.16. POPULATION and rate of increase : Per cent, of Census. Pop. increase. 1840 30,945 1850. 305,391 886.8 i860 775,881 i54-o Census. Pop. 1870 1,054,670 1880 1,3I5»497 Per cent, of increase. 35-9 24.7 [880 by Classes. Male 680,069 Native. . . 910,072 Female. ..635,428 Foreign.. 405,425 Dwellings 239,361 Families 251,530 Voters — Males over 21 340,482 White.. ..1,309,618 Chinese 16 Black.... 2,702 Indians.. ..3,161 Persons to a dwelling 5.50 " " family 5.23 Natural militia, 18-44 2 5°>434 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. Adams 6,741 Ashland 1 ,559 Barron 7,024 Bayfield 564 Brown 34, c 78 Buffalo 15,528 Burnet 3,140 Calumet 16,632 Chippewa 15.491 Clark 10,715 Columbia 28,065 Crawford 15,644 Dane 53, 2 33 1870. 6,601 221 538 344 25,168 11,123 706 12,335 8,3" 3,45o 28,802 13,075 53,096 i860. 6,492 5*5 13 353 ",795 3,864 12 7,895 1,895 789 24,441 8,068 43>9 22 Counties. 1880. Dodge 45,93i Door ",645 Douglas 655 Dunn 16,817 Eau Claire J 9,993 Fond du Lnc 46,859 Grant 37,85 2 Green 21,729 Green Lake 14,483 Iowa 23,628 Jackson 13,285,. Jefferson 32,156 Juneau 15,582 1870. i860. 47,035 42,8,8 4,919 2,948 1,122 812 9,488 2,704 10,769 3,162 46,273 34,154 37,979 31.189 23,611 19,808 I3,i95 12, 663 2 4,544 18,967 7,687 4,170 34,040 30,438 * 2 ,3'/2 8,770 424 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. By Counties for three Censuses — Continued. Counties. iE Price Racine 30 Richland 18 Rock... 38 Saint Croix Sauk Shawano Sheboygan Taylor Trempealeau... Vernon Walworth Washington 23 Waukesha 28 Waupaca 20 Waushara 12 Winnebago 42 Wood 8 785 ,922 i74 ,823 ,956 ,729 .371 ,206 235 249 ,442 957 955 .687 740 981 1870. 26,740 *5.73* 39,030 ",035 23,860 ■3,166 31,749 i860. 21,360 9.732 36,690 5,392 18,963 829 26,875 10,732 18,645 25,972 23,9*9 28,274 15,539 11,279 37,279 3,9 12 2,560 11,007 26,496 23,622 26,831 8,851 8,770 23,770 2,425 Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Kenosha 13,550 I 3, I 47 13,9°° Kewaunee I 5,8o7 10,128 5,53° La Crosse 27,073 20,297 12,186 La Fayette 21,279 22,659 I 8,*34 Langlade 685 Lincoln 2,011 Manitowoc 37,5°5 33,364 22,416 Marathon 17,121 5,885 2,892 Marinette 8,929 Marquette 8,908 8,056 8,233 Milwaukee 138,537 89,930 62,518 Monroe 21,607 16,550 8,410 Oconto 9,848 8,321 3,592 Outagamie 28,716 18,430 9,587 Ozaukee 15,461 15,564 15,682 Pepin 6,226 4,659 2,392 Pierce 17,744 9,95 8 4,672 Polk 10,018 3,422 1,400 Portage i7,73 x 10,634 7,5«7 EDUCATION. — Colleges, 7; instructors, 109; students, 1,- 435. Public schools, 6,588; value of school property, $5,287,570; teachers, 7,000; teachers' salaries (1882), $1,437,349; receipts for school purposes, $2,701,413 ; expended for same (1882), $.2,- 132,807; school age, 4-20 years; school population (1882), 495,233; pupils enrolled (1882), 303,452; average attendance (1881), 190,878; average length of school year in 1881, 175.6 days. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 38,693, being 4 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 11,494; foreign white, 42,739 ; colored, Chinese and Indians, 1,325 ; total, 55,558, being 5.8 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 21 ; others, 319; total, 340. Circulation, 446,392. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 195,901 ; in professional and personal service, 97,494 ; in trade and trans- portation, 37,550; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 86,510. AGRICULTURE. — Number of farms, 134,322; total acres in farms, 15,353,118; improved acres, 9,162,528; average size of farms, 114 acres; value of farms and buildings, $357,709,507 ; value of implements, $15,647,196; total value of all farm pro- ducts, sold, consumed or on hand, $72,779,496. RULING BY STATES. 425 Principal Products. Quantity. Barley 5,043,118 bush. Buckwheat 299,107 " Butter 33.353.045 lbs - Cheese 2,281,411 " Hay 1 ,896,969 tons. Hops 1,966,827 lbs. Indian Corn 34. 2 3°.579 bush. Milk 25,156,977 galls. Quantity. Oats 32,905,320 bush. Orchard products $ 639,435 Potatoes, Irish 8,509,161 bush. " sweet 7.124 u Rye 2,298,573 " Tobacco 10,608,423 lbs. Wheat 24,884,689 bush. Wool 7,016,491 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Other cattle 622,005 Sheep i,33 6 . 8 °7 Swine 1,128,825 Number. Horses 352,428 Mules and asses 7» J 36 Working oxen 28,762 Milch cows 478,374 Value of all live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $46,508,643 MANUFACTURES.-^xxmber of establishments, 7,674; capi- tal invested, $73,821,802; hands employed, 57,109; wages paid, $18,814,917 ; value of material, $85,796,178 ; value of products, $128,255,480. The principal manufactures are : Agricultural implements... $3,742,069 Boots and shoes 1 ,736,773 Bakery products 697,289 Brick and tile 607,609 Carriages and wagons 4,350,454 Cheese and butter 1,501,087 Clothing, men's 4,883,797 Cooperage 1,563,208 Flour and mill products. . . 27,639,430 Machinery 3,965,652 Furniture 1,225,933 Chairs 951,240 Iron and steel Leather, tanned and curried. Liquors, malt and distilled.. Lumber, planed and sawed. Paper Printing and publishing. . . .Saddlery and harness Sashes and doors Slaughtering and packing. . Tobacco and cigars Woollen goods #6,580,391 8,821,162 6,614,386 l8,47L725 1,277.736 1,093,510 1,064,235 2,975,687 6,533,926 2,325,206 1,480,069 Total steam and water power in use, 106,085 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Iron ore Lead ore Zinc ore Copper ingots. . . Minor minerals. 41,440 tons. 1,728 " 4,617 " 18,087 lbs. Value. $73,000 78,525 64,562 1,549 100,000 Total of all mineral products #317,636 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— Railroads in 1883, 5,744 miles of line; miles operated, 5,538; cost, $196,838,962; total value, $192,822,796. Steam craft, 177; tonnage, 19,249; 426 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. value, $1,020,400. Sail craft, 258; tonnage, 50,800; value, $1,- 270,000. Barges and flats, 45 ; value, $32,600. FINANCIAL CONDITION— Assessed value of real estate (1883), $353,068,413 ; of personal property, $103,256,758. State taxation (1883), rate 15.5 cents on $100, $975,931 ; county tax- ation, $1,995,990; city, town and district, $3,384,882. State debt (1883), all funded, $2,252,057 ; county, city and town debts, $9,624,935. GOVERNMENT.— Capital, Madison. Governor elected (after 1885) for two years. Salary, $5,000. The other State officers, their terms being for three years until 1885, when they will be in general for two years, are: Lieutenant-Governor, $1,000; Secretary of State, $5,000; Treasurer, $5,000; Attorney-Gen- eral, $3,000; Adjutant-General, $500; Superintendent Public Schools, $3,700; Secretary Agricultural Society, one year, $2,- 000; Insurance Commissioners, $3,000; Railroad Commissioner, $3,000; State Librarian, $1,500. The Legislature is composed of 33 Senators and 100 Repre- sentatives. Senators elected for four years, Representatives for two years. Salary of a Legislator, $500 and 10 cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on second Wednesday in January. No limit to length of session. State elections held biennially after 1 885, and with Congres- sional and Presidential elections on Tuesday after first Monday in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and four Asso- ciate Justices, chosen by the people for ten years. Salary of each, $5,000. Representatives in Congress, 9; Presidential electors, II. POLITICS for twelve years : Rep. Dem. Grbk. Maj. 1872 President 104,992 86,487 18,505 R. 1873 Governor 66,224 81,653 I5,4 2 9D. 1876 President 130,067 123,926 6,141 R. 1877 Governor 78,753 70,482 8,271 R. 1880 President 144,398 114,644 7,896 29,754 R. 1881 Governor 81,754 69,797 13,225 11,957 R. RULING BY STATES. 427 WYOMING TERRITORY. NAME. — Suggested by valley of same name in Pennsylvania. ORGANIZATION.— Erected into a Territory, July 25, 1868. AREA. — Square miles, 97,575 ; acres, 62,448,000; persons to a square mile, 0.21. POPULATION and rate of increase: Census. Pop. Per cent of 1870 9,n8 increase. 1880 20,789 127.9 1880 by Classes. Male 14,152 Native *4>939 White 19,437 Chinese.. 914 Female.. 6,637 Foreign.... 5,850 Black.... 298 Indians.. 140 Dwellings 4,282 Persons to a dwelling 4.85 Families 4,604 " " family 4.52 Voters — Males over 21 10,180 Natural militia, 18-44 • • 9J5 1 By Counties for three Censuses. Counties. 1880. 1870. i860. Laramie 6,409 2,957 Sweetwater 2,561 1,916 Uinta 2,879 8 5 6 Counties. 1880. 1870. i Albany a 4,626 2,021 Carbon 3, 438 1,368 Crook 239 Johnson 637 EDUCATION. — Public schools, 55; value of school prop- erty, $40,500; teachers, 70; teachers' salaries, $25,894; receipts for school purposes, $36,161 ; expended for same, $28,504; school age, 7-21 years; school population, 4,112; pupils en- rolled, 2,907; average attendance, 1,980. Persons over ten years of age who cannot read, 427, being 2.6 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Persons over ten years who cannot write: native white, 177; foreign white, 197; colored, Chinese and Indians, 182 ; total, 556, being 3.4 per cent, of all persons over ten years of age. Daily papers, 3; others, 7; total, 10. Circulation, 5,686. OCCUPATIONS. — Persons engaged in agriculture, 1,639; in professional and personal services, 4,01 1 ; in trade and trans- portation, 1,545 ; in manufacturing, mechanics and mining, 1,689. AGRICULTURE.— Number of farms, 457; total acres in farms, 124,433; improved acres, 83,122; average size of farms, 272 acres; value of farms and buildings, $835,895; value of implements, $95,482 ; total value of all farm products, sold, con- sumed or on hand, $372,391. 428 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Principal Products. Quantity. Butter 105,643 lbs. Cheese 2,930 " Hay 23,413 tons. Milk 75.343 galls. Oats 22,512 bush. Quantity. Potatoes, Irish 30,986 bush. Rye 78 " Wheat 4,674 " Wool 691,650 lbs. Live-Stock. Number. Horses 1I >975 Mules and asses 671 Working oxen 7 X & Milch cows 3»73° Total value of live-stock on farms, June I, 1880 $5,007,107 Number. Other cattle 273,625 Sheep 140,225 Swine 567 MANUFACTURES.— Number of establishments, 57; capi- tal invested, $346,673; hands employed, 391; wages paid, $187,798; value of material, $601,214; value of products, $898,- 494- The principal manufactures are : Iron and steel $491,345 | AH other industries . ..$407,149 Total steam and water power in use, 755 horse-power. MINING.— Quantity : Value. Gold $17,321 Coal, bituminous 589,595 tons 1,080,451 Total of all mineral products $1,097,772 COMMERCIAL FACILITIES.— -Railroads in 1883, 315 miles of line ; miles operated, 293 ; cost, $8,700,000 ; total investment, $8,730,000. FINANCIAL CONDITION.— Assessed value of real and personal property (1881), $13,866,118. Territorial taxation (1882), rate 40 cents on $100, $55,465 ; county taxation, $136,- 000; city, town and village, $12,499. Territorial debt, none; county, city and town debt, $188,462. GOVERNMENT. — Capital, Cheyenne. Governor appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary, $2,600. The other Territorial officers are, a Secretary, term four years, salary, $1,800; Treasurer, two years, $1,000; Auditor, two years, $1,000; Superintendent of Public Instruction, two years, $400: Librarian, $400. RULING BY STATES. 429 The Legislature is composed of 12 Senators and 24 Repre- sentatives, all elected for two years. Salary of a Legislator $4 a day and twenty cents mileage. Legislature meets biennially on second Tuesday in January. Session limited to 60 days. Territorial elections held biennially on Tuesday after first Mon- day in November. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and two As- sociate Justices, appointed by the President and Senate for four years. Salary of each, $3,000. Representative in Congress, I Delegate. POLITICS.— Vote for Delegate : 1880 1882 Dem. Rep. Maj. 3.907 3J6o 147 D. 5,8i3 4,702 I, in D. RULING THROUGH PARTIES; OR, ADMINISTRATIONS AND CONGRESSES. | ARTIES IN GENERAL.— Party names do not always afford an index to party principles or professions. In this respect they are unfortunate. " Whig " was origi- nally a term of reproach, and "Democrat" and " Jacobin " were mere epithets previous to 1825. So far as the names give a cue to principles there ought to be no difference between the existing " Republican " and " Democratic " parties. In such names as " Federal," "Anti-Federal," " Native- American," etc., one is provided with a key to the principles pro- fessed. , Under our institutions issues are so transitory that parties are short-lived. Or if they retain their names a great while, they frequently cross their principles and change their professions. They are also often" the victims of a seemingly inevitable drift, by which they get very far away from the intent of their founders, and so lose sight of original principles as to leave nothing but the party name as a rallying cry. Some of our best and purest parties, in the beginning, have moved illogically along in wider and wider departure from their first intent, until they either ruined themselves or brought trouble to the country. In such instances party is lost in party ism, and blind adherence to a ban- ner is mistaken for intelligent devotion to principle. -USES OF PARTIES. — As embodiments of ignorance, preju- dice, passion, as a means of holding unthinking crowds, and wielding arbitrary, brutal power, parties are dangerous, even in a Republic. But as schools of thought, as orders representing (430) RULING THROUGH PARTIES. ' 431 some vital principle, as a means of giving emphatic expression to some popular and useful wish, they are proper and necessary. Candid study of our institutions must impress one with the fact that in general the existence of political parties has been timely, and their effect wholesome. Each has answered a purpose, which, even if not presently needful or apparently good, has nevertheless served as a check on its opponents or as a stimulus to higher notions of activity. However much party principles may have ebbed and flowed, however far toward fanaticism, sectionalism and intrigue, certain minds, and orders of mind, may have drifted, it cannot be said that the spirit of liberty has suffered, or that respect for our institutions has been undermined, but that, on the contrary, the former is keener and the latter broader and deeper. Yet it is always well to remember Wash- ington's words, " that from the natural tendency of governments of a popular character, it is certain there will always be enough of party spirit for salutary purposes. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume." PRIMITIVE PARTIES.— -The Colonial period developed no parties as we now know them. The Colonies were disjointed governments, therefore there could be no national party. But there was always a sentiment against the right claimed by Par- liament to legislate for them. This sentiment grew warmer after the English revolution of 1688, which greatly strengthened the hands of Parliament and emboldened its assumptions. But it did not really crystalize in the Colonies till after the treaty of 1763, by which Great Britain secured Canada and the Mississippi valley from France. Then it became a British policy to make the Colonies pay a part of the expenses of the war.* This policy brought that long list of burdens, such as customs dues, export taxes, excises, Tea Acts, Stamp Acts, etc., against which the * An excessive part of the expenses, for the English idea was that they should pay all they could be compelled to, inasmuch as the territory secured enured to their benefit. 432 ' BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Colonies unitedly remonstrated, not more because they were burdens, than because submission to them involved a surrender of the point that Parliament had no right to tax America with- out her consent. The respective Tory ministries in England favored Parliament. The Whigs (when out) favored the Colon- ists, or, at least, non-interference. Colonial thought, shaped on these lines, took these party expressions. As the Colonial Whigs grew warm in their opposition to Parliament, and the idea of union and independence advanced, " Whig " and a Tory " became as familiar in America as in England, and the sentiment repre- sented by each as bitter. The Whig, who was at first only an opponent of Parliamentary claims, got to be a Colonial unionist, without separation from the mother country, then a unionist, with separation. The Tory remained the fast friend of English sovereignty on our soil, in whatever shape the powers at home chose to present it. PARTIES OF THE REVOLUTION.— -From the above at- titude of parties one can readily see that after the fact of Inde- pendence (1776) the Tory party was without a mission. If a party at all, its sentiment was silenced amid arms. The Whig idea was uppermost and overwhelming. It meant vastly more than in the beginning. The Whigs were the revolutionary, armed party. They were the government, such as it was — the Congress first, and then the Confederation. The Tories were enemies, traitors if you please. Indeed, the term Whig began to mean so much that other words, comprehending more, came into use, as " Popular Party," " Party oi Independence," " Amer- ican Party," " Liberty Party," " Patriots," and so on. This was the party situation from 1774 to 1778, in the Continental Con- gress and in the Colonial Legislatures. PARTIES OF THE CONFEDERATION.— -The event of the Confederation was forced by the Whigs. Their party name followed. The Articles of Confederation were a decisive advance of the federal idea, but as a government they were infinitely weaker than the arbitrary, revolutionary Congress. We have already seen their sources of weakness, how they fell into dis- respect at home and abroad, why it became necessary to sub- RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 433 stitute for them " a more perfect union." The Whig party dominated the Confederation. Less than ever was there a Tory- party. Toryism invited confiscation, proscription, banishment. PARTIES OF THE CONSTITUTION— With the peace of 1783, the Tory cause perished outright. Therefore there was no longer any need for the term Whig. The prevalent thought was the national one — how to unite more firmly, and for peace as well as war ? This was Federalism — the permanent one out of the disjointed many idea. The weaknesses of the Confedera- tion forced this thought along like a torrent, ripened it until it became the Constitution of the United States. Strictly speak- ing, there were no more two parties from 1783 to 1787, than from 1774 to 1783. Whigism became Federalism, and Whigs Federalists, and the thought of " a more perfect union " was as paramount as the thought of Independence, Union under a Con- gress or the Articles, and the victory of the Revolution. But it was a time of peace, and Federalism was a widely varying theme. It took all sorts of shapes in conventions, village groups and around the hearthstone. When it brought the convention which framed the Constitution, it was variant there. Debate took very wide range. Antagonisms were pointed and bitter. And debates in the State Conventions over the question of rati- fication took still wider range. But in all these contentions the central thought was not lost sight of. Federalism, however col- ored or twisted, was still the aim. Starting away up among the few monarchy men of the convention, or of the States, and travelling down through the various orders of thought clear to the very few who repudiated union on any conditions, we find Federalism the regnant idea and crowning hope. All differences were as to. form, time, construction, etc., not as to fact or neces- sity. The party of Federalism, that is, the Federal party, became the party of a new and stronger government, of the Constitution, just as the Whig party had been the party of Independence and the Continental Congress. " The Republicans are the nation," said Jefferson in the flush of political triumph. The Federals were the nation. Their con- ciliations and compromises in convention secured a Constitution. 28 434 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Their concessions, surrenders and appeals secured its ratification, speedily here, tardily there, reservedly in many instances, fully in others. We therefore regard the common division of the parties of this time into Federal and Anti-Federal as not exact and somewhat misleading. There was no national Anti-Federal party,* certainly no national sentiment worthy the name of Anti- Federalism. The opposition to the Constitution which sprang up in the State ratifying conventions was not even unreservedly Anti-Federal. It was a strange, incalculable sentiment, born of fears, and visions, and hypotheses, and constructions, and was as much indulged by men like Patrick Henry and Samuel Adams who had all along been Federalists of the most pronounced type, as by those who thought the " secretly deliberating convention " could only hatch a scheme of monarchy. Nor was it a final sentiment, for many Anti-Federalists voted to ratify. It was not a coherent sentiment, for some opposed because the promised union would not be strong enough, some because it would be too strong, some because the States would suffer, some because a State government was at all times sufficient, and so on. Anti- Federalists were united in nothing save their opposition. When the work of ratification was completed and the government came to be started, Anti-Federalism was not heard of. In the presence of the fact of a Constitution it either agreed to suspend judg- ment while the new experiment was being tried or engaged to help the trial on. * All the members of the Convention signed the Constitution except Edmund Randolph and George Mason, of Virginia, and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, and they were believers in Federalism, i. e., the necessity for a stronger union, but they did not think the Constitution was the best means to secure it. On signing Franklin said : " I confess there are several parts of this Constitution I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them." And Hamilton, on moving that all the members sign the instrument, said : " No man's ideas were more remote from the plan than his own were known to be, but is it possible to deliberate between anarchy and convulsion on one side and the chance of good to be expected from the plan on the other? " In the letter which Washington sent out with the Constitution he says : " In all our deliberations we have kept steadily in view that which appears the greatest interest of every American — the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps national existence." RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 435 NEW GOVERNMENT PARTIES.— So general was the refusal of the Anti-Federals to adopt a definite line of action after the Constitution had been ratified by the necessary number of States (nine), and such was their acquiescence in the popular wish to see the new government fairly tried, that all animosities ceased, and all open opposition was hushed, while the nation bowed before the popularity of Washington, and unanimously chose him for its first President. This signal mark of confidence, and this supreme triumph of Federalism was to end most happily for the country. The passions of the hour would have time to cool. Though Washington was a recognized Federalist, he was not extreme, and all could depend en his judgment to start the machinery on the broadest and safest basis. Extremists and radicals of every type could afford to bide their time. And they did, harmlessly but not inactively. It was a period for new schools of thought, or rather for bringing to bear on the new order of things old thoughts in stronger and better formulated shape. Federalism, which was affirmative, and Federals who were responsible for the new government, naturally inclined to such a construction of the Constitution, where points were doubtful, as would throw the doubts in favor of the central authority. Anti-Federalism, which was negative, and Anti- Federals, even though they were supporters of the administra- tion, naturally inclined to such a construction, as would throw the doubts in favor of the States. Thus the operative, dominant Federalism of the day took the form of liberal or open con- struction of the Constitution, would interpret it as though it had a spirit as well as a letter, saw in a government under it an entity with powers and functions to be questioned only by the people at large. So the Anti-Federalism of the day took the form of a strict or close construction of the Constitution, would interpret it as though it were a simple, inelastic code, saw in a govern- ment under it nothing more than that aggregate of power and function which the sovereign States had parted with, and which they were at liberty to question, or if need be recall. While these two schools of thought did not immediately branch into organized and opposing parties, they furnished the ground- 436 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. work for nearly all subsequent and legitimate national party differences.* A few years of experiment with the new govern- ment brought up many questions which deeply engaged the respective schools and gradually led to the first organized antagonism to the Federal party, which became known as the Democratic-Republican party, or better as the Republican party. But of this in its place. WASHINGTON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. April 29, 1789 — March 3, 1793. George Washington, Va., President. John Adams, Mass., Vice-President. Seat of Government at New York and Philadelphia. Congresses. Sesssions. {1, April 6, 1789-September 29,1789, appointed session. 2, January 4, 1790-August 12, 1790. 3, December 6, 1790-March 3, 1791. SRroNn Concrfss / '» 0ctober 2 4> I79*-May 8, 1792. SECOND CONGRESS. j ^ Noyember ^ I7Q2 _ Marc h 2, 1 793. Washington was nominated by a Caucus of the Continental Congress. The State Legislatures chose electors for President and Vice-President on the first Wednesday of January, 1789^ These electors voted on the first Wednesday in February. * To the former or liberal school of construction belonged the Federal party, which may be called its founder. To the same school belonged the Whig party, which asserted that internal improvement at the national expanse was within the purview of the Constitution, as well as protective duties and a general banking system. And so of the modern Republican party which claims for the central government all power necessary for its preservation and advancement. To the lat- ter, or strict school of construction, belonged the old Republican party and its successor, the Democratic party. But all this is in general, for many times the re- spective parties have occupied common ground or crossed each other's tracks, only to back away again to their old places when motives of expediency ceased to oper- ate, and there was no rallying point short of the old differences. f The electors were chosen by the State Legislatures up till 1824. Under the Constitution as it stood up till 1804, they voted for two persons, the one having the highest number of votes to be President, the next highest to be Vice-President. But they could not both be from the same State. mini ■MM— MMMIM Illl IIHIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlllllllllllllllllllllllll IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIW l jflTJ cvrrrpi- ca. . lllllfllllllllllllllllHIIIllllllllllM PRESIDENTS FROM 1789 TO 1817. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 437 ELECTORAL VOTE. Basis George of Washing- John States. 30,000. Votes. Party. ton. Adams. New Hampshire ... 3 5 . 5 5 Massachusetts 8 10 * 10 10 Rhode Island I 3 g, . . . . Had not yet ratified ^3 the Constitution. Connecticut 5 7 « 7 5 New York 6 8 U .. .. Had not yet passed an * electoral law. New Jersey 4 6 J~ 6 1 Pennsylvania 8 IO © IO 8 Delaware I 3 g 3 Maryland 6 8 .2 6 . . Two vacancies. Virginia IO 12 "55 IO 5 " " North Carolina 5 7 a. .. .. Had not yet ratified o* the Constitution. South Carolina 5 7 o 7 Georgia _3_ _5_ 5 ^ Totals 65 91 . . 69 34* Though March 4, 1789, had been fixed as the time for start- ing the new government, it was not until April 6 that a quorum of Congress was present. Their first business was to count and publish the Electoral votes as above. The candidates, being duly notified of their election, went to the seat of government. Adams arrived first and took his place as presiding officer of the Senate. Washington was sworn into orifice by Chancellor Liv- ingstone on April 29, 1789. THE CABINET.^— Washington chose a Cabinet with due regard to the sentiment of the day. As to ability it was unques- tioned. * Of the votes cast fof other candidates, and usually recorded as scattering, John Jay received 9; R. H. Harrison, 6; John Rutledge, 6; John Hancock, 4; George Clinton, 3 ; Samuel Huntington, 2 ; John Milton, 2 ; Benjamin Lincoln, I ; James Armstrong, I ; Edward Telfair, I. f The choice of a Cabinet was not an immediate step, for Congress had not yet passed laws organizing the respective Departments. The State Department was organized by act of Sept. 15, 1789, and Jefferson's appointment dates from Sept. 26. The Treasury Department by act of Sept. 2, 1789, and Hamilton's appoint- ment dates from Sept. 11. The War Department by act of Aug. 7, 1789, and Knox's appointment dates from Sept. 12. The Attorney-General by act of Sept. 24, 1789, and Randolph's appointment dates from Sept. 26. The Navy Depart- ment was not separately organized till April 30, 1798, nor the Post-Ofhce Depart- ment till 1829. The latter was conducted till that time by the Treasury Depart- ment. 438 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, Va Moderate Anti-Federal. Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton, N. Y.. . .Federal. Secretary of War Henry Knox, Mass " Attorney-General Edmund Randolph, Va Anti-Federal. Chief Justice Supreme Court. John Jay, N. Y Federal. CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION— The House organ- ized by electing Frederick A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, Speaker. This election had no political significance. All were content to allow the work of organization to move on the plane of Federalism ; or rather there had been no comparison of ideas, and consequently no effort to organize opposition to Federal supremacy. The session lasted for nearly six months, or till Sept. 29, 1789. The work related to the preparation of machinery and starting the wheels of the new government. The number of measures necessary, and their novelty, invited able and pro- tracted discussions. In range and character they were not un- like those of the period preceding the adoption of the Constitu- tution, and they foreshadowed those permanent differences of interpretation which might readily, and properly too, afford a basis for party existence. AMENDMENTS.— So many States had ratified the Constitu- tion with the hope of early amendment, and two, Rhode Island and North Carolina, held so stubbornly off, that the Congress took early steps toward remedying the defects of the instrument. Twelve amendments were agreed upon (Sept. 25, 1789) and sub- mitted for ratification. Ten of these became a part of the Con- stitution, Dec. 15, 1791. They referred to freedom of religion, speech, person and property. Though intended to overcome the objections of the States and to make more secure the rights of the citizens, strange to say they invited bitter opposition from the extreme anti-Federal element, which regarded them as de- ceptive, and calculated to lure the States and people into false expectations of national unity and strength. COMMERCE AND TARIFF.— Bills for the regulation of Commerce and the adjustment of a Tariff were fully considered and passed. The Tariff act was generally acquiesced in, so far as it provided a means of raising revenue by indirect taxation. But when it was suggested that such an act could also, and RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 439 should, be made a means of protection, the strict constructionists decried it as unconstitutional. However, some of the extreme anti-Federals sought to make the measure discriminate against England, by favoring the products of other nations. A Tariff bill was finally passed July 4, 1789, against strong opposition. Though it imposed a very low rate of duty, it was nevertheless dignified in the preamble as an " act for the encouragement and protection of manufactures." Thus as to one of the objects of a Tariff, and in the character of opposition it met with, there were foreshadowed, at the very beginning of our government, the spirited and strictly party controversies over the same subject a generation afterwards, and for that matter, at the present day. The matter of adjusting the public debt was left in the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury for future action. This extra ses- sion adjourned Sept. 29, 1789. During the vacation, Nov. 21, 1789, North Carolina ratified the Constitution and entered the Union. FIRST CONGRESS— -First Regular Session.— Seat of gov- ernment at Philadelphia. Met Jan. 4, 1790. Hamilton's Report on the adjustment of the public debt furnished the leading sub- ject for deliberation. This great State paper, which involved the national credit at home and abroad, was presented January 9. The plan proposed was (1) for the national government to fund and pay the foreign debt of the Confederacy in full. (2) To likewise fund and pay the domestic debt of the Confederacy, at par. This debt was then floating about in the shape of nearly worthless promises. (3) That the government should assume and pay the unpaid debts of the respective States. To the first proposition there was no opposition. Against the second the extreme anti-Federals rallied, and they were reinforced by such as Madison, and many others, of Federal leaning. Their logic was that this debt was largely held by speculators, who had bought it for a song, and who would realize enormously if it were paid at par. Against this Hamilton urged that the only way to permanently raise the broken national credit was to pay all honest promises in full, and thus teach the first holders of them the folly of parting with a valuable security at a ruinous dis- 440 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. count. This second proposition finally carried. The third proposition was looked upon as a stretch of power on the part of the government. It was an assumption to do what the States only could and should do. The entire anti-Federal sentiment was united against it. Still it was carried by a close vote in the House (31 to 26). It was however reconsidered a short time afterwards, on the arrival of the seven anti-Federal representa- tives from North Carolina, and defeated. But it was finally car- ried by the vote of two anti-Federals, who agreed to favor it, in turn for Federal support of the measure to locate the National Capitol, after it had remained ten years in Philadelphia, on the Potomac. Though this bargain clouded somewhat'the brilliancy of Hamilton's success in getting his propositions through, they resulted in an instant rebound of the national credit, and the establishment of government finance on a substantial working basis. The Tariff act of the previous session was amended on Aug. 10, 1790, by increasing the previous rates of duty. The other measures of this Congress had no party significance. The body adjourned Aug. 12, 1790, after a session of over seven months. It had witnessed the coming of Rhode Island into the Union, by the ratification of the Constitution, May 29, 1790. FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1790, at Philadelphia. The leading subject was a financial agent for the government in the shape of a National Bank. Over this subject controversy was heated, and party lines came to be more clearly defined. The Federals in general, and all who inclined to a liberal or open construction of the Constitution, claimed that if Congress could pass laws for revenue and taxes, it could make those laws effective through such an agency as a bank. The anti-Federals, and all strict constructionists, denied the necessity, and therefore the constitutionality, of such an agent. The controversy thus begun has continued under one form and another, almost to the present day. The personal bitternesses and jealousies it then engendered were never healed, but were carried down to the people and soon became the basis of permanent party separation. Even the Cabinet was divided, and it was known that Jefferson stood ready, in that august body, to oppose Hamilton in all his financial plans. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 441 The bill to charter a National Bank passed, but so conservative was Washington that he would not sign it till he had secured the written opinions of his Cabinet officers. That of Hamilton, in favor of the constitutionality of the act, had greater weight than those of Jefferson and Randolph, against it, and the bill secured the President's signature. It chartered a National Bank for twenty years, i. e. f until 1811, when the Republican party refused to recharter it, only, however, to retrace their steps in 1816, when, under the influence of liberal construction notions, and the seemingly imperative needs of the hour, they instituted another National Bank which met its downfall in 1836.* The financial legislation of the session was supplemented by an Ex- cise law, which excited much opposition and became very un- popular. The first Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1791. Altogether it had been an able body, and had done its work with as little jar and as effectively as was possible for men who had no exact instructions from constituents and no elaborate political chart to steer by. The event of March 4 was the admis- sion of Vermont as a State. SECOND CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Oct. 24, 1 79 1, at Philadelphia. The country had passed successfully through the excitement of Congressional elections, and the position of the Federals had been maintained, though their membership in the new body was slightly reduced. This, how- ever, did not matter, for there were still many of the Anti- Federal, or strict construction, turn who supported the adminis- tration. The House organized by the election of Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut, as Speaker. THE EIRST REBELLION.— Opposition to the excise law of the previous Congress, which was fanned by the Anti-Federal element, culminated in the " Whiskey Rebellion," among the dis- tillers of Western Pennsylvania. The same element also was now opposing a National Militia Law. But the latter passed, and in * From that time on, all attempts to establish a National Bank failed, till in 1862 the exigencies of civil war resulted in a strictly national currency under the auspices of the Treasury Department, and a system of National Banks whose credit is based on that of the government. 442 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. time for the President to use it, so as to bring the armed dis- putants of the national authorities to terms. The victory was a moral and bloodless one, achieved through the show of an unsuspected vigor and resource on the part of the govern- ment. THIRD TARIFF ACT— On May 2, 1792, an amended tariff act was passed which raised the ad valorem rates of duty some 2)4 to 5 per cent. It incurred the opposition of the Anti- Federals, and called for a repetition of their former arguments. An apportionment bill, the first under the new Constitution, was also passed. It fixed the ratio of representation at 33,000, under the census of 1790, increased the membership of the House to 105, and the electoral vote to 1 35, there being fifteen States, counting Kentucky, which was admitted June I, 1792. Congress adjourned its first session, May 8, 1792. POLITICAL CONDITION.— The country was about to pass through the crisis of a Presidential election, the first under the new Constitution. The government had been started, and maintained thus far under a wholesome division of sentiment which has been popularly, but not exactly, described as Federal and Anti-Federal. It was more exactly that division which is better described as Liberal Interpreters and Strict Inter- preters of the Constitution; the former as they were antagonized, or as their principles demanded, drifting, perhaps unconsciously, toward larger powers and a fuller exercise thereof on the part of the national government ; the latter as they antagonized, or as their principles demanded, drifting, perhaps unconsciously, toward the doctrine which afterwards became known as State Sovereignty or State Rights. For the former, and because they were acting affirmatively, the term Federal must still apply. For the latter there is now no need, except conventionally, of retain- ing the term Anti-Federal. Indeed the first ten amendments to the Constitution, which were regarded as in the nature of a declarative Bill of Rights, so disarmed all opposition to the in- strument itself as to render the term Anti-Federal a misnomer. Jefferson felt that it was an empty term, and that if the varying, and often discordant, sentiments represented by it were ever to RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 443 be crystalized, some new and more comprehensive name must be adopted. The old name was a perpetual reminder of opposi- tion to the fact of government. As there was no longer any such opposition, but only questions as to how it should be managed and with what powers it should be endowed by the creative in- strument, the new name must, in no degree, be a reminder of the old political status, but must, on the contrary, be both an appeal to popular affection and comprehensive enough to embrace every form of antagonism to the party which was still to be called Federal. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.— The situation gave birth to the new party name. Feeling was intense on all sides in favor of the French Revolutionists. Jefferson, who was fresh from the scenes, taught that it was the direct outcrop of our own Revolution, and none chose to gainsay it. But as the Republi- cans of France drifted toward wild, ungovernable liberty, and evinced more and more a fierce leveling and communistic spirit, the Federals checked their ardor and grew cold. In that pro- portion the Anti-Federals grew warm. Their admiration took even the fantastic shape of dress and manner imitation. Here were differences mental and visual. To crown them with the term Republican was something, but not quite original. To group all feeling of opposition to the Federals under the term Democratic-Republican would prove original and striking. That, therefore, became the new party name. But the Federals heaped contempt on the Democrats, classed them as Jacobins, and altogether daunted them in the use of their compound title. So the first part was gradually dropped, and the new party passed into active politics as the Republican party; which was all curious enough, seeing that at this very juncture its tendency was rather toward a Democracy than toward a strong central Republic. Nor were the Republicans less abusive of the Federals. These latter were roundly denounced as fellows with a leaning toward monarchy, and full of all aristocratic notions. It is very likely that the sentiment among the masses was an exaggeration of that existing in the councils of the nation, though even there the President spoke grievously of the antagonisms, 444 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. and complained that the old spirit of compromise had turned into one of unjust suspicion and personal antipathy. ELECTION OF 1792. — Fortunately for the country party spirit was not yet deep enough, or bold enough, to affect the Presidency. The one Republican who could have made a re- spectable showing in the Presidential race was Jefferson, and both he and Washington were from the same State. Therefore, both could not be voted for, without the loss of the vote of that State. Besides many staunch Republicans had joined with the Federals to request Washington to serve a second term, a course he had not intended to pursue, till persuaded that the country demanded it. This left only the Vice-Presidency open to party contention, and for this office the Federals supported John Adams, Mass., and the Republicans George Clinton of New York. The election took place Nov. 6, 1792, and resulted in the success of the Federal ticket. SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 5, 1792, at Philadelphia. Revenue questions occupied most of the time of the session, and the Federals had comparatively easy suc- cesses, the Republicans not being a unit in their opposition. But they figured conspicuously for political position, and made a direct but unsuccessful attempt to censure Hamilton's manage- ment of the Treasury Department. The count of the electoral vote* was made in February, 1793, and Washington was de- clared elected President, and John Adams Vice-President. They were sworn into office on March 4, 1793, Congress having adjourned March 2. II. WASHINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1793 — March 3d, 1797. George Washington, Va., President. John Adams, Mass., Vice-President. Seat of Government at Philadelphia. * For full electoral returns see always the succeeding administration. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 445 Congresses. Sessions. Third Congress. { h December *. i793-J»ne 9, 1794- ( 2, November 3, 1794-March 3, 1795. Fourth Congress. { "• December 7, ;795~June 1 1796 ( 2, December 6, 1796-March 3,1797. ELECTORAL VOTE* Federal. , , 1 , Republican. States. Basis of Geo. Wash- J. Adams, Geo. Clinton, 33,000. Votes. ington, Va. Mass. N. Y. New Hampshire 4 6 6 6 Massachusetts 14 16 16 16 Rhode Island 2 4 4 4 Connecticut 7 9 9 9 New York 10 12 12 .. 12 New Jersey 5 7 7 7 Pennsylvania 13 15 15 14 I Delaware 1 3 3 3 Maryland 8 10 8 8 . . Two vacancies. Virginia 19 21 21 .. 21 North Carolina. . . . 10 12 12 . . 12 South Carolina 687 6 Scattered. One vacancy. Georgia 2 4 4 .. 4 Vermont 2 4 4 4 Kentucky ^2 _4 4 . . Scattered. Totals T05 I35 732 "77 ~50 THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.— Washington, in pursu- ance of his conciliatory policy, made no immediate changes in his cabinet. He had, however, active and delicate work on hand. France had (April, 1793) declared war against Great Britain and Holland. The Republicans gave reins to their sympathy for their French namesakes, and claimed that the treaty of 1778, which bound France and the United States to an alliance offen- sive and defensive, was still in existence and ought to be re- spected. It looked as if war with Great Britain were certain, with the United States as an ally of France. Notwithstanding the unpopularity of the act, Washington decided that the treaty was null, and issued a decree of neutrality f between the con- tending parties. This step brought upon his administration, and on himself personally, the bitterest assaults of the Republicans. He was denounced as an enemy of Republican France, as a vio- * Of the votes indicated as " scattered," four were cast for Thomas Jefferson and one for Aaron Burr. f This was the beginning of a foreign policy from which there have been few departures since. 446 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. later of sacred faith, as a usurper of the powers of Congress. To further complicate and intensify matters, citizen Genet arrived as Minister to the United States, April 8, 1793. Deceived by the warmth of his reception at Charleston, S. C, he foolishly went about the business of raising money, recruiting men and commissioning cruisers for the French cause. Jefferson ordered him to desist, but removing to Philadelphia and encouraged by the Republican clubs of that city, which organizations carried their sympathy into wild excess, he continued to act as if on French soil. The French Consul at Boston rescued a libeled vessel from the United States Marshal. An American privateer sailed from Philadelphia under French colors, against the orders of the government. Military organizations were being formed in Georgia against the Spanish American possessions. Genet was so inflated with his Republican support that he privately an- nounced his intention of appealing to the people for a general uprising in behalf of France.* Timely exposure of this inten- tion speedily alienated even his warmest friends, and his meteoric career was ended by his recall. THIRD CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1793, at Philadelphia, and organized by electing F. A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, Speaker. He was a Republican, but it was only when party lines were closely drawn, which was possible on but a very few questions, that a small Republican majority could be counted on. The President's action respecting American neu- trality and the Genet affair was coldly approved, but Republican sentiment took another turn. If it could not directly favor France, it could at least antagonize England. It therefore very justly called England to account for not carrying out the treaty of 1783, by which she was to give up her Lake military posts on American soil. The Indian wars of the Northwest were attri- buted to British intrigue. So were the Algerine piracies. All in all, it looked as if the country were about to be plunged into war with England, for the Republican course proved to be very * This announcement was made public by Chief Justice Jay and Senator King, who published it over their signatures in a New York newspaper. Its truth was vehemently denied by the Republicans. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 447 popular. England began to judge the country by it, and to act as though the United States were already a secret, and soon to become an open, ally of France. She ordered her ships of war to stop all vessels laden with French supplies and to turn them into British ports (June 8, 1793). She began her system of im- pressing American seamen suspected of being Englishmen. She aimed a further blow at American commerce by actually seizing ships carrying French supplies and instituting trials against them in English courts. She justified her holding the Lake forts on the ground that our government had refused to pay certain debts due British subjects. Thus the Republican sympathy for France had brought ruinous commercial retaliation. Jefferson, in an official report of December 16, 1793, wisely called a halt by proposing an effort at amicable adjustment of the difficulties be- fore proceeding to counter retaliation. The Federals, especially those of the cabinet, were anxious for the first part of this propo- sition, but the Republicans, especially the extreme ones, were implacable, and Madison (January 4, 1794) introduced resolu- tions imposing prohibitory duties on English goods. This measure invited long debate and served to straighten Repub- lican lines, but it failed of passage. Jefferson retired from the cabinet in December, 1793, and was succeeded by Edmund Ran- dolph, of Virginia, as Secretary of State, January 2, 1794. The former premier retired to his Virginia plantation, and amid his political writings and plans for the further development- of the new Republican party, of which he was the acknowledged founder, he escaped responsibility for the mistakes due to the enthusiasm of his political friends in the Congress. WASHINGTON ACTS.— In accordance with the peaceful policy outlined in Jefferson's report, Washington nominated (April 16, 1794) Chief Justice Jay as Envoy Extraordinary to England, with a view to a treaty. The Federal Senate confirmed the nomination. In order to balk the mission the House Re- publicans moved to prohibit trade with England. This the Senate rejected, and Jay started on his mission, arriving in Eng- land in June, 1794. FURTHER PARTY CONTESTS.— The Federals fought all 448 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. through the session for their policy of neutrality between France and England, the Republicans for intervention of some kind or in some way, and the ardor of the latter often drew them into inconsistencies. Thus while they invited war with England by measures to prohibit commercial intercourse with her, they at the same time opposed the Federals in their attempts to found a navy, the most effective weapon with which to carry on such war. And so when the Federals sought to escape the odium of Excise taxation by a system of indirect taxes, and a thereby increased revenue, the Republicans voted for direct taxes. Another unsuccessful attempt was made by the Republicans to censure, by resolution, Hamilton's management of the Treasury. They likewise bitterly but ineffectually opposed the Federal bill designed to approve of Washington's admonitions against " self- created political societies,"* and to prevent a recurrence of Genet's attempts to engage a people in warlike enterprises without the consent of their government. This attitude was the more re- markable because the French government had already disavowed Genet's conduct, and sent Fanchet as minister in his stead. But it was a formative period for the Republicans. Much must be excused to their enthusiasm, to their lack of definite policy, to the newness, oddness and swiftness of the situations they were called upon to confront. Neither party had yet had very profi- cient schooling in diplomacy. The Federals had all the advan- tage of a purpose. They could hew to a line, however roughly. The Republicans had to agitate and deny, work a negative situa- tion for all it was worth, and at the disadvantage of youth and inexperience. As yet they had invented no distinctive affirma- tive American measure on which they could consistently unite, or risk their future success. XITH AMENDMENT.— Could a citizen of the United States sue a State ? The Supreme Court had decided that a State was suable like any other corporation, and that too by a citizen of another State. This was a terrible blow to the members of the * The allusion was to the various secret associations formed for working up an American-French sentiment, and popularizing, if not justifying, such conduct as Genet had been guilty of. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 449 strict construction school. The Republicans therefore proposed the XI. Amendment, which limited the judicial power of the United States, and exempted a State from suit in the Federal courts, instituted by a citizen of another State, or by a foreign citizen. The wisdom of this amendment was not much mooted at the time, but the advantage taken of it by States which have felt inclined to repudiate their debts has shaken public faith in its justice. It was proposed March 5, 1794, and declared in force Jan. 8, 1798, having been ratified by the necessary number of States. TARIFF ACT — The Fourth. — The Federals succeeded in amending the Tariff Act of 1792, by increasing the ad valorem rates of duty, June 7, 1794. The imperative need of revenue, the quiet and general distribution of taxation in this form, and the sure and easy manner of collection,- reconciled many of the Republicans to it, so long as it was unmixed with the affirmative doctrine of protection. Congress adjourned June 9, 1794. THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 3, 1794, at Philadelphia. The session opened by warm debate on Hamil- ton's plan of Internal Taxation. These debates continued at intervals throughout the session, and resulted in the passage of the measure, the Republicans not being able to keep their opposi- tion solid. Hamilton resigned from the Cabinet in January, 1795, and was succeeded (Feb, 2) by Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut. Congress adjourned sine die March 3, 1795. EXCITING INTERVAL.— Minister Jay had succeeded in a treaty with England by November, 1794. It reached America March 7, 1795. The Senate was called to consider it, June 8, 1795. It was ratified by a two-third majority, and while await- ing the President's signature its contents (June 29) were pre- maturely divulged by one of the Senators. Its appearance was the signal for a Republican attack on the administration, and on all concerned in its negotiation and ratification, which for the directness and bitterness of its personalism has probably never been surpassed. Meetings were called in the cities to denounce it, and to present appeals to the President not to sign it. It was 29 450 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. denounced as not covering any of the causes of grievance. It left England at liberty to impress American seamen, to interfere with our commerce, to shut off our West India trade, and so on. The President signed it. This turned denunciation of the treaty into abuse of his administration and himself. He was charged with usurpation, with indifference to American prisoners in Algiers, with embezzlement of public funds, with official incapacity then and during the Revolution, with hostility to his country's interests, and even with treason. Malignity took the form of threats to impeach, and even to assassinate him. On Republican lips he was no longer " the Father," but " the Step- father of his Country." " He would rather be in his grave than in the Presidency," was his sad comment on these thoughtless and vulgar drives at his private character. The treaty itself came to his vindication. England speedily removed her Lake forts from American soil. In less than a year American com- merce took a rebound. Jay's much denounced treaty passed into political history with the approval of its bitterest opponents. FOURTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met December 7, 1795, at Philadelphia. Senate contained a Federal majority: House a Republican, though not united, majority. Jonathan Dayton, Federal, of New Jersey, was elected Speaker. The President's message was approved by the Senate, by a vote of 14 to 8. The Republicans of the House refused to agree to a resolution which contained an expression of " confidence in the President and approval of his course." A CONFLICT.— The President sent to Congress, March 1, 1796, his proclamation that the Jay treaty had been duly ratified and was law. Mr. Livingstone, of New York, against the ad- vice of the more liberal members of his party, moved that the President be requested to send to the House a copy of the treaty and all the papers connected with it. After an acrimonious de- bate the resolution passed by a vote of 57 Republicans to 35 Federals. Washington refused to comply, saying that the House was not a part of the treaty-making power.* This * This answer of Washington involved the principle which has ever since been accepted as the correct one regarding treaties. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 451 stirred the animosity of the Republicans still deeper. Word was passed to the country that a u British party " existed, and that the administration had been corrupted with British gold. Indignation meetings were again called. The House resolved that it had a right to the papers because it was a judge of the necessity of a treaty wherever an expenditure of public money was involved. The Federals, under the lead of Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts, rallied to the support of a counter resolution, declaring that provision should be made for carrying out the treaty. This was distracting to the Republicans, and they fought- it, at first very desperately, through the month of April (to April 29th). In the meantime the country was responding, but not in a way the Republicans had hoped for. The people were tired of the agitation and did not want the treaty set aside. A Presidential election was coming on. It might not be prudent to push a doubtful question further at such a time. The Repub- lican majority weakened, fell into a deliberative mood, and finally helped to pass the Ames resolution by a vote of 51 to 48. Questions of revenue occupied the rest of the session. One of them related to a further increase of Tariff rates, on which political lines were closely drawn, and the Federals, who fa- vored the increase, were beaten. Tennessee became a State of the Union June I, 1796, and on that day the Congress ad- journed. FAREWELL ADDRESS.— On September 17, 1796, Wash- ington gave to the American people his farewell address. He had been solicited by men of both political parties to become for the third time a candidate for the Presidency, and had been assured of the support of the people. But his determination to retire to private life could not be altered. His address, care- fully drawn and solemnly worded, was his vindication against attack, which was to stand for all time, and his appeal to his countrymen to be true to the government, to beware of foreign influences, to avoid party strife, and to cultivate religion, educa- tion, and patriotic devotion to their institutions. It was a full reflex of the man, conservative, yet firm ; solemn, yet hopeful ; 452 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. plain, yet elegant; great, yet unselfish.* It was received every- where with approbation, and ranks to-day as a political classic, well worth study by every young man. ELECTION OF 1796. — The mission of Washington had been to hold sentiment together, or see that every conspicuous shade was represented, till the experimental period of the new government had passed. It had now passed, and his retirement left the field open to the square contention of parties. By mu- tual understanding, rather than by Congressional caucus nomina- tion, the candidates of the Federals became John Adams, of Massachusetts, and Thomas Pinckney, of Maryland, and those of the Republicans Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, and Aaron Burr, of New York. There was no platform announcement of party principles, but the Federals claimed to represent Washington's policy of peace, neutrality, finance, progress, safety, and the right as founders of the government to place its existence beyond hazard before being called upon to part with their high trust. The Republicans claimed to be the advocates of economy, enlarged liberty, the rights of man, the rights of the States, and they did not hesitate to charge the Federals with every real and conceivable sin of commission and omission, among them an inclination toward an English policy and form of government. Though this latter was in manifest forgetfulness of their own well-known favoritism for France, the country was reminded of it by a presumptuous paper issued by the French Minister, called an "Address to the American People," and designed to influence the Presidential contest, in which the hint was thrown out that France would have to withhold intercourse with the United States if. the Republicans were unsuccessful. * One characteristic of the address is its delicate undertone of vindication and complaint. The former was designed and exquisitely incorporated. The latter seems foreign to a man of Washington's iron will. But he was withal very sensi- tive, and it must have been well-nigh impossible for even one of his high, unbend- ing character, and though the paper were studied and stately to the last degree, to avoid all shadow of complaint. He had previously spoken of the attacks on him as aggravatingly malicious and personal, and made "in terms so exaggerated and indecent as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even a common pickpocket." RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 453 The Presidential election was held in November, 1796, the electors being chosen by the Legislatures of the several States, a practice which continued till 1824, and in some States till a later period. FOURTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— The Congress met December 5, 1796. It was a comparatively quiet session, and void of party interest. In February the count of the elec- toral votes was made, and the result showed a glaring defect in the method of choosing the President. Adams received 71 votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, and Burr 30. Thus there was a Fed- eral President and a Republican Vice-President, with all the con- fusion incident to a change of administration in mid-term, in case of the death or disability of the former, and all the danger to be apprehended from a like change if partisanship or corrup- tion should accomplish his impeachment or removal. The ex- perience furnished by the next Presidential election brought a much needed amendment of the method of voting. An amended Tariff act was passed March 3, which.made a slight increase in the duty on manufactures of cotton. Congress adjourned sine die March 3, 1797, and on March 4 Adams and Jefferson were sworn into office. III. ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1797 — March 3, 1801. John Adams, Mass., President. Thomas Jefferson, Va., Vice- President. Seat of Government at Philadelphia. Congresses. Sessions. {1, May 15, 1797-July 10, 1797, extra session. 2, November 13, 1797-July 16, 1798. 3, December 3, 1798-March 3, 1799. Sixth Congress. I *' D T eceml ? er 2 > 1799-May 14, 1800. ( 2, November 17, 1800-March 3, 1801. ELECTORAL VOTE. Federals. Republicans. Basis of J. Adams, Thos. Pinck- Thos. Jeffer- A. Burr, Scat- States. 33»°°o- Votes. Mass. ney, Md. son, Va. N. Y. tering. New Hampshire. .. . 4 6 6 .. .. .. 6 Massachusetts 14 16 16 13 .. .. 3 Rhode Island 2 4 4 .. .. .. 4 454 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Electoral Vote — Continued. Federals. Republicans. Basis of J. Adams. Thos. Pinck- Thos. Jeffer- A. Burr, Scat- States. 33,°°o- Votes. Mass. ney, Md. son, Va. N. Y. tering. Connecticut 7 9 9 4 .. .. e New York 10 12 12 12 New Jersey 5 7 7 7 Pennsylvania 13 15 I 2 14 13 . . Delaware I 3 3 3 Maryland 8 IO 7 4 4 32 Virginia 19 21 I I 20 I 19 North Carolina 10 12 I 1 n 65 South Carolina 6 8 .. 8 8 Georgia 2 4 .. .. 4 .. 4 Vermont 2 4 4 4 Kentucky 2 4 .. .. 4 4 Tennessee I 3 .. .. 3 3 Totals .k>6 138 7? 59 68 30 48* THE CABINET. Secretary of State Timothy Pickering, Pa Continued. Secretary of Treasury. ..Oliver Wolcott, Conn " Secretary of "War James McHenry, Md " Secretary of Navy To Department of War till 1798. Attorney-General Charles Lee, Va " Postmaster-General Joseph Habersham, Ga With Treas. Depart, till 1829. Continued. THE INAUGURAL.— President Adams in his inaugural broadly affirmed the policy of the Washington administrations, and made a calm and studied denial of the oft-repeated charges that the Federal party was influenced by English patronage or any love for England. It did not serve to mellow the bitterness of the Republicans. On the contrary, they seemed to share the bad feeling now openly manifested by the French Republic on account of Republican defeat in America. ARMED NEUTRALITY.— Adams found his administration between an upper and nether millstone of excitement. He must act and that promptly. Steps were taken toward preserving the neutrality established by the previous administrations, peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. A navy was improvised. Monroe, an ardent Republican and Minister to France, was re- called, and C. C. Pinckney sent in his stead. The French * Of those marked as scattering Samuel Adams received 15; Oliver Ellsworth, 11 ; George Clinton, 7 ; John Jay, 5 ; James Iredell, 3; George Washington, 2 ; John Henry, 2; S. Johnson, 2; and Charles C. Pinckney, I. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 455 Directory parted with Monroe, expressing admiration for the American people, and contempt for the American government. They at the same time ordered Pinckney to quit their country, and declared they would receive no more American ministers till their grievances, prominent among which was the Jay treaty, were redressed. FIFTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— On hearing of the French attitude, the President called the Fifth Congress into Extra Session, May 15, 1797. It organized by electing Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, Speaker. He was a Federal, and that party had a majority in both branches. The President developed his foreign policy in an address. It meant neutrality, even at the expense of war with offenders. But three envoys were proposed, to go to France and exhaust all reasonable efforts for peace. These were approved by both Houses, and they departed on their mission. Congress adjourned July 10, 1797. AN EMPTY MISSION— While the envoys were absent the respective parties kept their feelings ablaze by the old charges of English and French influence and favoritism. " The country contained few Americans, but very many English and French," was remarked of the situation by a foreign observer. The envoys, after a fruitless effort at peace, submission to conduct they regarded as humiliating, and refusal on their part to listen to a request' for a loan to the French Republic as a preliminary to negotiations, came back to report their failure, and meet the ridicule of the Republicans. A CONDITION OF WAR.~- While the envoys— the X. Y. Z. mission* as they were called — had been treated hardly by the French, and no better by their opponents at home, the country was forced to confront the solemn fact that France was making not only secret attack upon its commerce, under cover of law, but open attack as well, which nothing but a state of war would excuse. Any vessel carrying American shipping papers was deemed fit subject for seizure and confiscation. * Agents of the French Directory over the initials X. Y. Z. had intimated to the envoys the possibility of their success, provided they could offer some substantial money inducement. 456 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. FIFTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met at Phila- delphia, Nov. 13, 1797. The juncture was critical. The Re- publicans were so pronouncedly in favor of France, and were so strong, that it looked as if a policy of " Armed Neutrality " would at any moment go to the wall. Early in 1798 they were able, in the House, to vote down a proposition to arm American vessels. But the Senate, April 8, made public the attempted negotiations of the envoys to France. They sur- prised both parties. The Federals became furious at the insult heaped on their accredited agents and at the double-dealing, not to say corrupt overtures, of the French Directory. The Re- publicans stood aghast at the revelation. They could not brook conduct so flagrant, much as their sympathies had been enlisted in behalf of their struggling brethren of France. The more patriotic and shrewder-minded turned in with the Federals. A respectable minority found silence golden. American self- respect and American danger impelled to a common political sentiment, and that sentiment found popular outburst in the cry of " millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute." ALIEN AND SEDITION LA WS.— Congress co-operated with the administration in placing the government on a war footing. The navy was strengthened, and orders were issued to seize French vessels operating against American commerce. Letters of marque and reprisal were authorized. Treaties with France were declared abrogated. A temporary army was ordered, to be commanded by Washington as Lieutenant- General. Thus far all was popular and unquestioned. But France was to be fought not only on the ocean and on the field. It was felt that she was stronger in the country through her secret emissaries than in any other spot. Hence, the Alien Law, passed June 25, 1798, giving the President power to order aliens, whom he should adjudge dangerous, out of the country, and providing for the fine and imprisonment of those who refused to go. This was followed by the Sedition Law of July 14, to re- main in force till March 3, 1801. It imposed fine and imprison- ment on conspirators to resist government measures, and on libellers and scandalizers of the government, Congress or Presi- dent. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 457 NATURALIZATION LAW.— -This law required an alien to reside fourteen years in the United States before he could be naturalized. The Federals favored it on general principles of safety to the country, and because they felt that they could not hope for accessions to their party from any foreign element then likely to become immigrant. The Republicans fought for a five- year probation, on the ground that America was properly an asylum for all nations, that a longer term would cause too many of the inhabitants to owe no allegiance, and because they knew, with the Federals, that immigrants would naturally augment their political ranks. The Congress adjourned July 1 6, 1798. STORMY INTER VAL.— War action had been set into feverish reaction by the Alien and Sedition Laws., which the Republicans regarded as a violent stretch of constitutional authority, and as arming the government with altogether too much power, even for war times. Not choosing to distinguish between themselves and those at whom the laws were aimed, they claimed that they were a menace to all Republicans, that they abridged liberty of speech and the press, that they were unconstitutional out and out. They had the best of the argument before the country, for the Federals could only justify them by the necessities of the hour. Constitutional construction was then in its infancy, and any new step was likely to excite jealousy and alarm. As a matter of policy, they were a step beyond what the Federals need have taken. They had, without them, a patriotic and permanent standpoint, and they had for it a strong Republican support, especially among the people, caused by the action of the French Directory. Their execution gave greater offence than their enactment. Having gone too far to retract, the administration insisted on carrying them out, even though France had come forward to deny any knowledge of bribery and corruption on the part of her agents, and had expressed a desire for peace. Thus they became a torment to the Federals, present and recurring. Aware of their keenness as a political weapon the Republicans drove it home on every occasion. CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS.— -Though the enforce- 458 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. meat of the Alien and Sedition Laws was a source of weakness to the Federals, the Republicans soon felt they could not hope by their opposition to them to carry the fall (1798) Congressional elections. They therefore turned their attention to the State Legislatures, feeling that there their opposition could be made effective in the next Presidential election. Effort took the shape of denunciatory resolutions (really proclamations) passed by the Legislatures of two States. They are noteworthy as being the first formal declaration of strict construction views of the day, and are worthy of study as containing the doctrine on which all subsequent strict constructionists have relied for their advocacy of State sovereignty, nullification and secession. RESOLUTIONS OF 1798.— The Kentucky resolutions were drawn by Jefferson, the Virginia resolutions by Madison. Both were adopted by the respective State Legislatures. The Vir- ginia resolutions declared the Constitution to be a compact made by the States and to form which the States had agreed to sur- render only a part of their own powers. The Federal govern- ment could not exceed the authority delegated to it by the States. If it did the States had a right to stop it, and to main- tain the powers they had reserved to themselves. The Alien and Sedition Laws were usurpations of powers not granted to the Federal government, for the Constitution forbade any abridg- ment of liberty of speech or the press. The State of Virginia declared them unconstitutional, and appealed to the^ other States to join her. The governor was ordered to lay the resolutions before the other State Legislatures. They were repeated in 1799. The Kentucky resolutions repeated those of Virginia in sub- stance, and added that the Federal compact was as if a contract between two parties, the States being one, and the Federal gov- ernment the other; and that each party was to be the judge of any breach of the agreement, as well as of the manner of redress. These were also repeated in 1799, but with the wonderfully bold amendment, designed to draw the line between party opposition and criminal or treasonable opposition to the government, that the rightful remedy on the part of a State was " nullification of RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 459 all unauthorized acts (by the Federal government) done under color of that instrument (the Constitution)." It ought to be observed, in justice to Jefferson, ever diplomatic, if very ardent in his Republicanism, and who, at this time a prospective candi- date for the Presidency, would not willingly have jeopardized his chances, however anxious he might have been to force home on the Federals their mistake, in passing the Alien and Sedition Laws, that the final position taken in the Kentucky resolutions was far more ultra than his own, and that it was not regarded as good strict construction doctrine, till other causes, times and men,* conspired to give it sanction and render it operative. FIFTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met at Philadelphia, Dec. 3, 1798. Irregular ocean warfare was still going on be- tween American and French privateers. There was scarcely any opposition to an increase of the navy, but the Republicans antagonized every measure for an increase of the army, alleging that none was needed and that the matter was only an ingenious Federal scheme, gotten up for the sake of providing places for their party leaders. The President, who had hitherto been firm, but who began to feel that his firmness was really a source of weakness so far as his aspirations to succeed himself in office were concerned, departed from his determination not to negotiate further with France, and, without consulting his Cabinet, sent three other envoys to treat for peace. This action led to a divi- sion in the Cabinet, and the protesting members met with the approval of the Federal party at large. The effort of the Presi- dent to recover lost ground with the Republicans lost him more ground within his own party. Congress adjourned sine die March 3, 1799. SIXTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met at Philadelphia, Dec. 2, 1799. Theodore Sedgwick of Massachusetts was chosen Speaker. He was a Federal, and the Federals had a good work- ing majority in both Houses. They represented the war feeling of the country, and had been chosen before sentiment began to revolt against the enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Laws, at least before such revolting sentiment could be made effective * Notably 1832, Calhoun's time; and i860, the era of open secession. 460 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. in the Congressional districts. It was the policy of the Repub- licans to avoid all party contests. Drawing their inspiration from Jefferson, they kept quiet, conscious that the ferment of opposition already active in the body politic would work favor- ably to them, and by no means displeased witnesses of the estrangement, gradually growing wider, between the President, and such prominent Federal leaders as Hamilton and others. The Federals in Congressional caucus nominated as their candi- dates for the Presidency John Adams, of Mass., and C. C. Pinckney, of S. C. The Republicans, in a Congressional Con- vention* at Philadelphia, nominated Thomas Jefferson, Va., and Aaron Burr, N. Y. Congress adjourned May 14, i8oo.t ELECTION OF 1800.— Though the Legislatures of the States did not meet to choose Presidential electors till Novem- ber, the fact that those bodies chose them made the Presidential result turn on their political complexion. The Presidential elec- tion was therefore in reality scattered over a great part of the year previous to November. Adams was unfortunate in not having the undivided support of his party. The State election * This term " Congressional Convention " implies what we would now under- stand to be a Congressional Caucus. It was full, formal and called, and therein differed from those informal caucuses of members which had bespoke former nom- inations. The first political platform, and the only one till the Clintonian address or platform of 1 812, was that of this Republican Congressional Convention of 1800 which nominated Jefferson. It announced (1) " Preservation of the Constitution in the sense in which it was adopted by the States; " (2) " Opposition to monarchizing its features;" (3) "Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded to the Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its constitutional share in division of powers;" (4) "A rigorously frugal administration of the government;" (5) "Re- liance for internal defence solely on the militia, until actual invasion, and for such naval force only as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors ; " (6) " Free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplo- matic establishment;" (7) "No linking ourselves with the quarrels of Europe; " (8) "Freedom of religion;" (9) "Freedom of speech and the press;" (10) " Liberal naturalization laws; " (11) " Encouragement of science and art." f On May 13, 1800, the sixth amended Tariff act was passed, raising the duty on sugar one-half cent per pound, and on silk 2^ per cent. The rates on the leading articles now ranged as follows : Sugar, 2)^ cents per pound ; coffee, 5 cents per pound ; tea, 18 cents per pound; salt, 20 cents per bushel; pig iron, 15 per cent.; bar iron, 15 per cent.; glass, 20 per cent.; cotton goods, 15 per cent.; woollens, \2]/ 2 to 15 per cent.; silk, 2J^ per cent. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 461 in New York, April 28, resulted in a Republican Legislature. This result, due more to Hamilton's estrangement than to either Jefferson's or Burr's popularity, was a bad omen for the Federals. Adams was so piqued that he dismissed Hamilton's friends from the cabinet, and they went forth branded as British factionists. The Republicans had been making their ground solid in the States by such means as the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions for two years. But despite their seeming advantage of harmony and popular hue and cry, the returns in November were doubt- ful till South Carolina was heard from. Her vote settled the election in favor of the Republicans. SIXTH CONGRESS- -Second Session.— Met at Washing- ton, Nov. 17, 1800.* This short session had a problem on hand which loomed up in the Fourth Congress, and which in certain shapes has returned periodically to plague Congress and the people. The electors had voted under the then existing consti- tutional provision, each for two candidates not of the same State. In February, 1 801, when Congress came to count the returns, it was found that Jefferson and Burr each had 73 votes, Adams 65 and Pinckney 64. There was therefore no choice, for no one candidate had the highest vote. CONTESTED ELECTION— The election passed to the House, where a protracted struggle resulted, and one full of bit- terness and danger. The Federal element had to choose between two Republicans, one of whom, Jefferson, the Republicans were bent on making the President, the other, Burr, the Vice-Presi- dent. Some of the Federals preferred to reverse this,, not only to balk the Republican plan, but because they regarded Jefferson as a more formidable opponent than Burr. Burr himself fell, of course, to this idea, and fostered it by all the arts of which he was the well-known master. Balloting began Feb. 1 1, and, after running for several days, the Federals proposed to confess their inability to elect by vote of the States. Against this the Repub- licans threatened armed resistance. After other days were con- * The Capitol building was ready in June, 1 800, and the ten years during which the seat of government was to remain at Philadelphia having expired, it was form- ally removed to Washington at this session of Congress. 462 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sumed in idle balloting, the Federals were charged with a wish to put off the election till after the 4th of March and thus to make John Jay, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the tempo- rary President. The result proved that this charge had no foundation. Burr finally lost caste in his attempts to dicker with the Federals, and Jefferson won on the 36th ballot, Feb. 17, by securing ten States, leaving four for Burr and two blank. This contention so clearly proved the defects and dangers of the plan of electoral voting that the Twelfth Amendment was proposed to the Constitution, Dec. 12, 1803, and declared in force Sept. 25, 1804. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1801. Jeffer- son was sworn in as President and Burr as Vice-President, March 4. IV. JEFFERSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1801 — March 3, 1805. Thomas Jefferson, Va., President. Aaron Burr, N. Y., Vice- President. Seat of Government at Washington. Congresses. Sessions. Seventh Congress. / \ December 7, '801-May 3, 1802. ( 2, December 6, 1802-Marcn 3, 1803. Ftphth Conprfss I l * ° ctober r 7> 1803-March 27, 1804. . EIGHTH CONGRESS. j ^ Noyember ^ l8 o 4 -March 3 , 1805. ELECTORAL VOTE. Republicans. Federals. Basis ot Thos. Jeffer- A. Burr, J. Adams, C. C. Pinclc- States. 33»ooo. Votes. son, Va. N. Y. Mass. ney, S. C. Connecticut 7 9 . • .. • 9 9 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 Georgia 2 4 4 4 Kentucky...*. 2 4 4 4 .. Maryland 8 IO 5 5 5 5 Massachusetts 14 16 . . . . 16 16 New Hampshire. .. . 4 6 .. .. 6 6 New Jersey 5 7 .. .. 7 7 New York 10 12 12 12 North Carolina 10 12 884 4 Pennsylvania 13 15 6 8 7 7 Rhode Island 2 4 .. Sc* 4 3 South Carolina 6 8 8 8 Tennessee I 3 5 3 .. Vermont 2 4 .. .. 4 4 Virginia 19 21 21 21 .. Totals 106 138 73 73 65 64f * This one vote was thrown for John Jay. f No choice. See contested election on p. 461. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 463 CABINET. Secretary of State James Madison, Va. Secretary of Treasury.. .Samuel Dexter, Mass Continued. Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, Mass. Secretary of Navy Benjamin Stoddard, Md Continued. Attorney-General Levi Lincoln, Mass. Postmaster-General. Joseph Habersham, Ga Continued. POLITICAL REVOLUTION.— The Republican sweep was clean, up to the door of the Judiciary. Adams' defeat was keenly felt, though not unexpected. He had many admirers who remem- bered with pride his eloquence in behalf of Independence, and his bold stand in favor of Federalism. But the loss of a Presi- dent was as nothing compared with the permanent oreak in the Federal lines. The breaches were too wide for healing. The prestige it had acquired in placing the government on a firm basis, in anxious controversy for such power as would make it respected at home and abroad, in spirited contention for a policy of neutrality, and in timely, though not very masterly, effort to restrain the French Republican influence, had been badly clouded by some of its later efforts to hold political place, or at least pre- vent certain of its opponents from holding the same. Its internal weaknesses were now in sad contrast with that former boldness which successfully dared the most intricate financial problems, provided an ample revenue, and established an enduring national credit. NEW POWER. — Jefferson's inaugural address laid down the policy of the Republican party. After attempting to remove asperities and smooth differences, he announced the intention to continue the payment of the public debt, reduce the army and navy, lower taxes, restrict the power of Federal government to the lowest limit permitted by the Constitution, and preserve the State governments in all their rights. While the message had the effect of abating party spirit somewhat, the old outcrops of enmity were still frequent. Federals were still " Black Cockade Federals." Republicans were still " Democrats and Jacobins." The wealth, intellect and culture of the country, largely of Fed- eral type, naturally felt apprehensive of a situation now com- manded by those it had learned to look upon with distrust and 404 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. to associate with what was foreign and revolutionary in spirit. Perhaps they saw in Jefferson himself all they feared from his party, when they spoke of him as " an atheist in religion and a fanatic in politics." REMOVALS FROM OFFICE.— The President proceeded immediately to undo some of the centralizing measures of the preceding administration by pardoning those imprisoned under the Alien and Sedition Laws. Then he turned his attention to his party friends anxious for office. His removal of Elizur Goodrich, Federal, from the Collectorship of New Haven, and the appointment of Samuel Bishop, Republican, in his stead, was looked upon as a proscriptive innovation, and brought a Federal storm about his ears. Washington had made his appointments without reference to political opinions. Adams had made few removals and none for political reasons. Why should the old rule be broken? And especially why should it be broken in this instance when Goodrich was competent and Bishop was 78 years old and incompetent? To all which Jefferson made the memorable reply whose spirit was, in Jackson's time, incorpo- rated into the aphorism, " To the victor belongs the spoils." With rare sagacity, he, however, drew a fine line of distinction between removals for retaining opinions and removals for using influence. The former he would not make, the latter he would make. And again he would rebuke President Adams, by re- moving all his appointees after the result of the Presidential election became known.* All of this is interesting as the rather cautious beginning of that policy of removal from office, and appointment thereto, which grew by slow degrees until Jackson * Jefferson said that it was not " political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the direction of public affairs. If a due participation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by death are few, by resignation none." He would base his causes for removal as " much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adherence to our enemies." After thus getting a fair quota of the offices for his party, and thus correcting what he charged as erroneous procedure on the part of his predecessor, he said, " that done, I will return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be : Is he honest ? Is he capable ? Is he faithful to the Constitu- tion ?" RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 465 claimed the policy to be an indisputable right, and which has been exercised since by all political parties as such, until questioned by the civil service reform spirit of the present day. SEVENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1801. Organized by electing Nathaniel Macon, Republican, of North Carolina, Speaker, there being a small Republican majority in both branches. Instead of delivering his message in person to the Congress as Washington and Adams had done, Jefferson presented it in writing and thus established a custom which has ever since been maintained, for convenience sake as well as for its accordance with republican simplicity. The Congress went manfully to work to modify previous Federal legislation. The limit for naturalization was fixed at five years, with privilege of declaration of intention after a residence of three years. The act of 1798 required a residence of fourteen years. A sinking fund was established. The army, navy and taxes were reduced. Perhaps the most direct blow at the Federals was the repeal of the Judiciary law. The law of the previous session had estab- lished twenty-four new Circuit Courts, the officers for which Adams had appointed the last thing before retiring. The Re- publicans said this was an abuse of his power, in that the com- missions had been made out and signed after the results of the Presidential election had become known. They called them "midnight judges," and though the Federals declared that there was judicial work for all of them, and further that Adams had not exceeded his authority in granting their commissions, the Republicans found a way to overcome, for the time being, their strict construction notions and repeal the bill. This drove the Federals from their last hold on the government, and they never recovered their lost ground. Ohio entered the Union Nov. 29, 1802. Congress adjourned May 3, 1802. LOUISIANA PURCHASE.— Republican zeal for France and the French Republican cause received a blow early in 1802 when it was announced that Spain had secretly ceded the Louisiana Territory to France. Our government had been making war preparations against Spain in order to settle the right to free navigation of the Mississippi, and to equal privileges about the 30 466 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Gulf entrance. By the cession to France, the entire programme changed. The government was confronted with a new and more formidable owner of this vast country of Louisiana,* and proba- bly with a new set of complications. Minister Livingston was instructed to remonstrate with the French Emperor and to say that France's possession of this territory would drive the Ameri- can Republic to enter into an alliance with England. James Monroe was sent to Livingston's aid, with instructions to buy Florida and the Island of Orleans, which Jefferson mistakingly supposed had been embraced in the Spanish cession to France. Monroe found France in need of money for contemplated war on England and not averse to selling all of Louisiana. A bar- gain was at once struck for $15,000,000, and though Monroe had exceeded his instructions and no authority existed anywhere for the transaction, Jefferson agreed to the contract, trusting to the Congress and the people to stand by him. In this he was not disappointed. The treaty of purchase was ratified by the Senate, Oct. 20, 1803. SEVENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1802. The respective parties were so watchful of each other and so resolute that each failed to accomplish any significant political legislation. The action of Spain was censured by the Republi- cans. Attempts to amend the Constitutional mode of electing a President, to abolish the mint, and to fasten a charge of mis- management on the Treasury Department, failed. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1803. EIGHTH CONGRESS — First Session. — This Congress was called together Oct. 17, 1803, in order that the treaty for the purchase of Louisiana might be disposed of. The Republican majority had been increased, the Federals having lost some of their best leaders. Nathaniel Macon was again chosen Speaker. The debates on the ratification of the treaty were similar to those over the Jay treaty of 1795, but parties were turned right round, the Republicans using the old Federal, and the Federals the old Anti-Federal logic. As observed above, the treaty was ratified by the Senate Oct. 20, 1803, and the House made the appropria- * For fuller account of this purchase, see ante, page 92. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 467 tion to carry it into effect.* The Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution changing the mode of Presidential election was passed Dec. 12, 1803, and ratified by the States by Sept. 25, 1804. The first articles of impeachment under the new govern- ment were voted by the House against Judge Pickering of the United States District Court of New Hampshire, for occasional drunkenness. The articles were sustained and the judge dis- missed. Other articles were voted against Judge Chase, of Md., and Judge Peters, of Pa., for arbitrary conduct in trying cases under the Alien and Sedition Laws. The Federals took alarm at these steps and boldly charged the Republicans with a design to make places for their party judges, and to impair if not destroy the judiciary. An amended tariff bill was passed March 26, which, if anything, increased the average rate of duties then existing. Congress adjourned March 27, 1804. ELECTION OF 1804. — Burr had never secured Jefferson's confidence after the suspicion that he had tried to barter with the Federals for his defeat during the previously disputed Presi- dential election. Besides he had then come too near the Presi- dency to suit Jefferson's idea of his own success. He was there- fore sacrificed in the Congressional caucus, and Jefferson and George Clinton of New York became the Republican nominees for President. The nominees of the Federals were C. C. Pinck- ney, S. C, and Rufus King, N. Y. The Federals were vanquished in every State except Connecticut, Delaware and part of Mary- land. EIGHTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 5, 1804. The session was not complimentary to the Republican majority. The impeachment trial of Judge Chase came on under the articles previously drawn in the House. It took a decided partisan turn and awakened the bitterest sentiment. Burr, who was under a cloud for having killed Hamilton, and who felt keenly the disappointment of defeat at the hands of his Republican friends, did much, as presiding officer at the * Senate vote for ratification was 24 to 7 ; and House vote for the appropriation was 90 to 25, so that the purchase, notwithstanding its irregularity, was abundantly confirmed. 468 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. trial, by his refusal to hearken to the demands of his party, to re-establish his lost reputation. This angered the Republicans all the more, and when their determination to convict was met by a square verdict of acquittal on all the charges, they proposed several Constitutional amendments (none of which carried), making impeachment, conviction and removal from office easier. The electoral votes were counted in February. Jefferson and Clinton had 162, and Pinckney and King, 14. The Eighth Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1804. The success- ful Presidential candidates were sworn into office March 4, 1804. V. JEFFERSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1805 — March 3, 1809. Thomas Jefferson, Va., President. George Clinton, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Ninth Congress. Tenth Congress. Sessions. f 1, December 2, 1805- April 21, 1806. \ 2, December I, 1806-March 3, 1807. j 1, October 26, 1807-April 25, 1808. ( 2, November 7, 1808-March 3, 1809. ELECTORAL VOTE* Basis of 33,000. 7 States. Connecticut . . . Delaware I Georgia 4 Kentucky 6 Maryland 9 Massachusetts 17 New Hampshire. ... 5 New Jersey 6 New York 17 North Carolina. ... 12 Ohio 1 Votes. 9 Republicans. Federals. Thos. Jeffer- son, Va. G. Clin- ton, N.Y. C. C. Pinck- ney, S. C. 9 3 R. King, N.Y. * While the nominations did not distinguish between President and Vice-Presi- dent, the candidates were voted for as if they had been so distinguished, the Con- stitutional amendment (the twelfth) having been ratified in September in time for the vote to be cast under its provisions. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 460 Republicans. Federals. Basis of Thos. J« iffer- G. Clin- C. C. Pinck- R.Kim States. 33,000. Votes. son, V a. ton, N.Y. ney, S. C. N.Y. Pennsylvania ... . ... 18 20 20 20 Rhede Island.. . . .. 2 4 4 4 South Carolina.. ... 8 10 10 IO Tennessee .... • •• 3 5 5 5 Vermont ... 4 6 6 6 Virginia. . . . . . 22 24 176 24 162 24 162 Totals .. T42 ~I4~ ~H THE cabinet. Secretary of State James Madison, Va Continued. Secretary of Treasury. . . .Albert Gallatin, Pa " Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, Mass. ... " Secretary of Navy Jacob Crowninshield, Mass. Attorney-General Robert Smith, Md. Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn. POLITICAL SITUATION.— The Congressional elections had been nearly as disastrous to the Federals as the Presidential election. They were strong only in New England, and even there Vermont had turned Republican. Federalism was clearly moribund. The Republicans had the affirmative. The times were prolific of new situations, which could be turned to popular account. Jefferson understood the art of keeping his party on a happy vantage ground better than any statesman in it, and as he had its entire confidence, so far as the masses were concerned, he exercised a control which was quite autocratic. NINTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1805. Organized by re-electing Nathaniel Macon Speaker. Both Houses strongly Republican. A notable event was the estrangement of John Randolph, of Virginia, from the President. His ambition to go as Minister to England had not been grati- fied, and he had failed also in his aspirations to be the leader of the administration on the floor of Congress. He therefore with a small following threw his strength to the Federals, and thus augmented they became a brilliant, determined and useful mi- nority. The Spanish Mississippi situation was still delicate. It was decided that the best way to settle it was to buy out the re- maining interest of Spain in our soil. The President was author- ized to make the purchase, but it was not effected till 18 19. Though both England and France were violating the rights of 470 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. neutrals, the President would not sanction the building of an American navy, but compromised on a system of gunboats, which was much ridiculed by his opponents. Republican par- tiality for France was shown by the passage of a measure pro- hibiting the importation of English goods after Nov. 15, 1 806. This was designed to be retaliatory of England's violation of the rights of neutrals. As France had been, and was still, equally guilty, the blow might very justly have been aimed at both. Not yet tired of efforts to Republicanize the Judiciary, another attempt was made to clear out the old Federal incum- bents, but it failed. A strained situation for the Republicans grew out of the proposition to build a National Road from the Potomac to the Ohio. Contrary to all their previous views of a rigid construction of the Constitution, and in vivid contrast with the notions of their school which prevailed for fifty years after- wards respecting internal improvement, they enacted to lay out and build such road. An adjournment took place April 21, 1806. NINTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 1, 1806. During the vacation Burr's enterprise of a Southwest Empire became public, and the President had ordered his arrest. Infor- mation of the scheme was laid before Congress, and the Senate enacted to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for three months, but the House did not concur. Financial management had been such as to produce an excess of receipts over expenditures. This excellent condition the President proposed to turn to the account of the country by devoting the surplus to education and national road and canal making. He was however too far in advance, or outside, of his party in this matter to be able to per- suade it to any such general undertaking. A revulsion of sen- timent had set in on the discriminating act against England, passed at the previous session, and the President was given power to suspend the operation of the law till December, 1 807. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1807. BURR BUBBLE.— -In the early part of the year 1807 the Burr bubble burst, and he returned, under arrest, to Virginia, the scene of his plots, for trial. What he designed to accomplish RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 471 by his expedition down the Mississippi has never been accurately known. His enemies regarded his scheme as treasonable, having for its object the establishment of an empire in the Southwest so as to control the commerce of the Mississippi. His friends — rather his excusers, for friends were hardly possible — gave him the credit of a far-sighted enterprise to expel all foreign influence from the region of the Gulf, provide an inviting field for immi- gration, and thus establish Federal sovereignty in a distant and dangerous part of the public domain. However it may all be, his trial was now (May, 1807) on at Richmond, before Chief Justice Marshall. It was far more political than judicial. The Federals, who had denounced the President's order for arrest as a usurpation of authority, now heaped personal invective on him for his anxious letters to the District Attorney and his open at- tempts to influence the trial. Nothing, however, served to deter Jefferson. He had no love for Burr, and, further, he felt that his conviction was to be his own vindication for a procedure which was so bitterly denounced as arbitrary and without precedent. The result was Burr's acquittal for want of jurisdiction. The defeat of the administration was humiliating in proportion to its anxiety to impress the trial. TENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Oct. 26, 1807, and organized by electing Joseph B. Barnum, Republican, of Massachusetts, Speaker, there being again a Republican ma- jority in both branches. An early session was called to consider the attitude of England. The foreign outlook was by no means assuring. The English treaty of 1806 had been rejected by the President on his own responsibility, because, like the Jay treaty of 1795, it left England at liberty to search American ships and impress American seamen. This the Federals stoutly opposed as a bold assumption on the part of the President and because they, being largely the commercial part of the community, were most anxious for some kind of a treaty with England. But above all the snubbing of England by the President led her to stubborn and retaliatory renewal of her aggressions. In June, 1807, the Leopard, a British frigate, attacked the Chesapeake, an American frigate, in Hampton Roads, and forcibly removed four 472 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. seamen, ostensibly English. Here parties swung to and fro and almost embraced. The Federals became indignant at England for this outrage. The Republicans had grown lukewarm toward France, who, though not so boldly, was practising the same in- vasions of neutral rights. Our commerce suffered most from English aggressions, only because England was stronger than France on the water. So great was the destruction of our com- merce that Jefferson privately wrote how he had come to regard " England as a den of pirates and France as a den of thieves." EMBARGO ACT. — England's prohibition of all commerce with France, a similar prohibition by France, blockades by .each, searches of neutrals by both, led the President to a proclamation against British armed ships entering American ports. To sup- port him- in this was the object of the called session. The Re- publicans passed his Embargo bill, against the opposition of the Federals supported by the Randolph Republicans, or quids y as they were facetiously called, both of whom argued that it would retroact on the United States and lead to more complete com- mercial ruin than direct aggression by either England or France had done. The Republicans averred it must be either an Em- bargo or war, and chose the former, not without a modification, however, to the extent of making it operative during the Presi- dent's pleasure. The Embargo Act passed Dec. 21, 1807, by a vote of 87 to 35 in the House and 19 to 9 in the Senate. It prohibited American vessels sailing from foreign ports, foreign vessels taking cargoes from American ports, and all coasters from landing cargoes elsewhere than in the United States. It proved to be a veritable boomerang, as the Federals had pre- dicted. Congress adjourned April 25, 1808. ELECTION OF 1808. — During the summer and autumn of 1808 sentiment was shaping for the Presidential contest. For a long time (since 1806) Randolph had been actively engineer- ing the cause of Monroe, who was Minister to England, against Madison, whom Jefferson had been coaching for his successor. But the Congressional caucus nominations at the called session had resulted in the nomination of James Madison, Va., for Presi- dent, and George Clinton, N. Y., for Vice-President, on the part RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 47;; of the Republicans, and C. C. Pinckney, S. C, for President, and Rufus King, N. Y., for Vice-President, on the part of the Fed- erals. Jefferson, like Washington, had been requested to accep 4 a third term but declined. The issue turned on the Embargo Act, the Federals denouncing it as unconstitutional, as destructive of American commerce, and as tending to help England as against France — a cunning argument in view of previous Re- publican favoritism for France, yet one whose truth was daily becoming apparent. They carried their opposition to the verge of physical resistance along the New England coast, and really lost sight of the political situation in their vehement desire to force the repeal of a destructive and obnoxious law. The result in November was a majority of Republican electors, though by no means as large as that for Jefferson. TENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 7, 1808. Opened with protests against English and French aggressions, and an attempt of the Federals to repeal the odious Embargo Act, whose operation had by this time driven them to commer- cial despair. The President was informed by John Q. Adams, who had resigned from the Legislature of his State (Mass.) be- cause his advocacy of the Embargo had drawn public censure, that it would be impossible to further enforce the act in New England, and that a scheme of open resistance was already in course of preparation. However truthful this might have been — it was stoutly denied, — and however much it may have been a part of Adams' wish to thus secure administrative favor — he was soon after sent as minister to Russia, — it is certain Jefferson changed front on the question, and with him the entire Repub- lican party. The bill was repealed, the repeal to operate on and after March 4, 1809, and a simple Non-Intercourse Act substi- tuted. The Republicans even went so far as to pronounce in favor of an American navy, and full protection of American rights on the high seas. Had this wonderful surrender taken place a few months earlier, the Federals must have swept the country in the Presidential contest. But it was shrewdly post- poned till after the verdict had been recorded. The electoral votes were counted in February. Madison had 474 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. for President 122, and George Clinton 6. Pinckney had for President 47.. For Vice-President Clinton had 113, King 47, and 15 were scattering. Congress adjourned sine die March 4, 1809. Madison and Clinton were sworn into office March 4, 1809. VI. MADISON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1809 — March 3, 18 13. James Madison, Va., President. George Clinton, N. Y., Vice- President. Sessions. 1, May 22, 1809 — June 28, 1809, extra session. 2, November 27, 1809 — May 1, 18 10. 3, December 3, 1810 — March 3, 181 1. I, November 4, 181 1 — July 6, 181 2. 3> Congresses. Eleventh Congress. Twelfth Congress. \ 2, November 2, 1812 — March 3, 1S13. ELECTORAL VOTE* Basis of States. 33,000. Votes. Connecticut 7 9 Delaware I 3 Georgia 4 6 Kentucky 6 8 Maryland 9 II Massachusetts 17 19 New Hampshire.. .. 5 7 New Jersey 6 8 New York 17 19 North Carolina. ... 12 14 Ohio 1 3 Pennsylvania 18 20 Rhode Island 2 4 South Carolina. ... 8 10 Tennessee 3 5 Vermont 4 6 Virginia 22 24 Totals .T42 176" THE CABINET.^ Republicans. Federals. J. Madi- son, Va. G. Clinton, C C. Pinck- R. King, *3 II 3 20 6 24 122 N. Y. 13 II Sc. 20 10 5 24 m ney, S. C 9 N. Y 9 3 vacancy. Sc. Sc. Sc. 47 47 Secretary of State Robert Smith, Md. Secretary of Treasury Albert Gallatin, Pa Continued. * Of those marked scattering Clinton received 6 for President, and for Vice-Presi- dent Madison received 3, John Langdon 9, and James Monroe 3. f The Cabinets as here found are those first organized by the incoming administra- tions. Eor the changes and all incumbents see the respective department heads under " Ruling Nationally." RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 475 The Cabinet — Continued. Secretary of War William Eustis, Mass. Secretary of Navy Paul Hamilton, S. C. Attorney-General C. A. Rodney, Pa Continued. Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn " POLITICAL SITUATION.— The Republicans were on the eve of an entire change of policy. Jefferson had adroitly handled the old Federal policy of neutrality so as to keep a show of firm- ness, and at the same time avoid armed conflict with England or France. On the score of economy he opposed high taxes, a navy, an army. Madison fell heir to this policy. When Erskine, British Minister, mistakingly informed him that Eng- land desired peace, Madison immediately suspended the Non- Intercourse Act, as he was authorized by its terms to do, so far as England was concerned. But when England repudiated the conduct of Erskine, the President had to restore the operation of the act. Whether this was sheer double-dealing on the part of England, or only a Republican trick to influence sentiment, as the Federals claimed, from that time on the drift toward war was too strong for the Republicans to resist. The schism in the ranks of the party left an active minority to operate on the strict party flanks. It was a time when a body of new leaders, active and strong, could walk away with the organization and shift its ancient policy. From this time on, too, we begin to hear popular mention of the word Democrat. As admiration for France, which had made the word Republican popular, subsided, as Jacobin and Democrat were no longer offensively identical, and further as there were two schools of thought in the Republican ranks, one newer and more aggressive than the other, it became com- mon for the older to designate themselves as Democrats, that is, the true Republicans, the primitive Democratic-Republicans. ELEVENTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Met May 22, 1809, with a Republican majority. Organized by re-electing Joseph B. Varnum, Mass., Speaker. The only matter before it was the President's suspension and reassertion of the Non-Inter- course Act. After affirming his action Congress adjourned, June 28, 1809. ELEVENTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met 476 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Nov. 27, 1809. The Non-Intercourse act was continued, and the British Minister was censured for contradictory statements and obtrusive conduct. France had shrewdly shaped her com- mercial policy so as to receive all the benefits of the American position. This galled England all the more, and as a conse- quence her attitude became more hostile. In advocacy of her right to search American vessels for deserted British seamen, she announced as final the doctrine, " Once an Englishman, al- ways an Englishman." During the session the Republicans had a large majority and shaped legislation without much dissent from the Federals. Adjourned May 1, 18 10. ELEVENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 3, 18 10. The Non-Intercourse Act was repealed as to France and continued as to England. This threw both England and Amer- ica on their mettle. But the administration was not yet done with its economic and peace ideas. The National Bank, char- tered in 1 79 1 for twenty years, was asking for a new lease of life. It had, as we have seen, secured the favor of a charter through a momentary spasm of liberal construction on the part of strict interpreters of the Constitution. Such a spasm was not now on, though it had so many Republican friends in both branches that the bill granting a new charter was defeated by only one vote in the House and by the casting vote of the Vice- President in the Senate. It therefore wound up its business and ceased to exist. The attitude of Federal and Republican on this question of a national bank became, in after years, that of Whig and Democrat on the same question. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 181 1. TWELFTH CONGRESS— Eirst Session.— Met Nov. 4, 181 1. Either the administration must accept the idea of forcible resistance to England or go to the wall. American vessels, es- timated at 900, had been captured since 1803. American com- merce had become a thing of the past. It would not do to allow ^ the idea to grow further that the Republicans were aiming a blow at commercial New England by persistence in their suicidal policy of dilly-dallying diplomacy and devouring peace. A new order of men came to the front. Henry Clay, Ky., was elected RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 477 Speaker. John C. Calhoun, S. C, became an ambitious and able leader in the House, as did William H. Crawford, Ga., in the Senate. Fortunately none of these new leaders, fully imbued with the war spirit, thoroughly determined on a change from the economic, hesitating, and now cowardly, policy of Jefferson and Madison, were mistrusted by Madison. Clay had been his firm friend, and had come out of a two-term career in the Senate the better to lead on the wider plane of the House. Therefore their work of swinging the administration and the party from its peace moorings was comparatively easy. During the session, and against the opposition of the Federals and a Republican minority, bills for increasing the navy and organizing the militia were passed. Whatever scruples the President may still have had about accepting the situation and affirming this heterodox legislation was overcome by the intimation that his renomination depended on his acquiescence. He therefore fell fully in with the new leaders, and made his expose of the Henry documents * which so outraged the sentiment of New England, but which brought from Congress the action designed, viz., a resolution de- nunciatory of England for an attempt to divide a friendly nation. This was followed by an Embargo on American shipping for ninety days, which of course brought an announcement from the English Minister (May 30, 181 2), which was supported by the Parliament, that England would not change her policy toward neutrals. DECLARATION OF WAR.— A message from the Presi- dent, June 1, 18 12, referred to a committee, brought a report which, as a summary of grievances, complained of the British orders in council, of the unfair system of blockades o^the French ports, of the refusal to settle claims for damages, and, last but not least, of the searching of American ships and impressment of American seamen. It recommended a declaration of war. A * The President made this expose in a special message. The documents, he said, he bought of one John Henry for $50,000. They purported to show how- Henry had been a Canadian agent sent to influence New England Federals to join their cause with that of England. The British Minister denied all knowledge of such agent or agency. » 478 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. war act was consequently passed and promptly signed by the President (June 18, 1812), who had by this time received a second nomination for the Presidency and who was acting in strict con- cert with the war wing of his party. At first the declaration of war was received with applause. But a reaction soon set in. The Federals of New England published a protest against it as sectional and not national, the act of a party and not of the country. Strictly construing the Constitution, Massachusetts and Connecticut refused to permit their militia to go beyond the boundary of their States till an actual invasion had taken place. To answer them the Republicans became liberal interpreters of the Constitution and would obliterate State lines and forget all about State rights in order to present a solid national front to the foe. Louisiana had become a State in the Union, April 30, 1812. TARIFF OF 1 8 12. — Madison had urged in his message a re- vision of the Tariff. The new leaders took it up. Calhoun and Lowndes favored Clay's new doctrine that the Protective idea ought not any longer to be secondary to the Revenue idea. South Carolina was then a high protection State, England hav- ing levied exorbitant duties on raw cotton. Here was a marvel- lous shifting of party doctrine. The Republicans became such liberal interpreters of the Constitution that they not only swung to the Protective notion, but actually used the report of Hamil- ton, which brought the earliest Tariff acts, in vindication of their position. The Federals, in their weakness, forgetfulness of party traditions and determination to see nothing good in the adminis- tration, swung clear over to the abandoned strict construction doctrine of their political enemies, and through such as Webster (then in the House) and others opposed the Protective thought. Sentiment on this Tariff act ought to be carefully noted. It was the beginning of that division in the Republican party which prepared the way for " The American Idea," for " Internal Im- provement," and for the Whig organization, which was Clay's outlet from the strict construction columns. Indeed, even at this session a bill for internal improvement was passed under Clay's leadership, which Madison vetoed. The tariff act was RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 479 passed July I, 1812, and it marks the highest rates of duty reached from the foundation of the government till 1842. Sugar went from 2 x / 2 cents per pound to 5 ; coffee from 5 cents per pound to 10; tea from 18 cents per pound to 36; pig iron from lyyi per cent, to 30; bar iron from ij l /i per cent, to 30; glass from 22 ]/ 2 per cent, to 40; manufactures of cotton from 17% per cent, to 30; woollens from 17 per cent, to 30; silk from 15 per cent, to 25. Congress adjourned July 6, 18 12. ELECTION OF 1812. — We have seen the conditions upon which Madison was permitted to become a candidate for a second term. But he still had opposition. De Witt Clinton, N. Y., who would have been the candidate in case Madison had declined to wheel into the war line, refused to be bound by the bargain. The other Republican States had become jealous of Virginia's claim to be " the home of Presidents." Clinton moved on this line, secured the nomination of the New York Legislature and issued an address (" Clinton's Platform ") protesting against caucus nominations of Presidential candidates, the continuance of public men in office for long periods, the claim of particular States to monopolize principal offices, and " that official regency which prescribed tenets of political faith." His followers became known as Clintonian Democrats. Madison was nominated in May, 18 12. John Langdon was nominated for Vice-President, but declining on account of age, Elbridge Gerry, Mass., was substituted. The Federals, taking advantage of the schism in the Republican ranks, met in caucus in New York city and nominated De Witt Clinton for President, with Jared Ingersoll, Pa., for Vice-President* The election came off in November. A large majority of Republican electors was chosen. The Congressional elections resulted also in a majority of Republican members favorable to the war. TWELFTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 2, 181 2. There was a slight adjustment of parties on account of * Eleven States were represented in this caucus or convention. It was a bitterly partisan body, determined to see nothing good in any act of Madison, and as an evidence of its desperation, willing to support a soured Republican in order to de- feat the regular Republican nominee. 480 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the war. Some Republicans voted with the Peace Federals, but they were more than offset by War Federals voting with the straight Republicans. There was but little opposition from any source to an increase of the navy, which had already won the right to be encouraged by proving a match for the best equipped ships of England. Other measures of war were carried by Re- publican votes. The count of the electoral vote was made in February, and showed 128 for Madison and 89 for Clinton. For Vice-President 131 for Gerry and 86 for Ingersoll. Congress adjourned March 3, 1813. The candidates elect were sworn into office, March 4, 18 12. VII. MADISON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 181 3 — March 3, 18 17. James Madison, Va., President. Elbridge Gerry, Mass., Vice- President. Congresses. Sessions. 41 Fourteenth Congress. { \> December 4, 1815-April 30, 1816. \ 2, December 2, 1816 — March 3, 1817. ELECTORAL VOTE Republicans. Fed. or Clinton Dem. Basis of J. Madi- Elbridge Ger- De Witt Tared Inger- States. 35,o°o- Vote. son, Va. ry, Mass. Clinton, N.Y. soil, Pa. Connecticut 7 9 .. .. 9 9 Delaware 2 4 .. .. 4 4 Georgia 6 8 8 8 Kentucky 10 12 12 12 Louisiana 1 3 3 3 Maryland 9 11 6 6 5 5 Massachusetts 20 22 New Hampshire. 6 8 New Jersey 6 8 New York 27 29 North Carolina 13 15 [, May 24, 1813 — August 2, 1813, extra session. Thirteenth Congress. ■{ 2, December 6, 1813 — April 18, 1814. 3, September 19, 1814 — March 3, 1815. 5 15 2 22 20 1 8 7 .88 29 29 Ohio 6 8 7 7 .. ..1 Vacancy Pennsylvania 23 25 25 25 Rhode Island 2 4 .. .. 4 4 South Carolina.... 9 11 11 n Tennessee 6 8 8 8 Vermont 6 8 8 8 Virginia 23 25 25 25 Totals .182 218 T28 T31 ~89~ ~86 RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 481 THE CABINET. Secretary of State James Monroe, Va Continued. Secretary of Treasury Albert Gallatin, Pa " Secretary of War John Armstrong, N. Y. . . . ** Secretary of Navy William Jones, Pa " Attorney-General William Pinckney, Md " Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn " THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Called May 24, 1813, to provide means for the war. House organized by re- electing Henry Clay, Ky., Speaker. Republican majority greatly reduced in both House and Senate, the vote on the Speakership being 89 to 54, though the latter were not all Federals, but. partly anti-war Republicans. In the Senate there was a strong faction of anti-administration Republicans. After meeting the object of its call the Congress adjourned, Aug. 2, 18 13. WAR SENTIMENT— It was already manifest that the war was destined to be unpopular with the country. Do their best the Republicans could not keep up a furore respecting it. The Federal sentiment, still strong in the Eastern States, was pro- nouncedly against it. The Embargo, while it may not have been designed as such, was a cruel blow at the centres of com- merce. The peace faction in the Republican ranks was grow- ing more out-spoken. England, in order to encourage a wider division of sentiment between the Eastern and other States, had actually gone so far as to exempt them from her blockade of the Atlantic coast, and it was charged by the Republicans that at the port of New London, Conn., the departure of American ves- sels was secured, notwithstanding the Embargo, by means of blue light signals to the English blockading fleet. THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— -First Regular Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1813. Financial subjects, relating to the war, were chiefly uppermost. But in view of alleged violations of the Embargo Act by New England mariners a stricter act was passed, embrac- ing all ships, large and small. The war was in the midst of its greatest activity. Congress adjourned April 18, 1 8 14. THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Called as early as Sept. 19, 1 8 14, to consider negotiations for peace which had been begun in August, soon after the capture and burning 31 482 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. of Washington by the English, and when it had become appa- rent that the provisions to meet vigorous and protracted war were as inadequate as was the popular sentiment to further sus- tain it. England had gotten rid of her home adversary, Napo- leon, and was at liberty to direct her undivided attention to America. She had long since revoked her orders in council and was only insisting on her right to search American ships and impress her deserting seamen. The administration, in view of the entire situation, had therefore wisely instructed its commis- sioner abroad to negotiate for peace without insisting on rectifica- tion of the " search and impressment " grievances. But as this showed weakness, the English grew bold, and would not only have no American fleets or military posts along the Great Lakes, but a permanent Canadian barrier erected in the shape of an Indian Confederacy. HARTFORD CONVENTION.— Tat administration and its active Republican support were in a quandary. The weakness of abject surrender must be confessed, or resort must be had to those reserved powers which strict interpreters of the Constitu- tion had ever denied to the government. The War Department favored a more imposing and effective army, by means of a draft and the enlistment of minors. The Navy Department pro- posed to impress seamen, after the English fashion. Every effort was made by the administration to recover lost ground, put on a front worthy the American name, and fight the war to a successful end. But it was too late in the day. The Presi- dent's own party could not be imbued with his suddenly assumed liberal construction notions. His radical war measures were either defeated or coldly favored. Beyond, the situation was appalling. England held vantage ground in Maine and along the northern border. New England had been almost entirely neglected by the government. Every war measure thus far had been more destructive to her industry and wealth, and more dis- paraging to her people, than to the overt enemy. Massachu- setts invited a conference (Oct., 1814) of the New England States " to confer on the subject of their public grievances." This met at Hartford in December, 18 14, and sat for three RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 483 weeks. It was the historic Hartford Convention, so odious to Republicans, so dear to Federals. Its secret proceedings aroused suspicion and drew on its members and their cause a denunciation than which nothing could be more bitter, and a proscription even, which was the knell of their party importance. So far were the charges of treasonable design carried that, years afterwards, it was deemed proper to break the seal of secresy and publish the entire proceedings, but too late, of course, to remove the stigma which inflamed partisanship had fastened to the event.* WELCOME PEACE.— The treaty of Ghent had been signed Dec. 14, 1 8 14, and in February, 181 5, the text reached the country. Notwithstanding the fact that it was a barren paper, scarcely touching on the causes of the war and securing not one of the objects for which it had been declared, it was received with universal rejoicing. The President felt that it was a happy escape for himself and party from dire financial straits, and the Federals regarded it as the lifting of a heavy load from our commercial industry and the end of a farcical and iniquitous proceeding throughout. Rut the latter never escaped from the political issues the war had raised. Their decay, as a power, was, thenceforth rapid. Peace eventuated in a return of pros- perity and plenty to the land. * Judged by the proceedings the convention was not only timely and orderly, but representative of grievances which were hardly to be borne, and which ought never to have existed. It was simply unfortunate in its manner of deliberation, and in the fact that the close of the war shut off public presentation of its protest and resolu- tions to the government. The resolutions opposed (1) drafts, conscriptions or im- pressments not authorized by the Constitution. (2) A plan whereby the respective States or sections might defend themselves against the enemy and pay for the same, the central government to reimburse them. (3) A full militia for each State, with power to detach a portion at the request of other States, when invaded. (4) Seven amendments recommended to the Constitution: (1) Representatives and direct taxes to be apportioned among the States in proportion to the number of free persons. (2) Admission of States only on vote of two-thirds of both Houses. (3) No embargo beyond sixty days. (4) No interdiction of commercial intercourse except by two-third votes of both Houses of Congress. (5) No declaration of war except by vote of two-thirds of both Houses. (6) No naturalized person to be eligible to Congress. (7) No second term for the President, nor any President from the same State twice in succession. A fifth resolve provided for the reassembling of the convention in case these resolutions did not bring redress. 484 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Congress had easy work the balance of the session, repealing war legislation and reducing everything, except the navy, to a peace footing. It adjourned sine die, March 3, 181 5. POLITICAL RESULTS.— The war had been a lesson to the Republicans. It taught them that however captivating the strict construction notions of their party had been, and however pleasant it was to indulge them as theories in time of peace, exigencies might arise when they would prove a source of weak- ness to their professors. As a consequence, they had advanced up to the old Federal plane, and many of them were firmly entrenched on it. The Federals, having no cohesive force, not even a reason for their name, after their mission in successfully establishing the government had ended, and after the acceptance of the fact of its existence as well as their cardinal principles, by the Republicans, floundered about on the negative of issues presented by their opponents, and at last were ready to dis- integrate. It might be said that so far as the old lines went, there was no political party after the war. The Federal name was hardly used or usable. The Republican name was used to hold together a sentiment which was widely variant from and far in advance of its authors. FOURTEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 4, 181 5. The situation had enured to the benefit of the Republi- cans, and they had a pronounced majority in both branches. The House organized by re-electing Henry Clay, Speaker. April 27, 1 8 16, an amended tariff act was passed, which reduced the duties imposed by the act of 181 2. Discussion of it brought a distinct announcement of the idea of protecting the Ameri- can industries which had sprung up since the war and whose existence was threatened by the importation of cheaper English goods. But this idea failed to influence the bill favor- ably. A NEW BANK. — Madison had vetoed a bill to recharter a National Bank, only the year before (18 15). Clay took the ground that the experiences of the war showed the necessity for a national currency and for a national financial agency like a bank. Though this was again counter to the traditional strict RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 485 construction views of the Republicans, and though it met the determined opposition of the once liberal construction Federals, and of a minority of the Republicans, a National Bank charter was authorized, April, 1816, to run for twenty years, or until 1836. Strange to say it was modeled on that of 1 791 which the Anti-Federals had unsuccessfully opposed, and on that of 181 1, which the Republicans had successfully opposed, and the argu- ments for its support were a repetition of those framed and used by Hamilton, together with those supplied by the success of his first financial experiment. The bill was promptly signed by the President, and a new National Bank became a fact. The rest of the session was consumed in legislation on internal affairs. Congress adjourned April 30, 18 16. ELECTION OF 18 16. — The administration favored James Monroe, Va., then Secretary of State, for President. The Con- gressional caucus of the last session carried out its wishes, but against an earnest party protest, which secured fifty-four votes in the caucus for W. H. Crawford, Ga. to sixty-five for Monroe. This action did not satisfy Burr and some other extremists, who attempted to break the caucus nomination by denouncing the caucus system, opposing Virginia's attempts to dominate the politics of the country, and finally favoring the nomination of Andrew Jackson. The original nomination stood, and that of Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., was added to it as Vice-President. The Federals nominated Rufus King, N. Y., but divided their votes for Vice-President. The result in November was their overwhelming defeat, they carrying only Massachusetts, Con- necticut and Delaware. FOURTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1 8 16. No measures of party interest came up. The Electoral count, in February, showed 183 votes for Monroe for President, and 34 for King; 183 for Tompkins for Vice-President, and 34 scattering. Indiana was admitted as a State Dec. 1 1, 1 8 16. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 18 17. The President and Vice-President were sworn into office March 4, 1 8 17. 486 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. VIII. MONROE'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1817-March 3, 1821. James Monroe, Va., President. Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y. Congresses. Fifteenth Congress. Sixteenth Congress. Vice-President. Sessions. ( I, December I, 1817-April 20, 18 18. \ 2, November 16, 1818-March 3, 1819. f 1, December 6, 1819-May 15, 1820. (2, November 13, 1820-March 3, 1821. ELECTORAL VOTE* Republican. Federal. Daniel D. James Mon- Tompkins, Rufus King, No nom- Votes. roe, Va. N. y. N Y. ination. 9 9 SC. 4 3 SC. 8 8 8 3 3 3 12 12 12 3 3 8 3 8 •• 22 22 SC. 8 8 8 8 8 8 29 29 29 15 15 15 8 8 8 , . 25 25 25 4 4 4 11 11 11 8 8 8 8 8 8 . . 25 25 25 221 183 183 34 States. Basis of 35.000. Connecticut 7 Delaware 2 Georgia 6 Indiana I Kentucky 10 Louisiana 1 Maryland 9 Massachusetts 20 New Hampshire, . . 6 New Jersey 6 New York. 27 North Carolina 13 Ohio 6 Pennsylvania 23 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 9 Tennessee 6 Vermont 6 Virginia 23 Totals 183" THE CABINET. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Mass. Secretary of Treasury Wm. H. Crawford, Ga Continued. Secretary of War George Graham, Va. Secretary of Navy B. W. Crowningshield, Mass. ... " Attorney-General Richard Rush, Pa " Postmaster-General R. J. Meigs, Ohio " THE INAUGURAL. — Monroe ushered in what was popu- larly known as " The era of good feeling." The asperities of * There were 4 vacancies. Of the scattering votes, John E. Howard received 22; James Ross, 5; John Marshall, 4; Robert G. Harper, 3. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 487 the war were passing away. Party differences were subsiding, or rather there were no longer two confronting parties, for the last election had settled the matter of organized Federal oppo- sition. That party passed away, seeing its primary glory repeated in the triumph of the Republicans, and many of its ruling tenets adopted by them as a matter of principle, or put into practice by them as a matter of necessity. Monroe's inaugural was so liberal in tone that it satisfied men, of whatever shade of political opinion. Like Washington, he made a tour of the Northern States (June, 1817), which added greatly to his popularity. To help " The Era," business was meeting with a rebound, and the people were prosperous amid most welcome peace. FIFTEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. I, 1 8 17, with a large Republican majority. The Federals were so few in number, or so lukewarm in opposition, that the House organized by the unanimous election of Clay to the Speakership. Discussion of the Tariff resulted in extending the act of 18 16 for seven years. Propositions to use the dividends of the National Bank, instead of appropriations, and to recognize -the revolting colonies of Spain in South America, as Republics, were voted down. Mississippi entered the Union Dec. 10, 1 8 17. Congress adjourned April 20, 18 18. THE RECESS. — During the summer Jackson made his celebrated invasion of Florida, then belonging to Spain, in order to punish the Indians who had retreated from Georgia. Here he captured and put to death the notorious Arbuthnot and Am- brister, whom he charged as outlaws. They happened to be British subjects, and this fact, united with the danger of re-open- ing the feuds of the late war, made the matter a delicate one to handle. But the most important political feature of the time was the shaping of sentiment in the direction of a new party. Monroe had followed the new school of Republican leaders, as Clay and Calhoun, through their advocacy of a Protective Tariff, but he could not follow Clay in his advocacy of internal improve- ment, though his first inaugural inclined to it. Clay's position had always been conspicuous and his leadership pronounced. Pie and Calhoun had changed the tardy and damaging peace 488 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. policy of Madison to one of war, and Clay especially had stood head and shoulders above all others in advocating a stronger army and navy. During the last session he had gone still further, and suggested a new use for the Bank, as well as a new foreign policy with reference to the South American Republics. The Federals and liberal Republicans looked with favor on his advanced doctrines, but the old school of strict interpreters looked on them with alarm. These latter defeated his favorite measures of the last session, and thereby threw him on his own never failing resources. It was more than ever evident that the germs of a new party were pushing in the loins of the dominant organization. ^FIFTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 16, 1 8 1 8. The matter of Jackson's conduct of the Indian (Seminole) war came conspicuously forward. It was proposed to censure him for his execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, but after long debate, the matter was postponed indefinitely by the Senate, though a majority against censure was obtained in the House. As long as Jackson lived, his opponents refused to be quieted about what they thought an arbitrary and high-handed pro- cedure. The controversy resulted in one good. The govern- ment, tired of the ever recurring complications with the Indians, Spaniards, and British adventurers in Florida, determined to buy the territory, authority to do so having been given by Congress years before (1806). Then came one of those unaccountable blunders which, supplemented in after years by the pride of undoing and by the fierce sectional and aggrandizing spirit of the time, cost the country the sacrifices of a war. In considera- tion of $5,000,000 and the abandonment of all claims to French Louisiana west of the Sabine by the United States, Spain ceded Florida, Feb. 22, 1 8 19. West of the Sabine meant Texas, and the recovery of Texas meant the Mexican war (1846). MISSOURI AND SLAVERY.— Illinois became a State of the Union Dec. 3, 18 18. Long before this the policy of off- setting a free by a slave State prevailed. This at first was de- signed to keep up a balance of parties and to take full and legal advantage of the Constitutional clause which gave representa- RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 489 tion to three-fifths of the slave population. But it had gotten to mean vastly more, as sentiment divided on the rightfulness of slavery, and was to mean more and more as time went on. Mis- souri asked the Congress to admit her as a State. The one thing unusual about her situation was that she was beyond the Mississippi, whither the recognized lines of division — Mason and Dixon line of 36 3c/, and the Ohio River — between the Slave and Free States did not extend. An amendment was offered to the bill to admit her, drawn in the language of the ordinance of 1787 for the government of " The Territory Northwest of the Ohio River," prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in Missouri, except as a punishment for crime. The amendment was so sud- den and unexpected that parties sat for a time with bated breath and never recovered their lines on the question. It became a test of Free States against Slave States, and the former proved strongest in the House, carrying the amendment. The latter proved strongest in the Senate, and defeated it. This was the injection of slavery into politics, and the beginning of its ex- tinction. A common, or almost, Colonial existence for it had been gradually narrowed to a line, south of which it had come to be regarded civilly as a necessary and entailed evil, industri- ally as a source of profit, and politically as a potential force.* The Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1 8 19. SIXTEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1 8 19. Clay was again elected Speaker by an almost unanimous vote. The advance made by his liberal construction views may be measured by the passage in the House of a Tariff bill which * Historically, the first sectional debate over slavery arose in 1793, on the presen- tation of a petition to Congress from a " Philadelphia Society," appealing to it "to use its influence to stop the traffic in slaves." At that time members arrayed them- selves in debate, not according to party, but according to States, and some Southern debaters, of ultra turn, went so far as to protest, even to the extent of civil war, against interference with slavery. All saw the possibility of the question becoming, at no remote date, a political if not a dangerously partisan and sectional one. The apprehensions of the hour were quieted by the passage of the first Fugitive Slave law, Feb. 12, 1793. This date is significantly coincident with the invention of Whitney's cotton gin, which gave to slave labor a profit never before realized, and cemented it into an institution to be defended at all hazard. 490 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. definitely affirmed the Protective idea, but which the Senate re- jected. As the discussion of this bill was dispassionate, and the large Republican majority fairly divided on it, it is a proper place to get such a view of the politics of the Tariff as will ex- tend even to the present day. The Protective idea as projected into the Tariff legislation of that time was justified by those who favored a liberal construction of the Constitution. They found in the power " to regulate commerce and provide for the com- mon defence " a warrant not only to raise necessary revenue by means of a Tariff, but a right to make that Tariff a protective one, that is, a means of fostering domestic manufactures and thus creating a home market for home agricultural products. As a corollary to this hung, or grew, the plan of Internal Im- provement, which depended not more on a liberal construction of the Constitution, but which was thought by its opponents to belong to the States. On the contrary, those who clung to a rigid construction of the Constitution granted the right of the government to provide for its expenses and pay its debts by means of money raised by a Tariff on imports, but they regarded a Tariff, so arranged as to protect American manufactures against foreign competition, as a usurpation of the powers conferred, or intended to be conferred, by the Constitution.* MISSOURI COMPROMISE.— -Maine applied for admission into the Union. She was populous, ready, and anxious to es- cape her Massachusetts allegiance. But the Free States would then preponderate in the Senate. Missouri again asked for leave to form a State government. Maine was voted in by the House. Missouri was granted permission, but with the amend- ment of the last session, prohibiting slavery, the vote being en- tirely sectional. The Senate threw the responsibility back on the House by combining the bills, as originally presented (the * The terms " Free Trade," " Tariff for Revenue " and " Tariff for Revenue only " were not then as common as now. Then the question of Tariff, in the af- firmative, was a question of Constitutional construction and a national policy ; in the negative, a question of Constitutional construction and a State policy. Now, so generally do the liberal construction views prevail, the question is no longer one of right or wrong construction of the Constitution, but one of policy entirely, a policy, however, which still divides sentiment and supports parties. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 491 Missouri bill with slavery), and passing them. This action the House rejected. Clay, ever full of expedients, came forward with his compromise — the historic " Missouri Compromise of 1820." It brought about the admission of Maine, March 15, 1820, and gave leave to Missouri to form a State government with slavery. It also prohibited slavery in all territory of the United States north of 36 30', in other words, it extended the already familiar Mason and Dixon line through to the Pacific,* or at least as far as the western boundary of Missouri. Con- gress adjourned May 15, 1820. ELECTION OF 1820. — This election passed off without nominations by either party. The electors chosen cast their votes by common consent for Monroe and Tompkins, one how- ever voting for John Q. Adams. SIXTEENTH CONGRESS— -Second Session.— Met Nov. 13, 1820. Clay's resignation of the Speakership gave opportunity for a square test of strength between the liberal and strict schools of Republicans. A warm fight for his successor resulted in the choice of John W. Taylor, N. Y., who was equally advanced with Clay in the matter of Protective Tariff and Internal Improvement, and who was opposed, far more earnestly than Clay, to the extension of slavery in the Territories.f The heat of this con- test was transferred to Missouri's claim for admission as a State, she having now prepared a State government, with a clause in the Constitution prohibiting free negroes from entering her bounds. As a free negro was a citizen in some of the Northern * Clay's compromise barely got through the Congress. In the Senate il was car- ried by Senators from the Southern and Slave States, against fifteen Senators from the Free States. In the House it was carried by a vote of 86 to 82, thirty-five of the latter being from Slave States and its bitterest opponents. Randolph denounced it as a " dirty bargain," and called those M Northern men with Southern principles" who were ashamed of them or afraid to stand up for them " doughfaces," a term which was in convenient and sarcastic use for forty years. The compromise bill was then regarded by its opponents as unconstitutional. The seeds of repeal were in its passage. f So offensive was this election to the extreme Southern members, or rather so significant was it of the growth of liberal construction ideas in the Republican ranks, that they chose to see in it a menace to the institution of slavery, and actually debated a proposition to secede from the Union. 492 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. States, this was regarded, in its unqualified form, as unconstitu- tionally and offensively restrictive. Debate over the matter took all the latitude incident to discussion of the slave question and involved all its bitterness. Not until Clay again came forward with measures of peace did the contention subside. His propo- sition admitted the State, provided the Constitution were so amended as to recognize all the citizens of other States. Her Legislature did this in June, 182 1, and she became a State Aug. 10, 1821. The electoral vote was counted in February, and the status of Missouri came up. Denying the right of Congress to interfere with slavery within her borders, the Southern members claimed that she was already a State, and so determined to count her electoral vote. The Northern members, claiming authority of Congress over all Territories for any purpose, until fully qualified to enter as States, determined that her electoral vote should not be counted. After an angry discussion, another compromise was effected, which counted the vote with an " if." "If" her vote were counted, James Monroe would have 234, out of 235, and John Adams 1, for President, and Daniel D. Tompkins would have 221 for Vice-President, with 13 scattering. " If," on the contrary, her vote were not counted there would be a total of only 232, and the Monroe and Tompkins vote would be reduced to 231 and 218, respectively. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3d, 1821. The candidates-elect were sworn into office March 5, 1821, the 4th falling on Sunday. IX. MONROE'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 5, 1821— March 3, 1825. James Monroe, Va., President. Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. S Concrfss / h December 3i i8?l— May 8, 1822. bhVENTEENTH CONGRESS. | ^ December 2> l822 _Mnrch 3 , 1823. FlGHTFFNTH foWRFSS / *' DeCember *> 1823 — May 27, 1 824. < 2, December 6, 1824— March 3, 1825. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 493 ELECTORAL VOTE."" Basis of States. 35,000. Alabama I Connecticut 7 Delaware 2 Georgia 6 Illinois I Indiana I Kentucky IO Louisiana I Maine 7 Maryland 9 Massachusetts 13 Mississippi I Missouri I New Hampshire.... 6 New Jersey 6 New York 27 North Carolina 13 Ohio 6 Pennsylvania 23 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 9 Tennessee 6 Vermont 6 Virginia 23 Totals 187 THE CABINET. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Mass Continued. Secretary of Treasury W. H. Crawford, Ga Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, S. C. . . . Secretary of Navy Smith Thompson, N. Y . . . Attorney-General Richard Rush, Pa Postmaster-General R. J. Meigs, Ohio SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS— -First Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1821. The organization was effected by electing P. P. Bar- bour, Va., Speaker. The fanciful "era of good feeling" held, so far as opposition to the Republicans went, but they were now a divided and inharmonious party. The fight over the speaker- ship showed that the strict or old school elements were willing to die in their trenches rather than suffer themselves to be car- ried further by the liberal or new school element. The former won the Speaker, but the latter passed a bill to care for the National (Cumberland) Road. At this juncture Monroe broke * Of the scattering 8 were cast for Richard Stockton ; 4 for Daniel Rodney; I for Robert G. Harper; I for Richard Rush. There were three vacancies. Re publican. James Mon- Daniel D. Tomp- Vote roe, Va. kins, N. Y. No opposition 3 3 3 9 9 9 4 4 Sc. 8 8 8 3 3 3 3 3 3 12 12 12 3 3 3 9 9 9 11 11 10 15 15 7 3 3 3 3 . . . . Disputed. 8 . 7 7 1 for J. Q. Adams 8 8 8 29 29 29 15 15 IS 8 8 8 25 25 25 4 4 4 11 11 11 8 8 8 8 8 8 25 25 25 235 231 218 494 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. with the liberals, took a decided step backwards and vetoed the bill. His veto message discussed the constitutional side of the question very elaborately, and concluded with the announcement that no power was conferred on Congress to pass laws for in- ternal improvements of this kind. The President reached the above conclusion only after long hesitation, for his messages heretofore rather favored the position of the liberals, a strong element in his Cabinet still favored it, and he even advised, in his veto, an amendment to the Constitution conferring directly the powers on Congress which the liberal interpreters claimed it was endowed with by implication. However, his position, now that it was definitely ascertained, fortified that of the strict school, and they summarily disposed of bills involving the same principle looking to an internal canal system and a Tariff with stronger protective features. Nor was the country in a happy mood. Great financial dis- tress prevailed. The government was forced to retrench, and even to borrow. The division in the Republican ranks was gradually forcing its way down among the masses, and as is common in such cases, its party feeling was keener than between old opponents. The Congress adjourned, May 8, 1822. SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS — Second Session. — Met Dec. 2, 1822. Again the liberals forced their Internal Improve- ment and Protective Tariff ideas to the front to meet with defeat at the hands of the rigid interpreters. All however united to help the administration along in its now difficult work of keep- ing financially afloat. An adjournment sine die took place, March 3, 1823. EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 1, 1823, and organized by electing Henry Clay Speaker. This election was significant. It showed that the country had swung to the liberal side of the Republican party. It meant that there- after that side would push its measures with greater vigor and under better auspices. MONROE DOCTRINE.— It will be remembered that Clay in the Fifteenth Congress had proposed as a Foreign Policy the recognition of the South American Republics, then in a state of RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 495 revolt from Spain. The President in his message to the present Congress dwelt largely on this question of recognition, and formulated what has ever since been accepted as "the Monroe Doctrine." It announced the principle of (i) " No interference in wars of European powers in matters relating to themselves." (2) Defense of our own political system against any attempt of foreign powers to establish theirs in any part of this hemisphere. (3) No interference with existing foreign colonies. (4) Interference by foreign powers with colonial dependencies that have declared and maintained their independence, and been recognized by this government, to be regarded as an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. (5) " It is the true policy of the government to leave the parties (Spain and the revolting Republics) to them- selves, in the hope that other powers will do the same," this, since "Spain cannot subdue them," and since, if left alone, they would never voluntarily adopt a foreign political system. TARIFF OF 1824. — In the same message Monroe inclined to the popular side on matters of Protection and Internal Im- provement. He was a good President in that he was observant of situations and respected majority wishes. Two months were consumed in heated debate on this measure, which, while the rates on leading articles were not as high as under the act of 1 81 2, involved more directly the principle of protection to American manufactures, by preventing the competition of the cheaper manufactures of Europe, than any preceding act. Lines were drawn closely between the liberal and strict schools of interpreters of the Constitution, and, strange to say, these lines now showed quite a solid array of Southern States * against as solid an array of Northern States. The former supplemented their old argument against the Constitutionality of the Protective idea, by the new ones that it was unjust to them, and, moreover, sectional in spirit. Thus early they projected into the conten- tion the thought that legislative protection to manufacturing in- dustry was legislative hardship to planting industry, and that en- couragement of free paid labor was discouragement of slave unpaid labor. The bill passed by a close vote, a few of its * Clay's own State. Kentucky, was for the bill. 496 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ablest opponents, as Webster, coming from the New England States. These, however, chiefly contested the propriety of high protective duties and not the Constitutional right to impose them, denying that the distress of the country was as great as described by the friends of the bill, and doubting if any legisla- tion could be made to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise. The bill was approved by the President and thoroughly engrafted " The American System " in our national politics. The duties on leading articles were : Sugar, 3 cents per pound; coffee, 5 cents per pound; tea, 25 cents per pound; salt (bulk), 20 cents per pound ; pig iron, 20 per cent. ; bar iron, $30 per ton ; manufactures of glass, 30 per cent, and 3 cents per pound ; manufactures of cotton, 25 per cent. ; manufactures of woollens, 30 per cent. ; silk, 25 per cent. It was followed by another bill involving the same liberal views, which provided for surveys of routes upon which to base a system of national canals. Congress adjourned, May 27, 1824. ELECTION OF 1824.— In the last Presidential election the Republican party had no opposition, but it had a head. Now it furnished its own opposition, being without a head. The contest began during the session of the previous Congress by bids for popular favor, expediency measures and votes, and out- lines for a future which would be less gloomy than the then present. An attempt to revive the obsolete Congressional caucus nominations, in the interest of Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., failed. A Constitutional amendment had been mooted to choose electors by popular vote. The campaign became historic as " the scrub race for the Presidency." The liberal school of Republicans sup- ported Henry Clay, Ky., and John Quincy Adams. The strict school supported Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., and Andrew Jackson, Tenn. John C. Calhoun, S. C, had a general support for the Vice-Presidency and was elected. None of the candidates for the Presidency received a majority of " the whole number " of electoral votes, though Jackson had the most. The election therefore went into the House ot Representatives. EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. Miiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiw iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiHiiiiiiiiM '***fvHp** PRESIDENTS FROM 1817 TO 1841. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 497 6, 1824. This session saw the disruption of the Republican party, and the dawn of the Whig party. Its only political work was the counting of the electoral vote and the subsequent election of a President. The count showed 99 for Jackson; 84 for John Quincy Adams ; 41 for Wm. H. Crawford ; 37 for Henry Clay. For Vice-President, Calhoun had 182 votes, as against 78 scattering. He was, therefore, declared Vice-President. In the contest over the Presidency in the House, Clay, who was out of the fight,* threw his strength, or as much of it as he could con- trol, to Adams, which gave him 13 States, as against 7 for Jack- son and 4 for Crawford. Though the election of Adams was perfectly regular and constitutional, it forced the liberal and strict schools of interpreters wide apart, and the latter, carrying their fight to the country in the shape of a rebuke to those Rep- resentatives who had slaughtered Jackson, soon had the vantage ground. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1825. The President and Vice-President elect were sworn into office, March 4, 1825. X. JOHN Q. ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1825— March 3, 1829. John Quincy Adams, Mass., President. John C. Calhoun, S. C, Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. ■ Nineteenth Congress. / J December 5, 1825-May 22, 1826. 12, December 4, 1826-March 3, 1827. Twentieth Congress. ( * December 3, ^27-May 26, 1828. {2, December 1, 1828-March 3, 1829. * In such contests the three candidates having the highest number of votes are the only candidates before the House, and in voting each State shall have only oae vote. Twelfth Amendment to Constitution. 32 498 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ELECTORAL VOTE* Basis of 40,000. States Alabama 3 Connecticut 6 Delaware I Georgia 7 Illinois I Indiana 3 Kentucky 12 Louisiana 3 Maine 7 Maryland 9 Massachusetts .... 13 Mississippi 1 Missouri 1 New Hampshire. . 6 New Jersey 6 New York 34 North Carolina.. ..13 Ohio 14 Pennsylvania 26 Rhode Island. ... 2 South Carolina. ... 9 Tennessee 9 Vermont 5 Virginia 22 Totals.. 213 Votes. 5 8 3 9 3 5 14 5 9 11 15 3 3 8 8 36 15 16 28 4 11 7 24 261 A. Jack- son, Tenn. 28 Republicans. President. J. Q. Ad- ams, Mass. W.H. Crawford, Ga. H. Clay, Ky. 14 2 9 3 15 26 99 84 24 4i Vice-President. J. C. N. San- Calhoun, ford, N. Y. 16 37 THE CABINET s. c. 5 3 5 7 5 9 10 15 3 7 8 29 15 28 3 11 11 7 182 sc. sc. sc. 16 30 Secretary of State Henry Clay, Ky. Secretary of Treasury. ..Richard Rush, Pa. Secretary of War James Barbour, Va. Secretary of Navy S. L. Southard, N. J Continued. Attorney-General William Wirt, Va. . . " Postmaster-General John McLean, Ohio " NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY.— This party, fore- shadowed for some time, was now ready for a name. The divi- sion in the Republican ranks, encouraged by the free play of .* There was one vacancy. The scattering votes were, N. Macon, 24 ; A. Jackson, 13 ; Martin Van Buren, 9 ; Henry Clay, 2. At this election the popular vote began to be considered, for a great many States had abandoned the plan of choosing electors by their Legislatures, and a majority of them were about to do so. South Carolina adhered to the plan till 1868. The popular vote at this election was Andrew Jackson, 155,872, 10 States; John Q. Adams, 105,321, 8 States; Wm. H. Craw- ford, 44,282, 3 States ; Henry Clay, 46,587, 3 States. Contest finally decided in the House. See p. 497. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 499 sentiment during " The era of good feeling," and facilitated by the efforts of leaders of both schools of construction to impart their personalism to a following, now became a permanent breach. Adams entered on his administration with the Crawford supporters, who were the straightest sect of rigid interpreters, against him. His success had also set the Jackson following against him. They differed from the Crawford supporters only in the respect that they went with Jackson in his Federal and Protective Tariff ideas. But they could now unite forces and stand squarely against the administration. Clay's strength, which had gone to Adams' support in the House and helped to elect him President, naturally favored the administration. But Adams had made Clay his Secretary of State, a position then much courted as inviting to the Presidency. This gave the now united and embittered opposition a chance to charge collusion between Adams and Clay. Crimination and recrimination fol- lowed. Both sides became more compact and determined. Besides the sharp personalities involved, the President, in his inaugural and in his first message to Congress, had mapped a set of principles which, as to Protection, Internal Improvement, and liberality of Constitutional Construction in general, would answer as a bond of agreement for his own followers and those of Clay. Thus solidified, they set out as National Republicans (though known in the campaign of 1828 as Adams' men), a name excellently chosen, for as Republicans, yet as liberal or national interpreters of the Constitution, the title was accurate and full of meaning 1 . But by a fatality not unusual with party titles, the name did not stick for many years, being pushed aside to make room for the meaningless title of Whig. DEMOCRATIC PARTY.— The Crawford and Jackson fol- lowing were united only in their opposition to Adams' adminis- tration and to the new National Republican party. Crawford was sick and could not look out for his own Presidential chances. Jackson forced the situation, got a nomination three years in advance (October, 1825) from the Legislature of Tennessee, and thus became a centre about which all opposition to the adminis- tration could cluster. While Jackson's personalism was neces- 500 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sary to attract the Crawford support and cement the alliance, his followers were (in the campaign of 1828) "Jackson men." Thus, claiming to adhere more closely to the old Republican traditions than either Adams or Clay, they were more unmindful of the old Republican name, having dropped it altogether. But when it became necessary to get away from Jackson's personal ism and give the party a national status, the name Democrat * was popularly and officially assumed. It was an easy transition to this title. Men like Calhoun and others, who never liked the name Republican, had all along preferred to be designated as Democrats. It was, therefore, not new ; had been, in fact, a part of the Republican title, and was a titular revival, rather than in- vention. Thus went out of existence the distinctive Republican party and Republican name, though the Democrats claimed to perpetuate its principle's, in a rigid construction of the Constitu- tion. Yet even in this they too were, for a time at least, divided, for the extreme Southern, or State rights wing, sometimes called the Crawford faction, held to the doctrine of the Kentucky reso- lutions of 1799, which, we have seen, squarely broached the right to nullify objectionable Federal laws. A test of their doctrine was soon to be made under the lead of Calhoun. NINETEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1825, with a bare majority of liberal Republicans, who organized by electing John W. Taylor, N. Y., Speaker. The Senate had a majority of administration members, but Calhoun so arranged the committees as to enable the opposition to obstruct, or defeat nearly every political measure known to be favored by the Pres- ident. This led the majority on the floor to retaliate by taking the power of appointing committees away from the presiding officer, temporarily. The opposition was so strong and defiant * The present Democratic party began to take its name in 1831, and became fully recognized in 1832-33. I have before me papers of both the National Republican and Jackson parties in 183 1. One called the " Republican " had the ticket headed "Democrat-Republican candidate for President in 1832, Andrew Jackson." On the other side in 1831, the papers were headed, " National Republican candidate for President in 1832, Henry Clay." I was myself the secretary of a National Republican club in 1832, and have the minutes now before me." — Reminiscences of an old Whig. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 501 that no measures of moment passed the Congress, except those relating to appropriations. But a great many important bills were debated, among which was one to amend the Constitution, so as to permit the people to vote directly for the President ; a " Tenure of Office Bill," compelling the President to lay before the Senate his reasons for making removals from office ; another to so amend the Constitution as to prevent any member of the Congress from accepting a Federal office during his term ; and lastly a bill which proposed a Congress of American States to agree on a plan to prevent future European colonies and armed influence in the country. This last became notable, as drawing from the President, who had been a member of Monroe's cabinet, a reiteration of "The Monroe Doctrine," and a limitation of it, as Monroe's own idea, to our own border. His idea also being, that interference with nations on our own continent or hemis- phere, even to protect them, would be unjustifiable, except under the provisions designed to be agreed upon by some such tribunal as the proposed Congress of American States. Congress ad- journed May 22, 1826. NINETEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1826. The two parties — National Republican and Demo- cratic — still squarely faced each other, both nearly equally strong, both voting down the measures of the other, among which was one to increase the Tariff, and another which de- serves attention as the first effort to divide a part of the national revenue among the States.* Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1827. TWENTIETH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1827. Organized by electing Andrew Stevenson, Va., a Demo- crat, Speaker. This was a curiously constituted Congress. It was Democratic. What may be called the Adams and Jackson issues — they were scarcely Administration and Anti-Administra- tion, nor yet National Republican (or Whig) and Democratic — * This was afterwards done during Jackson's administration. The same question of a division of the surplus revenue among the States is now attracting wide atten- tion. The policy of doing it was announced in the Pennsylvania Republican platform of 1882. 502 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. had been carried to the country. The Democrats carried every Southern State except Louisiana. They were no less fortunate, owing to Jackson's Protective Tariff record, in New York, Penn- sylvania * and Illinois. Thus while they secured a majority in the Congress, it was united only for general party purposes. On the matter of a Protective Tariff it was divided, and enough Democrats from Northern States supported the National Re- publicans to bring about the celebrated Tariff Act of May 19, 1828. TARIFF OF 1828. — This act had nothing peculiar about it, except that it increased the duty on manufactures of wool, and some other manufactures, to what was deemed a protective ex- tent. But its importance was due to the fact (1) that it was de- signed to emphasize the "American system," and influence the approaching Presidential election. (2) To the fact that it was a turning-point of the hitherto hostile New England sentiment, Webster having changed ground and entered upon its advocacy. (3) To the fact that opposition to it was more than ever sec- tional, the South regarding it as robbery of the many for the benefit of the few, as a blow at the planting interests, as a dis- crimination against unpaid labor, and as unconstitutional. (4) To the fact that it became the basis of that partisan hostility which rapidly culminated in nullification. The session was prolific of party debates, but barren of results, other than those indirect ones which were designed to work to the benefit or detriment of prospective candidates for the Presi- dency. Congress adjourned, May 26, 1828. ELECTION OF 1828. — The common consent candidates of the respective parties were Adams and Jackson. No others were possible, for really these had had the field for four years. The great point with Adams, or the National Republicans, was to so emphasize the Protective Tariff and Internal Improvement ideas of the administration as to take away from Jackson whatever strength his Tariff record gave him. With Jackson the contest * A Convention of Protectionists, of national import, had been held at Hanisburg, Pa., in July, 1827, which took the ground that the country needed greater protection than the act of 1824 gave. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 503 was altogether different. He considered himself aggrieved by the result of the previous election, and his campaign was con- ducted — in the Democratic name — so as to vindicate the prin- ciple of choice by the popular vote, in other words the Demo- cratic principle. A misfortune of the situation was that the entire candidacy was sectional, for John C. Calhoun, S. C, was running as Vice-President with Andrew Jackson, Tenn., and Richard Rush, Pa., as Vice-President with John Quincy Adams, Mass. The result would reach further than simple party differ- ences warranted. At the election in November the Democrats triumphed. TWENTIETH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. I, 1828, with its former Democratic majority in both Houses, the doubtful members in the Senate having swung to the Anti- Administration side, or, which is the same, to the side of the in- coming administration. No measures were mooted likely to hamper the new administration, though one, accepting the lib- eral theory of Internal Improvement, and making large appro- priation therefor, went through, after provoking the then stereo- typed debates as to its constitutionality. The electoral count in February showed 178 votes for Jackson and 83 for Adams, for President, and 171 for Calhoun, and 83 for Rush, for Vice-Presi- dent. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1829. The candi- dates elect were sworn into office March 4, 1829. XI. JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1829 — March 3, 1833. Andrew Jackson, Tenn., President. John C. Calhoun, S. G, Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Twenty-first Congress. 1 J » ecem ** r 7, jf^May 31, 1830. ( 2, December 6, 1830-March 3, 1 83 1. Twenty-second Congress. { "• {^f™!:! r r * l^-ff^lV*?' {2, December 3, 1832-March 3, 1833. 504 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ELECTORAL VOTE* Democrat. National Republican. Basis of States. 40,000. Alabama 3 Connecticut 6 Delaware 1 Georgia 7 Illinois I Indiana 3 Kentucky 12 Louisiana 3 Maine 7 Maryland 9 Massachusetts .... 13 Mississippi I Missouri I New Hampshire. . 6 New Jersey 6 New York 34 North Carolina.. .. 13 Ohio 14 Pennsylvania 26 Rhode Island. ... 2 South Carolina.. .. 9 Tennessee 9 Vermont 5 Virginia 22 Totals 213 CABINET And. Jack- J. C. Cal- J. Q. Adams, Votes, son, Tenn. houn, S. C. Mass. 5 5 5 8 8 3 -. .. " 3 992 3 3 3 5 5 5 14 14 14 5 5 5 9 1 1 8 11 5 5 6 15 •• •• 15 3 3 3 •- 3 3 3" 8 8 R. Rush, Pa. '8 3 . 7 for S. C. Smith, 36 15 16 28 4 7 24 261 20 .15 16 28 24 i?8 20 15 16 28 11 [71 8 6 15 8 8 16 83 83 Secretary of State , .* Martin Van Buren, N. Y. Secretary of Treasury Samuel D. Ingham, Pa. Secretary of War John H. Eaton, Tenn. Secretary of Navy John Branch, N. C. Attorney-General John M. Berrien, Ga. Postmaster-General Wm. T. Barry, Ky. NEW ADMINISTRATION— This first Democratic admin- istration opened amid storm and invited storm. It had to confront the fact that the extreme Democrats of the South (the Crawford following) were not heartily with it, but that their drift was toward Vice-President Calhoun, as their leader, who was now among the most rigid masters in the school of strict interpreters and a pronounced champion of the Kentucky reso- lutions of 1799. Indeed, both Georgia and South Carolina had already assumed, through their Legislatures, to notify the Presi- dent and the country that they declared null and void any act * Popular vote — Jackson, 647,231 ; States, 15; Adams, 509,097; States, 9. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 505 of Congress (the really objectionable act was the tariff of 1828) which they as States adjudged unconstitutional. In his first message, Jackson took high ground against a re- charter of the National Bank, though the charter of 18 16 did not expire till 1836, regarded its usefulness as in every way- past, argued that it was Anti-Democratic and despotic, and held the law authorizing it unconstitutional. He also swung quite to the side of those who opposed Protection and Internal Improve- ment. This alienated from him very many Democrats who were of sufficiently liberal turn to favor all these measures. How- ever, this did not last very long, for circumstances soon com- pelled him to change front on Tariff and Internal Improvement measures, and to at least see that all such as Jiad assumed the shape of law were duly enforced. His hostility to the bank, however, continued. He gave his opposition a decidedly politi- cal turn. Its destruction was the result Nor was the foreign outlook assuring. France was urging a settlement of her spoliation claims, even to the extent of threat- ening war, and England was clamorous and angry about the Maine boundary. To cap all, a new party, known as the Anti- Masonic, had risen in New York, which became a bidder for national distinction, and which, in its fervor, threatened to de- moralize existing political forces.* Amid all these complica- tions and antagonisms a President of ordinary nerve would have failed. But it seemed to be the kind of political atmosphere which Jackson liked to breathe. He was fortunate in the respect that there could be no hearty and effective combination of opposing elements, and equally fortunate in the sympathy which naturally goes out toward one who is singly enlisted against overwhelming odds. His personalism infected his entire administration, and this, in his case, was not a misfortune, for * This organization, short-lived as it was, was peculiarly galling to such leaders as Clay and Jackson, who were both Masons. The furore which originated it came from the sudden, and as yet unaccounted for, disappearance of one Daniel Morgan, of Batavia, N. Y., who had written a book exposing the secrets of Free Masonry, in 1826. In 1832 it nominated a Presidential ticket, and then fell into rapid decline. 506 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. he had been a military hero, was of undeniably honest, but blunt intention, and was quite on a level with the masses in brusque demeanor and every-day speech. VICTOR AND SPOILS.— The clouded and uncertain sur- roundings of the new administration were its justification for a general clearing out of all officials not in sympathy with it. This became the new doctrine of " Rotation in Office," or as it found popular expression from the lips of Senator Marcy, N. Y., the doctrine that " The spoils of the enemy belonged to the victor." * We have seen that Jefferson had given the hint for this doctrine, but that after applying it for the correction of certain errors on the part of his predecessor, had fallen back on the custom, which prevailed from the beginning till Jackson's time, of trusting to time to make vacancies and to the future supremacy of his party to fill them. Whether Jackson's excuse of self-defense were justified or not, his practice was accepted by all future parties, and prevailed without question, till called to account by Civil Service Reform. TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1829, and organized by re-electing Andrew Stevenson, Va., Speaker, the Democrats being in a majority in both branches. Now the alienations already indicated began. The message, taking its high ground against the National Bank, which was allied with Protection and Internal Improve- ment, and proposing various things, among them a distribu- tion of the surplus revenue to the States,f which were either new or upon which an agreement was impossible, they were * " Another doctrine of Jackson was that he was ' responsible for the entire action of the Executive Department,' and, therefore, had the power to remove and appoint all officers at pleasure — a doctrine which, at a later day, during the administration of Andrew Johnson, Congress was compelled to legislate against. ■ Responsible ? ' said Mr. Webster, replying to Jackson's protest. ■ What does he mean by being responsible ? ' Does he mean legal responsibility ? Certainly not — no such thing. Legal responsibility signifies liability to punishment for misconduct or maladminis- tration. A Briareus sits in the centre of our system, and with his hundred hands touches exerything, moves everything, controls everything. I ask, sir, is this Re- publicanism ? is this a government of laws ? is this legal responsibility ? " — Remin- iscences of an old Whig. f This afterwards came about. See p. 517; also p. 501 and note. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 507 summarily dealt with by the committees to which they were respectively referred. Party lines were strictly drawn over the question of removing the Cherokee Indians of Georgia to the west of the Mississippi, the Legislature of that State having enacted to open their lands to settlers, contrary to existing treaties with the tribe. The National Republicans opposed the bill for removal. Though it passed, it was ineffective, the Indians refusing to part with their lands.* Several enactments looking to Internal Improvements were passed, some of which the President vetoed directly. Others he retained for the legal ten days, and Congress having in the meantime adjourned they thus failed to become law. This convenient way of vetoing a bill by indirection was frequently practised by the President, and got to be known as the " Pocket Veto" method. The most notable event of the session was the introduction into the Senate, by Foot, Conn., of an apparently harmless resolution of inquiry into the matter of public lands, coupled with a proposition to stop surveys and limit sales. As the ef- fect of the proposition would have been to check migration and western settlement, it was opposed by western members, and gave rise to a five-month debate. This took the widest latitude. The imputation by Southern members that it had always been a New England policy to check western settlement, drew from Webster a reference to the ordinance of 1787 for the govern- ment of the territory northwest of the Ohio. As this ordinance prohibited slavery, the slave question came up, and was discussed in all its bearings, the debates being sectional, exhaustive and bitter. Hayne's allusion to the attitude of New England in the war of 181 2 brought from Webster a reference to the Kentucky nullifying resolutions of I799,f and to the recent action of * They were afterwards forcibly removed in defiance of a decision of the Supreme Court to the effect that the treaties between them and the United States were valid. f Hayne quoted the Virginia resolutions of 1799, written by Madison, as justify- ing nullification. Webster defended Madison, and showed that such interpretation could not be put upon them. But this did not destroy Hayne's reliance on the Kentucky resolutions, written by Jefferson. We have taken the trouble to show that the doctrine of nullification was not in the Kentucky resolutions which Jeffer- 508 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Georgia and South Carolina respecting the tariff of 1828. This brought up the whole question of nullification, Hayne voicing the well-known sentiments of Calhoun. And so it drifted from Southern grievance to New England Federalism, from State rights to Federal powers, from the government as a League to the government as a Nation, covering the entire field of national and constitutional history. Benton, though a par- ticipant, justly calls it " The Great Debate in the Senate." Con- gress adjourned, May, 31, 1830. TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1830. This Congress met at a time when the doctrine of Nullification was passing from peaceful resistance to Federal authority to open, violent resistance. It had shown its hand the preceding April, when at a dinner party in Washington the President had rebuked the Nullification sentiment which pre- vailed by the toast, " Our Federal Union ; it must and shall be preserved." Vice-President Calhoun immediately flung the counter-toast among the guests, " Liberty, dearer than Union." These led to enough to satisfy the President that he must be on his guard, and the Nullifiers that they could not carry him with them. As to his friends in Congress, especially those of liberal sentiment, he offended them, as before, by repeating in his mes- sage his opposition to the National Bank, and by going still further and opposing Internal Improvement, except under cer- tain limited conditions. This element went to the support of the National Republicans, and the result was such an emphatic verdict in favor of bills for improvement of harbors, rivers and roads, and for light-houses, that he relented his opposition and gave them executive approval. Before adjournment the President was made to feel the hatred of the Nullifiers toward him. Vice-President Calhoun came out in a pamphlet severely criticising his war record, especially as it related to the Seminole affair. This touched him in a very tender spot. Angered beyond measure at its publication, smart- son drew, but was in those of the next year (1799), in the shape of an amend- ment to Jefferson's. Madison protested against Hayne's use of Jefferson's name in support of what he called the " colossal heresy of nullification." RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 509 ing under the insinuation that all was not lovely among the families of his cabinet, and the further insinuation that he pre- ferred to be advised by hangers-on at the White House — a " Kitchen Cabinet," as they were called — he stormed as only "Old Hickory" could storm. His cabinet resigned in a body, and gave him opportunity to reorganize, which he did by mak- ing Edward Livingston, La., his Secretary of State, vice Van Buren ; Louis McLane, Del., Secretary of Treasury, vice Ing- ham ; Lewis Cass, Mich., Secretary of War, vice Eaton ; Levi Woodbury, N. H., Secretary of Navy, vice Branch ; Roger B. Taney, Md., Attorney-General, vice Berrien. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1831. TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1 83 1. The House organized by re-electing Andrew Steven- son Speaker. His majority in the former House was 93, in this it was 1. The Senate was opposed to the Administration. The President forced his war on the United States Bank, and the Congress met him more than half way by an act reviving the charter, though the old one did not expire till 1836. He vetoed the bill, and the requisite two-thirds could not be mustered to pass it over the veto. From this time on he pursued the bank with Spartan persistency until he drove it out of existence. TARIFF OF 1832. — The process of getting ready for the Presidential campaign seemed to require, as it had done for sev- eral previous campaigns, a revision of the Tariff. An act passed in May, 1830, had considerably scaled the rates of duty laid in the act of 1828, but not enough to destroy the Protective features of that act. The nullifying sentiment in the South must be appeased somehow. Another act was the remedy. It was the act of July 14, 1832, which reduced duties very considerably and placed coffee and tea on the free list. But it failed to effect its purpose, for as yet there had been no official or legal repu- diation of the Protective idea. Bills making liberal appropria- tions for Internal Improvement were also passed and signed ; some, however, received the adroit pocket veto. The split between the President and Vice-President was wid- ened by the refusal of the latter to confirm by his casting vote 510 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. in the Senate the appointment of Van Buren as Minister to Eng- land. This spiteful proceeding reacted on Calhoun in the shape of the nomination of Van Buren for the Vice-Presidency. Con- gress adjourned, July 16, 1832. ELECTION OF 1832. — This contest is noteworthy as the first in which all the parties made their nominations through national conventions, and two of them a proclamation of prin- ciples through what are now known as party platforms. The Anti-Masons took the field as early as September, 1 831, at Bal- timore, by nominating for President William Wirt, Va. ; for Vice-President, Amos Ellmaker, Pa. Their principles were in- volved in their formal call of a convention as " opposition to secret societies." The National Republicans followed in December, 183 1, at Baltimore. They nominated for President, Henry Clay, Ky. ; for Vice-President, John Sergeant, Pa. The address of the conven- tion to the people, or platform, defined the issues of the cam- paign as the tariff, internal improvement, the question of remov- ing the Cherokee Indians, and renewal of the United States Bank charter. The Democrats met, also at Baltimore, in March, 1832, and nominated for President, Andrew Jackson, Tenn. ; for Vice- President, Martin Van .Buren, N. Y. The convention published no platform of principles.* Thus the respective parties entered the campaign. No part of the country felt as warmly toward Jackson as at his first election. The South was cold, and, in the case of South Caro- lina, defiant. The North, or wherever the influence of the United States Bank was strongest, was unsympathetic or pro- nouncedly against him. But there was little coherency in the *But at a ratification meeting, held in Washington, May 11, 1832, a set of reso- lutions were adopted which favored internal improvement, denounced removals from office for opinion sake and contained the following on the tariff : "Resolved, That an adequate protection to American industry is indispensable to the prosperity of the country, and that an abandonment of the policy at this period would be attended with consequences ruinous to the best interests of the nation." None of which was very good Jackson doctrine so far as his first administration was con- cerned. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 511 opposition, and the result of the election, in November, was de- cidedly in his favor. " The American System," which Clay's nomination had placed on trial before the country, and which the National Republicans had presented with all their eloquence and logic, was, for the time being, swamped by both the national verdict and that in the Congressional districts. South Carolina supported none of the nominees, but cast her vote for John Floyd, Va., and Henry Lee, Mass. NULLIFICATION— -No sooner had the Presidential election passed over than a South Carolina convention, at Columbus, Nov. 19, 1832, declared the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 "null and void and not binding upon the State, her officers and citizens." It is difficult to understand this action at this time except upon the theory that it was a direct blow of Calhoun and his friends at Jackson, for since protection * had been made the distinguishing feature of the Presidential campaign, and had not been endorsed by the country, any reasonable opponents of the protective idea must have been satisfied.f Other circumstances may, however, have conspired to bring about the ordinance at this juncture. The sentiment of nullification had been ripening for some time. The State of Georgia had practically nullified the Cherokee Indian act by refusing to obey the decrees of the United States Supreme Court. The thought that coercion of a State by the Federal troops was possible did not prevail then, * The nullifiers, it must be remembered, claimed that a tariff act which involved the idea of protection was unconstitutional. This, they said, was the gravamen of the acts of 1828 and 1832. It is very probable, however, that they deemed the time a fit one to test the position of a State in the Union. f " Jackson had pledged himself to a single term, and Calhoun had expected to be his successor. But by adroit use of resolutions in several of the State Legisla- tures in favor of a second term for Jackson, he concluded to run again. His quarrel with Calhoun now became a feud. Calhoun pressed his nullification idea, and Jackson resisted by the proclamation of force, Dec. 16, 1832. Clay, fearing war, introduced his "Compromise tariff bill," which passed March 2, 1833, under which duties were to be scaled at the rate of 10 per cent, annually till they reached a uni- form rate of 20 per cent. This they did in 1842. During this period the country reached universal bankruptcy in 1837, a sub-treasury law had to be passed to supply the place of the suspended State banks, a bankrupt law to relieve individuals, and the tariff act of 1842 to relieve the country." — Reminiscences of an old Whig. 512 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. and the further thought that any such attempt at coercion would be resisted by the States through which such troops would be compelled to pass, did prevail in South Carolina. At any rate the ordinance passed, and it was backed up by resolutions to the effect that any appeal from it to the United States Supreme Court would be punishable as an offence, and that any attempt at force on the part of the general government would be followed by the secession of the State. This Ordinance, which went into effect Feb. I, 1833, placed the State in the attitude of forcible resistance to the laws of the United States. A certified copy of it reached the President in December, 1832, the Legislature of the State in the meantime passing laws taking back all those powers it had parted with to the central government, and rapidly placing it on a war footing. Soon after its receipt, the President, Dec. 16, 1832, issued his celebrated proclamation to the people of the State. It is im- portant as showing how the first overt nullification, and first direct attempt at secession, was met, and that by an executive who, though not of the extreme school of rigid interpreters of the Constitution, was yet sufficiently inclined that way to be the national representative of the then existing Democracy. The Proclamation (1) exhorted the people of South Carolina to obey the laws of Congress. (2) Pointed out the illegality of their procedure. (3) Showed that the general government was one in which the people of all the States were collectively repre- sented. (4) Affirmed that Representatives in Congress are Representatives of the United States and not of particular States, are paid by the United States and are not accountable to the State for their legitimate acts. (5) Concluded, therefore, that the government was not a League, but a government, whether formed by compact or in any other way ; that it operated on in- dividuals, not on States ; that the States parted with enough of their powers to make a nation ; that the claim of a right to secede was not the mere withdrawing from a contract, but was destructive of the unity of a nation ; that it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing an RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 513 offence. (6) Expressed his determination to enforce the laws / even by a resort to force if necessary. Without recourse to Congress, then in session, but in the ex- ercise of the power he already possessed as executive, he threw a naval force into Charleston Harbor and proceeded to collect the duties under the Tariff of 1832. In January, however, he was forced to ask for legislation to aid him in the enforcement of the laws. A bill was consequently prepared in the Senate which was deemed adequate. Its provisions provoked intense hostility. Debate was long and acrimonious. Notwithstanding the fact that it was shown to contain no new feature, and had the support of such conservative-minded men as Webster, it was denounced as unconstitutional, as tending to civil war, as a " Force Bill," as " the Bloody Bill," etc. It was a bill to enforce the Tariff Act of 1832. It passed, was signed by the President, and duly executed. South Carolina did not secede on account of it, and no State was injured by its passage and enforcement. All in all it was probably the best measure which could have been devised for the emergency. At any rate it made the Presi- dent master of the situation, and rampant nullification subsided. Soon after the opening of Congress in December Calhoun re- signed the Vice-Presidency and entered the Senate, where he took early occasion to say that his State had never intended to resist the government by force, and as an evidence of it he called attention to the fact that a recent meeting of nullifiers had been held at which it was agreed that all thought of forcible resistance should be postponed till after the Congress had adjourned. TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1832. The most important act was that spoken of in the preceding paragraph, except perhaps the compromise Tariff Act. This act, conceived by Clay in a spirit of compromise, met two requirements : (1) the verdict of the last Presidential election; (2) the wishes of those engaged in nullification, not fully, per- haps, but sufficiently to show that the friends of Protection were not necessarily the enemies of their opponents. Its weakness was that of all compromises. It was immediately heralded by the nullifiers as their vindication, and amid great rejoicing was 33 514 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. proclaimed as a surrender of " the American system " and a justification of the South Carolina status. It did not enact any- thing affirmatively, but taking the Tariff of 1832 as a basis, pro- ceeded to emasculate it by a dry rot repeal extending over a period of ten years (till 1842), during all which time there was to be a gradual biennial reduction of duties, till in the end no higher rate than 20 per cent, should survive. The President continued his war on the National Bank, but was headed off by its friends. The Public Land Question came up again in the shape of a bill to turn the proceeds of sales over to the States as a loan. A pocket veto settled its fate. The count of the electoral vote in February, 1833, revealed, for President, Jackson 219, Clay 49, Floyd 1 1, Wirt 7; for Vice- President, Van Buren 189, Sergeant 49, Wiikins 30, Lee 1 1, Ell- maker 7. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1833. Jack- son and Van Buren were sworn into office March 4, 1833. XII. JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1833— March 3, 1837. Andrew Jackson, Tenn., President. Martin Van Buren, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. ■ _ f 1, December 2, 18^-Tune 30, 1 8 34. Twenty-third Congress, j ^ Decem ber 1, 1834-March 3, 1835. _ -, f 1, December 7, 1835-July 4, 1836. Twenty-fourth Congress, j ^ December J, ^o-March 3, 1837. ELECTORAL VOTE* Democrat. Nat. Republican. Anti-Mason. Basis of And. Jack- M. Van H. Clay, J. Ser- W. Wirt, Amos Ell- States. 47,700. Vote, son, Tenn. Buren, N.Y. Ky. geant, Pa. Va. maker, Pa. Alabama 5 7 7 7 Connecticut 6 8 .. .. 8 8 Delaware I 3 •• •• 3 3 Georgia 9 1 1 II 1 1 Illinois 3 5 5 5 •• Indiana 7 9 9 9 * There were two vacancies. The South Carolina vote went to John Floyd and Henry Lee. William Wiikins, Pa., got 30 of the scattering votes. The popular vote was : Andrew Jackson, 687,502 ; Henry Clay, 530,189 ; William Wirt, 33,108. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 515 Electoral Vote — Continued. Democrat. Nat. Republican. Anti-Mason. Basis of States. 47j7oo- Kentucky 13 Louisiana 3 Maine 8 Maryland % Massachusetts 12 Mississippi 2 Missouri 2 New Hampshire.. .. 5 New Jersey 6 New York 40 North Carolina.... 13 Ohio .. .' 19 Pennsylvania 28 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina ... 9 Tennessee 13 Vermont 5 Virginia 21 Totals 240 THE CABINET And. Jack- M. Van H. Clay, J. Ser- W. W Vote, son, Tenn. Buren.N.Y. Ky. gear.t, Pa. Va. *5 5 10 10 14 4 4 7 8 42 15 21 30 4 7 _23 288 5 10 4 4 7 8 42 15 21 30 sc. 15 23 219 5 10 3 4 4 7 8 42 *5 21 sc. sc. 15 _23 89 15 49 49 rt, Amos Ell- maker, Pa. Secretary of State Lewis McLane, Del. Secretary ot Treasury William J. Duane, Pa. Secretary of War Lewis Cass, Mich Continued. Secretary of Navy Levi Woodbury, N. H " Attorney-General Roger B. Taney, Md " Postmaster-General William T. Barry, Ky " Jackson's Cabinets were very fluctuating. This one was ar- ranged, the better to carry on his war against the United States Bank. But Mr. Duane refused to obey his order to remove the deposits from the Bank on the plea that they were unsafe there, that they had been used for political purposes, or for any reason whatever. Nor would he resign his office. He on the contrary alleged that the President's action was unnecessary, arbitrary, and unjust. He was removed, and Roger B. Taney took his place. The deposits were then transferred to favorite State banks. The National Bank, thus left without bankable resource, began to call in its loans and wind up business, in the midst of great financial embarrassment and commercial distress. TWENTY-THIRD CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1833. Organized by re-electing Andrew Stevenson, Speaker, by a majority of 81. The war on the Bank culminated during 516 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. this session. Enough Democratic Senators united with the National Republicans to censure the President for his removal of the Bank deposits. This was tabled in the House, which then committed itself by a resolution not to vote for a re-charter of the Bank. Thus the President carried his position by indirec- tion, and the tedious, bitter, demoralizing, and, so far as Jackson was concerned, personal, struggle ended. Even the commercial and industrial hardship entailed by the loss of so powerful a financial agent was quoted as an evidence of the truth of the President's charges against it.* The Post-office Department, which had been conducted 'under the Treasury Department until 1 829, and then set apart as dis- tinct, came up for investigation. As this was an administration measure, the Department was declared by a House investigating committee to be corrupt, and a bill for its reorganization passed. The President and Senate were in a perpetual snarl. The latter rejected his pet nominations, among them that of Taney for the Treasury, and Stevenson, the Speaker, as Minister to Eng- land. It also attempted to limit his political removals and ap- pointments, by a species of Tenure of Office bill. Congress adjourned June 30, 1834. TWENTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 1, 1834. This session was mainly devoted to finance. The deposit of public moneys in the State banks was giving rise to trouble. As a system it was inconvenient and dangerous, though tenaciously adhered to by the Democrats. Its opponents pro- posed as a substitute a system of Sub-Treasuries at various busi- ness centres, through whose agents the Treasurer might act safely and promptly. This the Democrats voted down, only, however, to fall in with and adopt it at a later date, as their best weapon with which to fight those who favored re-chartering a National Bank. Slight encouragement was given the system of * It is perhaps needless to say that the leading Democratic opponents of the Bank, sucli as Benton, rested their case on a denial of the right of the government to make anything money except gold and silver. They rigidly interpreted the coinage clause of the Constitution, and popularized the idea that Democrats then constituted " the hard money party." RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 517 Internal Improvements, by an appropriation therefor. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1835. TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1835. Organized by electing James K. Polk, Tenn., as Speaker. Neither branch was a happy body. An amalgamated opposition to the Democrats controlled the Senate, and the Democratic majority in the House was divided into two factions, one administration, anxious to advance Van Buren's chances for the Presidency, the other anti-administration, anxious to advance those of Hugh L. White, Tenn. Fortunately no measures of party moment arose. The leading act of the session was one which passed in pursuance of the President's announcement in his message that the public debt would soon be paid, and his advice that some method of disposing of the surplus revenue should be provided. It is of moment now, in view of the fact that a similar proposition is being mooted, and bids fair to become a party issue. SURPLUS REVENUE.— Clay's previous plan to distribute the surplus arising from the sale of public lands among the States was premature, because the government had need of the money. Now, the extinguishment of the public debt made a similar plan more timely. But how to get at it was a grave question. Every way seemed unsatisfactory till a plan of regu- lating the deposit of public moneys in the State banks was hit upon. Deposits had hitherto been made in the " pet banks." Now the surplus revenue was to be divided in proportion to the population of each State, and the share of each, as thus ascer- tained, was to be deposited in its designated State bank or banks, for the use of the State, the same to be regarded as in the nature of a loan for whose return, when called on, the State stood as a pledge. This ingenious act passed both Houses in June, 1836, to take effect Jan. 1, 1837. It applied to all surplus above $5,000,000, and under it $26,101,644 were distributed. It ceased to operate in less than a year, by act of Congress, owing to hard times. The Distribution bill was signed by the Presi- dent reluctantly. The promised benefit to the States did not accrue, nor did those who favored it with the hope of advancing 518 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. their Presidential chances reap the harvest they expected. The panic of 1837 burst upon the country all the same, and the Dem- ocratic party suffered defeat in 1840. Arkansas became a State June 15, 1836. Congress adjourned July 4, 1836. PANIC OF 1837.— The destruction of the United States Bank, the scaling of duties under the Tariff Act of 1 833, the mul - tiplication of State banks and introduction of their variable and doubtful notes, made the financial situation uncertain, distressed business, and tended directly toward panic. This was precipi- tated by an order of the President, issued through his Secretary of Treasury (July, 1836), to the effect that the Treasury should cease to take State bank notes in payment for Public Lands, but should, in the future, take only gold and silver. From a Treasury standpoint this was justifiable, for the notes of the State banks had been piling up in the Treasury Department in great quan- tities. But as such a result had been invited by the destruction of the National Bank, with its uniform and stable currency, it looked as if the President were recoiling from it. His specie order speedily swamped the State banks, except the " pet " ones, which were banks designated to receive the national deposits, by creating a demand for gold and silver they could not meet. The panic broke on the country the next year, and the direst distress prevailed in every department of business. ELECTION OF 1836. — This contest opened early by the nomination (1834-35) of H. L. White, Tenn., by the Legislature of Alabama. This was to head off Jackson, who sought the nomination of Van Buren. The White faction was the rest, residue and remainder of the old Crawford faction, members of the extreme school of rigid interpreters, strict State -rights men, former nullifiers, unyielding opponents of Jackson. But the Van Buren forces were not to be demoralized in this way. The era of caucus and legislative nomination had passed. A popular convention met in Baltimore in May, 1835, and placed Martin Van Buren, N. Y., in nomination for President, with Richard M. Johnson, Ky., for Vice-President. This was called a " Loco- Foco " convention, the term having come into popular use the previous winter in New York as a set-off to the term " Whig," RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 519 Which was at the same time applied to the National Republican party. The " Loco-Focos " promulgated a platform, the impor- tant plank in which was adherence to gold and silver as the only- proper circulating medium. The Whigs, Anti-Masons, " and all opposed to " Van Buren, united on William Henry Harrison, Ohio, for President, and Francis Granger, N. Y., for Vice-President, who had been the declared nominees of a State convention held in Pennsylvania (1835)- To the Alabama nomination of H. L. White for President had been added that of John Tyler, Va., for Vice-President. Feeling that the election could be thrown into the House, where the Democratic division would insure the choice of an opposition candidate, Ohio placed John McLean in nomination for the Presidency, and Massachusetts, Daniel Webster. Thus shaped, the election took place in November, 1836, and resulted in a majority of Van Buren electors. TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1836. This session was not notable for bills passed, but is memorable for the attempt made by the Southern mem- bers to recover the territory west of the Sabine (Texas), which had been lost at the time of the Florida purchase (18 19). Con- trary to the advice contained in the President's message, against interference between Mexico and the Republic of Texas (Texas had seceded from the Mexican Republic and set up for herself), the Senate passed a bill recognizing Texan independence, which the House rejected. A NEW POLITICAL FORCE -At is further memorable as directly recognizing a new political force which had been incor- porated in 1833 as the National Anti-Slavery Society, which had been working quietly and suasively by means of lectures, tracts and newspapers, and which, in its preference of abroad humanity for narrow code, had given offence to the South by technical violations of the existing regulations respecting the return of fugitives. The mob violence which had been resorted to in several Northern cities for the purpose of breaking up the sources of abolition literature having failed, and there being an 520 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. alarming increase of the same in the South, the President advised Congress to pass a bill construing such literature as incendiary and prohibiting its carriage by the United States mails. The times were not yet ripe for this summary method, and the bill was rejected. THE ELECTORAL COUNT— Michigan was admitted as a State, Jan. 26, 1837. The electoral count in February resulted in 170 for Van Buren; 73 for Harrison; 26 for White; 14 for Webster; and 11 for W. P. Mangum, N. C, for President; and for Vice-President, 147 for Johnson; yj for Granger; 47 for Tyler ; and 23 for William Smith, Ala. There being no choice for Vice-President, the House elected Richard M. Johnson, Ky. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1837, and on March 4 Van Buren and Johnson were sworn into office. Jackson signalized his retiracy by a farewell address, after the manner of Washington, in which he vindicated his administrative career, and congratulated the country on its peace, prosperity, and full triumph of the Democratic principles and party. His own peace of mind had been exalted by the passage of a resolu- tion, March 16, 1837, expunging the Clay resolution censuring his conduct in the removal of the public m®neys from the National Bank. XIII. VAN BUREN'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1837 — March 3, 1841. Martin Van Buren, N. Y., President. Richard M. John- son, Ky., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. {I, September 4, 1837-October 16, 1837, extra session. 2, December 4, 1837-July 9, 183S. 3, December 3, 1838-March 3, 1839. „, *, f I, December 2, 1839-Tuly 21, 1840. Twenty-sixth Congress, j 2> December ;> l8 ^-March 3, 1841. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 521 ELECTORAL VOTE.* Democrat. Whig. States. Alabama . . Arkansas.. . . Connecticut . Delaware . . . Basis of 47,700. • 5 6 I Georgia 9 Illinois 3 Indiana 7 Kentucky 13 Louisiana 3 Maine 8 Maryland 8 Massachusetts 12 Michigan. ... 1 Mississippi 2 Missouri 2 New Hampshire. ... 5 New Jersey 6 New York 40 North Carolina. ... 13 Ohio 19 Pennsylvania 28 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 9 Tennessee 13 Vermont 5 Virginia. 21 Totals 242 THE CABINET Votes. 7 3 5 9 15 5 10 10 3 4 4 7 8 42 15 21 30 4 11 I S 7 294 M. Van Bu- K ren, N. Y. 4 3 8 7 4 5 sc. to 4 4 7 42 *5 30 4 sc. 31 170 M. John- son, Ky. 4 3 8 7 4 5 sc. 10 4 4 7 42 15 30 4 sc. W. H. Harri- son, Ohio. F. Granger, N.Y. 47 IO sc. 15 7 73 Secretary of State Secretary of Treasury. . . Secretary of War John Forsyth, Ga Continued. Levi Woodbury, N. II .... " Joel R. Poinsett, S. C. Secretary of Navy Mahlon Dickerson, N. J.. .Continued. Attorney-General Benjamin F\ Butler, N. Y... " Postmaster-General Amos Kendall, Ky " *5 7 sc. 77 THE INAUGURAL.— Van Buren's inaugural teemed with faith in his predecessor and promises to abide by his policy. It congratulated the country on its prosperity and peace, and laid down as his chart the doctrines of the Democratic party. This commitment was untimely. It made him the executor of * Webster got the 14 votes of Massachusetts; Mangum the 11 votes of South Carolina ; White 26 votes from various Southern States. For Vice-President, John Tyler got 47 and William Smith 23. The popular vote was, Van Buren, 761,549, 15 States; Harrison, 7 States; White, 2 States; Webster, I State ; Mangum, I State — 236,656 votes. 522 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the wreck invited by a financial policy which would have in time carried even Jackson down. The State banks had flooded the country with a "wild-cat" currency. Values were inflated and speculation rife. The President's (Jackson's) order to take noth- ing but gold and silver in payment for public lands had by this time resulted in a heavy gold premium, and the impossibility of getting specie at all by the weaker banks. The folly of the law ordering the distribution of the surplus among the States was now apparent, for the surplus was in the keeping of the " pet banks," and they could not respond to the order to pay money over to the States which they had loaned out and could not promptly collect. On May 10, 1837, a general suspension of the banks took place. This stopped the treasury, for its deposits were with the banks. The panic of 1837 was on, with its cruel and unparalleled wreck of every vital business interest. TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— -Extra Session.— Galled Sept. 4, 1 837, to consider the financial situation. House organized by electing James K. Polk, Tenn., Speaker. Both branches Dem- ocratic ; House by a majority of 13. The President's message defended Jackson's " Specie Circular," but recommended the Gov- ernment to break off from the banks, whether State or National, and rely on an Independent Treasury System,* with an issue of Treasury notes ; further, to stop paying the deposits due the States under the act then in force. The message met with vio- lent opposition from Whigs and many Democrats. Clay, Web- ster, Cushing and others made it a text for the review of Dem- ocratic finance, from the beginning of the Government down. The Democratic opponents of the message switched off into a separate party, calling themselves " Conservatives." The bills enacted sustained the Administration and marked the era of a complete separation between State and National banking. They stopped the distribution of the surplus among the States, extended the time to merchants who had borrowed National * This was really the Sub-Treasury plan proposed by the National Republi- cans in the 23d Congress, and then rejected by the Democrats. It was now opposed by the Whigs, who saw, since the distress was on, an opportunity to re* establish a Notional bank, and, as they reasoned, thus lift the country out of panic. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 523 moneys, and sanctioned the issue of Treasury notes to the ex- tent of $10,000,000. The interest of the session was heightened by Calhoun's reso- lutions in the Senate against interference with slavery in the States, and to the effect "that it would be inexpedient and im- politic to abolish or control it in the District of Columbia or the Territories." He was loud in his praise of the Missouri Com- promise of 1820. From this time on the subject of slavery came up in nearly every session of Congress, till 1863. Congress ad- journed, Oct. 16, 1837. TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— -First Regular Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1837. The coalition between the Whigs and Con- servative Democrats still prevailed, and it defeated in the House the Senate bill to establish an Independent Treasury, though it came to the relief of that department by authorizing it to accept as current the notes of specie-paying banks. This innocent- looking measure really permitted the Administration to get away from the hampering effects of Jackson's Specie Order without the humiliation of formally withdrawing it. The determination of the Southern States to regain Texas came boldly forth this session by a bill for annexation, which did not pass. It will be curious now to watch the growth of this idea of enlarged slave territory, first by direct acquisition, and then by the doctrine that, notwithstanding the Missouri Com- promise, all Government territory was open to slavery ; and to note that the idea kept even pace in its growth with the loss of political power occasioned by a preponderance of free States and the rapid growth of the Anti-Slavery sentiment. Congress ad- journed, July 9, 1838. TWENTY -FIFTH CONGRESS —Second Session. — Met Dec. 3, 1838. There was no political legislation of moment dur- ing this session. The Administration was as if wrapped up in a hard Democratic shell, and the drift of sentiment in Congress and the country was away from it and toward the Whigs, or some element equally liberal in its interpretation of the Consti- tution and willing to propound and risk something for the relief of the country. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1839. 524 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. TWENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1839. The organization of the House was delayed by a closely contested Congressional election in New Jersey. Five Democrats contested the seats of five Whigs. Neither set was admitted until after the choice of a Speaker, which fell to Robert M. T. Hunter, Va., a Whig, and in favor of the Sub-Treasury plan. The Whigs in this instance were aided by a few regular Democrats and by the friends of Calhoun, who for several sessions had swung free lances in both House and Senate. The final decision of the case was not had till in March, 1840, when the Democratic con- testants were seated, making the full Democratic strength 122^ and the Whig strength 113. The leading act of the session was one providing for the " collection, safe-keeping and disbursing of the public money." It was simply Monroe's Independent Treas- ury plan, and it was passed by a small majority in both Houses and signed by the President. The Whigs opposed it under the lead of Clay, but some of them, as Cushing, favored it. A heavy blow was aimed at the system of Internal Improvement by an act suspending all appropriations therefor. The practice of "pairing off" began during this session. J. Q. Adams intro- duced a resolution to censure it, but it was not put on its pas- sage. The practice has grown ever since — grown to be a nuisance. John Tyler, Va., an ultra Democrat of the Calhoun school, won his way to the Vice-Presidency on the Whig ticket by his opposition to the Administration during this session. Congress adjourned, July 21, 1 840. ELECTION OF 1840.— The Whigs took the lead in National Convention at Harrisburg, Pa., Dec. 4, 1839. Clay, the ablest and most pronounced Whig in the country, was not deemed available as a candidate owing to a desire to conciliate the Anti- Mason and other opposing elements, and to the thought that one of military prowess would go through, as Jackson had done. The nomination for President was, therefore, conferred on Wil- liam Henry Harrison, Ohio, and for Vice-President on John Tyler, Va. No platform. The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, May 5, 1840, and unanimously renominated Van Buren, leaving the States to RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 525 fill up the Vice-Presidency. A lengthy platform was adopted, affirming (i) "That the Federal Government was one of limited powers ; " (2) " That the Constitution does not confer the right on the Government to carry on a system of internal improve- ment ; " (3) nor to assume the debts of the States contracted for internal improvement ; (4) " Justice and sound policy forbids the Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another or one section to the injury of another ; " (5) urged econ- omy ; (6) Congress has no power to charter a U. S.bank ; (7) and no power to interfere with the domestic institutions of the States ; (8) Government money must be separated from banking institu- tions ; (9) this country is the asylum of the oppressed of all nations. • The Abolition or Liberty party nominated, Nov. 13, 1839, James G. Birney, N. Y., for President, and Francis Lemoyne, Pa., for Vice-President. Its platform favored (1) The abolition . of slavery in the District of Columbia and Territories ; (2) Stop- page of the inter-State salve trade ; (3) General opposition to slavery to the full extent of constitutional power. All parties were now ready. The campaign was the liveliest on record. The October elections inspired the Whigs. Their attack on Van Buren's financial policy was telling all along the line. The furore was intensified by the introduction of the spec- tacular. Log-cabins with the latch-strings hanging out, and barrels of hard cider, were made the type of " out West " gener- osity and happy pioneer life. The meetings were frequent and extended into every county and town. The result was a Whig victory of astounding magnitude, Van Buren carrying but five Southern and two Northern States. TWENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1840. A quiet session and no work of political moment. Electoral vote counted in February, 1 841, showing Harrison 234 and Van Buren 60 for President ; for Vice-President, Tyler, 234; Johnson, 48; L. W. Tazewell, Va., II; and James K. Polk, Tenn., 1. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1 841, and on March 4 Harrison and Tyler were sworn into office. 526 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. XIV. HARRISON'S AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 184 1 — March 3, 1845. William Henry Harrison, Ohio, President. John Tyler, Va., Vice-President. (Harrison died April 4, 1 84 1, having served one month.) Congresses. Sessions. {I, May3i,i84i-September 13,1841. Extra Sess. 2, December 6, 1841-August 31, 1842. 3, December 5, 1842-March 3, 1843. 1, December 4, 1843-June 17, 1844. 2, December 2, 1844-March 3, 1845. Twenty-eighth Congress. ELECTORAL VOTE* Basis ot States. 47,700. Votes. Alabama 5 7 Arkansas I 3 Connecticut 6 8 Delaware I 3 Georgia 9 II Illinois 3 5 Indiana 7 9 Kentucky 13 15 Louisiana 3 5 Maine 8 10 Maryland 8 10 Massachusetts 12 14 Michigan I 3 Mississippi 2 4 Missouri 2 4 New Hampslrre ... 5 7 New Jersey 6 8 New York 40 42 North Carolina 1 3 15 Ohio 19 21 Pennsylvania 28 30 Rhode Island 2 4 South Carolina 9 II Tennessee 13 15 Vermont 5 7 Virginia 21 23 Totals 242 294 Whi Democrat. Wm. H. Har- rison, Ohio. J- Tyler, Va. M. Van R.MJohn- Buren, N. Y. son, Ky. 42 »5 21 30 4 *5 7 8 42 21 30 4 15 7 234 234 11 2 1 60 31 48 * L. W. Tazewell got the 1 1 votes of South Carolina for Vice-President, and James K. Polk got I vote out of the column of States set down as for Johnson. The popular vote was: Harrison, 1,275,017—19 States; Van Buren, 1,128,702 — 7 States ; Birney, 7,059. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 527 THE CABINET. Secretary of State Daniel Webster, Mass. Secretary of Treasury Thomas Ewing, Ohio. Secretary of War John Bell, Tenn. Secretary of Navy G. E. Badger, N. C. Attorney-General John J. Crittenden, Ky. Postmaster- General. Francis Granger, N. Y. THE INAUGURAL. — Harrison's Inaugural was a genial, assuring paper, with a blow at Jackson's excessive use of the veto power and his " to the victor belong the spoils " theory, and at both his and Van Buren's attempts to make political capi- tal out of the currency question. On March 17 he called an extra session of Congress, to convene May 31, to consider the revenue and financial situation. He died April 4, and John Tyler succeeded. This was the first time a Vice-President suc- ceeded to the Presidency on the death of the President. TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Extra. Session.— Met, pursuant to call, May 31, 1 841. House organized by electing John White, Ky., Whig, Speaker. Whig majority in Senate 6 ; in House 25. The Whig majority was harmonious and had a plain duty to fulfil, as they thought, for their promises to the country had been explicit during the campaign and their policy well outlined. They therefore began by repealing the Indepen- dent Treasury Act, passing a Bankrupt Law, and an act to dis- tribute certain proceeds of public lands among the States, all of which were signed by President Tyler. But when they came to substitute for the Independent Treasury a U. S. Fiscal Bank, even though it was an acknowledged improvement on the old U. S. Bank, the President interposed with a veto, his reason being that it was unconstitutional. This sudden swing to the President's old strict construction notions alarmed the W r higs. Not wishing to break with him they asked him to frame a bill which he could sign. After consulting his Cabinet, he presented one which was passed by both Houses, but which, to the aston- ishment of the Whigs and the country, he also vetoed. The Cabinet felt they had been insulted, and, with the exception of Webster, resigned. The Whigs grew indignant over their be- trayal, and in an address to the country declared the President an impediment to their work of reform and repudiated him as 528 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the head, and as a member, of the party. Congress adjourned, September 13, 1841. TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session. — Met Dec. 6, i84i,amid great political uncertainty. The Presi- dent's course had demoralized the Whigs, and the fall elections had gone against them. He had reorganized his shattered Cabi- net out of very conservative material, and it stood, Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, Mass. ; Secretary of Treasury, Walter Forward, Pa. ; Secretary of War, John McLean, Ohio ; Secre- tary of Navy, A. P. Upshur, Va. ; Attorney-General, Hugh S. Legare, S. C. ; Postmaster-General, Charles A. Wickliffe, Ky. The folly of having placed him on the ticket was apparent to all, for in accepting a place there, with the implied pledge to favor Whig doctrine, he certainly renounced none of his old rigid con- struction sentiments which threw him into the Calhoun school, and made it impossible for him to support Van Buren and the Democratic ticket. He was certain of a kind of support, how- ever repudiated by the Whigs, for the Democrats who saw re- turning success through the Whig demoralization, naturally encouraged him in every measure calculated to further stampede them. TARIFF ACT OF 1842. — Thus inauspiciously the regular session began. The Whigs came to the front with a Tariff act to amend the act of 1833, under whose scaling terms the duties had run so low that government receipts were now less than the expenses. The bill awakened the old animosities of the school of rigid interpreters, and called forth almost the old debates of 1828 and 1832, which, it will be remembered, were against the constitutionality of the Protective idea, and which involved the question of nullification. It passed, however, but was unfor- tunately coupled with a clause providing for the distribution of any surplus that might arise to the States. The President vetoed it, as violative of the compromise of 1833, which, as to protection and revenue, was to run till 1842, and as to non-dis- crimination against the planting interests was practically without time. Another was passed without protective features. This was also vetoed. A third was passed, without the protective RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 529 and the surplus clauses, and was signed Aug. 30, 1842. This became the Tariff act of 1842. It found a prevailing rate of 20 per cent, on leading articles, and on the principle that the gov- ernment must have revenue, raised the rates some 10 per cent, cottons going to 30 per cent., woollens to 40 per cent., silks to $2.50 per pound, bar iron to $25 per ton, and pig iron to $9 per ton. Tea and coffee were still free, but sugar went to 2}4 cents per pound. The bill to distribute the surplus was passed separately and vetoed. In the Senate debates on this Tariff, Clay and Cal- houn, who stood together in the compromise Tariff of 1833, parted company, and the former charged the latter with revamp- ing the " free trade theories of a certain party in the British Parliament." THE SLAVERY QUESTION.— An exciting period in the session was reached when John Q. Adams, notwithstanding the previous decision of the House to refuse to entertain petitions for the abolition of slavery, presented a batch of them, on the ground that "the right of petition " was guaranteed by the Con- stitution. For this an unsuccessful attempt was made to vote him censurable. Scarcely had the flurry over this subsided when Joshua R. Giddings, Ohio, moved (March, 1842) his celebrated resolutions to the effect that slavery only exists by force of posi- tive law, and is limited to the territory and jurisdiction wherein; such law is found. That, being a curtailment of the rights of man, it cannot go beyond such jurisdiction by force of any com- mon law r or custom, nor be instituted anywhere except by express stipulation of the authorities interested. This, in con- nection with the claim that the government had exclusive juris- diction over its unincorporated and incorporated territory, became the bulwark of those who afterwards fought to exclude slavery from the Territories. Giddings was censured by the House, resigned, and was vindicated by re-election. Congress adjourned, Aug. 31, 1842. TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1842. The condition of the country was still unsatis- factory. The Treasury was empty, and $14,000,000 behind. The government could not place a loan of $ I 2,000,000,, author- 34 530 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ized in 1 841. Treasury notes were below par. The revenues were decreasing, for the Tariff Act of Aug. 30, 1842, had not yet begun to operate favorably. The dominant Whigs had lost their leader by the resignation of Clay from the Senate (March, 1842). His repeated defeats for the Presidential nomination, the inability of his party to fulfil its pledges to the people, owing to the hostile attitude of Tyler, the direct attacks of the Administra- tion and its " corporal's guard " of followers on him, had filled him with disgust for political life. This was a terrible blow to the party, for he had unflinching courage, rare tact, grand elo- quence, unquestioned rectitude of intention, and an advanced ground which brought out all the magnetism of his leadership. The best evidence of his qualities as a political captain is fur- nished by the fact that he built and held his party without the ordinary accessories of power and patronage. The session was barren of political results, except a warning by Anti-Slavery Whigs to the country to beware of the secret efforts going on to recover Texas, in the interest of the South. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1843. TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— First Session. — Met Dec. 4, 1843. The result of the Congressional elections had been adverse to the Whigs. They had still a majority of four in the Senate ; but their majority of twenty-five in the House had been turned into a Democratic majority of sixty-one. The House therefore organized by the election of John W. Jones, Va., Speaker. The President's message was a political curiosity. Contrary to all his rigid construction notions, to the freshest tra- ditions and plainest professions of the only party now giving him comfort and support, he favored a national paper currency, and as to Internal Improvement, he went so far as to urge a system for the West. Two treaties were presented to the Senate for ratification, one rectifying the northwest boundary, the other an- nexing Texas. The latter was rejected, by a solid Whig vote and a strong Democratic contingent (seven in all). This thrust " Texas annexation " directly into politics. To annex at any cost became a Southern policy. A free North on the line of 36 30' to the Pacific would prove so overshadowing as to RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 531 endanger the political supremacy of the South and its peculiar institution. Of the two public improvement bills passed during the session, one for the East, the other for the West, the Presi- dent vetoed the former. Congress adjourned, June 17, 1844. ELECTION OF 1844.— The Liberty Party was first in the field, in convention at Buffalo, N. Y., Aug. 30, 1843. Its candi- date for President was James G. Birney, Mich. ; for Vice-Presi- dent, Thomas Morris, Ohio. Its platform announced (1) human brotherhood as the cardinal principle of democracy; (2) de- manded divorce of the general government from slavery; (3) stated that the party was not sectional but national, resting on the thought that slavery was in derogation of the principle of American liberty; (4) that the faith of the nation as originally pledged in all original instruments not to extend slavery beyond its present limits had been broken; (5) that slavery is against natural rights, therefore strictly local; (6) that the general gov- ernment has no authority to extend it to the Territories ; (7) called on the States to enact penal laws against the return of fugitives. The Whigs met in national convention at Baltimore, May I, 1844, and nominated, for President, Henry Clay, Ky., and for Vice-President, Theodore Frelinghuysen, N. Y. A brief plat- form announced as cardinal principles (1) "a well-regulated national currency ; " (2) " a tariff for revenue, discriminating with reference to protection of domestic labor; " (3) "distribution of the proceeds of sales of public lands ; " (4) " a single term for the Presidency ; " (5) reform of executive usurpation. The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, May 27, 1844. This was a postponed convention from the previous December, in order to allow the Van Buren sentiment to ferment. Calhoun was Van Buren's opponent, and the former was running on the Texas annexation tide, the latter against it, not pronouncedly, but enough so to make his slaughter desirable. Calhoun, offended at the postponement of the convention and manner of choosing delegates, did not appear with the South Carolina dele- gation. His influence was not less by absence. Van Buren's clear majority of the 266 delegates was turned to his defeat by 532 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. a resolution that the nomination should be made only by a two- third vote. This he could not control. He withdrew on the eighth ballot, and James K. Polk, Tenn., received the nomina- tion for President, and George M. Dallas, Pa., for Vice-President.* The platform affirmed that of 1840, and added (1) that the Con- stitution does not warrant the distribution of the proceeds of pub- lic land sales among the States ; (2) that the President has a right to use the qualified ("pocket") veto; (3) that all of Oregon ought to be reoccupied and Texas be annexed. The parties thus went to the country with their candidates and principles. Texas annexation, the Oregon (" 54° 4c/ or fight ") question, and a vigorous effort to prove that under the act of 1842 Polk and Dallas were safe tariff men, were the hinging points of the Democrats. The Whigs drove the Protective Tariff idea and relied greatly on the fame of their candidate. Silas Wright, who had refused to serve on the Democratic ticket as Vice-President, on account of the slaughter of Van Buren, and who had resigned from the Senate to run as governor of New York, unwittingly contributed to the election of the ticket he had declined to run on. He went through as governor on his individual popularity, and the National ticket followed by a bare majority. The vote of New York elected Polk and Dallas, the State and National elections being held on the same day. And to this result Clay himself was an unwise contributor, for his effort to conciliate Southern Democrats by an untimely letter favoring postponed Texas annexation alienated enough anti-slavery Whigs to have still overcome Polk's popular majority in New York. In no National election was the result so close and doubtful in so many States. In fourteen it was not known for several days, and in several of these the vote of the Liberty party was a balance of power. TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1844. President Tyler had swung, in every respect, over to the doctrines of the extreme Southern school of Democrats, and actively co-operated with them under the lead of his Secretary of State, John C. Calhoun. His last message favored Texas an- * Silas Wright, N. Y., was first nominated for Vice-President, but declined. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 533 nexation and the assumption of her cause with all its conse- quences. The South was a unit on this measure. At Ashley, S. C, a meeting had been held (May, 1844), seeking to combine the Southern States in Convention, to unite themselves in a body to Texas, if Texas was not annexed as a State to the Union. The Texas treaty of annexation which had been rejected in the Sen- ate was now substituted by a joint resolution to annex the State, through a commission, it being understood that the incoming President (Polk) would appoint such body. But at Calhoun's instance and to the surprise of everybody, the President deter- mined to send out (March 3, 1845) a special messenger to arrange terms. Only on Calhoun's assurance that such act would not interfere with the formal commission provided for did the resolution secure the necessary support. It passed, and in pursuance of it Texas was afterwards incorporated as a State, with slavery under her own constitution, and with the proviso that slavery should not exist in any State formed from her ter- ritory North of 36 30', and that the question of slavery in any States formed from her territory South of that line should be left to the people of such States. Her condition being that of war with Mexico, the war was assumed by the United States, it being only a question of time when the then pending armistice between Texas and Mexico should end. Calhoun did not originally favor war with Mexico. He thought Mexico could be quieted by a money consideration. As the annexation was more his act than the President's, he was, after war broke out, charged with being its author. A bill to organize Oregon into a Territory up to 54 4c/, away beyond the boundary claimed by England, was passed in the House, but the Senate failed to consider it. Harbor im- provement bills for both East and West were passed, but vetoed. The result of the electoral count in February showed 170 elec- toral votes for Polk and Dallas, and 105 for Clay and Freling- huysen. March 3d, Florida became a State of the Union. Con- gress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1845. March 4, 1845, Polk and Dallas were sworn into office. 534 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. XV. POLK'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1845 — March 3, 1849. James K. Polk, Tenn., President. George M. Dallas, Pa., Vice-President. Congresses. Twenty-ninth Congress. Sessions. f I, December I, 1845- August 10, 1846. \ 2, December 7, 1846-March 3, 1847. Thirtieth Congress. ELECTORAL VOTE* j 1, December 6, 1847- August 14, 184! \ 2, December 4, 1848-March 3, 1849. States. Alabama. . . Arkansas I Connecticut 4 Delaware I Georgia 8 Illinois 7 Indiana IO Kentucky IO Louisiana 4 Maine 7 Maryland 6 Massachusetts . . 10 Michigan 3 Mississippi 4 Missouri 5 New Hampshire 4 New Jersey 5 New York 34 North Carolina 9 Ohio 21 Pennsylvania ... 24 Rhode Island . . 2 South Carolina 7 Tennessee 1 1 Vermont 4 Virginia 15 Totals 223 Basis of 70,680. 7 Democrat. Votes 9 3 6 3 10 9 12 12 6 9 8 12 5 6 7 6 7 36 11 23 26 4 9 13 6 17 275 James K. Polk, Tenn. 9 3 10 9 12 o 9 * The popular vote was: Polk, eleven States ; Birney, 62,300. 5 6 7 6 36 26 17 170 George M. Dallas. Pa. 36 26 17 I70 Whig. Henry Clay, Theodore Fre- Ky. linghuysen, N. Y. I05 I05 ,337,243 — fifteen States; Clay, 1,299,068— IIIIIIIIIIIP ■lllllllllllllllllllllllllll PRESIDENTS FROM 1S41 TO 1853. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 535 THE CABINET. Secretary of State James Buchanan, Pa. Secretary of Treasury Robert J. Walker, Miss. Secretary of War William L. Marcy, N. Y. Secretary of Navy George Bancroft, Mass. Attorney -General John Y. Mason, Va. Postmaster-General Cave Johnson, Tenn. PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.— The Message to Congress dwelt largely on the Texas situation, and favored war with Mexico, especially if she infringed the treaty of 1839, as to in- demnity to American citizens. It referred also to the Oregon boundary, showed the public debt to be $17,000,000, condemned all slavery agitation, favored a Sub-Treasury system, and recom- mended a Tariff for revenue, with protection to home industry as an incident. He applied the Jackson policy of rotation in office in the construction of his Cabinet, and in the Depart- ments. TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. I, 1845. Both branches were Democratic. House organized by electing John W. Davis, Dem., Indiana, Speaker, the vote being 120 to 70, though the full Democratic strength was 142, Whig 75, and American 6.* The relative strength in the Senate was 30 Democrat and 25 Whig. MEXICAN WAR. — A popular convention in Texas had ac- cepted the overture for annexation made by the United States. Mexico protested and withdrew her minister to Washington. General Taylor had been sent to the east bank of the Neuces, into neutral territory, and on Dec. 31, 1845, Congress passed an act extending authority over this territory lying between the Neuces and Rio Grande. None of these acts provoked Mexico to war. She was still in negotiable mood. Even before this, Dec. 29, 1845, Texas had passed into the American Union. The President ordered General Taylor (March, 1846) to march to the Rio Grande and hold the neutral ground. He did so, and was met by Arista, at Palo Alto, where a battle was fought. The next day was fought Resaca de la Palma, which sent Arista back * This was the first appearance of the American party in National politics. Four of the above six were from New York, and two from Pennsylvania. 536 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. into Mexican territory. Now American blood had been shed on American soil, and Mexico was an offender. A casus belli had been found. The President sent a Message to Congress and asked for a Declaration of War. The House responded with a " declaration " and $10,000,000 to back it up, the Whigs favoring it under protest, and on the ground that an American army must not be sacrificed, even if forced into peril or a doubtful cause by the folly of a President.* WILMOT PROVISO.— -With the expectation that the war would soon be over and that an important cession of territory could be had, the President asked Congress for an appropriation of $2,000,000 to be placed at his disposal to negotiate with. To this appropriation, Mr. Wilmot, Pa., on behalf of himself and many Northern Democratic friends, moved what became historic as " The Wilmot Proviso," to wit, " That no part of the territory thus acquired should be open to the introduction of slavery." In strict law the proviso was unnecessary, for Mexico had abol- ished slavery, and any soil acquired from her would be free soil. But Texas had reintroduced slavery before annexation to the United States, and Wilmot felt that any other territory acquired from Mexico would be overrun by slaveholders, who would soon be clamoring for the protection of their institution. And this he felt, too, in the face of the new Democratic doctrine " that no power resided in Congress to legislate upon slavery in the Ter- ritories." This proviso brought heated discussion of the slave question. Calhoun declared it to be an outrage and menace. It occupied a place in Congress for two sessions. State Legis- latures acted on it. Parties took it up. From that time on it * The Whigs denounced as a falsehood the declaration, " Whereas, by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that government and the United States." The Liberty party opposed the war outright, regarding it as a huge, unjus- tifiable scheme to acquire slave territory. Calhoun opposed it also, as needless. He felt that the same results could have been brought about with less excitement and loss, and consequently with less detriment to the slave cause, by negotiation. It was said that the President, who had been approached by many members of his own party who were averse to the war, secured their support by the promise that it would be over in a short time and that negotiations for peace had been agreed upon before the war, which only awaited the return of Santa Anna from exile to be signed. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 537 was nothing new to hear of civil war and a dissolution of the Union on account of it. How well Wilmot guessed may be inferred from the subsequent action of Calhoun (Feb. 19, 1847), when he introduced into the Senate his celebrated Slavery Reso- lutions, declaring the Territories to be the common property of the several States, and denying the right of Congress to prohibit slavery in a Territory or to pass any law which would have the effect to deprive the citizen of any slave State from migrating with his property (slaves) into such Territory. Though these resolutions were not acted on, they answered the purpose in- tended, to wit, to form a basis on which the slave could solidify against the free States ; on which a repeal of the Missouri Com- promise line could be effected, and on which the subsequent claim of non-interference with slavery in the Territories could be founded. THE OREGON BOUNDARY.— The last Democratic plat- form had pronounced in favor of an Oregon Territory up to the line of 54 40', " or a fight" with England. The Whigs, now that Texas had been annexed, asked for a fulfilment of their pledges.* The Democrats of the extreme Southern school op- posed any action, but enough of them came to the support of the President to warrant him in going on with negotiations. He soon found that he could not keep his party pledges of 54 40', for England refused to surrender above 49°.f The opinion of the Senate was asked, in accordance with an old Federal custom. The Whigs accepted the responsibility, joined with enough Dem- ocrats to save the administration from its party friends, and agreed to sanction a treaty based on 49 . This became the Oregon Treaty of June 15, 1846, by which war with England was averted. It was followed by a bill to organize The Territory of Oregon, without slavery. It was opposed by Southern Democrats, but passed, and was not reached in the Senate. TARIFF OF 1 846. J — This disappointing act, passed in a * For a full statement of this boundary trouble, see Oregon Treaty, p. 94. f Calhoun, when Secretary of State, had proposed 49 as a line upon which an adjustment might be had. In this he was at odds with his party. \ " The bill passed the House and came to the Senate. Section was again arrayed 538 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. partisan spirit, against the promises of the Democrats not to disturb the act of 1842, and in obedience to the doctrine of rigid interpretation, which admitted of Tariff for revenue without the incident of protection, reduced the rates provided in the former act, from five to twenty per cent., and introduced the theory of general ad valorem duties. The river and harbor improvement bills, passed by both Houses, were vetoed, on the old rigid con- struction ground that the government had no right to appro- priate money for internal improvements. Congress adjourned, Aug. 10, 1846. TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1846. Mexican war measures occupied the time of this session. Appropriations were made to sustain the war, and pur- chase territory. Over the latter a spirited debate was had, which resulted in its passage in the House with the Wilmot proviso attached, and its passage in the Senate with the proviso removed. The House then acquiesced in the Senate's position. Ineffectual attempts were made to formally extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, to organize Oregon Territory, without slavery, and to appropriate money for Internal Improvement. All these measures showed a sectional vote. The Improvement bills passed, but received a pocket veto. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1847. THIRTIETH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1847. The Whigs were in a majority in the House, and organ- ized it by electing Robert C. Winthrop, Mass., Speaker. The Democrats controlled the Senate. The President's message ex- tolled the working of the new Sub-Treasury system, spoke of against section in the debate, and before the vote was taken it was found that the Senate was a tie, and that the Vice-President would have the casting vote. George M. Dallas, a Pennsylvanian, could defeat or pass the bill. He had the presidential bee in his bonnet as bad as any man I ever knew, and, hoping that he could gain the favor of the South in aid of his aspirations, he gave the casting vote against the section of his nativity, and the tariff bill of '46 became a law. As I anticipated, it put out the fire in our furnnces, paralyzed many of our best industries, and, finally, brought the credit of the Government to a discount. It also had a disastrous effect upon the dominant pavty, and cost them the presidency in 1 848, when General Taylor was chosen." — Hon. Simon Cameron, in Press. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 539 the continued success of the Mexican war, and stated that nego- tiations for peace were then pending. These negotiations re- sulted in the treaty of Guadaloupe-Hidalgo (Feb., 1848), which made the Rio Grande the boundary and gave New Mexico and Upper California to the United States for $15,000,000. This immense acquisition of territory brought up the slavery question again, and during the debates on the erection of Oregon Ter- ritory without slavery, and the proposition to extend the Mis- souri Compromise line to the Pacific, Calhoun took occasion to say, " The great strife between the North and South is ended. The North is determined to exclude the property of slaveholders, and of course slaveholders themselves, from its territory. The separation of the North and South is completed. The South is bound to show that dearly as she prizes the Union, there are questions she regards as of more importance than the Union. It is not a question of territorial government, but a question involving the continuance of the Union." A compromise bill passed the Senate, organizing Oregon, California and New Mexico, leaving slavery questions to be de- cided by the Supreme Court. The House rejected this, and sent the Senate the Oregon bill above mentioned. The Senate accepted this, but amended it so as to extend the Missouri Com- promise line to the Pacific. The House regarded this as danger- ous, since it would cut the country into two distinct sections with different, if not hostile, institutions, and would, moreover, be equivalent to extending slavery to vast free areas, the Mex- ican territory being all free under Mexican laws. It therefore refused to extend the line. The Senate receded, and the Oregon bill passed, without slavery. The vital question in all these de- bates was the right of Congress to legislate on slavery in the Territories, a question which was pushed in many ways till it culminated in the Kansas-Nebraska affair, the Dred Scott de- cision, and the desperate step of secession. The House took decided ground in favor of Internal Improvement by a resolution aimed at the rigid interpreters, claiming that the government had a right to improve rivers and harbors, under the clause to regu- late commerce and provide for the common defense. Wisconsin 540 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. entered the Union, May 29, 1848. Congress adjourned, Aug. 14, 1848. ELECTION OF 1848.— The Democrats took the field first in National Convention at Baltimore, May 22, 1848. The two- third rule, which defeated Van Buren in the previous conven- tion, was affirmed, and has since prevailed in the conventions of that party. Lewis Cass, Mich., was nominated for President, and William O. Butler, Ky., for Vice-President. A great con- tention arose over the power of the government to regulate slavery in the Territories, and a test resolution to the effect that the Congress had no power to interfere with slavery either in the States or Territories was voted down. The platform affirmed that of 1844, and went on to (1) congratulate the country on the results of the Mexican war; (2) commended the qualified veto; (3) denounced a Tariff, except for revenue, and hailed 4< the noble impulse given to the cause of free trade by the repeal of the tariff of 1842 and the creation of the more equal, honest and productive tariff of 1846;" (4) congratulated the Republic of France; (5) endorsed Polk's administration. The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia, June 7, 1848, and nominated General Zachary Taylor, La., for President, and Millard Fillmore, N. Y., for Vice-President. Taylor's recent military achievements in Mexico gave him the preference over such other candidates as Clay, Webster and Scott. Test resolu- tions favoring the Wilmot Proviso were voted down. The Whigs were no more ready for open commitment to anti-slavery than the Democrats had shown themselves, in their convention, to be ready for open commitment to a pro-slavery policy. The convention did not adopt a platform, but resolutions passed at a grand ratification meeting, on the 9th of June, answered the same purpose. They were mainly heroic, inviting the country to a trial of well-known Whig principles under the laurel- crowned chieftain whose name was held in such high honor by every American. The Free Soil Democrats met in convention at Buffalo, Aug. 9, 1848, and nominated for President Martin Van Buren, N. Y., and for Vice-President Charles Francis Adams, Mass. This faction RULING THROUGH TARTIES. 541 of Democrats, called " Barnburners " by their opponents, had sent a delegation to the Baltimore convention, pledged to oppose the further extension of slavery in the Territories. A counter dele- gation, called " Hunkers," also sent a delegation pledged to non- agitation of the slavery question. The convention sheared each of its strength by dividing the vote between them. This being equivalent to no vote at all, the Free Soilers withdrew and set up candidates of their own. They promulgated a lengthy plat- form which sought (i) to secure free soil to a free people; (2) withheld support from both the regular parties because one (the Democratic) had stifled free sentiment, and the other (Whig) had been afraid to pronounce itself; (3) affirming the ordinance of 1787, and the proviso of Jefferson that after 1800 no slavery should exist in the Territories ; (4) that slavery exists only by State law and that " Congress has no more power to make a slave than to make a king;" (5) that the only way to prevent slavery in territory now free is to prevent it in all territory; (6) favoring Internal Improvement ; (7) Watchword, " Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, Free Men." The campaign was not a bitter one, except as the Democrats made it bitter among themselves. The effort to establish slavery in the newly-acquired Mexican territory, and to push the slavery question so as to commit the government either to non-inter- ference with it or to direct sanction of it in all territory, estranged many Democrats. The Southern Democrats themselves were not a unit, for many of them preferred Taylor, from a slave State and without a platform, to Cass, from a free State and with a platform which did not directly favor or mention slavery. The old Liberty party blended with the Free Soil party. As in the former campaign, New York was the political turning-point. And as the Liberty party, by dividing the Whigs, had given it to Polk in 1844, so now the Free Soilers, by weakening the Demo- crats, gave it to the Whigs. The election in November was a Whig victory. THIRTIETH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1848. Parties were very fidgety during this session. In view of the prominence given to slavery agitation, the old party lines 542 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. began to chafe considerably. Thus the Northern Democrats, almost in a body, voted in the House to organize the Territories of California and New Mexico without slavery, or, as it was then termed, with the Wilmot Proviso. This the Senate amended by providing for their organization with slavery. The Senate at- tempted to force its position by making the bill a part of the appropriation bill, thus presenting to the House the alternative of a moneyless government or two slave Territories. The re- sponse was an appropriation bill and the old Mexican free laws till July 4, 1850. The Senate withdrew its "rider," and the appropriation bill passed. A violent debate sprung up in the House over a resolution condemning the exhibition and sale of slaves in the city of Washington. The electoral count in Feb- ruary showed for Taylor and Fillmore 163 votes, and for Cass and Butler 127 votes. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1849. The candidates-elect were sworn into office March 5, 1849, tne 4 tn being Sunday. XVI. TAYLOR'S AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATIONS. March 5, 1849 — March 3, 1853. Zachary Taylor, La., President. Millard Fillmore, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Thirty-first Congress. / *» December 3, 1 849-September 30, 1850. \ 2, December 2, 1850-March 3, 1851. Thirty-second Congress. { ■• December 1, i|Si -August 31, 1852. \ 2, December 6, 1852-March 3, 1853. ELECTORAL VOTE* Whig. Democrat. Basis of Zachary Tay- Millard Fill- Lewis Cass, W.O.But- States. 70,680. Vote. lor, La. more, N. Y. Mich. ler, Ky. Alabama 7 9 .. .. 9 9 Arkansas 1 3 .. .. 3 3 Connecticut 4 6 6 6 Delaware 1 3 3 3 * The popular vote was: Taylor, 1,360,101 — 15 States; Cass, 1,220,544 — 15 States; Van Buren, 291,263. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 543 Electoral Vote — Continued. Whig. Democrat. Basis of Zach.iry Tay- Millard Fill- Lewis Cass, W.O. Rut- States. 70,680. Vote. lor,' La. more, N..Y. Mich. ler, Ky. Florida 1 3 3 3 Georgia 8 10 10 10 Illinois 7 9 •• •• 9 9 Indiana 10 12 .. .. 12 12 Iowa 2 4 .. .- 4 4 Kentucky IO 12 12 12 Louisiana 4 6 6 6 Maine 7 9 .. .. 9 9 Maryland 6 8 8 8 Massachusetts 10 12 12 12 Michigan 3 5 .. .. 5 5 Mississippi 4 6 .. ,. 6 6 Missouri 5 7 .. .. 7 7 New Hampshire 4 6 .. .. 6 6 New Jersey 5 7 7 7 New York 34 36 36 36 North Carolina 9 II II II Ohio 21 23 .. .. 23 23 Pennsylvania 24 26 26 26 Rhode Island 2 4 4 4 South Carolina 7 9 . . .. 9 9 Tennessee 11 13 13 13 Texas 2 4 .. .. 4 4 Vermont 4 6 6 6 Virginia 15 17 .. .. 17 17 Wisconsin 2 4 .. . 4 4 Totals 230 290 163 163 127 127 THE CABINET. Secretary of State John M. Clayton, Del. Secretary of Treasury William M. Meredith, Pa. Secretary of War Geo. W. Crawford, Ga. Secretary of Navy William B. Preston, Va. Secretary of Interior Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio.* Attorney-General Reverdy Johnson, Md. Postmaster-General Jacob Collamer, Vt. THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1849. The Senate was Democratic, 35 to 25. In the House were no Democrats, 105 Whigs and 9 Free Soilers. The latter held a balance of power, and stubbornly exercised it through sixty-two ineffectual ballots for Speaker. Only by agreeing that the highest number of votes for any one candidate should elect, was a Speaker chosen in the person of Howell Cobb, Ga., a Democrat of the extreme Southern school, and a slavery exten- * This " Home Department," since called " the Interior Department," was created by the Thirtieth Congress. 544 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sionist. The annual message deprecated the sectional feeling regarding slavery, spoke of the folly of disunion as a remedy, and took the Jackson stand, that at all hazards the Union must be maintained. CALHOUN'S NEW DOCTRINE.— The postponed ques- tion of the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific came up early. Calhoun, always aggressive and masterly, proposed to cover the whole question by extending the Constitu- tion of the United States to all the newly-acquired Mexican Territory.* Webster met this situation by showing that the Constitution was designed only for States, and that it could not operate even in the States without an act of Congress to enforce it. Further, that the sanction which that instrument gave to slavery where it existed would not create slavery where it did not exist, for slavery was a creation of the several States and not of the general government. While Calhoun's proposition was under debate the President's views were presented. They favored the admission of California directly ,f as she was ready, and the erection of New Mexico and Utah into Territories, unmixed with slavery, leaving the matter to be decided by their people when they asked for admission as States. COMPROMISE OF 1850.— Clay now came forward with a set of compromise measures, which in one shape or another were adopted during the session, and in the aggregate became known as the Compromise of 1850. They, in general, provided for the admission of California ; for the erection of New Mexico and Utah Territories, unmixed with slavery, the same to be de- cided by the people when they came to form States ; the adjust- ment of the Texas boundary and the payment of a money in- demnity to that State; a more vigorous fugitive slave law; the abolition of the slave trade, but no interference with it in the District of Columbia. The Whigs and Free Soilers regarded Clay's Compromise as a weak and unnecessary concession of * Calhoun's idea was that inasmuch as the Constitution sanctioned slavery, its ex- tension over any territory would establish slavery there. f California had formed a State Constitution without slavery, June 3, 1 849, and had made formal application for admission as a State, Feb. 13, 1850. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 545 free soil principles, and the extreme pro-slavery Democrats re- garded it as a surrender of the late doctrine that Congress had no right to prohibit a slaveholder from going where he pleased in the Territories and taking his property with him. The meas- ures therefore satisfied but few of the leaders, yet they served the purpose of temporarily postponing the agitation and perhaps averting, for the time, secession and civil war, threats of which, on the part of the South, were rife. California became a State, without slavery, Sept. 9, 1850.* The Fugitive Slave Law, the result of the Compromise, was a severe measure, much more so than the old one. It greatly encouraged the pursuit of fugitives, made it compulsory on all citizens to aid in their arrest, and compelled U. S. Commissioners to remand them without trial. Its execution led to indignant protest on the part of Northern citizens and to the protection of free negroes, charged with being slaves, by special State enactments. That part of the Compromise prohibiting interference with slavery in the District of Columbia was not accepted, and slavery was abolished therein by act of Sept. 15, 1850. The Congress adjourned, Sept. 30, 1850. TAYLORS DEATH.— After an illness of four days, due to exposure in the sun on Independence day, President Taylor died, July 9, 1850. Vice-President Fillmore was duly inaugurated, July 10, 1850. His Cabinet was confirmed by the Senate, as follows : Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, Mass. ; Secretary of Treasury, Thomas Corwin, Ohio ; Secretary of War, Winfield Scott, ad interim, and Charles M. Conrad, La., permanently; Secretary of Navy, William A. Graham, N. C. ; Secretary of In- * The political importance of California to the South was great. Long before, the free States preponderated in the House. But the Senate thus far was equally divided between North and South. California turned the scale. Her admission as a free State gave 32 free State Senators to 30 slave State Senators, and there was no other State ready for admission south of 36 30', nor likely to be for a long time. Besides California was the first fruit of the Mexican conquest, and the policy which controlled her admission was likely to hold as to the remainder of the Mexican Ter- ritory. It was a disappointing situation for the pro-slavery leaders, and the begin- ning of that policy which sought to break down all old barriers and compromises, invited the Kansas difficulty, and formed a prelude to a separate Confederacy. 35 546 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. terior, A. H. H. Stuart, Va. ; Attorney-General, John J. Critten- den, Ky. ; Postmaster-General, Nathan K. Hall, N. Y. POLITICAL SITUATION.— While this sad transition was a peaceful one, and boded no disaster to the dominant party as did that from Harrison to Tyler, there were many things going on, more or less portentous. In the session of Congress just adjourned (First session Thirty-first Congress) the slavery meas- ures of the extreme Southern Democrats had been even more opposed by Northern Democrats than by the Whigs. This was not only following up their charge that the pro-slavery element of the party had betrayed them in the previous Presidential cam- paign, but it showed a disposition to break away from the ultra doctrine of slavery extension to which the slaveholding mem- bers sought to commit the entire party. The Whigs had not, as was expected, committed themselves in their National Convention to the Wilmot proviso. They there- fore did not attract the members of the Liberty party, nor those of its successor, the Free Soil Democrats. On the contrary they lost many of their leaders to the pro-slavery Democrats. Thus while the Democratic party was being torn to pieces by losses of its Free Soil element, it was being recuperated by accessions of the pro-slavery Whig element. The Whigs losing, gained noth- ing, and their decay as a positive political force dates from the death of Taylor. We have seen how rapidly the pro-slavery whirlpool was made to revolve under the bold yet skillful management of Calhoun, and how at every revolution the country had to face some new situation, till, failing to force the line of 36 30' through to the Pacific, thus making a free and slave section, it took the form of broad denial of the right of the government to interfere with slavery in any place, or at all. The accession of pro-slavery Whigs to the Democrats changed the aspect of affairs somewhat. It stopped, for the time being, the threats of seces- sion and war, and introduced a new, more conservative and popular idea, over which to wrangle. It will be remembered the Democrats, in their last National Convention at Baltimore, had voted down a resolution to the effect that the government RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 547 had no authority over slavery in the Territories, the corollary being, that the people of each Territory should be let alone to treat the matter as they pleased. The pro-slavery Whigs now took hold of this doctrine and forced it on the attention of the Democrats and the country. It was the doctrine which after- wards became known as Popular, or Squatter, Sovereignty, which figured so prominently in the Kansas affair, and which served to draw Douglas, Geary, Reeder and other leaders outside of the then existing Democratic lines. It was the doctrine also which the hardy miners of California applied in their own State, to the surprise, if not disgust, of those who originated it. The pro-slavery sentiment which had thus proved a w r edge to force asunder the Whig party, and had nothing more to fear from it as an organization, had to address itself to a more thorough con- trol of the Democratic party. But in the meantime there would be an advance of opposition sentiment, and a final gathering up of political fragments into something more formidable, as a political force, than had yet been dreamed of. THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1850. The session was quiet and gloomy. The administra- tion had nothing new to urge, and parties agreed to hold their own in comparative peace. Adjourned sine die, March 3, 1851. THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. I, 185 1. The Congressional elections had turned on the Com- promise measures of 1 850, and the people endorsed them, as a happy quietus to slavery agitation, by returning a majority of Democrats of rather conservative turn. Both branches were, therefore, Democratic, the Senate by 8 and the House by 50. The House organized by electing Linn Boyd, Ky., Democrat, Speaker. The application of the Platte country (afterwards Nebraska and Kansas) for a Territorial government threatened for a time to open the slavery question, but the matter was dropped before debate took acrimonious turn. There was but little disposition shown on the part of the majority to antagonize the administration, and in general the session work was rou- tine. 548 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ELECTION OF 1852.— The Democrats led the field in National Convention at Baltimore, June 1, 1852. This was a supreme effort of the Southern or pro-slavery Democrats to commit the party to their doctrine of slavery extension, and to a rigid interpretation of the powers of the general government, the latter being then and afterwards best known as " State Rights " doctrine. The nominee for President was Franklin Pierce, N. H. ; and for Vice-President, William R. King, Ala. The platform reaffirmed the greater part of that of 1848, and added : (1) No more revenue than is necessary to defray the expenses of the government. (2) No National Bank. (3) Sep- aration of government moneys from banking. (4) The country is an asylum for the oppressed : therefore, no abridgment of citizenship and the right to own soil. (5) Congress has no right to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the States. (6) Endorsement of the Compromise measures of 1850, and resistance to all attempts to renew the slavery agitation. (7) Adhesion to the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798. (8) The war with Mexico was necessary and its results approved. (9) No monopoly for the few at the expense of the many, and the Union as it is and should be. The Whigs met in National Convention at Baltimore, June 16, 1852, and nominated for President, Winfield Scott, Va. ; for Vice-President, William A. Graham, N. C. The platform claimed: (1) A sufficient power in the government to sustain it and make it operative. (2) Revenue from tariff, with " suitable encouragement to American industry." (3) Internal Improve- ment. (4) Endorsed the Compromise measures of 1850, "the Fugitive Slave Law included." The platform was fair to the party — though extremely conservative — except the endorsement of the Compromise measures of 1850, " including the Fugitive Slave Law," which endorsement, as the sequel proved, was a part of the plan of the extreme pro-slavery leaders to commit both political parties to their policy of slavery extension, and which reacted on the Whig party with twice the effect it did on the Democratic party, so soon as the nature of those Compromise measures became fully known. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 549 The Free Soil Democrats held their National Convention at Pittsburg, Pa., August II, 1852, and nominated for President, John P. Hale, N. H.; for Vice-President, George W. Julian, Ind. Its platform announced : (1) That government was established to secure the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. (2) That the Constitution expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law; that, therefore, it has no more power to make a slave than a king, or to establish slavery than establish a monarchy. (3) No more slave States, no slave Territory, no national slavery, no national legislation for the extradition of slaves. (4) The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 denounced as repugnant to the Constitution, common law, Chris- tianity, and of no binding force. (5) The Compromise measures of 1850 disapproved. (6) Both political parties repudiated. The election in November resulted in a Democratic victory, the Whigs carrying only Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee, though the result in most of the others was very close. THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met Dec. 6, 1852. The bill for the organization of the Territory of the Platte, rejected at the last session, came up in the shape of a bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska, which included Kansas. It was rejected by the Senate, at the instance of Southern members, the time not being ripe for open assumption of the position to which the Compromise measures of 1850 logically led. The electoral count, in February, showed 254 votes for Pierce and King, and 42 for Scott and Graham. Con- gress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1853. President Pierce was sworn into office, March 4, 1853, and Vice-President King some time afterwards, he being sick on March 4. 550 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. XVII. PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1853— March 3, 1857. Franklin Pierce, N. H., President. William R. King, Ala., Vice-President. Sessions. 1, December 5, 1853-August 7, 1854. 2, December 4, 1854-March 3, 1855. December 5, 1855- August 18, 1856. August 21, 1856-August 30, 1856, extra session, December 1, 1856-March 3, 1857. Com Thirty-third Congress. Thirty-fourth Congress 1 3. ELECTORAL VOTE* Basis of States. 93.423 Votes. Alabama 7 9 Arkansas 2 4 California 2 4 Connecticut 4 6 Delaware I 3 Florida I 3 Georgia 8 10 Illinois 9 II Indiana 11 13 Iowa 2 4 Kentucky IO 12 Louisiana 4 6 Maine 6 8 Maryland 6 8 Massachusetts II 13 Michigan 4 6 Mississippi 5 7 Missouri 7 9 New Hampshire 3 5 New Jersey 5 7 New York 33 35 North Carolina 8 10 Ohio 21 23 Pennsylvania 25 27 Rhode Island 2 4 South Carolina 6 8 Tennessee 10 12 Texas 2 4 Vermont , 3 5 Virginia 13 15 Wisconsin 3 5 Total 234 296 Democrats. Whigs. Franklin Pierce, N. H. 9 4 4 6 3 3 10 11 13 4 6 7 9 5 7 35 10 23 27 4 8 William R. Winfield King, Scotl Ala. 9 4 4 6 2 3 10 «3 4 6 7 9 5 7 35 10 23 27 4 8 Va 13 15 J 254 15 J 254 William A. Graham, N. C 12 13 42 42 -sjt ^« •*-:><* -^o^ t- *The popular vote was, Pierce, 1,601,474—27 States; Scott, 1,386,578—4 State Hale, 156,149. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 551 THE CABINET. Secretary of State William L. Marcy, N. Y. Secretary ot Treasury James Guthrie, Ky. Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, Miss. Secretary of Navy James C. Dobbin, N. C. Secretary of Interior Robert McLelland, Mich. Attorney-General Caleb Cushing, Mass. Postmaster-General James Campbell, Pa. POLITICAL SITUATION.— The administration opened with surface indications of peace. The country had ratified the Compromise measures of 1850, on the theory that they afforded an escape from slavery agitation, but without knowing that they were fuller of the germs of agitation than any measures yet propounded. Both parties had been committed to them in their platforms, at the instance of their pro-slavery members ; they therefore stood committed to the logical results of those measures, or else to demoralizing retreat. The discovery of what they contained appalled the Whigs. They never recovered from the shock, lost their organization, never ran another Presi- dential Candidate. They literally died of too much Compro- mise, or, as was piquantly said at the time, " of an attempt to swallow the Fugitive Slave law." President Pierce in his first message thoroughly committed the administration to the Com- promise measures. The pro-slavery Democrats were therefore in a very enviable situation. They could force their construction of the situation with the hands of the Whig party tied, and with the assurance that the Democratic organization was firmly with them. THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1853. The Democrats had a majority in the House, over all opposition, of 74, and in the Senate of 14. The House organized by re-electing Linn Boyd, Ky., Speaker. Discussion of the Kansas-Nebraska bill occupied the greater part of the session, It opened the slavery agitation in a new form, and it was not to cease till quieted by arms. The Nebraska bill of the previous sessions took the form of a bill to create two Territories out of the Platte country, the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. Both lay north of 36 3c/, the Missouri Compromise line of 1820; and therefore both were free Territories according to the provi- 552 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sions of that Compromise. But the new pro-slavery doctrine — new since the Compromise measures of 1850 — was, that these measures of 1850 invalidated those of 1820, and committed the government to non-interference with slavery in the Territories. Therefore the slavery question was an open one as to all terri- tory, with no right on the part of Congress to legislate for or against it. The Senate Bill (Kansas and Nebraska), under the amendment of Mr. Douglas, therefore provided, " that so much of the Compromise bill of 1820 preventing slavery north of 36 30', as was inconsistent with the Compromise of 1850 establishing non-intervention by Congress with slavery in either States or Territories, was inoperative and void, it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." This amendment is noteworthy. It admitted what the pro- slavery Democrats and Whigs already knew, that the Compro- mise measures of 1850, logically construed, repealed the Com- promise of 1820. It hampered them, however, for with the repeal of the Compromise of 1820 and their claim to go where they pleased with slave property, they had all the public terri- tory open to slavery. The Douglas idea was that introduced into the Democratic party by pro-slavery Whigs, to wit, the idea of squatter or popular sovereignty, a leaving of slavery to the voice of the people of the Territory or proposed State. While the bill as thus amended was not what the South wanted, it secured the united support of pro-slavery Democrats and Whigs, but it divided the Northern Democrats into two even bodies (44 each), one of which supported it, and the other op- posed it. The Northern Whigs opposed it and the Free Soil Democracy. The Democratic breach soon closed, but the Whig breach widened, and the Northern wing left their name to be perpetuated for a little while by their Southern brethren, they in the meantime assuming the title of anti-Nebraska men, soon to be merged into Republican. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 553 The passage of the bill, May 25, 1854, opened the eyes of the entire country to what was concealed in the apparently inno- cent Compromise measures of 1850, and transferred the scene of combat from Congress to the plains of the West, where it was carried on amid confusion and bloodshed for years. The squatter sovereignty idea placed the free and slave States on their merits as colonizers. The section that could send the greatest number of bona fide settlers into the new fields was bound to win in the end. Could the South, which had always out-manceuvred the North in slave diplomacy, cope with that more populous section in this practical adjudication of the deli- cate question? Congress adjourned, August 7, 1854. THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec 4, 1854. The session resulted in no measure of political sig- nificance. Adjourned sine die, March 3, 1855. A NEW POLITICAL FORCE.— The Native American idea is almost as old as the country. In 1790 naturalization could be had after two years' residenee. In 1795 it required five years' residence. A great majority of foreigners, either Frenchmen direct or Irish and Scotch driven from home for sympathy with France, naturally affiliated with the Republican party, which was always ready for a war with England. This fact induced the Federal measure of 1798, extending the period for naturalization to fourteen years. In 1802 the Republicans, in order to rein- force their party, fixed the time at five years, where it has since stood. They were not disappointed, for this legal consultation of a tendency, backed by the encouragement it ever received in their declaration of principles, has always secured to them a majority of the foreign vote, especially in the cities. To coun- teract, or correct, this, an organized movement was begun in New York as early as 1835. In 1844 the Native Americans carried that city, electing their Mayor by a good majority. This success caused the movement to spread to adjoining States. It em- braced members of all parties, and became prominent in local municipal contests. Its presence in Philadelphia resulted in the murderous riots of 1844. In 1852 it reappeared as a secret or- ganization, officially as the American party, but popularly as the 554 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. '■ Know-Nothing " party, from the reticence of its members as to their principles. Of it Hon. A. H. H. Stuart, Va., said : " The vital principle of the American party is America?iism — develop- ing itself in a deep-rooted attachment to our own country — its Constitution, its union, its laws — to American men, American measures, American interests." Its cardinal principle was : "Americans must rule America ; " its countersign was the order of Washington at a critical time during the Revolution, " Put none but Americans on guard to-night." By holding a balance of power in many cities and States, its vote decided several im- portant elections, and as the extent of its influence could not be foreknown, political results were at times genuine surprises to party leaders. It received large accessions from the Whigs, es- pecially of the South, after the passage of the Kansas and Ne- braska bill, who could not go with their Northern brethren into the anti-Nebraska movement, nor yet with the Democrats into a pronounced pro-slavery movement. In 1855 it carried as many as nine State elections. It was therefore a power which had been startlingly felt in the Congressional elections of that year, and was to be still further felt in the session about to be held. THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1855. In the Senate the Democrats had a majority of nine. In the House the magnificent Democratic majority of the pre- vious Congress had been wiped out and turned into one of anti- Nebraska men, of whom there were 117, as against 79 straight Democrats and 37 pro-slavery Whigs. Owing to the fact that many of the majority were Know-Nothings, a protracted contest arose over the speakership. A choice was not made till Febru- ary, 1856, when a resort was had to the method adopted by the Thirty-first Congress, that of a choice by the highest number of votes. N. P. Banks, Mass., was then chosen on the 131st bal- lot. He was a pronounced anti-Nebraska man, and therefore the majority were represented in the Speaker. This was the stormy beginning of one of the stormiest sessions ever held. KANSAS TROUBLE. — The Kansas question came up im- mediately and occupied the entire session. As we have seen the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), with the RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 555 Squatter Sovereignty Amendment, threw open these Territories to competitive settlement by North and South, or by anti-slavery and pro-slavery men. The South had the advantage of prox- imity — Missouri being next to Kansas. The Missourians swarmed over the border and elected a congressional delegate, Nov. 29, 1854, who was accepted by the Congress. They did the same in 1855, and elected a Legislature, which met at Pawnee in July of that year, and enacted a State Constitution, strongly pro-slavery in its terms. The anti-slavery settlers were all this time pouring in through Iowa and Nebraska — they had been prohibited from passing through the State of Missouri — against the armed protest of the pro-slavery occupants — Border Ruffians as they were called — and the condition of the Territory was one of war, with but little doubt as to the result, for the anti-slavery settlers came to make investment and to stay, while the pro-slavery occupants clung less tenaciously to the soil, and wasted time and energy in the excitement which the new field furnished. The anti-slavery or free State settlers met in convention at Topeka, Sept. 5, 1855, and enacted a free State constitution. They denounced the ex- isting Legislature as not of Kansas, but the work of Missourians who had crossed the border to create it, elected a delegate to Congress, who was rejected, and on Jan. 15, 1856, elected State officers, and asked to be admitted as a State. Their work was rejected by Congress. The local conflict grew louder and more sanguinary. The President interfered, Jan. 24, 1856, by a message endorsing the pro-slavery Legislature, and, Feb. II, 1856, by a proclamation denouncing the attempt to form a free State government as an act of rebellion. He ordered the governor of the Territory (Shannon) to enforce the laws of the pro-slavery Legislature with the United States troops. This only added to the excite- ment. The free State Legislature, which met at Topeka, July 4, 1856, was broken up by United States troops, acting under the President's order. By this time a congressional committee, sent to the scene, reported that no free, fair election had ever been held in the Territory. On the strength of this, and in order to 556 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. balk the effort to force a government on the people without a fair expression of their sentiments as to whether it should be slave or free, the House refused to appropriate money for the army if it were to be used to sustain the pro-slavery Legislature of the Territory. It would be impossible to conceive of the excitement in both Houses over the question, and throughout the country. In the Senate Charles Sumner was knocked down and beaten (May 22, 1856), by Representative Brooks, South Carolina, for a speech which criticised his relative, Senator Butler, South Carolina. Congress adjourned Aug. 18, 1856. THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— -Extra Session.— Called Aug. 21, 1856. This session was called to meet the emergency occasioned by the adjournment of Aug. 18, without an appro- priation for the army. The House still insisted on its proviso that the army should not be used to force a pro-slavery govern- ment on the people of Kansas ; but a change of governors hav- ing been announced — Shannon was superseded by Geary* — it receded, and the army appropriation bill was passed. The extra session adjourned Aug. 30, 1856. ELECTION OF 1856. — The Know-Nothing organization, which had been so successful in the State and local elections of 1855, would now try its hand in national affairs as The American Party. It took the field first, and met in national convention, at Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1856. There were 227 delegates present. All the States were represented except Maine, Vermont, Georgia, and South Carolina. Many of the delegates (probably a fourth) were not so much "Americans " as anti-slavery men. Millard Fillmore, New York, was nominated for President, and Andrew J. Donelson, Tennessee, for Vice-President. The platform an- nounced : (1) Perpetuation of the Union. (2) Preference of native-born citizens for office. (3) No office for any one who recognizes obligation to any foreign prince, potentate, or power. (4) Non-interference by Congress with questions belonging to individual States, nor by States with each other. (5) The right * Geary arrived Sept. 9, 1856, and succeeded in bringing about a suspension of local hostilities without directly using the United States forces. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 557 of native-born and naturalized citizens of any Territory to frame their own constitution and laws, and regulate their social affairs in their own way. (6) A residence of twenty-one years as ne- cessary to naturalization. On account of the failure of the convention to recognize the right of Congress to re-establish the Missouri Compromise line, the anti-slavery delegates withdrew, and threw their strength to the coming Republican party. The Democratic Convention met at Cincinnati, June 2, 1856, and nominated James Buchanan, Pennsylvania, for President, and John C. Breckinridge, Kentucky, for Vice-President. The plat- form endorsed preceding ones, and added, (1) Opposition to Americanism. (2) No more revenue than is necessary to defray expenses. (3) No general system of Internal Improvement. (4) Strict construction of Federal powers. (5) No National Bank. (6) No interference with Slavery in the Territories, the people to have the right to settle that question for themselves (this was an endorsement of the Squatter Sovereignty idea). (7) Approval of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. REPUBLICAN PARTY. *— This new candidate for national favor received a name, said to have been suggested by Governor Seward, N. Y., in the latter part of 1855 or early part of 1856. It was a substitute for the title of V Anti-Nebraska Men," then applied to those who had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska act, and who were, in general, opposed to slavery and its extension. It raised a standard around which could rally the old Liberty party, the Free Soil Democracy, the Anti-Slavery Whigs, and all who were finding it irksome to follow the Democratic party as it grew more rigid in its interpretation of the Constitution, in- clined more and more to make a political dogma of State Rights, and refused to separate its own existence from that of slavery in the State, and slavery extension in the Territory. The Republican party held its first National Convention at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont, Cal., for President, and William M. Dayton, N. J., for Vice- * Called the "Black Republican" party by its opponents, on account of its sympathy for the colored race. 558 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. President. Its platform showed that its members were liberal interpreters of the Constitution. It announced : (i) That the Con- stitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, shall be preserved. (2) " No person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law," and denial of the authority of Congress, or of a Territorial Legislature, or of any association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States, under the present Con- stitution. (3) Congress, in the exercise of its Constitutional power over Territories, ought to prohibit " those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." (4) Denounced the Kansas policy of the administration, and all effort to set up a pro-slavery government there, in defiance of the will of the people. (5) The immediate admission of Kansas with her Free State Constitution. (6) Government aid for a Pacific Railroad. (7) A system of In- ternal Improvement. The Whigs, or what was left of them, met at Baltimore, Sept. 17, 1856. They, in common with the Know-Nothings, de- nounced the Democratic and Republican parties as sectional, and then, without further endorsing or discussing the Know- Nothing principles, agreed to support Fillmore and Donelson, because they regarded the country as already in a state of civil war, and believed that their election would be the best means of restoring peace. The Whig name now disappears from the party lists. After an exciting campaign, involving a wide discussion of principles, the election in November showed I State (Maryland) for Fillmore; 11 free States for Fremont; 14 slave States and the rest of the free (19 in all) States for Buchanan. THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 1, 1856. The result of the Presidential election had served to tighten party lines. The Anti-Nebraska Men (now Republi- cans) were numerically the strongest body (108) in the House, but could not command a majority as against the Democrats (83) and Americans (43) or Know-Nothings. The Senate stood 40 Democrats; 15 Republicans; 5 Americans. THE KANSAS QUESTION— The dispersion of the Free RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 559 State Legislature at Topeka, Jan. 6, 1857, by Federal troops, and the arrest of its officers and many members, again brought the question prominently before Congress. The House passed a bill declaring the acts of the Pro-Slavery Legislature op- pressive and void, which the Senate tabled. A change of governors from Geary, who had lost caste with the Pro-Slavery Legislature, to Robert J. Walker, Miss., gave respite from dis- cussion for the time being. TARIFF OF 1857. — While this session showed a spirit of generosity in encouraging railroad enterprises in the West by grants of public lands, it struck the country a cruel blow on the very last day of the session (March 3) by enacting the tariff of 1857. This measure reduced duties all along the line of imports, and on leading articles almost to such rates as were wont to prevail before the war of 181 2, and had prevailed at no time since except at the end of the sliding scale (1841) provided by the act of 1833.* The electoral count in February showed 174 votes for Bu- chanan and Breckinridge; 114 for Fremont and Dayton; 8 for Fillmore and Donelson. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1857. The candidates elect were sworn into office, March 4, 1857. XVIII. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1857 — March 3, 1861. James Buchanan, Pa., President. John C. Breckinridge, Ky., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Thirty fifth Congress / *' December 7, 1857— June 14, 1858. 1HIRTY-FIFTH CONGRESS, j ^ December 6, 1858— March 3, 1859. Thirty sixth Concrfss 1 *• December 5, 1859— June 25, i860. 1HIRTY-SIXTH Congress, j 2j Decem b e r 3, i860— March 3, 1861. * This year (1857) occurred a great financial panic, during which there were 5,123 commercial failures. The administration was compelled to borrow money at a dis- count of 8 to 10 per cent. 560 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ELECTORAL VOTE* Basis of States. 93,423. Vote. Alabama 7 9 Arkansas 2 4 California 2 4 Connecticut 4 6 Delaware I 3 Florida I 3 Georgia 8 IO Illinois 9 II Indiana II 13 Iowa 2 4 Kentucky 10 12 Louisiana 4 6 Maine 6 8 Maryland 6 8 Massachusetts II 13 Michigan 4 6 Mississippi 5 7 Missouri 7 9 New Hampshire.. .. 3 5 New Jersey 5 7 New York 33 35 North Carolina.... 8 10 Ohio 21 23 Pennsylvania 25 27 Rhode Island 2 4 South Carolina .... 6 8 Tennessee 10 12 Texas 2 4 Vermont 3 5 Virginia 13 15 Wisconsin 3 5 Totals 234 296 Democrat. Republican. American. James J. C. John C. Wm. L. Millard A. J. Buchanan, Breckin- Fremont, Dayton, Fillmore, Donelson, Pa. 9 4 4 3 3 10 27 ridge, Ky. 9 4 4 3 3 10 11 13 12 6 Cal. N.J. N. Y. Tenn. 27 i 12 4 35 23 ■74 74 114 35 23 in THE CABINET Secretary of State Lewis Cass, Mich. Secretary of Treasury Howell Cobb, Ga. Secretary of War John B. Floyd, Va. Secretary of Navy Isaac Toucey, Conn. Secret iry of Interior Jacob Thompson, Miss. Attorney-General Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. Postmaster-General Aaron V. Brown. .Continued. POLITICAL SITUATION.— A glance at the electoral vote shows that the persistent effort of the pro-slavery leaders to unify the Democratic party in their interest had at last succeeded. * The popular vote was, Buchanan, 1,838,169- II States; Fillmore, 874,534 — 1 State. •19 States; Fremont, 1,341,264 — RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 561 Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South. The large vote for the Republican nominee showed the possibilities of the new party. The popular vote of the country was largely against the Democrats. The American or Fillmore vote represented those who wished to ignore the Slavery question. As things were shaping they must swing to some positive position ere long. It but remained for the Republicans to take a firm stand on the Slavery question. The agitation was sure to go on, and that in a way which must weaken Democracy by schism, for the extreme Southern leaders were beginning to see that the " Squat- ter Sovereignty " idea was not one which would bring them slavery extension, but would in the end defeat their long cher- ished intentions. They found that they were not natural colonizers, and that to establish a plantation in Kansas, or any Territory, and stock it with slaves, was a very different thing from taking up a small tract by a free-footed young farmer, ambitious to plow, sow and reap for himself. This was where " Squatter Sovereignty " was proving deadly. Not much wonder that when the extreme Southern Democrats saw their mistake — or rather repented of their commitment to it, for they never favored it except as a means, perhaps their only means then, of capturing the entire Democratic organization — they backed away from it, charged its recognized authors or expounders, Douglas and others, with weak, unfair, and even treacherous, dealing, and finally resorted to the plan of a separate con- federacy.* DRED SCOTT DECISION.— The decision of the U. S. * Two other methods of adding to the diminishing political importance of the South had been broached. One was to reopen the African slave trade. This would provide a means of pouring into the Territories an unlimited stream of slave immigrants, and thus competing with the greater numbers and resources of the North. The other was to conquer and annex Cuba and Central America. This was the meaning of the Lopez filibustering expedition which started from New Orleans (185 1 ) for Cuba. And so with the Walker filibustering expedition, from the same place (1855), which operated on Central America. As encouragement to this idea of conquest and annexation, the Ostend Manifesto was proclaimed by our American ministers in England, France and Spain, citing that the safety of the United States required the acquisition of Cuba. 36 562 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Supreme Court, delivered by Chief Justice Taney, March 6, 1856, in the Dred Scott case, awakened intense interest, and be- gat feelings of alarm thoughout the North. Its political effect was to bring the position of the extreme pro-slavery Democrats into bold relief. When Calhoun, years before, asked that the Constitution be extended to the Territories, he had two lines of thought : (1) That the Constitution sanctioned slavery. (2) That its extension would extend slavery, for a slave was property as anything else material was property. As we have seen, he was driven from this ultra position, or rather his position became un- tenable, by reason of the growth of the "Squatter Sovereignty" idea. But now the Supreme Court had come squarely to his position, and even gone beyond It* Notwithstanding the slave was by the Constitution and for purposes of representation three- fifths of a freeman, he became by the decision a chattel " without rights or privileges except such as those who held the power and the government might choose to grant him." The plaintiff, Dred Scott, was not even a plaintiff in court, but a mere thing without status, and his case was dismissed for want of jurisdic- tion. Further, the Compromise of 1820 was unconstitutional, and no act of Congress could be passed under the Constitution * As this important case was the last pro-slavery effort to sustain itself by form of law, and as the drift thenceforth is toward armed arbitrament, it is well to know its history. The case opened : Dred Scott ( U. S. Circuit Court, Dist. Missouri. f u. : J To April T., 1854. ld. ( Tre Tohn F. A. Sanford. ( Trespass Viet armis. The plaintiff, Dred Scott, was an original slave of J. F. A. Sanford, of Missouri. His owner resided in Illinois, a free State, with him from 183410 1838. He further resided with him in Minnesota Terriiory, free soil also, as being north of 36 3c/, the Missouri Compromise line of 1820. He then removed back to Missouri with him. The slave there resisted a flogging by bringing suit for damages, on the plea that residence in Illinois and Minnesota had made him a free man. The defense was that a descendant of slave ancestors could never be free, was not a citizen, had no status in court. The plaintiff won in the District Court. An appea' brought it to the Supreme Court. The opinion of the Chief Justice was not unanimous, but dis- senting opinions were filed. At the time of the decision many of the free States had laws, and all were operating on the principle, to the effect that a slave leaving his slave State and entering a free one was no longer a slave, but free. For the opinions in full, see Howard's U. S. Supreme Court Reports, vol. 19, p. 393. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. £63 with a view to preventing a slaveholder from entering any State or Territory with his slave property any more than from enter- ing it with his goods and chattels of whatever description. The legal effect of the decision was not only to wipe out the Compromise measure of 1820, which had been done construc- tively by those of 1850, but to wipe out those of 1850 also, which had introduced the Squatter or Popular Sovereignty idea ; that is, the idea of leaving the question of slavery to be decided by the people of the Territories when they came to form State Constitu- tions. It, in fine, opened all the Territories and all the free States, to the advent of slavery, no matter what their local laws might say on the subject. It nationalized the institution, by degrading the slave to the level of a horse, cow, plow or carriage, and over- rode every sentiment of humanity respecting him, as well as the old and well-established notion that as an institution slavery was a creature of State, or local, enactments. The decision was all too plainly a reflex of the extreme Southern sentiment to meet with sanction from the North, and as it destroyed the hope of Douglas and his now important Democratic following for a settlement of the question on the basis of Popular Sovereignty, they began to drift away from the regular party organization. THIRTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1857. The Presidential election carried along with it a Demo- cratic majority in both branches of the Congress. The Senate stood 39 Democrats, 20 Republicans, 5 Americans ; the House 131 Democrats, 92 Republicans, 14 Americans. The tone of the parties was different also. The Republicans were squarely across the way of the Democrats. The Democrats were emboldened by recent successes, and by the fact that the administration was heartily with them. This latter they had been assured of by the message, which was all they could have wished. On the absorbing question of slavery as presented by the Kansas diffi- culty, the President took the ground that the State ought to be admitted at once under the Lecompton Constitution,* which sanctioned slavery. * The pro-Slavery party had (1855) adopted the Pawnee Constitution, which was simply the Constitution of Missouri, with a criminal code added raising numerous 564 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The House organized by electing James L. Orr, S. C, Demo- crat, Speaker. A contest immediately arose over a bill, framed in accordance with the President's suggestion, to admit Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. For three months the con- tention was bitter, abusive, and sectional. The Republicans took the ground that the Lecompton Convention, having been called to frame a Constitution and having done so, the instrument must be ratified by the people before the State could ask for admission. In this they were supported by Douglas, Broderick, Adrian, Hickman, and other Democrats (called Anti-Lecompton Demo- crats), who saw their theory of popular sovereignty destroyed if the people were to be denied an opportunity to express their preferences for or against slavery in their Constitution, by direct vote on the instrument itself. The Southern Democrats stood solid for the bill and the President's position, that the delegates having been called to make a Constitution, there was no need of submitting it to the people. The bill passed the Senate. In the House it passed with the proviso that the Constitution should be first voted on by the people. A conference bill was finally agreed upon, which must be set down as an inexcusable, if not shameless, piece of legislation, inasmuch as it offered a bribe to the State to adopt the Lecompton Constitution. This bill ad- mitted the State with the House proviso, and the additional proviso that in case it adopted the Lecompton Constitution, it should have a large grant of public lands. To the credit of the Territory this did not have the desired effect, and on the sub- offences against slavery and imposing the death penalty. Not wishing to submit this to the people they called another Convention to meet at Lecompton to frame a Constitution. This was submitted to the people for ratification (December, 1857) by ballots printed " Constitution with Slavery," and " Constitution without Slavery." As this gave the voter who was opposed to other features of the instrument no opportunity to record his views, the Free State party refused to vote, and refused to consider it a submission of the instrument to popular verdict. They, therefore, through the Territorial Legislature, which body they had secured control of at a regular election in which both parties participated, ordered another election which would give the people an opportunity to vote for or against the Constitution, and not for or against a single clause in it. This was the election held in August, 1858, which repudiated the Constitution by nearly 10,000 majority. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 5(55 mission of the Constitution to the people, Aug. 2, 1858, it was rejected by an overwhelming majority. Minnesota became a State in the Union, May 11, 1858. Congress adjourned, June 14, 1858. THIRTY-FIFTH CO NGRFSS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1858. The session was barren of political results, though much discussion was had over slavery, the disposition of public lands among heads of families, afterwards known as the Home- stead policy, and the appropriation of public lands for school purposes. Oregon entered the Union, Feb. 14, 1859. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1859. AN EXCITING SUMMER.— The supreme topic was slavery, and Kansas was the pivot on which it turned. The rejection of the Lecompton Constitution with slavery gave opportunity for another convention, at Wyandot, July, 1859, which drafted the Wyandot Constitution without slavery. This was ratified by the people, by a majority of 4,000. It was the Constitution under which Kansas was afterwards admitted, Jan. 29, 1861. This verdict of the people of Kansas in favor of a free State showed that there was nothing in the popular sovereignty idea upon which slavery could rely. The affair of John Brown at Harper's Ferry, Oct. 17, 1859, shocked sentiment both North and South. The audacity of his effort to stir up a slave insurrection, or to advance the anti- slavery cause by seizure of a town, and by armed force, awakened at first a feeling of repulsion. But the anger it begat, in the slave States, their eagerness to arm for defense, their desire to implicate the entire North in the raid, and their swift execution of the criminal, had the effect of eclipsing his crime by sympathy for the man, and by further animosity toward slavery itself. The hanging of John Brown, Dec. 2, 1859, at Charlestown, W. Va., marks the date when the discussion of the right and wrong of slavery passed all political limits, and became general in social circles, in jurisprudence, and in religion. THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec, 5, 1859. The Congressional elections had resulted favorably to the Republicans, and, though without a majority in the House, 566 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. they outnumbered any other party. Analysis of the respective branches showed, in the Senate, 38 Democrats, 25 Republicans, 2 Americans ; House, 109 Republicans, 86 Democrats, 13 Anti- Lecompton Democrats, 22 Americans. This situation led to a protracted dispute over the organization of the House. Balloting was carried on two months, before it resulted in the choice of William Pennington, Republican, N. J., as Speaker. The application of Kansas for admission under the Wyandot Free State Constitution opened the slavery discussion with all its accustomed severity and prolixity. The House admitted the State, but the Senate rejected it, and engaged in a lengthy and desperate attempt to get back to the old Calhoun position that slavery in the Territories was beyond the jurisdiction of either Congress or the Territorial Legislatures ; in other words, that it must follow the Federal Constitution, and was inherent in the common law regarding personal property. An effort to pass a Homestead bill drew strictly party debate. The pro-slavery Democrats opposed the policy of cheap lands to immigrants. The Kansas experience had proved that the more populous North was the best colonizer, and that any extra inducement would only lead to an increased number of Free States. A spirited party discussion sprang up over the report of the com- mittee appointed at the instance of Mr. Covode, Pa., and known as the " Covode Investigation," to examine into the conduct of the Administration respecting the admission of Kansas as a slave State. The report found the Administration guilty of bribing members and editors to advocate the admission of the State uilder the Lecompton Constitution. Congress adjourned, June 25, i860. ELECTION OF i860. — The Democratic National Conven- tion met at Charleston, S. C, April 23, i860. Delegates were present from all the States, to the number of 303. Caleb Cush- fng, Mass., presided. An early division of sentiment respecting slavery arose. The Southern and all extreme pro-slavery Democrats held that, under the Dred Scott decision, slavery could not be interdicted in the Territories. The Douglas Dem- ocrats held squarely to the doctrine of squatter, or popular sov- RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 567 ereignty. The dispute over these positions was so grave and lengthy that balloting for a candidate did not begin till May 1st. After fifty-seven ineffectual ballots, no choice appeared. Stephen A. Douglas, 111., stood highest, but never rose above 153 votes, 202 being necessary to a choice, under the two-thirds rule. A Douglas, or Popular Sovereignty platform had been adopted by the convention, and thereupon many delegates from the Southern States withdrew. Seeing that no choice was possible, the con- vention adjourned to meet at Baltimore, June 18. The places of the withdrawn delegates had, in the meantime, been filled by those favorable to Mr. Douglas. The nominees therefore became Stephen A. Douglas, 111., for President, and Herschel V. Johnson, Ga., for Vice-President. A portion of this convention also se- ceded, and met the seceded Charleston convention on the 28th. The platform affirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1 856, and added clauses pledging Democracy to a Pacific Railroad, and govern- ment aid therefor; favoring the acquisition of Cuba; denouncing State enactments designed to defeat the Fugitive Slave law ; ac- quiescence in Supreme Court decisions, but construction of them in the vein of Popular Sovereignty. The seceders from the Charleston Convention organized in Charleston and adjourned to meet in Richmond, June 1 1. They then adjourned to meet in Baltimore, June 28. Here they were reinforced by the seceders from the Baltimore Conven- tion, under the lead of Butler and Gushing. The nominees be- came John C. Breckinridge, Ky., for President, and Joseph Lane, Oregon, for Vice-President. The platform affirmed the Cincin- nati platform of 1856, and pledged the party to a Pacific Rail- road ; to the acquisition of Cuba ; favored the execution of the Fugitive Slave law ; announced that the unorganized territory of the United States was open to all citizens with whatever kind of property ; that the federal government must protect the rights of persons and property wherever its authority extends ; that the right of sovereignty begins when the settlers in a territory have a population adequate to the formation of a State constitu- tion, and is consummated by the admission of the State, and that then its people stand on a par with the people of all the 568 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. States, and the State ought to be admitted with or without slavery, as its constitution provides. The Republican National Convention met at Chicago, May 16, i860, in the " Wigwam," built for the purpose. Delegates were present from all the Northern States and from Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri and Virginia, with scattering representatives from all the Southern States except the Gulf States. The work of the Convention ended in a single day by the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, 111., for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, Me., for Vice-President. The platform an- nounced: (1) the necessity of the Republican party; (2) main- tenance of the principles of the Declaration ; (3) denounced all schemes of disunion ; (4) maintenance of the rights of States ; (5) denounced the administration for attempting to force Kansas in as a slave State under the Lecompton constitution and con- trary to the will of her people ; (6) decried the extravagance of the administration ; (7) the normal condition of the Territories is free, and no stock in the dogma that the constitution carries slavery there ; (8) the admission of Kansas as a free State ; (9) protection to American industry, a Homestead law, a Pacific Railroad, Internal Improvement. The American party, under the title of " Constitutional Union," met at Baltimore, May 9, i860. Twenty States were repre- sented. John Bell, Tenn., was nominated for President, and Edward Everett, Mass., for Vice-President. Their only hope of success was in throwing the election into the House. The platform affirmed * the constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." The campaign was vigorously conducted. There was much argument over the respective attitudes of the parties on the slavery question. On the part of Republicans spectacular features were introduced after the manner of the Harrison cam- paign of 1840. Mr. Lincoln was pictured as " The Rail Splitter" of the West, with telling effect among farmers and the industrial classes. As the campaign advanced and the hopelessness of the pro-slavery Democrats increased, they began to turn their atten- tion to the remedy which secession provided. The November RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 569 result was a choice of Republican electors from every free State, except New Jersey, which gave four for Lincoln and three for Douglas, and a consequent majority in the Electoral College. This led to prompt action on the part of South Carolina, whose Legislature was then (November) in session to choose electors. Instead of doing so that body called a State Convention, which, Dec. 17, i860, passed the first " Ordinance of Secession." THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met Dec. 3, i860. Probably no session of Congress was ever called upon to meet so many new and grave propositions. Cer- tainly none had ever convened amid such serious surroundings. The only situation analogous to it was in 1832, when South Carolina attempted to nullify the Tariff Act of 1828. Then Jackson took strong ground in his message against the right of a State to contravene national legislation, and promptly applied enough force to hold the dissatisfied State to her place in the Union. Mr. Buchanan's message took the Jackson view of the situation, but when it came to applying coercive means, he doubted if a State's obedience could be compelled, for the reason that compulsion meant war, and war on a State was not author- ized by the constitution. This message, so disappointing to the Union sentiment of the country and so encouraging to the Secession sentiment, brought a stream of compromising efforts, prominent among which was one introduced by John J. Crittenden, Ky., re-establishing the old line of 36 30' as a permanent constitutional boundary be- tween slave and free States. This did not meet the favor of the Republicans, and without their endorsement the pro-slavery Democrats refused to entertain it. Legislation was virtually suspended for a time to await the action of the " Peace Congress," which assembled in Washing- ton, Feb. 4, 1 86 1. This had been called at the request of the Legislature of Virginia (Jan. 19), and was composed of dele- gates from thirteen Free and seven Border States. It affirmed by a close vote the Crittenden proposition, and made several concessions, chiefly with a view of keeping the Southern border States from falling into the secession whirlpool, and of inducing 570 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. some of the less hasty cotton States to retrace their steps. Con- gress did not accept its measures, but passed what was known as the Douglas amendment to the constitution, which affirmed the popular sovereignty method of dealing with slavery in the Territories, and raised a guarantee of non-interference with slavery in the States. This amendment was never submitted to the States or people, owing to the rapid secession of the States and the beginning of hostilities. As the Southern States seceded (see below), their members of Congress withdrew. The Republican majority became strong in both Houses. Kansas was admitted as a free State under the Wyandot Constitution, Jan. 29, 1861. Other Territories, as Nevada, Colorado and Dakota, were organized, without mention of slavery, so as to avoid conflict with the Dred Scott decision. The Republican majority took advanced ground relative to the powers vested in the Constitution and Congress. The doctrine that this was a nation and not a league, and that a nation had a right to protect itself from within as well as without, took firm hold. The Tariff Act of March 2, 1 861, which increased duties, affirmed the principle of protection. The kindred prin- ciple of Internal Improvement by the National government was so fully established as to be placed beyond future question by any party. Loans were authorized and an issue of Treasury notes ordered, thus carrying the implied powers of the Constitution to the limit which extreme necessity demanded. In February the Electoral count was made, showing 180 votes for Lincoln and Hamlin, '72 for Breckinridge and Lane, 39 for Bell and Everett, and 12 for Douglas and Johnson. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1861. SECESSION MOVEMENT.— Secession from the Union as a remedy for grievances, real or imaginary, had been made familiar by that school of statesmen who regarded the Constitu- tion as in the nature of a compact between the States and Gov- ernment, and who insisted on a strict interpretation of that in- strument. They would tolerate no stretch of power on the part of the government, not even for the purpose of preservation, but claimed that in all matters of doubt the States should have the liiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiifiiiiiii^ PRESIDENTS FROM 1S53 TO 1869. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 571 benefit of it, and that where a grievance existed the State was to be the judge, preferring its own integrity and honor. The griev- ance now was that growth of anti-slavery sentiment in the coun- try made manifest in political form by the election of Lincoln, which would forever crush further hope of slavery extension and prove a standing menace to the institution as it existed in the States. South Carolina's call of a convention was the signal for simi- lar action throughout the South. The movement was rapid and concerted. It did not even hesitate at the responsibility of armed trial to insure success.* The Southern Congress met at Mont- gomery, Alabama, Feb. 4, 1 861, delegates being present from seven seceded States. It formed the Government of the Con- federate States of America. Its Constitution was, in the main, the one it had repudiated, a clause recognizing slavery and one forbidding a protective tariff being the most radical differences. Officers were elected, a cabinet chosen, the machinery of inde- pendent government started, an attitude of war assumed. All government property was seized and confiscated, forts were erected, men were enlisted, equipped and drilled, and armies were actually on their feet, while the Congress and the States of the North were listlessly watching the unfolding of the terrible situation or wasting precious time in what proved to be idle schemes of compromise. XIX. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 186 1 — March 3, 1865. Abraham Lincoln, III., Frcs'dint. Hannibal Hamlin, Me., Vice- President. Congresses. Sessions. f 1, July 4, 1861 — August 6, 1861 — Extra Session. Thirty-seventh Congress. -I 2 ' December 2, 1861— Jttly 17, 1862. [3, December 1, 1862 — March 3, 1863. * For going and coming of the seceding States, see page 123. 572 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Congress. Sessions. h 1863- ecember 5, 1864 — March 3, 1865. Thirty-eighth Congress. / '' December 7, 1863-July 4, 1864. ( 2, D ELECTORAL VOTE* Republican. Democrat. Const. Union or Amer States. Alabama 7 Arkansas 2 California 2 Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida I Georgia 8 Illinois 9 Indiana II Iowa 2 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 4 Maine 6 Maryland 6 Massachusetts II Michigan 4 Minnesota 2 Mississippi 5 Missouri 7 New Hampshire . . 3 New Jersey 5 New York 33 North Carolina.. .. 8 Ohio 21 Oregon I Pennsylvania 25 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina.. .. 6 Tennessee 10 Texas 2 Vermont 3 Virginia 13 Wisconsin 3 Totals 237 13 6 4 7 9 5 7 35 10 23 3 27 4 8 12 4 5 15 __5 303 11 13 4 3 27 _5_ [80 5 4 35 23 3 27 4 _5 ;8o 3 3 10 15 72 72 39 39 * The popular vote was, Lincoln, 1,866,352 — 17 States, N. J. divided; Doug- las, 1,375,157 — 1 State, N. J., divided; Breckinridge, 845,763 — 11 States; Bell, 589,581—3 States. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 573 THE CABINET. Secretary of State W. H. Seward, N. Y. Secretary of Treasury Salmon P. Chase, Ohio. Secretary of War Simon Cameron, Pa. Secretary of Navy Gideon Welles, Conn. Secretary of Interior Caleb P. Smith. Attorney-General Edward Bates, Mo. Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair, Md. POLITICAL SITUATION.— -When Lincoln came to Wash- ington to be inaugurated the Southern Confederacy was formed. Of it Alexander H. Stephens, its Vice-President, said, March 21, 1 86 1 : "The new Constitution (Confederate) has put at rest for- ever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institu- tions — African slavery as it exists among us — the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the imme- diate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jeffer- son, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the ' rock upon which the old Union would split.' . . . The prevailing ideas enter- tained by him (Jefferson) and most of the leading statesmen of the time were that slavery was a violation of the laws of nature, that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and politically, and that somehow or other it would prove evanescent and pass away. . . . Those ideas were fundamentally wrong. They rested on the assumption of the equality of the races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a govern- ment built on it ' when the storm came and the wind blew it fell.' Our new government rests on exactly the opposite idea. Its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not the equal of the white man ; that slavery — subordination to the superior race — is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first in the history of the world based on this great physical and moral truth." To convert this Confederacy of form into one of fact was the Southern cause. The condition was one of war already, so far as the South was concerned. There had been for some time a systematic transfer of government arms and munitions of war from Northern to Southern arsenals, and these had speedily sur- rendered to insurgent demands. The naval vessels had been scattered in remote foreign parts, and were not immediately 574 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. available for either defensive or offensive purposes. The Federal soldiery within the Southern States had given up their forts and stations or were besieged therein. National finance was con- fused, the Treasury empty, the credit worthless. Seceded States were being reinforced by the secession of others. Officers in the army, navy and in places of trust and power were resigning every day to join their fortunes with those of their States, to the consternation of the loyal members of the government and to the utter demoralization of all machinery and system. No of- ficial knew whom to confide in, how to organize, what to do. It seemed as if secession had tainted everything and undermined everything. Let Union effort take what shape it would, it was confused by the uncertainty of its surroundings, or balked by in- genious constructions of laws and Constitution. The logic of Attorney-General Black, which led to the conclusion that " the Union must totally perish at the moment when Congress shall arm one part of the people against another for any purpose be- yond that of merely protecting the general government in the exercise of its proper Constitutional functions," had resulted in fatal hesitation on the part of the government and was to par- alyze it still worse. Add to all the real danger to life from deeply laid and widely ramified plots, and some faint idea of the situation may dawn, as President Lincoln was forced to see it on March 4, 1861. His inaugural was conservative, assuring to the Southern States that slavery would not be disturbed in the States if they would seek a peaceful remedy for their grievances, invited Con- stitutional amendments for the troubles, and closed : " In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it." The President proceeded to supply the Union garrison in Fort Sumter. This was what President Buchanan had hesitated to do, the Confederates having said they would regard it as a coer- RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 575 cive act. They began a bombardment of the fort, April 13, 1 86 1, and on April 14, after a fire of thirty hours, the flag was lowered in surrender. This first overt act of rebellion, and this first triumph of civil war, disillusioned the country, and resent- ment took the place of conciliation. For a time Democrats and Republicans united in demanding sturdy measures, not only to wipe out insult to the flag, but to force the erring States into the restraints imposed by the Constitution and laws. Armed attack must be repelled, the majesty of law vindicated, the dignity of order conserved, the unity of the nation restored, the supreme strength of the government asserted throughout its jurisdiction, and all in the now necessarily armed and forceful way invited by the magnitude, vigor and determination of the attack. The issue thus joined was the Great American Rebellion of 1 861 ; or, The Civil War in the United States of America. THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Called for July 4, 1861. The President had promptly recognized the condition of civil war and called for 75,000 volunteers. These were plainly inadequate, for the Confederacy of seven seceded States had grown to eleven. The doubtful border States had become a raiding ground for Confederate forces. Armies, fully equipped, strong in numbers, ably officered, fierce in determina- tion, were swarming into strategical places and centering on the Capital of the nation. Men must be had for defensive as well as offensive measures. Materials of war must also be provided — money, guns, ammunition, equipments. Hence this extra ses- sion, in which only the Northern and border States were repre- sented. Both branches were Republican. The Senate stood 31 Republicans, 1 1 Democrats, and 5 War Democrats ; the House 106 Republicans, 42 Democrats and 28 War Democrats. The House organized by electing Galusha A. Grow, Pa., Republican, Speaker. Happily for the country, there was a strong prepon- derance of the Union element, and such prevalence of the liberal construction doctrines, in the presence of dire necessity, as freed energetic war measures from the tedious debates which they had hitherto provoked. The disastrous affair of Bull Run (July 21, 1 861) proved an additional incentive to speedy and vigorous 576 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. legislation, for it further disclosed the determination of the Con- federates, helped the Unionists to understand the magnitude of the force they had to meet, and proved the imminency of the danger which hung over the capital. The President was therefore empowered to call out 500,000 volunteers, a national loan was authorized, appropriations were made for the army and navy, an act was passed for the punish- ment of conspiracy and for the confiscation of all property used against the government, and as a means for additional revenue an amended Tariff act was passed, Aug. 5, 186 1, which con- siderably increased the duties and contained distinctive protec- tive features. The anti-war or peace Democrats interjected measures of negotiation and compromise into all the delibera- tions on war measures, but the hour for procrastination had passed, and it was not deemed expedient nor proper to further parley with armed, and thus far triumphant, rebellion. After resolutions pledging further men and money to the administra- tion, should they become necessary to aid in the suppression of the rebellion and the execution of the laws, the Congress ad- journed, August 6, 1 861. THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session. — Met December 2, 1861. Like the preceding, this was a War Session. The Democrats had somewhat recovered from the shock occasioned by the firing on Sumter, and had drawn their lines sufficiently close to make a party issue of many of the most vigorous war measures. Over the question of" what to do with captured slaves ? " they took positive ground against the bills which were passed, forbidding the return of fugitives and declaring those free who were employed against the government and for insurrectionary purposes,* and so of the bill prescribing * This is not said of the pronounced War Democrats, who were in concert with the Republicans on active war measures, nor even of those who, in official position, used the privilege of a minority to freely and intelligently criticise the acts of a ma- jority. It is said of those who sought to hold the organization and to commit it to a decided anti-war policy ; who even went so far as to encourage opposition to the war among their constituents, and keep up the spirit of the Confederates by aiding associations like the " Knights of the Golden Circle," " Sons of Liberty," etc., whose objects were to release prisoners of war, invite raids, engage in conspiracies RULING THROUGH RARTIES. 577 the " Iron-Clad Oath," whose design was to exclude from gov- ernment service all who were engaged in rebellion or who sym- pathized with it. The session witnessed the passage of a bill giving public lands to the States for the endowment of Agricul- tural Colleges ; also the passage of the Homestead Bill, which had been so frequently before Congress since the formation of the Republican party. An increase in Tariff rates was made by the act of Dec. 24, 1861. Congress adjourned, July 17, 1862. THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 1, 1862. A War Session, in the midst of national neces- sity more imperative than ever. Large appropriations were made for army and navy purposes. The Treasury was authorized to negotiate further loans. But ready money was scarce. There was no currency adequate to the huge transactions of the war, and none uniform. In this strait the Congress sanctioned a National (Greenback) Currency, after long and able discussion involving its constitutionality, the meaning of the power " to coin money and issue bills of credit," the inherent right of the government to protect itself, the analogy furnished by the old National Bank, the respective attitude of parties on the question from the beginning. Nor was the situation simplified when the question of more men came up. This involved the draft as a means of procuring soldiers, with all the technical objections which a strict construc- tion of the constitution gave rise to. The act which passed pro- voked the hostility of anti-war Democrats throughout the entire North, and in several States the Courts held it unconstitutional. Its enforcement in New York gave rise to the riots of July, 1863, which were only suppressed by armed interference of the Federal authorities. Another measure, made necessary by the exigency of the hour, was the act to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus. This also excited the opposition and enmity of all who wished to be free to vindicate the Confederate cause, either by writing or speaking in its favor, or by any other act short of actual enlistment under to resist drafts — as in New York — enlist men for the Southern army, and give aid and comfort to the enemy in various ways. 37 578 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. its banners. The peace Democrats vehemently opposed its pas- sage, and it was perhaps the most unpopular of the stringent war measures, saving always the draft act. Dec. 31, 1862, the act to admit West Virginia passed, which took effect June 19, 1863. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1863. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.— All the pledges of the free States were of an intent not to interfere with Slavery in the States where it existed. All the negotiations and compromises of 1 861 embraced the same idea. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, gave it out that Slavery in the States had nothing to fear from his administration, if the issue of disunion were not further, or violently, pushed. The anti-slavery sentiment was not essentially an abolition sentiment. Even the revulsion of feeling occasioned by the firing on Sumter had not served to lift it to the point of interference with the institution of Slavery within State limits. But the question of Slavery, ever complex, was, after the be- ginning of the war, more complicated than ever. It was forcing itself on the officers of the army at every step. In the field slavery was a part of the Confederate service, contributing to the strength of its armies, helping it to resist the Union troops, aiding it to win victories. It therefore was hostile, as much so as the armies themselves, or as cannon, muskets, ammunition, tents, stores, whose destruction war justified. This the Administration saw. But it saw other things too: (1) A probability of holding the doubtful Border States and making their allegiance firmer by compensating them for their slaves in case they abolished slavery. This the President recom- mended to Congress, March 2, 1862. It was approved, but not accepted by the Border States as being impracticable. In fact it met the opposition of the entire Democratic party. (2) He saw that to take any more decided step at that time would be to alienate the conservative anti-slavery sentiment of the Free States. That is, he did not yet regard the country as educated to the point of necessary or compulsory abolition. (3) He saw that if the rebellion were allowed to drag because of a want of energy on the part of the administration, or fear to cripple any and all the resources which helped to sustain it, RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 579 the more determined anti-slavery sentiment of the Free States would rise against him and demand abolition as necessary to the suppression of civil war. Congress had moved very cautiously, being content with a measure forbidding the return of fugitives, and one declaring free those slaves who were captured while aiding rebellion. General Fremont, in the Department of Missouri, had, Aug. 31, 1 86 1, declared the slaves of rebels free, but the President overruled his order. General B. F. Butler, in Virginia, had declared slaves " contraband of war," and liable to confiscation. Most of the field officers were either returning them to their masters, or hesitating about what to do with them. Rebellion was increasing in vigor, and slaves were part of that energy. By the laws of war the contraband property of the enemy is confiscate. By act of Congress " the property of persons engaged in treason or rebellion against the United States "was liable to seizure and confiscation. The time had come when the weapons of the enemy of whatever kind must be wrenched from his grasp, when the " Union must be saved with slavery," or, that failing, " without it." On Sept. 22, 1862, the President issued his proclamation to the effect that he would emancipate " all slaves within any State or designated parts of a State, the people whereof shall be in rebellion against the United States on the 1st day of January, 1863." " If such sections are in good faith represented in Con- gress on that day, it shall be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not in rebellion against the United States." * No attention was paid to this. It was followed, Jan. 1, 1863, by the celebrated Emancipation Proclamation, for which the country now seemed ready, " as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing rebellion." It applied only to the States and portions of States actually in rebellion, and which were unrepre- sented in Congress, or were not in the possession of the Union armies. Two years afterwards (February 1, 1865) the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution passed the Congress, and was ratified by three-fourths of the States, so as to become effective 580 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. by Dec. 18, 1865. It is in almost the precise words of the his- toric ordinance of 1787 relative to the territory northwest of the Ohio. This amendment ended African slavery in the United States of America. THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1863. The House organized by electing Schuyler Colfax, Republican, Indiana, Speaker. The Senate contained 36 Re- publicans and 14 Democrats; the House 102 Republicans and 83 Democrats. Nine of the latter were from the Border States. The Union Democrats had mostly gone entirely over to the Republicans. Some, however, had gone back into the regular Democratic organization, which was now pretty squarely on an anti-war basis. The session was prolific of war measures, on most of which party lines were strictly drawn. That which excited most bitter debate was the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 by a vote of 27 to 12 in the Senate, and 86 to 60 in the House. The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution passed the Senate, but did not pass the House by the requisite two-thirds till the next session. Among the revenue bills were those creating a system of Internal Revenue by a tax on domestic manufactures, one imposing a tax on incomes over $600 which was very unpopular and short-lived, and one creat- ing the system of National Banks. All these were compara- tively new measures, justified by the condition of the country and a state of war, yet at variance with the strict construction notions on which the Democrats based a determined opposition. On June 30, the Tariff Act of 1864 was passed, which increased the rate of duties, and made them still more protective. Con- gress adjourned, July 4, 1864. ELECTION OF 1864.— The Republican National Conven- tion met at Baltimore, June 7, 1864, and renominated for Presi- dent, Abraham Lincoln,* 111., and for Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, Tenn. The nomination of the latter was a recognition of the Union men of the South. The platform: (1) Pledged * Mr. Lincoln had inclined to the one term idea, but by advanced endorsement for a second term among the Legislatures of the Northern States, as in the case of Jackson for his second term, he concluded to stand. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 581 the party to aid the government in the suppression of rebellion. (2) No peace except one based on unconditional surrender of all armed rebels. (3) An amendment to the Constitution pro- hibiting slavery. (4) Thanks to soldiers for maintaining the flag. (5) Approval of the course of administration. (6) No vio- lation of the laws of war. (7) Favored foreign immigration and a Pacific Railroad. (8) The national faith pledged to the redemption of the public debt must be kept inviolate. (9) Ap- proval of the " Monroe doctrine." The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, Aug. 29, 1864, and nominated for President, George B. McClellan, N. J., and for Vice-President, George H. Pendleton, Ohio. The convention was dominated by the reactionary or peace wing of the party, called by their opponents " Copperheads." The platform announced: (1) Adhesion to the Union under the Constitution. (2) Demanded, " after four years of failure to restore the Union by war," a cessation of hostilities and a peace convention. (3) Denounced military interference with elections as revolutionary. (4) Objects of the party are to preserve the Union and the rights of the States unimpaired. (5) Denunciation of the war measures in general. (6) Administration denounced for disre- gard of duty to prisoners of war. (7) Sympathy of the party for soldiers and sailors. A Convention of Radical Men met at Cleveland, Ohio, May 31, 1864, and nominated John C. Fremont, Cal., for President, and John C. Cochrane, N. Y., for Vice-President. They adopted a platform nearly like that of the Republicans, but with a clause endorsing the one term principle. This was designed to head off the renomination of Lincoln, who had given offense to them by his tardy action respecting slavery. The candidates with- drew in favor of the Baltimore nominees. The position taken by the Democrats in their platform to the effect that the war was a failure, and that its cessation was demanded by the country, presented an issue which the Repub- licans met squarely, and with confidence. The result was a popular verdict in their favor, not only in the Presidential but in the Congressional contests. 582 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1864. Necessary war measures were passed, the Thir- teenth Amendment to the Constitution by the House, and the bill creating the Freedmen's Bureau. The status of the rebellious States came up in the proceedings attending the electoral count in February. Both Houses regarded them in such a condition as to make a valid election for President within their borders and under our laws impossible. Their vote was, therefore, not considered. The count showed 212 votes for Lincoln and John- son, and 21 for McClellan and Pendleton. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1865. On March 4, Lincoln and Johnson were sworn into office. XX. LINCOLN'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, AND JOHNSON'S. March 4, 186$ — March 3, 1869. Abraham Lincoln, III., President. Andrew Johnson, Tenn., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Thirty-ninth Congress. / j December 4, ]%H* ] J f , '866. \ 2, December 3, 1866-March 3, 1867. f 1, March 4, 1867-March 30, 1867. ] Extra ses- [ 2, July 3, 1867-July 20, 1867. [■ sion with Fortieth Congress. -j 3, November 21, 1867-Dec. 2, 1867. J recesses. I 4, December 2, 1867-July 27, 1868. [5, December 7, 1868-March 3, 1869. ELECTORAL VOTE* Republican. Democrat. Abraham Andrew Geo. B. Geo. H. Basis of Lincoln, Johnson, McClellan, Pendleton, States. 127,381. Vote. III. Tenn. N. J. Ohio. f Alabama 6 8 f Arkansas 3 5 California 3 5 5 5 Connecticut 4 6 6 6 Delaware 1 3 .. .. 3 3 f Florida 1 3 * The popular vote was : Lincoln, 2,216,067 — 22 States; McClellan, 1,808,725 — 3 States; not voting, 11 States. f In a state of rebellion. Not voting. 81 votes lost. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 583 Electoral Vote — Continued. Republican. Democrat. Vote. 9 16 13 7 7 7 12 8 4 7 11 3 5 7 33 9 21 3 26 4 6 10 6 5 10 5 8 Abraham Lincoln, 111. Andrew Geo. B. Geo. H. Johnson, McClellan, Pendleton, Tenn. 13 33 3 26 2 5 33 3 26 Ohio. I vacancy. Basis of States. 127,381. ^Georgia 7 Illinois 14 Indiana 1 1 Iowa 6 Kansas I Kentucky 9 * Louisiana 5 Maine 5 Maryland 5 Massachusetts 10 Michigan 6 Minnesota 2 ^Mississippi 5 Missouri 9 Nevada I New Hampshire. ... 3 New Jersey 5 New York 31 *North Carolina. . . 7 Ohio 19 Oregon I Pennsylvania 24 Rhode Island 2 *South Carolina. . . 4 ^Tennessee 8 *Texas 4 Vermont 3 * Virginia 8 West Virginia 3 Wisconsin 6 Totals 242 THE CABINET. Secretary of State W. H. Seward, N. Y Continued. Secretary of Treasury. . . . Hugh McCul lough, Ind. Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, Pa Continued. Secretary of Navy Gideon Welles, Conn " Secretary of Interior James Harlan, Iowa. Attorney-General James Speed, Ky Continued. Postmaster-General William Dennison, Ohio. . . " THE INAUGURAL.— Gettysburg, July 2, 3, 4, 1863, turned the tide of rebellion. It had fallen backwards, and was, March 4, 1865, hemmed in and under control. The President's in- augural was full of gratitude for past success, of hope for final success, and of that kindliness of spirit and gentleness of disposi- 3H 212 21 * In a state of rebellion. Not voting. 8 1 votes lost. 684 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. tion which had gotten to be accepted as characteristic of the man and official. In it he said, " With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in right, as God has given us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans — to do all which may achieve a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." On the 9th of April, 1865, General Lee surrendered to General Grant, at Appomattox Court-House, the remnant of the Con- federate army, 26,000 men, and the great rebellion was practically ended. On the night of April 14 (Good Friday), 1865, President Lincoln was shot by J. Wilkes Booth, and died on the morning of the 15th. On the same day Andrew Johnson was sworn in as his successor. RECONSTRUCTION.— It was hoped by North as well as South that President Lincoln had mapped in his mind a policy of reconstruction. But such did not appear. The exact rela- tion a seceded State, which had failed to establish its secession by force, occupied toward the other States, and how it could be reinstated, were new and delicate points, requiring the skill of a master to handle. Much more was involved. The place of the negroes, now free and citizens, had to be considered. The North- ern mind inclined to a probationary period for the rebellious States, during which time they could adjust themselves to a new situation, give guarantees, through provisional governments that they would assure freedom to the negroes, wipe out their obnox- ious codes, repeal their secession laws, rescind their adhesion to the Confederacy, and, repledged and prepared anew, re-enter the Union, on the condition of any fully equipped State, with the consent of Congress. President Johnson signalized his administration by adopting a hastier policy of reconstruction, one which imposed no probation on the States, but invited them to reform State governments and apply for admission at once. He belonged to the old South- ern school of strict interpreters or State Rights, and his policy invited the supremacy in the new States of the most active sup- RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 585 porters of rebellion. This policy did not receive the support of the Republican party. An antagonism therefore sprang up be- tween the administration and the majority party, which was fiercer even than that between Tyler and the Whigs. The Presi- dent however forced his measures as best he could, and carried with him what was known at the time as the "Amnesty senti- ment " of the country and also the Democratic sentiment. He was squarely outside of the party which had elected him Vice- President, from the very beginning of his term as President. THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1865. The favorable turn of the rebellion, and the emphatic endorsement of Lincoln's administration by the country, had greatly increased the Republican majority in both Houses of Con- gress. The Senate stood 40 Republicans and 1 1 Democrats ; the House 145 Republicans and 40 Democrats. The House organ- ized by re-electing Schuyler Colfax, Republican, Ind., Speaker. The passage of an amended Freedmen's Bureau bill drew from the President a veto, in which he foreshadowed his intention of opposing reconstruction legislation where it involved favors to the negroes, and, in general, until the whites, who were most concerned, were again represented in Congress. Another bill, similar in terms, providing for the education and military pro- tection of the negro race, was passed in July. This was also vetoed, on the ground that the civil courts were open for their protection, and that the matter was one entirely within the con- trol of the States. It became a law over the veto. The passage of the Civil Rights bill, in March, which was de- signed to secure to the negroes some of the rights of citizenship by enabling them to enforce their contracts in the United States Courts, was vetoed, on the ground that it was an attempt to con- fer citizenship on men just released from bondage and overrode the State laws and State tribunals. Though the bill was passed over the President's veto, the Congress proceeded to clarify the question of citizenship by passing the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, June 16, 1866, which became operative, July 28, 1868. This measure the President also opposed, as did the Democrats. The Homestead laws were extended to public 586 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. lands in the South, the army was reduced, some internal taxes were abolished. Congress adjourned, July 28, 1866. THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met Dec. 3, 1866. The President's attitude to the majority in Con- gress had become hostile and defiant. By his vetoes of Con- gressional enactments he had given proof of his intention to re- duce the power of Congress over the work of Reconstruction to a minimum. By his repeated proclamations to the Southern States he had as fully shown that he intended to make the work of Reconstruction as purely an executive one as he could, and this though his attention and that of the country had been called, by an address of the Republican National Committee, to the fact that no provisions existed in the Constitution or outside of Congress for the re-establishment of States which had broken their allegiance by secession and failed to establish secession by force. The situation was not conducive to deliberate legislation. If the President was vindictive, the majority was retaliatory. More- over, fear began to dawn that if he carried his defiance much further it might end in an executive coup de main on the very existence of the legislative branch of the government. Retalia- tive thus assumed the virtue of protective steps. A threat of impeachment was made by the appointment of a House com- mittee to take testimony. The time had not yet come for decisive action. By act of July, 1862, the President had been empowered to extend amnesty to those who ceased to be rebellious. The President had used his power under this act to what was con- sidered an inordinate extent. In January, 1867, the act was re- pealed. He still continued his amnesty proclamations, claiming a right to do so under the Constitution. To prevent the possi- bility of his taking the advantage of Congress during a recess, the meetings of the next Congress were fixed so as to succeed each other immediately. This lasted only during his term of office. His claim to issue orders directly to the army was met by an act compelling him to issue them through the general in command. This was squeezed in with the Appropriation bill, RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 587 so that he could not veto it without defeating the whole measure. He vetoed the Nebraska act, which provided for the admission of that State on the condition that suffrage should exist without reference to race or color. This was passed over his veto, and Nebraska was admitted, March I, 1867. Hitherto the President had possessed one advantage. His in- clination was his policy of Reconstruction ; or, if policy he had, it was not so systematic as to prevent his forging ahead without much regard to legal forms and technical obstructions. The Republican majority had all along been hampered by Constitu- tional difficulties and baffled by their party opponents and the Executive. But they had at last formulated a policy. It divided the States which had seceded into military districts, and placed each under an officer of the army, who was empowered to keep the peace and protect person and property until a State conven- tion could be chosen and a State government formed which re- cognized citizenship without regard to race, color or previous condition, and contained a ratification of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution. Then only would Congress agree to readmit the State. This was the bill " To Provide Efficient Governments for the Insurrectionary States," and designed to secure to the country some of the fruits of the war, which, it was thought, the President was fast frittering away. It was passed, vetoed, and passed over the veto, March 2, 1867. Here was a carefully outlined Congressional policy against a loose unsystematic Executive policy. To make the conflict sharper, the same day witnessed the passage of the Tenure of Office bill, also over the veto, by a strictly party vote in the Senate of 35 to 11, and in the House of 138 to 40. It made the Senate, which was a recognized part of the appointing power, a party also to removal from office by providing that the Presi- dent's removals during recess should not be final unless approved by the Senate, and that if appointees during recess were not ap- proved by the Senate, the old incumbent held his place. The design was to prevent wholesale removals during recess and the setting up of a Cabinet and Department officers who might fur- 588 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ther frustrate the will of Congress. Violation of its provisions was declared a high misdemeanor. This somewhat original and summary work of Congress now went before the country for ap- proval or rejection, as did the conduct of the President. A Tariff act was passed March 2, 1 867, which made the duties on wool and woollen goods highly protective. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1867. FORTIETH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Met March 4, 1867, according to act passed at second session of Thirty-ninth Congress. The issue between the Congress and President had been carried into the Congressional campaign, and the result was a return of a Republican majority. The Senate stood 40 Republicans to 14 Democrats, the House 138 Republicans to 47 Democrats. House organized by re-electing Schuyler Col- fax, Republican, Indiana, Speaker. Positive legislation was not the design of the meeting. It was a session for the emergency, a policing of a critical situation, an overseeing of previous legis- lation, that it might be executed, at least not frustrated. The continuity of the session was secured by an adjournment on March 30, 1867, to meet July 3, 1867. A second adjournment was had July 20, to meet Nov. 21. A third adjournment was had Dec. 2, 1867. FORTIETH CONGRESS— -First Regular Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1867. Before legitimate work could begin, the President renewed his contest by removing Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Feb. 21, 1868, and appointing Lorenzo Thomas in his place, contrary to the provisions of the Tenure of Office Act. The Senate resolved that " the President had no power to re- move the Secretary of War and designate any other officer to perform the duties of the office." On the 24th the President sent a message to the Senate claiming the right of removal on the ground that Stanton was an appointee of his predecessor, and was now holding only by sufferance, and that therefore he was not removing an appointee under the Tenure of Office Act. A resolution to impeach the President passed the House on the 24th, by a vote of 126 to 47. Articles were drawn bearing on his violation of the act in question, which passed the House RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 589 on March 2. On the 5th, the trial began, and lasted till May 16, when a test vote was taken on the Eleventh Article, a leading one. The result was, for conviction, 35 Senators; for acquittal, 19 Senators, 14 of the latter being Democrats and 5 Republicans. The Constitution requiring a two-thirds vote to convict, the verdict was acquittal on this article. On May 26, a vote was had on the first and second articles, with the same result. It being evident that conviction could not be had, no other votes were taken and the Court of Impeachment adjourned sine die. The political differences between the President and the Repub- lican party were not softened by the impeachment trial, yet sin- gularly enough the party did not suffer by its failure to convict, nor did the President cease to pursue his policy of Reconstruc- tion, save where he was hedged by Congress, till the end of his term, when he retired to his native State, quite restored to the favor of his old political associates, with whom he had broken on the questions which gave rise to the rebellion. Congress adjourned, July 27, 1868. ELECTION OF 1868.— The Republican National Conven- tion met at Chicago, May 20, 1868, and nominated Ulysses S. Grant, 111., for President, and Schuyler Colfax, Ind., for Vice- President. The platform (1) congratulated the country on the success of the reconstruction policy of Congress. (2) Approved of equal suffrage to all loyal men in the South, and of the doc- trine that it was a question properly belonging to the loyal States. (3) No repudiation of the National promises to pay. (4) Equal- ization and reduction of taxation. (5) Reduction of interest on National debt, and gradual payment of same. (6) Improvement of our credit. (7) Denounced the corruptions of the Johnson administration, and urged economy. (8) Lincoln's death re- gretted ; Johnson's treachery denounced. (9) Protection of the rights of naturalized citizens. (10) Honor to the soldiers. (11) Encouragement of foreign immigration. (12) Sympathy for all oppressed people struggling for their rights ; commendation of those who served in the Rebellion, for their co-operation in securing good government in the South. 590 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The Democratic National Convention met at New York, July 14, 1868, and nominated for President, Horatio Seymour, N. Y., and for Vice-President, Francis P. Blair, Mo. The platform (1) recognized the question of secession and slavery as settled by the war. (2) Demanded immediate restoration of the Southern States, and the settlement of the question of suffrage by the States themselves. (3) Amnesty for all past offences. (4) Pay- ment of the public debt in lawful money, where coin is not called for. (4) Equal taxation; one currency. (5) Economy; abolition of the Freedmen's Bureau ; a Tariff for revenue, with incidental Protection. (6) Reform of abuses in administration ; independ- ence of Executive and Judicial branches ; subordination of mil- itary to civil power. (7) Maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens. (8) General arraignment of the Republican party, and gratitude to Johnson for " resisting the aggressions of Congress." The campaign was an active one. The leading topics were the Reconstruction measures of the Republican party, and equal suffrage. The latter was a new question, given prominence by the condition of the freedmen, and by the probability that they would not be able to maintain their rights as citizens without the ballot. It may be said that the verdict of the campaign led to the proposal and adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment. Grant's apothegm, " Let us have Peace," did much to tone the severities of a campaign which would else have been very bitter, owing to the hostility of the Republicans toward the Adminis- tration. And as to the merits of the issue between the Congress and President — that is, as to whether the Congress or President had a right to fix the terms on which a revolting State could be readmitted — the verdict was in favor of Congress and its plan of approving of the Constitution of the applicant States, just as in case of Territories when they first applied for admission. The November result was a decided Republican victory. FORTIETH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1868. The leading political measure was the Fifteenth Amend- ment to the Constitution, which conferred the right of suffrage on all citizens, without distinction of " race, color, or previous condition of servitude." It passed Feb. 25, 1869, and by March RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 591 30, 1870, was ratified by three-fourths of all the States. In Con- gress it was a distinctive party measure, drawing full Democratic opposition. Before the country, it met with a conservative Re- publican opposition, partly because it was regarded as too radical an advance, and partly because it got complicated with the ques- tion of amnesty, as advocated by Mr. Greeley and a school of statesmen who thought that " universal amnesty " ought to pre- cede, and be a consideration for, " universal suffrage." The Electoral count showed 214 votes for Grant and Colfax, and 80 for Seymour and Blair. A question was raised over the 9 votes of Georgia, but as they did not affect the result, it was not urged. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1869. Grant and Colfax were sworn into orifice on March 4. XXI. GRANT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1869 — March 3, 1873. 'lTlysses S. Grant, III., President. Schuyler Colfax, Ind.. Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. {1, March 4, 1869-April 10, 1869, extra session. 2, December 6, 1869-July 15, 1870. 3, December 5, 1870-March 3, 1871. {r, March 4, 1871-April 20, 187 1, extra session. 2, December 4, 1871-June 10, 1872. 3, December 2, 1872-March 3, 1873. ELECTORAL VOTE.* Republican. Democrat. Basis of Ulysses S. Schuyler Horatio Sey- Francis P. States. 127,381. Vote. Grant, 111. Colfax, Ind. mour, N. Y. Blair, Mo. Alabama 6 8 8 8 Arkansas 3 5 5 5 California 3 5 5 5 Connecticut 46 6 6 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 Florida I 3 3 3 Georgia 79 .. .. 9 9 Illinois 14 16 16 16 * Popular vote— Grant, 3,015,071—26 States; Seymour, 2,709,613— 8 States; not voting, 3 States. 592 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Republican. Basis ot States. 127,381. Indiana 11 Iowa 6 Kansas I Kentucky 9 Louisiana 5 Maine 5 Maryland 5 Massachusetts....... 10 Michigan 6 Minnesota 2 ^Mississippi 5 Missouri 9 Nebraska I Nevada 1 New Hampshire.... 3 New Jersey 5 New York 31 North Carolina 7 Ohio 19 Oregon 1 Pennsylvania 24 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina .... 4 Tennessee 8 *Texas 4 Vermont 3 ^Virginia 8 West Virginia 3 Wisconsin 6 Totals 243 Vote. 13 8 3 7 7 7 12 4 7 3 3 5 7 33 9 21 3 26 4 6 10 6 5 10 5 8 Ulysses S. Schuyler Grant, 111. Colfax, Ind. 1-3 26 3i7 214 9 21 26 4 6 10 5 5 8 214 Horat mour v; 7 33 Blair, Mo. 7 33 So 80 THE CABINET. Secretary of State E. B. Washburne, 111. Secretary of Treasury Geo. S. Boutwell, Mass. Secretary of War John A. Rawlins, 111. Secretary of Navy Adolph E. Borie, Pa. Secretary of Interior Jacob D. Cox, Ohio. Attorney-General E. R. Hoar, Mass. Postmaster-General J. A. J. Creswell, Md. FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Met March 4, 1869, with a very large Republican majority in both branches. The Senate stood 58 Republican, 10 Democrat, and 8 vacancies ; the House, 149 Republican, 64 Democrat, and 25 vacancies ; Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and Georgia not being represented. The House organized by electing James G. Blaine, Me., Speaker. * These States not yet readmitted. 23 votes lost RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 593 This brief session was made interesting by a strictly party struggle over the admission of Texas, Virginia and Mississippi, before they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment to the Con- stitution. On April io a bill passed which required them to submit their constitutions as they stood to the people, and their Legislatures to ratify both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- ments, after which they would be readmitted. The extra session adjourned April io, 1869. FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met December 6, 1869. The lot of President Grant had not thus far been a happy one. Unlike his predecessor, he had no policy of Reconstruction aside from the acts of Congress, and these he declared he would enforce, on the principle that the best way to secure the repeal of such as were objectionable was to show their defects by actual and literal enforcement. But in this he was largely headed off by a condition of affairs in the late rebel- lious States, which was then attributed to the mistaken policy of President Johnson. From whatever cause, a party arose in the Southern States which prided in the name of " Unrecon- structed " and " Irreconcilable." It opposed the Reconstruction acts of Congress, and especially the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution. Further, many Northern men had settled in Southern States. These, being in favor with the negroes, and naturally supporters of the government, gained a control of local politics which made them enemies of the " Unreconstructed." They were denounced as "Carpet- Baggers," and the State governments they erected and supported as " Carpet-Bag Governments." But as they were operating under color of local law, and insisting on rights for the citizen which the Constitution plainly gave him, they could hardly be ousted by regular forms. Ousted they must be, however. The plan of terrorizing the negroes was hit upon. This was perfected and carried out by those secret organizations which became known as the Ku-Klux-Klan. Their operations were so effective as not only to intimidate the negroes but to drive out the Northern immigrants. This achieved, the doctrine of "a white man's gov- ernment" became popular, and under it the regime of the respec- 38 594 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. tive States passed back into the hands of those who had made, supported and controlled them before the rebellion. The operations of the Ku-Klux-Klan had not only been locally violent, but defiant of the Reconstruction acts of Con- gress. Hence the President found his authority practically ig- nored. All the time, too, questions arose as to the constitution- ality of the Reconstruction acts. These occasioned delays and invited dangers. In the latter part of 1869 the Supreme Court came to his assistance and greatly strengthened his hands by a decision to the effect " that Congress had the power to re- establish the relations of any rebellious State to the Union." This decision sustaining the policy of Congress and the Republi- can majority modified the tone of the Democrats, and in a great measure changed their purpose to make Reconstruction a central party feature. The above situation gave rise to the Enforcement act, passed May 31, 1870, by a party vote, which endowed the President all needed powers to protect the freedmen and punish the perpetra- tors of outrages against white and black. Enforcement of this act did much to awaken Southern sentiment to the extent and danger of the " Klan" and to correct its abuses. It fell into dis- repute, but was succeeded by other more open and ingenious, yet not less effective, means of intimidation, some of which took the shape of " Rifle Clubs," the " White League," and so on, all of which were harder to meet by legal processes than the more violent " Klan." Before the close of this session the halting States of Virginia, Georgia, Texas and Mississippi had complied with the conditions of reconstruction and were readmitted. This practically com- pleted the work of reconstruction so far as the States were con- cerned ; that is, they had complied with the forms of law, but much remained to be done to insure equitable enforcement of law. By July 15, 1870, the date on which Georgia was received, after hanging back with her ratification of the Fifteenth Amend- ment, the happy spectacle of a restored Union was again pre- sented, though the votes of Arkansas and Louisiana were not received on account of technical objections in 1872. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 595 The other leading political acts of the session were one to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment, and one to amend the naturali- zation laws. The latter law made penal the issue of fraudulent naturalization papers, and authorized Federal supervisors of Con- gressional elections in cities of over 20,000 inhabitants. The Democrats opposed it on the ground that it was unconstitutional ; the Republicans favored it on the charge of frauds in New York by which the State had been carried for Seymour. They used with effect the language of Horace Greeley that " more votes had been cast for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards of the city than there were men, women, children, cats and dogs in it." In March, 1870, the Constitutionality of the Legal Tender Act of 1862 came before the Supreme Court as newly organized. It was decided to be constitutional. This was a partisan issue from beginning to end. The Republicans pleaded absolute necessity as a support for the law ; the Democrats claimed that it was an inexcusable stretch of constitutional power. The former were consistent with that liberal interpretation of the Constitution on which they based their ideas of Internal Im- provement, Protection to American Industries, and scores of measures relating to war and reconstruction. The latter were hardly so consistent, for very many of them, when members of the Confederate Congress, had for reasons of imperative necessity advocated the issue of similar money, and that too, with the " promise to pay " extended to a period beyond which the inde- pendence of the Confederacy should be recognized. The decision, notwithstanding its opposition, soon won popu- larity, and greatly increased the national credit. The popular- ized " Greenback " soon after became the banking capital of a new party. The Tariff Act of July 14, 1870, had the effect of greatly enlarging the free list. Congress adjourned, July 15, 1870. FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1870. Reconstruction being completed in form, all the States were represented for the first time since 1861. The Senate stood 61 Republicans; 13 Democrats; the House, 172 Republicans; 71 596 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Democrats. The President's message advocated the annexation of San Domingo. This gave rise to a bitter opposition on the part of Charles Sumner, which took the shape of direct attack on the administration. A commission was appointed which reported favorably, and the matter was dropped. A supplement to the enforcement act was passed, Feb. 28, 1 87 1. It incurred the usual Democratic opposition, and was passed by a strict party vote. It extended the power of super- visors and marshals, and gave the Federal Courts jurisdiction of cases arising out of violation of the Fifteenth Amendment. On March 3 the first civil service act in the history of the government was passed. Under it a commission was appointed, whose recommendations were not cordially received. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1871. FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS -«* Extra Session.— Met March 4, 1871. The Republicans had suffered somewhat in their representation. The Senate stood, Republicans, 57 ; Demo- crats, 17; House, Republicans, 138; Democrats, 103. House organized by re-electing James G. Blaine, Me., Speaker. The leading political act was that of April 20, 1871, known as the Ku-Klux Act. It was aimed directly at the secret organ- izations existing in Southern States, which could not be effectually reached under the enforcement acts of the previous session. Indeed, these acts were proving weak in all respects, and in view of the opposition they were meeting with, their propriety was beginning to be questioned. Congress adjourned, April 20, 1871. FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1871. This session gave rise to two acts, both of which became noteworthy. The first was The Amnesty Bill. In its earliest shape it was a Democratic measure, formulated so as to secure the influence of Mr. Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune \ soon to be the Democratic candidate for President. It was baffled by the Republicans for a long time by amend- ments adding Mr. Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights Bill. But it finally passed, May 22, 1872. Its effect was to remove the disabilities imposed by Sec. 3 of 14th Amendment to the RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 597 Constitution, from all but about 350 participants in the rebel- lion.* The second was a Supplementary Enforcement act. The former acts of Enforcement, including the Ku-Klux act, were not strengthening the hands of the Executive in preserving order and securing the rights of citizens, as they were designed to. The Democrats were squarely opposed to them, and so was a strong minority within the Republican ranks. It became a question whether the Congress should retreat or experiment fur- ther with a doubtful question. A majority sentiment favored another trial. Consequently the bill of June 10, 1872, was passed, which gave any citizen deprived of his rights access to the Federal courts, made it a penal offense to deprive, or con- spire to deprive, any citizen of his rights under the amendments, placed the United States troops at the call of the States to sup- press conspiracies, and further declared such conspiracies rebel- lions, to be suppressed by Federal force if the States failed- This was regarded as the last stretch of Constitutional power in time of peace, even by the advocates of the bill. If its effect was to hasten the final disintegration of the annoying, defiant and cruel " Ku-Klux-Klan," the same cannot be said of those more ingenious and popular methods of opposition which were relied on as supports of the idea of "A White Man's Govern- ment." The Tariff Act of June 6, 1872, made a material reduc- tion in duties and added largely to the free list. Congress adjourned, June 10, 1872. ELECTION OF 1872. — The first party in the field was a new one, styling itself " Liberal Republican." This misnomer origin- ated in Missouri, in 1870. A Liberal Republican would naturally be one who favored a liberal construction of the Constitution. But the new Liberal Republicans were those who thought the Republicans had already exceeded, in their legislation, the powers contained in the Constitution. They were therefore not so liberal as the Republicans, but stricter in their interpretations, sufficiently strict to draw the Democratic support, as we shall * Subsequently other acts removed these disabilities from all who participated ia the rebellion, except Jefferson Davis. 598 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. see. A considerable Republican sentiment had been inclining to this movement for some time. It was encouraged by the " General Amnesty " idea, advocated by Mr. Greeley and by others who were at the time called M Sentimentalists." The fail- ure of so many of the Reconstruction measures of Congress to bring about desired results, the opposition they all excited, the growing thought that they were of doubtful propriety, and even of doubtful constitutionality, considering that they had no longer the imperative necessity of war as a basis of vindication, further encouraged the movement. In 1870 the Republican party, then in control of the Legisla- ture of Missouri, split over the question of the removal of dis- abilities from Confederates, under the State Constitution. Those favoring removal, headed by B. Gratz Brown and Carl Schurz, called themselves Liberal Republicans ; those opposing removal accepted the name of Radical Republicans. The former tri- umphed. This was the nucleus around which kindred sentiment gathered throughout the country. It gained headway by acces- sions in several States, as Mr. Greeley and Mr. Fenton in New York, Curtin in Pennsylvania, Trumbull in Illinois, and Charles Francis Adams in Massachusetts. The Democrats in Congress had fostered the sentiment. In the spring of 1 871 there had been an actual fusion of the Liberal Republicans and Democrats in Ohio. The leaders denounced the Enforcement acts of Con- gress and the efforts of the administration to bring about Recon- struction under them. On the basis of a common feeling it was thought the Democratic party could be captured by the move- ment. A call was issued from Missouri, Jan. 24, 1872, for a National Convention of Liberal Republicans, at Cincinnati, on May 1. It nominated Horace Greeley, N. Y., for President, and B. Gratz Brown, Mo., for Vice-President. The platform (1) re- cognized the equality of all men ; (2) pledged the party to Union, emancipation, enfranchisement, and to oppose the open- ing of any question settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments ; (3) demanded the immediate removal of all disabilities ; (4) local self-government with impartial suf- frage, for the nation a return to the methods of peace ; (5) Thor- RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 599 ough reform of the civil service, no President a candidate for re- election ; (6) modest revenue for all the needs of the government ; on the matter of a tariff, the question relegated to the people of the Congressional districts for discussion ; (7) maintenance of public credit, return to specie payments, honor for the soldier, no more land grants to railroads, fair dealing with foreign powers. The Republican National Convention met at Philadelphia, June 5, 1872, and renominated for President Ulysses S. Grant, 111., and nominated for Vice-President Henry Wilson, Mass. Its platform (1) pointed, as the result of Republican policy, to a suppressed rebellion, emancipation, equal citizenship, universal suffrage, no punishment of men for political offences, a humane Indian policy, a Pacific railroad, public lands freely given to ac- tual settlers, protected immigration, uniform national currency, high national credit, careful collection and expenditure of rev- enue, large reduction of taxes and of public debt; (2) enforcement of the new amendments to Constitution; (3) enjoyment of civil and political liberty by all, no discrimination as to citizenship on account of race, color or previous condition ; (4) an improved civil service; (5) no more land grants to corporations, but free homes for the people ; (6) gradual reduction of the public debt, Tariff for protection ; (7) honor to soldiers and sailors, abolition of franking privilege, reduction in rate of postage, approval of the administration, repudiation denounced, additional rights for women, amnesty approved, respect for the rights of States. The Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore, July 9, 1872. By pre-arrangement and with the hope of triumph through the Republican schism it accepted the platform and nominees of the Liberal Republicans, and thus stood fully com- mitted to " emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Four- teenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution," and to the further doctrine " that it is the duty of the government to mete out exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color or persuasion, religious or political." A Straight-out Democratic National Convention met at Louis- 600 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ville, Ky., Sept. 3, 1872, and nominated for President Charles O'Conor, N. Y., and for Vice-President John Quincy Adams, Mass. The platform was a plea for the rights of the States and a repudiation of the Baltimore Convention as a betrayal of the Democratic party " into a false creed and a false leadership." The Temperance, or Prohibition, party met in National Con- vention, for the first time as a nominating body, at Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 22, 1872, and nominated for President James Black, Pa., for Vice-President John Russell, Mich. The platform de- clared that as all political parties had proved unwilling to adopt an adequate policy on the question of traffic in intoxicating drinks; therefore (1) the party pledges itself to the principles of the Declaration and Constitution ; (2) that effective legal prohibition, State as well as national, is the only means of suppressing traffic in intoxicants; (3) that existing party competition for the liquor vote is a peril to the nation; (4) dissuasion from the use of in- toxicants, competency, honesty and sobriety as qualifications for office, no removals from office for political opinion, prevention of corruption and encouragement of economy, direct vote of the people for President, a sound national currency, redeemable in gold, labor reform, suffrage without regard to sex, fostering of the common schools. The campaign was peculiar in every respect. The Republi- cans were sanguine, and scarcely needed to use ordinary cam- paign energies. The Democrats were cold toward their nominee, and mistrustful of the situation from the start. The Liberal Republicans bore the " heat and burden " of the day, their can- didate even taking the stump, or rather making long railroad jaunts for the purpose of meeting with and inspiring his admirers. The November result was not a realization of Liberal Repub- lican hopes. They had not captured the Democratic party. The strength they brought to that party was far more than off- set by Democratic desertions to the Republicans or outright re- fusals to vote. Nor was it any more a realization of Democratic hopes. The expected profit from Republican schism was not forthcoming at the polls. " Fusion had resulted in confusion," was wittily said of the after-election situation. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 601 FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1872. An interesting measure of the session was the creation of the Credit Mobilier commission by the House. It was created at the instance of Republicans to inquire into the truth of charges made against prominent men during the cam- paign by Democratic orators. The commission, consisting of two Republicans, one Liberal Republican, and two Democrats, made a full investigation and practically exonerated the mem- bers charged, except Oakes Ames and James Brooks, who re- ceived the condemnation of the House. The Franking privilege was abolished, the President's salary raised to $50,000, and the salary of Senators and Representatives to $7,500. This was the offensive "salary grab" which met with such condemnation as to defeat many of the members who participated in its passage. It was speedily repealed. The electoral count in February showed 286 votes for Grant and Wilson. Mr. Greeley died in November. The 66 Demo- cratic electors therefore voted for other persons. Of these 42 voted for Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind., for President, with 24 scattering. Three of the scattering were for Greeley. They were rejected. B. Gratz Brown received 47 for Vice-President, with 19 scattering. A grave question arose over the vote of Louisiana and Arkansas. Two sets of Returning Boards existed in these States, each of which had forwarded returns. The re- sult was that both were rejected, and these two States lost their vote. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1873. On March 4 Grant and Wilson were sworn into office. XXII. GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1873 — March 3, 1877. Ulysses S. Grant, III., President. Henry Wilson, Mass., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. t, „ ft, December 1, i87vJrme i-x, 1874. Forty-third Congress. { ' T . , ' „ ' J i, u °' m Jjl \ 2, December 7, 1874-March 3, 1875. ^ r, ft, December 6, 1875-Aucrust IS. 1876. Forty-fourth Congress. | ^ December \ l8 ' 7 i_March 3, 1877. 602 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. ELECTORAL VOTE.* Basis of States. 131.425. Alabama 8 Arkansas 4 California 4 Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida 2 Georgia Illinois 19 Indiana 13 Iowa 9 Kansas 3 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 6 Maine 5 Maryland 6 Massachusetts .... 1 1 Michigan 9 Minnesota 3 Mississippi 6 Missouri 13 Nebraska I Nevada I New Hampshire. . 3 New Jersey 7 New York 33 North Carolina.. .. 8 Ohio 20 Oregon I Pennsylvania 27 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina. Tennessee Texas Vermont Virginia West Virginia . Wisconsin Total •• 5 ..10 .. 6 • • 3 • 9 •• 3 .. 8 292 Vote. IO 6 6 6 3 4 11 21 15 11 5 12 15 5 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 12 8 5 11 5 10 366 Republican. Ulysses S. Grant, 111. IO *6 6 3 4 3 3 5 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 286 Henry Wilson, Mass. IO 'o 6 3 4 3 3 5 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 5 10 286 Lib. Republican. Horace B. Gratz Greeley, Brown, N. Y. Mo. Not counted. 6 for Brcwn. 2 for Perkins, Dem., Ga. 3 for Greeley (not counted). 8 for Hendricks., D., 4 for Brown, Mo. . . Not counted Ind. 8 for Hendricks. 8 for Brown. 6 for Hendricks. I for Davis. 1 2 for Hendricks. 8 for Hendricks. * The death of Mr. Greeley before the Electoral count caused the casting of his 66 votes as scattering. The above table indicates the way they went for President. For Vice-President the vote was still more scattered. Brown, Liberal Republican, Mo., received 47 ; Julian, Democrat, Ind., 5 ; Colquitt, Democrat, Ga., 5 ; Palmer, Democrat, 111., 3; Bramlette, Democrat, Ky., 3; Groesbeck, Democrat, O., I; Macken, Democrat, Ky., I; Banks, Liberal Republican, Mass., 1. The 14 votes RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 603 THE CABINET. Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, N. Y Continued. Secretary of Treasury William A. Richardson, Mass. Secretary of War William W. Belknap, Iowa. . .Continued. Secretary of Navy ..... . .George M. Robeson, N. J " Secretary of Interior Columbus Delano, Ohio " Attorney-General . .Geo. H. Williams, Oregon. ... " Postmaster-General J. A. J. Creswell, Md " FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. I, 1873. The Republican majority was still large. Senate: 50 Re- publicans, ^Democrats, 5 Liberal Republicans. House: 198 Re- publicans and 91 Democrats, with a sprinkling of Liberal Repub- licans. House organized by re-electing James G. Blaine Speaker. The business depression which culminated in the panic of 1873 made cautious financial legislation necessary. An act increas- ing the national currency to $400,000,000 was vetoed as tend- ing to inflation at a time when the tendency should be toward resumption of specie payments. The bill could not be passed over the veto for want of the necessary two-thirds, though a strong minority in both parties thought inflation the proper remedy. This idea became the basis of the Greenback party, which began to figure about this time. Lengthy debates which took a party turn were indulged over a Republican measure to regulate inter-State commerce. So with Sumner's Civil Rights bill, which was designed to secure to the colored citizens the rights comprehended in the Four- teenth Amendment. It passed the House, but got no further. An act was passed Sept. 14, 1872, which referred all matters in dispute between this country and England to what became known as the Geneva Commission. This Commission now re- ported that the sum of $15,500,000 was due the United States for damages occasioned to American commerce by privateers fitted out under British auspices, bearing the British flag, or permitted to sail from British ports. At this session a Commis- sion was raised to distribute this award (June 23, 1874). of Arkansas and Louisiana were not counted on account of frauds in the elections and duplicate counts by two opposing Returning Boards. The popular vote was: Grant, 3,597,070 — 31 States ; Greeley, 2,834,079 — 6 States; O'Conor, 29,408; Black, 5,608. $04 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. What was known as the Poland Utah Bill became a law. It created a District Court for the Territory, and excluded polyga- mous persons from the jury-box when bigamy cases were being tried. The Tariff Act of June 22, 1874, was passed. It was an effort to correct the tendency of the act of 1872 toward low rates of duty. The act of 1872, as well as the preceding one, had been in the line of reduction. The panic of 1873 had taught the folly of too rapid a reduction of rates, or too wide a departure from the protective idea. The act of 1 874 stiffened rates on dutiable articles, clung to the protective idea, and at the same time allowed a liberal free list, mostly of raw or unmanufactured articles. Congress adjourned, June 23, 1874. FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1874. The Administration was pinched in its Southern policy. In Louisiana, for instance, two hostile State governments were in existence, the one favorable to the rights of all citizens, the other working under the auspices of the White League. They had gotten to blows. Blood had run in the streets of New Or- leans. The riots there, not to dignify them as war, threatened to culminate in a war of races. The President had been appealed to. The time had passed for that active interference which the early period of reconstruction might have warranted. Yet he could do no less than make some kind of effort for peace, and naturally in behalf of the government which recognized the largest liberty and secured the amplest rights to all citizens. Such interference was turned greatly to his hurt by politicians. It was somewhat of an unfortunate juncture, for the President's Private Secretary, O. E. Babcock, came to trial for complicity with the " Whisky Ring," but was acquitted and resigned. Then came the impeachment of Belknap, Secretary of War (July 26, 1876), on the charge of selling an Indian trading es- tablishment. He, too, was acquitted. But by this conspiracy of circumstances the Administration suffered, and perhaps un- justly, for though the efforts of its enemies were desperate to bring some of the alleged irregularities home to the White House, they in no case succeeded. All these things, however, RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 605 had their effect on public sentiment and contributed to bring about that political whirl which made the Forty-fourth Congress Democratic. This session was marked by the passage of the Civil Rights bill, by a strict party vote. It secured the approval of the Pres- ident, March I, 1875. It is the bill which the Supreme Court decided to be unconstitutional (October, 1883), on the ground that the authority conferred on Congress by the Fourteenth Amendment to give such amendment effect by appropriate legis- lation, was not an authority which took away from States the power to do the same thing, or interfered with their right to do it. On Feb. 24, 1875, House bill to permit Colorado to form a State government was passed by a strict party vote, and so, or nearly so, of the Resumption Act of Jan. 14, 1875. In this in- stance, the Republicans strove to crown their financial career by looking to a period when the National promises to pay should reach par in gold and silver. They were antagonized by the Democrats, who, for the time being, seemingly forgot their hard money notions of the Jackson era. The Tariff Act of Feb. 8, 1875, stiffened the rates on silks, wines, tin-plates, and some other articles. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1875. FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1875. The House was Democratic and the Senate Repub- lican. The former organized by electing Michael C. Kerr, Ind., Speaker. This lengthy session was barren of far reaching polit- ical results, owing to the attitude of the two Houses. The Demo- crats in the House cultivated their majority situation, so as to stand well before the country during the next presidential cam- paign, by advocating a reduction of appropriations, taxation, etc. In most of their efforts they were met half way by the Repub- licans. Congress adjourned, August 15, 1876. ELECTION OF 1876.— The year 1875 had been one of political turmoil, especially in the Southern States. It had been a year of political reverses for the Republicans in all sections — a December 5, 1881-August 8 RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 619 ELECTORAL VOTE* Republican. Democrat. 1.425- 8 Basis of States. Alabama Arkansas 4 California 4 Colorado I Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida 2 Georgia 9 Illinois 19 Indiana 13 Iowa 9 Kansas 3 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 6 Maine 5 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 1 1 Michigan 9 Minnesota 3 Mississippi 6 Missouri 13 Nebraska I Nevada I New Hampshire 3 New Jersey 7 New York ^^ North Carolina 8 Ohio 20 Oregon I Pennsylvania 27 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 5 Tennessee 10 Texas 6 Vermont 3 Virginia 9 West Virginia 3 Wisconsin 8 Totals 293 THE CAB WET. Vote. IO 6 6 3 6 3 4 11 21 '5 11 5 12 8 7 8 13 11 5 8 15 3 3 5 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 12 8 5 5 10 369 James A. Chester A. Winfidd S. Garfield, Arthur, Hancock, Ohio. N. Y. N. Y. IO 6 1 1 5 7 3 5 3 5 35 22 3 29 4 10 214 3 5 35 22 3 29 4 10 214 8 '5 3 9 10 7 12 8 11 5 i55 William H. English, Ind. IO 6 5 5 [ 55 Secretary of State James G. Blaine, Me. Secretary of Treasury William Windom, Minn. Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, 111. Secretary of Navy W. H. Hunt, La. Secretary of Interior Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa. Attorney-General Wayne McVengh, Pa. Postmaster-General Thomas L. James, N. Y. * The popular vote was, Garfield, 4,449,053 — 19 States; Democrat, Hancock, 4,442,035 — 19 States; Greenback, Weaver, 308,578 ; Prohibition, 10,305 ; Ameri- can, 707 ; scattering, 989. 620 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. POLITICAL SITUATION.— The conservatism of the Hayes' administration, always manifested save on extraordinary occa- sions, had softened party asperities and allayed sectional feeling. It had given play to two currents within the Republican party, the one conservative, like the administration, the other radical. The new administration had the support of both during the cam- paign. It therefore opened auspiciously. The inaugural was an able, patriotic paper, in which the President took a high stand on the question of suffrage, education, morals, public faith and civil service reform. The Senate sitting in extra session confirmed the Cabinet officers, but the minor appointments, especially those for New York State, gave rise to much feeling, which ended in the resig- nation of the Senators from that State, May 17, 1881. This was the date of a disastrous division in the Republican party which led to the "tidal waves" of opposition in 1882-83. The conservative sentiment of the party strove to purify and popular- ize the methods of party management. It took the shape of " Independent " revolt in many States. In others it administered quiet rebuke to those it was pleased to designate as " Bosses" by refraining from voting. THE ASSASSINATION.— The President was shot at the Baltimore and Potomac depot, Washington, on July 2, 1881, at 9.20 A. M., by Charles J. Guiteau, a persistent seeker of po- litical places far beyond his ability to fill, and a maliciously dis- posed, cowardly semi-idiot, in whom disappointment had stirred natural diabolism to the point of assassination. The President rallied from the effects of the shot, lingered hopefully for a long time, but finally died at Elberon, N. J., at 10.35 p - M -» Sept. 19, 1 88 1, amid the tears of a nation and the sympathies of a world. THE NEW ADMINISTRATION— The Cabinet at once telegraphed Vice-President Arthur of the death of President Garfield and suggested that he take the oath of office. He did so at 2.15 A. M., Sept. 20, 1 88 1, at New York city, before Judge Brady; and again at Washington, Sept. 22, at 12 M., before the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 621 THE CABINET. — He did not reorganize his Cabinet at once, but when the changes were complete it stood as follows : Secretary of State Fred. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J. Secretary of Treasury Charles J. Folger, N. Y. Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, 111., continued. Secretary of Navy .William E. Chandler, N. H. Secretary of Interior Henry M. Teller, Col. Attorney-General Benjamin Harris Brewster, Pa. Postmaster-General Timothy O. Howe, Wis. FORTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met De- cember 5, 1 88 1. The Republican party had control of the House, there being Republicans, 1 50; Democrats, 131 ; Nationals, 10 ; Re- adjusters, 2. The Senate stood Republicans, 37; Democrats, 37; Independent, 1 ; Readjuster, 1.* The House organized by- electing Warren B. Keifer, Ohio, Speaker. A conspicuous measure of this session was the Edmunds Polygamy bill, which was not a party measure, but singularly enough met with only Democratic opposition. It became final March 23, 1882. Its gist was the disfranchisement of those practising polygamy. On May 15, 1882, the bill to create a Tariff Commission was signed. This Commission sat at various places during the summer and fall. The Tariff act of the next session was based on their report. An amended anti-Chinese bill was passed, pro- hibiting their immigration for a period of twenty years. Ques- tions of banking and refunding took up a great part of the ses- sion. It was now an easy matter to place government bonds bearing interest as low as 3 per cent. An immense appropriation was made for River and Harbor purposes. It was vetoed by the President, but was passed over the veto by a vote of 41 to 16 in the Senate, and 122 to 59 in the House, showing that both par- ties were of the same spirit respecting this question of Internal Improvement. The veto took the ground that this species of legislation, as exemplified by this particular bill, had passed beyond the only warrant to be found for it, viz. : the authority * to provide for the common defence and general welfare," and * This was Senator Mahone, Va., who stood at the head of a State party called " Readjusters" of the Stale debt. 622 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. had become the means by which money was taken for small streams and purely local improvements, with which the people at large had no concern and through which they could receive no benefit.* Feb. 25, 1882, an apportionment bill passed. It fixed the number of Representatives, under the census of 1870, at 325. Congress adjourned, Aug. 8, 1882. FORTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met December 4, 1882. This Congress seemed to be a point at which an immense amount of previously prepared and debated work culminated. It was prolific of important and far-reaching measures, many of them political but most of them of general moment. The Tariff Commission had made its report and both Houses had it under discussion. The outcrop was the Tariff Act of March 3, 1883, which lowered duties on most of the lead- ing imports, but whose main feature was to equalize rates and abolish the incongruities of existing Tariff laws. It cannot be said that the act was a success in this respect. Interests to be consulted were so conflicting that it was impossible to avoid crudities and hardships. Demand for lighter duties on raw ma- terials made by manufacturing sections worked to the injury of producing sections, and vice versa. The act was in the nature of a compromise. It served to show, however, that the entire country had come to regard this class of legislation as vital. The act went into operation as to sugar and molasses on the 1st of June, 1883; as to its other provisions on the 1st of July, 1883. The Civil Service Reform Bill passed at this session. It was introduced in the Senate by Geo. H. Pendleton, Democrat, of Ohio, and authorized a commission to devise a plan of civil ser- vice and put it in operation. Though this bill was introduced by a Democrat and ably sustained by him, the Democrats were its active opponents. Its final passage in both Houses was by * The rapid growth of this class of appropriations after they began to receive the favor of both parties appears thus: 1870, #3,975,900; 1875, #6,648,517; 1880, #8,976,500; 1881, $11,451,000; 1882, #18,743,875, the amount in vetoed bill. Since the beginning of the government there has been expended in the respective States for river and harbor improvements the total sum of #108,796,401. RULING THROUGH PARTIES. 623 an almost solid Republican vote against an almost solid Demo- cratic opposition.* An act of March 3, 1883, reduced letter postage to two cents for each half ounce and authorized a Postal note whose value should not exceed five dollars. Large reductions were made in Internal taxes. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1883. FORTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS- -First Session.— Met De- cember 3, 1883. The political "tidal wave" of 1882, partially repeated in 1883, had been very disastrous to the Republican party. They lost governors and legislators in many of their strongest States, and the National House of Representatives was Democratic. The Senate stood, Republicans, 40, to Democrats, 36. The House was composed of Democrats, 195 ; Republicans, 126; Independent, 1; vacancies, 3. Much interest was felt in the election of a Speaker. The Democrats, as a party, seemed to be composed of two wings, one in favor of quiet respecting existing Tariff legislation, the other in favor of reduced duties. Mr. Carlisle, Ky., exponent of the latter idea, became Speaker. The President's message recommended closer commercial and political relations with Mexico ; an extension of our trade interests to South America and to the new Congo country; called attention to the national surplus of $132,874,444.21, and recommended reduced tariff and internal taxation, with a partial appropriation of the surplus to the building of a navy; advised the redemption and recoinage of the trade dollars ; a settlement of the Mormon question by repeal of the Territorial act and es- tablishment of a government through a Commission ; reduction of postal rates in cities to one cent for every half ounce ; pro- visions for Inter-State traffic or commerce ; new legislation re- specting civil rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. The country regarded the paper as plain, practical, business-like and assuring. * Politicians attribute the defeat of Senator Pendleton for re-election to the Sen- ate by the Democratic Legislature of Ohio, in January, 1884, to his advocacy 0! this bill. PART III. LIVING QUESTIONS. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. TS NATURE. — The Civil Service properly embraces all officials, outside of the army and navy, engaged in ad- ministering a government, National or State. In our government a part of these officials are elected by the people, as the President and members of Con- gress. Senators are elective, but by Legislatures. . So in the States, Governors and various State officers are elective. What- ever their importance, their number is smaller than the appointive officials. Whether elective or appointive, all these officials go to make up the civil service ; that is, they carry on the civil administration. But elective officials are responsible directly to the people. They do not constitute a part of the civil service in its narrower sense. In this narrower sense the civil service embraces only the appointive officials. But before we reach that part of the civil service which is now the object of reform, we must still further narrow it to those officials who are appointive and whose duties are subordinate to the heads of the various departments in which they serve. The heads of all important departments, and especially those ranking as Cabinet officers, are so closely identified with the elective officials, and their function has still so much of a political caste that they are not yet regarded as within the scope of statutory civil service reform, though they may be if the reform is ever carried to completion. (624) CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 625 The theory of civil administration which prevailed in all the feudal countries of Europe was that office, from king to lowest retainer, was a right and a property. It was, therefore, used in a selfish, arbitrary way, not to advance the welfare of the State or citizen, but in the interest of the official and his party. All office became a source of corruption, tyranny and positive dan- ger. This, more than anything else, was what broke the back of feudalism. The battle carried on for centuries between the people and titled officials was really a battle for reform in the administration of civil affairs. The death of feudalism meant the substitution of a new for the old doctrine respecting office and officials. Office was no longer a right nor its possessor a despotic owner. It was a trust, and its possessor a trustee for the people. The change was not immediate, but civil adminis- tration came to mean something vastly different from before. It was no longer a system for the perpetuation of party or men in power, nor for the subjugation of sentiment to their uses. The civil service was not a machine organized for personal and ambi- tious ends, but an agency for conducting the business of the State or people on honest and economic principles. All this in theory at least. Ever regarding the problem of civil administration* with anxiety, and ever wishing to profit by the wisest experience and best examples of the old world, our early statesmen held with the utmost tenacity to the doctrine that office was a trust, sacred in proportion to its dignity and responsibility, whose administra- tion in order to be effective must be wholly in the interest of the entire people, and into which there should creep as little of the selfishness and personalism of the holder or the ambitions of his party as possible. This doctrine characterized, if it did not dominate, all civil administration prior to the formation of the Constitution. After that it was conspicuous in every national administration up to that of President Jackson. Without much drift toward the opposite, with, as it were, a skip and a bound over all precedent, there was then a sudden return to the ex- ploded doctrine of feudal times. With a simple wave of his presidential wand Jackson called up out of the recesses of a 40 626 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. hoary past what became, in its newly vitalized form, the dogma that " to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy." It was as if civic administration had been thrown back four hundred years by some giant of retrogression. It was the incorporation of a principle into modern civil procedure, which crowned king and titled retainer had used for a thousand years to perpetuate war- like power at the expense of the people's manhood and ability, of all political progress, and even of liberty itself. It was strange that such a thing could happen at a time so remote from the feudal ages, and amid institutions which had grown out of oppo^ sition to feudal practices. It was stranger still that it should find ready acceptance by politicians and all political classes, and become so popular as to require years of organized reform to check and banish it.* The practical application of the Jacksonian doctrine resulted in the removal of all civil service officials and the substitution of those who professed a politics in accord with the Administration. He justified his action by the charge that he found himself surrounded by political enemies, and by the claim that he had a right to be surrounded only by political friends if a perfect administration of civic affairs were expected. What po- litical opinion had to do with mere clerical or administrative ability ; why he chose to regard personal or party allegiance as preferable to supreme allegiance to the government ; whether subserviency of mind or conviction was a guarantee of business qualification and pure civil methods ; these were questions he did not ask, or if so, did not answer. Administration has followed administration in recognizing the right to make a clean sweep of civil service officials. Every head of a department feels that it is incumbent on him to cast his eye along the civil service lines and spy out hostile heads for * " From that hour (Jackson's administration) this maxim has remained an invio- lable principle of American politicians, and it is owing only to the astonishing v vitality of the people of the United States and to the altogether unsurpassed and unsurpassable favor of their natural conditions that the State has not succumbed under the onerous burdens of the curse." — Van Hoist's Constitutional History of the United States. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. (J27 the political guillotine. A change is expected with every administration, and failure to make it is not only a disappoint- ment but a source of unpopularity. If such change were made in order to secure greater official merit, it would be desirable at all times. But there is no such plea, nor any test to insure it. On the contrary, the popular plea is now justification by prece- dent and reliance on the feudal dogma, " to the victor belong the spoils." And as to test, it is, what has he done ? what can he do, for the party or the patron ? The entire civil service is a farming ground for political leaders and their lieutenants. Promises of place are the incentives for prior political exertion ; places themselves the rewards of such exertion, if success ensue. Thus there is always an army of aspirants for civil places who have no merit except ability to manipulate a ward or district in the interest of a prospective patron. They be- come henchmen rather than competent, trustworthy officials, and rely for their places more on allegiance to men than on the honesty and capacity which alone could sustain them in business circles. The effect of a system like this — called by some the " system of rotation," by others the " spoils system " — cannot but be dangerous in the end to all purity, economy and efficiency in civil administration. It finds no countenance in any business, nor in any place outside of the civil service of the country. It tends directly to the destruction of confidence in the method of popular government through and by means of parties, whose real will it as often thwarts as carries out. It gives rise to closely corporate and mercenary political classes, to cliques and juntas of stipendiaries; to despotic machines which run away with higher party instincts and pervert the sober judgments of the people. Popular election fails to be a faithful registry of studied sentiment and abiding conviction, but is a record simply of the desires of a scheming and ambitious few, at odds, as like as not, with every interest except their own. And these demor- alizing effects are not limited to civic administration of National affairs. They are felt in all the States, in all the larger cities, in fact, wherever civic officials are sufficiently numerous, and civic affairs sufficiently intricate, to pass beyond the direct scrutiny and knowledge of the individual voter. 628 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. It is the province of Civil Service Reform to overcome these dangerous tendencies and break up this demoralizing system by substituting the principles of civic administration which prevailed in the early days of the Republic, and so embalming them in the forms of law and practice as to make it impossible for President, Governor or any elective official to set them aside at his pleasure. Since the subject of this reform has been broached, it has grown in proportion to its importance, and has already taken the substantial form of experimental law in the National and some of the State governments, upon which law has been based an intelligent civil service procedure, destined to secure appointive civic officials without regard to their political opinions, but with regard solely to their merits, and to give them a tenure and term of office based on manhood and administrative excel- lence. HISTORY ABROAD.— A fuller understanding of the sub- ject of Civil Service Reform may be had by brief reference to its history, especially in Great Britain, whose civil service is the largest in the world, has engaged most profoundly the attention of her statesmen, and has taken the most perfect reformatory shapes. During the feudal periods in England and every other European country, power over the civil service, which was equivalent to the King's .service, was arbitrary. Neither char- acter, capacity, economy, justice, duty, nor responsibility of any kind was recognized by the ruler, if demanded by the subject, in connection with civil appointments and removals. King and chieftain held universal, unchallenged, despotic control over all subordinates, and regarded them and their places as appendages and perquisites of their own paramount authority. Against this came early revolt. Magna Charla, to which we trace many of the principles of our Constitution, contained the first civil service rule in English history. King John was made to promise that he " would not make any justices, constables, sheriffs, or bailiffs, but of such as know the law of the realm and mean to truly observe it." Not a State in our Union insists on a similar qualification for its magistrates. As soon as the rebel- lion which forced Magna Charta from John died away, this high CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 629 qualification for then important offices was neglected and scorned, and the old abuses were renewed. Office again became a per- quisite and justice a farce. What the King and the favored officials chose to barter became authority, whose merchandise vitiated and benumbed the moral sense of the nation till reform was ten times harder than before. Not only in matters of State were offices dealt out to servile holders, but church offices were sold to the highest bidder, or disposed of so as best to secure favorites or placate enemies. This venality, running along for centuries, and over times when the moral sense was not active, begat a public opinion which looked upon it as inevitable. It was so in France, in Germany, and wherever feudalism had left its impressions. Besides, those who sanctioned this corruption were the ruling caste, the high-born, the titled, the educated, Kings, nobles, priests, lawyers. If ever reform was to come it must be looked for from sources far below these. The people themselves must move. It must be a battle of the masses against the privileged few, and the cause one of equal rights and personal merit against the arrogant and narrowing assumptions of political officials. This spoils system, nurtured in despotism, injustice, and even violence, gave rise to a second rebellion in 1377. It was the Wat Tyler rebellion. A third followed in the fifteenth century, known as the Jack Cade rebellion. Both were protests against offi- cial and partisan tyranny ; both attempts to secure civil service reform. They did but scatter a little wider the seeds of whole- some public sentiment. In all else they were failures. Planta- genet and Tudor adhered to their arbitrary disposition of offices, though in the face of a people whose fears of feudal practices were gradually growing less. Yet power felt the weakness of its position, for amid the religious furore from Henry VIII. to James II., it bolstered itself with the dogma of the "divine right of kings," and James I. announced, "As it is atheism and blas- phemy in a creature to dispute what the Deity may do, so it is presumption and sedition in a subject to dispute what a king may do in the height of his power." During his reign official corruption became more shameless than ever before. 630 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Popular intelligence was growing apace. Pym, Elliot, Hamp- den and Puritanism were possible. So was Cromwell, the latter not a mere administrative reformer, but an impersonation of a new spirit in both religion and politics. He stood for the peo- ple, as against rank, privilege and the entire spoils system. He disrupted, overthrew, abolished, purified, in the name of economy, merit and reform. It was a magnificent outburst of the people's power, and a mighty lesson in political history. Cromwell did not fail in the means to precipitate revolution, but when it came to perpetuating it, not unmixed with his own personalism, he resorted to the official tests against which his whole move- ment was a protest. His death was the rapid decline of the revolution. He reformed a wicked and daring system only in part. But he left an army of bold thinkers on political questions, and the system he struck at was never to regain its old prestige. The Bill of Rights which settled William Prince of Orange on the throne (1688) was very nearly a set of Civil Service Rules. It saved the judiciary, even down to the magistrates, from all political interference, and greatly modified patronage in every department of civic administration. A few of the higher officials whose intimacy with the king was unquestioned and whose advice and confidence he ought to have, were still to be his own appointees. These became his especial ministers, and the body together his Cabinet. Thus the old Privy Council was superseded, and the new body became that upon which our own Cabinet is modelled. Henceforth in England the per- sonalism of power was lost, and the politics of the realm was vested in parties of the people. Would they prove any purer and better than kings, nobles, and the central juntas? Not a whit. Parties in Parliament resorted to the same old means of securing and retaining power. Partisan appointments to office, illegal use of patronage, the raising up of an army of political adherents by distribution of spoils, these were to be sources of corruption and disgrace for a hundred and fifty years more. The only difference was they were more visible, and parties could be more readily rebuked. The people had, or could CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 631 have, temporary redress. Parliament and parties could not be so effectively tyrannical and dangerous, such complete rob- bers of rights, as kings and privileged classes had been. The old reform battles between the people and the privileged classes were therefore to be renewed between the people and the Parliaments. Manfully was the struggle carried on. The fall of Lord North and the Independence of America mark its cul- minating point. After that, from 1800 to 1853, the monopoly of patronage in the Parliament witnessed a decline. Reform statutes began to crowd the books. Notions of civil adminis- tration on a business basis took deep hold. The people held mass meetings and demanded economic service and their right to recognition on the ground of merit. Public opinion in favor of mental and moral tests of fitness for civil places grew rapidly, and the political leaders were forced to bow to it. The English civil service was then the largest in the world, the East Indian branch alone requiring an army of officials. In 1853 the efforts of reform were crowned with success by the opening of the civil service to free competition, and the acceptance of all minor offi- cials on the basis of merit established by actual examination. A permanent Civil Service Commission was established, whose business was to complete the reform. The work has gone on from reform to reform, ever since. Official monopoly of nomi- nation has been broken up. Report after report has been made by the commission in proof of the signal superiority of the new over the old service. The political atmosphere is purer every- where. The young of all classes are stimulated to qualify for examination. Certainty of civil position, without a barter of manhood, sale of principle, or promise of subserviency, renders place desirable and honorable. Then after the holder is worn out with labor, or bowed with years, he is taken care of by the government he has faithfully served. There is no leading Eng- lish statesman to-day who does not testify to the value of this great reform. It is permanently incorporated on the civic ad- ministration and for its great purity and elevation. Says Sir Charles Trevelyan, " You cannot lay too much stress on the fact that the making of public appointments by open competi- 632 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. tion has been accepted by all our political parties, and there is no sign of any movement against it from any quarter." HISTORY AT HOME.— -The first Congress had under con- sideration the subject of civil service. It refused to limit the term of civic offices, for the reason that the power of executive removal rendered such a limitation unnecessary. This was clearly in accord with the constitutional intention, for that in- strument when it fixes a term and tenure for non-elective offi- cials — judges for instance — extends it over a period of efficiency and good behavior. Judgment as to a like period for subordi- nate civic officials was left with the President. They were appointive for public considerations — not private — and for such term as they proved adequate to the discharge of duty properly and satisfactorily. As to the higher offices — cabinet offices and those intimately advisory — Washington said, " I shall not, while I have the honor to administer the government, bring a man into any office of consequence, knowingly, whose political tenets are adverse to the measures which the general government is pursuing, for this in my opinion would be a sort of political suicide." The Re- publican Jefferson and Federalist Bayard both reiterated this doctrine in 1800, and took care to exclude from it all subordinate ministerial officials. Woolsey in his Political Science says, " When the Democratic (Republican) party came into power with Mr. Jefferson, the removals were so few that single cases excited a sense of wrong through a whole State." John C. Calhoun, in his speech in the Senate (1835) on Jackson's removals, said, " Then (Jefferson's administration) the dismissal of a few inconsiderable officers, on party grounds as was sup- posed, was followed by a general burst of indignation ; but now the dismissal of thousands, when it is openly avowed that the public offices are the spoils of the victors, produces scarcely a sensation." Buchanan said in the Senate (1839), " I should not become an inquisitor of the political opinions of the subordinate office-holders who are receiving salaries of some $800 or $1,000 a year." When the subject was up in the First Congress (1789) Madi- CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. (533 son laid down the principles which were generally accepted by his contemporaries and uniformly enforced till 1 820. They were to the effect that the power and duty of making removals were equally vested in the President alone, with an authority on the part of the House of Representatives to impeach him if he should either allow an unworthy officer to continue in place or wantonly remove a meritorious officer. Eidelity and efficiency were the measure of tenure, as character and capacity were the tests of appointments. There was no fixed term and apparently no need of any. Washington made only nine removals, and all for cause. John Adams made only nine removals, and none, so far as is known, for political reasons. Jefferson confronted a situation somewhat novel. There had been a political revolution. He saw, or chose to see, something obnoxious in a few of Adams' appointees, and so removed several, among whom was the collector of New Haven. The fact that his successor was old and inefficient drew a remon- strance from the citizens, and this a reply from Jefferson, in which he said, " Is it political intolerance to claim a propor- tionate share in the direction of public affairs ? If a due par- ticipation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by death are few, by resignation none. I proceed in the operation with deliberation and inquiry that I may injure the best men least, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with the least private distress, that it may be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, oppression, intolerance, and ante-revolutionary adherence to our enemies." Then lamenting the fact that he found none of his party friends in office, he pro- ceeds, " I shall correct the procedure, but that done, return with joy to that state of things when the only question concerning a candidate shall be: Is he honest? Is he capable? Is he faith- ful to the constitution ? " This is worthy of notice as the first announcement by a President of a civil service method to be applied to subordinate officials. It has been variously con- strued, some choosing to see in it the enunciation of a principle which in Jackson's time became the cry of " to the victor be- long the spoils," others the doctrine that only honesty, capacity 634 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. and patriotic fidelity should prevail in determining appointments and removals, perhaps obscured a little by impatience over the slowness of time to made desirable vacancies. He made only thirty-nine removals, and none of them, as he declared, for politi- cal reasons. Madison made only five removals ; Monroe only nine ; John Q. Adams only two ; and all these for cause. Of course defal- cations and inefficiency in office were not wholly unknown, but, in general, civic administration was able, pure and respectful. No other government had then reached so high a plane of fairness in dealing with those who served it, nor exhibited greater regard for character and fitness in its subordinate em- ployes. It seems almost impossible that this early system, so fully agreed upon by statesmen and parties, so strongly entrenched in our institutions, so supported by custom and practice, should shake and crumble. Let it be said with pride that the national government, however responsible for its downfall later on, was not at first to blame. The blight of the spoils system spread to it from the States, and notably from New York. That State had gained unenviable fame in the political contests of 1808, in which Van Buren traded his services to Tompkins for a judgeship. The Clintonian school was equally reckless. The judiciary was dragged down into the mire of politics. Before 1830 no State judge had ever gained office by popular vote. After that the infection spread, and now the judges of twenty- four States are selected at the polls for short terms, though the average term has gradually lengthened during later years and under the influence of a reaction which was inevitable. Profiting by the power which judicious use of patronage bestowed, Burr completed the system of political spoils in New York by requiring short terms of office, strict partisan tests, and servile obedience to leaders on the part of all officials. Even Clinton winced under the organized interference of Federal officials with the politics of the State. Civic affairs there were characterized by the most desperate and unscrupulous management. The new system was not without fascination for I CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 635 the ambitious. It never has been. Even Jackson, during his early aspirations for the Presidency, said, " I am no politician, but if I were, I would be a New York politician." All this was before 1 820. In that year the infection of the New York system passed from the States to the Federal government. A law was enacted which was credited to the joint ingenuity of Crawford and Van Buren, both aspirants for the Presidency, and which was clearly designed to open political patronage to ambitious and personal uses. It was the first law which fixed a term for minor civil offices. Changing their constitutional or customary tenure, it gave to district attorneys, collectors, naval officers, surveyors, paymasters and several other officers of like or lesser grade a term of four years. It declared the commissions of all officers dated Sept. 30, 18 14, vacant on the same date of September, 1820. Thus by retroactive legislation a full line of vacancies was secured on the very eve of a Presidential election. The act further provided that all these officers should subsequently be removable at pleasure. This was rotation for the mere sake of rotation, and further it was decided revolution, so far as all pre- cedent and all constitutional construction went. Such an act must have been impossible, but for the fact that there were no party lines at the time, and only a set of political factions or cliques, each witH aspiring leaders, and each leader anxious to circum- vent the other. A marvellous accompaniment of the bill was that there never was any previous thought of its introduction, no allegation of civic wrong-doing which it was to correct, no charge that the President could not or would not remove un- worthy officials, not a word of debate over it, not a record of votes made on its passage. It moved through both Houses with the stealth of a serpent, and brought a civic revolution as disastrous as it was degrading. Calhoun on hearing of its pass- age declared it " one of the most dangerous bills ever passed, and that it would work a revolution." Jefferson wrote to Madison in November, 1820, condemning the act as introducing fatal intrigue and corruption. Madison replied that the law was cer- tainly pregnant with mischiefs, and that if the error be not at 636 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. once corrected, relief will be difficult, for it is of a nature to take deep root. John Quincy Adams, President Monroe's Secretary of State, gave it out that the President signed the bill unwarily and without perceiving its real character, and that in spite of it he adhered to the only just and constitutional practice of renominating every officer at the expiration of his com- mission unless some official delinquency or unfitness was proved. He further said, " if the principle of the statute is sound, Congress may limit the term of appointments to a single year, to a week or a day, and so annihilate the executive power." Six years after its passage (1826) an effort was made to repeal it, but the spoils system had gotten a hold and was gaining cankerous headway in the body politic. The act was clearly emboldening the spirit which gave it birth. Van Buren, who ranked as the greatest party manipulator of his time, did not hesitate to show to what uses it could be put. More cautious men still continued to deprecate party tests for office. Even Jackson, as late as 1824, in a letter to Monroe, declined to favor such tests. By 1828 Jackson, then President, was a thorough convert to Van Buren's idea and to the spoils system. So full of the spirit of that system was he, that his administration was signalized by the removal of twenty times more officials, for partisan purposes, than all who had been removed for any cause since the founda- tion of the government. Nor was he even yet satisfied. Thirsty for other vacancies, he recommended in his first message, "a gen- eral extension of the law which limits appointments to four years." Even his most admiring followers shrank from his suggestion. That message further declared " rotation a leading principle in the* Republican (Democratic) creed." Three years later (1832) Senator Marcy, in the Senate, and in answer to Clay's taunt that the New York system was fully abroad in the national govern- ment, entered upon its defense, and used these memorable words : " When they (the New York politicians) are contending for victory, they avow the intention of enjoying the fruits of it. If they are defeated, they expect to retire from office. If they are CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 637 successful, they claim as a matter of right the advantage of suc- cess. They see nothing wrong in the rule that to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy!' This language seems to have set the seal of political approval on the new revolutionary and degrading system of official spoils. It was the end of the great leap which civic administration had taken backward into the feudal ages. The system at full play meant, no tenure for more than four years ; office and salaries the spoils of party warfare ; removals at pleasure ; rotation in order to give office to as many personal or party followers as possible ; appointments and removals for political reasons ; offi- cial duty to mean servility to partisan leadership and willingness to work for the party. Political assessments were of later growth, but a natural outcrop of the ingenious, tyrannical and iniquitous system. Such was the origin and spirit of the spoils system. On account of its " great and alarming strides," Calhoun again (1835) moved the repeal of the four years' law. The debate was memorable. Webster and Calhoun were arrayed against Madi- son, as to the dangerous enlargement of official power, but they agreed in condemning the act of 1820. Webster was " for stay- ing the further contagion of this plague. Men in office have begun to think themselves mere agents and servants of the ap- pointing power." White, a supporter of Jackson, declared that " under the present state of things, society will become demor- alized, the business of office-seeking will become a science, office- hunters will come on with one pocket full of bad characters, with which to turn out incumbents, and the other full of good char- acters, with which to provide for constituents." Calhoun said, " that the most certain road to honor and fortune is servility and flattery." Southard declared that the act of 1 820 " had tended to make office-holders servile supplicants, destitute of independ- ence of character and of manly feeling." Benton said, " the act had become the means of getting rid of faithful officers, and the expiration of a four years' term came to be considered as the vacation of all officers on whom it fell." The bill for repeal passed the Senate by a vote of 3 1 to 16, but that was the end of it. 638 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. There has been no later attempt to wipe out this four years' law. The Whigs, on their accession to power in 1 840, might have been expected to correct a system they had ridiculed, op- posed and despised. But they adopted it, and from that time on it grew apace until it finally came to be regarded as indispen- sable to party success and government. The sons seemed not to be alarmed at the dangers which the fathers had apprehended from an extended and corrupt official patronage. It remained for the grandsons, in view of a vastly extended country and a mighty swelling of official numbers, in view of greater tyranny on the part of masters and greater dependence on the part of subordinates, to strike an effective blow for manhood tenure, merit term, non-partisan place, and only patriotic fealty. The anti-feudal doctrine is that public office is a solemn trust, whose most important condition is to choose the best possible men for the different places. And this has found sanction in our highest judicial tribunal, whose language is, " The theory of our govern- ment is that all public stations are trusts, and that those clothed with them are to be animated in the discharge of their duties solely by considerations of right, justice, and the public good." * THE FIRST REFORM— We have seen that by 1853 civic appointments in England were based on competitive tests made through open examination. In that year a law was passed by our Congress dividing the Clerks of the Treasury, War, Navy, Interior, and Post-office Departments into classes, and declaring that " no clerk shall be appointed until found qualified by a board of three examiners." In 1855 the act was extended to the State Department. This was known as the " pass examination." It was not necessarily open nor at all competitive. In practice, it was no examination at all. We speedily fell away from the policy which the law was designed to establish, and were soon as much at sea as before. THE SECOND REFORM. In 1868 Mr. Jenckes, chairman of the Joint Select Committee on Retrenchment, presented in his report a mass of information bearing on the workings of the reformed civil service in England. His speeches on the subject * Trist vs. Child, 21 Wallace R. 450. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 639 arrested the attention of Congress and led to much newspaper discussion. His efforts were crowned by the act of 187 1 author- izing inquiry into our civil service. President Grant appointed a commission for the purpose. A set of rules governing future subordinate appointments were proposed by the Commission and accepted by the President. They were to take effect Jan. I, 1872. Meanwhile interesting history was being made in the New York Custom House. To anticipate it a little, it had been found that from 1858 to 1861 the Democratic Collector had re- moved 389 out of 690 appointees. Subsequently, in three years, a Republican Collector removed 830 out of 903, and another, in sixteen months, had removed 510 out of 892. Every re- moval involved a long and demoralizing struggle for place. The feeling that any day might be his last in civic service, and that merit could count as nothing against political favor or intrigue toward securing retention or insuring promotion, repelled the most worthy and correspondingly destroyed the manhood and reduced the efficiency of those who were successful. The same results .were manifest in the Post-office, and they were visible in all the large cities containing elaborate Federal offices. Gov- ernor Cornell declared that one-third of the officials of New York could be mustered out with advantage to the public. The late President Garfield said, in Congress, that under a judicious civil service the government could be carried on at one-half its usual cost. President Arthur became Collector in 1871. He was soon convinced that a stable {enure was absolutely essential to a reform of the customs administration. In five years he re- moved only 144 officials, and certified to the Secretary of the Treasury, Nov. 23, 1877, that " Permanency in office, which, of course, prevents removal except for cause, and secures promo- tion based upon good conduct and efficiency, is an essential element of correct civil service," a conviction he reiterated in his letter of acceptance as Vice-President, in which he says : 11 The tenure of office should be stable. Positions of responsi- bility should, so far as practicable, be filled by the promotion of worthy and efficient officers." (540 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The system proposed by the Grant Commission was based on merit, to be ascertained, in a limited way, by competitive examin- ation. It was not received warmly in official circles, though it had the President's endorsement. It was therefore placed at a great disadvantage, though its good effects were clearly apparent, In 1874 the Commission made a report which showed that, as far as tried, the system had secured for the service persons of superior capacity and character, and had tended to exclude un- worthy applicants ; that officials were more ambitious to acquire information ; that unreasonable solicitation, on the part of appli- cants and their friends, of the heads of departments had dimin- ished ; that unworthy persons could be more readily dismissed ; that intriguing pressure for place was less noticeable. The President concurred with the Commission's report, and sent a special message to Congress asking for $25,000 with which to continue the work, which met with refusal. That this did not arrest the reform sentiment was shown by the fact that it exerted a greater influence in the next Presidential election than ever before. The platforms of the leading parties distinctly announced the doctrine that office was a public trust and should be administered only with a view to economy and the highest good, and without reference to partisanship and spoils In his inaugural President Hayes said : " I ask the attention of the public to the paramount necessity of reform in the Civil Service ... a reform that shall be radical, thorough and com- plete — a return to the principles of the founders of the govern- ment." Though no general and uniform system of determining minor appointments was adopted during his administration, It witnessed, as he was forced along by a growing public senti- ment, an abatement of the abuse of Congressional dictation of nominations, the overthrow to a great extent of the custom of Senatorial control of State patronage,, prohibition of political assessments, and prevention of interference in caucusses and conventions by Federal office-holders. His administration also witnessed the special application of the merit system, and the tests provided by competitive examination, to applicants for place in the New York Custom House and Post-office, by which CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. £41 means removals among subordinates for political reasons have well-nigh ceased, and a much higher, purer and abler service has been secured. The Republican platform of 1880 contained a square accept- ance of the radical civil service reform announced in President Hayes' inaugural. The Democratic platform declared for "a general and thorough reform of the civil service." President Garfield reiterated the sentiments of his predecessor, but the Congress was very perverse. The elections of 1881 and 1882 were reminders that there was a sentiment abroad which would not longer tolerate existing political methods. There were pending in Congress several bills all looking to civil service re- form, the most conspicuous of which was that in the Senate, introduced by Senator Pendkton, of Ohio. On Dec. 4, 1882, President Arthur sent in a message urging the passage of this bill, or some other equally effective. On Jan. 16, 1883, it be- came a law by a large majority of the Congress, and went into effect July 16, 1883. Since its passage the Legislatures of several of the States have had under discussion a similar enact- ment, and one or two have passed laws looking to reform in their civil service. THE PENDLETON LAW.— The act creates a commission, composed of three members, appointed by the President and Senate, to be known as the United States Civil Service Commis- sion. They are to provide rules for open competitive examina- tions for testing the fitness of applicants for the public service. Their duties are fully laid down in the act, which also pro- hibits all political assessments, and provides for the appor- tionment of officials among the States in proportion to their population. The Commission was duly appointed and published a set of rules in time to put the law in operation, July 16, 1883. They divide the subordinate Civil Service of the country into three classes, excluding, of course, laborers and workmen, to wit: the Department Service at Washington, the Customs Service, the Postal Service. This division is not made, nor do the rules apply to cities or places, where the officials of any of the last 41 642 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. two classes do not number fifty. Examining boards are created at certain places, mostly in the large cities, before whom candi- dates for place must appear for examination. By addressing these Boards, or the Commission at Washington, any applicant can find out the conditions on which he will be permitted to enter the contest and the manner of conducting the same. The examination embraces spelling, penmanship, arithmetic, gram- mar, geography, history and the principles of our government. The candidates are graded. All falling below an average of sixty-five for all the subjects fail. All securing an average of sixty-five or over are booked with the Commission for appoint- ment. When a clerk is wanted in any place to which the law applies, the names of the four highest on the list are sent to the chief official, who selects one. And so with other vacancies. Examinations are held once a year, or oftener if necessary. The clerk accepted or selected is a probationer for six months. If then acceptable his appointment becomes complete. Promotions are provided for. There is no inquiry into the politics or reli- gion of the applicant, but he must give certified assurance of his moral and physical character. Though the system thus devised is new and somewhat crude it promises to develop into substantial reform. The Commis- sion have made one report on its results, which is altogether favorable. It cannot be doubted that the reform has a substan- tial hold on the higher sentiment of the country and a secure lodgment in the better judgment of political parties. That it will go on in this country, as in England, till it becomes a sub- stitute for a system both heartless and rotten is the conviction of its originators and friends. What monarchy ripened without example and against caste, a Republic should perfect beneath the rays of experience and amid the encouragement of a pro- nounced sentiment. ARGUMENTS FOR.— Observe, the reform thus started does not bear on elective officials, nor on Cabinet officers, nor yet on a long line of minor appointees who may be called heads of the sub or smaller departments both at Washington and throughout the country. All these are as yet recognized as belonging to CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 643 the political side of civic administration. The reform is not so far on as to attempt to say where the line of separation shall be drawn between purely civil and purely political administration. Nor does the reform go to the bottom of the Civil Service. Where, say a Collector of Customs or a Postmaster has only a few clerks he is supposed to know sufficiently about the ability of each to judge of their fitness. The reform only begins when the clerks number fifty, and it applies to the great intermediate body of clerical employes or minor civic officials. Bearing these facts in mind, and remembering what room there is yet for the extension of the reform system, the arguments relied on by its friends are : (i) Public office is a trust to be managed on business and not on political principles. (2) It is the right of the people to have the worthiest citizens in the public service for the gen- eral welfare. (3) Personal merit is the highest claim upon office. (4) Party government and the salutary effect of party activity are purer and more efficient under a merit system of office. (5) A partisan system of appointments and removals enfeebles and debases government by parties. (6) Patronage in the hands of legislators usurps the executive function and in- creases the expense of administration, (7) Non-partisan and actual fitness for public place can only be ascertained by compe- tent examination. (8) Competitive examination ends partisan coercion and official favoritism, and, as has been proved, gives the best public servants. (9) Such methods leave to parties their true function and use. (10) The new system has raised the ambition and increased the self-respect of civic officials. (11) Open competition is as fatal to bureauocracy as it is to patronage, nepotism and spoils. (12) The merit system raises the character of the entire subordinate service, tends to economic administration, invigorates patriotism, heightens the standard of statesmanship and causes political leaders to look for support to better sentiments and a higher intelligence. (13) It is a standing- rebuke to imbecility and indolence. (14) It is a return to the constitutional methods of the early Presidents and statesmen (15) It is as practical in a Republic as under any other form of government. (16) Elections would turn only on questions of 644 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. pure men and pure measures, and not on the ability of politicians to secure places for themselves or their friends. ARGUMENTS AGAINST.— 8 Amendment Eleven 448 Amendments to Constitution 438 American outlook 68 " association 80 " party 77, 535 "American Idea " 478, 49° Ames. Nathaniel i°5 Anti- Federals 434 " Masonic party 505, 510 " Slavery pary 5*9 Apportionment acts 196 Areas of territory 96 Areas, see the States. Arbuthnot and Ambrister 488 Arizona Territory 127 " population, resources, government and politics 265-67 Arkansas, admission of 117 " population, resources, government and politics 267-70 Army, American 81 Army, U. S 230 Articles of Conf. deration 87 " their nature 99-100 Athens, assembly of. 12 Attorney-General and duties 249 Attorneys-General, all 250 Austria, population and square miles 132 B. Babcock 604 Baltimore, Lord 37 Barnum, J. B 47 1 Beetroot sugar •' M5 Barley, areas and crops 14 1 Barre's speech 73 Belknap 604 Berkley brothers 5* PAGH Bill of Rights 80 Birney, James G 531 Blackstone's views 11 Blaine, James G 592 Bland dollar bill 613 Blending of peoples 137 Border Ruffians 555 Boyd, Linn 547 Boynton on government ... 12 Brother Jonathan 99 Brownson on Sovereignty 17 Building geographically 24 " industrially 129 " politically 97 Buchanan's Administration 557 Buckwheat, areas and crops 142 Burr bubble and trial 470 Butler 5 6 7 Butter 151 C. Cabinet .^ 205 Cabinets, see Administrations and Congresses. Cabots, discoveries by 26 California, admission of. 120, 545 " population, resources, government and politics 271-74 Calhoun on Slavery 539 Calhoun's new doctrine 544 Calvert, George and Cecil 37 Campaign School 21 Canals 180 Carpet-bag governments 593 Capital, to Washington 461 Carolina Constitution 52 Carpenters' Hall 78 Cartaret, Sir George 52, 56 Census Office 243 Cereal crops in full 142 Champlain 65 Charge d'Affaires 209 Charles II., freaks of. 49 Charter, first colonial 30 Charter of Liberties 58 Chase, impeachment of 467 Cheese 15 1 Cherokee Indians 507 Chinese Bill 621 Chinese Empire, population and square miles. 132 Churches 187 Circuit Courts 253 Citizen and State 20 Civil Rights BiH 585, 605 " Service Bill 622 " Service Reform 624 Clay and Calhoun 476 Climate of U. S 13° (713) 714 INDEX. PAGE Coal.... 168 Coast Survey 217 Coiigny and the Huguenots 29 Colony to State 97 Colorado, admission of. 123 " population, resources, government and politics 275-78 Colored population 137 Commerce, history of 173 " foreign and domestic 174 " growth and value 175 " articles of 176 " in 1812 476 Commonwealth 14 Compromise of 1820 490 " 1850 544 Comptroller 216 Confederate government 573 Confederation, articles of 87, 97 what it did and did not 99 Congress, First Colonial 72 " Continental 78 " Delegates to 79 " Meeting of. 192 " Second 81 " and Union 79 " Sessions of. 192 Congressmen, Salaries of. 195 Congresses, history of each 436-623 Connecticut Colony 47 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 278-81 Constitution, dawn of. 100 convention 101 convention members 101 " ratification 102, 105 Signing of. 434 Constitutions of States 86 Consular Service 210 Contested Election, 1800 461 Continental Congress 86, 97 Convention and caucus 460 Convention of the Constitution 101 Conventions, see Administrations and Con- gresses. Copper 167 Cooper, Ashley 52 Cotton, history of. 146 " areas and crops 147 " consumption 148 " manufactures 160 " tobacco and slaves 34 Corn and corn areas 138 44 crops and increase 139 Court of Claims 256 Courts, Supreme and Circuit 252,255 Covode Investigation 566 Credit Mobilier Commission 601 Cromwellian republicanism 18 Cushing 567 Customs Service 218 D. Dakota Territory 127 " population, resources, government and politics 281-84 Da41as and tariff of 1846 537 Debt and Bonds 221 Declaration of Independence 83 " what it did 84 " signing of. 84 Delaware Colony 58 " population, resources, government and politics 285-88 Delegates, Territorial 198 Democracy 12 PAGE Democrat and Jacobin 463 Democrats, Clintonian 479 Democrats, Free Soil 540 Democratic party 495 Denominations 188 Department of Justice 249 " " Agriculture 250 " " State 207 Departments 207, 260 " organization of. 2c6 De Soto 28 District-Attorneys 256 District Courts , 255 District of Columbia ic6 " " " government of. 258 " " " population, resources, government and politics 288-90 District of Washington no Diplomatic Service 208 Disputed Election of 1876 608 Doges of Venice 18 Douglas 547, 552 Draft 577 Dred Scott decision 561 Dutch Realm 54 Dwellings in U. S 132 E Education, see the States. " Bureau of. 244 " the system 183 Election of M. C's 195 " " i860 566 44 contest of 1824 497 44 " " 1800 461 " " '* 1876 608 Elections, Presidential, see Administrations and Congresses. Electoral college 202 Electors 202 Electoral Votes, at each election, see Ad- ministrations and Congresses. Eleventh Amendment 448 Emancipation proclamation 579 Embargo act 472 Endicot 45 English acquisition 67 " attitude 447 England's bad fix 71 " Era of good feeling" 486 European titles 24 Executive Department 201 F. Families in U. S 132 Farms, areas, values 153 Federal party 433 " " death of 487 Federalism 433 Fifteenth Amendment 590 First owners of America 24 Flag, the first 83 " history of. 99 Florida, admission of. 118 " invasion 487 " population, resources, government and politics 291-94 Florida purchase 93, 488 Force Bill 513 Fourteenth Amendment 585 France, population and square miles 132 Franklin and Grenville 76 Freedman's Bureau bill 585 Freeman's History 104 Free Soil party 54° " Trade and Protection ~ 677 INDEX. 715 PAGB French Alliance .*. 99 ';' Empire 64 " loss of territory 67 " policy 70 " Directory 456 Fox, George 56 Frothingham 104 Fugitive slave law 545 Funding ai.d refunding 222 G. Gadsden Purchase 95^ Garfield's Administration 618* " Assassination 620 Geary 547 Genet and intrigue 446 Geneva award 603 Genoa and Pisa, republics of. 12 Geological Survey 245 Georgia Colony 59 " population, resources, government and politics 294-98 Germany, population and square miles 132 Giddings and Slavery 529 Gold and silver product 165 Gorges, Gosnold, etc 31 Government, see the States. " three branches ot 191 " " forms.... 11 " of Territories 258 " D. C 258 Grant's Administrations 591 Great Britain, population and square miles... 132 Greehy, Horace 596 Greenback Currency 577 Greenback party 606 Grist-mill products 161 H. Habeas Corpus 577 Hamilton's financial plan 439 Harrison's Administration 526 Harrison's death 527 Hartford Convention 482 Hay, areas and crops 142 Hayes' Administration 611 Henry, Patrick 74 Henry VII 26 Hospitals, Marine 216 Horses 152 House of Representatives 195 " of number of members 196 " organization of. 197 Hudson's voyages 54 Huguenots „• 29 I Idaho Territory 127 " population, resources, government and politics 298-300 Illinois, admission of. 114 " population, resources, government and politics 3°i _ 4 Illiteracy 185 Immigration 133 " value of 134 " its causes 134 Impeachment of Chase 467 " " Johnson 588 Impressment of seamen 447, 471 Independent 18 Independence, drift towards 69 Hall 81 Indian Bureau 242 " country 126 PAGE Indiana, admission of. 113 " population, resources, government and politics 305-8 Interior Department 238 Internal Revenue 217, 218 Iowa, admission of. 119 " population, resources, government and politics 309-12 Iron ore 167 " and steel industry 161 Italy, population and square miles 132 J. Jackson's Administrations 503 Jacobins 443 Jamestown founded 33 Japan, population and square miles 132 Jay's treaty 449 Jefferson's Administrations 462 Jesuits on the Lakes 65 John Brown raid 565 Johnson deserts his party 584 Johnson, impeachment of 488 Judicial Department 251 Juries, U. S 257 Justices, all* 253 " chief and associate 252 K. Kansas, admission of 121 " troubles 554, 556 " bill 564 '* Nebraska bill 551 " population, resources, government and politics 313-16 Kentucky, admission of. 109 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 317-21 Kerr, Michael 609 Know-Nothings 553, 556 Ku-Klux-Klan 593 L. Laconia 44 Land Office 239 " System 240 La Salle and the Gulf 66 Laurens, Henry 98 Law-making 198 Lead and Zinc 167 Lecompton Constitution 565 Lee, Richard Henry 83 Lee's Surrender 584 Legal Tender Act 595 Legislative Department 191 Liberal Interpreters 442 *' Republican party 597 Liberty Party 53* Library, Congressional 199 Libraries in U. S 186 Life-Saving Service 215 Light-Houses 215 Lincoln's Administrations 571 " Assassination 584 " at Gettysburg 15 Live-Stock, number and value 152 Livingstone 450 Locke's Constitution 53 Log-Cabin Campaign 525 London Company 31 Losses in collection 224 Louisiana, admission of 112 " and France 66 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 321-24 716 INDEX. PAGE Louisiana Purchase 92, 465 Lowndes 478 M. Machinery of Government 191 Madison's Administrations 474 Maine, admission of. 115 " Colony 39 " Titles 51 " population, resources, government and politics 325-^8 Manufactures, history of. 155 " character and value 157 " see the States. Marine Corps 237 Marquette and Mississippi 1 65 Marshals, U. S 257 Maryland Charter 36 " Settlement of 38 " population, resources, government and politics 329-32 Mason and Dixon line 57 Massachusetts Bay Co 45 " Colony 45 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 332-36 Mayflower 43 Mexican Cession 9 War 535 Michigan, admission of 118 " population, resources, government and politics 336-40 Milk .'.. 151 Milch cows in U. S 152 Militia of U. S 137 Military Academy 232 Mining and Minerals 164 Ministers 209 Minnesota, admission of. 121 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 34°-43 Mints 214 Mississippi, admission of. 114 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 344-47 Missouri, admission of. 116 " and Slavery 488 " Compromise 489 " population, resources, government and politics 347~5i Monroe's Administrations 486 Monroe Doctrine 494 Montana Territory 127 " population, resources, government and politics 352-54 Montesquieu 251 Muhlenberg 446 N. Naming of States, see the States. Nantes, Edict of. 54 Narragansett Indians 48 Nati )tia\ banks 219, 580 Bank, 1816 485 " " death of. 516 " " the first 441 " Currency 220 " debt and bonds 221 " road 475 " Republican party 498 Nationalities, blending of 136 Naturalization laws 457 Native American party 553 Naval Academy 236 " asylum 235 PAGE Naval Observatory 234 Navy Department 233 " U. S 237 Nebraska, admission of 122 " population, resources, government and politics 354~57 Neutrality, armed 454 Nevada, admission of. - 122 " population, resources, government and politics 358-60 New France 64 " Government of U. S 102 " First Election 102 " " " Congress 102 New Hampshire, patent 44 " population, resources, gov- ernment and politics 361-64 New Jersey Colony 55 " " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 364-67 New Mexico Territory 125 " " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 368-70 New Netherlands 54 Newspapers 187 New York Colony 57 " " population, resources, govern- ment and politics*. 370-74 Non-Intercourse 476 North Carolina Colony 51 " " population, resources, gov- ernment and politics 374-78 Northwest Territory 96, 106 Nullification 508, 511 O. Oats and other grains 141 Occupations, see the States 136 Oglethorpe and Georgia 59 Ohio, admission of. in " population, resources, government and politics 378-82 Oregon, admission of 121 " boundary 537. " population, resources, government and politics 382-85 Oregon treaty 94, 530, 533 Otis, James 72 Outlines of the States 63 Oxen 152 P. Pairing off 524 Palo Alto 535 Panic of 1857 : 559 " of 1837 5i8 Patent Office 243 Patents, first English 26 " French and Spanish 27-28 Parties, in general 430 " their uses 430 " primitive 431 " of the Revolution 432 " " " Confederation 432 " " " Constitution 433 Peace of 1783 and results 88 " " 1815 483 " Congress 569 Pern and the Quakers 56 Pennsylvania, population, resources, govern- ment and politics 386-90 Pension office and system 241 Pet Banks 522 Petroleum , 170 Pierce's Administration • 550 INDEX. 717 PAGE Pilgrim advent 41 Pinckney, C. C 454 Pitt 67 Platforms, see Administrations and Con- gresses. Plymouth Company 32 " Council ;o, 44 " Rock 43 " Pocket Veto " 507 Politics, see the States. Polk's Administration 534 Polygamy 645 Ponce de Leon 28 Popham, George 39 Popular Government 14 Population, of U. S 132 " by classes 132 " and rate of increase 132 " and rank 132 of leading" countries 132 Populations, see the States. Postmaster-General 246 Postmasters-General, all 249 Post-offices 248 Post-Office Department 346 Postal Notes 248 " Services 249 " Union 246 Potato areas and crops 142 Precious metals 165 Preparation for citizenship 19 Presbyterians 18 President-making 201 Presidents and Cabinets 204 President's duties 204 Printing office, public 200 Prohibition 661 " party 600 Prophecy 104 Protection and Free Trade 677 Protectionists, Convention of. 502 Protective idea 478, 490 Public Lands and System 240 Puritan and his advent 18, 44 " and Pilgrim 43 Q. 8uaker and his advent 18, 56 uicksilver 167 R. Radical Men, Convention of 581 Railroads, see States 179 Raleigh's scheme 30 Randall, S. J 609 Randolph, Peyton 79 Rebellion begun 575 Rebellion ended 584 Reconstruction 584, 595 Reeder 547 Removals from office 464 Republic 14 Republican (Democratic) Party 443 Party (new) 537 " revolution 463 Resolutions of 1798-9 45S Revenue 580 Revolution of 1688 61 Revolutionary Government 97 Resumption Act 605 Rhode Island Colony 47 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 39°-93 Rice areas and crops 143 Rifle Clubs 594 PAGE River and Harbor Bill 613 Rotation in office 506 Ruling by States ; 261 " Nationally 191 " through Parties 430 Russia, population and square miles 132 Rye, areas and crops 141 S. Schools, Common 184 " comparison with other nations 185 " expenditures for 184 School teachers 184 " attendance 184 Seal of the Union 99 Seceded States, return of. 594 Secession movement 570 " of States 123 Secretary of Interior 238 Secretaries of Interior, all 246 Secretary of Navy 233 Secretaries of Navy, all 237 Secretary of State 207 Secretaries of State, all 211 " of Treasury, all 225 Secretary of War... 226 Secretaries of War, all 229 Sedgewick, Theodore 459 Seminole War 488 Senate, nature and powers 192 Senate machinery 194 Senators, election of. 194 Sentiment, Washington's 103 " Jefferson's 103 " Sir James Mcintosh 103 " Story on the Constitution 103 Shaftesbury's Constitution 53 Sharswood on the people 13 Sheep 152 Signal office 227 Situation in 1861 573 Slavery, Abolition of. 578 " in South Carolina 53 Slaves, tobacco and cotton 34 Smith and Virginia 34 Sorghum 145 South Carolina Colony 53 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics... 394~97 Sovereignty, nature and origin 16, 17 Spain, population and square miles 132 Sparta, assembly of. 12 Speakers of House Representatives, see Ad- ministrations and Congresses. Square miles in U. S 132 Squatter Sovereignty 547 Stamp Act 75 State and citizen 20 " areas ; 261, 429 " Department 207 " cessions .' 89 " ownership....; , 88 " outlines... 63 States 97 States, Ruling by 261, 429 " Names of. 261, 429 Stephens, Alexander A 573 St. Lawrence basin ; 64 Stiles, Ezra 78 Strict interpreters 442 Story on our titles 24 Stuart Dynasty 59 Sub-Treasury plan 522 Sugar cane, history of. 143 " areas and crops 144 718 INDEX. Supreme Court , ofD. C. Supreme Justices, all... Surplus Revenue Sweden, New Swedish advent Swine • 517, 522 PAGE ) PAGE Utah, population, resources, government and politics 406-9 V. T. 252 256 253 701 55 55 152 439 rariffof 1789 " of 1792 44 v! " of 1794 449 " of 1800 4 6; » " ofi8i2 478 " ofi82 4 495 " of 1828 502 " of 1832, 1833 509,513 " ofi8 4 2 528 537 559 576 604 622 542 545 77 181 182 •' of 1846 " of 1857 " of 1861 " of 1874 " of 1883 Taxes and debts, see the States Taylor's Administration " death Tea Act and Congress Telegraphs Telephones Tennessee, admission of no " population, resources, government and politics 397~40i Tenures, their nature •••• 3 2 Tenure of office bill 587 Territory of the Northwest 90, in Territories, the earliest 106 Territorial governments 258 Texas annexation 94, "9 " population, resources, government and politics 4oi-5 Texas treaty 53°, 533 Thirteen States, the old 105 " " when they ratified 105 Thirteenth Amendment 5 8 ° Tobacco areas and crops *5° " history of. x 49 " cotton and slaves 34 Tory party 43 2 Townsend's Tax Scheme 7 2 Treasurer, U. S 2I 7 Treasury Department 211 Treaty of 1778 445 " of 1783 f " of 1763 6 7 " of Guadaloupe-Hidalgo.... 539 Turkey, population and square miles 132 Tyler's desertion 5 2 7 U. Union, beginnings of. 80 United Colonies (thirteen) 02 United New England Colonies 48 United States of America 85 " " rank of. T 3 2 Utah Territory I2 5 Van Buren's Administration 520 Vegetation of U. S 13 1 Vermont, admission of. 107 " population, resources, government and politics 409-12 Vice-President 206 Victor and spoils 5 r 6 Virginia Colony 33 " population, resources, government and politics 412-16 Volunteers, call for 57^ Voters in U. S *35 W. War Department 225 " ofi8i2 477 " and independence 82 " of the Rebellion 574 Washington Territory 125 " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 416-19 Washington^ Administrations 4j6-53 farewell 45* 78 i04 " sentiments Water power in use Wayne, General »« Weather Bureau 227 Webster 544 Webster and Hayne debate 507 West Virginia, admission of. 122 " " population, resources, govern- ment and politics 419-22 Wheat and wheat areas 140 " crops and increase 140 Whig party 432.558 " " death of. 55* Whig situation 54 6 Whiskey Rebellion 44* White, H. L 5i7 White League 594 Wild-cat Currency 522 William and Mary 59. ° 2 Williams, Roger 46, 47 Wilmot proviso..... 53 and the compensation of all United States officers by fixed salaries ; the separation bf Church and State, and the diffusion of free education by common schools, so that every child in the land may be taught the rights and duties of citizenship. While we favor all legislation which will tend to the equitable distribution of prop- erty, to the prevention of monopoly and to the strict enforcement of individual rights against corporate abuses, we hold that the welfare of society depends upon a scru- pulous regard for the rights of property as defined by law. LABOR AND PUBLIC LANDS.— We believe that labor is best rewarded where it is freest and most enlightened. It should therefore be fostered and cher- ished. We favor the repeal of all laws restricting the free action of labor, and the enactment of laws by which labor organizations may be incorporated, and of all such legislation as will tend to enlighten the people as to the true relations of capital and labor. We believe that the public land ought, as far as possible, to be kept as home- steads for actual settlers; that all unearned lands heretofore improvidently granted to railroad corporations by the action of the Republican party should be restored to the public domain, and that no more grants of land shall be made to corporations, or be allowed to fall into the ownership of alien absentees. We are opposed to all propositions which upon any pretext would convert the General Government into a machine for collecting taxes to be distributed among the States or the citizens thereof. CITIZENSHIP AND PROTECTION— In reaffirming the declaration of the Democratic platform of 1 856, that the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith, we nevertheless do not sanction the importation of foreign labor or the admission of servile races unfitted by habits, training, religion, or kindred for absorption into the great body of our people, or for the citizenship which our laws confer. American civilization demands that against the immigration or importation of Mongolians to these shores our gates be closed. The Democratic party insists that it is the duty of this Government to protect with equal fidelity and vigilance the rights of its citizens, native and naturalized, at home and abroad, and to the end that this protection may be assured, United States papers of naturalization issued by Courts of competent jurisdiction must be respected by the executive and legislative departments of our own Government and by all foreign Powers. It is an imperative duty of this Government to efficiently protect all the rights of persons and property of every American citizen in foreign lands, and de- CONVENTION OF 1884. 7 Wand and enforce full reparation for any invasion thereof. An American citizen is only responsible to his own Government for any act done in his own country or under her flag, and can only be tried therefor on her own soil and according to her laws ; and no power exists in this Government to expatriate an American citizen to be tried in any foreign land for any such act. This country has never had a well- defined and executed foreign policy save under Democratic administration. That policy has ever been, in regard to foreign nations, so long as they do not act detri- mental to the interests of the country or hurtful to our citizens, to let them alone ; that as the result of this policy we recall the acquisition of Louisiana, Florida, Cali- fornia, and of the adjacent Mexican territory by purchase alone and contrast these grand acquisitions of Democratic statesmanship with the purchase of Alaska, the sole fruit of a Republican administration of nearly a quarter of a century. The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mississippi river and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the interior States easy and cheap transportation to tidewater. AN AMERICAN POLICY.— -Under a long period of Democratic rule and policy our merchant marine was fast overtaking and on the point of outstripping that of Great Britain. Under twenty years of Republican rule and policy our commerce has been left to British bottoms and the American flag has almost been swept off the high seas. Under Democratic rule and policy our merchants and sailors flying the Stars and Stripes in every port, successfully searched out a market for the varied products of American industry. Under a quarter century of Republican rule and policy, despite our manifest advantage over all other nations in high-paid labor, favorable climates, and teeming soils ; despite free- dom of trade among all these United States; despite their population by the foremost races of men and an annual immigration of the young, thrifty, and adven- turous of all nations ; despite our freedom here from the inherited burdens of life and industry in Old World monarchies, their costly war navies, their vast tax-con- suming, non-producing standing armies; despite twenty years of peace, Republican rule and policy have managed to surrender to Great Britain along with our commerce the control of the markets of the world. Instead of the Republican party's British policy we demand in behalf of the American Democracy an American policy. In- stead of the Republican party's discredited scheme and false pretenses of friendship for American labor expressed by imposing taxes, we demand in behalf of the Democ- racy freedom for American labor by reducing taxes, to the end that these United States may compete with unhindered powers for the primacy among nations in all the arts of peace and fruits of liberty. TRIBUTE TO TILDE JV.— With profound regret we have been apprised by the venerable statesman, through whose person was struck that blow at the vital principle of republics (acquiescence in the will of the majority), that he cannot per- mit us again to place in his hands the leadership of the Democratic hosts, for the reason that the achievement of reform in the administration of the Federal Govern- ment is an undertaking now too heavy for his age and failing strength. Rejoicing that his life has been prolonged until the general judgment of our fellow-country- men is united in the wish that wrong were righted in his person for the Democracy of the United States, we offer to him, in his withdrawal from public cares, nob only 8 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. our respectful sympathy and esteem, but also that best homage of freemen, the pledge of our devotion to the principles and the cause now inseparable in the history of the Republic from the labors and the name of Samuel J. Tilden. REFORM AND CHAA r GE.—W\\h. this statement of the hopes, principles and purposes of the Democratic party the great issue of reform and change in adminis- tration is submitted to the people in calm confidence that the popular voice will pro- nounce in favor of new men and new and more favorable conditions for the growth of industry, the extension of trade, the employment and due reward of labor and of capital, and the general welfare of the whole country. BALLOTING. — The first ballot was had on the evening of the ioth. It showed a strong lead for Cleveland. It required 547 votes to nominate. The Convention adjourned till the I ith, when the balloting was resumed. First. Second. Cleveland 392 683 Randall 78 4 Thurman 88 4 Bayard 170 8i£ McDonald 56 2 Hoadly 3 Carlisle 27 Tilden I Hendricks I 45^- Flower 4 Total... 820 820 The result of the second and successful ballot was announced at 1. 10 p. m. on Friday, nth. The ballot showed considerable gain for Cleveland, but not proportionally enough to nominate, till Pennsylvania was called. Up to this time there had been a considerable swing toward Hendricks, whose name came spon- taneously before the Convention. He had reached a strength of 124^ votes, while Bayard had 150^, Thurman 60, and Cleve- land 475. When Pennsylvania cast 42 of her votes for Cleveland the assurance of his nomination was such that the preceding States mostly changed their votes to him, with the result above indicated. A motion to make the nomination unanimous was triumphantly carried. LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HON. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. |ARENTAGE. — Governor Cleveland sprang from an old and distinguished New England ancestry. It is a line which is plentifully interspersed with specimens of thor- ough culture, high intellectual achievement, and true American instinct. His father, Richard F. Cleveland, was a Connecticut clergyman of the Presbyterian denomination, and different branches of the family held prominent pulpit places in the Presbyterian, Congregational and Episcopalian Churches. They were all alike public-spirited men, intensely loyal to their convictions, and firmly attached to our free institutions. The Governor's immediate ancestors formed a Connecticut branch of the large family. His great-grandfather was Aaron Cleveland, who lived and died in or near the town of Norwich, though born in East Haddam. He was a clergyman of consid- erable power and reputation, but with a turn for political life. A large and admiring constituency gave him opportunity to indulge his inclination by sending him to the State Legislature. The two sons of Aaron Cleveland who are most conspicuously mentioned were Charles and William. Charles Cleveland, great- uncle of the Governor, had a daughter who married Samuel Coxe. Their son, Alfred Cleveland Coxe, is now the Bishop of Western New York. The other son, William Cleveland, lived in Norwich most of his life, where he carried on the business of a silversmith. At a late period he went to Buffalo, N. Y., to live, that he might be near other members of his family who resided there. He died there in 1837. (9) 10 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. William's son, Richard F. Cleveland, and father of the Gov- ernor, was born in Norwich, Jan. 19, 1804. He entered Yale College at the early age of sixteen years and graduated in 1824. He then went to Baltimore to teach school, in the meantime car- rying on a series of studies designed to fit him for the ministry. In 1828 he was ordained a minister in the Presbyterian Church, and immediately took charge of the congregation at Haddam, Conn. While teaching in Baltimore he made the acquaintance of a Miss Neal, whom he married after he had been preaching about a year. The Rev. Richard F. Cleveland was a man of high intellectual attainments, and a most devoted student. Study was a love be- yond any thought of worldly advancement. In the course of his ministerial work, and soon after his marriage, he accepted a call at Caldwell, N. J., where he officiated for some years. Thence he removed to Fayetteville, Onondaga co., N. Y. After a time he moved to Clinton, Oneida co., and thence to Holland Patent, in the same county, where he died, Oct. I, 1853. His wife, the Governor's mother, lived till July 19, 1882, almost long enough to see her illustrious son elected to the highest office in the gift of the citizens of the Empire State. EARLY LIFE. — Governor Cleveland was born in Caldwell, Essex co., N. J., on March 18, 1837. He is therefore in the forty-eighth year of his age, and, if elected, will be among the youngest of our Presidents. He was named Stephen Grover Cleveland, though popularly known as Grover Cleveland, the first part of his Christian name having fallen into disuse. He was the fifth in a family of nine children, the others being Mrs. Hastings, William N. Cleveland, Mrs. Wm. E. Hoyt, Rich- ard C. Cleveland, Mrs. N. B. Bacon, Lewis F. Cleveland, Mrs. L. Youmans, and Rose Elizabeth Cleveland, the latter unmar- ried, a lady of strong intellectual capacity, and a prominent woman suffrage advocate. The two-story-and-a-half white house in which the Governor was born is still standing. At the age of three years he left the scene of his birth to accompany the family to their new home in Fayetteville, N. Y. Here he grew to stout and active boyhood, STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 11 amid the advantages then common to village life, not the least of which was good common schooling. At the age of fourteen he desired to supplement his common school education with an academic one. His father was some- what averse to this step, on the score of expense, and because he desired his boys to become self-supporting as soon as possible. Accepting the parental verdict as final, the youth started out to earn his own living, and push his own way in life. He entered the village store at a salary of fifty dollars for the first year, which sum was to be made one hundred for the second year, in case he proved efficient. The boy's pluck and energy did not fail him. His record in this humble position bespoke the coming man. It was one of simple, unswerving integrity and untiring loyalty to the interests of his employer. In public place, and in mature years, it has ever been one of faithful ad- herence to deep-rooted conviction and much-admired devotion to the interests of the people who honored him with their confi- dence and support. The testimony is unimpeachable that what- ever the boy found to do in the capacity in which he was first called to serve he did with all his heart, and that in the earliest chapter of his history of self-helpfulness and business independ- ence there is indelibly written down a reputation for bravery of spirit, fidelity to trust, and candor of character, which has out- lived the intermediate years. A STUDENT. — The quality of courage, inherent in his com- position, and of ambition to acquire a broader education, were seconded by economic habits ; so that after a year or two spent in the Fayetteville store, and when his father moved to Clinton, the youth rejoiced in a realization of his dreams by being per- mitted to attend the academy in the village. Here he made rapid progress in learning, for his purse was meagre, and oppor- tunity long coveted was to be turned to speedy account. His father, with a large family to support, and only a limited income to rely upon, could not supplement his efforts to acquire a higher education. The path to success must be cut out of the hard rock of limited circumstances by the boy's own ingenious and perse- vering hand. Right well he held the chisel, and right well di- 12 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. rected the stroke. Acquisition with him was easy, and his aca- demic career profitable, though brief. Education under such circumstances may not be so full as when plenty of time and money is at command, but it is better appreciated, and often far more practical. Moreover, it is an incentive to higher endeavor, for both youth and manhood are at their best when it is under- stood that the price of victory is hard blows with the weapons of one's own earning. A TEACHER. — The breaking up of the paternal home in Clinton, by the removal of his father to Holland Patent, a village of some five or six hundred people, fifteen miles north of Utica, ended his academic career. In this new field the father preached but three Sundays, when death ended his pastorate. Grover first heard of his father's death while walking with his sister in the streets of Utica. The sad event was followed by the final break-up of a large family, which a loving hand had held to- gether and inspired with a truly Christian spirit. The children all sought honorable walks in life, and even those who have not found renown are in possession of that independence, peace, and comfort which often count for more than fame. As Rev. Richard F. Cleveland died Oct. I, 1853, the son, Gro- ver, must have been in his seventeenth year. Though young to brave life without a father's counsel, he struck eastward and found himself in the city of New York. Here he seems to have been fortunate in securing a situation as teacher in the New York City Blind Asylum, where he had a record as a devoted instructor and a great reader and student. His tastes, or ambi- tions, were not, however, satisfied in this confined situation. The world of the school-room was not large enough for him. There were other things in store, and he would seek them. Two years ended his teaching career, and he started for the West. A LAW STUDENT. — This journey was without definite plan, and even without destination, except in so far as the per- suasions of a friend had induced him to inspect the city of Cleveland, Ohio, and try his fortune in what was then regarded as one of the most growthy and promising cities of the West. The coincidence of the name with his own augured well, if boy- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 13 ish fancy were to play a part in establishing his fortune. He therefore made that city his objective point. Fortunately, he stopped for a time in Buffalo, where he found a maternal uncle, Lewis F. Allen, a man held in high esteem in Erie county, one who had been honored by many public positions, and who in turn had honored them. Mr. Allen was very favorably impressed with his nephew and young adventurer. He persuaded him that Buffalo offered as many opportunities for success as any more remote place, and kindly proffered him much good counsel and encouragement. Young Grover's predilections for the West were overcome. He resolved to stay with his uncle. Mr. Allen was then a noted breeder of blooded stock-cattle. His farms in the neighborhood of Buffalo were extensive, and his herds had a reputation for purity of quality which was not limited by State lines. Desiring to perfect his operations, he placed young Grover in charge of the herd-books, at the modest sum of fifty dollars a year and found, but with the understanding that he was to look around him for other occupation in case this proved irksome. The old uncle evidently knew that a young man with aspirations for Western life, and with ambitions to succeed, could not be ab- ruptly switched off his line of intent, unless he himself largely acquiesced in the diversion. Besides, the youth had already signified his intention to make himself a lawyer. This ambition he soon found means to grat- ify. The entry of herd varieties, the noting of pedigrees for Alderneys, short horns, Durhams, etc., was not such sleepy work as to close his eyes to chances for getting on, even though the location was two miles beyond the centre of the city. On the contrary, it was a work which gave him the control of much leisure. This he resolved to turn to account. He made application to the law firm of Messrs. Rogers, Bowen & Rogers, in Buffalo, to be entered 1 as a student. Success fol- lowed the application. He had now the double care of editing an important stock book and drinking in the lore of Blackstone and Coke upon Littleton. From farm to office, and back, he walked each day, winter and summer, till he passed his final examination and was admitted to the bar. 14 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. This period of acquisition, under difficulties which would have appalled a youth with less pluck, served as a training time for the qualities which were to round out the able practitioner and assure his professional success. The privations of the penniless novitiate were over. His receptive mind had made the labor of learning light, and this was the one joy which had pervaded the long, difficult and weary pupilage. AS A LAWYER. — The date of his admission to the bar was 1859, he then being in his twenty-third year. Such was the confidence of the firm in his ability and integrity that he re- mained with it for three or four years after his admission. He thus added to previous training a large experience in active prac- tice, and came to be noted for his close preparation of cases, his clear and forcible method of statement, and his untiring adher- ence to the cause he espoused. The elements of growth which bore him over the obstacles of previous years were now lifting him into honorable competition with the older lights of the bar. If these elements, as they now cropped out, were to be reduced to speech, they must be enumerated as exhaustive preparation, stern adhesion to purpose, avoidance of legal quirk, just and faithful representation, sterling honesty in details, loyal adhesion to clientage. Back of these were a commanding presence, a gra- cious demeanor, a fervid style of eloquence, which bespoke the confidence of courts and juries, and stamped him as one calcu- lated to win as much through worth as energy. Says one of his early associates in Buffalo : " Grover Cleveland won our admiration by his three traits of indomitable industry, unpreten- tious courage and unswerving honesty. I never saw a more thorough man at anything he undertook. Whatever the subject was he was reticent until he had mastered all its bearings and made up his own mind, and then nothing could swerve him from his convictions. It was this quality of intellectual integrity more than anything else perhaps, that made him afterwards listened to and respected when men with greater dash and brilliancy who were opposed to him were applauded and forgotten." In 1863, the honors which could not long be withheld from a man of his solidity of character and pronounced professional STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 15 status, fell upon him in the shape of a call to the position of Assistant District Attorney of Erie County. The call came at the instance of his associates at the bar, who had united in a recommendation which was almost unanimous. This was the true beginning of his public career. It is significant that it had an origin in a confidence which was widely diffused, and untram- meled by creed or politics. It was an unquestioned, unlimited confidence, such as goes out only to those whose manhood is their guarantee of freedom from belittling influences and false actions. He was a Democrat, and had passed from boyhood to manhood as such. But while imbued with lively party convic- tions and given to earnest advocacy of vital party tenets, he never stooped to the use of questionable methods, and never forgot for a moment the proper attitude of parties toward the State, the nation, and the institutions which inlay and overshadow all. There was no asperity in his politics, and none of that narrow, intense party ism which estranges friends, sanctions corrupt prac- tices, or refuses to see any good in men and things outside of clannish limits. In the hour of war he placed country before party. In the hour of peace he recognized the uses of party as legitimate and purifying, provided partyism did not run away with and pervert honorable and acceptable methods. For all of the above reasons, his associates at the bar and the citizens of his town found it fitting to honor him with his first public trust. While serving in the capacity of Assistant District Attorney he was drafted, and promptly furnished a substitute. His career in this office extended over a period of three years. How acceptably he had served was shown by the fact that he received the nomination of his party for the position of District Attorney in 1865. His opponent on the Republican ticket, Lyman K. Bass, was successful, after a spirited contest, in which Mr. Cleveland showed himself much stronger than his party. On the first of January, 1866, he formed a law partnership with the late J. V. Vanderpool, which continued till January, 1869. It then ended by the withdrawal of Mr. Vanderpool to fill the position of Police Justiceship to which he had been elected. After this dissolution a new law-firm was formed, known as 16 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Laning, Cleveland and Folsom, the head of it being Hon. A. P. Laning, State Senator. While in this firm and in the enjoyment of a lucrative practice he was called upon to serve again in a public capacity. This time it was as Sheriff of Erie County. The office is not usually regarded as one requiring more than average ability to fill it, nor does it ordinarily open a field for the exercise of very high or commanding qualities. But in this in- stance, not only the Democratic, but a conspicuous factor in the Republican party, had an object to accomplish which could be done in no other way and through no other agency. Gross favoritism and glaring corruption had crept into the administra- tion of the office. The management had become an offense to every element of justice and defiant of every reform remedy. The majority of the dominant party in the county was usually large, running from three to six thousand. Democracy alone had a poor show to correct crying evils. It was only by putting up a man for the place whose character was in itself a guarantee of the reforms demanded that they could hope to draw the Re- publican contingent necessary to secure his election. Their choice fell on Grover Cleveland as the man for the emergency. He would necessarily have to make a great personal and professional sacrifice if he succeeded, but he was a man who shrank from no consideration of expediency when a great public interest had to be subserved. The purification of a pest-house disturbs the stereotyped order of things and puts society and individuals to much present discomfort. But the general good must be con- sulted, and he is not a hero who refuses to second every effort to further the sanative and social welfare of his community. Full of this laudably sacrificial spirit and with the determina- tion to introduce marked and lasting reforms into a position whose status had been shamefully lowered, he stood for the election, and was flatteringly successful. His administration was what was expected of a man of his integrity and firmness. He broke up corrupt practices, wiped out the shame which clouded the office and gave to execution of county affairs a new direction and more significant meaning. He showed that dig- nity could be made to crown the actions of an official, even STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 17 though the office was that of sheriff. The object of his election was fully met by his vigor and straightforwardness. At the end of his term he returned the office to the majority party as a model piece of county machinery and an evidence of what reforms could be achieved if officials would only keep in view the best interests of those they are called upon to serve. His administration was not forgotten in Buffalo. The man for this emergency would prove the man for others, when the need should become equally great. His election to the Sheriffalty occurred in the fall of 1869. His acceptance put an end to his partnership in the law-firm of Laning, Cleveland and Folsom. At the expiration of his official term he had to look around for other connections. Soon a part- nership was formed with Lyman K. Bass, his old opponent in the race for District Attorney, and Wilson S. Bissell, the firm being known as that of Bass, Cleveland and Bissell. He was now back on favorite professional ground, after a diversion which had brought into conspicuous view his masterly executive qualities and familiarized the Western end of the State with an administration whose vigor was only surpassed by its purity. In a short time Mr. Bass removed from Buffalo and the law-firm became Cleveland, Bissell and Sicard. It took rank at once as among the foremost, if not the foremost, in Western New York, a reputation which was secured and maintained by the large acquaintance, high standing, and recognized legal ability of the head of the firm. Their office was in spacious and promi- nent quarters on Main street, where each member had his own library, consulting room and other facilities for carrying on the different branches of their rapidly growing business. Cleveland and Bissell were both very large men physically, and they were often jokingly called the heavy weights of the firm. Both were dignified and affable in demeanor, and aside from their reputation as sound and successful lawyers, were calculated to attract a large clientage and inspire it with the utmost confidence. In this partnership Mr. Cleveland regarded himself as settled for life. Success was crowning his efforts and gratifying his am- bitions. He has been heard to say that he was content with his 5i 18 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. partners and his practice. Had he been left with them, he need never have entertained a fear that his merits would have been overlooked by the great public, nor that all the rewards of indus- try, honesty, and ability would have failed to cluster in his path. Says one who was well acquainted with him at this period : " It was while thus associated that Grover Cleveland achieved his distinction as a lawyer second to few in the Western part of the State for legal acumen and intellectual honesty. His jury and bench trials were distinguished by clear views, direct, simple logic, and a thorough mastery of all the intricacies of the cases, and his invariable avoidance of extrinsic issues and purely technical devices secured for him the respect of his own profession and the admiration of the public." AS MAYOR. — Destiny forbade a long continuance of this smoothly running, tide. Municipal politics in Buffalo had as- sumed a shape repugnant to the better citizens of both parties. Powerful rings existed which partitioned offices and their spoils and perpetuated themselves with autocratic certainty and audac- ity. Ingenious and corrupting cliques in both parties conspired to plunder and divide. Perhaps the city was not unlike others in this respect, except as to the enormity of the evil and the dif- ficulty of a hopeful attack upon it. He must possess more than ordinary bravery and tenacity of purpose who ventured to deal the first blow at a situation turreted with power and manned by skilled political manipulators. Redemptory effort, to be effective, must come from a source above all suspicion, must be as persis- tent as a forge-hammer, and regardless of consequences so far as they affected persons, parties or questions of sheer expediency. All during the year 1881 the cry for local reform, which it was well understood could only come by political revolution, went up. Was there a man in the midst popular enough to place experiment beyond reach of failure ? Was there one indomi- table enough to venture into the dens where the lions of power divided and devoured their dark and secret conquests? It seemed that there was one. His party singled him out, at least the true men of his party. The true men of the Republi- can party said he was the man of all others best calculated to STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 19 meet the requirements of the difficult situation. They heartily seconded his selection, and joined hands with a will to give him a triumph at the polls. In a Republican stronghold, and against combinations which reached far toward the centre of his own party, he was chosen Mayor by 5000 majority ; running far in advance of the State ticket. If the election were a testimonial to his fortitude, integrity and popularity, unexampled in Buffalo his- tory, or even in the history of the State, what must the net re- sults of his administration stand for? November, 1881, was morning in a city whose politics had been a Cimmerian mid- night. His mayoralty was in the exact line of that pronounced senti- ment to which he owed the honors of his election. It fully justi- fied the expectations that were created by his well-known char- acter and previous public record. The nomination had come to him unsought and undesired, the election by that spontaneity which ever marks a great popular and tidal resolve, and prints its meaning so that even he that runneth cannot mistake it. The man and his methods were now to stand the test. He was happily untrammeled in his choice of the latter. His own good judgment was to be his criterion. This judgment had been greatly widened and strengthened by his practice at the bar, and his ample opportunities to study men and political ways and measures. As to aught else there was no fear, for his turn was executive, his nature sterling and invincible. He was his own counsellor. With characteristic industry he passed the first weeks after election in studying the details of every department of the city administration and mapping a programme from which there should be no departure either under vituperation or applause. His inaugural address sounded the key-note of administration. " We hold," said he, " the money of the people in our hands, to be used for their purposes and to further their interests as mem- bers of the municipality, and it is quite apparent that, when any part of the funds with which the taxpayers have thus intrusted us are diverted to other purposes, or when, by design or neglect, we allow a greater sum to be applied to any municipal purpose than 20 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. is necessary, we have to that extent violated our duty. There surely is no difference in his duties and obligations, whether a person is intrusted with the money of one man or many. And yet it sometimes appears as though the office-holder assumes that a different rule of fidelity prevails between him and the tax- payers than that which should regulate his conduct, when, as an individual, he holds the money of his neighbor." Such was the great need of reform in the city, the desperation of the battle to be fought, the explicit character of his pledges, the firmness of the man, the curiosity to note the outcome of the administrative struggle, that both parties throughout the entire State looked on Buffalo and its mayoralty as a prime part of a political drama, whose further enactment in municipal high places for their purification and enlightenment should depend on its success where first introduced. The Buffalo reform move- ment was to be not only for Buffalo, but it was to be a criterion by which all municipal reforms were to be graduated, after which all should pattern, through which all should derive hope and encouragement. • It is not in stations of glittering magnitude that men are put to the severest tests. " The qualities," says Socrates, " that fit a man to rule a city, fit him to rule an empire." Indeed, it is true that public responsibility is deepest, and official worth most radically tested, the nearer the office lies to the people. This is what makes municipal government such a delicate and difficult thing. The fortitude, the knowledge of men and situations, the integrity, the statesmanlike grasp, which are necessary, in a municipal executive, to assure pure and acceptable administration, are no more largely required, and certainly never so constantly called into active requisition, where the executive is even that of a State or nation. Scarcely had he launched his administration when it drew the concentrated fire of his political enemies. The City Council was against him, with its love of jobbery and adhesion to prac- tices he would uproot and discard. The old rings encircled him, cither to gather him into deceptive embrace or crush him in their deadening coils. A street-cleaning contract, as immense STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 21' as it was iniquitous, went through the Council. It was the grand opportunity of the pilfering politician to enrich himself and friends. It was a type of the jobs which had impoverished the city and brought its administration into discredit. It was, moreover, the kind of enactment which cemented municipal influence and made it hazardous to his popularity for an execu- ' tive officer to crush it with his veto. But the veto came, and in this instance promptly and with telling effect. It was as if a bomb had suddenly burst in the midst of the plunderers. " This is a time," said he, in his veto message, " for plain speech, and my objection to your action shall be plainly stated. I regard it as the culmination of a most barefaced, impudent and shameless scheme to betray the interests of the people and to worse than squander the public money. We are fast gaining positions in the grades of public stewardship. There is no middle ground. Those who are not for the people either in or out of your honor- able body, are against them, and should be treated accord- ingly." The people, who knew their man before, now knew him better. In fact, his political enemies knew him quite too well. His was not the stuff that tricksters and cowards are made of, but the sterling metal which enters into men coined and stamped for great occasions. His action was received with the greatest favor by his party friends, and by the friends of purity and decorum throughout the county and State. It was a harbinger of other victories far more significant, and an earnest that muni- cipal reform was at last within reach of a long aggrieved people. He was heralded far and wide as the strong, incorruptible, in- vincible hero of an emergency before which others had quailed and fell. The results of this single veto to the city were of incalculable benefit. Its moral effect was felt in every depart- ment. The political atmosphere was freshened. From an eco- nomical standpoint, the saving was immense. Under a subse- quent ordinance, and the contracts based on it, the work was done for $100,000 less money than at first proposed. It is hardly necessary for the exemplification of Grover Cleveland's fortitude, integrity, and wonderful executive ability, 22 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. to go into painstaking and tedious details of his mayoralty. We understand why he was chosen and what was expected of him. A thousand instances of heroic and timely application of the power with which he was vested would not magnify the impor- tance of the verdict of approval which awaited the closing hours of his administration. Nor would such serve to further illumi- nate those qualities of manhood he was now seen to possess in a degree which astounded and overawed his opponents. Yet mention must be made of his second struggle with the powerful and corrupting influences about him. This was a job to build a large connecting sewer. The issue was sharply joined, the con- tention bitter. The mayor's pluck and earnestness won, and his second victory was far more significant than the first. It saved $800,000 to the city. Altogether the first six months of his administration -saved to the city an amount estimated at $1,000,- OOO. This magnificent aggregate might be safely doubled, if the entire term of his mayoralty were to be considered. True, the rings were daunted and never rallied to other audacious attacks on the treasury, yet the mayor found frequent uses for his veto power in order to preserve the position he had won and drive home on his opponents the wholesome effects of his reformatory teaching. Not a single ordinance was ever passed over his veto. His veto messages were models of directness and exact- ness. We search American political annals in vain for an example of municipal administration so vigorous, effective and productive of permanent good, as that which Grover Cleveland gave to Buffalo. His comprehension of a delicate and difficult situation, his mastery of details, his development of an executive policy, his firm yet dignified command of the powers at his disposal, his persistent following up of every advantage gained, and finally his turning of the government back to the people, washed as to its shame and purified as to its corruption, constitute a chapter in his life whose reading is inspiriting to both old and young, and whose contemplation ought to be a source of pride to any man, no matter with what high honors his after life was crowned. Let it not be forgotten that he had made no quest of the honors STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 23 of office. No election fanfaronade attended his candidacy. No single act of self-glorification or self-advancement entered into his ministrations. A good and true man found a trust to be executed in a plain, honest, faithful, industrious way. The way was that of the people, and they neither failed to remember nor to thank and honor. While a local constituency were ringing the plaudit, " Well done, thou good and faithful servant ! " the people of an entire State were getting ready to say, " Come up unto higher places and honors." While yet mayor, and in the spring of 1882, he had occasion to testify to the American spirit regnant within him as presiding officer of a mass-meeting called to take action on the case of 'Irish-Americans then aggrieved by English tyranny and actually suffering from imprisonment in Ireland. As is well known, our foreign policy was regarded as too feeble to reach these cases and to make American citizenship respected abroad. Our min- ister to England seemed to be indifferent to the fate of those naturalized Irishmen who, on a visit to their native land and on natural expression of sympathy with their long-suffering coun- trymen, had fallen into the category of suspects, and had been, without hearing, deprived of their liberty by incarceration in British bastiles. Neither did there seem to be a sentiment at home sufficiently pronounced to demand the rights indubitably attached to the name of American. The Buffalo meeting was one of protest against a policy of weakness and timidity on the part of our government. It was directly in the interest of our citizens of foreign birth. One who had not their cause at heart, a mere politician with selfish aims, or with fears for his popularity, a trimmer for place and without character or substantial convic- tions, might have remanded such a matter to the Secretary of State at Washington, or complacently declined to interfere with a question which concerned only a fraction of our populace. But Mayor Cleveland was as ready to stand as the representa- tive of American citizenship in its broadest and fullest significance as to throttle corruption in his adopted city. As chairman of this meeting, he pointed out, from a strictly legal and constitu- tional standpoint, and with a clearness and precision which always 24 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. characterized his presentation of pleas, the common right of native-born and adopted citizens of this country to protection from the Government at Washington the world over. Then, proceeding in a strain of earnest and impassioned eloquence, which captured every hearer, he enunciated the following doc- trine, which, if incorporated as an American citizen plank into a political platform, any candidate for even so high an office as President might be proud to stand upon : It needed not the statute which is now the law of the land, declaring that " all naturalized citizens while in foreign lands are entitled to and shall receive from this Government the same protection of person and property which is accorded to native-born citizens," to voice the policy of our nation. In all lands where the semblance of liberty is preserved, the right of a person arrested to a speedy accu- sation and trial is, or ought to be, a fundamental law, as it is a rule of civilization. At any rate, we hold it to be so, and this is one of the rights which we undertake to guarantee to any native-born or naturalized citizen of ours, whether he be im- prisoned by order of the Czar of Russia or under the pretext of a law administered for the benefit of the landed aristocracy of England. We do not claim to make laws for other countries, but we do insist that whatsoever those laws may be, they shall, in the interests of human freedom and the rights of mankind, so far as they involve the liberty of our citizens, be speedily administered. We have a right to say, and do say, that mere suspicion without examination on trial is not sufficient to justify the long imprisonment of a citizen of America. Other nations may permit their citizens to be thus imprisoned — ours will not. And this in effect has been solemnly declared by statute. We have met here to-night to consider this subject and to inquire into the cause and the reasons and the justice of the imprisonment of certain of our fellow-citizens now held in British prisons without the semblance of a trial or legal examination. Our law declares that the Government shall act in such cases. But the people are the creators of the Government. The undaunted apostle of the Christian religion, imprisoned and persecuted, appealing centuries ago to the Roman law and the rights of Roman citizenship, boldly demanded, " Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned ?" So, too, might we ask, appealing to the law of our land and the laws of civilization, " Is it lawful that these our fellows be imprisoned who are American citizens and uncondemned ? " AS GOVERNOR.— In 1882 the political situation in New York State was peculiar. The Republican managers had nomi- nated a ticket from Governor down, which did not reflect the sentiment of their party. It was believed to be directly in the interest of President Arthur, and to be his attempt to assume, or rather retain, control of the party machinery in the State. Fur- STEPHEN GROVEtf CLEVELAND. 25 ther, the methods resorted to in convention, in order to secure the nomination of favorites, were regarded as unfair and dishon- orable. They were tricks, whose results were bound to recoil on their perpetrators. There was a revolt all along the line, and a determination to rebuke a procedure which savored of corrup- tion and punish the principals who expected to find preferment in a resort to it. Democratic candidates were not wanting who were anxious to take advantage of the situation. They saw in Republican schism an opportunity for triumph which was tempting to every adven- turer. But the wiser heads of the party saw further than this. And without disparagement to the older, it must be said that the younger elements of the party composed to a large extent these wiser heads. They saw that the Republican candidates — especially Mr. Folger, candidate for Governor — were personally unobjectionable, and that the protest was not so much against men as against the ring methods which secured their nomination and the objects to be gained by such nominations. They also saw that a weak and frivolous Democratic nomination, one made on the pretext that anybody could be elected, would only serve to drive back the protesting Republicans into the deserted ranks and endanger the entire situation. Again, they saw that in order to add emphasis to the protest they must present in their candidate an assurance that, if elected, a perfectly pure State administration would ensue. The opportunity they saw was not one for a mere man ; but for their party, the people, the entire State. They knew full well the difficulties attending gubernatorial administration in New York, the traps and pitfalls laid for honest men, the temptations to go astray, the impossi- bilities, one may say, of a perfectly straight official career, unless the incumbent should come clad in tried armor. In looking over the interesting situation, the eyes of the party naturally turned to Grover Cleveland. In many respects the State outlook was like that which preceded his call to the mayoralty of Buffalo. At any rate, they saw in the man who was winning the encomiums of both parties for his straightfor- ward impartial, and business-like municipal administration, the 26 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. candidate they wanted for the highest office in the State. His was a character above suspicion at the start, and one which would bear closest scrutiny even under the calcium light of a campaign. He had been tried in the severest of crucial fires, and no element of a successful executive had been found wanting. He was known, too, within and without his party. All in all, Cleveland presented in himself and in his record the very guar- antee the Democracy desired for themselves, and also to offer to the Republicans. So he was placed on their ticket as candidate for governor against Mr. Folger, one of the best known men in the State, and one of the ablest. The campaign was an interesting one from the beginning. The missiles of the enemy flew thick and fast, but failed to wound or even hit the Democratic nominee. He grew stronger and stronger from the very day of his nomination. The enthusiasm his name kindled in his own party held it to a strict allegiance and drew an overflowing support. Study of his character by the protesting Republicans, and favorable knowledge of him, both as a man and official, attracted thousands directly to his standard and led other thousands to show their preference for him over their own nominee by silent acquiescence. Both par- ties, in the State and nation, were astounded at the result. It could hardly be called popular election — it was rather popular revolution. Never was the wisdom of a nomination so emphati- cally vindicated. Never did the American people voluntarily tender so lavish an ovation to one whom they honored and trusted. His vote was 535,318, as against 342,464 for his oppo- nent, leaving him a plurality of 192,854, and a clear majority over all opposition of 155,097. The height of the wave which bore the new Governor from his home in the extreme western part of the State to the capital in the extreme eastern part, and which strewed hills and valleys with Republican wreckage, was unprecedented in political history. The movement which made him governor, like that which had made him mayor, was not of his origination. The office had in both instances sought the man, as it should do in a republic, and as it ever will do where purely unselfish adminis- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 27 tration is expected. Nor had he stooped to favor his chances of election. He was in the hands of the people, and his cause was their cause. He was inaugurated, without any ostentatious display, on the first Tuesday of January, 1883. He thoroughly understood the political situation, and speedily addressed himself to the reforms which he knew were expected of him. His inaugural was brief, forcible and happy — the duplicate of the man in vigor and sin- cerity. It meant business. Touching the civil service of the State, he said : Subordinates in public place should be selected and retained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand here, as in cases of private employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best service in return, and that the appoint- ment to and tenure of such places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation and required to do the same amount of work as those employed in prudently conducted private establishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished and the cause of civil-service reform materially aided. The expendi- ture of money to influence the action of the people at the polls or to secure legisla- tion is calculated to excite the gravest concern. When this pernicious agency is successfully employed a representative form of government becomes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public treasury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and secure their support. It is willful blindness not to see that the people care but little for party obligations, when they are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and corrupt practices. And it is well for our country and for the purification of politics that the people, at times fully roused to danger, remind their leaders that party methods should be something more than a means used to answer the purposes of those who profit by political occupation. The first acts of an executive calculated to invite attention and criticism, as well as to foreshadow the policy of his administration, are his appointments to office. There is no public duty so delicate, none in which mistakes recoil so quickly. It is set down to Governor Cleveland's credit that his first appoint- ments were made with rare good judgment. Political friend and foe indorsed them as the wisest selections possible, and saw at once in them an earnest of the kind of administration they had hoped for and been led to expect. 28 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Two places were of peculiar importance — that of Superintend- ent of Public Works and Commissioner of the New Capitol. Public money had been running through these like water through a sieve. They were centres of immense patronage and power, and were consequently much coveted by those who would use them for political purposes. Both offices employed hundreds of men. For each of them Governor Cleveland selected a man fitted by practice and special knowledge to do the required work. They were both outspoken, square-dealing experts in the business they were called upon to conduct. Since their appointment the ugly rumors of corruption which used to centre about their places have ceased, and the people are satis- fied that order and economy prevail where once all was confu- sion, extravagance and distrust. All other appointments were characterized by the same inde- pendence and close discernment of fitness and character. In so far as these acts could contribute to energy and purity of admin- istration, it was manifest that Governor Cleveland was bound to prove an exceptional executive, that he had within him a pro- bity, fearlessness and business address before which the better sentiment of the State must bow with respect. It must not be supposed that he escaped the vulgar criticism of those who could not use him for their ambitious and corrupt purposes. No great, unselfish, direct, single-purposed man can act either his business or political part without incurring the opposition, and even inviting the censure, of the smaller and narrower herd who delight in detraction and feed on enmities. The measure of admiration for Governor Cleveland, while a can- didate before the Chicago Convention, was well expressed by a prominent delegate who said, " I love the man for the enemies he has made." It is not complimentary to our political society to feel that true greatness is often an invitation for envious dis- crimination and malignant attack. Yet we fear it must be ac- cepted as true that those virtues which we most seek and prize in public men are the very ones whose persistent exercise pro- voke the bitterest hostility of the tricky and unconscionable f^w. Out of the million voters of the Empire State, only a modicum STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 29 of mere trading politicians chose to withhold their admiration for Governor Cleveland's energetic and business-like policy, as foreshadowed and proved by his executive appointments. He showed in them all a keen analysis of character and a knowledge of official fitness which were in the highest degree complimen- tary. In every instance the result proved the wisdom of his choice, and in no respect has his administration been more pow- erfully vindicated. In attention to the details of legislation Governor Cleveland has proven himself constant, guarded and thoughtful. His mes- sages, models of terseness and vigor, have abounded in clear-cut, practical advice, so that even the most wayward could not mis- take his spirit and meaning. It may well be questioned whether any State administration ever crowded into so brief a space so many substantial and far-reaching reforms. And what is more worthy of note, this monumental work was marred in but few places by idle, irrelevant and impracticable legislation, owing to his watchfulness and free use of the veto power. Perhaps his administration was expected to achieve most in the way of reforms in the government of New York city. If judged by their extent and importance, it has been signally successful, and too much credit cannot be given the executive through whose agency they were effected. In urging and fostering them he had to combat an element in his own party, which had all along been defiant of interference. But the seven reform bills relating to the city went through" and received his approval all the same. The autocratic power of the old Board of Aldermen was smashed, the princely incomes of county officers were cut down to respectable salaries, the political atmosphere was puri- fied, a freer and better ballot was promised. No more difficult task ever lay before an executive. He was compelled to brave an opposition at once political and personal, clamorous and slanderous, malignant and threatening. He never swerved for a moment, but went right on. Let it be written that what fifty years of effort on the part of a score of governors failed to achieve for New York city was accomplished by Governor Cleveland in a single year of energetic, fearless and consistent administration. 30 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. The general features of his administration have been no less acceptable to the people and creditable to the man and the official. The parts which have been most criticised are those which, on thoughtful examination, or left alone to be judged by their results, redound most to his honor. A few of the acts must be mentioned here because their merits are under discus- sion, and attempts are being made to turn them to political ac- count. They should be understood lest, peradventure, some thoughtless person might jump at wrong conclusions respecting them. The first one of moment was the Five-Cent Fare bill. It was deemed important as a blow of the laboring people of New York at the Elevated Railroad, or, as the cry was, at monopoly. This bill the Governor, with characteristic moral courage, and after an exhaustive examination of its provisions, vetoed. His action provoked the unreasonable hostility of those who thought them- selves aggrieved. As to the merits of the bill the veto shows that it was clearly in violation of existing contracts, and uncon- stitutional. Approval would therefore have been a wrong. The bill would have righted nothing, but would have resulted in endless lawsuits and the expenditure of thousands of dollars of public money. Moreover it would have jeopardized the right the workingman already had, to ride, at the only hours possible for him to use the railways, at a five-cent fare. The veto was one wholly in his interest, as the sequel will prove. Referring to his message, the Tribune editorially said : "The message containing his reasons for so doing is straight- forward and forcible, and we believe will be pronounced sound by most of those who have been strenuous in their demands for a reduction of fares on the elevated roads. His objections to the measure are of a serious nature. He argues that to suffer it to become a law would mean the impairment of the obligation of a contract, involving a breach of faith and a betrayal of con- fidence by the State." The second was a Mechanics' Lien bill, which was claimed to give workingmen greater security for their wages. It was a thoughtless and carelessly drawn act. The veto in this instance STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 31 showed that the bill was wholly in the interest of lawyers and hangers-on of courts ; that it largely increased the fees and costs of entering and enforcing mechanics' liens ; and that either through accident or design it repealed several existing mechanics' lien laws, including one specially applicable to the city of New York. The security of workingmen's wages was evidently the last thing thought of by the framers of the bill, and workingmen themselves are clearly indebted to the Governor, in this instance, for the measure of protection they enjoy. The Governor's memorandum, in which fatal objections are noticed, reads as follows : 11 The bill repeals in distinct terms a number of mechanics' lien laws, including one specially applicable to the city of New York. I notice two features which I think objectionable enough to warrant me in declining to sign it. First, it gives all parties having claims four months after performance of work* or furnish- ing of material to file a lien. Second, it allows on proceedings to enforce the lien the same costs as in foreclosure cases. This would be quite onerous, and, I think, should not be allowed." A third was the Twelve Hour bill, limiting a day's work for employes on passenger railways to twelve hours. This bill was vetoed because it was a buncombe enactment, too loosely drawn to be effective, and violative of the sanctity of contracts made as well as the freedom of those to be made. Strict justice required the step he took. His reasons were cogently and clearly stated, and every lawyer recognized their force at the time. The Governor's memorandum, on which the veto mes- sage was based, reads as follows : " It is distinctly and palpably class legislation, in that it only applies to conductors and drivers on horse railroads. It does not prohibit the making of a contract for any number of hours' work, I think, and if it does, it is an interference with the em- ployes' as well as employers' rights. If the car-drivers and conductors work fewer hours they must receive less pay, and this bill does not prevent that. I cannot think that this bill is in the interest of the workingman." The Public Worship bill was one granting permission to the 32 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. Catholic clergy to hold services at the House of Refuge, on Randall's Island. This bill he never vetoed. It only passed one branch of the Assembly, and therefore never reached the Governor. Of the Catholic Protectory bill, his failure to approve which is now being used against him, there can be but one opinion. It appropriated $30,000 to improve the sewerage of the Catholic Protectory, built by the church in Westchester county for the reception and reform of young men and women sent there by magistrates of the surrounding counties. The laws of the State prevent the use of public moneys for sectarian uses. The fate of the bill would have been the same had the institution been Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, Episcopalian, or that of any other denomination. He was merely keeping his oath to observe and execute the laws. The unseemly attempt to force a religious issue into a political campaign, based on the Governor's action respecting the above bill, has already been deprecated by leading spokesmen for the church. ' Of this very bill, Mr. Henry L. Hoguet, president of the Pro- tectory, says: " We never doubted the sincerity of the motive which induced Governor Cleveland to withhold his signature to the appropria- tion to the Protectory. We thought then, and think now, that he was not actuated by any feeling of bigotry or of hostility to Catholics or the Catholic institutions. On the contrary, Gover- nor Cleveland is liberal in the extreme, and we are of the firm belief that he was led to withholding his approval of the appro- priation solely by a sense of public duty as he viewed it." Ex-Senator Kernan has well said, " Is it to be supposed for a moment that the Catholic Church of this country is in the hands of a pack of politicians ? Is its power and influence to be bar- tered away by any man or set of men ? That sort of campaign bosh I consider malicious, and a direct insult to every Catholic in the country. During Mr. Cleveland's administration as Gov- ernor of New York he has acted judiciously in distributing his appointments. He has favored no class or creed. He has given a fair share of his patronage to Catholics." STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 33 And so the Buffalo Catholic Union : " Catholics, as such, have asked nothing of Governor Cleve- land, and they would be very foolish to do it. Catholics have no right to expect from Governor or from President anything as Catholics, or on the score of religion. But we have a right to be treated as citizens on a perfect equality with all other religious denominations, and that no discrimination shall be made against us because we are Catholics. Justice, fair play and equal rights are all we claim ; and we were not worthy of the high privilege of American citizenship were we content with less. " Catholic citizens should hold to strict account at the ballot box those who would refuse or deny them perfect equality and equal rights with all other denominations. In general we are proud to say that our fellow-citizens do recognize, practically acknowledge our equal rights before the law; and when ' Gov- ernor Cleveland treated Catholics and Catholic interests pre- cisely as he did the members of other religious bodies and their interests,' he only acted as an honest American executive." It has been loosely charged that he vetoed an important bill which prevented contract labor by children under a certain age. As to this we quote his own language: " I am sometimes afraid that at least a few of those who pose as friends of the workingmen do not keep themselves fully informed as to what is done for them by way of legisr lation. As an illustration I see it stated in the papers as com- ing from one who professes to be especially the friend of the workingmen, and claiming to be a leader among them, that I vetoed a bill preventing contract labor by children in the re- formatories and institutions of the State. In point of fact,, this bill was promptly signed by me, and no other measure touching this question has been presented to me." Much account has been made of his veto of the Tenure of Office bill. But his veto message in this as in all other instances comes to his rescue. The bill was glaringly defective, and the Governor gave his reasons for his course in a message which left no doubt of it at the time. The friends of the bill agreed with him in believing that the measure as it reached him wa&defeo 52 34 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. tive and ought not to become a law. Mr. Francis M. Scott, who drafted the bill and worked most earnestly for its passage, pub- lished a letter in which he said that the Governor was perfectly right in vetoing the measure, because as it reached him " it was a very shabby piece of legislation, quite unfit to find a place on the statute book." Altogether his use of the veto power has been discreet and has met with almost unanimous popular approval. His mes- sages have been well-studied, clear-cut papers, evidences of ex- haustive analysis of measures and deep research respecting them, and assurances of the most impartial motive and deepest recti tude of intention. Judged by his vetoes alone, which have been necessarily frequent, his administration has not only drawn the widest approval but stands unparalleled for its vigor and consist- ency. A feeble man, one without the true executive instinct, would have quailed before corrupting pressure or unreasoning clamor, and often given sanction to measures which his inner conscience disapproved. But Grover Cleveland moved on a highly conscientious plane, regardless of partisan appeal, brutal threat or slanderous arrow, never counting the bearing his con- duct might have on his personal or political fortune, apparently bound only to the discharge of a duty he owed to the whole people. There is observable at every turn of his executive career stern adhesion to the cardinal principles that preserved and honored his youth and gave him a firm foothold among his fellow-citizens as an humble attorney. His scrutiny of every bill was close, and attended with a sharp legal insight. As he had been his own counsellor while mayor, so he was really his own Attorney-General while Governor. His vetoes stood every test applied to them, and not one rejected bill was passed over his protest. Many bills were returned because improperly and loosely drawn. These, when amended so as to be no longer in- consequential or mere deadwood accumulations on the statute books, he afterwards approved. Whether in signing bills or re- jecting them he has shown a diligence, patience, and competent inquiry which have elicited the warmest esteem of the fair-minded people of the State. They all look upon him as a strong, deter- STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 35 mined, unselfish man in whom, as executive, there is full security. It was this very sense of security that put him in the minds of the people as candidate for President, and will make him a formidable nominee. It must not be imagined that his tenacity of principle and dis- regard of consequences make him indifferent or conservative. On the contrary he is keenly alive to what is going on, watchful of the movements of public sentiment, and at the front as a pro- gressist, whether the column be political, social or moral. The Civil Service Act for the State of New York, a miniature of the system recently adopted by the General Government, received his unqualified sanction. Of the same spirit were the Reform bills for New York city, and numberless others to mention which would be tiresome. EXECUTIVE HABITS. — The business of his office is con- ducted with the regularity of clock-work. Method prevails everywhere. He comes and goes at stated hours, if we except the long hours of evening when there is pressure of work ; then he stays till far into the night in order to keep his executive business well in hand. His industry does not permit him to load others with responsibility. The burden which is his own he bears with alacrity. The judgment which is his own, and which always carries such convincing weight, is based on his personal examination of public acts, his actual inquiry into public affairs, his direct knowledge of public events. As to equipment for carrying on the business of State, perfectly modulated depart- ment machinery, systematic direction of energy and consumption of time, intelligent control of whatever concerns the common weal, his office is a model and its directorship a profitable study. PERSONNEL. — Governor Cleveland is a bachelor, and not a rich one as some maliciously aver, and too many suppose. At his home in Buffalo, he boarded at the Tifft House, and lived in easy style amid a group of bachelor friends who enjoyed com- fortable incomes. An examination of the assessor's books shows that he pays taxes on $5,000 of personal property, and owns no real estate. His figure is tall, broad and commanding, with a tendency to 36 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. corpulency, which, as yet, does not interfere with great activity and incessant industry. His face is regular, clear-cut, and hand- some. Notwithstanding the fact that he is a bachelor, it is what might be called a parental face, being reserved yet genial, firm yet kind, dignified yet not distant. His business manner is brusque and simple, precisely that required for despatch. His social mood is pleasant and assuring. He is, when not pressed with business care, open to all comers, and all,. from the rag- picker to prince, find his hand extended, his hearing patient, his demeanor cordial. Though of nervous temperament he is easy in society, and reserved in emergency. His complexion is light, his hair brown and thin, his full, square and shapely head in- clined to baldness. He delights in association with his own sex, but does not incline to ladies' society. The executive residence is a half mile distant from the capitol. This distance he always walks, both ways. His bosom is full of the milk of human kindness and his heart big enough to take in all mankind. An anecdote is apropos. The crier in one of the courts of Albany is a blind man, who lives in the same part of the city as the Governor. He is some- what aged and has become so familiar with the road from his home over to the court-house that he generally goes alone. But one morning, some months ago, he missed his way, and the Governor coming along took him by the arm and brought him along with him as far as the capitol building. As they were about to separate, the old gentleman asked the name of his con- siderate guide. " My name is Cleveland," said the Governor. /"Are you in business in the city?" " Yes. I have an office up here in the capitol." V 1 Oh, you are not the Governor ? " ; " Yes. I am the Governor." The poor old fellow was almost beside himself, and went on his way with a story to tell as long as he lived. A well-known correspondent, writing of an interview with the Governor since his nomination, says : ■''* When the Governor gets well settled in his chair, takes a good STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 37 long breath, and adjusts his glasses on the lower part of his nose, he looks as wise, as mellow, and as sunshiny as Benjamin Frank- lin. He looks as though it would take a very considerable shock to knock him off his balance. I asked him the other day if he read the papers that abused him. " ' Sometimes," said he, with a smile that broke out all over his face. " ■ Do you ever get disturbed over anything they say ? ' " ' Not much. Every man has a right to enjoy his own mind. I remember an old fellow who was a neighbor of my father and we would sometimes try to get him to come over to our church. He was a strong Baptist, and he would always say: ". No; you folks are Presbyterians, and if I go over to your church I couldn't enjoy my mind." Of course, that was the end of the argument' " * What was the most annoying slander they have ever published about you, Governor?' " ' Well, I have been more surprised (and then he did twist just a little in his chair) at the way I have been misrepresented as to the laboring men than anything else. I don't see how tlie idea ever got out in the first place that I have been opposed to the interests of laboring men. I cannot remember one single act in my life that could be reasonably construed into anything inimical to their best interests. It has been just the other Way with me. I have always taken particular pains, whenever it was in my power, to see their interests well guarded. But I have no fear as to the outcome. I have observed that laboring men have minds of their own as well as political principles, and when there has been a full investigation of my official life the facts will be made known, and I am not uneasy as to the result. They talk about the workingmen as if they were a lot of sheep to be cor- ralled or scattered by this man or that. Most workingmen are natural Democrats. Democracy means the rule of the people, and the Democratic party has always been the natural friend of the workingmen. I dd not think any great number of those who are in my party will fail to vote for me, first, because they are naturally disposed to go with their party, and second, because they will learn long before election day that my attitude toward them has been misrepresented.' 38 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. '- The Governor had grown serious enough to lay his glasses on the desk and wipe his face with an immense white handker- chief." THE TAMMANY QUESTION.— The Tammany attitude has been and is so much commented upon, that it is well to know Governor Cleveland's status respecting it. It will be seen, it is not one of hostility, except in so far as Tammany chooses to make it such ; and it is to be doubted if the intention to do so can be carried out, even if it exists. That organization under- took to wrestle with the Governor through its senatorial spokes- man, who made the mistake of forcing the measures of a society rather than honestly representing the people of a district. Feel- ing that he was agent for a clique, and responsible to its head, by whom he was selected, the Governor sent a missive directly to headquarters, which, in a fearless, straightforward way, made known his sentiments. It ran thus : Executive Chamber, Albany, October 20, 1883. — Hon. John Kelly — My dear Sir: It is not without hesitation that I write this. I have determined to do so, how- ever, because I see no reason why I should not be entirely frank with you. I am anxious that Mr. Grady should not be returned to the next Senate. I do not wish to conceal the fact that my personal comfort and satisfaction are involved in this matter. But I know that good legislation, based upon a pure desire to promote the interests of the people, and the improvement of legislative methods are also deeply involved. I forbear to write in detail of the other considerations having relation to the welfare of the party and the approval to be secured by a change for the better in the character of its representatives. These things will occur to you without sug- gestion from me. Yours very truly, Grover Cleveland. No comment on this is needed, except that somebody mistook Governor Cleveland's unalterable purpose to have " good legis- lation" and "improvement of legislative methods" in New York city as well as elsewhere. IN CONVENTION— -Long before the meeting of the Chi- cago Convention indications pointed to Governor Cleveland as :the proper Democratic nominee for President. The political situation was such as to make New York a pivotal State in the Presidential contest. His fame as an executive had gone abroad in the land. He had the prestige of unprecedented majority in STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 39 his favor when he carried off the honors of Governor. He, more than any other man spoken of, was the embodiment of all the great qualities which combined in the formation of an ideal leader. He typed the instincts and sentiments of a younger Democracy who loved his independence of character, his ster- ling methods, his sublime mastery of circumstances. He stood for what the older Democracy most cherished, adherence to patriotic tradition, plain, common sense devotion to principle, economic and business-like execution of high official trust. There was only one ripple in the current running toward his nomination. That was occasioned by the Tammany pebble at the bottom of the stream. There the stream murmured, but ran rapidly on, its murmur a laugh. The Convention was thoroughly representative of the Demo- cratic party. As the presiding officer, Col. William F. Vilas, said, " The Convention was the greatest and most magnificent council of freemen ever assembled on the face of God's round globe. For three days it listened to a 'profound debate from the greatest speakers in the country' upon the various candidates, and the point of order was justly raised that it was contrary to the rules governing the Convention to thus discuss the candi- dates, but it was unanimously voted by the Convention that the freest discussion should be permitted, in order to develop all the facts obtainable. The debate of three days left no doubt in the minds of the delegates as to whom the choice of the Convention should be." It was particularly noteworthy that amid all the caucusing for rival candidates, amid the arguments educed for favorites from respective States and sections, amid the formal presentation of names to the Convention, no Democratic orator of high and unquestioned standing in his party ever spoke a derogatory word of Governor Cleveland or expressed a doubt of the propriety and fitness of his nomination. It is equally noteworthy that the magic of his name was such as to hold his State delegation as a unit and turn every malignant attempt to break it into an argu- ment and inspiration in his behalf. At 3.55 p. m. of July 9th, Mr. Lockwood, of New York, took 40 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. the platform to place in nomination the name of Grover Cleve- land. He did this in an eloquent speech, in which he said: The responsibility which he felt was made greater when he remembered that the richest pages of American history had been made up from the records of Demo- cratic administrations, and remembered that the outrage of 1876 was still unavenged. No man had a greater respect than he for the honored names presented to the Con- vention, but the world was moving, and new men, who had participated but little in politics, were coming to the front. Three years ago he had the honor in the city of Buffalo to present the name of the same gentleman for the office of mayor. Without hesitation the name of Grover Cleveland had been accepted as the candi- date. [Applause in the galleries and delegations.] The result of that election and of the holding of that office was that in less than nine months the State of New York found itself in a position to want such a can- didate, and when in the Convention of 1882 his name was presented for the office of Governor of the State of New York the same class of people knew that that meant honest government ; that it meant pure government ; that it meant Demo- cratic government, and it was ratified. Now the State of New York came and asked that there be given to the Independent and Democratic voters of the country 7— the young men of the country, the new blood of the country — the name of Grover Cleveland. « The nomination was eloquently seconded by Harrison of Illi- nois and Jones of Minnesota. The first ballot was had on the night of the ioth. The friends of Governor Cleveland had computed his strength at 397 votes. Their count proved to be exceedingly close. To show how his strength was diversified as well as its chief sources a view must be taken of the ballot itself: THE FIRST BALLOT. I States and Cleve- Territories. land. Randall. Alabama 4 Arkansas 14 California Colorado .Connecticut 12 Delaware Florida 8 Georgia 10 2 Illinois 28 1 Indiana Iowa 23 Kansas 1 1 Kentucky ... . Thur- man. 16 McDon- Bayard. 14 30 Hoadly. Car- lisle. 26 STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 41 States and Territories. Cieve land THE FIRST BALLOT — Continued. Thur- Randall. man. Bayard. McDon- ald. Hoadly. I Car- lisle. !5 II 55 24 Louisiana 13 Maine . 12 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 3 Michigan 14 Minnesota 14 Mississippi I Missouri 15 Nebraska 8 Nevada New Hampshire 8 New Jersey 4 New York 72 North Carolina *Ohio 1 Oregon 2 Pennsylvania 5 Rhode Island 6 South Carolina 8 Tennessee 2 Texas 1 1 Vermont 8 Virginia 13 *West Virginia 4 Wisconsin 12 Total 392 78 88 170 56 3 27 * Before the announcement of the result Ohio's vote was changed to following : Thurman, 23 ; Hoadly, 2 ; Cleveland, 21. West Virginia : Randall, I ; Bayard, 2 ; Cleveland, 7 ; Thurman, 2. Scattering. — Tilden received 1 vote in Tennessee, Hendricks I in Illinois, Flower 4 in Wisconsin. At 1 1.20 A. m. of the 1 ith, the second ballot began, and ended at 1 p. m. Every face and movement in the vast assemblage be- trayed the nervous anxiety with which the result was looked forward to. The withdrawal of Mr. Randall's name was at- tended with great excitement, as it seemed to be clearing the Pennsylvania delegation for determined action in some new direction. The withdrawal of McDonald's name was to make way for that of Mr. Hendricks, upon whom all the opposition to Mr. Cleveland thought they could consolidate. The balloting proceeded amid intense suspense, and with satisfactory gains for Cleveland until Pennsylvania was called. Forty-two of her votes went to Cleveland. This broke the spell that held the Convention. Amid exciting cheers and enthusiastic bustle the States began to rearrange their votes as if on final ballot. The 42 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. result was Cleveland's nomination by 683 votes, or 136 more than the necessary two-thirds. THE SECOND BALLOT. States and Territories. Cleve- land. Alabama 5 Arkansas 14 California 16 Colorado 6 Connecticut 12 Delaware Florida 8 Georgia 22 Illinois 43 Indiana 30 Iowa 26 Kansas 17 Kentucky 4 Louisiana 15 Maine 12 Maryland 16 Massachusetts ....... . . 8 Michigan 23 Minnesota 14 Mississippi 2 Missouri 32 Nebraska 9 Nevada New Hampshire 8 New Jersey 5 New York 72 North Carolina 22 Ohio 46 Oregon 6 Pennsylvania 42 Rhode Island 7 South Carolina 10 Tennessee 24 Texas 26 Vermont 8 Virginia 23 West Virginia 10 Wisconsin 22 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Arizona Dakota , Idaho , Montana , New Mexico Utah Washington Territory. . . Wyoming 2 Dist. of Columbia 2 Total 683 Necessary for choice, 547. Bayard. 14 McDon- ald. Thur- man. Randall. Hen- dricks. 14 vA sm 45^ STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 43 The general result was announced as follows : Whole num- ber of votes cast, 820; necessary to a choice, 547. Cleveland received 683 ; Hendricks, 45^ ; Bayard, 81^; McDonald, 2; Randall, 4 ; Thurman, 4. The question was then put on Mr. Menzies' motion to make the nomination unanimous, and it was carried triumphantly. It may be profitable at this point to glance at the Democratic conventions of the past. The nominations made therein for the last fifty years are as follows : 1836, Martin Van Buren, 1st ballot. 1840, Martin Van Buren, unanimously. 1844, James K. Polk, 9th ballot. 1848, Lewis Cass, 4th ballot. 1852, Franklin Pierce, 49th ballot. 1856, James Buchanan, 17th ballot. i860, John C. Breckinridge, 56th ballot 1864, George B. McClellan, 1st ballot. 1868, Horatio Seymour, 23d ballot. 1872, Horace Greeley, endorsed. 1876, Samuel J. Tilden, 2d ballot. 1880, Winfield S. Hancock, 2d ballot. 1884, Grover Cleveland, 2d ballot. The i860 convention that nominated Breckinridge balloted fifty-five times at Charleston, S. C, then adjourned to Baltimore, June 18, when Breckinridge was unanimously nominated on the first ballot. The " bolters " met the same day and nominated Stephen A. Douglas on the first ballot. In 1852 Franklin Pierce's name first appeared on the thirty-fifth ballot, when Vir- ginia gave him her fifteen votes. Lewis Cass and James Bu- chanan were the leading candidates on forty-five ballots, but at no time did either have a majority of the convention, while a two-thirds vote was required to nominate. RECEPTION OF THE NEWS.— The news of Governor Cleveland's nomination was received with demonstrations of delight by the Democratic party and by the independent element of the Republican party. Party newspapers in general spoke of it as a hopeful and proper political step. Large ratification 44 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. meetings were improvised in city and village, at which great enthusiasm prevailed, and from which proceeded hearty endorse- ment of the Convention's action. What is known as the inde- pendent, or bolting Republican press, was, if anything, more encomiastic than the regular Democratic press. The sentiments of a few of these will type the whole : Governor Cleveland will be supported by a united and aggressive Democratic party. He will have the votes of tens of thousands of Independent Republicans. He will have the support of the larger part of successful newspapers of the country, both secular and religious. He will have the confidence and votes of the business men of the land. It will be shown that this poor boy who has worked his way up to the proud position which he now holds knows what* it is to work day in and day out, and that he is a true friend of the toiling masses. — Boston Globe ("Butler's organ). The nomination of Governor Cleveland defines sharply the actual issue of the Presidential election of this year. He is a man whose absolute official integrity has never been questioned, who has no laborious and doubtful explanations to undertake, and who is universally known as the Governor of Nfew York elected by an unprecedented majority which was not partisan, and represented both the votes and the consent of an enormous body of Republicans, and who as the Chief Executive of the State has steadily withstood the blandishments and the threats of the worst elements of his party, and has justly earned the reputation of a cour- ageous, independent, and efficient friend and promoter of administrative reform. His name has become that of the especial representative among our public men of the integrity, purity, and economy of administration which are the objects of the most intelligent and patriotic citizens. — Harper's Weekly. It is not only in what he clearly represents but in what he distinctly opposes that Grover Cleveland is strong before the American people. His career has made him the exponent of clean and honest politics. In the administration of public trusts he has shown that he is superior to partisan bias, indifferent to such party nterests as are in- contact with official probity and the public welfare. He has been severely tried in the important and responsible post he now occupies. He has resisted the importunities of designing politicians, he has defeated the purposes of selfish schemers. All those members of his own party who are not absorbed in private aims which are in conflict with the public good are outspoken in his praise ; and he has won the good opinion of all Republicans who are not so far gone in partisanship as to have lost the power to commend upright conduct in a political adversary. — N. Y. Times. Of the kind of experience which the present situation in national affairs most imperatively calls for, experience in administration, Cleveland has more than any one who has entered the White House since i860, more than any man whom either party has nominated within that period, except Seymour and Tilden — more than Lincoln more than Grant, more than Hayes, more than Garfield, more than Arthur. STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 45 He laid at the start that best of all foundations for American statesmanship by becoming a good lawyer. He began his executive career by being a good county sheriff. He was next intrusted with the administration of a great city — as severe a test of a man's capacity in dealing with men and affairs as any American in our time can undergo. In both offices he gave boundless satisfaction to his fellow-citi- zens of both parties. His nomination for the Governorship of this State came in due course, and at a crisis in State affairs which very closely resembled that which we are now witnessing in national affairs. His election by an unprecedented majority is now an old story. It was the beginning of a revolution. It was the first thorough fright the tricky and jobbing element in politics ever received here. It for the first time in their experience gave reform an air of reality. But it might, had Cleveland proved a weak or incompetent man, have turned out a very bad blow for pure politics. Luckily, he justified all the expectations and even all the hopes of those who voted for him. No friend of good government, who, in' disregard of party ties, cast his vote for him, has had reason to regret it for one moment. We owe to his vigorous support a large number of reformatory measures, which people in this State for. forty years had sighed for with little more expectation of seeing them enacted than of seeing the Millennium. In other words, he has arrested the growth of political despair among large numbers both of young and old voters in this State. His messages, too, have been models of sound common sense and penetrating sagacity, clothed in the terse and vigorous English which shows that there is a man and not a windy phrasemonger behind the pen. Though last not least, his best work has been done in utter disregard of the hostility of that element in his own party which for so many years has made it an object of mingled hate and fear to the best part of the American people. He is, in truth, a Democrat of the better age of the Democratic party, when it was a party of simplicity and economy, and might almost have put its platform into the golden rule of giving every man his due, minding your own business, and asking nothing of government but light taxes, and security in the field and by the fireside. No one who has entered the White House for half a century, except Lincoln in his second term, has offered reformers such solid guarantees that as President he will do his own thinking, and be his own master in the things which pertain to the Presidency. — N. Y. Evening Post. Governor Cleveland has shown through the whole of his life, private and public, from boyhood, to his present distinction, that he has the sterling qualities befitting the exalted office of Chief Executive of the United States. It is the highest func- tion of that office to administer the laws with an eye single to the public welfare. Our Government has been tersely described as " of the people, by the people, and for the people." No eminent public man has exhibited a better understanding of that definition of the American government than Grover Cleveland ; none has ex- emplified it better than he has in his performance of public duty, and but few, very few indeed, have exemplified it so well. His guiding characteristics have been loy- alty to duty, courage in the discharge of it, and the best and most faithful perform- ance of it within his power. These are strong words; strong because they are true. — Philadelphia Ledger'. The Governor himself received the news of the nomination 40 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. with entire equanimity. He had not shown himself ambitious of the honors, had done nothing directly to secure them. They came as a free-will offering, and by virtue of a record made in the path of duty. He would not have been disappointed had the Convention in its wisdom seen fit to similarly honor some one else. Yet he did not shirk the responsibilities which he knew were inseparable from candidacy, nor fail to announce himself as gratified with his political preference. During a serenade at the Executive mansion on the evening after his nomination he delivered the following tasteful and timely speech : Fellow-citizens — I cannot but be gratified with this kindly greeting. I find that I am fast reaching the point where I shall count the people of Albany not merely as fellow-citizens, but as townsmen and neighbors. On this occasion I am of course aware that you pay no compliment to a citizen and present no personal tribute, but that you have come to demonstrate your loyalty and devotion to a cause in which you are heartily enlisted. The American people are about to exercise in its highest sense their power and right of sovereignty. They are to call in review before them their public servants and the representatives of political parties, and demand of them an account of their stewardship. Parties may be so long in power and may become so arrogant and careless of the interests of the people as to grow heedless of their responsibility to their masters. But the time comes as certainly as death when the people weigh them in the balance. The issues to be adjudicated by the nation's great assize are made up and are about to be submitted. We believe that the people are not receiving at the hands of the party which for nearly twenty-four years has directed the affairs of the nation the full benefits to which they are entitled — pure, just and economical rule, and we believe that the ascendency of genuine Democratic principles will insure a better Government and greater happiness and prosperity t<> all the people. To reach the sober thought of the nation and to dislodge an enemy entrenched behind spoils and patronage involves a struggle which, if we underesti- mate, we invite defeat. I am profoundly impressed with the responsibility of the part assigned to me in this contest. My heart, I know, is in the cause, and I pledge you that no effort of mine shall be wanting to secure the victory which I believe to be within the achievement of the Democratic hosts. Let us, then, enter upon the campaign now fairly opened, each one appreciating well the part he has to perform, ready with solid front to do battle for better government, confidently, courageously, always honorably, and with a firm reliance upon the intelligence and patriotism of the American people. The issue now joined before, among, and by the people, is happily one of peace and good-will. It invites fair and intelli- gent discussion of measures bearing on industry, matters of state and good morals. If this were all of a campaign, it would STEPHEN GROVER CLEVELAND. 47 be well. But men, especially those at the forefront of the re- spective parties, cannot hope to escape analysis and controversy. Few will stand the test so well as Governor Cleveland. His character is a hard rock against which the waves of campaign criticism will dash in vain. Again, his public life and political record will tower above all envious misrepresentation and slan- derous detraction, if these unseemly and brutal methods should be resorted to, as the white wall of a harbor light towers above the surf that angrily lashes its base and sinks into sullen retreat. LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. HOMAS ANDREW HENDRICKS, ex-Governor of Indiana, unanimously nominated for the Vice-Presidency on the Democratic ticket in the Convention at Chicago, was born in Muskingum county, Ohio, September 7th, 1 8 19. His father was Major John Hendricks, who was the member of a family quite distinguished in Western annals. A brother of John, who had preceded him to Indiana and was prominent in the convention which framed the constitution of that State, was its second governor, and served two terms in the United States Senate. The father, John Hendricks, was a well-to-do gentleman, much noted for his graces and hospitality. He was conspicuous in the Presbyterian Church and circles of his locality. Soon after the birth of his son Thomas he moved to Indiana and settled in Madison, then regarded as one of the most promising towns of the State. His circumstances enabled him to give his son a complete education. He was placed at Hanover College, where he graduated in 1 841, at the age of twenty-two. From there he was sent to Chambersburg, Pa., where he completed a course of law studies and was admitted to the bar in 1843. In that year he returned to Indiana and at once entered upon his professional career. Such was the completeness of his prepa- ration, native ability, personal popularity and family influence, that he speedily acquired a lucrative practice, and grew into great prominence. His legal learning was broad and profound. His eloquence gave him great power with courts and juries. His management of cases was always skilful. But the profes- (48) HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 49 sional man cannot be best judged by the qualities which distin- guished him at the bar of his own county. He was greatest in those cases which involved grave constitutional points. His mind was organized and disciplined for the grasp of problems which concerned the State and nation, or which, if of a personal kind, usually lay beyond the reach of the ordinary practitioner. He was an orderly and profound thinker, always in command of full learning arid excellent speech, and ever earnest and convinc T ing. The characteristics of his early success at the bar were those of his political life. But the latter field gave them fuller play and their possessor grander opportunity. It was readily seen after his entry into public life that he was a natural states- man as well as a finished lawyer. The year after his admission to the bar (1844) he distinguished himself in the Polk campaign as an effective stump orator and efficient champion of Democratic principles. The mark thus made in political circles was lasting. He was booked for early honors. In 1845 he married Miss Eliza C. Morgan. After three, more years of successful practice, he was elected to the State Legisla- ture, and served one term. He declined a re-election, preferring at that particular juncture to further advance his professional fortunes. But he had proved so useful to his constituents, and had evinced such, power in debate and knowledge of leading questions, that a gratified people were not content to let him remain long in the seclusion of his office. In 1850 a convention sat for the purpose of remodelling the constitution of the State. He was elected a member of this deliberative body. Here he proved a brilliant champion of the prominent features of the present State Constitution. In a body which was composed of the best minds in the State it was no easy matter for one so young to win laurels. But he proved himself the equal of the best in learned and elaborate discussion. His amplification of constitutional subjects, his fullness of in- formation, his readiness, his ease and grace of speech, gave him a vantage ground occupied by but few of the older mem- bers. This may be regarded as the real beginning of a public 53 50 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. career which has extended over thirty-five years, and has always been useful, honorable and successful. HIS RIPENED CHARACTER.— -It was now clearly mani- fest that he was fitted by native talent and thorough legal train- ing for a wider field of usefulness and higher honors. His pop- ularity in his party, his identity with the people of the State, most of whom were of the stock of his fathers, and his interest in their prosperity and institutions were complete. It may be said, then as now, that no man was more generally loved without regard to party, and certainly no one was less hated. Whether at the bar, in political debate, or in the social circle, there was always a charm about him which won him hosts of friends. His char- acter had rounded into exceptional completeness. His morals were pure and his uprightness of that cast which made him solicitous to avoid even the appearance of doubtful action. In money matters he was prudent. He approached competency by economic habits and slow and natural accretions, and this though his legal* practice was often broken in up6n by calls to political service, and his expenses increased to meet the social require- ments of official station. His temperament was even and ami- able, and as life was going well with him, it seemed like the breaking of a drift or dream to tear him away from a calling for which he had affinities and from associations fast becoming cemented. It must not be inferred from this that he lacked am- bition, or that the elements of greatness, born in him, were at all slumberous. He could always rise to the height of a great occasion. Indeed it required great occasion to bring to the sur- face his hidden resources, his native powers. Spurred by oppo- sition, inspired by the importance of a cause, whetted by emer- gency, he could cast aside his habitual courtesy and caution and give full rein to impulses and powers as ripe for attack as they were for defense. On such occasions he was a finished combat- ant and dangerous opponent. His resource was as wonderful as his aggressive vigor. All through his legal career, it has been common to institute a comparison between him and his great rival, Oliver P. Morton, by saying that Hendricks was apt to be worsted before a jury and his riv?l had no chance before a judge. HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 51 IN CONGRESS. — In 185 1 he was nominated on the 53d bal- lot and elected on the Democratic ticket, a member of the Thirty- second Congress for the Fifth Indiana District. This Congress opened Dec. 1, 1851, and closed March 3, 1853. It saw the close of Fillmore's administration. The elections had turned on the Compromise measures of 1850, and the people had endorsed them as a happy quietus to the slavery agitation by returning a majority of prudent-minded and conservative Democrats. The Senate contained a Democratic majority of 8 and the House 50. The measure of greatest political moment before this Congress was the organization of the Platte country, which afterwards took shape as the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Its enlarged discussion was not regarded as timely, and during the first session debate was shut off before it took acrimonious turn. The Democratic ma- jority did not even antagonize the Fillmore administration. A SECOND TERM.— Mr. Hendricks was re-elected to the Thirty-third Congress to represent the Sixth Congressional District. This Congress sat from Dec. 5, 1853, to March 3, 1855. It was the first Congress of Pierce's administration. The country had ratified the Compromise measures of 1 850, which were largely involved in the campaign. Both the Democratic and Whig parties had been committed to them in their platforms. The Whigs recoiled from the situation and went to pieces. In the House the Democrats had a majority of 74, and in the Sen- ate of 14. They were rather too confident of the situation. Their pro-slavery members forced the fighting on the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and at the same time forced a division in their own ranks which never closed. The first session of the Thirty-third Con- gress was characterized by long, bitter debates, and by the cele- brated amendment to the Kansas-Nebraska bill, which brought Mr. Douglas and the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty into prominent view. It cemented the Southern Democrats and Whigs, but divided the Northern Democrats into two even fac- tions consisting, in the House, of 44 members each. During these debates Mr. Hendricks sided with the majority of his party, but he did not fail to deprecate the acrimonious turn given to discussion, nor to warn his friends and the country of the con- 52 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sequences likely to result from the partisanship which seemed to be inseparable from this class of questions. His position was that of the patriotic counsellor and adviser. The Second Ses- sion of the Thirty-third Congress was a quiet one, from a political standpoint, and there was no opportunity for great debate or party display. This closed the career of Mr. Hendricks as a member of the lower House. It had been highly creditable to him as a de- bater and statesman. While not a leader his opinions had great weight, and his advice was often sought in matters involving delicate party action. His discussion of public measures was clear, high-toned and forcible. It may be doubted whether any of his compeers, used as they were to political debate, and schooled as they were by long practice in parliamentary methods, outweighed him in the practical presentation of measures or in lucid disquisition of public questions. He re- tired a trusted and conspicuous member of his party and the National House. He was again placed in nomination as a candidate for member of the Thirty-fourth Congress, in the fall of 1854. He had for his opponent Lucian Barbour, a Republican, who united the entire anti-Nebraska sentiment of his district. After an earnest campaign in which Mr. Hendricks was forced to combat serious divisions in his own party ranks, he was defeated by 538 votes, the total vote being Barbour, 9,824 ; Hendricks, 9,286. LAND COMMISSIONER.— Defeat did not mean retiracy from public position. He was appointed Commissioner of the General Land Office in 1855 by President Pierce. His admin- istration of this responsible office had proved so acceptable that he was reappointed by President Buchanan in 1857. He re- tained his place till 1859, wnen ne resigned in order that he might be free to conduct his campaign for Governor of Indiana, for which place he received the nomination of his party. Those who are acquainted with the difficulties in the way of a perfectly pure and satisfactory administration of the General Land Office will appreciate Mr. Hendricks all the more as an official, when it is said of him that from the beginning to the end of his term HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 53 his management was characterized by honest business principles which met the approval of all parties and all classes of men. He was methodical, direct, impartial, exact. Things moved like clock-work under his care. He enjoyed the unbounded faith of employes and the business public in his integrity and honor. He retired having added the laurels of pure administration to those won in the national halls of legislation. FOR GOVERNOR. — In what afterwards became known as the celebrated campaign of i860, the nominees of the Demo- cratic party in Indiana were for Governor Thomas A. Hendricks, Lieutenant-Governor David Turpie. The nominees of the Re- publican party were Col. Lane for Governor, and Oliver P. Mor- ton for Lieutenant-Governor. Never in the history of the State had the two dominant parties pitted against each other, for their chief offices, men of greater brilliancy and force. It was to be a notable contest, and the best material must be found in the front. The Republican candidates were aggressive, enthusiastic and popular. The Democratic candidates were not less aggressive and popular, but their fight was to be carried on under the dis- paragement which division had inflicted. What they lacked in fervor, they, however, hoped to make up in logical appeal to the judgment of their people. Feeling that they were better forti- fied with solid arguments than their opponents, and that they were, moreover, better qualified to make convincing presentation of them, a challenge to joint debate, to be carried on at desig- nated points in the State, was given and accepted. These de- bates were carried on in a spirited but friendly manner, and with varied opinion as to their merits, till Evansville was reached. There Col. Lane withdrew temporarily to attend the Chicago Convention which nominated Lincoln. On his return they were resumed and continued till all the arrangements had been ful- filled. Not yet done with them, the challenge was re-extended, but the Republican candidate declined the overture, preferring, as he said, to finish his campaign in his own way. His declina- tion was regarded as wise, for while he was recognized as the most popular orator of the two, he was no match for Mr. Hen- dricks in deliberate disputation, and that marshaling of argu- 54 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC ments, which is called debate. The result of the campaign was the election of Lane and Morton. The former was almost im- mediately elected. U. S. Senator, and Morton took his place as Governor. U. S. SENATOR. — In 1862 there was a political revolution in many of the Northern States. The Democratic party had recovered from the shock to its organization occasioned by the Kansas agitation and the breaking out of actual hostilities, and, finding in its opposition to the return of fugitive slaves, to the repeal of Habeas Corpus, to the imposition of an " iron-clad oath," and to other Republican measures it regarded as extreme or uncalled for, a common rallying-ground, had again become both coherent and formidable. The result of the elections that year in Indiana was a Democratic Legislature. This gave to Mr. Hendricks an opportunity for merited advancement. A United States Senator was to be chosen. His party friends naturally turned to him as the proper man for the place. He was accordingly chosen for the term beginning March 4, 1863, and ending March 3, 1869. He entered the upper House at the opening of the Thirty- eighth Congress, December 7, 1863, at a time when the par- ties there stood 36 Republicans to 14 Democrats, and when the majority were bent on only measures of war. There was, there- fore, but little opportunity for the display of positive statesman- ship. The utmost that could be done by so small a minority was to make itself respected, and to so manage as to afford the best check possible to arbitrary, useless or offensive legislation. In this mission Mr. Hendricks was from the start a potent factor. His legal learning, systematic methods, fairness in disputation, sterling integrity, and gentlemanly bearing, were known before his entry, and he not only found himself high up in the councils of his own party, but an honored representative on such impor- tant committees as those of Claims, the Judiciary, Public Build- ings and Grounds, Public Lands, for which his previous expe- rience especially fitted him, and Naval Affairs. His protests, which were those of his party, were ably recorded against a nultitude of measures deemed undemocratic and dan- HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 55 gerous. They were not idly presented nor factiously maintained, but, made as they were in the face of a strong popular prejudice throughout the country and a powerful opposition in the Senate, had to be deliberately and earnestly urged in order to command the degree of respect they were justly entitled to. In their prepa- ration and advocacy Mr. Hendricks was a leader of his party. His mastery of constitutional law, his conception of political situations, his integrity of conviction, the sound conservatism of his nature at a time when radicalism was running wild and theo- retic legislation was overstepping the bounds of prudence, con- spired to give him a prominence enjoyed by few men of that exciting era. His reputation became national. Even those who did not agree with his opinions respected the man, for he was sincere in his views, frank in his statements, courageous in his arguments. Some have thought he lacked aggressiveness. Such do not understand the situation in which he was placed during his career as Senator. He dared not be offensively bold. That would have destroyed the moral effect of all minority protest and appeal. He was diplomatic, cautious, and even shrewd, in his debates and parliamentary methods. If for boldness and aggresn siveness, we substitute firmness and consistency of opposition we more truthfully paint the attitude and measure the manner of the man*. The leading measures were those which directly or remotely concerned reconstruction. Nearly every one remembers the re^ lation of parties on these novel and delicate measures. They were wide apart as to the power of Congress over the matter of reconstruction, as to the position the government should assume toward the belligerent States, as to the methods best calculated to assure peace and perfect restoration of the Union. The policy of the minority could not be as definitely shaped as that of the majority, and ofttimes it was misunderstood, for that is a fate inseparable from opposition, especially when minorities are hope- lessly small. But that policy, in the hands of men like Mr. Hendricks, was sturdily, consistently and respectfully urged. His debates are singularly free from acrimony, considering the pas- r(j BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. sions of the hour. If his arguments did not weigh in the Senate Chamber so as to defeat measures, they told before the country arid served to strengthen him as well as to encourage his party friends. It would hardly add to the lustre of his fame to enter upon tedious recital of the Acts he opposed, or to spread his speeches at length upon these pages. But a few may be mentioned as an index to the whole. The Thirteenth Amendment passed the Senate, 'April 8, 1863, by a vote of 38 to 6. Mr. Hendricks voted with the minority. He spoke and voted against the bill passed in 1864, conferring the right of suffrage on negroes in the District of Columbia. During the first session of the Forty- eighth Congress he opposed the Charter of the Washington City passenger railway company, or rather the amendment to it, permitting negroes to ride in the cars. On June 6, 1864, he voted against the bill to increase the Internal Revenue, the vote being, yeas 22, nays 3 — the latter were Davis, Hendricks and Powell. On June 17, 1864, he voted against the amended Tariff act. The vote stood, yeas 22, nays 5 — the latter being Buckalew, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell and Richardson. He actively opposed all the Republican measures overturning the old State governments, the imposition of test oaths, the bills known as Civil Rights Bills, the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, and kindred enactments. Let it not be understood that his opposition was to the letter of all these bills. With that he often concurred, but he saw in their spirit a dangerous tendency and this he opposed. His po- litical conduct was shaped on the theory that the peace, prosper- ity and happiness of the white people of the South, even though they had been offenders, were matters of more pressing moment than the care and advancement of the uneducated and irrespon- sible freedmen. He deprecated race distinctions, but since Re- publican legislation drew a line, he thought that if either race had to go to the wall, it should be the black race rather than the white. Over and above all, he held that the natural supremacy of the white race was a guarantee of the very safety to the col- ored race which was then sought through legislation. Exalting HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 57 the unprepared freedmen into a governing class and at the same time disfranchising their former masters, or disparaging them by contrast, he held to be as much of an evil as the old system of slav- ery itself. The arguments educed in support of his views have been generally adopted in the Summaries of Congressional de- bates as the authoritative embodiment of Democratic opinion on the reconstruction and other measures, then conspicuous before Congress and the country. On the impeachment of President Johnson in 1867, Mr. Hen- dricks was of course a member of the Court, under the Consti- tutional clause, " The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments." He was one of the nineteen Senators who voted not guilty, and saved the President from disgrace. It is said that his arguments in support of his position, in this instance, were so ably and convincingly put, that they drew praise from those of opposite opinion, and may have served to snatch from the majority the two-thirds necessary for conviction. At any rate, his reputation as a juris-consult was largely augmented by his membership of this unusual and august court. It is a sufficient proof of his ability and success as a Senator, that at the end of a single term he had won the confidence of his opponents, and had placed himself among the foremost men in his party, as a statesman and leader. Henceforth he was to stand out in bold relief as one upon whose brow higher honors might readily fall — even the honors of the Chief Magistracy. AS EULOGIST. — And it must not be forgotten that during these years he was receiving distinction in civic capacity. Few occasions, especially in his own State, requiring learned disquisi- tion or touching oratory, failed to command his presence. His address before the Indiana Law School on the " Character of Oliver P. Morton " is regarded as the best and truest analysis of the deceased ex-Governor extant. This is all the more credita- ble, considering the fact that they were life-long legal and politi- cal rivals, and so evenly balanced in learning and reputation, that the weight of a single feather might have changed the popular verdict respecting their merits. The eulogies of Mr. Hendricks upon ex-Governors Lane, Whitcomb and Williams, are models 58 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. of elocution, analysis and pathos. At such times he could sink the man in the occasion, and let the intellect go forth in just and elegant tribute, and the heart testify to the worth it found and the sorrow it felt. Few public men are thus endowed. Only the unselfishly great can strip themselves of their personalism and rise to the dignity of an occasion requiring exact justice to opposing character and profound respect for rival reputation. The warmest friend of those whose names are mentioned above could not ask for better historic perpetuation of their fame than that found in the eulogiums of Mr. Hendricks. In pursuit of his policy of reconciliation and peace between the two sections of the country, Mr. Hendricks endorsed the call for a National Union Convention, to be held in Philadelphia, August 14, 1866. Its object was to protest against the further unconstitutional war measures on the part of the Republican party, and to inspire a better feeling and bring about closer rela- tions, political and otherwise, between the North and South. He also signed the address of the Democratic Congressmen to the people of the United States, whose sentiments furnished the key to the proceedings of the Convention. AGAIN FOR GOVERNOR.— -While yet in the Senate, and in 1868, Mr. Hendricks permitted the use of his name as the candidate of his party for Governor of Indiana. His opponent was Conrad Baker. Though not as memorable as the campaign of i860, this was a warmly-contested canvass, in which the Senator's personal popularity and great forensic ability gave him especial advantage. He turned a situation decidedly adverse at the start into one which bore strong resemblance to a Dem- ocratic victory. The result was so close that it was in doubt for a long time. The majority for Baker turned out to be only 961, and not a few were of the opinion that it was manufactured after the ballots were cast. If defeat it can be called, it was one of that kind which is often more disastrous to the victor than the vanquished. It certainly left Mr. Hendricks in possession of the laurels which should have found a place on the brow of his opponent. A PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE.— As already intimated, HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 59 Mr. Hendricks stood before his party as one upon whom its highest honors were at any time likely to fall. Not that he was ever solicitous for place, but as one whose ability, force of char- acter and trusted national advisorship clearly marked him as worthy of more exalted station and confidence. He therefore came spontaneously and conspicuously forward in the Demo- cratic Convention which met in New York city, July 4, 1868, as a candidate for the Presidency. This Convention was made memorable by the defiant attitude of Ohio, after the State had been compelled to abandon her own candidate, in the person of Mr. Pendleton, who started on the first ballot with 105, which was increased to 156^ on the 8th ballot, and gradually waned to $6}4 on the 18th ballot, when he was withdrawn. Mr. Hen- dricks had but 2}4 votes on the first ballot, which gradually increased to 132, as against 135^ for General Hancock on the 2 1st ballot. He had succeeded in securing the solid vote of New York State and the entire Northwest, and his friends looked hopefully for his nomination on the next ballot. But Ohio, by her stubborn resistance to any Western man, after the honors had once passed from her grasp, succeeded in stampeding the Convention by throwing her strength to Horatio Seymoiir, of New York, who received the entire 317 votes on the 22d ballot. The friends of Mr. Hendricks were naturally chagrined at this hostile conduct of their Ohio brethren, as well as at that of certain New York politicians who connived at the plan to spring Mr. Seymour's name upon the Convention as a last resort. It cannot be said that the end justified the means. Mr. Hendricks would certainly have proved a more felicitous and formidable candidate at that particular juncture. He was closer to his party, had its confidence to a greater degree, and would have infused the campaign with greater tact and vigor. True, he lost his own State as candidate for Governor in October, and that has been used as an argument to vindicate the choice of Sey- mour, but it must be remembered that he fought that battle under the cloud of defeat in the National Convention, entered it more to hold his party together for the November contest than (JO BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. with a hope of winning, yet came out of the fight with all the moral results of a victory. On his retiracy from the Senate, in 1869, he returned to his law practice at Indianapolis. He did not, however, dwarf his inclination for politics. His services were ever at the call of his party, whether in council or in debate. He was too well estab- lished before the country to be secure in retiracy, and too avail- able as a party leader to be unthought of when honors were at its disposal. His conduct during this interval was characterized by cautious good sense and manly desire to keep his record clean and acceptable. In the National Democratic Convention which met at Balti- more, June 9, 1872, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President, Mr. Hendricks had an undoubted majority of the delegates pledged to his support. But the man- agers of the Liberal Republican Convention, which had met at Cincinnati, May 1, 1872, and placed Horace Greeley in nomina- tion, swarmed in the Baltimore meeting and captured it entirely. The result was an endorsement of the Cincinnati platform and nominations, amid loud protest from the straight-out Democrats. The^deed once done, submission seemed to be the wiser part. It was sullen and half-hearted, to be sure, but sufficient to permit the State organizations to live and in some instances to thrive. AS GOVERNOR.— Mr. Hendricks took this turn of affairs very philosophically. He did not allow it to interfere with his candidacy for the Governorship of his own State, which had now fallen to him for the third time, although against his earnest protest. The campaign was a bitter one in every respect. Nationally it proved almost the death-knell of the Democratic party. In the States it was particularly disastrous. But for such a champion as Mr. Hendricks in Indiana, whose wonderful campaign powers were supplemented by irresistible personal popularity, that State would have been entirely swept from its political moorings. As it was, the Republicans carried the Leg- islature and all of the State ticket except the Governor and Su- perintendent of Public Instruction. The majorities were small, but in the end undisputed. Some regard this result as due more t HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 61 to Mr. Hendricks' clean character than to the principles he espoused. Let such be the verdict of all who choose to have it so. It only adds to the credit of a man seeking official place that his character is above suspicion, socially and morally. What if Mr. Hendricks drew in this instance the influence due to his high standing in a leading denomination ? What if he drew from the temperance element the support due to a sober, conscientious life ? What if, with a personally objectionable opponent, he drew a strength from every source which was non- political ? They were all so many testimonials to his private worth, which are, in the end, stronger than those of partisan color. The result was so close and complicated that its final deter- mination was postponed many anxious days. Many of the Governor's friends gave his cause up as lost. At the Democratic headquarters the most experienced arithmetic men figured over re- turns which were as so many baffling puzzles. But one, the edi- tor of the Indianapolis Sentinel, adhered to his prediction of victroy from the beginning. During the long suspense Mr. Hendricks listened placidly to the varying opinions of his friends, till a last count defeated him by some half-dozen votes. Then breaking into a laugh he observed, " I wonder if I am always to just miss being Governor of Indiana ? " His question was soon answered satisfactorily by an official majority of 1,148 votes. It may be said of his administration that it was in entire keeping with the established character of the man. Indiana never had an abler, more conscientious or higher-minded executive. He aimed to do his whole duty, and his official conduct was really beyond criticism. His term began January, 1873, and ended January, 1877. Some endeavored to hold him to hostile account for signing a local option bill, passed by the Republican Legislature. As Chairman of the Democratic Convention in 1 874, he took occa- sion to explain his action at length. The obnoxious bill was clearly a demand of the State. He 5 acted in obedience to this demand and with the knowledge that a veto could be readily overridden in the Legislature. His personal conviction was in 62 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. favor of a license system, but this he withheld in order to test the desired legislation. Sentiment soon veered to his position. In the next Legislature a majority of both Houses voted to sub- stitute a License Law for Local Option. The Legislative session of 1875 was a struggle between a Republican Senate and Democratic House for party advantage. The session was limited by law to sixty days. Its end was approaching and the Senate hoped to defeat certain objectionable House measures by withholding concurrence till after midnight of the day on which the session legally ended, or, otherwise, force the Democrats into the odium of a long and expensive extra session. The session closed on Saturday night. On Monday morning, and before the members could leave the capital, the Governor issued his proclamation for an extra ses- sion, to meet on Tuesday. At the same time he informed them that though they could legally stay for forty days, they might find it greatly conducive to their political and personal comforts to speedily despatch the business before them and go home. They took the hint good-naturedly, broke the dead lock quickly, attended to their duty, and were off inside of a week. Mr. Hendricks has been criticised on account of his supposed leaning toward currency inflation and Greenbackism at a time when they were a craze in most of the States. The truth is he never gave adhesion to the Greenback theory, per se. The Greenback doctrine was nearing its height of popularity in 1873. It was sweeping States and carrying party leaders with it. Whatever may be said of its arguments there was sympathy among men of all parties with the hardships which contraction of the currency entailed. Mr. Hendricks had no opportunity nor call to do more than join in such sympathy. But being a public and exponential man, he was wrongly credited with con- victions he did not share, such is the jealousy of American poli- tics, and such the anxiety to make a target of those in prominent place. Feeling this, he took advantage of the first opportunity presented to set himself right. This occurred when he was made presiding officer of the Democratic State Convention in 1874. He then argued specifically and at length that gold and HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 63 silver were the true basis of currency, and that the proper method of returning to specie payments was through the growing up pro- cess, the development of all parts of the country and especially the South, the general increase of production, the retrenchment of public and private expenditure. While it was true that the State platform of that year catered to the Greenback idea, it did not therein represent the .views of Mr. Hendricks. So much was it away from his sturdy convic- tions that he took pains during the fall canvass to define in pub- lic speech the difference between his views and those found in the platform. This was not only honest, but, in a strictly politi- cal sense, may be regarded as fearless and even bold, for it was diametrically opposite to an intensity of sentiment before which the leaders of both parties were quailing. His studied and matured thoughts upon the question are best conveyed in his own language. After speaking against hasty and undue contraction of the currency as tending to check labor and paralyze enterprise, on the one hand, and against unseemly inflation as tending to depreciation of values and suicidal adven- ture on the other, he continued in his address thus : " We desire a return to specie payments. It is a serious evil when there are commercial mediums of different values ; when one description of money is for one class and purpose and another for a different class and purpose. We cannot too strongly impress the importance of the policy that shall restore uniformity of values to all the money of the country, so that it shall always and readily be convertible. That gold and silver are the real standards of value is a cherished Democratic doc- trine not now nor hereafter to be abandoned. But I do not look to any arbitrary act of Congress for a restoration of specie pay- ments. Such an effort now would probably produce wide- spread commercial disaster. A Congressional declaration can- not make the paper currency equal to gold in value. It cannot make a bank note equal to a dollar. The business of the coun- try alone can do that. When we find the coin of the country increasing, then we may know we are moving in the direction of specie payments. The important financial question is, ' how can 64 BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. we increase and make permanent our supply of gold?' The reliable solution is, by increasing our productions and thereby reducing our purchases and increasing our sales abroad. He can readily obtain money who produces more than he consumes of articles that are wanted in the market, and I suppose that is also true of communities and nations. How can the Republican party atone to the people for its evil policies which have driven gold from the country, rendered a return to specie payment more difficult, and made its postponement more inevitable?" This sounds like something quite the opposite of Greenbackism. It was just probable that Mr. Hendricks, during the entire Greenback agitation, was as much of a hard-money man as any of those who glibly took him to task for departing from the old Democratic traditions. In 1875 Mr. Hendricks, forgetting the blow which Ohio had dealt him in 1868, went actively into the campaign in that State for Mr. Allen, who was running for Governor. His object was to aid in a Democratic victory there in order that the State might be found securely in the party columns during the Presi- dential canvass of the succeeding year. It must be set down to Mr. Hendricks' enduring credit that he has always been a steadfast friend of the Common School system of the State of Indiana. As a member of the Constitu- tional Convention he brought all his energy and talent to bear on the various questions which had for their object the securing of ample provisions for popular education, and the placing of its support beyond the vicissitudes of politics. Fully impressed with the importance of a work then achieved he has since, both as an official and citizen, repeatedly insisted on the most anxious watchfulness over the growth and final perfection of the system. In this quest he has agreed to lay aside all party prejudices and all rigid constructions and join heartily with the friends of educa- tion, no matter what their political proclivities. His views in this respect are those of the large-hearted educator and philanthropist, and not those of the narrow partisan. CONVENTION OF 1876.— In the Democratic National Convention which met at St. Louis, June 28, 1876, Mr. Hen- HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 65 dricks was the chief competitor of Mr. Tilden as candidate for the Presidency. On the first ballot his strength was measured by 140 votes. On the second ballot, which decided Mr. Tilden's candidacy, he had 60 votes. The position of second place on the ticket therefore fell naturally to him. The country still re- members the nature of that campaign and its outcome. Mr. Hendricks suffered, along with his illustrious companion on the ticket, the mortification of defeat at the hands of the Electoral Commission, after having carried the country by a decided ma- jority of votes, and as many thought at the time, and still think, by a majority of the Electoral College, had there been an honest return. Though most of the political questions paramount in that campaign are now res adjudicates, a few remain open, and are even now pressing for solution. It may be interesttng to refer to his standing on one or two of these, as found in his letter of acceptance. Two of them are now prominent, being referred to in the platform of both parties. On each Mr. Hendricks then took decided ground, though in advance of sentiment in his party and sentiment in general. He was a civil service reformer when to be such was to court a certain degree of unpopularity, and as to that pronounced Americanism which has lately become a pass- port to popular favor, he was far in advance of its present ardent advocates. As to an American system, he said, "Our treaties with foreign powers should be revised and amended in so far as they leave citizens of foreign birth in any particular less secure in any country on earth than they would be if they had been born upon our own soil; and the iniquitous coolie system which, through the agency of wealthy companies, imports Chinese bondsmen, establishes a species of slavery, and interferes with the just re- wards of labor on our Pacific coast, should be utterly abolished." As to Civil Service reform he said, " In the reform of our Civil Service I heartily endorse that section of the platform which de- clares that the civil service ought not to be ' subject to change at every election,' and that it ought not to be made ' the brief reward of party zeal, but ought to be awarded for proved com- 5 6(? BUILDING AND RULING THE REPUBLIC. petency and held for fidelity in the public employ.' I hope never again to see the cruel and remorseless proscription for political opinions which has disgraced the administration of the last eight years. Bad as the civil service now is, as all know, it has some men of tried integrity and proved ability. Such men, and such only, should be retained in office ; but no man should be retained, on any consideration, who has prostituted his office to the purposes of partisan intimidation and compulsion, or who has furnished money to corrupt the elections. This is done, and it has been done, in almost every county of the land. It is a blight upon the morals of the country, and it ought to be re- formed." In the National Democratic Convention which met at Cincin- nati, June 22, 1880, Mr. Hendricks was again a conspicuous can- didate, having had on the first ballot 46*^ votes. On the second ballot, which nominated General Hancock, his friends stuck to him and he had 30 votes, Hancock having 705, Bayard 2 and Tilden 1. Ever since the retiracy of Mr. Hendricks from the guberna- torial chair of his State, he has conducted a large law business and attended to those civic and political calls which are constantly made on a man of his ability and prominence. Latterly he has travelled abroad as a quiet and intelligent observer of men and institutions, and has thus added to his well-stored mind and to the enjoyment of his mature years. In the Chicago Convention of 1884 he was not a candidate. But on the second ballot, when there was hope of a combination against Mr. Cleveland, he se- cured a strength of 45^ votes. His name was brought forward amid the utmost enthusiasm, and having failed to make the first place on the ticket, the second fell to him by acclamation. PERSONAL. — Ex-Governor Hendricks is a finely preserved man of medium height and symmetrical figure, being erect, ac- tive and vigorous. His features are large and clear cut; his face manly and expressive. In younger years he must have passed as a decidedly handsome man. He has large blue eyes which bespeak kindness ; firmly set jaws, indicative of resolution ; a full, large forehead, declarative of wisdom. His complexion tends to HON. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. 67 a florid cast, and his hair and side-whiskers incline to gray, though not to the extent expected in a man of sixty-five. He has led a pleasant social life, and shows no traces of either hard work or disappointment. His disposition is sunny, his conversation easy and fluent With friends he is frank and cordial ; with those not so near he is courteous but cautious. He does not hold grudges and would do as much to conciliate an enemy as to oblige a friend. He is guarded and methodical in his habits, and as to money, of economic turn, though disposed to charity where the cause is worthy. In fortune he is now independent, but it is the result of conserving what he honestly earned, and not specula- tion or manipulation. His voice is clear and musical and can be heard at a great distance. He has always been a hard worker, and effort has been so put forth as to bring the surest results. If these did not come in material shape, they came in the shape of commendations and honors. Though a favorite as a social com- panion, he appears to greatest advantage before an audience, or where occasion operates as a spur to his latent powers. When kindled by opposition he loses his habitual cast of thought and becomes aggressive and even dashing in action and argument. He is a prominent member of the Episcopalian church, and noted for his good works. His wife is a woman of fine education and sterling force of character. They have no children. All in all Mr. Hendricks is one of the purest-minded and ablest men now before the American public, and the mantle of the Vice-Presi- dency could not fall on worthier shoulders. FOURTEEN DAY USE RETURN T( WHICH BORROWED ICLF This book is due on the lasT J1UIU !>Ulll]jteiI below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. >'j6ir FEB 16 1956 L0 JUL 22 1966 9 1 *I5166 6 ft H l nCO LD 21-100m-2,'55 TT . General L ibrary