William Dunlap 
 
ietef. 
 
William Dunlap 
 
 ^A Study of his J^ife 
 
 and Works and of his "Place in 
 
 Contemporary Culture 
 
 By 
 
 Oral Sumner Coad, Ph.D. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 THE DUNLAP SOCIETY 
 M CM XVII 
 
Copyright, 1917, by 
 THE DUNLAP SOCIETY 
 
a 
 
 <t . 
 
 /MIA) 
 
 This is one of an edition of four hundred and twenty-three 
 
 copies printed from type for The Dunlap Society 
 
 in the month of June, 1917, by 
 
 The DeVinne Press 
 
 30419 
 
Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER I 3 
 
 Biography from ij66 to 1805 
 
 i Youth and Early Plays, 
 ii The American Theatre in the Eighteenth 
 
 Century, 
 in Career as a Theatrical Manager. 
 
 CHAPTER II 82 
 
 Biography from 1805 to itfjp 
 
 i Second Connection with the Theatre and 
 
 State Position. 
 
 ii Career as a Professional Painter, 
 in Last Years. 
 
 CHAPTER III . 129 
 
 The Original Plays 
 
 i American Drama before 1790. 
 ii Dunlap s Plays, 
 in His Place in American Drama. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 193 
 
 The Dramatic Translations 
 
 i From the French. 
 ii From Kotzebue. 
 in From Other German Playwrights. 
 
Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER V 244 
 
 The Non-Dramatic Writings 
 
 i Biographies. 
 ii Histories, 
 in Journalism, 
 iv A Novel. 
 
 CHAPTER VI . . . 280 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 LISTS OF DUNLAP S WRITINGS AND 
 PAINTINGS .......... 284 
 
 INDEX ........... 303 
 
 [via] 
 
of 
 
 William Dunlap frontispiece 
 
 Engraving in mezzotint by Max Rosenthal, from a 
 portrait by Ingham, painted in 1838 
 
 facing- page 
 
 The artist displaying one of his paintings to his 
 parents 16 
 
 By William Dunlap 
 
 (From the original picture painted in 1788 and now in the 
 possession of The New York Historical Society) 
 
 William Dunlap 96 
 
 Prom a rare contemporary lithograph 
 (Now in the collection of William B. Osgood Field) 
 
 Townsend Harris s Receipt from William Dunlap 
 for his copy of the " History of the American 
 Theatre" 112 
 
 (Now in the collection of William B. Osgood Field) 
 
 Charles Brockden Brown ........ 248 
 
 From a miniature by William Dunlap, about 1806 
 (Now in the possession of Herbert Lee Pratt) 
 
Deface 
 
 THE last few years have seen a noticeable quick 
 ening of interest in early American drama. This 
 is not at all surprising, for the field is one of much 
 attractiveness from the antiquarian point of view, 
 even though the plays themselves are not of high 
 excellence. In any consideration of the subject, 
 William Dunlap must be given a prominent place. 
 As a playwright and manager, he was the dom 
 inating personage in our theatrical affairs at the 
 end of the eighteenth century. But he was more 
 than this. He was a biographer and historian, he 
 was in some measure a journalist and novelist, 
 and he was very much of a painter. In short, he 
 participated in nearly all the cultural activities of 
 his day. For a study of so important a figure 
 there is ample justification. 
 
 It is my purpose in the following pages, first of 
 all to present as complete an account of Dunlap s 
 life as the available material will permit. In this 
 connection his work as a theatrical manager and 
 as an artist will be discussed. Then his writings, 
 particularly his dramatic writings, will be ex 
 amined in detail in an effort to estimate his con 
 tribution to the literature of his generation. 
 Throughout the book I shall have a good deal to 
 say about the early culture of this country, both 
 as a background for Dunlap s undertakings and as 
 
preface 
 
 a means of pointing out his services to the in 
 tellectual development of the new nation. 
 
 The existing material bearing on his life is at 
 best limited, and for me it has been limited further 
 still. The owner of seven of the eleven known 
 volumes of Dunlap s manuscript Diary has been 
 unwilling to give me access to them, and thus a 
 possible source of information has been cut off. 
 However, if one may judge from the four avail 
 able volumes, the other seven contain details which 
 would amplify, but in no way alter, the outline of 
 his life as presented elsewhere. 
 
 It is a pleasure to acknowledge my obligation to 
 those who have helped to make this book possible. 
 Among the members of the Columbia faculty I 
 wish to thank especially Professor W. P. Trent, 
 under whose direction this investigation has been 
 conducted; and Professor A. H. Thorndike, Pro 
 fessor Brander Matthews, and Dr. Carl Van 
 Doren, who have given much valuable advice. 
 They have also assisted by reading manuscript and 
 proof. Dr. Frederick W. Atkinson, President of the 
 Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute, has cordially per 
 mitted me the use of his splendid collection of early 
 American plays. Mr. Oscar Wegelin, by his bibli 
 ographies and his personal suggestions, has dis 
 tinctly facilitated my task. To the courtesy of 
 the Columbia, Yale, and Brown librarians, and also 
 those of the New York Historical Society, the New 
 York Public Library, and the Society Library, 
 I am very deeply indebted. In studying Dunlap as 
 a painter I have been greatly aided by the Mac- 
 
beth Gallery and the Ehrich Galleries, by The Play 
 ers, by Mr. Thomas B. Clarke and Mr. Charles 
 Henry Hart, as well as by Professor Theodore S. 
 Woolsey of Yale University. To my wife, who 
 has given generous and varied assistance, and to 
 Mr. Evert Jansen Wendell, whose interest and en 
 couragement have been one of the most pleasant 
 features of the work, I owe a peculiar debt of 
 gratitude. 
 
 ORAL SUMNER COAD. 
 
 New York City, April 7, 1917. 
 
 [xiii] 
 
William Dunlap 
 
William 33unlap 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 BIOGRAPHY FROM 1766 TO 1805 
 
 WHEN General Wolfe came to the Western 
 Hemisphere to wrest Canada from the 
 French, there accompanied him in the ranks of the 
 47th regiment, known as "Wolfe s Own," a young 
 Irishman named Samuel Dunlap. Our informa 
 tion regarding his family is meagre. We know 
 only that he was the son of a Londonderry mer 
 chant, that he had three sisters, and that the pater 
 nal name was originally Dunlop. At the battle of 
 Quebec he carried the colors, and mingled his 
 blood with that of his commander on the Plains of 
 Abraham. Subsequently the young soldier re 
 ceived a lieutenant s commission from General 
 Amherst, and served through the remainder of the 
 French war. After the British triumph, his regi 
 ment was stationed at Perth Amboy in the colony 
 of New Jersey. Here Lieutenant Dunlap fell in 
 love with Margaret Sargeant, a native of New 
 Jersey of English descent. The lure of Hymen 
 proving stronger than the lure of Mars, Dunlap 
 
 3 
 
4 f^HIiam SDunlap 
 
 sold his commission, married Miss Sargeant, and 
 established himself as a storekeeper in the town. 1 
 
 Perth Amboy then contained not more than 
 three hundred houses, but it could boast consider 
 able prosperity and importance. Admirably located 
 on a fine harbor at the junction of the Raritan 
 River and Staten Island Sound, it had become the 
 capital of the province, a garrison town, and a 
 social center for the New Jersey aristocracy. 2 
 
 On the igth of February, 1766, a son their 
 first and only child was born to Samuel and Mar 
 garet Dunlap. Him they christened William. 
 "Among my earliest recollections/ he wrote in 
 after life, "are those connected with sickness, and 
 the relief derived from being carried in the arms 
 of my father." 3 
 
 William s education was begun by his mother. 
 But while yet in petticoats, he was sent to learn his 
 letters at a dame-school, kept by Mrs. Randall, and 
 thence was transferred to the strap and ferule of 
 Master McNaughton, a black-looking Irishman. 
 His more regular tuition started under Thomas 
 Johnston, an Oxonian who was engaged in 1774 to 
 
 1 "New York Mirror," Vol. X, p. 265 ; Dunlap, "History 
 of the American Theatre," New York edition, p. 233, and 
 "History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design 
 in the United States," Vol. I, p. 244. Unless otherwise in 
 dicated, the information in this chapter is obtained from 
 the latter two works. See autobiographical section in 
 each. 
 
 2 W. A. Whitehead, "Contributions to the Early History 
 of Perth Amboy and Adjoining Counties," New York, 
 1856, Chapter III. 
 
 3 "American Theatre," p. 233. 
 
25iograj>l)p from 1 7 fifi to 1 Bfl5 5 
 
 teach the youth of Perth Amboy. While a new 
 school-house, toward which Samuel Dunlap con 
 tributed six pounds, was building, classes were 
 held in the court-house. The hours of instruction 
 were 6 to 8, 10 to 12, and 3 to 6. 4 
 
 For companions William had the family slaves, 
 who petted, indulged, and spoiled him; and the 
 soldiers of his father s old regiment, with whom 
 the boy was a great favorite. But his chief friend 
 and instructor was Thomas Bartow, "an aged man 
 who lived almost the life of a hermit, having 
 neither wife nor child." 5 He was a man of some 
 means and occupied a comfortable house, sur 
 rounded by a fruit garden very attractive to a 
 small boy. It was the only house in town without 
 slaves. Between this old solitary and the child 
 there grew up a close intimacy, productive of much 
 good to one of them at least. William was per 
 mitted every Sunday to visit his venerable friend, 
 with whom he was always sure of a welcome. The 
 house and garden were at the youngster s com 
 mand, and sometimes he achieved the dignity of 
 riding behind "old Sorrel." From the lips of 
 Thomas Bartow he first heard the stories of Troy 
 and Latium, of Heaven and Hell, as commentaries 
 on the pictures which excited his admiration in the 
 old man s Homer and Vergil and Milton. Thus 
 began the love of pictures and books which was to 
 shape the lad s whole career. Soon he was able to 
 read for himself, and Bartow s library became his 
 
 4 Whitehead, pp. 291-3 ; "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 247. 
 
 5 American Theatre," p. 234. 
 
6 IDiiliani Duniap 
 
 delight. At the beginning of the Revolution Bar- 
 tow withdrew to Pennsylvania, and William saw 
 him no more. But Dunlap never forgot his debt to 
 this kindly preceptor of his youth, nor neglected 
 the opportunity to express his obligation. 
 
 In 1775, in company with his father, William 
 first journeyed to New York. There he saw on 
 every hand signs of the impending struggle. 
 Weapons were for sale in the shop windows, and 
 men were practising the use of arms in the streets. 
 At Perth Amboy all was preparation for war. The 
 townsmen formed themselves into a battalion. The 
 boys in imitation organized a company, "The Gov 
 ernor s Guards," and paraded with wooden guns 
 and swords. They assumed the character of 
 rebels, and wore on their caps the motto, "Liberty 
 or Death." Young William was a member of this 
 band. 6 Whether his loyalist father gave him an 
 object lesson in methods of quelling rebellion, he 
 has not seen fit to record. 
 
 The Continentals began filling the village; the 
 British appeared on the shore of Staten Island ; a 
 conflict was imminent. Accordingly the Dunlap 
 family withdrew up the Raritan River to a place 
 near New Brunswick. William spent the summer 
 of 1776 in delicious freedom, rambling, fishing, 
 swimming, and, rather precociously, reading Shake 
 speare and every other book he could lay his 
 hands on. 
 
 After the occupation of Perth Amboy by the 
 British, the family returned and spent the winter 
 
 Whitehead, p. 328. 
 
2&io0rajrt)p from 17fifi to 1B05 7 
 
 at home. Here William lived in the midst of sol 
 diers of divers nations, English, Highland, Hes 
 sian, who thronged his father s house ; and he saw 
 all the abominations of a crowded camp. With 
 admiring eyes he watched a detachment march 
 proudly out of town to procure forage. As he re 
 called long after : 
 
 "In the evening it was known that this gallant 
 military array were returning, their wagons loaded 
 with wounded, instead of the booty they went in 
 search of. By the fireside I heard the heavy rum 
 bling of the wagons over the frozen earth, and the 
 groans of those who were borne to the hospitals. 
 I had now seen something of war." 7 
 
 In the spring of 1777 Samuel Dunlap moved 
 with his family to New York, the British head 
 quarters. The city was to be the field of the future 
 writer and painter s major activities. He was to 
 see it grow into a metropolis of 300,000, but in 
 1777 New York was a town of not over 22,000 in 
 habitants. It stretched as far north as the present 
 Grand Street in the older and more extensive east 
 ern section, but only as far as Duane Street on the 
 west. Beyond were swamps, farms, and pastures 
 in which the citizens kept their cows. Along the 
 southwest shore of the island lay the Battery, an 
 earthwork about 1450 feet long, founded on the 
 rocks, and mounted with guns. Behind this wall 
 stood Fort George, a substantial piece of masonry ; 
 and immediately north of the fort was the Bowling 
 
 7 "American Theatre," p. 237. 
 
8 IDii iiam Dunlap 
 
 Green, a small oval park. Perhaps the most im 
 portant and fashionable thoroughfare in the city 
 was Wall Street. Queen Street (now Pearl) and 
 Water Street were the main business sections, 
 Broadway being of less prominence. The Bowery 
 was a spacious avenue leading to the country, and 
 lined with farm-houses and gardens. A number 
 of the old Dutch houses, with gables to the street, 
 were still to be found, but the prevailing type of 
 residence was English. The city contained several 
 fine mansions, surrounded by yards and gardens. 
 The principal buildings were St. Paul s Church 
 (Trinity was destroyed by fire in 1776), the City 
 Hall, the Hospital, and King s College. 8 
 
 Shortly after coming to New York, William wit 
 nessed his first play, "The Beaux Stratagem." It 
 was given by a company of English soldiers. But 
 to him the actors were creatures of another world, 
 and he abandoned himself to the splendid illusion. 
 
 The boy was again put to school, first under a 
 man named Leslie and then under Thomas Steele, 
 a Quaker, until an unfortunate accident brought 
 his school days to an abrupt termination. Among 
 the Amboy families which had taken up residence 
 in New York was that of Andrew Elliot. It con 
 tained a large brood of children. One day in the 
 spring of 1778 William dined with them, and after 
 dinner the boys engaged in a mimic battle of chips. 
 
 8 "American Theatre," pp. 39-41 ; T. E. V. Smith, "The 
 City of New York in the Year of Washington s Inaugura 
 tion, 1789," New York, 1889, Chapter I ; F. B. Hough, 
 "Statistics of Population of the City and County of New 
 York," New York, 1866. 
 
25iogropljp from 1 7 fifi to 1 B05 9 
 
 A missile struck the guest s right eye. He was 
 carried home and given careful treatment, but to 
 no purpose, for the sight of the eye had been 
 totally destroyed. By this mishap he was tem 
 porarily deprived of his three favorite amuse 
 ments : the theatre, reading, and drawing. 
 
 His health restored, William began helping in 
 the looking-glass and china store which his father 
 had established in New York. Apparently his 
 duties were not onerous, since he found time for 
 much reading, the acquisition of a little French, 
 and two attempts at dramatic composition, one 
 on the story of Abou Hassan in the "Arabian 
 Nights," and the other a tragedy on some incidents 
 in Persian history. He likewise tried copying 
 prints, at which he gained so much proficiency 
 that his father was impressed and sought out a 
 teacher. The teacher disappeared after a few les 
 sons ; but the boy thought he had learned enough 
 art to attempt portraits, and he prevailed on his 
 indulgent parent to act as his first subject. Soon 
 he was sketching strangers in crayon at three 
 guineas a head. Thus at the age of sixteen he 
 became a professional portraitist. His first oil 
 was a tavern sign representing Sir Samuel Hood, 
 painted to attract the custom of sailors. 
 
 The declaration of peace in 1783 left Dunlap 
 free to return to his native State. Though he had 
 passed the last six years in the stronghold of the 
 loyalists, he emerged an ardent American. While 
 visiting the Van Homes at Rocky Hill near Prince 
 ton, where Congress was sitting, his patriotism was 
 
io 
 
 greatly stimulated by a sight of Washington. One 
 day, as he walked between Princeton and Trenton, 
 he saw a party of military horsemen approaching. 
 
 "The center figure was the tallest of the group, 
 and I knew that I saw in him the man on whom 
 every thought centered. The eyes of the company 
 were turned upon me as they approached. The 
 salutation of taking off my cocked hat was per 
 formed with a feeling which probably my face ex 
 pressed. Instantly the salute was returned in the 
 same manner by the chief, and every hat in the 
 company was lowered with its waving plume to 
 me. They passed, and I gazed after them. It was 
 a precious moment. I had seen Washington." 9 
 
 Dunlap was soon privileged to meet the great 
 man on more intimate terms at the Van Home 
 mansion. Washington commended him for his 
 painting and his flute-playing, and the boy was 
 supremely happy. At Mr. Van Home s request, 
 General and Mrs. Washington sat for their por 
 traits. The result in the case of Washington was 
 a very flat and wooden crayon picture, showing that 
 the young artist had not yet mastered the secrets 
 of perspective and characterization. 10 In the win 
 ter of 1783-4 he made a full-length oil portrait 
 of Washington on the battle-field of Princeton, 
 with much smoke and many soldiers in the back 
 ground. While thus engaged, Dunlap breakfasted 
 and dined every day at headquarters with the 
 
 "American Theatre," pp. 238-9. 
 
 10 There is an engraving of this portrait by Augustus 
 Robin. 
 
2&io0rapl)p from 17fi6 to 1H05 1 1 
 
 Washingtons and members of Congress. Wash 
 ington impressed him as reserved but not austere, 
 unaffectedly dignified and habitually polite. Once 
 he saw the General laugh heartily when he rode in 
 unexpectedly upon the portly John Van Home, 
 who, having just finished a hard race with his pro 
 spective dinner in the shape of an elusive pig, rose 
 from the struggle with the squealing animal in his 
 arms to find himself face to face with the Com 
 mander in Chief. 
 
 The elder Dunlap, with his usual indulgence, 
 had decided that William should be sent to Lon 
 don, the Mecca of early American seekers after 
 culture, to learn art under the great Benjamin 
 West. The winter was spent in preparation which 
 consisted of the study of French and dancing, and 
 much attention to billiard-playing, card-parties, 
 balls, and sleigh-rides. 
 
 On the 4th of May, 1784, the aspirant sailed for 
 England on the good ship Betsy, taking with him 
 as credentials the full-length Washington and a 
 copy from Copley. Upon his arrival at London 
 about the middle of June, Dunlap hastened to in 
 troduce himself to West, and to display his pictures, 
 which were mildly praised. He established him 
 self in two rooms in Rathbone Place, and after a 
 sufficiency of sight-seeing, settled to sketching 
 from a pair of busts. The drawings gained him 
 permission to enter the academy at Somerset 
 House, a privilege of which he did not avail him 
 self because of bashfulness. When winter came 
 he reveled in the theatres and saw most of the sue- 
 
12 iMltam SDunlap 
 
 cessful dramas of the day, including "The School 
 for Scandal" and The Critic" with the original 
 casts. The Bannisters, Kemble, Mrs. Jordan, and 
 Henderson were his admiration, but to the divine 
 Siddons he paid complete homage. "At this time," 
 he said, "she was in her prime, and her face and 
 figure as perfect as her acting." 11 
 
 So far as art study was concerned, Dunlap pro 
 tested that he accomplished almost nothing the 
 first year, partly because of the attraction of other 
 interests, partly because of a protracted illness from 
 abscesses. With the return of health came an over 
 flow of spirits. He was eager for any indulgence 
 his friends might suggest, and the theatre, excur 
 sions, port wine, and dinners occupied his days 
 and nights. Among his associates in frivolity 
 West s son, Raphael, was one of the most intimate. 
 The American fell in with an eating and drinking 
 club, with which he became a favorite because of 
 his wit and ability to sing a good song. Benjamin 
 West, whom he now saw only on rare occasions, 
 finding him indifferent to art, abandoned him to 
 his fate. 
 
 During his sojourn in England, Dunlap made 
 only two trips into the interior. With a friend he 
 visited Stamford in Lincolnshire, where he saw 
 some fine pictures at the near-by Burleigh House. 
 The natives were astonished to find an American 
 who was neither black nor copper-colored. In the 
 autumn of 1786 he undertook a walking expedition 
 to Oxford with Samuel L. Mitchill, a New Yorker 
 "American Theatre," p. 241. 
 
1 TBfi to 1 Bfl5 1 3 
 
 who had just completed a medical course at Edin 
 burgh. Equipped with the absolute necessities, 
 they set out on a rainy morning in November. 
 Over heavy roads they trudged with light hearts 
 to the ancient university town. They were warmly 
 received by the students, to whom two genuine 
 Americans were objects of no little interest. They 
 dined in the college halls, drank wine in the 
 students chambers, were shown about the town, 
 and in general learned "as much of Univer 
 sity life as a week s residence could teach" them. 12 
 A day was spent at Marlborough s estate, Blen 
 heim, which contained an excellent collection of 
 the works of Rubens and other great painters. 
 The return trip was accomplished on foot via 
 Windsor, where the king and royal family were 
 gazed upon in the chapel. 
 
 Apparently the elder Dunlap had begun to sus 
 pect that his son was enjoying a rare good time at 
 his expense without achieving the object for which 
 he was sent. In consequence an unexpected sum 
 mons caused William to e^mbark for his native land 
 in August, 1787. The voyage required seven 
 weeks, which he whiled away by making portraits 
 of the captain, and by helping to repaint the ship s 
 figure-head. The traveler returned but little wiser 
 and less stalwart in character than when he left, so 
 he frankly admitted. Indeed, so far as art study 
 was concerned, he seems to have done little enough 
 during his three years abroad. Had he applied 
 himself diligently to his easel and taken more ad- 
 
 12 "American Theatre," p. 244. 
 
14 lOiiliam Dunlap 
 
 vantage of the instruction and guidance which 
 West freely offered, he undoubtedly would have 
 been a much better painter than he ever became. 
 Yet in spite of indolence, the foreign residence 
 formed a valuable part of Dunlap s preparation 
 for after life. He did not entirely neglect art; and 
 he profited greatly by the opportunity to study 
 West s methods, which he later imitated with some 
 success. By viewing numerous collections of the 
 masters, he acquired a more accurate standard for 
 self-criticism than he could have obtained in this 
 country. His frequent attendance at the theatre 
 was invaluable to the future director of the New 
 York stage. Not only did he become familiar 
 with the best contemporary plays and actors, but 
 also with methods of presentation. As important 
 a gain as any was the broadened outlook on the 
 world s culture, without which he would have been 
 but ill prepared to direct, as in some slight measure 
 he one day was to direct, the culture of the new 
 nation. If his character suffered some bumps and 
 bruises in the process, the injury was not irrepa 
 rable, for his later life was as impeccable as one 
 could desire. 
 
 Back in New York, Dunlap installed himself in 
 his father s house as a portrait painter, an occupa 
 tion which did not seriously interfere with his 
 leisure, though he was almost the only portraitist 
 the city possessed. The theatre claimed his major 
 interest and soon enlisted his pen. The glories of 
 the English stage were fresh in his memory, and 
 the recent success of "The Contrast" by the Ameri- 
 
from 1 THfi to 1 B05 1 5 
 
 can Tyler 13 was still a subject of comment. Thus 
 doubly inspired, Dunlap, in the course of a few 
 weeks, composed "The Modest Soldier ; or, Love in 
 New York," a five-act comedy. His friends praised 
 it warmly. Undoubtedly it would prove a triumph 
 on the boards. But the problem was "to approach 
 those awful personages, the managers." The gap 
 was bridged by the good offices of an English 
 actor then residing in New York. To him the play 
 was read over a bottle of Madeira, and pro 
 nounced, perhaps in consideration of the bottle, 
 "excellent, wanted a little pruning, but far less 
 than She Stoops to Conquer, when Goldsmith 
 read it to us in the green-room." 14 An introduc 
 tion to the managers, Hallam and Henry, was now 
 forthcoming. The comedy was read to them and 
 accepted. Yet its appearance was postponed from 
 month to month, much to the author s mystification 
 until he discovered the reason to be that there were 
 no parts suited to Henry and his wife. Thus 
 ended the first chapter of Dunlap s dramatic 
 career. 
 
 But he did not entirely forsake his studio. One 
 product of this period still survives in the collec 
 tion of the New York Historical Society, a paint 
 ing made in 1788 which represents himself 
 showing a picture to his parents. It is a poorly 
 drawn affair, yet it is interesting as an early por 
 trait of the painter. At this time also he took up 
 etching, a branch of art of which he made very 
 
 13 See post, pp. 133 ff. 
 
 14 "American Theatre," pp. 77-8. 
 
1 6 lOilliani sDunlap 
 
 little use; but when Tyler s "Contrast" was pub 
 lished in 1790, it contained as frontispiece a badly 
 drawn Dunlap etching of one of the scenes. 
 
 Possessing as he did the power to attract people 
 of widely different temperaments, William Dun- 
 lap was always blest with numerous good friends. 
 Soon after his return from England he became a 
 member of the Philological Society, a literary or 
 ganization formed for mutual instruction and im 
 provement, then a popular type of social group. 
 Among his fellow-members were Noah Webster 
 and Samuel Mitchill. This association stimulated 
 in him more regular habits of study and a desire 
 for literary achievement. He planned an epic on 
 Aristomenes and wrote some hundred verses. 
 But other friends he had, of a less serious turn of 
 mind, who persuaded him to join the Masons and 
 the Black Friars. The latter was a society estab 
 lished in 1784 for social, charitable, and humane 
 purposes ; but its influence, as well as that of the 
 Masons, would seem to have been not altogether 
 on the side of virtue, for Dunlap said he was saved 
 from their contamination only by marriage. 15 
 
 The "New York Daily Gazette" of Monday, 
 February 16, 1789, contained this news item: 
 
 "On Tuesday last was married, by the Revd. Mr. 
 Moore, Mr. WILLIAM DUNLAP, an eminent Por 
 trait Painter, and Member of the Philological So 
 ciety, only son of Mr. Samuel Dunlap, Merchant, 
 
 15 "New York Directory," 1793, p. 235 ; "Arts of De 
 sign," Vol. I, p. 267. 
 
The artist displaying one of his paintings to his parents 
 By William Dunlap 
 
25io0tapl)p ftom 1 7Hfi to 1 B05 17 
 
 Queen-Street, to the amiable and accomplished 
 Miss NABBY WOOLSEY, of Fairfield, in Connecti 
 cut." 
 
 Miss Nabby, Betsey, or Elizabeth Woolsey was 
 descended from an old New York family, the 
 English founder of which came to New Amster 
 dam in 1623, and became a prosperous trader. Of 
 this line was Benjamin Woolsey, who graduated 
 from Yale, and reared a large family, including 
 Elizabeth, born in 1768. He died in 1771, leaving 
 the family in financial embarrassment. 16 Dunlap s 
 marriage brought him into association with Eliza 
 beth s brother-in-law, Timothy Dwight, later presi 
 dent of Yale. From him Dunlap received much 
 intellectual inspiration. Thanks to the new re 
 lationships, he was now saved from "inevitable de 
 struction." 17 
 
 About this time the Philological Society died, 
 and from its ashes sprang the Friendly Club, which 
 became one of the leading literary circles of New 
 York. It numbered among its members Elihu 
 Hubbard Smith, William Johnson, Samuel Latham 
 Mitchill, Samuel Miller, Anthony Bleecker, 
 William Walton Woolsey, John Wells, James 
 Kent, and William Dunlap. Nearly all these 
 young men were college graduates with a strong 
 
 16 For genealogy of the Woolsey family see Walter 
 Barrett, "The Old Merchants of New York City/ New 
 York, 1885; Benjamin W. Dwight, "History of the De 
 scendants of John Dwight of Dedham, Massachusetts/ 
 New York, 1874; Elizabeth Woolsey Rowland, "Family 
 Records," 1900. 
 
 17 "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 267. 
 
1 8 IMliam SDunlap 
 
 interest in cultural pursuits, and their influence 
 on the development of Dunlap s mind must have 
 been very beneficial. 18 The club, which was rather 
 typical of those organizations by which our early 
 citizens sought to appease their intellectual crav 
 ings, met every Tuesday evening at the homes of 
 the members in rotation. The host read from a 
 favorite author and directed a discussion of the 
 passage, after which light refreshments were 
 served. It is said that George Washington was a 
 frequent visitor at these weekly sessions. The 
 Friendlies projected several literary works, and 
 
 18 This group was unusual in the distinctions which 
 came to its members subsequently. Smith became the 
 center of the literary society of New York. He pub 
 lished several works, and as a physician helped found, 
 and for a time edited, the "Medical Repository." Johnson 
 was a lawyer, and was for many years the reporter for 
 the Supreme Court of the State. He was a classical 
 scholar and editor of legal works. Mitchill was a phy 
 sician, surgeon-general of the State, a scientist of emi 
 nence, a professor at Columbia, a United States senator, 
 a man of advanced ideas, a leader in all civic and philan 
 thropic enterprises, and the author of several works. 
 Miller became a prominent theologian and polemical 
 writer, and a professor at Princeton. Bleecker was a 
 lawyer, a prolific contributor to periodicals, a founder of 
 the New York Historical Society, a patron of arts and 
 letters, and a leader in public affairs. Woolsey was Dun- 
 lap s brother-in-law. He entered the hardware business, 
 and became a wealthy man. He was the father of Theo 
 dore Dwight Woolsey, president of Yale. Wells was a 
 prominent lawyer who was associated with Hamilton in 
 bringing put the "Federalist." Kent gained more perma 
 nent distinction than any other member of the club. As 
 chief justice of the Supreme Court of the State, and 
 chancellor of New York, and as the author of "Commen 
 taries on American Law," he was one of the chief found 
 ers of American jurisprudence. 
 
2&iogropJ)p from 1 T fifi to 1 Bfl5 1 9 
 
 actually maintained at different times a magazine 
 and a review, to both of which Dunlap contributed. 
 The society continued its existence until anni 
 hilated by political differences about i8oo. 19 
 
 Dunlap s first ill-fated attempt at drama had 
 met with sufficient praise to call forth a second 
 comedy, written sometime in 1788. Having 
 parts suited to Henry and his wife, it was readily 
 accepted by that gentleman, and exposed to the 
 smoky glare of the tallow footlights in the fall of 
 1789. The newspaper advertisement was thus 
 worded : 
 
 The public are refpectfully informed that the 
 THEATRE will be opened on MONDAY, the 7th 
 of September, with a COMEDY, never yet per 
 formed, (written by a gentleman of this city), 
 called, 
 
 The FATHER, 
 
 Or, American Shandyifm. 
 
 The Prologue by Mr. WIGNELL. The Epilogue 
 
 by Mrs. HENRY. 
 
 To which will be added a FARCE, called, 
 Who s the Dupe. 
 
 HALLAM and HENRY. 20 
 
 19 See "American Theatre," p. 114; "New York Mir 
 ror," Vol. X, p. 265; Martha J. Lamb, "History of the 
 City of New York: Its Origin, Rise and Progress," New 
 York and Chicago, 1877-80, Vol. II, p. 519; "Monthly 
 Recorder," April, 1813; James Grant Wilson, "Memorial 
 History of the City of New York," New York, 1893, Vol. 
 IV, p. 233. Mrs. Lamb, Vol. II, p. 468, speaks also of a 
 Drone Club to which Dunlap belonged at about this time, 
 with almost the same membership as the Friendly Club. 
 
 20 "Daily Advertiser," September 5, 1789. 
 
20 HMUiam SDunlap 
 
 The play was glowingly announced by the 
 "Daily Gazette" of August 26: 
 
 "The town is, at present, in very great expecta 
 tion of seeing a comedy, now in rehearsal, which is 
 a production of a gentleman in this place, much 
 celebrated for his wit and humor ; besides his great 
 ability in the Dramatick, he has a peculiar talent in 
 the Lyrick way of writing, and that in a manner 
 wholly new and unknown. As soon as three 
 hundred Shandean subscribers are obtained, the 
 work will be put to the press." 
 
 "The Father" was given seven times altogether, 
 which was doing very well for an American 
 play. 21 Except "The Contrast," no other had fared 
 so well; according to existing standards, there 
 fore, it was a success. Dunlap said the flattering 
 reception of the comedy fixed his attention upon 
 drama. He may even have meditated becoming 
 an actor; in the opinion of Ireland he probably 
 would have done so but for the loss of his eye. 
 
 21 Given four times in quick succession at New York ; 
 appeared at Philadelphia in February, 1790, and again in 
 January, 1791 ; and at Baltimore in September, 1790. My 
 information concerning the performance of Dunlap s 
 plays throughout this chapter is obtained from his "Amer 
 ican Theatre" ; from G. O. Seilhamer, "History of the 
 American Theatre," Philadelphia, 1888-91, Vols. I, II, III ; 
 J. N. Ireland, "Records of the New York Stage from 
 1750 to 1860," New York, 1866, Vols. I, II ; and especially 
 from the contemporary issues of the "New York Gazette," 
 the "Evening Post," and the "Commercial Advertiser." 
 For the publication of Dunlap s plays see bibliography, 
 post, pp. 284 ff. 
 
3&iograjrt)P from 1 TfiB to 1 Bfl5 2 1 
 
 Duyckinck is my authority for the statement that 
 he actually appeared on the stage once about 
 1795.22 
 
 The budding dramatist was now in some de 
 mand as a writer of theatrical pieces. Aside from 
 two prologues in the fall of 1789, he wrote, at the 
 request of the comedian Wignell, an interlude 
 called "Darby s Return," which was given at the 
 actor s benefit on November 2/j.. 23 This trifle has 
 become associated with Washington because of 
 the author s careful account of its effect on him 
 when he attended its representation. At the lines 
 alluding to the new Federal Constitution, the great 
 man deigned to smile. When he himself became 
 the subject of Darby s narrative, "the president 
 looked serious ; and when Kathleen asked, How 
 looked he, Darby? Was he short or tall? his 
 countenance showed embarrassment, from the ex 
 pectation of one of those eulogiums which he 
 had been obliged to hear on many public occasions, 
 and which must doubtless have been a severe trial 
 to his feelings; but Darby s answer that he had 
 not seen him, because he had mistaken a man all 
 lace and glitter, botherum and shine for him until 
 all the show had passed, relieved the hero from 
 apprehension of further personality, and he in- 
 
 22 Introduction to the play in the "Dramatic Works of 
 William Dunlap," Vol. I; Ireland, Vol. I, p. 80; Evert 
 A. Duyckinck, "Cyclopaedia of American Literature," 
 Philadelphia, 1881, Vol. I, p. 560. 
 
 23 Performed three or four times at New York, once 
 as late as November, 1796; given twice at Philadelphia, in 
 1790 and 1791. 
 
22 IDilliam Duniap 
 
 dulged in that which was with him extremely rare, 
 a hearty laugh." 24 
 
 Ever since his return from England, portrait- 
 painting had been Dunlap s ostensible occupation, 
 but his sitters, never numerous, were becoming 
 fewer, and it was painfully apparent that art as a 
 means of livelihood for the young couple must be 
 abandoned. Play-writing was still more pre 
 carious. Again Samuel Dunlap came to the aid of 
 his son by taking him into his business as a 
 partner. Thus the devotee of art and letters be 
 came transformed into a storekeeper. 25 That 
 Samuel had prospered as an importer of china 
 and looking-glasses is evident from his ability to 
 maintain the old homestead in Perth Amboy, to 
 send William abroad for three years, and subse 
 quently to support an artist and his family in the 
 household. The nature of the stock which William 
 was now called upon to handle may be seen from 
 the firm s advertisement : 
 
 Samuel Dunlap, and Son, 
 No. 13, Queen Street, have for fale, 
 An afjortment of cut and plain Glafs 
 VASE LAMPS, LOOKING GLASSES, 
 and affortment of China, including table 
 fets, tea fets, &c. An affortment of green 
 and blue edged Ware, in fets or feparate. 
 Hyfon and Souchong tea. 26 
 
 24 "American Theatre," pp. 84-5. 
 
 25 The change probably occurred early in 1790, since the 
 New York Directory for 1789 mentions the store as 
 Samuel Dunlap s, and for 1790 as Dunlap & Son s. 
 
 26 "Daily Advertiser," October 21, 1790. 
 
25iograpl)p from l?0fi to 1B05 23 
 
 This partnership was terminated within two 
 years by the death of the senior member. The ex 
 act date of this event I have not been able to learn, 
 but the will was probated on January 4, 1792, 
 which indicates that he died at the close of the 
 previous year. 27 With his father Dunlap lost his 
 truest friend. Always solicitous for his welfare 
 and progress, confident of his ability, and patient 
 with his failures, Samuel Dunlap gave his son 
 every opportunity to make the most of himself. 
 
 The business was now conducted by the remain 
 ing partner alone for a short time. About the 
 beginning of 1793 one of the Woolseys was taken 
 into the firm, and he continued his connection for 
 three years. In 1796 he was supplanted by Moses 
 Judah. 28 The business may have been partly of 
 an itinerant nature ; at any rate, Dunlap made oc 
 casional visits to Boston, Philadelphia, and other 
 cities for commercial purposes. 
 
 One of his first acts after his father s death 
 was to free the family slaves, retaining some as 
 hired servants. He was active in the Manumission 
 Society, and this deed proved the sincerity of his 
 pretensions. In 1793 he became a trustee of the 
 free school for African children. 29 This institu 
 tion was founded in 1789 by the Manumission So 
 ciety. In 1793 its enrollment was eighty-two. A 
 
 27 "Collections of the New York Historical Society for 
 1905," p. 191. The will left everything to the testator s 
 wife. 
 
 28 See directories for those years. 
 
 29 Directory for 1793. 
 
24 nEHIIiatn 2DunIajj 
 
 master and mistress were appointed to teach the 
 "three R s" and domestic pursuits to negro children 
 of both sexes. A board of twelve trustees was 
 chosen from the society, whose duty it was to 
 inspect the school every month, and recommend 
 such measures as seemed necessary. 30 
 
 Dunlap had now become a paterfamilias. The 
 first child, John Alexander Bredin, was born De 
 cember 14, 1789. Margaret Ann was born April 
 15, 1791 ; and a second daughter, Hester Mary, 
 was born August 26, 1792, but lived only a year. 31 
 
 A very important event in Dunlap s biography 
 was the arrival of Charles Brockden Brown from 
 Philadelphia in 1793. He was soon taken into 
 the Friendly Club, and between him and Dunlap 
 developed a life-long friendship. Brown was 
 twenty-two years old, weak in body but very alert 
 in mind, full of literary ambition and radical ideas. 
 He took up residence with E. H. Smith and 
 William Johnson in bachelor quarters, the resort 
 of the Friendlies. He divided his time among his 
 friends, "sleeping at Bachelor s Hall, and other 
 wise domesticated in the family of the author of 
 The Father ; until a long and severe illness 
 rendered it necessary to remove him altogether to 
 the house of the latter." 32 A close bond of fel 
 lowship was formed among these four young men, 
 and especially between Brown and Dunlap, who 
 
 30 "New York Magazine ; or, Literary Repository," Vol. 
 IV, p. 258. 
 
 31 Dunlap family Bible. 
 
 32 "American Theatre," pp. 143-4. 
 
25iograpljp from 1 7 fiH to 1 B05 2 5 
 
 not only lived so intimately in New York, but also 
 frequently summered together at Perth Amboy. 33 
 
 Dunlap s commercial, benevolent, and social ac 
 tivities did not curb his dramatic endeavors. In 
 the spring of 1793 "The Miser s Wedding," a 
 comedy, "was played without study or rehearsal. 
 . . . The piece was murdered (it deserved death) 
 and never heard of more." 34 On the 24th of 
 April, 1794, a tragedy, "The Fatal Deception; or, 
 The Progress of Guilt," written in 1790, was 
 brought out before a large and favorably dis 
 posed audience. 35 It was given for the benefit of 
 John Hodgkinson. As an additional attraction the 
 playwright composed an interlude, "Shelty s 
 Travels," which was spoken by the actor on this 
 occasion, and continued in use as late as 1802. 
 
 Dunlap s literary adventures were not con 
 fined to the drama. He also essayed poetry and 
 gained some slight distinction, since two of his 
 poems were included beside the work of Joel Bar 
 low and Philip Freneau in a volume of "American 
 Poems, Selected and Original," edited by E. H. 
 Smith and published at Litchfield, Connecticut, in 
 1793. These two poems reappeared the next year 
 in "The Columbian Muse," printed at New York. 
 One was "Cololoo An Indian Tale" of thirty 
 
 33 Dunlap, "Life of Brown," Philadelphia edition, Vol. 
 I, p. 56. 
 
 34 "American Theatre," p. 103. It was sometimes re 
 ferred to as "The Wedding." 
 
 35 Repeated in May, given at Philadelphia the next 
 October, and revived at New York in April, 1795, with 
 considerable alteration. 
 
26 ifl!iam SDunlap 
 
 quatrains; the other, "Ella A Norwegian Tale," 
 of about the same length. Both are smooth and 
 rather spirited, but labored and artificial in diction. 
 Two stanzas from "Ella" will illustrate: 
 
 "Bright came the morn ! and bright in batter d arms 
 
 The rustic vet rans came ; 
 And many a youth, untried in rough alarms, 
 Now hop d a patriot s name. 
 
 They hear d from far the hum of Sivard s host; 
 
 Young Eric struck his shield ; 
 Then high in air his heavy spear he tost, 
 
 And blaz d along the field." 
 
 Dunlap was now well launched on the career 
 of a dramatist. Already he had given the stage 
 more plays than any other native writer, and 
 from this time on for a decade he was to re 
 main the most prolific contributor. In the middle 
 of February, 1795, his second tragedy, "Fontain- 
 ville Abbey," written the previous year, was pre 
 sented with Mr. and Mrs. Hodgkinson in the lead 
 ing parts. The staging seems to have been quite 
 elaborate. The piece was not announced as the 
 work of an American because the author felt that 
 such an avowal would injure it. That Ameri 
 can contempt for the literature of this country 
 was no idle fancy of Dunlap s was amply proved 
 by the experience of many contemporary writers, 
 dramatic and otherwise. As late as 1820 James 
 Fenimore Cooper attempted to give currency to 
 his first novel by publishing it as an English work, 
 
from 1 7 fifi to 1 B05 2 7 
 
 American authors still being lightly esteemed. 
 None the less, "Fontainville Abbey" was warmly 
 praised ; writer, manager, actors, and scene-painter 
 were all highly commended. On February 23 
 it was repeated under very adverse circumstances. 
 The villain was sick, and the actor who undertook 
 the part was compelled to read his lines from the 
 book, a procedure which naturally disconcerted the 
 whole company. As if this were not a sufficient 
 handicap, the fifth act was disturbed by an alarm 
 of fire. At the third performance all this was 
 changed; it was as perfectly represented, so it 
 was said, as any tragedy seen on the New York 
 stage for many years. 36 
 
 Biographical information for this period is 
 scant, but Dunlap was doubtless occupied for the 
 greater part of the time in managing the store and 
 in writing. Somewhere he had picked up a little 
 German. In the "New York Magazine ; or, Liter 
 ary Repository" of December, 1795, appeared "The 
 Zephyrs, An Idyl. (Translated from the German 
 of Gesner [sic], by W. Dunlap.)" In the January 
 number of the same publication was printed his 
 translation of Gessner s "First Idyl." A sentence 
 will show the quality of the rendering : 
 
 "Let me the pitcher, too heavy a load for thee, 
 to thy cottage carry." 
 
 At this point in his career, Dunlap s affairs were 
 in a promising condition. His financial circum- 
 
 38 "New York Magazine ; or, Literary Repository," Vol. 
 VI, pp. 67-9, 130. 
 
28 nEKHiam SDunlag 
 
 stances were comfortable, he was gaining a name 
 as a competent dramatist and man of letters, and 
 he was enjoying the companionship of two friends, 
 E. H. Smith and C. B. Brown, who were as much 
 interested in literature as he. Smith was engaged 
 in writing an opera, and Brown in projecting 
 novels. Dunlap was also preparing an opera, 
 "The Archers," on the story of William Tell. It 
 was produced at the New York Theatre on April 
 1 8, 1796, with music composed by Benjamin 
 Carr. 37 
 
 In the spring of this year Dunlap took the most 
 fateful step of his life, a step which determined his 
 whole future. In his own words : 
 
 "About this time, Hodgkinson pressed upon the 
 author of The Father of an Only Child, ... a 
 purchase of his half in the concerns of the theatre, 
 with the tempting bait of having the sole con 
 trol of the pieces to be brought before the public. 
 The proposition was made on the iQth of March. 
 The bait took. The enthusiastic dramatist seri 
 ously persuaded himself that it was his duty to 
 take the direction of so powerful an engine as the 
 stage ; his thoughts at the time lay open before me. 
 If the effects of the stage are as great as its 
 friends and enemies have concurred in represent 
 ing it, surely I should have the power to do much 
 
 37 Repeated twice at New York. In October, 1797, it 
 was given twice at Boston. The music of the opera is 
 now lost except for two small portions, one of which, a 
 song, is reproduced in Sonneck s "Early Opera in Amer 
 ica," opposite p. 99. 
 
2Siograirt)p from ITfiH to 1B05 29 
 
 good. The power of the engine is certain; his 
 power to direct it he ought to have doubted." 
 
 He was informed that the theatre had cleared 
 between $4000 and $5000 in the last six weeks. 
 This and the control of the leading stage in the 
 United States, "not forgetting the power to bring 
 out his own plays," proved irresistible, and ar 
 rangements were made for him to assume his re 
 sponsibilities about the first of May. But Dun- 
 lap s statement that he was urged to purchase 
 Hodgkinson s half of the business is somewhat 
 misleading, for it appears that he acquired only 
 half of the latter s share, so that he and Hodgkin- 
 son each owned a fourth interest in the theatre, 
 while Hallam held the remainder. As to the price, 
 we are only told that the purchaser was to set the 
 value of the property with unlimited time for 
 payment; but the year before, Hodgkinson had 
 offered to sell out for $i2,5OO. 38 
 
 II 
 
 THE situation which confronted the new director 
 can best be understood with the aid of a few facts 
 concerning the previous history of the American 
 theatre. There has been considerable difference 
 of opinion as to the beginning of the histrionic art 
 in this country, but Mr. O. G. Sonneck, who has 
 the latest word on the subject, says that Tony 
 Aston, an English actor, performed at Charleston 
 
 38 "American Theatre," pp. 138, 148; see post, pp. 44 ff. 
 
30 HEKIIiam SDuntap 
 
 in 1703, and at New York in I7O3~4. 39 In 1714 a 
 play was attempted at Boston, but it met the op 
 position of Chief Justice Sewall. Williamsburg, 
 Virginia, witnessed an unidentified play as early 
 as 1718, and a theatre is known to have existed 
 there by I722. 40 Whether this was a structure 
 erected expressly for drama cannot be said. New 
 York s first company seems to have been a pro 
 fessional body from London, which held forth be 
 tween 1732 and 1734, giving on three nights a 
 week such plays as "The Recruiting Officer," "The 
 Beaux Stratagem," and "Cato." Their theatre was 
 an upper room near the corner of Pearl Street and 
 Maiden Lane ; in it a platform stage and about 
 four hundred raised seats had been constructed. 41 
 In 1735-6 Charleston was the scene of activity of 
 an anonymous company, which gave "The Or 
 phan," "George Barnwell," and other plays, at a 
 charge of 40 shillings a seat. In 1736 a new 
 theatre, apparently put up especially for dramatic 
 purposes, was opened in Dock Street. 42 Phila 
 delphia s first theatrical experiment seems to have 
 been made by a semi-professional company which 
 gave "Cato" in August, 1749, and probably re 
 mained until suppressed by the magistrates as a 
 public menace. The same company is thought to 
 
 39 "Early Opera in America," 1915, p. 7. 
 
 40 C. P. Daly, "First Theatre in America," Publications 
 of the Dunlap Society, second series, No. i, 1896, pp. 16, 
 
 21-3- 
 
 41 T. A. Brown, "History of the New York Stage," 
 New York, 1903, Vol. I, p. I. 
 
 Daly, pp. 49-53. 
 
rom 1 7 Hfi to 1 BO5 3 x 
 
 have gone to New York in 1750, and to have 
 stayed over a year. 43 The Thespians took pos 
 session of a room in a wooden building on Nassau 
 (then Kip) Street, belonging to Rip Van Dam. 
 This second New York theatre was thus described 
 by T. A. Brown : 
 
 "It was a two-storied house, with high gables. 
 The stage was raised five feet from the floor. The 
 scenes, curtains, and wings were all carried by the 
 managers in their property trunks. A green curtain 
 was suspended from the ceiling. A pair of paper 
 screens were erected upon the right and left hand 
 sides, for wings. Six wax lights were in front of 
 the stage. The orchestra consisted of a German 
 flute, horn, and drum players. Suspended from 
 the ceiling was the chandelier, made of a barrel 
 hoop, through which were driven half a dozen 
 nails, into which were stuck so many candles. Two 
 drop scenes, representing a castle and a wood, 
 bits of landscape, river, and mountain, comprised 
 the scenery." 44 
 
 The room contained a pit and gallery, and later 
 boxes, and had a capacity of about three hundred. 
 The admission was 8 shillings to the boxes, 5 
 shillings to the pit, and 3 shillings to the gallery. 45 
 (In New York eight shillings was then the equiva 
 lent of one dollar.) 
 
 43 G. O. Seilhamer, "History of the American Theatre," 
 Vol. I, pp. 2-4 ; Brown, Vol. I, p. 2. 
 
 44 "History of the New York Stage," Vol. I, p. 2. 
 
 45 Daly, pp. 4-5. 
 
32 H9iIIiam SDunlap 
 
 Perhaps the most important event in the early 
 history of the American theatre was the arrival 
 of the Hallam Company in 1752. So significant 
 was this occurrence that Dunlap began his 
 chronicles of the stage at this point, ignoring all 
 that had preceded it. William Hallam, manager 
 of a minor London theatre, became bankrupt in 
 1750, and resolved to try his fortunes in the New 
 World. He collected a band of about a dozen 
 actors of no distinction, placed them under the 
 direction of his brother Lewis, himself an actor, 
 and sent them across the Atlantic. Their repertory 
 consisted of perhaps twenty-four dramas, mostly 
 Shakespearian and Restoration, and eight or ten 
 farces. The troupe landed in Virginia, probably 
 choosing the cavalier South as more favorable to 
 the profession than the puritan North. They pro 
 ceeded to Williamsburg, where they inaugurated 
 their career with "The Merchant of Venice" on 
 September 5, 1752. An old store-house, re 
 habilitated, did duty as a theatre, and in lieu of an 
 orchestra a lone harpsichord dispensed music. 
 
 The next fall Hallam s players transferred their 
 activities to New York. A new theatre was 
 erected in Nassau Street for their reception, the 
 first building constructed in the city expressly for 
 dramatic exhibitions. The season extended from 
 September to March ; the playing nights were Mon 
 day, Wednesday and Friday; the performances 
 began at 6 o clock ; the price of admission was soon 
 fixed at 6, 4, and 2 shillings. 46 
 
 46 Seilhamer, Vol. I, p. 46. 
 
from 17B6 to 1B05 33 
 
 In 1754 Hallam attempted to invade Phila 
 delphia, but the Quakers petitioned the governor 
 to prohibit "profane stage-plays." Permission was 
 finally granted the company to open a theatre on 
 the condition that they offer "nothing indecent and 
 immoral," that they devote one night s receipts to 
 the poor, and that the manager give security for 
 the payment of all debts contracted. The last 
 stipulation clearly indicates the suspicion in which 
 actors were held in many localities; indeed their 
 status was often little better than that of vagrants. 
 Vigorous opposition continued throughout the 
 whole season of ten weeks. Pamphlets were dis 
 tributed, and every effort was made to show the 
 evils attendant upon the theatre, but the company 
 prospered none the less. 
 
 Lewis Hallam was succeeded upon his death by 
 David Douglass, who erected a new play-house on 
 Cruger s Wharf in New York. He did so without 
 the permission of the authorities, and when he 
 tried to open the doors in 1758 the privilege was 
 denied him. He then advertised a "Histrionic 
 Academy" in which he "proposed to deliver dis 
 sertations on subjects moral, instructive, and en 
 tertaining, and to endeavor to qualify such as 
 would favour him with attendance to speak in 
 public with propriety" 47 This ruse failed to blind 
 the eyes of the magistrates, but eventually per 
 mission for a brief season was granted. 
 
 Douglass s actors, like all the early companies, 
 were literally a band of strollers. They carried 
 
 47 "American Theatre/ pp. 18-19. 
 
34 IDilliani Dunlap 
 
 their simple equipment with them and moved 
 about the country as they saw fit. There were 
 no theatrical magnates with whom they might 
 make advance arrangements. Uninvited they 
 entered whatever town they chose, picked out the 
 most likely substitute for a play-house, set up 
 their dingy canvas world, and dispensed the riches 
 of Shakespeare and Otway and Congreve until it 
 seemed expedient for them to move on. 
 
 Being the chief purveyors of drama to the 
 colonies, the Douglass troupe of barn-stormers em 
 braced in its itinerary the extremes of Newport 
 and Williamsburg, and besides New York, Phila 
 delphia, and Annapolis, visited many smaller towns 
 where the court-house or other building was com 
 pelled to serve as a theatre. In general the 
 actors were regarded as folk outside the pale of 
 normal moral restrictions, from whom only evil 
 conduct was to be expected. In reality their de 
 portment seems to have been sufficiently correct, 
 and it was their custom to give a benefit for the 
 poor to allay ill-will. One annoyance from which 
 the players suffered was the presence of intruders 
 behind the scenes and even on the stage. Some 
 times the number on the stage was so large as to 
 interrupt the performance. In return the actors 
 imposed an inconvenience on the public by going 
 from house to house, soliciting patronage for their 
 benefit nights. Both practices disappeared before 
 Dunlap s time. 
 
 In 1761 Douglass erected a theatre in Beekman 
 (then Chapel) Street, New York. Five years 
 
Biogra jtyp from 1 7 fifi to 1 B05 3 5 
 
 later, during the stamp-act troubles, the populace 
 stormed the house and wrecked it. 48 Whether 
 prompted by the monarchical sympathy of the 
 players or by some other cause, this wanton de 
 struction of their property indicates that the legal 
 status of the profession was very low. But, noth 
 ing daunted, the next year Douglass built a new 
 house in John Street. Dunlap, who began his 
 career in this structure, described it thus: 
 
 "It was principally of wood ; an unsightly ob 
 ject, painted red. ... It was about 60 feet back 
 from the street, having a covered way of rough 
 wooden material from the pavement to the doors. 
 . . . Two rows of boxes, with a pit and gallery, 
 could accommodate all the play-going people of 
 that time, and yield to the sharers eight hundred 
 dollars when full, at the usual prices. The stage 
 was of good dimensions." 49 
 
 The dressing-rooms and greenroom were in an 
 adjacent shed. 50 I infer that the capacity of the 
 house was about one thousand. It was opened in 
 December of 1767 with the popular "Beaux 
 Stratagem." On this occasion John Henry, who 
 had failed of success in London, made his first 
 New York appearance. He was handsome and 
 capable, and eventually attained an important sta 
 tion in the theatrical affairs of this country. The 
 leading player in the American Company, as it 
 
 48 Seilhamer, Vol. I, pp. 141-2. 
 
 49 "American Theatre," p. 28. 
 
 50 Seilhamer, Vol. I, p. 212. 
 
36 JDtfliam SDunlap 
 
 was now called, was Lewis Hallam the second, 
 who at the age of twelve had come in the original 
 expedition with his father and mother, and had 
 been almost reared on the stage. 
 
 When it became evident that a break with the 
 mother country was unavoidable, Congress, de 
 siring to direct all resources toward the national 
 welfare, recommended that gaming, cock-fighting, 
 and play-acting be discouraged, such company 
 the theatre kept in colonial eyes. Accordingly 
 Douglass shipped his troupe to the West Indies 
 to await more peaceable times. 
 
 During the Revolution, the English soldiers 
 were our only actors. Among other horrors of 
 war, puritan Boston was compelled to abide the 
 presence of a makeshift play-house with Burgoyne 
 at its head. Philadelphia maintained a body of 
 soldier-actors with John Andre as scene-painter. 
 The John Street Theatre in New York was kept 
 open almost throughout the struggle by British 
 amateurs, to the delight of the youthful Dunlap. 51 
 
 When the American Company returned, it was 
 opposed on moral and patriotic grounds. In 1785, 
 however, under the new managers Hallam and 
 Henry, an opening was finally effected in New 
 York, but during the season attacks by pulpit and 
 press were unremitting. Indeed the clergy so 
 inflamed the people that there were threats of 
 demolishing the theatre. But the opponents con 
 tented themselves with the milder protest of a 
 memorial signed by seven hundred persons, asking 
 
 si Seilhamer, Vol. II, Chapters II-III. 
 
25iograpf)p from 1 THE to 1 Bfl5 3 7 
 
 the legislature to abolish theatres. This was met 
 by a counter memorial with fourteen hundred 
 signatures. In the City of Brotherly Love, 
 whither the company repaired in 1788, the atmo 
 sphere was so uncongenial that the performances 
 were advertised "gratis," and the plays were dis 
 guised by moral captions: thus, "She Stoops to 
 Conquer" became "Improper Education"; "Ham 
 let," "Filial Piety"; "Richard III," "The Fate of 
 Tyranny." And even then the house seems to 
 have been closed by the authorities. But the next 
 year the drama won a significant victory in the 
 repeal of the prohibitory law. 52 
 
 A few years later a similar victory was won in 
 Boston. There acting had been forbidden by law 
 since 1750, when some audacious individuals tried 
 to perform "The Orphan." In 1792 a still more 
 audacious group defied the magistrates and erected 
 a temporary play-house. It was innocently called 
 the "New Exhibition Room," and programs con 
 sisting of songs, acrobatic feats, and dances were 
 given. Emboldened by the apparent indifference 
 of the officials, these daring spirits next attempted 
 dramas, advertised as moral lectures. After 
 several weeks of impunity, the county sheriff "un 
 expectedly made his first appearance on that 
 stage," and arrested the offenders. But in the en 
 suing year the restrictive ordinance was revoked, 
 a substantial building was constructed, and the 
 Boston stage became a permanent institution. 53 
 
 52 Seilhamer, Vol. II, pp. 190, 244-59. 
 
 53 \v w. Clapp, "A Record of the Boston Stage," Bos 
 ton, 1853, pp. 1-18. 
 
38 IBilliam SDunlap 
 
 From 1792 theatrical conditions in the leading 
 cities improved rapidly. In that year Thomas 
 Wignell, a prominent comedian, withdrew from 
 New York and organized a company in Phila 
 delphia, which, recruited from England, sur 
 passed its northern rival. He entered into 
 partnership with A. Reinagle and undertook 
 the construction of a play-house much larger and 
 finer than any other in America. Hallam and 
 Henry also reinforced their company with several 
 new actors from England, chief among whom 
 were John Hodgkinson and his wife. 
 
 Hodgkinson, who was destined to play so im 
 portant a part in Dunlap s affairs, had risen as 
 high as the Bath Theatre before crossing the 
 Atlantic. He was an actor of great energy and 
 versatility, equally capable in comic, tragic, and 
 singing roles. He became the favorite of the 
 public, and the bane of the other first-line play 
 ers, who were compelled to relinquish their prin 
 cipal parts to the newcomer. Mrs. Hodgkinson 
 was almost as valuable an addition as her husband. 
 Personally attractive and possessing a good voice, 
 she made opera her forte, though she was far 
 above mediocrity in comedy and tragedy. Hodg 
 kinson soon proved a Tartar to the John Street 
 partners. Relations were already strained be 
 tween them, and the new man s high-handed 
 methods caused a complete rupture. Henry, who 
 saw himself and his wife, with the treacherous 
 Hallam s concurrence, being driven from their 
 
1?BH to 1BH5 39 
 
 position, sold his share of the stock to Hodgkinson 
 in 1794 and left the stage. 
 
 Hallam and Hodgkinson were now masters of 
 the north, while Wignell and Reinagle controlled 
 the situation farther south. The American Com 
 pany was stronger than it had ever been, and the 
 Philadelphia actors were the best group the 
 country had yet possessed. Both companies seem 
 to have been prospering and enjoying much public 
 good-will. The theatre had overcome the most 
 violent faction of its enemies: Boston had been 
 successfully invaded, Philadelphia had repealed 
 its prohibition, and New York was to see no more 
 organized opposition. At this propitious period 
 Dunlap s connection with the business began. 54 
 
 A few general statements concerning the the 
 atrical customs and methods which obtained at 
 this time, especially at New York, and we shall 
 take up the narrative of the new manager s ex 
 periences. The company was a permanent group 
 much like a modern opera company. It was at 
 tached to some theatre, which it considered its 
 home, and where it gave performances the greater 
 part of the year. At other times it visited else 
 where as a whole or in sections. The manager (or 
 managers in case of partnership), who was usu 
 ally an actor, was not the hired servant of a body 
 of owners or promoters, but was the ultimate di 
 rector and dictator of affairs. He owned or rented 
 
 54 I have mentioned only those companies and cities 
 which were especially important in the development of 
 our theatre. 
 
40 ITilUani Duniap 
 
 the house and its equipment, chose and cast the 
 plays, hired the actors, arranged the salaries, and 
 in general was monarch of the mimic world. 
 
 The great majority of the players came from 
 England, where they had served in the minor 
 theatres. None, of course, had left positions of 
 distinction in the mother country to try their un 
 certain fate in the New World, but frequently they 
 developed into competent performers. Many of 
 them were young players who had come at the 
 invitation of the managers, some were soldiers of 
 fortune, and a few were veterans who had out 
 lived their reputations at home. Until 1791 it was 
 the practice of the American Company to pay its 
 actors with shares of the profits, but in that year 
 the salary plan was substituted; the salaries now 
 ranged between about $10 and $25 weekly. A 
 time-honored method of eking out the income was 
 the benefit. A portion of each season was set 
 aside for this purpose ; each member of the troupe 
 was assigned a night for which he arranged the 
 program, and from which he received the profits. 
 Once an actor had shown his ability to handle a 
 part, it became in a manner his property, and it 
 was no uncommon thing to see an elderly man 
 playing the youthful role he had been given years 
 before. Because of this permanence of casts there 
 was much rivalry for the leading parts, and much 
 ill-will resulted, especially between the older play 
 ers and the new recruits fresh from England, who 
 looked with lordly contempt on these Thespians of 
 the wilderness. The actresses were frequently the 
 
23iograj>ljp from 1 THH to 1 Bfl5 4 1 
 
 wives of the actors, and were content to be known 
 by their husbands names. The marital confusion 
 which characterizes the profession to-day was then 
 less commonly found. Some of the players were 
 fond of making themselves conspicuous on the 
 street by their dress. West appeared in leather 
 breeches and a scarlet coat with a high collar, 
 Robbins wore gold lace on his collar and three 
 gold hat-bands, while Hodgkinson still powdered, 
 curled, and braided his hair, and adhered to 
 breeches and stockings instead of pantaloons and 
 boots. "This costume, with his hat on one side, 
 and an air and manner then known by the appella 
 tion of theatrical, marked him among thousands." 55 
 
 An important member of the staff was the scene- 
 painter. Before this period scenery had been 
 largely neglected, a few cheap canvases, blackened 
 with age, being used for all occasions. But in the 
 nineties of the eighteenth century this branch of 
 the art underwent improvement. New scenes were 
 painted for the more prominent plays, and a vivid 
 description of special scenery came to be one of 
 the modes of advertising. Another indispensable 
 personage was the attendant, who at intervals dur 
 ing the performance appeared on the stage to 
 move the furniture or to snuff the candles. 
 
 The repertories consisted of plays ranging from 
 Shakespeare to the latest contemporary. English 
 dramas were in an overwhelming majority; the 
 recent London successes were imported as soon as 
 possible. American plays were accepted, but the 
 
 55 "American Theatre," p. 102. 
 
42 UEMIUam SDunlap 
 
 most popular of them could not vie with the 
 English pieces. Following British custom, the 
 program was composed of a comedy or tragedy, 
 with a farce or comic opera as afterpiece. Per 
 haps a pantomime or song and dance would serve 
 as interlude between the two, or an elaborate 
 pantomime might take the place of the farce. Not 
 infrequently the bill would close with an acrobatic 
 feat, such as a rope-walking act or a leap through 
 a barrel of fire. 
 
 The audiences were distributed in an interest 
 ing manner. The boxes, to which the admission 
 was $i, were much more numerous than now, 
 and were the resort of the ladies and the gentle 
 men who accompanied them. It was the practice 
 of the box-holders to send servants several hours 
 in advance to protect the seats from invasion. 
 Certain boxes were reserved for the prostitutes, 
 who did not neglect this opportunity to advertise 
 themselves, an evil which Dunlap greatly de 
 plored. The pit was occupied almost entirely by 
 unattached gentlemen, who paid 75 cents for the 
 privilege of sitting on a bench. Above them hung 
 the chandelier of candles, and woe betide the ap 
 parel of the man who sat directly under it ! The 
 gallery was reserved for the rabble at 50 cents a 
 head. They were the most vociferous part of the 
 house, and did not scruple to express their dis 
 approval by either words or missiles. At times 
 actors, orchestra, and audience alike suffered from 
 their attentions. 
 
 But with all its crudity, our early theatre 
 
2>iograjrf)p from ITHfi to 1B05 43 
 
 achieved honorable results. The permanent 
 classics of English dramatic literature held a much 
 larger place than they do to-day. Shakespeare, 
 Otway, Farquhar, Rowe, and Lillo found an 
 abode in the play-houses of America, and actors 
 capable of interpreting them. The companies 
 must have been prodigiously industrious ; during 
 a year s run they would sometimes give as many 
 as seventy different plays and about the same 
 number of farces. And at their best these per 
 formances were finished, dignified, and artistic. 
 
 Ill 
 
 WHILE the negotiations were in progress by 
 which Dunlap became a theatrical manager, the 
 realization was forced on him that his two pro 
 spective associates were bitter enemies. Hodgkin- 
 son had compelled Mrs. Hallam to withdraw from 
 the stage temporarily, because of her persistent in 
 toxication, in which state she often insulted him 
 and disgraced herself before the audience. Hallam 
 protested that his wife had been misrepresented, 
 and that his partner had stolen all the principal 
 parts for himself and his favorites; while Hodg- 
 kinson swore that he would refuse to play unless 
 he could have the parts he desired. This strife, 
 the result of professional jealousy, it became the 
 new director s first duty to allay. He found the 
 task so exasperating that he offered to sell out 
 and retire. But in June a two-year agreement was 
 
44 IDilliani Dunlap 
 
 drawn up and signed, which reduced the machinery 
 to some sort of running order. This contract 
 throws so much light on Dunlap s position in the 
 new concern that it is worth quoting in full. 
 
 ARTICLES of AGREEMENT 
 
 Betiveen 
 LEWIS HALLAM, JOHN HODGKINSON, 
 
 and 
 WILLIAM DUNLAP. 
 
 WE, the SUBSCRIBERS, do hereby Covenant and 
 Agree, to exert ourselves in the several Ways 
 hereafter mentioned, for the mutual Benefit and 
 Profit of each other, and of that Property known 
 under the Denomination of Property of the Old 
 American Company; of which the One Half be 
 longs to Lewis Hallam, One Fourth to John 
 Hodgkinson, and One Fourth to William 
 Dunlap. 
 
 THAT William Dunlap shall, as Acting Manager 
 of the Company, determine, weekly, the Busi 
 ness of the coming Week; that is, what Plays 
 shall be performed; subject to no other Con- 
 troul than the joint Disapprobation of the other 
 Proprietors. That he shall get up what new 
 Pieces he shall think best, and in the Manner 
 he shall deem proper, subject only to the same 
 Controul; and cast them in Conformity to his 
 Judgment, and the Articles of the several Per 
 formers. 
 
2&iograpf)p ftom 17fifi to 1B05 45 
 
 THAT Lewis Hallam shall exert himself as a Per 
 former in all those Characters which he has per 
 formed, on Stock Nights, since the Commence 
 ment of the Firm of Hallam and Hodgkinson, 
 if called upon so to do by the Acting Manager, 
 either by Notification that the Plays containing 
 such Characters will be performed, or other 
 wise: That these Characters are considered as 
 his Property ; but he shall not resign any one or 
 more of them, without the Concurrence of the 
 Acting Manager ; and then only into his Hands, 
 to be at his sole Disposal. 
 
 THAT John Hodgkinson, etc., as in preceding 
 paragraph. 
 
 THAT, in all Engagements made with any Per 
 formers, the Acting Manager, and one of the 
 other Proprietors, shall have Power to bind the 
 three ; and no Contract or Engagement shall be 
 made with any Person whatever, without such 
 Concurrence of the Acting Manager, and one of 
 the other Proprietors. 
 
 THAT no other Division of the Profits of the Co 
 partnership shall take Place, under any Appella 
 tion whatever, than such Division, or in such 
 Proportion as now exists; and no Alteration 
 whatever shall take Place, without the Concur 
 rence of all the Proprietors. 
 
 THAT, to prevent Discord and Confusion behind 
 the Scenes, no Person shall be admitted, except 
 the Performers, under any Pretence whatever, 
 without a written Permission from the Acting 
 
46 
 
 Manager; Servants, &c., having Tickets for the 
 Season. 
 
 THAT, in all Regulations for the Welfare of the 
 Theatre, made by the Acting Manager, with the 
 Concurrence of the other Proprietors, or such 
 one of them as shall be present, they shall con 
 sider themselves on an Equality with the other 
 Performers, except as more bound to a scrupu 
 lous Observance of them by the superior In 
 fluence of their Example. 
 
 THAT the following Plays, The Revenge, Dis- 
 tress d Mother, Suspicious Husband, Hamlet, 
 Much Ado about Nothing, and such other of 
 the old Drama as have not been performed dur 
 ing the Firm of Hallam and Hodgkinson, shall 
 be liable to the Cast of the Acting Manager; 
 Mr. Hallam or Mr. Hodgkinson having no other 
 Controul over such Cast than the Refusal to 
 play in the Piece, if the Character allotted to 
 either of them is such as he shall object to. 
 
 THAT, in Addition to the Business of Acting 
 Manager, William Dunlap shall act as Treasurer 
 and Bookkeeper to the Company. 
 
 THAT John Hodgkinson shall assist the Acting 
 Manager by his Advice and Personal Aid; and 
 in Case of William Dunlap s Sickness, or Ab 
 sence from other unavoidable Causes, or for 
 Purposes agreed upon among the Proprietors, 
 or a Majority of them, John Hodgkinson shall 
 be considered as Acting Manager, and execute 
 the Duties of the Office in the Place of William 
 
2&iograpl)p from ITfifi to 1B05 47 
 
 Dunlap; receiving from said Dunlap (in Case 
 such Absence shall be for one or more Weeks) 
 that Salary which he receives as Acting 
 Manager. 
 
 THAT, in Case of any Default on the Part of either 
 or any of the Subscribers, within the Term of 
 two Years, from the first Day of May, 1796, 
 they do severally bind themselves in the Penalty 
 of Four Thousand Pounds, lawful Money of the 
 State of New- York, to be forfeited by such 
 Breach of this Agreement. 
 
 THAT, in Case any of the Subscribers should deter 
 mine on selling the Whole, or any Part, of their 
 Division of the above-mentioned Property, within 
 the above-named Time, the Party so wishing 
 to sell, shall give the Offer, or Refusal, to the 
 other Party or Parties, at a Price to be agreed 
 on by them, or to be determined by three in 
 different Persons, chosen by the respective 
 Parties. 
 
 LEWIS HALLAM. (L. s.) 
 Hugh Gaine JOHN HODGKINSON. (L. s.) 
 John Gamage WILLIAM DUNLAP. (L. s.) 56 
 
 Early in July, upon the closing of the theatrical 
 year in New York, Dunlap escorted the company 
 to Hartford, where it shortly became apparent 
 that the receipts could not meet the costs. After 
 advancing $400 or $500 from his own pocket, he 
 
 56 John Hodgkinson, "A Narrative of his Connection 
 with the Old American Company, From the Fifth of Sep 
 tember, 1792, To the Thirty-First of March, 1797," New 
 York, 1797, pp. 20 ff. 
 
48 JMliam SDunlap 
 
 withdrew to Perth Amboy to spend the summer 
 with his family and Brown. 
 
 Late in September, 1796, John Street opened 
 for the fall season. The company, with which the 
 new manager was connected, included a few actors 
 worthy of mention besides the Hallams and Hodg- 
 kinsons. Chief among these was Joseph Jefferson, 
 who had come from England a year or two be 
 fore. 57 Though still under twenty-five, he was 
 already an artist in comedy and soon attained the 
 first rank among American comedians. Dunlap 
 described him as a handsome youth with a per 
 fectly Grecian nose, blue eyes full of laughter, and 
 a mobile face capable of exciting mirth by the 
 power of feature alone. Another performer of 
 note was Mrs. Melmoth. She had gone through 
 a respectable career at Covent Garden and Drury 
 Lane, but when her figure grew too matronly and 
 her reputation too time-worn, she came to America 
 in 1793, and engaged for New York, where she 
 became a favorite in tragedy. Mr. and Mrs. John 
 Johnson were also actors of considerable ex 
 perience in England, Johnson having played for 
 five years at the Haymarket. They became valu 
 able acquisitions of the New York company early 
 in 1796. Mrs. Johnson, who was tall, beautiful, 
 and elegant of manner, played the fine ladies of 
 comedy more perfectly than any one had yet 
 done in this country. It was a highly specialized 
 company ; each performer had his particular forte, 
 
 57 Joseph Jefferson of Rip Van Winkle fame was his 
 grandson. 
 
1 TfiB to 1 B05 49 
 
 and the parts were distributed accordingly. Thus 
 one actor made a specialty of comic old men, an 
 other of serious fathers, a third of romantic 
 heroes; one actress was excellent in old women, 
 another in young girls, etc. It was, as a whole, a 
 company of no little versatility and merit. 
 
 On the last day of October a new drama from 
 Dunlap s pen, "The Mysterious Monk," was per 
 formed with Hodgkinson in the leading part. Its 
 reception was not enthusiastic. 58 Quiet now 
 seems to have prevailed in the greenroom, but 
 the theatre was not to be the abode of tranquillity. 
 One night in November two sea captains became 
 drunk (it was then permissible to bring liquor into 
 the house), and began calling for "Yankee 
 Doodle" during the overture. Not receiving the 
 desired solace for their patriotic ears, they hurled 
 missiles at the orchestra and defied the indignant 
 audience. A riot ensued, which resulted in the 
 ejection of the offenders ; but returning later with 
 a number of sailors, they assailed the doors of the 
 play-house until the city watch took them into 
 custody. This fracas resulted in the prohibition of 
 intoxicants until the end of the first piece. 59 
 
 Perhaps it was about this time that Dunlap came 
 to grief through a practical joke. Dr. Pierre 
 Michaux, a French refugee in New York, had 
 published a tract on surgery. Dr. Wright Post, 
 a surgeon of the city, induced his friend Dunlap 
 
 58 It was repeated in November, 1796, and again in 
 January, 1803. 
 
 5 9 Seilhamer, Vol. Ill, p. 381. 
 
50 itettliam 2Dimlap 
 
 to write a caricature of the work and the author. 
 At John Street a ludicrous afterpiece was gotten 
 up, called "Fractura Minimi Digiti," in which 
 Michaux was excellently taken off. The next 
 Sunday, as the dramatist was leaving the Brick 
 Church, the irate Frenchman set upon him, and 
 gave him such a drubbing as to suspend his church 
 attendance for some weeks. 60 
 
 On the Qth of January, 1797, Dunlap initiated a 
 new phase of his work by presenting a partial 
 translation from the French, "Tell Truth and 
 Shame the Devil." This two-act sketch was re 
 peated once or twice, and two years later it had the 
 honor of appearing, somewhat reduced, at Covent 
 Garden. An English critic pronounced it a 
 "trifling performance, which might have been con 
 fined to the other side of the Atlantic without any 
 loss." 61 
 
 The Hallam-Hodgkinson feud continuing to the 
 distress of the new partner, he relinquished his 
 salary and retreated for a time. During his 
 temporary absence from the field of conflict, an 
 extraordinary episode occurred. The Hallams, 
 having resolved to reinstate Mrs. Hallam, had 
 secretly scattered their supporters through the 
 house, and when Hodgkinson came on he was 
 stupefied by a chorus of hisses. Mrs. Hallam 
 then entered, dressed in black and looking "beauty 
 
 J. W. Francis, "Old New York," New York, 1866, pp. 
 66-7. 
 
 61 "European Magazine and London Review," Vol. 
 XXXV, p. 330. 
 
rom 1 Tfifi to 1 805 5 1 
 
 in distress." Loud plaudits greeted her, while 
 clubs were brandished at the speechless Hodgkin- 
 son. At this point Hallam, also dressed in black, 
 stalked in, and requested that his wife be given a 
 hearing. Whereupon she read a statement of her 
 grievances and retired. Both men now tried to 
 address the audience, but Hodgkinson succeeded 
 in gaining its ear. After silencing Hallam and 
 quelling the rioters, he continued the play amid 
 constant applause. But the next night he was 
 hissed off the stage, and in his wrath he refused 
 to have anything more to do with the theatre. 
 Suit was begun against Hallam for disturbing 
 the peace, and that clever actor, to gain sympathy, 
 insisted on going to jail in spite of the sheriff s 
 efforts to prevent him. He soon wearied of this 
 and liberated himself, but his point had been won 
 and Mrs. Hallam was free to return to the stage. 
 Hodgkinson having thrown up the command, 
 Dunlap was compelled to resume his position. 
 
 Early in May he obtained a brief respite from 
 his trials by going to Philadelphia as a deputy to 
 the Abolition Convention. Smith and Mitchill 
 accompanied him, and a happy reunion with Brown 
 took place. As chairman of a committee, the 
 dramatist drew up a memorial, which produced 
 from Congress an act against the slave-trade. 
 Sometime later a slave-ship was condemned 
 through testimony of his procuring. Dunlap s 
 attitude toward slavery was broad-minded and 
 sane. While deprecating the evil, he realized that 
 out-and-out abolition might do more harm than 
 
52 IDtUtam Dunlap 
 
 good by working injustice both to the slaveholder, 
 who sometimes was innocently such, and to the 
 slave, who might be more miserable free than 
 bound. Colonization appealed to him as the most 
 satisfactory solution. 62 
 
 On June 7, 1797, perhaps as a sort of peace 
 offering to Hodgkinson, Dunlap staged "The Man 
 of Fortitude," a joint product of the two men. It 
 was, however, a case of involuntary collaboration, 
 since Hodgkinson had appropriated the other s 
 manuscript and rewritten it to suit himself. 63 
 
 On the i6th of June the new manager s first 
 season closed. His previous life of peaceful 
 leisure had given place to one of much activity, 
 responsibility, and turbulence. He had suddenly 
 been plunged into a world of discord and petty 
 strife which tried his spirit sorely. The com 
 pensation seems already to have been inadequate 
 to his investment of time and money, for during 
 the summer we find him trying to borrow a few 
 hundred dollars to reopen in the fall. 64 Dunlap s 
 influence on the productions of this year has been 
 described by Seilhamer, his constant and unreason 
 ing detractor, as "grotesque." 65 Such attacks are 
 scarcely worthy of notice, yet it should be pointed 
 out that far from suffering, our stage benefited 
 from this year of his directing. The old pieces 
 were much the same as those of the previous 
 
 62 "American Theatre," p. 170. 
 
 63 It was repeated in 1798, and given twice in 1806. It 
 was acted at Albany in 1824-5. 
 
 64 Dunlap s Diary, Vol. XIV, p. 49. 
 
 65 Seilhamer, Vol. Ill, p. 387. 
 
25io0ra pljp from 1 Z fifi to 1 Bfl5 5 3 
 
 season, which Seilhamer characterized as the most 
 brilliant ever known at John Street; and among 
 the new ones were five American plays, represent 
 ing four different writers, as against one the 
 previous year. Such encouragement of native 
 drama hardly deserves condemnation. 
 
 Before the closing of the theatre, important 
 changes had been decided on for the fall. A group 
 of business men were constructing a new play 
 house in Park Row. Dunlap and Hodgkinson 
 were invited to become joint lessees of the build 
 ing, and in May they agreed to occupy it for the 
 four ensuing seasons. The two managers ar 
 ranged between themselves that Hodgkinson 
 should receive $55 a week as actor and stage super 
 intendent, and Dunlap $24 as treasurer and joint 
 director. They agreed with Hallam to purchase 
 his theatrical property, to give him one fourth of 
 the profits, and to retain him and his wife as actors. 
 
 The first two accessible volumes of Dunlap s 
 manuscript Diary extend from July 27, 1797, to 
 June i, 1798. If my account of this period is 
 disproportionately full, it is because I have the 
 material to give a more intimate picture of the 
 man than heretofore. The last of July found him 
 and his family spending the summer with his 
 mother at Perth Amboy. In these pages occur 
 numerous references to his children, John and 
 Margaret. To their education he devoted much 
 care, and was rewarded by a certain precocity in 
 John, who read "Alexander s Feast" to his father, 
 perused Shakespeare s historical plays eagerly, and 
 
54 09illiam SDuntojt 
 
 for pastime sailed round the world on a map, 
 visiting the places Cook had introduced him to. 
 But the boy sometimes found less intellectual 
 amusements, as this pleasant glimpse shows: 
 
 "Aug. 7. After breakfast I walked off for 
 Woodbridge, the two Children by agreement go 
 with me as far as the Barracks to carry my little 
 bundle; I took them nearly to the parting roads, 
 kiss d them and sent them back hand in hand, after 
 walking some way I looked back thro my glass 
 and saw that Margaret had submitted that John 
 should drive her as his horse with a rush whip & 
 they both were galloping into town." 66 
 
 Dunlap s employments were gardening, nature 
 study, and reading, often with his wife. He 
 seems to have read everything available, includ 
 ing the encyclopedia, through which he waded 
 alphabetically, passing from Platonism to potatoes 
 without a qualm. A specimen day from the Diary 
 will throw much light on his habits : 
 
 "July 28. Before day we had a violent gust 
 of wind rain & lightning. I was up before 5 & 
 worked in the garden some hours. Read Hume 
 with John & teach Margaret. Write to Hoi- 
 croft. I had an opportunity of observing that the 
 young blue bird is considerably like the young 
 Robin. I saw yesterday, in a boy s hands, a young 
 flying squirrel, I took him & examined his 
 peculiarty. Afternoon walk a little way with my 
 
 Diary, Vol. XIV, pp. 24-5. 
 
25io0rapl)p from 1 7 Hfi to 1 B05 55 
 
 gun: shot a rabbit. The male Bobolink has dis- 
 appear d. Return to tea at Mrs Terrills. Read 
 Condorcet. We have a fine rain." 67 
 
 Even to this quiet retreat Dunlap s troubles pur 
 sued him. At the close of the last theatrical season 
 Hodgkinson assumed his duties as part manager 
 of the new concern by taking the company north 
 for the summer. After a few nights of loss at 
 Hartford, he moved on to Boston. The Hartford 
 proprietors being dissatisfied, he engaged another 
 company under the direction of one Solee, to finish 
 out the season there. At Boston Hodgkinson lost 
 money regularly. Thus Dunlap was called upon to 
 support two companies that could not meet ex 
 penses. He was opposed to the summer touring 
 plan; he felt that the better measure was to do 
 little or nothing in the summer and to open early 
 in the fall, but his partner s ideas were of a more 
 expansive sort and won his reluctant acquiescence. 
 On August 16 he wrote to Boston, strongly reaf 
 firming his disapproval and advising concentration 
 on New York. He concluded with this kindly 
 sentence: "I feel for you Hodgkinson I began 
 this letter last night but was too much distressed 
 to go on ... read this more than once & take 
 no offence at it, our interest is one." 68 
 
 The very thing which Dunlap s early fall open 
 ing plan was intended to prevent took place. In 
 August Wignell and Reinagle from Philadelphia 
 
 7 Diary, Vol. XIV, p. 2. 
 s ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 34-5- 
 
56 JBilliam SPunlap 
 
 established themselves at New York for a few 
 weeks. In opposition to the invaders, Hodgkinson 
 sent Solee to hold forth at John Street, another 
 losing venture, for the town could not support two 
 houses. On the 8th of September Dunlap returned 
 with his family to the city, and immediately 
 busied himself trying to borrow money. Some 
 months before, he had purchased a small farm 
 near Amboy; on this security he tried to raise 
 $900 or $1000, but somehow money was not forth 
 coming. He wrote Hodgkinson : "I am running 
 about town to borrow, subject to mortifications 
 which almost weary me of life." Another trial 
 was ill-health. Then in October that most dreaded 
 of pestilences, yellow fever, struck New York; 
 the business of the store fell off in consequence, 
 the apprentice died of the fever in Dunlap s own 
 house, and Judah, his mercantile partner, became 
 ill. But in the midst of these troubles he was able 
 to spend social evenings with the Woolseys, to con 
 verse with Mitchill on chemistry and agriculture, 
 to induct John into the mysteries of the multiplica 
 tion-table, and to commence a novel. His buoy 
 was confidence in the new theatre. He wrote 
 optimistically to Hodgkinson: "I believe three 
 years of your spirited direction, with strict atten 
 tion to your interest as a manager and less solici 
 tude for your reputation as an actor, will put you 
 above the necessity of being either manager or 
 actor." In this hope he permitted his partner to 
 continue the losing business in Boston in order to 
 keep the company together for the new house. 
 
m 1 7fiH to 1 Bfl5 5 7 
 
 One begins to suspect that Dunlap was not a 
 cautious business man. Further proof is the fact 
 that he went to Perth Amboy the first of Novem 
 ber, and agreed to purchase a small piece of land 
 adjoining his farm for $35O. 69 
 
 The novel which Dunlap began writing at this 
 time, with the title of "The Anti- Jacobin," never got 
 beyond a few pages in his Diary, yet the fragment 
 possesses distinct interest. It shows considerable 
 ability at narrative and portraiture, but it is chiefly 
 important for the light it throws on its author s 
 philosophy. The hero s prospective father-in-law 
 repudiates him almost at the altar because he has 
 become a radical thinker, a Jacobin. The leading 
 figure is a narrow and bigoted clergyman who 
 hates anything savoring of intellectual independ 
 ence. "Enquiry," he says, "is an enemy to faith, 
 & without faith there is no salvation." This 
 polemical fragment was doubtless inspired by the 
 inspirer of so much radicalism about 1800 William 
 Godwin. Brown was a disciple of the philosopher, 
 and through him Dunlap probably became ac 
 quainted with the tenets of the school. That he 
 read "The Inquirer" in the summer of 1797, we 
 learn from his Diary, and he must have been 
 familiar with "Political Justice" as well. His ac 
 ceptance of Godwinism showed itself elsewhere 
 than in "The Anti-Jacobin." Writing to Holcroft 
 concerning slavery, he propounded this Godwinian 
 aphorism: "That which is good, is only so, be- 
 
 69 For this paragraph see Diary, Vol. XIV, pp. 51, 59-Q 6 , 
 ioo ; Vol. XV, p. 122. 
 
58 3iHiam SDtinlap 
 
 cause it produces happiness." In two magazine 
 articles written during the autumn, he expressed 
 Godwinian opinions on justice and virtue. And 
 finally, he seems at this time to have leaned toward 
 religious skepticism, if we may judge from an 
 entry in his Diary: "Mrs. Woolsey ye younger 
 made some indirect attacks on my infidelity" ; and 
 from his contempt for Timothy Dwight s sermons 
 on infidel philosophy, which he considered an "in 
 temperate farrago of falsehood and abuse." 70 
 
 To return to affairs theatrical: Hodgkinson 
 having left Boston, Dunlap set out for that city 
 on the 1 7th of November to square up finances. 
 The journey was eventful. Snow and rain fell 
 constantly, the Connecticut River was crossed amid 
 ice, and at Shrewsbury the stage-coach lost a rear 
 wheel, in which accident the chivalrous Dunlap 
 "had the felicity of supporting miss polly pease, 
 the landlord s daughter." At Boston he found no 
 other course open but to sign more notes. In 
 cidentally he hobnobbed with the Federalists, asso 
 ciated with Josiah Quincy and Jedidiah Morse, 
 read Voltaire, and worked on a play called "Andre" 
 which he had begun some years before. He re 
 turned from this futile journey in the middle of 
 December. 71 
 
 The new theatre had been promised for October, 
 but it was yet far from ready. The managers had 
 no alternative but to open at John Street in order 
 
 Diary, Vol. XIV, pp. 6, 71 ; Vol. XV, p. 133; see post, 
 pp. 272-3. 
 Ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 105-141 ; Vol. XV, p. i. 
 
25iograpl)p from 1 7 Bfi to 1 B05 5 9 
 
 to make at least a part of the salaries of the com 
 pany, which had been augmented in anticipation 
 of the larger house. Delay was not the only ir 
 ritation. The partners had failed to obtain the 
 signatures of the building committee to their 
 agreement ; the proprietors, taking advantage of 
 this oversight, reduced the term of the lease at 
 the agreed rate from three and a half years to one, 
 and demanded free tickets to every performance 
 for all the stockholders. The partners indignantly 
 resented these impositions, and in the final contract 
 a compromise was made by which the rent was 
 slightly reduced in exchange for 113 free tickets 
 nightly. 72 But the length of the lease remained 
 uncertain. 
 
 At John Street, Dunlap and Hodgkinson were 
 losing consistently. As a last resource, on January 
 29, 1798, they moved into the new theatre, though 
 it was still unfinished. The program consisted of 
 an address written by E. H. Smith, a curtain- 
 raiser called "All in a Bustle; or, The New 
 House," by Milne, "As You Like It," and a farce, 
 "The Purse ; or, American Tar." The great event 
 was advertised at length in the newspapers several 
 
 72 Diary, Vol. XV, pp. 16 ff. The rent was proportioned 
 to the nightly receipts as follows : 
 
 7^ per cent, on a $500 to $600 house. 
 I2.y 2 per cent, on a 600 to 700 house. 
 15 per cent, on a 700 to 800 house. 
 t-7 l /2 per cent, on a 800 to 1200 house. 
 20 per cent, on a 1200 up house. 
 10 per cent, on benefit nights. 
 
60 B^illiam Dunlap 
 
 days in advance with such instructions to patrons 
 as these : 
 
 "Ladies and gentlemen are requested to be par 
 ticular in sending servants early to keep boxes." 
 
 "The offensive practice to Ladies, and dangerous 
 one to the house, of smoking segars, during the 
 performance, it is hoped, every gentleman will con 
 sent to an absolute prohibition of." 
 
 "Ladies and Gentlemen will please to direct their 
 servants to set doivn with their horses heads 
 towards the New Brick Meeting, and take up with 
 their heads towards Broad Way." 
 
 "The doors will be opened at 5, and the curtain 
 drawn up at a quarter past 6 o clock." 73 
 
 On the opening night the crowd was so large 
 that many pushed in without tickets. The receipts 
 were $1232. Everybody was delighted with the 
 new house, which was much larger and better ar 
 ranged than the old one, and especially with the 
 scenery, which was said to surpass anything ever 
 seen in America. 74 Dunlap was wonderfully set 
 up over the success. At last his hopes were about 
 to be realized, his dream of a popular theatre with 
 the productions under his control was about to 
 come true. In his exuberance he sent $100 to 
 Perth Amboy in part payment for the new land, 
 which before he was on the point of relinquishing ; 
 and subscribed $20 to a fund for the relief of an 
 
 73 "Commercial Advertiser," January 26 and following 
 issues. 
 
 74 "American Theatre," p. 221, states that by this time 
 over $127,000 had been spent on the building, and only 
 about $42,000 paid in by subscribers. Dunlap considered 
 it a monument of waste and mismanagement. 
 
from 1 7BH to 1 Bfl5 6 1 
 
 embarrassed actor. But the next playing night 
 brought in only $513, the third $265, and Dunlap 
 was again in the depths. Indeed by February 7 
 business was so bad that he seriously considered 
 closing the establishment. 75 
 
 At the end of February, however, there was 
 reason for a little more optimism because of the 
 enthusiastic reception accorded to Cooper, a 
 recently engaged actor. Thomas Abthorpe Cooper 
 was an Englishman, twenty-two years old, who 
 had been reared by Godwin. In 1796 he was play 
 ing in the provinces with distinction, when Wig- 
 nell arrived and hired him for Philadelphia. He 
 performed in New York in August, 1797, with the 
 Philadelphia Company, and was preferred to all 
 other tragedians ever seen in the city. When he 
 broke with Wignell and Reinagle a few months 
 later, he found a ready opening at New York. On 
 the 28th of February Cooper made his bow as 
 Hamlet before a house of $895. In a few days 
 "King John" was given ; it seems to have been an 
 unusually artistic performance, for the warmest 
 praise was bestowed not only on Cooper s acting, 
 but also on the general conduct of the stage, as 
 well as on the costumes and scenery. 76 
 
 It was soon discovered that Cooper was not a 
 harbinger of permanent good fortune. The re 
 ceipts began falling below expenses. One night 
 
 75 Diary, Vol. XV, pp. 39, 45 ; "American Theatre," p. 
 218. 
 
 76 "Commercial Advertiser," March 5. That Dunlap, in 
 producing plays, strove for settings that were both attrac 
 tive and historically accurate, we learn from his Diary, in 
 which he spoke of his researches for this purpose. 
 
62 iBifliam SDunlap 
 
 the house contained $99. But when Dunlap s 
 "Andre" was brought out on March 30 to an $800 
 audience, a temporary relief was experienced. 
 This play had received the author s most careful 
 labor; he had revised and polished it for months, 
 he had staged it with new costumes and scenery, 
 and he expected some comfortable returns. But 
 two accidents occurred the first night which helped 
 consign the play to an early demise. In the first 
 place, Cooper, who -was developing careless habits 
 of study, had imperfectly memorized his part. In 
 a scene the most pathetic of the tragedy be 
 tween him and Hodgkinson, his memory failed, 
 and the actor, "after repeating, Oh, Andre! oh, 
 Andre ! . . . approached the unfortunate Andre, 
 who in vain waited for his cue, and falling in a 
 burst of sorrow on his neck, cried, loud enough to 
 he heard at the side scene, Oh, Andre ! damn the 
 prompter! Oh, Andre! What s next, Hodgkin 
 son, and sunk in unutterable sorrow on the 
 breast of his overwhelmed friend." In the second 
 place, when the American champion of Andre tore 
 the cockade from his hat in his wrath at the spy s 
 sentence, there was a protest from the audience. 
 Dunlap altered the objectionable part, but on the 
 second night the play was given to a house of 
 only $271, and the third and last night for the 
 author s benefit to $329. 
 
 77 "American Theatre," p. 223 ; Diary, Vol. XV, pp. 76, 
 78, 82. The prison scene from the last act of "Andre" 
 was included in the matinee of American plays given on 
 January 22 and 23, 1917, at the Republic Theatre by the 
 New York Center of the Drama League of America. 
 
23io0rajl)p from Ufifi to 1B05 63 
 
 In the spring of 1798 the proprietors of the New 
 Theatre saw fit to end the existing lease and to 
 require a rent of $5000 for the ensuing year. 
 Hodgkinson found this a convenient opportunity 
 to withdraw from the concern in order to assume 
 the managership at Boston, and Hallam, to whom 
 an offer of whole or part ownership was made, 
 preferred to continue as a salaried actor. 78 In 
 consequence, on the 27th of April, William Dunlap 
 signed articles by which he became sole director 
 and manager of the New York theatre. 
 
 The season closed on June 29, and Dunlap re 
 tired to Perth Amboy. He had reengaged nearly 
 all his old company, and with the theatre decorated 
 and improved, and a new stock of scenery, he 
 planned to open early in September to catch the 
 summer visitors. But his hopes were not to be 
 realized. Before the vacation was over, the city 
 was again stricken by yellow fever. This time it 
 broke into the circle of Dunlap s dearest friends. 
 Elihu Hubbard Smith, while attending the sick, 
 was seized with the malady, and died on the 2Oth 
 of September in the presence of Brown and John 
 son. Brown himself was ailing, and with Johnson 
 he repaired to the healthier atmosphere of Amboy. 
 Here the three friends spent several weeks together. 
 Brown wrote to his brother: "This calamity has 
 endeared the survivors of the sacred fellowship, 
 
 78 The Hallams continued as actors in the New York 
 company until after Dunlap s retirement in 1805. 
 
64 IDilUam Dunlap 
 
 W. D., W. J., and myself to each other in a very 
 high degree." 79 
 
 While New York was still in mourning, the 
 theatre was opened on December 3 with the 
 "School for Scandal." For this event the manager 
 had decorated the house at his own expense, and 
 had thus brought it to a passable state of com 
 pleteness. The New, or Park, Theatre stood on 
 lots 21, 23, 25 Park Row, about two hundred feet 
 north of Ann Street. It was a very plain, three- 
 story stone building, with a frontage of eighty 
 feet and a depth of one hundred and sixty-five. 
 Half a dozen steps led up to the entrance. It was 
 the original intention to add a porch with a colon 
 nade, but it never materialized. Within, you 
 passed the box-office on your right and entered a 
 wide lobby, which admitted you to the auditorium. 
 The stage was large in comparison with others 
 then known, and bowed well out into the orchestra. 
 The pit was considered remarkably commodious. 
 The boxes, which were named after noted dram 
 atists, were arranged around the pit in three semi 
 circles. The lower circle contained sixteen boxes, 
 and the second twelve; in this circle, the center 
 box, which bore the name of Shakespeare, was 
 large enough to seat two or three hundred. In the 
 third row the boxes extended only along the 
 side of the semi-circle, the middle being taken 
 up by a gallery. There were in addition four or 
 five private proscenium boxes. Cushioned benches 
 rather than separate chairs were used, except in 
 
 79 Dunlap, "Life of Brown," Vol. II, p. 10. 
 
m ITHfi to 1B05 65 
 
 the gallery, where the cushions were no doubt 
 omitted. The total capacity was probably in the 
 neighborhood of sixteen hundred. A much 
 praised feature was the absence of all supporting 
 pillars, which gave every one a clear view of the 
 stage. The richness of the decorations was said 
 to surpass anything in America. The dome, which 
 corresponded in area to the pit, was azure, with 
 clouds and celestial forms, and carried in front a 
 medallion of Washington, sustained by an eagle. 
 Over the stage and each range of boxes hung a 
 canopy of green and gold. The curtain of blue 
 mohair, fringed in gold, contained in the center a 
 lyre and the motto: "To hold the Mirror up to 
 Nature." At various points about the room there 
 were engaged columns of the Corinthian order, 
 and numerous plaster figures. Elaborate chande 
 liers, totaling seventy-six lights, illuminated the 
 house with the glow of candles. 80 
 
 The company consisted of about twenty actors, 
 an orchestra of fourteen, and a dozen or more 
 helpers, including a scene-painter and a prompter. 
 The weekly expenses of the institution were $1161 
 without counting any remuneration for the man 
 ager s services, and the first week s receipts were 
 $997. 
 
 The second week saw Dunlap s most important 
 innovation. On December 10 he staged his ver 
 sion of Kotzebue s "Stranger" with Cooper in the 
 
 80 "Commercial Advertiser," January 31 and December 
 4, 1798; T. A. Brown, Vol. I, pp. 11-12; "American The 
 atre," p. 344. 
 
66 BDiHiam SPunlap 
 
 title-role. Happily for the director, this play took 
 the town. It was given at least twelve times dur 
 ing the season and proved the support of the 
 theatre. 81 Its success determined the adapter to 
 exploit its author further, and for this purpose 
 he set about improving his rather meagre German. 
 In January, 1799, Dunlap presented an opera he 
 had written, called "Sterne s Maria; or, The 
 Vintage," with music by Pelisier, a member of 
 the orchestra. Cooper and Jefferson were among 
 the performers. The opera was elaborately gotten 
 up, and met with enough encouragement to war 
 rant four or five repetitions. Early in February 
 "The Natural Daughter," a comedy by the same 
 author, was brought out. It was "complicated 
 and ineffective, and was most wretchedly played 
 in a cold winter s storm, to empty benches, and 
 never repeated." 82 But the writer was now well 
 started on a play-writing orgy, and the product 
 came thick and fast. On Washington s Birth 
 day he contributed "The Temple of Independence," 
 a musical afterpiece. 83 His second adaptation 
 from Kotzebue, "Lovers Vows," appeared on the 
 nth of March, with Cooper in the leading part. 
 It was as well received as its predecessor, being 
 given eight or ten times during the remainder of 
 the season, and retaining a place in the New York 
 repertories for at least forty years. Next came 
 Kotzebue s "Count Benyowski" on April i, 
 
 81 It was repeated frequently for many years. 
 
 82 "American Theatre," p. 260. 
 
 83 Repeated on July 4. 
 
from ITfifi to 1BH5 67 
 
 highly lauded for its beautiful Russian scenery 
 and costumes. But the play did not prove lastingly 
 popular. 84 Two weeks later "The Italian Father" 
 made its appearance on the boards. It was in 
 reality the work of Dunlap, but was thought to 
 be another translation from Kotzebue, and was 
 praised accordingly. The author, fearing the 
 prejudice against American literature, did not dis 
 pel the illusion. Perhaps the secret leaked out; 
 at any rate, the drama had an unsensational 
 career. 85 Early in May the manager attempted 
 another German dramatist, Schiller, but New 
 York did not find "Don Carlos" to its liking, and 
 it was not repeated. "Indians in England," another 
 Kotzebue-Dunlap play, was given a single per 
 formance on June 14. On the 4th of July the 
 "apparently indefatigable manager," as he called 
 himself, closed the season with "The School for 
 Soldiers," which he had altered from the French. 86 
 The year had been an intensely busy one for 
 Dunlap. Aside from managing the finances, 
 supervising the productions, and attending to the 
 multitude of details involved in running a large 
 theatre, he had written or adapted ten new pieces 
 and presented them before the public. It had 
 
 84 Given about seven times at New York the first two 
 or three years, and revived for two performances in 
 1814. Given at Boston in 1799-1800. 
 
 85 Given three times this season, performed at Boston 
 in the fall, and revived at New York for a single night in 
 1802. 
 
 86 Repeated four or five times on national holidays dur 
 ing the next few years. 
 
68 IDillum Dunlap 
 
 been an important year for the American stage 
 because of the number and popularity of the Ger 
 man plays. Hitherto our theatre had been domi 
 nated by British drama, but a powerful rival was 
 now in the field. In many ways it was the most 
 comfortable season Dunlap had ever gone through. 
 Peace prevailed in the greenroom; there was no 
 headstrong partner to turn his plans upside down ; 
 and financially, thanks to Kotzebue, he was able to 
 make both ends meet, though he seems to have 
 realized little or no profit. For the next year he 
 secured the theatre at a rent of $4000. But he had 
 made an arrangement which was to result in 
 further annoyance and distress. Hodgkinson s 
 Boston enterprise having proved unsatisfactory, 
 he had offered to return to New York, and Dun- 
 lap, whether from pity, hope of profit, or fatal 
 fascination, agreed to accept both him and his wife 
 at a joint salary of $100 a week. 
 
 As usual, Dunlap summered in Perth Amboy, 
 where he employed himself in translating further 
 plays of the favorite German dramatist. Be 
 cause of another visitation of yellow fever, the 
 theatre did not open in the autumn until Novem 
 ber 1 8. Three weeks later "False Shame," a 
 new translation from Kotzebue, was presented. 
 Though devoid of scenery, this production gained 
 great popularity through the splendid acting of 
 Hodgkinson and Miss Ellen Westray. It proved 
 the support of the house this year, but was seldom 
 seen thereafter. 
 
 On the I4th of December, 1799, occurred the 
 
om ITfifi to 1B05 69 
 
 death of Washington. The news reaching New 
 York on the 2Oth, the theatre was closed for ten 
 days. It reopened on the 3Oth for a kind of 
 memorial program. The auditorium was draped 
 in black. As an overture the band played "Wash 
 ington s March"; then a monody, written by C. 
 B. Brown, was spoken by Cooper, who unfortu 
 nately had to be prompted throughout. A new 
 play, "The Robbery," translated from the French 
 by Dunlap, and a comic opera as afterpiece, 
 rather inappropriately ended the program. The 
 play was poorly given, chiefly because of Cooper s 
 lapses of memory, and was repeated but once. 
 Meanwhile greenroom difficulties were develop 
 ing. Cooper, feeling himself unjustly treated by 
 the manager and thrown into the shade by Hodg- 
 kinson, broke his connection with the company 
 at the end of the year. This was a severe blow 
 to the Park, but the vogue of Hodgkinson in 
 German drama was a partial offset. 
 
 Dunlap continued to dig for treasure in the 
 Teutonic mine. Late in January, 1800, he pro 
 duced "The Wild Goose Chace," altered into an 
 opera from Kotzebue s farce. The play itself 
 had merit, and Hodgkinson s acting made it a 
 success. 87 In March the translator began pub 
 lishing his German plays in a series called "The 
 German Theatre." The first of this series, which 
 did not go beyond the third number, was "The 
 
 87 Given at Philadelphia this season. The next winter 
 reduced to two acts, and as an afterpiece occasionally 
 seen for three or four years. 
 
70 William SDunlap 
 
 Wild Goose Chace." It was printed in pamphlet 
 form with portraits of Kotzebue and Hodgkin- 
 son; it included a brief autobiography of the 
 author, and a few notes marking the variations 
 from the original. 
 
 The opera was followed within two weeks by 
 "The Force of Calumny," which was a moderate 
 success. On the I2th of March appeared "The 
 Virgin of the Sun," one of the longest-lived of 
 Kotzebue s plays on the American stage. It was 
 given five or six times this season with consider 
 able spectacle, and periodically revived during the 
 first half of the nineteenth century. As the 
 second number of "The German Theatre" it was 
 printed in 1800. 
 
 "Pizarro," sequel to "The Virgin of the Sun," 
 came close on the heels of its precursor. Its 
 premiere occurred on March 26; it was repeated 
 at least six times during the spring, and published 
 as the third number of "The German Theatre." 
 Of all Kotzebue s plays acted in New York, it was 
 far and away the most permanently popular. Dur 
 ing the forty years that I have investigated, it was 
 given approximately two hundred times, while its 
 nearest competitor, "The Stranger," was given 
 only half as often. 88 
 
 The last adaptation from the German this season 
 was "The Stranger s Birthday," a two-act comedy 
 
 88 The British translations of a number of these plays 
 seem to have been used in New York after a few years ; 
 so the figures do not necessarily include Dunlap s trans 
 lations alone. 
 
23iograpl)p from 1 7 fia to 1 Bfl5 7 1 
 
 which appeared and disappeared on the manager s 
 benefit night. The theatrical year closed on July 
 4, 1800. Dunlap had been only less productive this 
 season than the last, having translated at least 
 seven plays, six of them by Kotzebue. The year 
 must have been a fairly encouraging one finan 
 cially. To an outsider the theatre seemed harmo 
 nious and peaceful, "but all within was discord and 
 discontent." 89 
 
 Throughout this season there had been much 
 activity on the part of the newspaper critics, a 
 tribe which began asserting itself in 1796. 
 Previous to that date newspaper comment had 
 been almost entirely eulogistic, but from then on, 
 the critics assumed the right of condemning what 
 ever they chose. In 1799-1800 they had little else 
 than praise for the German dramas, but the actors 
 were ruthlessly handled, and the staging was some 
 times ridiculed. The players retaliated, threatened 
 personal violence, and tried to muzzle their an 
 tagonists, which only spurred them on to new 
 attacks. 
 
 The season of 1800-1 began somewhat earlier 
 than usual on the 2Oth of October. Four days 
 later, to the delight of theatre-goers, another 
 comedy by Kotzebue was most admirably played 
 with Hodgkinson and Jefferson in the leading 
 parts. "Fraternal Discord" proved to be one of 
 Dunlap s most enduring translations. It outlived 
 the six or seven repetitions of its first year, and 
 continued to reappear for almost half a century. 
 
 89 "American Theatre," p. 276. 
 
72 IDiliiani DunJnp 
 
 To vary the monotony of German adaptation, 
 the dramatist produced an opera, "The Knight of 
 Guadalquiver," with music by Hewit, the orchestra 
 leader. After two poorly attended performances 
 in December, it was withdrawn and forgotten. 
 
 The manager s troubles were again multiplying. 
 Receipts had for some weeks fallen below ex 
 penses, and Hodgkinson, unrestrained by the 
 rivalry of Cooper, was demanding everything, from 
 a wardrobe appropriation to an equal share in the 
 directing. Dunlap feared to alienate him and 
 granted all except the last demand, but hostility 
 resulted none the less. Dunlap no doubt became 
 irritable, and Hodgkinson magnified every cause 
 for offense. Quarrels were inevitable; the actor 
 threatened blows, and the manager was accused of 
 carrying pistols. 
 
 In the midst of such difficulties, Dunlap placed 
 one of his most popular translations on the stage. 
 On the nth of February, 1801, "Abaellino, the 
 Great Bandit," adapted from the German of 
 Zschokke, began a long career. It was given at 
 least nine times this spring, and for a quarter of a 
 century it was one of the New York stand-bys. 
 Nor was it confined to New York. It was soon 
 to be seen at Philadelphia, Boston, Albany, 
 Charleston, and indeed at almost every theatre in 
 the United States. 
 
 By way of commemorating Washington s Birth 
 day, Dunlap s patriotism again took dramatic 
 form. As an afterpiece to "The School for 
 Soldiers" he brought out "The Soldier of 76," 
 
22>iograj>f)p from ITfifi to 1B05 73 
 
 which seems to have been shelved immediately. 
 A drama from the French, "Abbe de 1 fipee," was 
 acted in March, and repeated five or six times to 
 the general satisfaction. 
 
 The receipts this year having fallen below those 
 of the last two years, the manager resolved on a 
 summer campaign. For this purpose he engaged 
 Cooper and Mrs. Merry, both of Philadelphia. 
 Mrs. Merry, the wife of Robert Merry the Delia 
 Cruscan, had come to this country in 1796, and 
 had gained the reputation of being the most ac 
 complished actress in America. The theatre was 
 kept open during July, but partly because of Mrs. 
 Merry s illness the financial situation was not im 
 proved. 
 
 With the welcome addition of Cooper, the Park 
 resumed activities on November 16, 1801, but at 
 the start the business was a losing one. The Ger 
 man mine was beginning to run out, and striking 
 novelties were not easily obtained. In December 
 a farce, "Where Is He?" translated by Dunlap 
 from the German, was put on; and in February, 
 1802, appeared another afterpiece, "The Merry 
 Gardener," a comic opera from the French. On 
 July 5 came an original play, "The Retrospect ; or, 
 The American Revolution." 90 During this season 
 the manager seems to have grown careless in the 
 conduct of the stage business, a defect on which 
 
 90 "Where Is He?" was acted four times this year and 
 twice in 1810. "The Merry Gardener" was given three 
 times this season. "The Retrospect" seems not to have 
 been repeated. 
 
74 IBilliam SDunlap 
 
 the critics frequently commented. The battles 
 were spiritless and silent, the grouping was awk 
 ward, and at times the actors behind the scenes 
 failed to appear until summoned by those on the 
 stage. On the whole, the year was not particularly 
 creditable either in the manner of performing the 
 old plays or in the quality of the new ones. 
 
 Dunlap s offerings in 1802-3 were of a more 
 dignified character. The first was "Peter the 
 Great; or, The Russian Mother," from the Ger 
 man; it was given twice in November with small 
 success in spite of the acting of Cooper and Hodg- 
 kinson. 91 "Liberal Opinions," an original sketch, 
 did not survive its first appearance in January. 
 "The Voice of Nature," translated from the 
 French, was introduced in February and became 
 a favorite stock-piece. This was shortly suc 
 ceeded by "The Good Neighbor," a brief interlude 
 from IfHand ; and this by the last of the Kotzebue 
 translations, "The Blind Boy," which was almost a 
 failure. 92 The final piece of the season was "The 
 Glory of Columbia Her Yeomanry!" a patriotic 
 medley elaborately staged on the 4th of July be 
 fore a $1287 audience. The battle scene was par 
 ticularly spectacular, judging from the newspaper 
 advertisement : 
 
 A VIEW OF YORKTOWN 
 
 With the British lines, and the lines of the be 
 siegers. Nearer the audience are the advanced 
 
 91 Revived for two performances in 1815. 
 
 92 Each of the last three plays was given about four 
 times this season. 
 
from 1TBB to 1B05 75 
 
 battalions of the besieged. Cannonading com 
 mences from the Americans upon the town, which 
 is returned. Shells thrown into the town. Explosion 
 of a powder magazine. The French troops ad 
 vance towards the most distant of the advanced 
 batteries; the battalion begins to cannonade, but 
 is carried at the bayonets point. (This is done by 
 artificial figures in perspective.) While this is yet 
 doing, the nearest battalion begins to cannonade, 
 and the American Infantry rushing to the charge, 
 they attack and carry it with fixed bayonets. 
 (This is done by boys completely equip d and of 
 a size to correspond in perspective with the ma 
 chinery and the scenery.} The British are seen 
 asking quarter, which is given. 93 
 
 For many years the play was employed on national 
 holidays at New York and elsewhere, and always 
 drew crowded houses. 
 
 The continuance of defective stage business 
 called forth a rebuke that has become literature. 
 In the fall of 1802 Washington Irving began his 
 "Letters of Jonathan Oldstyle, Gent.," criticizing 
 the theatre with Addisonian humor and whimsical 
 ity. These letters throw considerable light on 
 theatrical conditions. Among the actors, Hodg- 
 kinson was the chief subject of ridicule. His 
 rotundity and his rant, breast-slapping, and gen 
 eral showy manner were frequently burlesqued. 
 The lifeless conduct and stiff grouping of the supers 
 were berated, as well as the incongruous mixture 
 of costumes to be seen in one play. It was as- 
 
 93 "New York Evening Post," July 3, 1803. 
 
76 n^illtam SDunlap 
 
 serted that "while one actor is strutting about the 
 stage in the cuirass and helmet of Alexander, an 
 other, dressed up in a gold-laced coat and bag- 
 wig, with a chapeau de bras under his arm, is tak 
 ing snuff in a fashion of one or two centuries back, 
 and perhaps a third figures in Suwarrow boots, 
 in the true style of modern buckism." The or 
 chestra was reprimanded for constant repetition of 
 the tunes it had used for years. The audience 
 also came in for its share of attention. The oc 
 cupants of the boxes, ignoring the performance, 
 talked continually, according to Jonathan, and 
 contrived to display themselves as much as pos 
 sible. The gallery gods, who were watched over 
 by a constable, compensated for the lack of 
 music by their Noah s-ark tumult, and used their 
 surplus gingerbread and apples as missiles. Ir- 
 ving s attacks greatly angered the actors, but the 
 manager seems to have taken them in good part, 
 for he published portions of them in his stage 
 history. 
 
 Soon after assuming the reins of government 
 Dunlap had discovered that the audiences were not 
 sufficiently cultivated to dispense with diversions 
 of a physical kind, and, much as he deplored the 
 custom, he was compelled frequently to introduce 
 acrobatics and other spectacles. For instance, in 
 1798 an evening was concluded by a leap through 
 the throat of a fiery dragon. In 1799 a pantomime 
 on the career of Don Juan ended with that hero s 
 precipitation into the inferno amid a tremendous 
 shower of fire. Late in 1802 a marvelous person 
 
1 T Hfi to 1 8fl5 7 7 
 
 was advertised to stand on his head and revolve 
 from sixty to a hundred times a minute, an act 
 aptly styled "The Antipodean Whirligig." A few 
 months later one Signer Manfredi charmed the 
 audience by performing on the tight-rope as a 
 prelude to "Romeo and Juliet." 
 
 The theatre had been fairly prosperous in the 
 early part of this season, but in January, 1803, 
 Cooper left to accept an offer in England, and the 
 profits commenced to decline. In February the 
 house was closed for two weeks because every per 
 formance meant additional loss. 94 In order to 
 wind up the year s business, the manager was 
 under the necessity of mortgaging his farm. Pur 
 suing a retrenchment policy, he intimated to Hodg- 
 kinson that some reduction of salary might be nec 
 essary. Thereupon the actor for the last time 
 broke his connection with the New York theatre. 
 In 1805 he fell a victim to yellow fever. 
 
 Dunlap, who was capable of considerable vin- 
 dictiveness toward his foes, has represented Hodg- 
 kinson as the villain in the tragedy of his man 
 agerial downfall. While paying tribute to the 
 player s histrionic ability, he never omitted an 
 opportunity to dwell upon the annoyances and 
 losses he suffered through this associate. Un 
 doubtedly Hodgkinson s ambition, petty jealousy, 
 and financial unreliability were a great trial to the 
 director, yet his hold on the public was not a 
 little responsible for such box-office receipts as 
 there were, and was instrumental in postponing 
 
 94 "New York Evening Post," February 5, 1803. 
 
78 mHHiam SDunlap 
 
 Dunlap s day of reckoning. John Hodgkinson was 
 without question the most useful and capable actor 
 on our early stage. Not only was he excellent in 
 comic, tragic, and singing parts, but he was one 
 of the most efficient of stage supervisors (a 
 capacity in which he served Dunlap) because of 
 his thorough knowledge of the theatre and his 
 ability to direct by example. But certain grave 
 defects incurred Dunlap s hostility, and the friction 
 was unceasing. 
 
 With reduced ranks the Park reopened its 
 doors on November 14, 1803. To supplant Hodg 
 kinson, John E. Harwood of the Philadelphia 
 company was engaged as stage director and actor. 
 As a comedian he ranked so high that Dunlap 
 compared him to John Bannister ; his Falstaff was 
 the best yet seen in this country. The manager s 
 contributions this year were four : a farce, "Bona 
 parte in England ;" two comedies, "The Proverb ; 
 or, Conceit Can Cure, Conceit Can Kill," and 
 "Lewis of Monte Blanco; or, The Transplanted 
 Irishman" (written for Harwood, who was espe 
 cially good as a Hibernian) ; and a French transla 
 tion, "The Wife of Two Husbands."* 5 
 
 Considerable attention was paid this season to 
 scenic display. Commenting on "Lewis of Monte 
 Blanco," the "Evening Post" of March 13, 1804, 
 said : "The explosion scene has a very grand effect 
 and reflects credit on the Theatre." On another 
 
 95 The farce was given six times this season, revived in 
 1809 and again in 1833 ; the first comedy was given twice, 
 the second seven times ; the translation was acted five 
 times in rapid succession and occasionally revived as late 
 as 1821. 
 
ITfifi to 1BH5 79 
 
 occasion a mill with a running stream and a burn 
 ing house lent interest to the evening s program. 96 
 But Dunlap s efforts were unrequited. The re 
 ceipts seldom equaled the expenses, and in Feb 
 ruary the house was closed again for two weeks. 
 The director, however, was not the only one to 
 whom the Park proved a burden. The building 
 was heavily mortgaged, and though the total in 
 vestment amounted to $193,000 and more, the 
 proprietors offered it to the lessee for $85,000. He 
 named $40,000 as his highest price. It was put up 
 at auction and sold for $43,000. Money was bor 
 rowed to complete the structure, but completed it 
 never was. 
 
 On October 22, 1804, Dunlap s last, fatal season 
 began. 97 The only bright spot was a visit from 
 Cooper, who acted fourteen nights in November to 
 paying houses. This flicker of prosperity pre 
 cipitated a flood of bills, and the manager saw the 
 end approaching. On January I, 1805, he wrote: 
 "Oppressed with disease and debt, I commence 
 another year of my life with sentiments of gloom 
 and self-disapprobation." 98 The theatre was fi 
 nally closed on the 22d of February, and the man 
 who for nine years had labored so unceasingly to 
 maintain the institution declared himself insolvent. 
 He forfeited his property of every kind. For- 
 
 96 "New York Evening Post," January 26, 1804. 
 
 97 The sole product of Dunlap s pen this season was 
 "Nina," an opera from the French, given once in Decem 
 ber and twice in February, with the original Parisian 
 music. 
 
 98 Quoted from the Diary in the "American Theatre," 
 p. 326. 
 
8o BSilliam SDunlap 
 
 tunately his mother s home in Perth Amboy was 
 immune, and thither he repaired with his family. 
 
 A survey of Dunlap s theatrical career reveals 
 the fact that bankruptcy was impending almost 
 from the beginning. Though he entered on the 
 undertaking at a favorable point in our dramatic 
 history, yet the odds soon arrayed against him were 
 more than he could surmount. Yellow fever was 
 one of his most persistent foes. Another was his 
 own poor health ; hardly a year passed in which he 
 did not suffer an illness. He was not happy in 
 his business associates; the owners of the house 
 as well as his partners proved grasping, unreliable, 
 and extravagant in financial matters. Moreover, 
 the theatrical business in America was a pre 
 carious one. Few managers were able to make it 
 pay well permanently, and others besides Dunlap 
 found it ruinous. His worst obstacles, however, 
 lay within himself. Inside knowledge of the 
 theatre he had none when he became one of its 
 directors. In his relations with others he lacked 
 self-assertiveness. His good nature and love of 
 peace made him an easy prey to imposition. But 
 his chief deficiency was absence of business fore 
 sight. He was willing to assume large obligations 
 without any prospect of ever being able to meet 
 them. In his optimism he trusted too much to the 
 future, yet for him the future had an uncomfort 
 able habit of proving less encouraging than the 
 present. 
 
 Dunlap s methods of conducting the theatre did 
 not materially differ from those of his predeces 
 sors, but he instituted three changes which were 
 
23iograpl)p from 1 ?Hfi to 1 B05 8 1 
 
 of importance in the development of our dramatic 
 art. i. Having had experience as a painter, he 
 emphasized scenery more than had been done be 
 fore. The scenic effects at the Park Theatre at 
 their best must have been entirely adequate. 2.. 
 During the period of his control, American plays 
 gained a more prominent place on the New York 
 stage than they had previously held. This was 
 owing in a large measure to the number of his 
 own plays which he brought out, but at least a 
 dozen other playwrights were represented. 3. His 
 most distinct and significant contribution was a 
 long series of French and German plays, so pre 
 sented as to develop popular interest in the 
 dramatic literature of Europe. 
 
 The managerial career of William Dunlap pro 
 vides an illuminating commentary on the state of 
 culture in New York about the beginning of the 
 last century. Here was a man with enough faith 
 in the moral and intellectual benefits of a properly 
 conducted stage to expend a large sum of money 
 and enormous labor on the project, not primarily 
 in the hope of financial returns, but rather for the 
 improvement of his fellow-citizens. But culture 
 was distinctly a matter of the individual and not 
 of the masses. The theatre-going public, with 
 little regard for the classics of English drama 
 and still less for the productions of native play 
 wrights, required novelties and cheap amusements. 
 And when the supply fell below the demand, they 
 permitted the exponent of a cultural theatre to be 
 come a bankrupt. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 BIOGRAPHY FROM 1805 TO 1839 
 
 WILLIAM DUNLAP retired from the the 
 atre with the realization that he had done 
 his best. He forfeited neither his self-respect 
 nor the esteem of his friends. That he retained 
 the good-will of his company is attested by the 
 performance given for his benefit on the 2ist of 
 June, 1805. 
 
 But Dunlap was not merely a bankrupt. He was 
 also a debtor to the United States Government on 
 the bond of a New Jersey marshal who had proved 
 a defaulter. It was imperative, therefore, that he 
 hit upon a source of revenue. Apparently his first 
 thought was to adopt the profession of letters. 1 
 But while literary plans were maturing, bread 
 must be earned. The most immediate expedient 
 for him was to resume his brush and palette, which 
 had been but rarely employed during the last 
 dozen years. Miniature painting on ivory had 
 become a profitable branch of the profession. 
 Edward Malbone, the recognized leader of this 
 department, was working in Boston at the height 
 of his success, and other able men were operating 
 
 1 "Life of Brown," Vol. II, p. 112. In answering the 
 announcement of his friend s bankruptcy, Brown spoke 
 discouragingly of Dunlap s plan for a literary career. 
 82 
 
25io0tapl)p from 1BH5 to 1B39 83 
 
 elsewhere. Because of the popularity of this 
 branch, Dunlap resolved to attempt painting in 
 miniature, though ignorant of some of the es 
 sentials of the process. 
 
 He very soon found Perth Amboy an unproduc 
 tive field ; so with his paints and a few ivories he 
 started forth as an itinerant artist, as many an 
 other American painter had done before him. 
 Albany was the city to which he first journeyed. 
 Here he was cordially welcomed by his old friend, 
 James Kent, now a dignified judge. But Albany 
 did not take kindly to miniature painting, and the 
 artist moved on to Boston, where he arrived with 
 $6 in his pocket. Sitters were readily obtained 
 at $15 a picture, and soon Dunlap was able to send 
 money home for the support of his family. His 
 relations with his fellow artists were very pleasant. 
 The acquaintance with Gilbert Stuart, begun years 
 before in London, was renewed; and Malbone, 
 seeing his deficiency in miniature work, instructed 
 him in the method of preparing ivories for the 
 reception of paint, and thus enabled him to im 
 prove his pictures. 
 
 After spending September and October in 
 Boston, he set his face toward Washington, paus 
 ing to visit his family and to practise his vocation 
 for a few days at Philadelphia and Baltimore. In 
 Washington he associated with Samuel Mitchill 
 and Joel Barlow, met President Jefferson and 
 Vice-President Clinton, and made a miniature of 
 Jefferson from a portrait lent by Mrs. Madison. 
 He accomplished the main purpose of his journey, 
 
84 IIEttHiam 2Dunlap 
 
 which was to learn what measures to take in the 
 case of the defaulting marshal. What those meas 
 ures were we do not know, but Dunlap has said 
 that Gallatin put him at rest concerning the debt. 2 
 
 In the spring of 1806 the artist was back in 
 Perth Amboy. One day while working in his 
 mother s garden the garden he had planted with 
 fruit trees in his more opulent days he was sur 
 prised by the sudden appearance of T. A. Cooper. 
 The actor, having recently become lessee of the 
 Park Theatre, made Dunlap on the spot an offer 
 of the general superintendency of his theatrical 
 concerns at a liberal salary. The ex-manager 
 could not refuse this opportunity of a steady and 
 substantial income, and once more he became a 
 figure in the New York play-house. This offer 
 must have been particularly welcome, since it 
 proved that one of the most influential of his 
 former associates still had full confidence in him. 
 Concerning his experiences during this second 
 connection with the stage he has left very little 
 record, but we learn that among his duties were 
 the care of the finances and the management of 
 the institution in Cooper s absence. 3 
 
 One of Dunlap s first undertakings after assum 
 ing his new position was the publication of his 
 selected dramas. Pursuant to his plan for literary 
 
 2 For the foregoing see "Arts of Design," Vol. I, pp. 
 268-71. Unless otherwise stated, my authorities through 
 this chapter are the "Arts of Design" and the "American 
 Theatre." 
 
 3 "New York Mirror," Vol. X, p. 266; "Arts of Design," 
 Vol. I, p. 272. 
 
1B05 to 1B33 85 
 
 activity, he issued a proposal for publishing ten 
 volumes of his plays by subscription at $i a 
 volume. The plays with a stage career were 
 promised, as well as a few that had been neither 
 acted nor printed, and many were to be nearly re 
 written. 4 
 
 The first volume of the "Dramatic Works of 
 William Dunlap" was printed by T. and G. Palmer 
 of Philadelphia in September, 1806. It contained, 
 as frontispiece, a portrait of Mrs. Wignell (for- 
 
 * The contents were to be as follows : 
 
 Vol. I. "The Father of an Only Child," "Darby s Re 
 turn," "Lord Leicester; or, The Fatal Deception," "Fon- 
 tainville Abbey." 
 
 Vol. II. "The Feudal Baron," "William Tell ; or, The 
 Mountaineers of Switzerland," "Tell Truth and Shame 
 the Devil," "Andre." 
 
 Vol. III. "The Knight s Adventure; or, The Man of 
 Fortitude," "The Stranger," "Lovers Vows," "Sterne s 
 Maria." 
 
 Vol. IV. "Count Benyowski," "The Italian Father," 
 "False Shame," "The Force of Calumny." 
 
 Vol. V. "The Virgin of the Sun," "Pizarro in Peru," 
 "The Stranger s Birthday," "La Perouse," "The Wild 
 Goose Chace." 
 
 Vol. VI. "School for Soldiers," "The Robbery," "Fra 
 ternal Discord," "The Knight of Guadalquiver." 
 
 Vol. VII. "Abaellino," "Abbe de 1 Epee," "The Merry 
 Gardener," "Where Is He?" 
 
 Vol. VIII. "Peter the Great," "The Voice of Nature," 
 "The Blind Boy," "The Good Neighbor." 
 
 Vol. IX. "The Soldier of 76," "The Glory of Columbia 
 Her Yeomanry!" "Bonaparte in England," "Indians in 
 England," "The Proverb." 
 
 Vol. X. "The Wife of Two Husbands," "Nina," "Lewis 
 of Monte Blanco," "One and Twenty." (The last title is 
 apparently a misnomer for "Forty and Twenty.") 
 
 See "New York Evening Post," July 2, 1805, a for the 
 above. 
 
86 J^tfliam Duntap 
 
 merly Mrs. Merry) by Dunlap, and a preface to 
 the series in which the author said : 
 
 "The pieces now offered to be assayed in the 
 closet have already passed through the mint of 
 the theatre, and received the stamp of public ap 
 probation. This last trial will ascertain their value, 
 by determining the quantity of their alloy. . . . 
 
 "Impressed with the fullest conviction that the 
 stage is a vehicle by which moral instruction may 
 be, with much effect, conveyed to the inhabitants 
 of great cities, it has been my study, while writing 
 plays, to make Pleasure subservient to the cause 
 of Virtue. With these views, I trust I have not 
 been so far unsuccessful that any parent need hesi 
 tate to put my volumes in the hands of his child, 
 or the most scrupulous reader fear to meet pas 
 sages that would wound Decency, or suffuse the 
 cheek of Modesty with a blush." 
 
 In respect to the translations, he had some strong 
 words for the English playwrights who con 
 demned German drama while imitating it. 
 
 The plays, especially "The Father," were more 
 or less revised, and each was preceded by a brief 
 preface. These four pieces are also to be found 
 separately, each with the date of 1807, and with 
 the imprint of David Longworth of New York, 
 but with the pagination of the 1806 volume. The 
 explanation seems to be that many copies of the 
 book which were not sold, were broken up the 
 year after it appeared and put out separately. In 
 
2&ograj)J)p from 1BH5 to 1B39 87 
 
 1808 David Longworth, who was publishing the 
 "English and American Stage," issued other 
 copies of Dunlap s book as Volume XXII of his 
 series, with an additional title-page. 
 
 The second volume, which did not come out 
 till 1816, contained "The Voice of Nature," 
 "Fraternal Discord," "The Italian Father," and 
 "The Good Neighbor" instead of the dramas an 
 nounced in the prospectus. It bore the imprint of 
 Longworth, and was formed by binding together 
 these four plays as already published individually. 
 Volume III, which made its appearance the same 
 year, was constructed similarly, and contained 
 "The Wife of Two Husbands," "Abaellino," 
 "Lovers Vows," and "Peter the Great." If 
 further volumes were issued I have found no trace 
 of them. The conclusion one draws from this 
 rather complicated publishing game is that Dun- 
 lap s plays did not sell very briskly, so that it was 
 necessary to present them in various forms in 
 order to exhaust the editions. 
 
 The New York theatre seems to have been in a 
 fairly prosperous way at this time, for in 1807 the 
 interior of the building was completely remodeled 
 and its capacity increased by the addition of a 
 fourth row of boxes, which brought the seating 
 accommodations up to about twenty-two hundred. 5 
 
 In the autumn of 1808 the Park was opened 
 under the management of Cooper and a new 
 partner, Stephen Price, who was destined to be- 
 
 5 "American Theatre," pp. 343-4 ; Dunlap, "Memoirs of 
 Cooke," New York edition, Vol. II, p. 180. 
 
88 
 
 come, in the course of years, the leading theatrical 
 magnate of America. On him and Dunlap de 
 volved much of the responsibility of directing the 
 establishment, since it was now Cooper s practice 
 to perform two nights each week in Philadelphia. 
 
 Boy actors were at this period the popular 
 novelty. London had had its Master Betty, to 
 gether with a flock of imitators, and in 1809 New 
 York had its Master Payne. John Howard Payne 
 was a youthful prodigy who, at the age of sixteen, 
 made his bow on the New York stage as Young 
 Norval in "Douglas," and followed with several 
 tragic parts from Shakespeare and Kotzebue. His 
 acting was rewarded with unusual applause, and 
 according to Dunlap was extremely pleasing and 
 full of talent. 
 
 In the spring of 1810 Cooper went abroad, to 
 be gone for nearly a year. Under the direction of 
 Price and his assistant the theatre resumed opera 
 tions in the fall, but the patronage was very scanty 
 until the arrival of George Frederick Cooke in 
 November brought the Park a period of the 
 greatest prosperity it had ever known. Cooke was 
 an English actor who by 1800 had attained to lead 
 ing parts at Covent Garden. He soon outdistanced 
 all rivals save John Philip Kemble, but his per 
 sistent dissipation and his moral and professional 
 irregularities earned him a reputation not wholly 
 enviable ; and when Cooper offered him a position 
 in America at twenty-five guineas a week, he ac 
 cepted without reluctance. 
 
 Reaching New York on November 16, 1810, 
 
23iograpljp from 1B05 to 1B39 89 
 
 Cooke put up at the Tontine Coffee-House, where 
 Dunlap called on him the day of his arrival, with 
 no small surprise at the vigor and health and 
 gracious address of a man who was reputed to be 
 a sot. On the 2ist of the month the great actor 
 made his debut in "Richard III" before a packed 
 house. New York had never witnessed a tragedian 
 who could approach him in power and majesty, 
 and the town was captivated. On the third night 
 he was somewhat the worse for conviviality, his 
 voice failed him, and the play ended in pantomime ; 
 but the audience supposed he was suffering from 
 a cold. At his benefit performance a few weeks 
 later he had even less command of himself. The 
 drama was "Cato," but he spouted Shakespeare 
 and incoherencies of his own in place of Addison. 
 The next night s receipts fell from $1878 to $467. 
 But the average for this run of seventeen nights 
 was $1269, the like of which New York had never 
 seen. After a short engagement at Boston, Cooke 
 returned to the Park ; but curiosity was now satis 
 fied, the public was disgusted with his conduct in 
 "Cato," and the receipts dropped to an average 
 of about $500 a performance. 
 
 It was arranged that Cooke should go to Phila 
 delphia, and Price bestowed upon Dunlap the un 
 welcome honor of accompanying him in the 
 capacity of guardian, an office which he accepted 
 in the characteristic hope that he might have a 
 good influence. On March 18, 1811, the pair 
 started south. They stopped for the night with 
 Dunlap s family in Perth Amboy, where Cooke 
 
90 
 
 displayed all the polish and charm of which he 
 was master, and passed one of the most innocent 
 and restful nights of his life. Philadelphia was 
 the scene of another histrionic triumph. So great 
 was the demand for seats that some ardent souls 
 remained on the steps of the theatre from Sunday 
 morning till Monday morning in order to be sure 
 of obtaining tickets. The average receipts for this 
 run of twenty nights were over $1100. Cooke 
 drank plentifully during the Philadelphia engage 
 ment, but seldom to the detriment of his acting, 
 thanks to the vigilance of his guardian, who some 
 times drank more wine than was agreeable to his 
 abstemious convictions in order to deprive George 
 Frederick of it. The lion, on the whole, seems to 
 have been fairly obedient to his keeper. On May 
 i Dunlap departed for home, leaving affairs in 
 the hands of Cooper, who had just returned from 
 abroad. 6 
 
 The sojourn in Philadelphia was not without 
 an element of sadness because of the absence of 
 Brown, who had died in 1810. In the Diary Dun- 
 lap wrote: 
 
 "I called yesterday for the second time on the 
 widow of my friend, Charles Brockden Brown, 
 and found her at home, and in company with his 
 mother, likewise a widow since my last visit to 
 this place. I saw the twin boys who used to be 
 my playthings. I took them on my knees. I 
 
 6 For preceding paragraphs see "Memoirs of Cooke." 
 
2&iograpl)p from 1BH5 to 1B39 9 1 
 
 kissed them, and remembered former days poor 
 things!" 7 
 
 His position having become disagreeable 
 through no fault of Cooper s, Dunlap resigned 
 his assistant managership toward the close of 
 1811, and withdrew permanently from the the 
 atrical business. 8 This period of nearly six years 
 was a very unproductive one. Perhaps all his 
 time was occupied with his duties; at any rate, he 
 did nothing more than revive a few of his old 
 plays and write a song, "The Freedom of the 
 Seas," which was sung at the Park on July 4, 
 1810. The newspaper comment was, "Sung with 
 unbounded applause." The song, which was in 
 spired by English impressment of our seamen, 
 comprises six rather spirited stanzas, each ending 
 with this refrain: 
 
 "We ll be free of the sea in despite of every foe, 
 Though tyrants frown and cannon roar and the 
 angry tempests blow." 
 
 Dunlap was once more without an income, and 
 once more he turned to miniature painting. He 
 confined himself at first to New York, whither he 
 removed his family from Perth Amboy, where they 
 had resided since the bankruptcy. 
 
 On June 18, 1812, war was declared on England, 
 and the patriotic Dunlap immediately wrote a song, 
 
 7 From sketch of Brown in "National Portrait Gallery 
 of Distinguished Americans." Conducted by Herring and 
 Longacre. 1834-^6. Vol. III. 
 
 8 "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 272; "Memoirs of Cooke," 
 Vol. II, p. 354- 
 
9 2 mftlttam SDuntap 
 
 "Yankee Chronology," which was sung on the 4th 
 of July. It was soon augmented into an inter 
 lude, "Yankee Chronology; or, Huzza, for the 
 Constitution !" and given a dozen times during the 
 conflict to enthusiastic audiences. In December 
 he contributed another war song, "Yankee Tars," 
 a composition of ten quatrains boasting of the 
 vast superiority of our naval fighters. During 
 the month it was occasionally sung as a solo at the 
 theatre. 
 
 The portrait business falling off in consequence 
 of the war, the painter tried to increase his in 
 come by further literary ventures. Cooke, half in 
 sport, had requested him to write his biography, 
 and in the same spirit Dunlap had agreed to do so. 
 After the actor s death in September, 1812, the 
 task was pressed upon him by friends, so that he 
 decided to undertake it. 9 With the aid of John 
 Dunlap, his son, the work progressed rapidly, and 
 was published in two volumes by Longworth early 
 in 1813, with a portrait of the player from Dunlap s 
 miniature. A London edition was also in con 
 templation. On December 30 Washington Irving 
 had written to his brother, Peter, in Liverpool 
 that Dunlap had almost completed a life of Cooke 
 and desired to send him a manuscript to be dis 
 posed of in England. The letter ended, "as he is 
 an old friend and a very worthy man, I make no 
 doubt you will do everything in your power to 
 benefit him." 10 The prospects were good for some 
 
 9 Preface to "Memoirs of Cooke." 
 
 10 P. M. Irving, "Life and Letters of Washington Ir 
 ving," Philadelphia, 1872, Vol. I, p. 293. 
 
25iogcajrf)p from 1B05 to 1B39 93 
 
 remuneration from the London edition, but a 
 curious complication destroyed this hope. The 
 author s account of the transaction is this : 
 
 "While I was in Boston [see below] I received 
 letters from P. Irving, Esq., informing me that 
 he had agreed with Miller of London to publish 
 my life of Cooke and divide the profit; but be 
 fore I left it, I learned that John Howard Payne, 
 having found a copy in a ship from New York, 
 with a view to serve me, sold it to Colbourne [sic], 
 who got out an edition before, (or on the same 
 day) with Miller s, and the two publishers agreed 
 to make the best for themselves, and sink me." 11 
 
 The impression, which this conveys, that the book 
 was actually published by the two houses is er 
 roneous, I think. I find no trace of an edition by 
 Miller. Probably Colburn anticipated him suffi 
 ciently to quash his edition altogether. In 1815 
 Colburn reprinted the work, indicating that it met 
 a fair sale in England, though the price was one 
 guinea. 
 
 Another literary project of 1813 was the found 
 ing of a magazine. In April the first number of 
 the Monthly Recorder" made its appearance. 
 Like various other enterprises of the editor s, the 
 magazine soon began running him into debt; so 
 he packed up his painting outfit and started north 
 with the twofold purpose of making miniatures 
 and securing subscriptions. He stopped at Hart 
 ford, Providence, and Boston, and obtained some 
 sitters, but the "Recorder" met no encouragement 
 
 11 "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 273. 
 
94 3&iUiam SDunlap 
 
 and died for want of sustenance in the fifth month 
 of its existence. The five numbers were later col 
 lected in one volume as "A Record, Literary and 
 Political, of Five Months in the Year 1813. By 
 William Dunlap and Others." 
 
 On his return from Boston, the artist, at Stuart s 
 suggestion, turned his attention to oil portraits 
 and practically abandoned miniatures. Since 1805, 
 when he entered this branch of the profession 
 ignorant of some of its essentials, he had made 
 distinct progress. A collection of sixteen of his 
 miniatures was sold at Philadelphia in 1905. The 
 catalogue of the sale, compiled by S. V. Henkels, 
 stated that they were "executed in the highest 
 style of the art," an opinion which the accompany 
 ing reproductions confirmed. Professor Theodore 
 S. Woolsey of Yale, who has given special atten 
 tion to Dunlap as a painter, says : "As a miniaturist 
 he excelled, showing charm of color, accurate 
 drawing, and considerable power of characteriza 
 tion." 12 
 
 Once more Dunlap was interrupted in the pur 
 suit of his vocation. In 1814 he was appointed as 
 sistant paymaster-general of the State militia. This 
 position involved much traveling about from New 
 York City to Buffalo, and much mingling with 
 many races Indian, Dutch, English, and Yankee. 
 His portfolio always accompanied him, and it was 
 his custom to arise early and walk several miles 
 from head-quarters to make water-color sketches 
 of places of beauty or interest. From Buffalo he 
 12 "Yale Review," new series, Vol. Ill, p. 779. 
 
2>iograpJ)p from 1B05 to 1B39 95 
 
 walked to Niagara, where he spent four days 
 sketching the falls. 13 
 
 During his incumbency of this office, Dunlap 
 found time for a certain amount of writing. In 
 1814 he did some hack work on the Napoleonic 
 wars. 14 Of much more importance was the "Life 
 of Charles Brockden Brown," begun at the re 
 quest of Elijah Brown in 1813, published at Phila 
 delphia two years later, and at London in 1822. 
 In commemoration of the last battle of the 
 war, fought on January 8, 1815, he wrote a play, 
 "The Battle of New Orleans," which appears to 
 have been staged July 4, 1816, and repeated oc 
 casionally for several years thereafter. 15 
 
 II 
 
 THE State position came to an end late in 1816, 
 and for the last time Dunlap returned to profes 
 sional painting. Since he was now about to enter 
 on his major activities as an artist, a few words 
 
 13 Professor Woolsey has about forty of these water- 
 colors, including views of Lake George, Lake Champlain, 
 Niagara, and Saratoga, which he pronounces "rather 
 crude representations." See "Yale Review," new series, 
 Vol. Ill, p. 780. 
 
 14 See post, pp. 250-1. 
 
 15 Mr. Oscar Wegelin, "Early American Plays," Publica 
 tions of the Dunlap Society, second series, No. 10, 1900, pp. 
 39. 49, puts its first appearance on July 4, 1815, and says 
 C. E. Grice s "Battle of New Orleans" was acted a year 
 later. There is no authority in the newspaper advertise 
 ments or in Ireland for the earlier date, while all indica 
 tions strongly suggest that it was Dunlap s play which 
 began its career in 1816. 
 
96 
 
 concerning the status of American art may be ap 
 propriate. John Singleton Copley, whose un- 
 charming but veracious portraits first gave this 
 country some artistic standing abroad, had died in 
 1815. Benjamin West was still alive, though 
 seventy-eight years of age. Since 1763 he had 
 resided in England, where he had become the un 
 challenged leader in historical and allegorical 
 painting. His studio had been the class-room of 
 American aspirants, and almost all the important 
 painters in the United States at this time had been 
 his pupils. 
 
 Of the earlier generation of West s pupils were 
 Gilbert Stuart and John Trumbull, whom Dunlap 
 met in London in 1784. Stuart, who returned to 
 his native land in 1792 and remained until his 
 death in 1828, absorbed none of West s method. 
 He confined himself to portraits, which he exe 
 cuted in a sure, fresh, and brilliant manner that 
 was all his own, and that still gives him rank 
 among our greatest painters. Trumbull, who 
 finally settled in New York in 1815, was greatly 
 influenced by his master s historical work, a de 
 partment in which he likewise achieved prominence. 
 He also possessed unusual ability for portraiture, 
 but in both branches he often fell into mediocrity. 
 
 Among the next generation of those who studied 
 in West s atelier the most able were Thomas 
 Sully, Washington Allston, and Samuel F. B. 
 Morse. Sully spent but a year in England, yet 
 on his return in 1810 he produced some good his 
 torical canvases, and became a portraitist second 
 

 William Dunlap 
 
 From a rare contemporary lithograph 
 
23iograpl)p from 1BH5 to 1B33 97 
 
 only to Stuart. Allston, while abroad, painted 
 numerous imaginative pictures with more real 
 character and harmony than West s. After his re 
 turn in 1818, he was recognized as the king of 
 American art, though he did but little work from 
 that time on. Morse, who studied under Allston 
 more than under West, came back to the United 
 States in 1815. He was an able artist and painted 
 various celebrities, but he gained no great success, 
 and after several years turned his attention to 
 electricity. 
 
 John Vanderlyn had the distinction of being the 
 first American to learn his craft in France and to 
 acquire French methods of solidity and accuracy. 
 He painted some very beautiful figures while 
 abroad, and after his home-coming in 1815, he 
 made portraits of many distinguished citizens, as 
 well as several large show pictures. 16 
 
 When Dunlap finally took up his brush late in 
 1816, the United States possessed a few highly 
 gifted artists and a large body of minor painters 
 of more or less ability. The prevailing influence 
 was English, and portraiture was the general oc 
 cupation, though historical and imaginative sub 
 jects were sometimes attempted. New York was 
 now the art center of the country, as Boston and 
 Philadelphia had been before. 
 
 For several years the city had had an organiza 
 tion of artists. Founded in 1801, it was incor- 
 
 16 For preceding paragraphs see "Arts of Design" ; 
 Samuel Isham, "History of American Painting," New 
 York, 1905. 
 
98 
 
 porated seven years later as the American 
 Academy of Fine Arts. After a dormant period, 
 the institution was revived in 1816, in which 
 resuscitation Dunlap had a hand. In 1817 Trum- 
 bull was elected president and Dunlap a director. 
 The latter was also made keeper and librarian at 
 a salary of $200, with a room for professional 
 purposes. The first exhibition ever given by the 
 Academy was held in 1816. The second took place 
 the next year, and to it Dunlap contributed three 
 pictures: "A Portrait of a Lady," "Mary Mag 
 dalen," and "Christ on the Mount of Olives." 17 
 
 In his new quarters Dunlap painted an en 
 couraging number of portraits for a couple of 
 years, 18 but in 1819 his business fell off, and in the 
 fall he resolved to try his fortunes in Virginia. 
 After stopping a day or two with Sully in Phila 
 delphia, he reached Norfolk on October 23, and 
 there he remained till spring. 
 
 The third available volume of the Diary covers 
 the Norfolk residence, and gives an interesting 
 picture of Dunlap as an artist. I shall select a 
 few details. His first customer was the host of 
 his hotel, who ordered portraits of his two 
 daughters at $25 each. Soon the commissions be 
 gan coming in sufficient numbers to justify him 
 in fitting up a painting and exhibition room. Here 
 he was visited by many people who seemed to find 
 
 17 "American Monthly Magazine," Vol. I, p. 199. 
 
 18 A family event of 1818 was the death of the artist s 
 mother on the 27th of December at the age of eighty-five 
 years. (Dunlap family Bible.) 
 
1BH5 to 1B39 99 
 
 his studio a place of pleasant diversion; among 
 his visitors he noted in particular numerous 
 beautiful women and a band of Indians. His 
 orders kept him steadily busy and brought in 
 comfortable returns, although one patron paid 
 with hams and other produce, and a second with 
 lottery tickets which drew blanks. Southern 
 hospitality was a source of much pleasure to him ; 
 he found the food to his taste, except for the 
 butter. He was sound in body and cheerful in 
 mind. On December 2. he wrote : 
 
 "Tomorrow will be seven weeks since I left 
 home & six since I arrived in Norfolk I have 
 enjoyed good health I have had my mind whole 
 somely employed generally, and I believe more 
 uniformly so than for a long time before I left 
 home. I have drank no wine & no spirits in 
 any shape except a very moderate portion with 
 my dinner I have been better in mind & body 
 than when I took wine at my dinner. I think I 
 have improved in my painting I have more con 
 fidence in my powers, more facility a better style 
 generally I have begun Eleven portraits amount 
 ing to $315. . . . For all this and much much 
 more, I thank my Creator & incomprehensibly 
 great & good Benefactor." 19 
 
 In his leisure he frequented the theatre, made 
 free to him by the manager, went to church, wrote 
 often to his wife and son, and read largely as 
 always. Among the books read were Rousseau s 
 Diary, Vol. XXIV, pp. 54-5. 
 
TOO JDiiiiam SDunlap 
 
 "Confessions" (in French), "Ferdinand Count 
 Fathom," "Humphrey Clinker," "Tom Jones," 
 "Ivanhoe," "Don Juan," and the Bible with 
 Clarke s commentary. 
 
 From his remarks on the Bible reading it is 
 evident that Dunlap had undergone a change of 
 heart since the days of Godwinian heresy. He had 
 given up his radicalism as had Brown several 
 years before his death. Dr. Clarke s biblical 
 criticism, which gave various translations for the 
 same passage, he felt to be dangerous because it 
 tended to unsettle belief and to raise doubt as to 
 the infallibility of the Scriptures. 
 
 On the 24th of April he left Norfolk after a 
 residence of twenty-six weeks during which he had 
 painted at least thirty-six portraits, including a few 
 miniatures, a very good rate of production. He 
 had received about $1100 in all, yet he complained 
 that he would reach New York almost as poor as 
 he left it, because of large expenses. However, he 
 consoled himself with the assurance that he had 
 supported his family and opened a source of in 
 come for the future. 20 
 
 Dunlap now tried to pursue his vocation in New 
 York, but with no success; so he determined on 
 Lower Canada, whither he departed in August, 
 1820. At Montreal he found employment for 
 two months, and then moved on to Quebec for a 
 
 20 Owing to his absence from New York, Dunlap re 
 signed as keeper and librarian of the Academy. At the 
 January election he was reflected a director, as he had 
 been each year since 1817. This was his final term. 
 
1 Bfl5f to 1 B33 i o i 
 
 week or two. Here he did not fail to make an 
 excursion to the Plains of Abraham, on which his 
 father had fought. His prosperity in the north 
 was not great and his estimate of the Canadians 
 not high; he found them cold and cautious in 
 contrast with the warm Virginians. But he seems 
 to have created a favorable impression at Montreal, 
 for one of the newspapers spoke of him as a highly 
 cultivated gentleman, and compared him with 
 West, Reynolds, and Rubens ! 
 
 Norfolk was again to be Dunlap s winter abode. 
 He arrived late in November, accompanied by his 
 wife, and opened an exhibition room adorned with 
 about sixty pictures of his own. Again he painted 
 a goodly number of portraits, and returned home 
 in June, 1821. 
 
 The exhibition of large paintings was one of 
 the commercial enterprises of the time, and Dun- 
 lap, in the hope of swelling his slender income, 
 set about producing a show picture. For ma 
 terial he instinctively turned to his master, West, 
 and chose the rejection of Christ. He had never 
 seen West s painting of this name, but he had 
 read the artist s description of it, and had seen 
 engravings of the separate groups. On this basis, 
 with the aid of the scriptural account, Dunlap com 
 posed his picture. Before leaving Norfolk he had 
 made a small sketch, 30 by 36 inches. On his re 
 turn to New York he procured a canvas 12 by 18 
 feet, placed it, in the absence of a better studio, 
 in the attic of his house, and went to work. All 
 summer he toiled in the heat and bad light of his 
 
102 JMliam SDunlap 
 
 stuffy garret, and in spite of adverse conditions 
 the result was very gratifying to him. In No 
 vember he took his canvas to Norfolk, wher,e he 
 continued to work at it when not engaged on 
 portraits. "Christ Rejected" was finished in 
 March, 1822, and placed on exhibition. Dunlap 
 printed a pamphlet containing West s description. 
 He expressed his obligation to that painter s treat 
 ment of the subject, but asserted that the com 
 position, coloring, and principal figures were en 
 tirely his own. The picture represented Christ, 
 bound and wearing the crown of thorns, standing 
 before Pilate, while the populace demand his 
 crucifixion. In June Dunlap moved his painting 
 from Norfolk to Philadelphia. He was pleased 
 with its impression on the public, and surprised at 
 its excellence when shown to advantage. In July 
 he took it to Boston and Portland, at the latter 
 town receiving from $200 to $300 in two weeks; 
 then he sent it on tour about the East in care of an 
 attendant. Subsequently it was exhibited with 
 some profit in many parts of the United States, 
 getting as far west as Urbana, Ohio. 
 
 During the winter of 1822-3 Dunlap remained 
 in New York, but received few commissions be 
 cause, as he frankly admitted, there were better 
 painters in the market. He busied himself, how 
 ever, making a preliminary sketch for another 
 large picture. The spring and summer found him 
 in Utica and Saratoga, painting portraits and ex 
 hibiting. 
 
 In the winter of 1823-4 he obtained a big cloth, 
 
2&iograjtf)p from iafl5 to 1B39 103 
 
 nailed it to the floor of his attic, and applied white 
 lead. On this improvised canvas he began to paint 
 "The Bearing of the Cross" from the sketch made 
 the previous year. Christ was portrayed sinking 
 under his burden on the road to Calvary. This 
 picture was also sent on tour, but with less satis 
 factory results than in the former case. During 
 the winter the artist became a member of the 
 Lunch Club, with which J. F. Cooper, Halleck, 
 Bryant, Morse, Bleecker, and Brevoort were 
 affiliated. 
 
 In November, 1824, Dunlap was astonished by a 
 summons to Washington on a charge of having 
 defaulted as assistant paymaster to the extent of 
 several thousand dollars. Investigation, however, 
 brought the deficiency down to one dollar, and 
 that was found to have arisen from an error in 
 addition. 
 
 The production of other large pictures continued 
 to occupy our artist. Early in 1825 he began a 
 representation of Christ on Calvary, a subject 
 which West had treated. As usual, he first made 
 a cartoon, 25 by 30 inches, and sketched separate 
 studies from life for the principal groups. Before 
 this painting was completed, he commenced and 
 finished another in imitation of West s "Death on 
 the Pale Horse," of which he had obtained an 
 etching and a printed description. Dunlap s picture 
 was completed in less than three months. It il 
 lustrated St. John s vision of the opening of the 
 first four seals as recorded in Revelation, Chapter 
 VI. In the center, Death, seated on a pale horse 
 
1 04 JDilltam Dunlap 
 
 and followed by the ministers of Hell, was seen 
 rushing forward over the bodies of his victims. 
 He was accompanied by three other mounted 
 figures, symbolizing the Gospel, the wars which 
 spread the Gospel, and the Judgment. At one 
 side a group of beasts were engaged in the destruc 
 tion of man. This canvas was successfully shown 
 at the American Academy for three months, and 
 later sent on the road to the profit of its owner 
 and the intense admiration of the people, if we may 
 judge from the poems and press notices it in 
 spired. "Terrible sublimity," "by one of the most 
 eminent artists of the age," "a fearful representa 
 tion," "the greatest painting yet," were some of 
 the extravagant terms employed. The picture was 
 sold in 1833 for $500 and continued its itinerancy 
 until 1840 at least. 21 
 
 While Dunlap was busy in the painting of his 
 torical canvases, civil war had developed within 
 the artistic fraternity of New York. The Amer 
 ican Academy was an academy in name only. No 
 school of instruction was maintained, and the young 
 artists who attempted to use the privilege of draw 
 ing from the Academy s casts were subjected 
 to discourteous treatment, a policy dictated, so 
 there was reason to believe, by President Trum- 
 bull. Membership in the organization was open to 
 all on payment of $25, and of the eleven directors, 
 only three could be artists. Thus the city was 
 
 21 Descriptive pamphlet, Boston, 1840; "New York Eve 
 ning Post," October 28, 1825, and following issues ; Diary, 
 Vol. XXX, p. 50. 
 
23iograpljp from 1B05 to 1B30 105 
 
 treated to the curious spectacle of an art associa 
 tion run by lawyers and shopkeepers. Naturally 
 the artists felt this an insult to their intelligence 
 and a curtailment of their liberty, as well as a 
 hindrance to the progress of American art. 
 
 In 1825, at the suggestion of Morse, the New 
 York Drawing Association, for the purpose of 
 promoting native art and assisting students, was 
 formed with Dunlap as one of the members. The 
 association met three evenings a week to draw. 
 One night Trumbull stalked in with the matricula 
 tion book of the Academy under his arm, which 
 he demanded that they sign. They refused, but 
 offered to unite with the older institution if six 
 artists were elected to the board of directors. At 
 the request of the Academy, the Drawing Associa 
 tion chose six of its members, one of whom was 
 Dunlap, with the understanding that they would 
 be placed on the board. Four of them not being 
 Academicians, $100 was put up to render them 
 eligible. But only two of the six were elected, 
 and they immediately resigned. The Academy, 
 however, retained the $100. 
 
 Thus betrayed, the Drawing Association re 
 solved to exist independently, and early in 1826 
 organized itself into the National Academy of De 
 sign. The membership included Morse, Dunlap, 
 Inman, Peale, Ingham, Cole, and Durand. Morse 
 was elected president, two lecturing professors 
 were appointed, and an exhibition was immediately 
 projected, with Dunlap as treasurer and a member 
 of the committee on arrangements. The first 
 
1 06 Jtiliam SDuniap 
 
 picture display, consisting of one hundred and 
 seventy entries (eleven of them were Dunlap s), 
 was held in the second story of an ordinary dwell 
 ing-house at the corner of Broadway and Reade 
 Street. 
 
 At the start the National encountered much op 
 position and enmity from the American Academy, 
 and a great deal of recrimination was indulged in 
 on both sides, in which Dunlap s pen was not idle. 
 But in a few years the new association was beyond 
 the fear of hostility, while the American was 
 slowly dying. 22 
 
 For the next year or two we find Dunlap paint 
 ing portraits at New York and elsewhere, working 
 on his "Calvary," and exhibiting his three large 
 pictures about the country with varying success. 
 Now they were the inspiration of sermons; now 
 they were condemned by the pulpit, and the agent 
 was seized for violating the law against puppet 
 shows. 
 
 In 1827 the artist once more turned to dramatic 
 writing. The Bowery Theatre, a sumptuous new 
 house, which had been opened in the fall of i826, 23 
 contracted with him to provide stage material 
 which might parallel and compete with that of its 
 rival, the Park. At the latter, Fitzball s "Flying 
 Dutchman" was making a great run. Late in 
 
 22 See "Arts of Design," Vol. II, Chapter XXI; T. S. 
 Cummings, "Historical Annals of the National Academy 
 of Design," Philadelphia, 1865. 
 
 23 Ireland, Vol. I, pp. 521-2. The capacity of the theatre 
 was about 3000. It contained the first gas-lighted stage 
 in America. 
 
from 1B05 to 1B39 107 
 
 May the Bowery, after considerable horn-blow 
 ing, came out with a play of the same name and 
 with the same dramatis persona, which proved its 
 mainstay during the spring and summer. Dunlap 
 undoubtedly had a hand in the piece, though prob 
 ably he did nothing more than revise Fitzball. 24 
 
 In February, 1828, "Thirty Years; or, The Life 
 of a Gamester," translated from the French, was 
 presented at the Bowery in opposition to "The 
 Gambler s Fate," a British translation which was 
 being featured at the Park. The American ver 
 sion found favor, and was repeated more than a 
 dozen times in the course of the year. 
 
 Dunlap s final play, "A Trip to Niagara; or, 
 Travellers in America," was brought out at the 
 Bowery on November 28, 1828. It was a farce, 
 written to exploit a new scenic device called the 
 Eidophusicon or Moving Diorama, by which a 
 series of scenes could be displayed in rapid suc 
 cession, so as to produce the illusion of actually 
 passing the objects represented. The Diorama 
 was already in use at the Park in connection with 
 Moncrieff s "London and Paris," but the Bowery 
 threw its rival into the shade by the size and 
 magnificence of the spectacle involved in "A Trip 
 to Niagara." A panorama of the Hudson River 
 was shown, composed of eighteen faithful repro 
 ductions, painted on the spot by competent artists, 
 
 24 I base the assumption of Dunlap s responsibility on 
 the fact that he included a play of this name in his 
 bibliography, and that the "New York Mirror," Vol. X, 
 p. 266, named "The Flying Dutchman" among his plays 
 written for the Bowery. 
 
1 08 UMliam 2Dunlaj) 
 
 and so arranged as to pass before the eye much 
 as though the spectator were in reality steaming 
 up the river. After exhausting the glories of the 
 Hudson, the Diorama followed the slender thread 
 of the plot across the State, and ended with a "sub 
 lime" view of Niagara Falls. The entire series em 
 ployed the unprecedented canvas area of 25,000 
 square feet, so it was said. Of course the play, 
 with this gorgeous attraction, was a smashing suc 
 cess until the novelty-loving New Yorkers de 
 manded some other curiosity. It was given fifteen 
 times the first month, a record which not even 
 Kotzebue in his palmiest days could approach ; but 
 after nine or ten performances during the next 
 three months it disappeared. 25 
 
 Meanwhile "Calvary," the painting on which 
 Dunlap had labored for three years, and which he 
 considered his masterpiece, was completed and 
 shown at New York in May, 1828. It depicted the 
 preparations for the sacrifice the moment before 
 the crucifixion. In August a Dunlap gallery, con 
 taining "Calvary," "Christ Rejected," "Death on 
 the Pale Horse," and several smaller pictures, was 
 opened at the National Academy. 26 But this ex 
 hibition did not prove profitable, and the new 
 painting was sent on tour. It met much hearty 
 praise for its energy, its harmony of color, and its 
 moral effect; but more than once it was criticized 
 
 25 "New York Evening Post," November 28, 1828, and 
 following issues; "New York Mirror," Vol. VI, pp. 159, 
 171. 
 
 26 "New York Evening Post," August 8, 1828. 
 
25iosraj)l)p from 1B05 to 1B3H 109 
 
 for the comparative obscurity of Christ. The eye 
 was first attracted by the various groups, it was 
 stated, and thus the picture failed to create an im 
 pression of epic unity. 27 
 
 The artist s income, never large, had fallen to 
 a very low figure at this period. His portrait com 
 missions were few, the returns from the show 
 pictures were slight, and for the Bowery plays he 
 received, as he said, "meagre compensation for 
 poor commodities." In the hope of remuneration 
 he began the "History of the American Theatre." 
 
 About this time he became a member of one of 
 the leading social organizations of the city, the 
 Sketch Club, composed of artists and literary men, 
 who met to draw and discuss art. Dunlap s un 
 usual club record, comprising the most reputable 
 societies of his day, is proof of his powers of 
 friendship and the attractiveness of his personality. 
 
 Resolving to tempt fortune in a new field, our 
 itinerant went to Vermont in the summer of 1829, 
 where he painted portraits to some profit and en 
 joyed the hospitality of the people. Thither he 
 returned at intervals to paint and exhibit. 
 
 The National Academy was growing comfort 
 ably, the number of students was increasing, and 
 more instructors were required. Accordingly in 
 March, 1830, Dunlap was appointed Lecturer on 
 Historic Painting, and in 1832 was made Professor 
 of that subject, in which office he continued until 
 1839. Among his colleagues was Bryant, Pro- 
 
 27 "New York Mirror," Vol. V, p. 359; "American 
 Monthly Magazine," Vol. II, pp. 263-4. 
 
J 
 
 1 1 o IDil I iam Dunlap 
 
 fessor of Mythology and Ancient History. 28 But 
 the position carried no salary, and the painter was 
 still sorely straitened. 
 
 Sometime in the spring of 1830 he gained a little 
 relief in a very pleasing manner. He received an 
 anonymous letter containing $100, which pur 
 ported to come from Brown and other friends in 
 the Elysian Fields, who, having found the bill 
 floating about in that region where all things are 
 to be had without money and without price, had 
 sent it to one who could put it to good use. The 
 recipient never discovered his benefactor. 
 
 The following August was spent near Lake 
 Champlain in the pursuit of his profession. While 
 there he suffered a severe attack from an ailment 
 which he designated merely as his chronic disease. 
 For sixteen days he lay abed in grave danger, but 
 he recovered and finished his portraits before re 
 turning home. 
 
 The address to the students of the Academy at 
 the awarding of premiums in April, 1831, was de 
 livered by Dunlap. He laid especial stress on the 
 necessity for freedom and independence in an 
 artist s activities. Patronage he declared to be 
 obnoxious to a republican. Against the principle 
 of patronage and protection, on which the Amer 
 ican Academy was built, the founders of the 
 National had rebelled. The address was not a 
 particularly creditable effort ; it was rambling and 
 unnecessarily hostile toward the rival institution. 
 
 28 Catalogues of the exhibitions of the National Acad 
 emy of Design; Cummings, p. 118. 
 
from 1BH5 to 1B39 1 1 1 
 
 At the annual election of the National Academy 
 in May, 1831, Dunlap was made vice-president. 
 This office was equivalent to a temporary presi 
 dency since President Morse was absent in Europe. 
 Another show picture was hastily turned out this 
 year, "The Attack on the Louvre," an episode in 
 the revolution of 1830. It was pronounced a 
 spirited and vivid canvas, but it failed on the 
 road. 29 
 
 The artist s finances remaining in a gloomy con 
 dition, he cast about for some means of relief. 
 Two lectures on art which he delivered for the 
 benefit of the Mercantile Library Association gave 
 him the idea of placing his more important paint 
 ings in a room and lecturing on them. For this 
 purpose the gallery of the National Academy, 
 now located in Clinton Hall, was secured, and the 
 historical pictures were put on display. The four 
 biblical subjects, "Christ Rejected," "The Bear 
 ing of the Cross," "Calvary," and "Death on the 
 Pale Horse," were arranged in a semi-circle to pro 
 duce a progressive panorama, a series containing 
 seven or eight hundred figures and nearly a thou 
 sand square feet of canvas. The doors were 
 opened in February, 1832, and the public was 
 urged by various periodicals to attend in large 
 numbers in order to relieve the distress of the 
 worthy artist. Two or three evenings each week 
 Dunlap lectured on his works, a feature which 
 grew in popularity until the gallery was filled 
 
 29 Cummings, p. 122; "New York Mirror," Vol. VIII, 
 p. 294; Vol. IX, p. 254. 
 
1 1 2 Jtetfliam SDunlap 
 
 every evening it was open. The conclusion of 
 one of these addresses is interesting for the per 
 sonal note it struck. After describing "Christ Re 
 jected" the speaker said : 
 
 "Such appears [sic] to have been the events 
 which imagination had presented to the painter s 
 eye, which, like the poet s, ought to glance from 
 heaven to earth from earth to heaven; but is too 
 often chained by circumstances to a lot and 
 thoughts very far below the exalted sphere to 
 which he aspires. His ardent fancy shows him 
 these scenes of interest and of glory ; but he has to 
 labor often in poverty, and disappointment, and 
 neglect, while striving to fix them on his canvas." 
 
 In the spring this exhibition was moved to a 
 museum at the corner of Broadway and Anthony 
 Street, but here it was a total failure because of an 
 epidemic of Asiatic cholera. 30 
 
 The year 1832 was an important one in Dunlap s 
 literary life inasmuch as it saw the publication of 
 his "History of the American Theatre." It was 
 dedicated to his friend, James Fenimore Cooper. 
 It came from the Harpers press about the first of 
 November, and since it was issued by subscription, 
 the author was at least insured against loss. In 
 1833 it was printed by Bentley of London in two 
 volumes. 31 From the English and American edi- 
 
 30 See "New York Mirror," Vol. IX, pp. 254, 299, 310; 
 "New York Evening Post," June 25, 1832; "Arts of De 
 sign," Vol. I, p. 309. 
 
 31 This edition is sometimes found in one volume with 
 a new title-page and a frontispiece by Cruikshank. 
 
Townsend Harris s Receipt from William Dunlap 
 
 for his copy of the 
 " History of the American Theatre" 
 
25iograpl)p from 1BH5 to 1B39 1 1 3 
 
 tions the writer eventually gained some re 
 muneration. 
 
 One of the most pleasant passages in Dunlap s 
 biography, and one which testifies to the regard in 
 which he was held by his fellow townsmen, be 
 longs to the year 1833. A group of citizens re 
 solved to aid the veteran dramatist and painter, 
 who was now contending against ill-health as well 
 as poverty. They decided upon a theatrical bene 
 fit, which should also serve as evidence of their 
 appreciation of his long devotion to letters and 
 art. A committee of one hundred prominent men, 
 including Paulding and Bryant, arranged a per 
 formance for February 28 at the Park Theatre. 
 The leading players of New York were enlisted, 
 and in addition Charles and Fanny Kemble, who 
 were then visiting this country, and Edwin For 
 rest, who came from Philadelphia for the oc 
 casion. The principal actors contributed their 
 services, the entire Bowery company was offered 
 unsolicited, and Charles Kemble, who was to 
 receive $400 for himself and his daughter, turned 
 over the whole sum to Dunlap. 
 
 The program consisted of "Venice Preserved" 
 with Forrest and Kemble in the major parts, a 
 poetical address, several solos, vocal and instru 
 mental, and Dunlap s farce, "Bonaparte in Eng 
 land." Halleck and Bryant in turn had been asked 
 to write the poetical address, but both, while ex 
 pressing the highest regard for Dunlap, declined 
 because of the press of other duties. George P. 
 Morris then accepted the responsibility and wrote 
 a graceful composition, of which I quote a part : 
 
ii4 HMHtam SPunlap 
 
 What gay assemblage greets my wondering sight ! 
 What scenes of splendor conjured here to-night ! 
 What voices murmur, and what glances gleam ! 
 Sure tis some flattering, unsubstantial dream. 
 The house is crowded everybody s here 
 For beauty famous, or to science dear ; 
 Doctors and lawyers, judges, belles and beaux, 
 Poets and painters and heaven only knows 
 Whom else beside and, see, gay ladies sit, 
 Lighting with smiles that fearful place, the pit 
 (A fairy change ah, pray continue it.) 
 Gray heads are here too, listening to my rhymes, 
 Full of the spirit of departed times; 
 Grave men and studious, strangers to my sight, 
 All gather round me on this brilliant night. 
 And welcome are ye all. Not now ye come 
 To speak some trembling poet s awful doom; 
 With frowning eyes a want of mind to trace 
 In some new actor s inexperienced face, 
 Or e en us old ones (oh, for shame !) to rate 
 With study good in time but never great/ 
 
 A nobler motive fills your bosoms now, 
 
 To wreathe the laurel round the silver d brow 
 
 Of one who merits it if any can, 
 
 The artist, author, and the honest man. 
 
 With equal charms his pen and pencil drew 
 
 Rich scenes, to nature and to virtue true. 
 
 Full oft upon these boards hath youth appear d, 
 
 And oft these smiles his faltering footsteps 
 
 cheer d ; 
 But not alone on budding genius smile, 
 
from 1BH5 to 1B3H 1 1 5 
 
 Leaving the ripen d sheaf unown d the while; 
 To boyish hope not every bounty give, 
 And only youth and beauty bid to live. 
 Will you forget the services long past, 
 Turn the old war-horse out to die at last? 
 When, his proud strength and noble fleetness o er, 
 His faithful bosom dares the charge no more ? 
 Ah, no the sun that loves his beams to shed 
 Round every opening flow ret s tender head, 
 With smiles as kind his genial radiance throws 
 To cheer the sadness of the fading rose : 
 Thus he, whose merit claims this dazzling crowd, 
 Points to the past, and has his claims allowed ; 
 Looks brightly forth, his faithful journey done, 
 And rests in triumph like the setting sun." 
 
 A large audience, not unlike that described by 
 Morris, attended in spite of a severe snow-storm. 
 The admission was $3 to the boxes and pit (the 
 latter was arranged for the accommodation of 
 ladies), and $i to the gallery. The total receipts 
 were $3194.50, and after deducting expenses the 
 committee handed Dunlap $2517.54. The letter of 
 notification read as follows: 
 
 New York, March 5, 1833. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 It has become my pleasing duty, as chairman of 
 the committee appointed by the citizens of New 
 York, who were convened to express their deep 
 sense of the services rendered by you to the pro 
 motion of the Fine Arts, and to the dramatic lit- 
 
1 1 6 liHiam Dunlap 
 
 erature of our country, to inform you, that a bene 
 fit has been appropriated, in which many of your 
 fellow citizens have had an opportunity of ex 
 pressing their estimate of those services, and of 
 bearing their testimony to your character as a 
 private citizen : for the proceeds I refer you to the 
 Hon. William T. McCoun, the treasurer. Allow 
 me, in the name of the committee, to congratulate 
 you upon the success that has attended their 
 efforts, and to add their fervent wishes that the 
 evening of your life may be as happy, as the former 
 part of it has been usefully and honorably em 
 ployed, in the advancement of the cause of virtue 
 and of literature. 
 
 Accept, dear sir, the expression of my personal 
 regard and respect. 
 
 DAVID HOSACK, Chairman. 
 
 To William Dunlap, Esq. 
 
 Dunlap s reply was this: 
 
 New York, March 5, 1833. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 It is with great pleasure I acknowledge the re 
 ceipt of your letter of this morning, from the 
 hands of my meritorious young friend, William 
 Sidney McCoun. 
 
 Of the many gratifying testimonials connected 
 with the event you allude to which I have received, 
 evincing the good opinion of my fellow citizens, 
 none will be valued more highly by me than the 
 approbation of my conduct through life, mani- 
 
from 1B05 to 1B33 1 1 7 
 
 fested by the large and highly respectable com 
 mittee appointed by the citizens of New York, 
 who were convened to express their appreciation 
 of the services I had rendered to the fine arts and 
 dramatic literature of our country. 
 
 I must beg you, sir, to find language wherewith 
 to communicate my heartfelt thanks for the honor 
 the committee have done me. I cannot find words 
 to express my sense of the feeling shown towards 
 me. For yourself, dear sir, accept my thanks and 
 best wishes for your future welfare. 
 
 WILLIAM DUNLAP. 
 
 Dr. David Hosack, Chairman. 32 
 
 Ill 
 
 THE last accessible volume of the Diary extends 
 from June 27, 1833, to December 31, 1834, and 
 gives much information concerning Dunlap s 
 labors and tribulations at this time. We find him 
 this spring and summer working on the "History 
 of the Arts of Design," a book which his friends 
 at the National Academy had urged him to write 
 as a financial aid. 33 He was also preparing some 
 biographies for Herring and Longacre s "National 
 Portrait Gallery." A novel, "Memoirs of a Water 
 Drinker," had just been completed, and was await 
 ing the pleasure of the publisher. His brush was 
 not yet laid aside, for in August he began two 
 
 32 "New York Evening Post," February 23 to March 9, 
 1833 ; "Knickerbocker Magazine," Vol. I, pp. 323 ff. 
 
 33 Cummings, p. 131. 
 
n8 KWiiam 
 
 portraits, but no doubt his orders were infrequent. 
 In all his work he was hindered by severe suffering 
 from an ailment which, his physician pronounced 
 bladder trouble. 
 
 On September 10, the Diary received this sig 
 nificant entry: "In Bank left $36.41. I always 
 find myself poorer on settling my Bank acct 
 than I had previously supposed." On the 26th, 
 his account had sunk to $6.41. 
 
 Yet in spite of his several occupations, and his 
 financial and bodily distress, Dunlap found time 
 and energy to serve actively on the committee for 
 the benefit of T. A. Cooper, who had fallen on 
 evil days, and to attempt the study of Greek under 
 the guidance of his son. 34 In September he 
 recorded: "Even now I have my alphabet & 
 enjoy the opening of another avenue to knowledge 
 although I may have time to enter but a little 
 way." 35 
 
 As the year lengthened, his suffering became so 
 acute that he often resorted to laudanum to deaden 
 the pain, taking sometimes as much as seventy-five 
 drops. A good part of December was spent in 
 bed. Yet the art history continued to progress; 
 he constantly received biographical sketches and 
 
 34 By this time John A. Dunlap had become a promising 
 New York attorney. He entered the practice in 1813. In 
 1815 he published a large digest of the law relating to the 
 justices of the peace, and in 1821 or 1822 another large 
 book on the Supreme Court of New York. See New 
 York Directories, 1813-14; "Analectic Magazine/ Vol. 
 VI, p. 419; "Literary and Scientific Repository," Vol. IV, 
 p. 40. 
 
 35 Diary, Vol. XXX, p. 41. 
 
25io0rapl)p from 1B05 to 1B39 1 19 
 
 other information concerning artists whom he 
 wished to include, and when able he worked at his 
 manuscript. 
 
 Early in 1834 the physicians diagnosed his 
 disease as gall-stones, and recommended an opera 
 tion. "The remedy for this disease," Dunlap 
 wrote, "has always appeared to me dreadful but 
 submission to my duty I hope may bear me 
 through & a few years of comparative health 
 may reward. Thy will be done. " 36 The opera 
 tion was performed on the 26th of February under 
 the direction of Drs. Francis and McLean. It was 
 unusually severe. The patient was under the knife 
 for more than an hour. When one considers that 
 anaesthetics were not yet in use, one is not sur 
 prised that the memory of the ordeal haunted him 
 like a nightmare for months. 
 
 During the convalescence, his wife and daughter 
 acted as nurses, and on them he bestowed more 
 praise for his recovery than on the doctors. "I 
 have had, and have, many blessings," he declared, 
 "but those flowing from my family are the most 
 precious." 37 His strength returned slowly, but 
 as soon as he could sit up for a few hours he re 
 sumed work on his book. By April he was able 
 to walk out a little, though it was not until fall 
 that he left off the use of laudanum. 
 
 On the 5th of December the "Arts of Design," 
 published in two volumes by Scott & Company, 
 was placed on sale and copies were sent to the sub- 
 
 36 Diary, Vol. XXX, p. 65. 
 
 37 "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 308. 
 
1 20 William SDimlap 
 
 scribers. 38 The subscription was surprisingly na 
 tional in scope ; among the points at which sets had 
 been ordered were Key West, New Orleans, 
 Savannah, Charleston, Norfolk, Philadelphia, 
 Albany, New Haven, and Boston, as well as New 
 York. The author realized some profit from his 
 labor, though not enough to mitigate his poverty 
 for any length of time. 
 
 From this thirtieth volume of the Diary may be 
 gained some interesting glimpses of Dunlap s com 
 panions. Washington Irving was a good friend 
 who occasionally dropped in to spend an evening. 
 On his return from abroad he expressed the con 
 viction that democracy was the best system of gov 
 ernment. After seventeen years of foreign resi 
 dence he was astonished, he said, at the contrast 
 between our cheerfulness and ambition, and the 
 discontent and anxiety which pervaded Europe. 
 All which, Dunlap replied, he had known long ago. 
 A, closer friend was J. Fenimore Cooper, who had 
 the habit of calling several times a week, and dur 
 ing the period of the operation was especially at 
 tentive. The convalescent must have been greatly 
 cheered and diverted by the visits of this virile and 
 whole-souled man. On April 13 he wrote: "J. F. 
 Cooper with me about an hour almost wild with 
 politics"; and on December 21: "J- F. Cooper 
 calls and stays till 2 oclock full of politics and 
 anticipations of evil." 
 
 As usual, Dunlap was reading widely at this 
 
 38 The edition comprised one thousand sets, and sold to 
 subscribers at $5 a set 
 
2>iograpl)p from 1B05 to 1B39 1 2 \ 
 
 time. Among his authors were Mrs. Shelley, Bos- 
 well, Cooper, Walpole, Gibbon, Bulwer, Edge- 
 worth, Defoe, Hugo, Moliere, and Pepys. 
 
 For the remaining years of his life very little 
 information can be obtained. He continued to act 
 as vice-president of the National and in various 
 ways served the Academy. He seems practically 
 to have ceased painting about 1836. Literary en 
 terprises occupied his last three or four years. 
 "Thirty Years Ago ; or, The Memoirs of a Water 
 Drinker," which had existed as a manuscript in 
 1833, was published by Bancroft & Holley in 
 two volumes in the summer of 1836, and reprinted 
 in a cheap one-volume edition in 1837, indicating 
 that it met a ready welcome with the temperance 
 societies to which it was dedicated. 
 
 Dunlap s old age, like his whole life, was full 
 of activity. Necessity was the immediate incen 
 tive; yet affluence would not have checked his 
 efforts, for he had the habit of labor and took joy 
 in his work. But his last years were saddened by 
 the loss of his daughter Margaret, who died on 
 June 9, i837. 39 
 
 This final period was devoted to investigation 
 in the history of New York. At the age of sixty- 
 nine or seventy Dunlap had conceived the ambi 
 tion of writing the history of his city and State, 
 and with his usual energy had set to work exam 
 ining the records. From lack of funds to carry on 
 the undertaking, he decided to publish a prelimi 
 nary text-book from the material he had so far 
 
 39 Dunlap family Bible. 
 
1 2 2 iteiiliam BDunlap 
 
 obtained. 40 In the spring of 1837 appeared his 
 "History of New York, for Schools" in two 
 small volumes from the press of Collins, Keese 
 & Company. 
 
 Dunlap was reflected vice-president of the Na 
 tional Academy in 1838, as he had been annually 
 since 1831. This year, however, he declined the 
 honor on account of ill-health. Upon his retiring, 
 the Academy asked him to sit to Ingham for his 
 portrait, and a likeness was produced which was 
 pronounced faithful in the extreme, 41 and which 
 still hangs on the walls of the National Academy 
 of Design. During the twelve years of the in 
 stitution s existence, he had been one of the most 
 active in promoting its interests. Not only had he 
 held various offices and served on numerous com 
 mittees, but in his "Arts of Design" he had been 
 its first annalist. Furthermore, he had been a 
 regular contributor to the yearly exhibitions. His 
 contributions were mostly portraits, but biblical 
 pictures, illustrations of fiction, and allegorical 
 subjects were also among them. 42 
 
 40 "American Monthly Magazine," Vol. X, p. 85. 
 
 41 Cummings, p. 151. 
 
 42 The following is a list of Dunlap s contributions to 
 the annual exhibitions: 1826: five portraits; three groups 
 for "Calvary"; "Barabbas and Thieves" sketch from 
 West; scene from the "Spy"; "Cupid Sleeping" copy 
 from Mignard; group of female figures. 1827: five por 
 traits, including General P. B. Porter, Governor Clinton, 
 Anthony Bleecker, and the artist; a group for "Death on 
 the Pale Horse"; a group for "Calvary"; "Female and 
 Sleeping Cupid" Cupid from Guidp; "Saviour and Mary 
 Magdalen in the Garden." 1828: nine portraits, including 
 Hackett telling the story of Uncle Ben; two studies for 
 
25iograpl)p from 1 B05 to 1 B33 123 
 
 Of Dunlap s merits as a painter it is difficult to 
 speak because so much of his work is either in 
 accessible or non-extant. But students of the sub 
 ject award him only a humble place in American 
 art. Deficient in training and handicapped by the 
 loss of an eye, he was ill-equipped for unusual 
 achievements. He painted to keep the wolf from 
 the door, and he wisely did the types of work that 
 were most in demand, miniatures, oil portraits, 
 and show pieces. In his historical paintings he 
 was a consistent imitator. Lacking creative 
 imagination, he relied on West for subject-matter 
 and method. It is interesting to note that the 
 modest success of these pictures resulted in large 
 part from this imitation, such was the dependence 
 of the early United States on the culture of Eng 
 land. As disseminators of culture through the 
 
 "Calvary." 1829 : eleven portraits, including J. F. Cooper ; 
 "Clio"; "Counting Chickens"; the "Historic Muse" (pro 
 nounced a graceful, well-drawn figure, Sully considered 
 it his best painting). 1830: nine portraits; "Calvary" (no 
 doubt the small preliminary sketch). 1831: twelve por 
 traits, including the artist (said to be "one of the best 
 heads ever painted in this country," perhaps the one 
 shown in 1827); "Calvary"; the "Detection of Harry 
 Wharton," from the "Spy" ; a study for "Christ Rejected" ; 
 "Counting Chickens"; "Clio"; two studies for "Calvary"; 
 "Little Girl Coming from School." 1832 : seven portraits ; 
 "Holy Family." 1833: two portraits; "Artist Showing 
 Picture to his Parents," painted in 1788. 1834: no entries 
 on account of sickness. 1835 : two portraits, including G. 
 P. Morris; "Richard and Kenneth," from Scott s "Talis 
 man." 1836: group of children. 1837: no entries. 1838: 
 crayon portrait of Washington, made in 1783. For data 
 see Catalogues of the exhibitions of the National Acad 
 emy of Design; "New York Mirror," Vol. VI, p. 354; 
 Vol. X, p. 266; "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 305. 
 
1 24 i$iHiam SDunlap 
 
 less advanced sections of the country, they per 
 formed a not unimportant service. Bryant said: 
 "We cannot call him eminent either as a writer or 
 as an artist, but he did much by his large historical 
 paintings, exhibited by his pupils all over the 
 country, to give our people an idea of what a 
 picture ought to be, and to awaken in them a 
 taste for art." 43 Yet no doubt these pictures had 
 a certain effectiveness in themselves; for, according 
 to a contemporary critic, "In these he has studied 
 a free, bold manner, which, disregarding, and 
 sometimes perhaps in too great a degree, the 
 niceties of detail, aims at producing a strong gen 
 eral effect." 44 
 
 But Dunlap s forte was portraiture, a branch of 
 art in which he deserves higher rank than is com 
 monly given him. We have found his ability as 
 a miniaturist to be considerable. And some of his 
 oils are well above mediocrity, a fact which 
 students of American art often overlook. Among 
 his best extant portraits are those of a Lady, De 
 Witt Clinton, John A. Conant, Mrs. Thomas A. 
 Cooper, and George Spalding. Perhaps the most 
 distinctive quality of all these is their humanness. 
 The last two, which have recently come to light, 
 give evidence of unexpected talent. The faces 
 are beautifully drawn and are full of character, 
 the colors are rich and soft, and the whole im 
 pression is thoroughly artistic. The following 
 
 43 "The Academy of Design," an address at the opening 
 of the new building in 1865. 
 
 44 "New York Mirror," Vol. X, p. 266. 
 
25iograpljp from 1 Bfl5 to 1 H30 125 
 
 paragraphs are taken from the "Bulletin of the 
 Worcester Art Museum" of January, 1917: 
 
 "The Museum has lately acquired two examples 
 of his oil portraits which in general excellence will 
 come as a surprise even to those familiar with the 
 best work of the early American school. One, the 
 Portrait of a Lady, has much dignity and charm. 
 The genial face in its quaint setting of dark curls 
 and cap of creamy lace, the easy pose against a 
 dark crimson curtain drawn back from an open 
 window, and the harmonious color seen in the 
 saffron gown and paler yellow ribbons, all com 
 bine to make a picture comparable to the work of 
 Thomas Sully at his best. 
 
 "The other, a Portrait of George Spalding, is of 
 still finer quality. The young man . . . wears a 
 dark coat, with the stock and ruff of the early 
 nineteenth century. The smooth-shaven face and 
 the fashion of the curling hair, drawn forward 
 over forehead and cheeks, betoken the same period. 
 In technique this portrait might well be taken for 
 an excellent example of Dunlap s contemporary, 
 Gilbert Stuart, and it is of special interest in being 
 a first-rate piece of work by an early American 
 artist who has hitherto been almost unknown." 
 
 Desiring to show their appreciation of his zeal 
 for the cause and to aid in forwarding the "His 
 tory of New York," Dunlap s fellow artists ar 
 ranged a picture exhibit for his benefit. The com 
 mittee comprised Verplanck, Bryant, Morris, 
 Francis, and several leading painters. Between 
 
1 2 6 B&iiliam SDunlap 
 
 two hundred and two hundred and fifty pictures, 
 chiefly modern, were collected and placed in the 
 Stuyvesant Institute. The display began on No 
 vember 19, 1838, to run four weeks; the admission 
 was twenty-five cents. Among the painters rep 
 resented were Cole, Durand^MorseTWeir, Jarvis, 
 Dunlap, Inman, Inghamjmeynold^West, Stuart, 
 Allston, Sully, Copley, anal rurnbull. The news 
 papers urged attendance. The "Mirror," always 
 very cordial to Dunlap, declared that such a bene 
 fit was really a public duty because of his long 
 services and his present misfortunes. That peri 
 odical asserted that "another such opportunity of 
 witnessing in one coup-d ceil the chef-d ceuvres 
 of many of our first artists will not soon be pre 
 sented." None the less, at the end of a month only 
 about $200 had been cleared, and it was decided to 
 continue the exhibition a few weeks longer. It 
 closed on January 5, 1839, with a balance of about 
 $1000, which was presented to Dunlap. 45 
 
 He was thus enabled to proceed to the publica 
 tion of his work, but while the first volume was in 
 the press he was stricken with paralysis. Though 
 for a time he had sufficient strength to correct 
 proof, yet finally the pen dropped from his power 
 less hand. His purpose, however, was not de 
 feated, for through the efforts of others the first 
 volume of the "History of the New Netherlands, 
 Province of New York, and State of New York, 
 
 45 "New York Evening Post," November 17, 1838, and 
 following issues; Catalogue of the Exhibit; "New York 
 Mirror," Vol. XVI, pp. 175, 215, 231. 
 
from 1B05 to 1B30 1 2 7 
 
 to the Adoption of the Federal Constitution," came 
 from the press of Carter & Thorp about the 
 middle of September, and the second volume a 
 few months later. 46 
 
 On the morning of September 28, 1839, William 
 Dunlap died at his home in Greenwich Lane. He 
 was survived by his wife and son. His body was 
 taken to Perth Amboy for burial. 
 
 Until his last illness his mind remained clear and 
 vigorous. His acquaintances found his memory 
 "a vast store-house of facts and anecdotes." 47 In 
 deed, it would be difficult to name a contemporary 
 who had gone through a wider range of experience 
 or known more interesting and important people 
 than he, and not without reason was he considered 
 one of the most attractive conversationalists to be 
 met with. 
 
 Dunlap s long life of seventy-three and a half 
 years was one of continued devotion to cultural 
 pursuits. He early swore allegiance to art and 
 letters, and through privation and disappointment, 
 in spite of obstacles that would have discouraged 
 most men, he held his allegiance true until the day 
 of his death. He had more than his share of afflic 
 tions, but his optimism bore him courageously 
 through. In no sense a genius, he yet won for 
 himself an honorable place in two spheres of 
 cultural activity by dint of perseverance and de 
 termination. While deriving no little satisfaction 
 from the distinctions and friendships which were 
 
 * Preface to Vol. II of the "History of New York." 
 47 "Commercial Advertiser," October 2, 1839. 
 
1 2 8 William JDuntag 
 
 his portion, he was always extremely modest con 
 cerning his ability. He carried through life a 
 lofty ideal, and in all he did he strove to serve the 
 highest moral and intellectual welfare of his city 
 and nation. 
 
 His contemporaries warmly praised his ac 
 complishments, but especially did they pay tribute 
 to his character as an upright and lovable man. 
 The "Mirror" spoke the common opinion when it 
 said sometime before his death : 
 
 "Engaged for so many years in pursuits so 
 various, active and exciting, in which he was not 
 always kindly treated by fortune, and which 
 brought him into conflict with so many interests, 
 it might almost be deemed impossible that Mr. 
 Dunlap should have escaped occasions of slander 
 and enmity. Yet, few men have passed through 
 life so free from reproach, and few are so uni 
 versally beloved. Mr. Dunlap, by general con 
 sent, bears that noblest of titles an honest man. 
 His manners are unassuming and kind; his con 
 versation full of knowledge and anecdote; his 
 moral judgment true and delicate ; and his feelings 
 warm and generous." 48 
 
 "New York Mirror," Vol. X, p. 266. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 THE ORIGINAL PLAYS 
 
 WILLIAM DUNLAP has been called the 
 Father of American Drama. How far he 
 deserves this ascription of paternity can be decided 
 only by first considering the status of dramatic 
 literature in this country prior to his advent. 
 
 The early colonists had little leisure and less 
 inclination for theatrical frivolity. But by 1714 
 a play had been written and printed on colonial 
 soil, "Androborus," a political farce by Robert 
 Hunter, Governor of New York. The real incep 
 tion of native drama, however, did not occur until 
 the stage presentation of English plays had become 
 an established fact. This situation was attendant 
 upon the arrival of the Hallam Company in 1752* 
 
 Stimulated by the frequent performance of 
 "Richard III," "Romeo and Juliet," "George Barn- 
 well," "Cato," "The Beaux Stratagem," and other 
 masterpieces of the British theatre, a few of our 
 more adventurous writers began uncertainly to 
 essay the dramatic. First in ability as well as in 
 time among these pioneers was Thomas Godfrey 
 of Philadelphia. In 1759, at the age of twenty- 
 three, he wrote a tragedy called "The Prince of 
 
 1 See ante, p. 32. 
 
 129 
 
1 30 HDilliam SDuntop 
 
 Parthia," which was acted in 1767.2 It is not a 
 very excellent tragedy; indeed, a modern reader 
 would find its most tragic passages humorous. Yet 
 considering its author s youth and the circum 
 stances under which he worked, it is surprisingly 
 good, and American drama might easily have had 
 a less dignified beginning. 
 
 "The Prince of Parthia" was unmistakably con 
 structed according to the pseudo-classic conven 
 tions which were prominently employed in Eng 
 land during the eighteenth century. It is akin to 
 Addison s "Cato," Thomson s "Sophonisba," John 
 son s "Irene," and other blank verse tragedies 
 involving classic or oriental settings, the three 
 unities, and stiffly formal treatment. In fact, God 
 frey s play bears a general resemblance to Lee s 
 "Theodosius," one of the early representatives of 
 the type. It also contains some Shakespearian 
 reminiscences. The influence of "Romeo and 
 Juliet" may be traced in the death of the lovers, 
 and an echo of "Julius Caesar" can be detected in 
 the supernatural portents which prelude the catas 
 trophe. "The Prince of Parthia" thus announced 
 distinctly that American drama in its inception was 
 to be no independent growth, but an offshoot of 
 the English plant. 
 
 The next two plays were written by men un 
 acquainted with dramatic literature, and reveal the 
 extent to which our writers were capable of going 
 when not copying definite models. "Ponteach" 
 (1766), a tragedy of Indian life, was the work of 
 
 2 Seilhamer, "History of the American Theatre," Vol. I, 
 p. 189. 
 
i)e Original $Iapg 1 3 1 
 
 Major Robert Rogers, a frontiersman and Indian 
 fighter. Somewhat to our astonishment, the red 
 skins are shown to be more sinned against than 
 sinning. We see them victimized by the white 
 man s rapacity and deception, against which their 
 only defense is the tomahawk. "Ponteach" is im 
 portant as our first play to deal with American 
 material, but it does so in an exceedingly crude 
 and formless way. 
 
 "The Conquest of Canada; or, The Siege of 
 Quebec" (1766), by George Cockings, is even 
 worse ; nevertheless it appeared on the Philadelphia 
 stage in the season of 1 772-3.3 Utterly devoid of 
 plot or structure, it is simply a chronicle of the 
 battle in which the author has tried to include 
 every detail. The poverty of the Colonial theatre 
 in the matter of mechanics is suggested by a scene 
 in Act III. The nocturnal expedition of the 
 French fire-ships against the British fleet is to be 
 illustrated. The stage is darkened, and not a per 
 son appears. The desired effect is produced by 
 much yelling and bawling of orders behind the 
 scenes. The next morning we are carried to a 
 near-by nunnery, where the sisters dilate over the 
 horrors of the past night. Humble, indeed, were 
 the beginnings of American drama. 
 
 In 1767 comedy began unpropitiously with "The 
 Disappointment; or, The Force of Credulity," by 
 Andrew Barton. 4 This wretched farce, which 
 satirizes the then prevalent practice of searching 
 
 3 Seilhamer, Vol. I, p. 302. 
 
 4 Perhaps an assumed name for Colonel Thomas Forrest 
 of Germantown. The play was to appear at the South- 
 
1 3 2 Jflliam SDunlap 
 
 for buried pirate treasure, concerns itself with the 
 scheme of several tricksters, who bury a chest of 
 bricks and inveigle a group of gulls to dig it up in 
 their quest for gold. Containing as it does some 
 twenty songs, "The Disappointment" had the fur 
 ther honor of initiating American ballad-opera. 5 
 The type grew up in imitation of the English spe 
 cies, which had been brought to a high pitch of 
 popularity in both countries by "The Beggar s 
 Opera" (1728) and its followers. 
 
 The Revolutionary War with its preliminary 
 events called out a few plays in defense of each 
 party, all of them feeble from the dramatic stand 
 point. To Mrs. Mercy Warren, daughter and 
 sister of the Otises and wife of General Warren, 
 have been attributed four scathing satires against 
 the British. The first of these, "The Adulateur" 
 ( X 773) > is perhaps the most interesting. It is com 
 posed in inflated blank verse, and represents the 
 Adamses, Hancock, Warren, and other patriots 
 under the guise of the Roman conspirators: 
 Brutus, Cassius, Marcus, Portius, etc. 6 
 
 wark Theatre, Philadelphia, but was withdrawn just be 
 fore its presentation because of personal reflections 
 contained in it. See Seilhamer, Vol. I, pp. 177-8. 
 
 5 The term ballad-opera properly applies only to plays 
 like "The Beggar s Opera/ the lyrics of which were set to 
 popular airs; but it is commonly used to designate also 
 those plays containing songs with original music. For 
 discussion of the type see O. G. Sonneck s "Early Opera 
 in America." 
 
 6 See P. L. Ford, "Some Notes toward an Essay on the 
 Beginnings of American Dramatic Literature," New 
 York, 1893, pp. 15-16; M. C. Tyler, "Literary History of 
 the American Revolution," New York and London, 1897, 
 Vol. II, pp. 193-4- 
 
1 3 3 
 
 The only other playwright of any importance 
 whose name has emerged from this period was 
 Hugh Henry Brackenridge. His two tragedies, 
 The Battle of Bunker s-Hill" (1776) and "The 
 Death of Montgomery in Storming the City of 
 Quebec" (1777), are of a highly rhetorical nature. 
 The action is as slight as may be, but the deficiency 
 is supplied by a succession of bombastic blank 
 verse speeches. The former drama is a eulogy of 
 American bravery. The latter is a violent denun 
 ciation of British brutality and treachery. Even 
 the ghost of Wolfe arises to condemn his country 
 men and to prophesy the future glories of the 
 United States in an oration of fifty-six lines. 
 
 The English cause had champions equally rabid. 
 Nothing could exceed the scurrility of the anony 
 mous "Battle of Brooklyn" (1776). The Ameri 
 can people are represented as stupid cowards and 
 their leaders, Washington in particular, as degen 
 erate scoundrels. 
 
 It is needless to say that the plays of the Revo 
 lution did not advance our dramatic literature. 
 The writers were too much engrossed in the de 
 lights of reviling the enemy to pay much attention 
 to more artistic considerations. 
 
 A better composition than any since "The Prince 
 of Parthia" was Peter Markoe s "Patriot Chief" 
 (1784), though its excellences are but few. It 
 is another so-called tragedy in the formal style 
 then in vogue. 
 
 The first American comedy worthy of the name 
 was "The Contrast," by Royall Tyler, which was 
 acted four times at New York in 1787, with sub- 
 
134 BMKiam SDunlap 
 
 sequent performances at Philadelphia and else 
 where. 7 It contains a well-defined and skilfully 
 managed plot of considerable interest. The play 
 contrasts the affected, Europeanized American 
 with the sincere and sterling home-bred citizen. 
 
 Royall Tyler s distinct contribution to our drama 
 was a new humorous character, the Yankee. His 
 Jonathan was the progenitor of a long and honor 
 able line of stage Yankees, commonly glorying in 
 the baptismal name of their ancestor, and all inher 
 iting his ignorance and gawkiness, his shrewdness 
 and honesty, his dialect and "darnations." Dialect 
 had occasionally been employed before in Ameri 
 can plays, "The Disappointment" for instance, but 
 Tyler s Jonathan was the first attempt to create 
 humor by exploiting provincialism. 
 
 For our purpose "The Contrast" is noteworthy 
 primarily as the earliest sentimental play to be 
 written in this country. As such it was the shower 
 which preceded the deluge. Tyler s model, of 
 course, was the emotional comedy of England, 
 which had been so conspicuous on the British stage 
 throughout the century, and which had also gained 
 a large following in the New World. The purpose 
 of English sentimental comedy was twofold: to 
 correct morals and to arouse the feelings to a high 
 pitch of activity. The former aim was generally 
 accomplished by the reformation of a rake, as in 
 Gibber s "Careless Husband" (1704) and Kelly s 
 "School for Wives" (1773); the latter by the 
 reuniting of long-lost brothers and sisters, or par- 
 
 7 Seilhamer, Vol. II, index. 
 
f> Original Jplapg 1 3 5 
 
 ents and children, and by the distress and final 
 happiness of lovers, as in Steele s "Conscious Lov 
 ers" (1722), Whitehead s "School for Lovers" 
 (1762), and Cumberland s "Natural Son" (1784). 
 Sentimentalism developed a code of conduct all its 
 own. The true sentimentalist was required to 
 approach each circumstance of life through the 
 heart, not the head. A poor man should be given 
 a fortune instead of a job. Tears must be always 
 ready to flow at any sign of distress. Parents, no 
 matter how unreasonable, should be respected and 
 obeyed. A lady should so guard her every act that 
 no shade of indelicacy might darken her fair name. 
 She should cultivate the art of fainting gracefully. 
 A gentleman must be ever ready to forgive injury, 
 and to throw away his sword when an enemy is in 
 his power, such magnanimity is the surest safe 
 guard of honor. Lovers must show the most dis 
 interested regard for each other s sense of delicacy. 
 They may spout sentiments profusely, but they 
 should never display spontaneous emotion. 8 
 
 Apparently Tyler studied diligently in the Eng 
 lish school of sensibility, for "The Contrast" is 
 entirely orthodox. There is a rascal of the name 
 of Dimple who must be exposed. There is a hero, 
 Col. Manly, and a heroine, Maria, whose happiness 
 is balked for a time by a headstrong father. The 
 lovers are as thorough a pair of sentimentalists as 
 writer ever invented. Their sense of delicacy is 
 
 8 For a complete discussion of English sentimental drama 
 see Ernest Bernbaum, "Drama of Sensibility," Boston, 
 1915. 
 
136 itefliiam SDunlap 
 
 awe-inspiring. Ridiculed by their gay and thought 
 less acquaintance, they pursue unperturbed the 
 path of solemn rectitude which leadeth unto matri 
 mony. The curtain descends on the triumph of 
 sentimentality and the discomfiture of the frivolous 
 and still unmated scoffers. 
 
 As Dunlap began to write, a few other plays of 
 the prevailing types were coming from the press. 
 In 1789 Samuel Low published "The Politician 
 Outwitted," a comedy of a somewhat sentimental 
 nature, containing a rustic character imitated from 
 Jonathan. In 1790 were printed two tragedies, 
 "The Ladies of Castile" and "The Sack of Rome," 
 written by Mrs. Mercy Warren in the conventional 
 manner. 
 
 It can readily be seen that a playwright entering 
 the field about 1790 would gain very little aid from 
 the productions of his American precursors. The 
 body of native drama was small (the majority of 
 the plays have been cited above) and of quite 
 negligible quality. Except that comedy should be 
 realistic and more or less satirical, and tragedy 
 vaguely classical in the eighteenth century sense, 
 there were no traditions. But as a matter of fact 
 Dunlap did not much bother himself about his 
 predecessors. He was probably unaware of their 
 existence, with the exception of Tyler. For his 
 inspiration he went directly to England just as his 
 forerunners had done. 
 
3fyt Original $lap 1 3 7 
 
 II 
 
 WILLIAM DUNLAP S first dramatic offspring has 
 long slumbered in an unmarked grave. "The Mod 
 est Soldier; or, Love in New York" (1787) is 
 known to us only through the author s slight sketch 
 of it in his "History of the American Theatre": 
 "A Yankee servant, a travelled American, an offi 
 cer in the late revolutionary army, a fop, such as 
 fops then were in New- York, an old gentleman 
 and his two daughters, one of course lively and 
 the other serious, formed the dramatis personae." 9 
 Written under the spell of the contemporary Eng 
 lish stage, with which Dunlap had become familiar 
 during his recent sojourn abroad, and directly 
 prompted by "The Contrast," 10 "The Modest Sol 
 dier" was undoubtedly a comedy of sentiment. It 
 is safe to conjecture that the Yankee servant was 
 a second Jonathan, that the modest soldier was a 
 brother of Col. Manly, that the fop was of the tribe 
 of Dimple, and that the serious daughter was as 
 hopeless a sentimentalist as Maria. 
 
 With his second attempt Dunlap graduated into 
 the meagre ranks of the successful American play 
 wrights. As our author s first acted play, "The 
 Father; or, American Shandyism" (written 1788) 
 is perhaps of sufficient interest to warrant a de- 
 
 9 P- 77. 
 
 10 See ante, p. 14. 
 
138 Jl^ifliam SDunlap 
 
 tailed synopsis, which may give some notion of his 
 ability at dramatic construction. 
 
 There is a prologue in praise of the moral stage 
 of the New World. 
 
 Scene: New York City. 
 
 Act I. Mr. Racket, after a year of matrimony, 
 has grown indifferent toward his wife, and spends 
 his time in gambling and dissipation. Resolving 
 to cure him by jealousy, Mrs. Racket affects a 
 great regard for Capt. Ranter, an English libertine. 
 
 Act II. Mrs. Racket s uncle, Col. Duncan, and 
 his servant, Cartridge, plan to construct a mimic 
 fort in Mrs. Racket s tulip garden, for which Car 
 tridge is devising a pair of guns from the Colonel s 
 old boots. Duncan and Cartridge are very much 
 devoted to each other and benevolent toward all 
 the world. They are full of sympathy for the 
 charitable Caroline, Mrs. Racket s sister, who is 
 wasting away from secret grief. 
 
 Act III. Caroline, sola, laments the probable 
 death of her fiance, Henry. Enter Col. Duncan, 
 who reveals to her his history the old story of a 
 secret marriage, and an infant son entrusted to a 
 friend. The son was reported killed at Bunker 
 Hill. Caroline in turn confesses her love for 
 Henry, and describes a ring he wore, which the 
 Colonel recognizes as one he had given his son. 
 Ranter enters, displays the ring under discussion, 
 and declares that Henry in dying gave it to him. 
 
 Act IV. Henry appears, disguised as a blind 
 soldier, in pursuit of his servant Marsh, alias Ran 
 ter, who has stolen his ring. The blind soldier 
 
lje Original papg 1 3 9 
 
 assures them that Henry is alive ; Ranter swears he 
 saw him die. Caroline, alternately exalted by hope 
 and crushed by despair, finds ample occasion for 
 fainting and tears. 
 
 Act V. Scene: A dark hallway. Racket at 
 tempts to seduce the maid Susannah. Enter Ranter 
 with Mrs. Racket, whose virtue he is assailing. At 
 sounds of violence Duncan and Cartridge rush in. 
 In the confusion Mrs. Racket gets into the arms of 
 her husband, and a reconciliation follows. Henry 
 now appears without disguise and, his identity 
 established, falls into the arms of his father, Col. 
 Duncan. 
 
 The epilogue ridicules the play, and protests that 
 the author should not be encouraged. 
 
 The humor is entrusted mainly to Dr. Quiescent, 
 an unbalanced physician, who obtained his degree 
 at Edinburgh by a thesis on recovering drowned 
 kittens. He is an "impenetrable coxcomb" to 
 whom every occurrence is a reminder of some re 
 markable case he has attended. 
 
 The reason for the sub-title, "American Shandy- 
 ism," is apparent from the above summary. Col. 
 Duncan is a close copy of Sterne s Uncle Toby 
 Shandy, and Cartridge of his Corporal Trim. The 
 Colonel rides Uncle Toby s hobby, mimic warfare, 
 he has a potential Widow Wadman in Mrs. Gre 
 nade, and he is as all-embracingly benevolent as his 
 prototype. Cartridge says of him : 
 
 "I have known him brush away the mosquito 
 that bit him with his handkerchief, thus: I can 
 
1 40 nfttUiam SDunlap 
 
 forgive thee, says he; thou actest up to thy na 
 ture. ... He will not let anybody, that has to do 
 with him, kill any toads and such things, ... he 
 saves from sorrow all that fall in his way the 
 man as well as the insect." 11 
 
 But Duncan is only a formal imitation of the im 
 mortal Uncle Toby; whatever charm he possesses 
 is reflected, for he lacks the breath of life. 
 
 It is needless to dwell on the fact that "The 
 Father" is a thorough-going sentimental comedy. 
 It could hardly have been anything else. Not only 
 was the whole tendency of contemporary literature 
 in that direction, but Dunlap was by nature sus 
 ceptible to sentimentalism, being a moralist and a 
 humanitarian. The main plot is of the lost-rela 
 tive-found type, and involves the distressed-lover 
 theme. The sub-plot is a reformed-rake episode. 
 The dark-hall affair in the last act may have been 
 suggested, as Genest has pointed out, 12 by Gar- 
 rick s "Bon Ton; or, High Life Above Stairs" 
 (1775), in which two guilty couples meet in a dark 
 room, the husband by mistake taking possession 
 of his wife. The intervention of a moral uncle 
 heightens the resemblance. 
 
 As the second play of a youth of twenty-two, 
 "The Father" is distinctly commendable. Without 
 much claim to originality, it shows that ability to 
 discover public taste which is one of the essentials 
 
 11 Act III. 
 
 12 "Some Account of the English Stage from the Resto 
 ration in 1660 to 1830," London, Vol. X, p. 197. 
 
Clje Original $lap 1 4 l 
 
 of theatrical success. To be sure it is overcrowded 
 with incident, and contains several scenes and fig 
 ures which do not forward the action, yet it is 
 brisk and entertaining, it is managed with discre 
 tion, and it should have gone well on the stage. 
 The "American Quarterly Review" of 1827 pro 
 nounced it one of our best plays. "The plot," it 
 declared, "is sufficiently dramatic to carry an in 
 terest throughout; the characters are well drawn, 
 and well employed; and the dialogue possesses, 
 what is indispensable to genuine comedy, a brief 
 terseness, and unstudied ease, which few of the 
 productions of the present era afford." 13 Genest 
 said : "This is so good a comedy, that one is sur 
 prised, that it should not have been brought out on 
 the English stage." 14 
 
 The edition of 1806 made considerable altera 
 tion in the play, which was now called "The Father 
 of an Only Child." The changes in the main were 
 for the better. Some of the early crudity was 
 removed, the style was more highly finished, and 
 certain scenes and characters were more com 
 pletely developed. The Doctor was made more of, 
 his amusing attempt to resuscitate a bundle of old 
 clothes being added. The second edition was 
 lengthened by about two thousand words, and 
 was further altered by a rechristening of several 
 characters, for instance, Duncan became Camp 
 bell, Cartridge became Platoon, Ranter became 
 Rushport, and Dr. Quiescent became Dr. Terebrate 
 
 is Vol. I, p. 350. 
 i* Vol. X, p. 196. 
 
142 HDtittam 
 
 Tattle. The increased moralizing tendency of this 
 edition suggests that Dunlap s managerial experi 
 ence had convinced him of the potency of the 
 theatre as a social influence. 
 
 "Darby s Return," the interlude which the young 
 playwright composed in 1789 for Wignell s benefit, 
 drew all its characters from O KeefiVs "Poor Sol 
 dier," in which the comedian was a favorite as 
 Darby. Dunlap imagined the mischief-maker to 
 have returned to Ireland from his wanderings, and 
 to be relating his experiences to his old friends. 
 The first adventure his involuntary voyage to 
 Dantzic and his career as a Prussian soldier 
 were taken from O Keeffe s "Patrick in Prussia; 
 or, Love in a Camp," a sequel to "The Poor 
 Soldier." Leaving Germany, Darby eventually 
 reached America, a country which won his heart, 
 as he tells the admiring throng. From the United 
 States he made a flying trip to France and thence 
 home. 
 
 The author admitted in the preface that the 
 piece was a hasty and incorrect sketch, which he 
 had no idea of printing until urged to do so by 
 friends. It has, none the less, a few points of inter 
 est. Dunlap was affiliated with the Federalist 
 party, and the passage on France reflects the un 
 sympathetic attitude of the Federalists toward the 
 French Revolution: 
 
 "I went to France. I always did love quiet, 
 And there I got in the middle of a riot. 
 There they cried, vive la nation liberty 
 
l>c Original $lapg 1 43 
 
 And all the bag and tails swore they d be free ; 
 They caught the fire quite across the ocean, 
 And to be sure they re in a nice commotion : 
 Down with the bastille, tuck up the jailor, 
 Cut off mi tor s head, then pay his taylor. 
 
 Some took the liberty to plunder others, 
 You may be sure I didn t stay there long." 
 
 Further, "Darby s Return" is interesting as the 
 first American ballad-opera to face the footlights. 
 Though a brief affair of nine pages, it is a true 
 ballad-opera because its two songs are set to popu 
 lar airs. 
 
 The promise of worthy achievement held out in 
 "The Father" was not belied in Dunlap s first 
 tragedy, "The Fatal Deception; or, The Progress 
 of Guilt" (written 1790), which was printed as 
 "Leicester." The story is sufficiently exciting if 
 somewhat extravagant. 
 
 Act I. Lord Leicester is approaching Kenil- 
 worth after a considerable absence at war, eager 
 to rejoin his bride, Matilda. He comes upon Dud 
 ley Cecil defending himself and his wife against a 
 band of assailants. Leicester rescues them, and 
 persuades them to accompany him to his castle. 
 
 Act II. Matilda is living in adultery with 
 Henry Cecil, whom she has installed in the house 
 hold as her brother. She wishes to flee with him, 
 but her husband s unexpected arrival prevents. 
 
1 44 ID 1 11 urn Dunlap 
 
 Matilda learns that her real brother is on his way 
 to Kenilworth. Realizing that her deception will 
 be disclosed, she convinces Henry that he must kill 
 Leicester. 
 
 Act III. Leicester takes Dudley Cecil to his 
 own room to rest. Matilda and Henry approach 
 the chamber. After a passionate struggle, he en 
 ters the darkened room and stabs the sleeper. 
 
 Act IV. Leicester learns of the infidelity of 
 Matilda and Henry, and vows vengeance. When 
 Henry meets Leicester his consternation is great, 
 but it gives place to anguish when he discovers that 
 his victim was his own brother. 
 
 Act V. Matilda attempts to poison Leicester, 
 but he wards off the danger. Thereupon she stabs 
 herself in his presence. Henry now enters as 
 though to engage in combat, but instead runs on 
 his opponent s sword and dies. 
 
 In the preface Dunlap said : 
 
 "To most readers, Matilda urging Henry to the 
 murder of Leicester will appear as a copy of Lady 
 Macbeth; but she is, in reality, more in situation 
 like the Clytemnestra of the Greek poets: yet es 
 sentially different (independent of difference in 
 merit) from both." 
 
 The Shakespearian debt thus hinted at is consid 
 erable. As in "Macbeth," so here the guilty pair 
 plan the destruction of an innocent sleeper. 
 Henry s hesitation, Matilda s incitement, and his 
 remorse are of Shakespearian origin. After the 
 deed, Matilda exclaims: 
 
1 45 
 
 "Henry, go wash thy hands 
 And shift thy clothes, perchance some blood is 
 on them ?" 
 
 Henry replies: 
 
 "Will water wash these clean?" 15 
 a close parallel to the dialogue in "Macbeth," 
 Act II, Scene II. Shakespeare s banquet scene is 
 strongly suggested in Act IV. When Leicester is 
 first seen after the murder, Henry is in a frenzy. 
 Matilda tries to be calm, assuring her husband that 
 Henry is unwell. 
 
 The obligation to the "Agamemnon" of yschy- 
 lus is equally obvious. Both Clytemnestra and 
 Matilda conceive a profound hatred for their hus 
 bands because of past offenses. Both women live 
 in adultery while their husbands are absent at war, 
 and slay them on their return. 
 
 "Leicester" obeys implicitly the three unities, yet 
 in its medieval setting and in the freedom of its 
 action it marks something of a break from the tra 
 dition which had dominated American drama since 
 its inception. "The Prince of Parthia," "The Bat 
 tle of Bunker s-Hill," "The Death of Montgom 
 ery," "The Patriot Chief," "The Sack of Rome," 
 and "The Ladies of Castile" are all examples of 
 the formal eighteenth century species of tragedy. 
 "Leicester" may be classified as a semi-romantic 
 tragedy, the product of many influences, namely: 
 the Elizabethan revenge tragedy, the tragedy of 
 fate, such semi-romantic tragedies as Home s 
 
 Act III. 
 
1 46 JMIiani SDunfop 
 
 "Douglas" (1757), which was long a favorite here, 
 and the recent Gothic plays. 
 
 It is written in a blank verse which is more 
 poetic and more nearly adequate than anything 
 before it in this country. The story is told with 
 considerable skill throughout, and in the murder 
 scene with more intensity and power than can be 
 found previously in American drama. Matilda and 
 Henry are the most lifelike tragic figures that our 
 writers had yet produced. To be sure, the play 
 is loosely put together, and the action is often 
 unmotivated, yet in force and stage effectiveness 
 "Leicester" was the best native tragedy up to its 
 time. The following scene from Act III is far 
 superior to anything which preceded, and Dunlap 
 himself never surpassed it : 
 
 Enter Matilda and Henry. 
 Mat. Softly. I ll steal and listen at the door. 
 Hen. [aside] T is a hellish purpose. I ne er 
 
 shall do it. 
 Mat. He s not asleep. Methinks I heard him 
 
 sigh. 
 
 Hen. He dreams of murder. 
 Mat. Henry, what mean st thou ? 
 
 Remember that Matilda s life s at stake, 
 Nor let thy fancy conjure forms of horror, 
 To fill thy mind, and turn thee from thy purpose. 
 
 Hen. O, no ! one image doth possess me all : 
 A coward, stealing on the hour of sleep, 
 Of peaceful sleep, stabbing the man that loves 
 him. 
 
l)e Original plap 1 4 7 
 
 Mat. O, spare me, Henry ! cease such thoughts 
 as these 
 
 Hen. If he must die, to-morrow will I meet him ; 
 Then, as he views his ample fields alone, 
 Or haply roams, by me alone attended, 
 I will to single combat challenge him ; 
 Sword meeting sword, on equal terms we ll strive, 
 And he, or Cecil, fall. 
 
 Mat. No ; thou canst not 
 
 Mean it. Enough ! Matilda sees her fate ! 
 
 Hen. I will do it ; I will no more trouble thee. 
 I see the dreadful, damn d necessity 
 For murder. And now come forth, my unflesh d 
 sword ! [Draws. 
 
 When my brave father tied thee to my side, 
 Twas not for deeds like this. But it must be. 
 Thou shalt drink noble blood. Angel of death ! 
 Guide thou the point, and let me not strike twice ! 
 Mat. Blood not thy sword ; mischief to us may 
 
 follow. 
 I have procur d a 
 
 [Hesitates, trembles, and draws forth a 
 concealed weapon.] 
 
 Hen. [snatching it] Tis well ; I thank thee ! 
 Why ay, I thank thee ; this doth look like murder. 
 
 [Puts up his sword. 
 Is he asleep ? 
 
 Mat. [listening] Softly. I hear no noise. 
 Hark ! he did stir. No, twas the passing wind 
 Did move the window. Tread lightly as thou 
 enter st. 
 
1 48 IDill iam Dunlap 
 
 If he should wake ? Alas ! I m wild with horrid 
 Apprehension. Henry, thou shak st again. 
 
 Hen. Do I? Not much. Fear nothing wait 
 
 thou there 
 Pr ythee let none come near while it is doing. 
 
 [Partly in the room. 
 Mat. Why dost thou not go in ? 
 Hen. Tis light. 
 
 Mat. [in great terror} Henry ! 
 
 Hen. I dare to do, but dare not see it done. 
 Mat. Ruin. 
 
 Hen. O no, Matilda ! I cannot do 
 A deed of darkness in the face of day ! 
 
 [ Throws down the dagger. 
 
 Mat. I will not urge thee further, Henry Cecil : 
 If thou wouldst give me up, why should I live? 
 Hen. Nay, nay ; but then to see him when 
 
 I do it : 
 
 Think, think of that ; to look upon his face 
 Upon the face of him so lov d, so injur d ; 
 And plunge yon weapon in the honest heart 
 Which teems with thoughts to serve me! 
 
 [She covers her face with an action of 
 despair and horror.} 
 
 Look not so. 
 I ll do it. [Takes up dagger wildly.} Do thou but 
 
 only shut the light, 
 
 And, when his heart beats upward to my hand, 
 I ll meet it with my dagger. 
 
 Mat. Hold thee firm. 
 
 But one small window dimly lights the room ; 
 That from within the castle I can reach, 
 All unperceived. 
 
lje Original $Iap0 1 49 
 
 Hen. [with the eagerness of despair] I pr ythee 
 do it then. 
 
 Mat. When I shall knock twice on the window- 
 board, [Fault ering. 
 Then Henry then [ Exit. 
 
 Hen. Yes ; I will go on ; 
 
 Repentance and retreat are now denied me; 
 Hell has ensnar d by Heaven I am forsaken. 
 Twas not a wayward fancy led me from 
 My brother s roof, and happy native fields ; 
 Alas ! all innocent, was I driven forth 
 To fate, a lamb-like victim mark d for destruction, 
 Doom d before my birth to horrible perdition ! 
 
 Dud. [in the room as in sleep} O, Cecil! 
 
 Hen. Hark! 
 
 Dud. O, Cecil ! O, my brother ! 
 
 Hen. Some pitying spirit breaks through 
 
 Nature s laws, 
 
 And, unembodied, forms these solemn sounds 
 Articulate, to warn me from the deed. 
 Perhaps Lord Cecil, from this world releas d, 
 Yet hovering near, with agonized cries 
 Would stay my hand, and save my sinking soul. 
 It is too late. What noise ? Sure he has wak d ! 
 No I wish he had. He never must wake more ! 
 Again. It was the shutting out the light. 
 Once, twice ; she knocks. Why then prepare thee, 
 
 Henry. 
 
 I shall not knock so gently at thy breast, 
 O Lei ster ! Now, now to the dark, dark deed. 
 
 [Exit into the chamber. 
 
150 Jiliiam Dunlap 
 
 As in the case of "Darby s Return," O Keeffe 
 furnished the suggestion for a return interlude, 
 "Shelty s Travels" (1794), Shelty being the scape 
 goat in the then popular "Highland Reel." Dun- 
 lap s piece was not printed, but the following 
 synopsis of it from the "New York Daily Gazette" 
 of April 23, 1794, gives some idea of its contents : 
 
 "Leaves the Isle of Coll, Arrival in London, 
 Meets O Keefe, and lives by Story-Telling; Ban 
 ishment to Botany Bay; escapes and hides on 
 board a Vessel bound to New- York; Meets an 
 Algerine; Arrival in New- York; Peeps into the 
 Museum, Play-House, &c. Conclusion." 
 
 The clause, "Meets an Algerine," is the point of 
 interest. This episode was the first dramatic men 
 tion of the trouble with the Barbary States, which 
 later was to instigate a series of plays. Morocco, 
 Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis at this time were nests 
 of pirates, who jeopardized Mediterranean trade 
 by their constant depredations. Their earliest 
 offense against the United States occurred in 
 October, 1784. In 1785 several Americans were 
 captured and sold into slavery. The continuance 
 of such outrages led to a futile war, which lasted 
 from 1801 to 1805. At the time when "Shelty s 
 Travels" was written, this country was especially 
 indignant owing to the increasing violence of these 
 offenses. 16 About a month after Dunlap s inter 
 lude, Mrs. Susannah Rowson s "Slaves in Algiers" 
 
 16 History of the War between the United States and 
 Tripoli," Salem, 1806, pp. 41, 48, 67. 
 
l)e Original $lap 1 5 1 
 
 was acted. Thereafter the Mediterranean corsairs 
 reappeared but once in American drama until after 
 Captain Decatur s successful quelling of the pirates 
 in i8i5. 17 
 
 "Fontainville Abbey," our author s next play, 
 was an innovation, as a synopsis of the plot will 
 show. 
 
 Act I. Scene : The hall of a ruined Gothic abbey. 
 La Motte, fleeing the law against debtors, has taken 
 refuge here with his wife and a fair unknown. The 
 beauteous Adeline, we learn from their conversa 
 tion, was forced upon him, on the way to the 
 abbey, by a ruffian, who at the point of a pistol or 
 dered him to remove her forever from his sight. 
 
 Act II. Enter the Marquis de Montalt, owner 
 of the abbey, whom La Motte recognizes as an old 
 enemy. Struck with the beauty of Adeline, the 
 Marquis forces from La Motte a promise to be 
 tray her to his lust. 
 
 Act III. A dark, antique chamber. Night. 
 Adeline finds a rusty dagger, a skeleton in an old 
 chest, and a parchment revealing a crime. In an 
 other scene, the Marquis bribes La Motte to do 
 away with the girl for some reason which he does 
 not divulge. 
 
 17 Later Algerine plays were "The American Captive ; 
 or, Siege of Tripoli" (1812), James Ellison; "The Young 
 Carolinians; or, Americans in Algiers" (1818), anon.; 
 "The Siege of Tripoli" (1820), M. M. Noah; "The Siege 
 of Algiers ; or, The Downfall of Hadgi-Ali-Bashaw" 
 (1823), J. S. Smith; "The Fall of Algiers" (n. d.), J. H. 
 Payne; "The Usurper; or, Americans in Tripoli" (c. 
 1842), J. Jones. 
 
1 5 2 iSHlliam SDuntoj) 
 
 Act IV. Midnight. La Motte approaches the 
 sleeping beauty to stab her. But his courage fails. 
 He throws away his dagger, and swears to forsake 
 his evil ways. The next morning Adeline explains 
 that on the previous day the Marquis had seen a 
 handkerchief of hers, containing a certain seal, 
 which had thrown him into a panic. 
 
 Act V. A court of justice. The Marquis ac 
 cuses La Motte of robbery. But the accused re 
 veals the conspiracy against Adeline, and produces 
 the parchment. The Marquis now discloses the 
 fact that Adeline is the daughter of his brother, 
 whom he had murdered years before for his prop 
 erty. He had bribed the ruffian of Act I to rear 
 her, and had recently ordered her death. The 
 Marquis is led to execution, while La Motte is ac 
 quitted. 
 
 "Fontainville Abbey" is graced with an epilogue 
 spoken by Cupid, who complains that this author 
 has twice banished him from his plays. He quotes 
 the dramatist thus : 
 
 "Too long," says he, "has Love usurp d the 
 
 boards : 
 
 The tragic scene a wider scope affords: 
 Each passion in its turn the mind should move. 
 Shakespeare s best plays gain not their force 
 
 from Love." 
 
 But though Cupid may lose the tragic throne, he 
 will still reign supreme in comedy, 
 
 "For Love and Hymen ever are her theme." 
 
1 5 3 
 
 The preface reads: 
 
 "This tragedy, founded on Mrs. RadclifTe s 
 Romance of the Forest, was written in the year 
 1794. It was first performed in the year 1795, and 
 with complete success. Mr. Boaden s play of 
 Fontainville Forest must have been performed 
 about the same time in London." 
 
 Boaden s play, also based on the novel, was printed 
 in 1794, and this adaptation probably called Dun- 
 lap s attention to the theatrical possibilities of Mrs. 
 RadclifTe s book. That he was familiar with 
 "Fontainville Forest" is pretty definitely proved 
 by the fact that both dramas give the name of 
 Hortensia to Madame La Motte, whereas in the 
 novel she is called Constance. But here the evi 
 dence of borrowing ends. Dunlap s plot contains 
 few episodes not found in Mrs. RadclifTe s work, 
 but of necessity he omits many of her incidents, 
 and thus simplifies the narrative. The main al 
 terations are the omission of a lover for Adeline, 
 and of the adventures in which she is involved 
 with him and the substitution of acquittal of La 
 Motte for banishment. 
 
 Dunlap was the first American writer to take 
 a visible part in the so-called Gothic revival. 
 Whether Charles Brockden Brown was respon 
 sible for his interest in the movement, or vice 
 versa, at any rate Dunlap s initial effort in this di 
 rection appeared four years before that of his 
 friend. As everybody knows, eighteenth century 
 terroristic literature was inaugurated by Horace 
 
1 54 IBflliam 2DunIap 
 
 Walpole s "Castle of Otranto" (1764), an un 
 blushing tale of marvels and supernatural phenom 
 ena. Walpole s most gifted disciple was Mrs. 
 Ann Radcliffe, who in "The Romance of the For 
 est" (1791) and other novels attempted to create 
 an atmosphere of terror without resorting to the 
 cheap claptrap of ghosts, animated portraits, etc. 
 Dunlap imitated Mrs. Radcliffe in method as well 
 as in plot. Like her, he presented a series of mys 
 terious incidents, apparently arising from a super 
 natural cause, but followed shortly by a natural 
 explanation. 
 
 "Fontainville Abbey" was more thoroughly 
 Gothic than any of its dramatic precursors in Eng 
 land. Such plays as Jephson s "Count of Nar- 
 bonne" and Cumberland s "Carmelite" were 
 Gothic only in their gruesomeness and in the mys 
 tery in which certain characters were enveloped. 
 Dunlap took much greater pains to emphasize the 
 setting; he carefully located each scene in unmis 
 takably Gothic surroundings. Such startling de 
 vices as skeletons, blood-rusted daggers, subter 
 ranean passages, and howling storms were freely 
 introduced. In the use of terroristic machinery he 
 was not a little like that incomparable Gothic 
 dramatist, Matthew Gregory Lewis, whose famous 
 "Castle Spectre" did not make its appearance until 
 four years after "Fontainville Abbey" was written. 
 
 Aside from its importance in the beginnings of 
 American Gothicism, this piece has another claim 
 to consideration. As we have already seen, 
 "Leicester" departed to a large extent from the 
 
<Ei)e Original $iap 1 5 5 
 
 eighteenth century model, though still adhering to 
 the unities. "Fontainville Abbey" broke entirely 
 from this formal restraint, and became wholly and 
 frankly a romantic tragi-comedy. As such it had 
 but one predecessor, Mrs. Rowson s "Slaves in 
 Algiers," acted a few months before. Dunlap s 
 deliberate turning to the romantic type, exemplified 
 in his first two serious plays, undoubtedly acted as 
 one of the potent checks on conventional tragedy, 
 for after 1795 that species almost disappeared 
 from the United States. 
 
 William Dunlap s chief contribution to Ameri 
 can opera was "The Archers ; or, Mountaineers of 
 Switzerland" (1796). English opera (that is, a 
 form of play with songs interspersed) was enjoy 
 ing continued favor on both sides of the Atlantic, 
 and he knew that an imitation would be acceptable 
 in New York. 
 
 "The Archers" is preceded by a prologue con 
 trasting true and false liberty. 
 
 Act I. The Swiss, suffering under the oppres 
 sion of Gesler, the Austrian governor, are prepar 
 ing to revolt. Rhodolpha, the Diana-like daughter 
 of Walter Furst, joins the rebels with her band of 
 fifty Amazons. 
 
 Act II. The people are compelled to kneel to 
 the governor s hat, placed on a pole before the 
 castle. Rhodolpha humiliates a fat burgomaster 
 who attempts to force her obedience to the order. 
 William Tell preaches resistance, and is arrested. 
 
 Act III. Tell saves his life by shooting the ap- 
 
1 5 6 UDilliam SDunlap 
 
 pie from his son s head. By dint of great daring, 
 he succeeds in killing Gesler. Then follows a 
 pitched battle against the Austrians, in which the 
 Swiss, led by Tell and assisted by Rhodolpha and 
 her band, are victorious. 
 
 To the play is subjoined a brief historical ac 
 count of Switzerland, from its first mention by 
 Caesar, through the revolution. 
 
 In the preface the author stated that two years 
 before, an anonymous English opera, "Helvetic 
 Liberty," was given him to adapt to our stage. 
 Liking the subject, but finding the piece "incor 
 rigible," he composed "The Archers." He ad 
 mitted borrowing the burgomaster, an Austrian 
 lieutenant, and Rhodolpha from "Helvetic Lib 
 erty," but added, "The other similarities are the 
 necessary consequences of being both founded on 
 the same historic fact." His debt, however, was 
 somewhat larger than this statement implies. His 
 outline is strictly that of the earlier play, and since 
 history is equally violated in both, it is obvious that 
 Dunlap got the skeleton of his plot from "Helvetic 
 Liberty" rather than from the "historic fact." His 
 chief alterations were a minimizing of the heroine s 
 love affairs, and the addition of two humorous 
 peasants. 
 
 It is to be questioned whether the American 
 dramatist improved much on his "incorrigible" 
 model. "The Archers" is devoid of anything like 
 character drawing or intensity of effect. Never 
 theless it furnishes opportunity for scenery, love- 
 making, and martial pomp, the chief requirements 
 
&* Original plapg 1 5 7 
 
 of a musical play; so a theatrical success might 
 have been expected. Mr. Sonneck has said : "Dun- 
 lap was not a master-poet, but merely a dramati 
 cally gifted stage-manager. However, it would be 
 unjust to deny The Archers some forcible mono 
 logues and skilfully contrasted scenes." 18 Hoi- 
 croft s verdict was this: "It [The Archers ] 
 proves you have made some progress; but it 
 likewise proves, as far as I am a judge, that 
 much remains for you to accomplish. Common 
 thoughts, common characters, and common sensa 
 tions have little attraction. ... If you would at 
 tain the high gifts after which you so virtuously 
 aspire, your perseverance must be energetic and 
 unremitting." 19 
 
 If a play be acted under the title of "The Mys 
 terious Monk" (1796), and printed as "Ribbe- 
 mont ; or, The Feudal Baron," one is not surprised 
 to encounter some such plot as this : 
 
 Act I. An antique castle. Ribbemont believes 
 he has poisoned his wife, the Countess Honoria, 
 and in a duel killed Narbonne, the man whom he 
 was led to suspect of adultery with her. 
 
 Act II. The Countess is discovered living in 
 a Gothic chapel, cared for by Manuel, a priest. 
 Manuel tells her that he caused a sleeping potion 
 to be substituted for the poison which Ribbemont 
 intended to administer. In another scene Ribbe- 
 
 18 "Early Opera in America/ p. 98. 
 
 19 From a letter to Dunlap quoted in "American The 
 atre," p. 160. 
 
1 5 8 JBilliam 2DunIap 
 
 mont receives a letter which explains that an 
 enemy has duped him into believing his wife guilty. 
 The son, Theodore, sets out to avenge the wrong. 
 
 Act III. Manuel, perceiving Ribbemont s deep 
 contrition, is on the point of revealing the truth, 
 when word is received that Theodore has killed 
 the enemy, and is now in prison awaiting execu 
 tion. 
 
 Act IV. The Baron visits Theodore in prison. 
 The son begs his father to supply him with poison, 
 that he may not be disgraced by a public execution. 
 
 Act V. Ribbemont brings the poison, and both 
 are on the point of suicide when the cry of " Par 
 don !" is heard. The Countess and Manuel rush in, 
 and a reconciliation follows. Manuel now throws 
 off his cowl and reveals Narbonne, who had sur 
 vived the duel and assumed this disguise to protect 
 the Countess. 20 
 
 From this outline it is seen that "Ribbemont" 
 is another Gothic drama of the "Fontainville Ab 
 bey" type. It is as free from actual supernatural- 
 ism as the other, but its setting, its mysteries, 
 and its wide departure from reality are hall 
 marks of the terroristic school. In the art of play- 
 making "Ribbemont" shows no advance over its 
 author s previous productions. Unmotivated, un 
 convincing, and filled with lifeless figures, it has 
 
 20 In "American Theatre," p. 155, Dunlap said : "It may 
 be remarked that the fable of this play can be traced in 
 Tobin s posthumous drama of The Curfew, written many 
 years after." "The Curfew," acted in London, 1807, tells 
 a similar story, for which it may have been indebted to 
 the American piece. 
 
Clje Original Map 159 
 
 few redeeming features. Dunlap himself spoke 
 disparagingly of it: "The play is not skilfully 
 managed." "The characters and incidents were 
 not in sufficient number, and the piece ... is long 
 since forgotten." 21 The blank verse, which shows 
 a careful study of Shakespeare, is superior to the 
 average of that time, but the conventionally the 
 atrical and useless speeches are too numerous to 
 allow the style any claim to excellence. 
 
 "The Man of Fortitude ; or, The Knight s Ad 
 venture" (1797) seems to have occasioned a con 
 troversy between the director of the theatre and 
 the star actor. In the "History of the American 
 Theatre" we find this passage : 
 
 "The person we have designated the American 
 manager, had written a piece in one act for the 
 stage, and called it The Knight s Adventure/ It 
 was in blank verse. He left it with Mr. Hodgkin- 
 son, and it was almost forgotten, when Hodgkin- 
 son told him that he had written a play, and called 
 it The Man of Fortitude. This was the whole of 
 The Knight s Adventure, partly in prose, with the 
 addition of a comic buffoon, and a lady. The au 
 thor of the piece remarked this to Hodgkinson, 
 who did not deny it, only said he had altered 
 everything, and truly everything was altered. . . . 
 The other laughed and asked for his one-act piece, 
 but it was not forthcoming. . . . We scarcely be 
 lieve the author was conscious of wrong in the 
 
 21 "American Theatre," pp. 154-5- 
 
160 nEttHtam SDunlaj 
 
 transaction, as far as injury to another was con 
 cerned." 22 
 
 Just what share in the finished play each man 
 had, cannot now be determined, but Dunlap must 
 have felt that it was largely his, because he in 
 cluded it in the prospectus of his ten-volume edi 
 tion. 23 The finished plot is replete with thrills. 
 
 Act I. Scene : France. Time : Evening. A storm 
 rages on a gloomy heath with an accompaniment 
 of thunder and lightning. Sir Bertrand and his 
 valet are seeking shelter. From peasants they 
 learn of a haunted castle in a forest not far dis 
 tant. The scene shifts to the castle. The storm 
 continues. Blue lights flicker before the windows. 
 A bell tolls. At Bertrand s approach, the door 
 flies open. Within, a bloody spectre beckons to 
 the knight, who draws his sword, whereupon the 
 floor parts, and both disappear. The valet is 
 seized by furies and spirited away. 
 
 Act II. A subterranean cavern. The spectres, 
 having removed their disguises, now appear as rob 
 bers. The captain, against the remonstrances of 
 his band, inclines to mercy. He confesses to Ber 
 trand his love for a female prisoner, who spurns 
 his advances. The lady is produced and proves to 
 be Sir Bertrand s bride, stolen on their wedding- 
 day. The captain, holding this to be a ruse, orders 
 that the knight be tortured. 
 
 Act III. Bertrand is placed on the wheel. 
 
 22 p. 171. 
 
 23 See ante, p. 85 n. 
 
fje Original $lap 1 6 1 
 
 Hortensia offers to yield to the captain s desire, 
 but as he approaches her she draws a dagger and 
 prepares to stab him. Overwhelmed by her hero 
 ism and devotion, he relents and frees both. Ber- 
 trand now promises a royal pardon. 
 
 It may be safely assumed that Dunlap s original 
 plot was not greatly different from this, with the 
 exception of the Hortensia element. The spectres 
 and banditti are undoubtedly his. Here again is 
 a Gothic tragi-comedy, which eliminates the super 
 natural by solving all the mysteries, Mrs. Rad- 
 cliffe s method once more. 
 
 The central idea of Dunlap s one-act piece the 
 supposedly haunted castle, inhabited by robbers, 
 who threaten but spare the life of the hero was 
 unquestionably taken from "Caleb Williams." In 
 Chapters XXVIII and XXIX of Godwin s novel, 
 Caleb falls among thieves, whose den is a ruined 
 castle in a forest near a deserted heath. The 
 superstitious peasantry believe the ruin haunted, 
 because of the lights and nocturnal revelry. The 
 hero s life is threatened by certain members of the 
 gang, but the leader, Raymond, saves him. Be 
 tween Raymond and the captain in the play there 
 is an important parallel. Both outlaws took up 
 arms against society in their rage over the iniquity 
 of the ruling class and the inequality of the laws. 
 
 Dunlap s bandit plot, however, was not due 
 solely to "Caleb Williams." It was one of the 
 numerous offspring of "Die Rauber." This drama 
 of the youthful Schiller emerged from the press in 
 1781, and immediately became famous all over 
 
1 62 i&iHiam 2DunIap 
 
 Europe. Its protagonist is Karl Moor, who, hav 
 ing fallen into loose ways at the university, is dis 
 inherited by his father. Thereupon the desperate 
 youth places himself at the head of a robber band. 
 After a career of outlawry, he repents and sur 
 renders himself to justice. 
 
 The earliest English imitation of "Die Rauber" 
 was O Keeffe s "Castle of Andalusia," which be 
 gan a brilliant run at Covent Garden in I782. 24 In 
 this light opera, Don Casar has been driven to 
 lawlessness by the persecution of his father. In 
 the end he renounces his bandit life. Another ap 
 parent imitation was "Robin Hood ; or, Sherwood 
 Forest" (1784), an opera by Leonard MacNally. 
 The Earl of Huntingdon, suffering under the in 
 justice of the king, takes to the forest, but finally 
 returns to lawful ways. "The Battle of Hexham" 
 (1789), by the younger Colman, also contains a 
 bandit episode involving a similar idea. To Amer 
 ica the robber motif was introduced by "The 
 Castle of Andalusia" in 1788. In 1793 Tytler s 
 translation of "Die Rauber," made in England in 
 1792, was reprinted in New York. "The Battle of 
 Hexham" was acted at New York in 1794. "Robin 
 Hood" was given twice at New York in the same 
 year. The American premiere of "The Robbers" 
 occurred at the same city in 1795. 25 Our earliest 
 contribution to the drama of outlawry was "Edwin 
 
 24 Genest, Vol. VI, p. 263. 
 
 25 Seilhamer, Vol. II, p. 242 ; Vol. Ill, pp. 80-1, 108 ; E. 
 C. Parry, "German American Annals," new series, Vol. 
 Ill, p. 86; C. F. Brede, same journal, p. 257. 
 
l)c Original Jfrtapg 1 63 
 
 and Angelina," an opera by Elihu Hubbard Smith, 
 performed for the first time in December, 1796, 
 but written some years before. 26 Here recurs the 
 Schiller formula of injustice leading to a bandit 
 life, with the repentance and reform finale. 
 
 With such antecedents, the source of the robber 
 theme in "The Knight s Adventure" is not far to 
 seek. Supposing it to have been written about 
 1796, Dunlap had opportunity to read "Die Rau- 
 ber" in translation, and to witness it on the stage, 
 along with "The Castle of Andalusia," "Robin 
 Hood," and "The Battle of Hexham." "Edwin 
 and Angelina," the work of a close friend, he un 
 doubtedly saw in manuscript. With such incen 
 tives, it is entirely characteristic of Dunlap that he 
 should seize on the striking episode in Godwin s 
 novel, and turn it into a drama. "The Man of 
 Fortitude" was the second American robber play 
 to appear on the stage, Smith s opera preceding it 
 by a few months. 
 
 In 1780 occurred one of the most dramatic 
 events of the Revolutionary War, the capture of 
 Major John Andre. Because of the possible con 
 sequences involved in the Arnold-Andre con 
 spiracy, and because of the admirable character of 
 the British spy, the effect produced by the incident 
 was most profound. Indeed, ever since, it has oc 
 cupied a place in the American mind considerably 
 out of proportion to its historic importance. Play 
 wrights have made capital of it over and over 
 
 26 "American Theatre," p. 156; preface to the opera. 
 
1 64 IMIiam SDunlap 
 
 again. 27 Dunlap was not the first to dramatize 
 the theme, but, as Professor Brander Matthews 
 has said: "Of all the plays on the subject of 
 Arnold s treason and Andre s sad fate, the Andre 
 of William Dunlap is easily best, both as literature 
 and as a successful acting drama." 28 
 
 The preface, written in 1798, reads in part: 
 
 "More than nine years ago the author made 
 choice of the death of Major Andre as the subject 
 of a Tragedy, and part of what is now offered to 
 the public was written at that time. Many circum 
 stances discouraged him from finishing his play, 
 and among them must be reckoned a prevailing 
 opinion that recent events are unfit subjects for 
 tragedy." 
 
 The prologue apologizes for violating this 
 opinion and for altering the historic facts. A 
 judgment of the play on its own merits, unpreju 
 diced by party spirit, is requested. 
 
 Act I. Andre has been captured, and is 
 awaiting execution. Capt. Bland, an American 
 officer, resolves to aid the doomed man if possible, 
 out of gratitude for his assistance when Bland 
 was a British prisoner. 
 
 Act II. The prison. Andre, solus, laments the 
 
 27 See Seilhamer, Vol. Ill, pp. 12, 363 ; "Andre," Pub 
 lications of the Dunlap Society, No. 4, 1887, introduction. 
 In addition, "Major Andre," by Clyde Fitch, should be 
 mentioned. 
 
 28 "Andre," Publications of the Dunlap Society, intro 
 duction, p. xxiv. 
 
1 65 
 
 disgrace which has fallen on him. Bland enters 
 and declares he shall not die. The spy asks only 
 that the sentence be altered from hanging to 
 shooting. 
 
 Act III. Bland pleads with Washington (des 
 ignated as the General) for the life of his 
 friend, but without avail. In his wrath he tears 
 the cockade from his helmet. Eland s mother 
 enters the camp and begs that Andre be spared in 
 order to save her husband, who is held by the 
 British as a hostage for the safety of the captive. 
 
 Act IV. Eland s ire flames again, and he in 
 sults his superior officer. Honora, Andre s some 
 time fiancee, who has come from England seeking 
 him, enters the prison and faints in his arms. He 
 had been led by her father to believe that she had 
 married another, but he now learns of the de 
 ception. 
 
 Act V. Bland apologizes for his insubordina 
 tion. 29 Honora beseeches Washington to pardon 
 her lover. Upon his refusal, she becomes insane 
 and is led away by Mrs. Bland. In the final scene 
 Andre goes bravely to execution. 
 
 In an appendix to the play, Dunlap printed a 
 number of documents which show the relation of 
 the tragedy to history. We learn that Andre was 
 once engaged to Honora Seward. But the ro- 
 
 29 The preface contains twenty-nine additional lines to 
 be inserted here, in which Bland replaces the cockade, de 
 claring that he will wear it thenceforth as his proudest 
 ornament. The play was in print before it was acted; 
 hence the alteration which the first audience seemed to 
 demand could not be inserted in the text itself. 
 
1 66 KMliam SDunlap 
 
 mance was blighted by parental opposition, and 
 Honora consoled herself by marrying another 
 man. There are some letters called out by the 
 trial. In one of these Andre requested that he 
 be shot rather than hanged. In another he spoke 
 of certain prisoners, held by the British at Charles 
 ton, whose treatment might be largely affected by 
 his own. Dunlap, then, had some basis for the 
 love affair with Honora, though in reality it took 
 a much less romantic turn than in the drama. The 
 spy s efforts to obtain the substitution of shooting 
 for hanging were founded on fact. The Elands 
 were invented for the occasion, but the idea of a 
 hostage was probably suggested by Andre s ref 
 erence to the Charleston prisoners. 
 
 Several plays before "Andre" had dealt with 
 American history, but Dunlap s tragjedy, surpassed 
 them all. In general the early 7 historical dramas 
 were unusually poor affairs, and for this reason 
 "Andre s" modest merit may be easily overesti 
 mated. Professor Matthews spoke perhaps too 
 enthusiastically when he said : " Andre is a better 
 piece of work than most of the plays even of high 
 pretensions, which were produced in Great Britain 
 and the United States toward the end of the last 
 century." 30 Yet it must be classed among the 
 most worthy efforts of our early dramatists. To be. 
 sure, it is artificial and sentimentalj but pn_thej 
 whole it is rather satisfying-. The characters are, 
 consistently if slightly drawr^ The tone reaches ^. 
 
 30 "Andre," Publications of the Dunlap Society, intro 
 duction, p. xiii. 
 
l)e Original $lapg 1 6 7 
 
 oertam . degree ojf intensity_Jn places, especially jn_ 
 Honora s grief. The blankvery is even am 
 T ni f JTPP firTtlt^frr rom insa- 
 
 That Dunlap knew to some extent and admired 
 Elizabethan drama is proved by "The Italian 
 Father" (1799). In the preface he said: "Those 
 who are well versed in old english dramatic lit 
 erature, will perceive that the author has enriched 
 his work from those obsolete sources without 
 forfeiting his claim to originality in the composi 
 tion." Dekker it was whom he pressed into 
 service, as the "History of the American Theatre" 
 acknowledged. But the borrowing was not suffi 
 cient in Dunlap s eyes to destroy his pride in the 
 play, for he considered this to be his best dramatic 
 achievement. 31 Unfortunately, a comparison of 
 "The Italian Father" with "The Honest Whore," 
 part two, reveals an amount of plagiarism which 
 leaves him only a meagre remnant to call his own. 
 
 Act I. Hippolito, a prominent citizen of Milan, 
 is accosted by Astrabel with the entreaty that he 
 save her husband, Beraldo, condemned to die for 
 dueling. Hippolito learns that her father, Michael 
 Brazzo, has disowned her for unchastity. 
 
 Act II. Beraldo returns from prison, having 
 been liberated by Hippolito s intercession. Brazzo, 
 disguised as a servant, enters the household of 
 his daughter in order to study her and to help 
 her if she proves worthy. He is immediately con- 
 
 31 "American Theatre," p. 266. 
 
1 68 H^ifliam Dunlap 
 
 vinced that Astrabel has reformed, but decides to 
 make a final test. For this purpose he induces 
 Hippolito to tempt her to incontinence again. 
 
 Act III. Hippolito assails her chastity by 
 means of jewels and tender epistles. He also 
 sends rich gifts to Beraldo, who returns them, re 
 fusing to sell his wife. 
 
 Act IV. The jealousy of Hippolito s wife, 
 Beatrice, is aroused by his attentions to Astrabel, 
 and is allayed with some difficulty. Beraldo is on 
 the point of fighting with Hippolito over the honor 
 of Astrabel, when Brazzo intervenes and explains 
 that it was all a test, which both husband and wife 
 have stood admirably. 
 
 Act V. Brazzo, satisfied with Astrabel s con 
 duct and convinced of her love for him, reveals 
 himself and forgives her. 
 
 The outline of the play was taken bodily from 
 "The Honest Whore." Each of Dunlap s characters 
 has an exact prototype in Dekker. Hippolito is 
 Dekker s Hippolito, Beatrice is Infelice, Astrabel 
 is Bellafront, Beraldo is Matheo (one of Dekker s 
 minor figures is called Beraldo), Brazzo is Or 
 lando Friscobaldo (disguised in both plays as 
 Pacheco}. The resemblance is especially strong 
 in the first two acts, in which our author even took 
 sections of dialogue verbatim from his source. 
 The chief departures from the original are two: 
 Dekker s Hippolito tempts Bellafront from an 
 evil motive; in The Italian Father" the tempta 
 tion is only a test. Matheo is a thorough rascal, 
 who at the end is saved from a deserved death on 
 
3Tf)c (Original JMap 1 69 
 
 the scaffold only by the intervention of Frisco- 
 baldo; Beraldo, on the other hand, is but super 
 ficially bad. Once an honorable man, he has been 
 forced by circumstances into evil ways; in the 
 crisis his better self regains the ascendancy. 
 
 Dunlap s originality asserted itself in the sub 
 plot. Abandoning Dekker altogether, he substi 
 tuted one somewhat suggestive of the comic ele 
 ment in "Twelfth Night." Lodovico (the name 
 from Dekker), a merry friend of Hippolito s, de 
 clares his passion for Leonora, Beatrice s maid. 
 With the help of the fool she leads him on, only 
 to play a ridiculous trick on him in the end. This 
 sub-plot is pretty good humor, quite after the 
 Elizabethan manner both in its farcical vivacity 
 and its word-play. 
 
 With all respect to Dekker be it said that in 
 certain respects Dunlap improved on his source. 
 "The Italian Father" is simpler in construction and 
 more closely knit, because several superfluous 
 characters are removed, and the sub-plot is brought 
 into closer relation with the main plot. Dunlap s 
 prose diction is clearer than Dekker s mixture of 
 prose, rhyme, and blank verse. In other words 
 the American playwright used his well-developed 
 technical skill to reconstruct the piece according 
 to the canons of the contemporary stage. The re 
 sult was a theatrically successful drama. But in 
 its less superficial aspects the original far sur 
 passes the imitation. Friscobaldo is a great 
 character; Brazzo is only a stage figure. Bella- 
 front is a very human woman; Astrabel is a 
 
1 70 MDilliam jBDunlap 
 
 formal echo. Matheo is a persistently evil man ; 
 Beraldo is an easily manipulated puppet. 
 
 It is not difficult to understand why Dunlap 
 should have turned to "The Honest Whore" for 
 dramatic material. It is an example of Eliza 
 bethan sensibility, though uncontaminated by the 
 mawkish, lacrymose sentimentality that deluged 
 the eighteenth century with tears. The New York 
 playwright saw that this tale of family distress 
 and reconciliation was congenial to the taste of 
 his time, and he proceeded to adapt it to his the 
 atre with certain expurgations. It was a tenet of 
 the sentimental school that virtue is more potent 
 than vice ; that a good man is always good, and an 
 evil man may be suddenly and violently converted. 
 According to this philosophy Dunlap revised "The 
 Honest Whore." Hippolito s fall from virtue he 
 deleted, making him instead a constant champion 
 of morals. And Beraldo, unlike his prototype, 
 undergoes a complete change of heart. 
 
 "Tristram Shandy" was apparently one of Dun- 
 lap s favorite books, for ten years after "The 
 Father" he again paid it the tribute of adaptation. 
 He took, as the foundation for his second play, 
 an incident recorded briefly in Chapter XXIV of 
 the last book of Sterne s eccentric novel. Maria, 
 the village beauty, having lost her senses when 
 her banns were forbidden, now sits all day on a 
 bank, plaintively playing on her pipe. On this 
 slender theme Dunlap constructed an opera, 
 "Sterne s Maria; or, The Vintage," with what 
 
l>e Original pap 1 7 1 
 
 success it is impossible to say, since it was never 
 printed. Our only information is the author s 
 own statement that the dramatis persona included 
 Yorick, La Fleur, and Nannette, and that "the 
 piece pleased and was pleasing." 32 No doubt 
 sentimentality was not the least conspicuous ele 
 ment. 
 
 "Andre" was not a stage success. No wonder, 
 since its hero was a British spy. Perhaps Dun- 
 lap saw the paradox and felt that the same episode 
 presented from the American standpoint would 
 have a greater claim to popularity. At any rate, 
 in 1803 "The Glory of Columbia Her Yeo 
 manry !" again dramatized the Arnold- Andre con 
 spiracy, but now the hero was the American 
 common people, and the appeal was made frankly 
 to national feeling. Its close relation to the earlier 
 play is apparent from the fact that nine of the 
 nineteen scenes were taken from "Andre" with 
 little or no alteration. 
 
 Act I. Benedict Arnold is meditating treason. 
 His servant, David Williams, suspecting him of 
 disloyalty, leaves him. Scene III abruptly and ir 
 relevantly introduces Mrs. Bland and her children. 
 In Scene IV Arnold and Andre meet and complete 
 the plot. In the final scene Williams and his 
 sister, Sally, are set upon by three English soldiers, 
 but the unarmed Americans are more than a match 
 for them. 
 
 Act II. Andre is captured by Paulding, Van 
 
 32 "American Theatre," pp. 259-60. 
 
1 7 2 JBilliam SDunlap 
 
 Vert, and Williams?* He attempts to buy his 
 escape with the offer of great wealth, but the yeo 
 men are bribe-proof. The remainder of the act is 
 taken up with the praise of Washington and other 
 patriots, and with Sally s attempt to disguise her 
 self as a soldier. 
 
 Act III. Capt. Bland intercedes with Wash 
 ington for the life of the spy. The unfortunate 
 cockade episode is omitted. This act is composed 
 entirely of scenes from different parts of "Andre." 
 
 Act IV is made up of the escapades of an Irish 
 man who deserts the British, and of the Honora 
 incidents. 
 
 Act V. Washington exhorts the soldiers to 
 make one final effort and all is won. Scene II 
 represents the battle of Yorktown. After much 
 cannonading the Americans gain the victory. All 
 join in a hymn in praise of God and Washington. 
 "A transparency descends, and an eagle is seen 
 suspending a crown of laurel over the head of the 
 commander-in-chief, with this motto Immortal 
 ity to Washington/ 
 
 "The Glory of Columbia" is one of Dunlap s 
 poorest plays. The better parts were taken from 
 "Andre" and arranged haphazard. The new ma 
 terial was constructed hastily and with the sole 
 idea of capturing an ebullient Fourth of July 
 audience. The Irish humor is painful and has no 
 
 33 It appears that when this play was given at the South 
 Street Theatre in Philadelphia on July 4, 1807, a drop- 
 scene, painted by Andre during his Revolutionary con 
 nection with the Philadelphia theatre, was used as back 
 ground for this episode. See "Andre," Publications of 
 the Dunlap Society, introduction, pp. xiv, xv. 
 
CJje Original $lap 1 73 
 
 connection with anything else in the piece. The 
 whole composition is a disjointed, operatic hodge 
 podge, sugar-coated with copious quantities of 
 patriotism. That the American public of the time 
 was uncritical is indicated by the fact that "The 
 Glory of Columbia" was repeated over and over 
 again, while the greatly superior "Andre" disap 
 peared from the stage after three performances. 
 When the subject was America, the playgoers de 
 manded not art, but the screaming of the eagle. 
 In this connection it is interesting to note the 
 success of Burk s atrocious "Bunker Hill ; or, The 
 Death of Gen. Warren" (1797). 
 
 "Bonaparte in England" (1803) was a timely 
 farce based on the following newspaper account 
 of a contemporary event: 
 
 "The man apprehended at Portsmouth, under 
 suspicion of being JEROME BONAPARTE, is dis 
 charged. He had much the looks of an Italian 
 Jew ( ! !) which is said to be the case with Jerome. 
 While under confinement he was treated with the 
 greatest politeness, which he took full advantage 
 of, ordered every thing to the best, and kicked one 
 of the persons down stairs, who was appointed to 
 attend him, for some slight disrespect. On being 
 discharged, he desired the officers to tell their em 
 ployers that as they had insisted upon his being 
 the first consul s brother, he had lived up to the 
 character!" >34 
 
 34 "New York Evening Post," December 20, 1803, re 
 printed this notice from a London paper. 
 
1 74 i^illiam 2Dunla# 
 
 Dunlap made his hero a German Jew broker, 
 named Shadrach, who, being shipwrecked on the 
 coast of England, was seized as the brother of 
 Napoleon. The broker tried to do justice to the 
 honor, and by his lordly air gained the homage 
 of a certain Irish officer, who confused him with 
 Napoleon himself. 35 The critics pronounced it a 
 laughable farce. Undoubtedly there are possibili 
 ties for comedy in the idea, and it is to be re 
 gretted that the play was not published. 
 
 Concerning "The Proverb; or, Conceit Can 
 
 Cure, Conceit Can Kill" (1804), we know only 
 
 the little that Dunlap transcribed from a news 
 paper notice: 
 
 "The plot contains considerable novelty of in 
 cident. It exhibits a picture of mountebank 
 quackery, common in Europe, though little known 
 in this country. The quack, with his attendant 
 apparatus of stage and Jack Pudding, is intro 
 duced. The plot turns on the manoeuvres of a 
 couple of gentlemen who assume the above dis 
 guises; the object of one being to regain his wife; 
 the other to obtain the hand of a mistress." 36 
 
 Dunlap s love of country expressed itself both 
 at the beginning and the end of the War of 1812. 
 The final victory was dramatized in "The Battle 
 of New Orleans." The commencement of hostili 
 ties called forth the musical interlude of "Yankee 
 
 35 See "American Theatre," p. 322. 
 
 36 Ibid., p. 323. 
 
ije Original plap 1 7 5 
 
 Chronology ; or, Huzza for the Constitution !" The 
 preface, dated November 28, 1812, reads: 
 
 "The song of Yankee Chronology was written 
 for the fourth of July last, excepting the last verse. 
 Upon the arrival of the news of the victory ob 
 tained by captain Isaac Hull of the Constitution, 
 over the english frigate the Guerriere, rnr. Cooper 
 called upon the writer and requested an additional 
 verse, and an introductory interlude. My wishes 
 were too much in unison with his to allow of hesi 
 tation. On the anniversary of the evacuation of 
 this place, another verse was requested and given ; 
 and the writer would be happy to evince his grati 
 tude to every defender of his country s rights, by 
 adding for each a tribute of applause, till his song 
 outdid chevy-chase in the number of verses." 
 
 The prose introduction took the form of a street 
 scene in New York. Ben Bundle, who fought on 
 the Constitution, returns home and vigorously de 
 scribes the battle to his father and one O Blunder. 
 He then favors them with a song, "Yankee Chro 
 nology." This song, as originally written, con 
 tained nine stanzas of ten lines each, recounting 
 Revolutionary events from Lexington to York- 
 town, and urging the United States to conquer the 
 same "haughty nation" again. After the victory 
 of the Constitution on August 19, a tenth stanza 
 was added, and a final one was annexed on No 
 vember 25, commemorating the evacuation of New 
 York. As might be expected, this interlude con- 
 
1 76 iMliam SDunlap 
 
 tains a great deal of patriotism and very little art. 
 Its popularity is a further commentary on the 
 public taste. 
 
 Dunlap s last play, "A Trip to Niagara; or, 
 Travellers in America" (1828), was, as he stated 
 in the preface, no more than a farce intended as 
 a running accompaniment to the scenery. The 
 author confessed to using any material that might 
 amuse the audience. 
 
 Act I. Amelia Wentworth and her brother 
 from England are stopping in New York during 
 a tour of the United States. She is enthusiastic, 
 he is disgusted, with everything American. Their 
 cousin, John Bull, in love with Amelia, suddenly 
 appears. To her he proposes the cure of Went 
 worth, suggesting herself as the reward. The 
 three plan a trip up the Hudson and across to 
 Niagara. As the first step in the curative pro 
 cess, Bull assumes the disguise and accent of a 
 Frenchman. The second scene represents a boat- 
 landing. The porters of the various boats are 
 vociferously striving to decoy passengers into 
 their respective vessels. Bull now appears as Jon 
 athan and annoys Wentworth. 
 
 Act II presents the Diorama, showing eighteen 
 views along the Hudson. The passengers land at 
 Catskill. Wentworth protests that he hardly saw 
 the scenery, having been exasperated all the way 
 by a Yankee and a Frenchman. An Irishman, 
 Dennis Doherty, furnishes some diversion in this 
 act. 
 
Cljc Original $lap 1 7 7 
 
 Act III opens with a mountain sunrise. Went- 
 worth s enjoyment of nature is again rudely jarred 
 by the ubiquitous Frenchman. Enter Leather- 
 stocking, who recounts some adventures from 
 "The Pioneers." The party goes to Albany and 
 thence to Buffalo. Jonathan suddenly changes his 
 tactics, and by vilifying the Yankees and every 
 thing connected therewith, so arouses Went- 
 worth s contradictory spirit that he begins defend 
 ing the country. Thereupon Bull reveals himself, 
 and gains the necessary consent to his match with 
 Amelia. The final scene is at Niagara Falls, where 
 Wentworth admits that America is a great and 
 glorious land. 
 
 So "A Trip to Niagara" is merely a series of 
 disconnected and puerile scenes and irrelevant 
 characters. No doubt a certain amount of low 
 comedy could be extracted from it, for the humor 
 is frequent and boisterous ; but unless the scenery 
 was strikingly excellent the audience with reason 
 might have demanded its money back. Appar 
 ently, however, the uncritical playgoers were satis 
 fied, inasmuch as this farce was given at least 
 twenty-four performances, a run equaled only by 
 "The Glory of Columbia." 
 
 Not the least interesting feature of "A Trip to 
 Niagara" is the dialect characters. Dunlap here 
 made use of the four most common types to be 
 found in early American plays: the negro, the 
 Frenchman, the Yankee, and the Irishman. Per 
 haps because of his humble social position, the 
 negro was not exploited at this time as often as 
 
178 iEiiliam SDunlap 
 
 one might expect. Job Jerryson of the present 
 play is the only extant example of his use by Dun- 
 lap. This dusky gentleman, it should be noted, 
 has somehow lost the dialect which distinguished 
 his forerunners, and under the influence of north 
 ern liberty he speaks like a lord of the land. 
 
 The Frenchman with broken English was 
 pressed into service quite as often as the negro, 
 and generally he was treated with scant respect. 
 Either he was made the butt of a joke or he was 
 represented as a worthless character. Possibly 
 this was a reflection of the strained relations which 
 existed between the United States and France 
 from about 1793 until the War of 1812. In "A 
 Trip to Niagara" the Gallic element is merely a 
 disguise and reveals no animosity, but in trans 
 lating "The Wild Goose Chace" (1800), Dunlap 
 arbitrarily turned the mistreated hair-dresser into 
 a Frenchman. 37 
 
 That Tyler s Jonathan was a real contribution 
 to early American drama is attested by the number 
 of imitations. I have met a dozen Yankees, in 
 cluding the one in Dunlap s first play, by 1828, and 
 no doubt there were others. Though the Jonathan 
 of "A Trip to Niagara" is a disguise figure, yet 
 he possesses many qualities of the original, 
 noticeably shrewdness and humor. He even per 
 petrates the famous Yankee joke of nutmegs made 
 from pine boards. 
 
 The favorite dialect personage was the Irish 
 man. I have counted twenty-two plays with Irish 
 
 37 See post, p. 218. 
 
l)c Original $lap 1 79 
 
 characters by 1828. Probably his popularity in 
 the United States was a result of his popularity on 
 the English stage. Dunlap, who came of Irish 
 stock, was especially fond of the race. Not less 
 than seven of his pieces contain Hibernians : 
 "Darby s Return," "The Glory of Columbia," 
 "Bonaparte in England," "Lewis of Monte Blanco ; 
 or, The Transplanted Irishman," "The Wife of 
 Two Husbands," "Yankee Chronology," and "A 
 Trip to Niagara." These Irishmen of his are a 
 particularly irresponsible tribe, and their speech is 
 as replete with bulls and brogue as a true son of 
 Erin s should be. 
 
 In the appendix to his "History of the American 
 Theatre" Dunlap gave himself credit for two plays 
 to which he was not entitled: "Blue Beard" and 
 "The Africans." "Blue Beard," the work of 
 George Colman the Younger, after a few seasons 
 at Drury Lane appeared on the New York stage 
 in 1802, and was often repeated for several 
 years. 38 It was printed at New York in 1803, re 
 printed in 1806, and again in 1811. The title-page 
 bears this clause: "As altered for the New- York 
 Theatre: With additional songs, By Wm. Dun- 
 lap, Esq." A comparison of the New York edition 
 with the London edition of 1798 shows that Dun- 
 lap divided the drama into three instead of the 
 original two acts, and rearranged the order of 
 episodes somewhat; but his actual contribution 
 amounted to one song in Act I, Scene I. 
 
 38 "New York Evening Post," March 8, 1802, and fol 
 lowing issues. 
 
i8o 
 
 The second misappropriated play was also the 
 work of Colman. "The Africans ; or, War, Love, 
 and Duty" was first presented at the Haymarket in 
 1808. Its New York premiere took place on Jan 
 uary 2, i8io. 39 It was printed anonymously at 
 Philadelphia in 1811. It is impossible to say 
 whether Dunlap had anything to do with this ver 
 sion or not, but it is probable that during his 
 second connection with the theatre he treated "The 
 Africans" much as he had before treated "Blue 
 Beard." That he wrote an original play of this 
 name is very unlikely, because the "American 
 Theatre" makes no mention of such a title, aside 
 from a direct reference to Colman s drama in this 
 sentence : "January 2d, 1810, The Africans had a 
 run." 40 
 
 "Rinaldo Rinaldini" is a name which Dunlap 
 included in his bibliography, and consequently an 
 anonymous "Rinaldo Rinaldini," "by an American 
 and a citizen of New- York," printed in 1810, has 
 been generally ascribed to him. Frederick H. 
 Wilkens, however, has expressed a doubt as to the 
 accuracy of this attribution. 41 He unquestionably 
 has grounds for his suspicion. Poor as some of 
 Dunlap s work was, he never descended to the 
 formless, puerile impotence of this so-called 
 tragedy. He was always capable of writing pass 
 able blank verse, whereas this affair is composed 
 
 39 "Evening Post" of that date. A criticism in the issue 
 of January 5 definitely called it Colman s play. 
 
 40 P- 357- 
 
 41 "Americana Germanica," Vol. Ill, p. 135. 
 
i)e (Original $Iap 1 8 1 
 
 in a sort of vers libre of from three to six feet. 
 Moreover, the preface indicates that it came from 
 the pen of a novice: 
 
 "I am sensible of the disadvantage which I con 
 sequently labour under, from a confined education ; 
 nor do I expect my style will be thought equal, in 
 elegance or energy, to the productions of those 
 who, fortunately, from their situation in life, have 
 been instructed in the Classics. . . . 
 
 "The reason [for the failure of the play to ap 
 pear on the stage] is very obvious; the Author 
 not having an opportunity from the time of its 
 being written, to the publication. The Play was 
 written for the Stage, but never offered." 
 
 Now in 1810 Dunlap was one of the managers of 
 the theatre ; he therefore would have no reason to 
 complain of lack of opportunity for presenting his 
 play. It is said to have appeared on the boards of 
 the Park Theatre sometime in i8io. 42 If this was 
 the case the situation would seem to be that Dunlap 
 revised the printed copy for the stage and pre 
 sented it. There are no grounds for believing that 
 he wrote another "Rinaldo Rinaldini." 
 
 For two titles in Dunlap s bibliography I have 
 no data. "Forty and Twenty" and "Robespierre" 
 were apparently neither acted nor printed, and I 
 
 42 Wegelin, "Early American Plays," edition of 1905, 
 P- 35- 
 
1 8 2 JMliam SDunlap 
 
 am unable to say when they were written, or 
 whether they were originals or translations. 43 
 
 Ill 
 
 I HAVE termed the plays considered in this chap 
 ter "original/ but the word is to be understood 
 only in a relative sense, as distinguishing them 
 from the translations. The foregoing discussion 
 has brought out the fact that in practically every 
 instance Dunlap was indebted to some outside 
 source for his central idea. Almost invariably he 
 borrowed his essential elements from a novel, a 
 historical event, or another play, as he always 
 frankly admitted. To be sure, borrowing plots is 
 a practice sanctioned by the most unimpeachable 
 precedent, but the result is notable only when the 
 borrowing is revitalized by the author s person 
 ality. Such an achievement requires creative 
 power, and creative power was what Dunlap 
 lacked. His mind could not evolve an original 
 conception. Only when the idea came to him 
 ready-made, could he produce a drama, and even 
 then his accomplishment was frequently but little 
 more than a change of form. His equipment con 
 sisted chiefly of a knowledge of stagecraft and a 
 
 43 Mr. Wegelin, "Early American Plays," Publications 
 of the Dunlap Society, second series, No. 10, 1900, p. 38, 
 has placed "It Is a Lie!" among Dunlap s unpublished 
 dramas, which, he says, was acted at the New Bowery 
 Theatre on August 20, 1828. A farce called "Is It a Lie ?" 
 was given there at that time, but I find no reason for 
 associating it with Dunlap. 
 
1)0 Original $Iap 1 83 
 
 certain facility of composition, equipment which 
 fitted him to be a dramatic remodeler rather than a 
 creator. 
 
 Of Dunlap s quasi-original plays, eleven were 
 printed as they came from his pen, and one as 
 revised by another hand. These twelve pieces may 
 be taken as favorably representative of his work, 
 since he listed all but "Yankee Chronology" and 
 "A Trip to Niagara 5 in the prospectus of his ten- 
 volume edition. From first to last he showed a 
 peculiar lack, of improvement. Perhaps his best 
 dramas are his second and fourth "The Father" 
 and "Leicester." Certainly his last is one of his 
 poorest. His career as a writer for the stage may 
 be divided into two periods. The first, from 1787 
 to the end of 1799, was a period of fairly con 
 tinuous work. The second, from 1800 to 1828, 
 was a period of occasional composition which pro 
 duced only about the same number of dramas as 
 the first period of less than half its length. More 
 over, in the first period he did almost all his better 
 work, at least so far as we know it. The cause of 
 this situation is not far to seek. Before his the 
 atrical troubles thickened around him, Dunlap was 
 a man of comfortable means and sufficient leisure 
 for his hobbies. In the fall of 1798 the sole di 
 rectorship of the theatre devolved on him. From 
 then on, his time and finances were taxed to the 
 utmost. The harassed man was now compelled 
 to exercise his pen in manufacturing such things 
 as would attract the largest crowds. Translation 
 was the solution he hit upon, as did Richard 
 
1 84 JBilliam SDunlap 
 
 Brinsley Sheridan in a similar predicament. By 
 adapting a popular writer of France or Germany, 
 he could quickly and inexpensively obtain a play 
 which would be sure to draw vastly better than his 
 most careful original dramas. The preparation of 
 several foreign novelties each year consumed 
 nearly all the little leisure allowed him by his posi 
 tion, and when the opportunity to do independent 
 work did offer itself, he hastily knocked together 
 something like "The Glory of Columbia," that 
 would be likely to fill the house. When the 
 managerial enterprise came to a disastrous close, 
 the grim struggle with poverty began, to end only 
 with death. Play-writing then could hardly be 
 thought of, because of all professions it was the 
 most precarious during this time of contempt for 
 native literature. If Dunlap s products of the 
 second period were inferior to those of the first, it 
 was not from any loss of the ability displayed in 
 his earlier years. "Andre" and "The Italian Father" 
 show as much skill as any of his plays, because 
 somehow the author still found time to work 
 deliberately. Under such circumstances he was 
 capable of constructing a theatrically effective 
 drama, for he understood the mechanics of his 
 craft. Professor Matthews truly said: "That 
 Dunlap was not a poet, in any strict acceptation of 
 the word, needs no discussion ; he was a competent 
 playwright, and he knew how to make a drama 
 in accordance with the tenets of his time." 44 
 
 44 "Andre," Publications of the Dunlap Society, intro 
 duction, p. xiii. 
 
Cfje <riginai $top 1 8 5 
 
 Therefore there is every reason to believe that he 
 would have achieved more worthy results in his 
 second period had he been able to devote all his 
 faculties to the task. 
 
 That he was accorded a high place by his con 
 temporaries, may be seen from the following quo 
 tations. The "London Magazine" in 1826 pub 
 lished a letter from Philadelphia on "American 
 Dramatists," which contained this sentence : "The 
 name of William Dunlap stands at the head of the 
 list of American dramatists: his muse has been 
 prolific, having produced forty-five pieces of this 
 nature, many of which indicate respectable dra 
 matic talent." 45 According to the "American 
 Quarterly Review" of 1827, "The earliest dramatic 
 writer of New- York, and we think the best, was 
 William Dunlap." 46 "The New York Mirror" in 
 1833 said : 
 
 "As a dramatist, Mr. Dunlap has never received 
 his due praise. If we consider the number of his 
 works, he will be found, we believe, to have been 
 by far the most prolific writer for the American 
 stage. If he be judged by the criterion of success, 
 it will be discovered that as large a proportion of 
 his pieces keep possession of the boards, as of the 
 average of dramatic writers, who are numbered 
 among the permanent classics of the theatre. His 
 numerous pieces were almost invariably performed 
 with applause; and, free as they are from false 
 
 * 5 New series, Vol. VI, pp. 466 ff. 
 Vol. I, p. 350. 
 
1 86 William SDunlap 
 
 taste and extravagance, show the power of fixing 
 attention and exciting interest by legitimate means 
 of touching the true springs of mirth and pity 
 and terror." The diction of his blank verse "is 
 natural and spirited, and sometimes rises into 
 beauty." In all his work "he has been careful to 
 keep in view the true and nobler uses of the drama, 
 and to direct it to results favorable to virtue." 47 
 
 A comparison of the plays of Dunlap s first 
 period with those of other American writers prior 
 to 1800 indicates very clearly that he was the only 
 playwright deserving the name whom this country 
 had as yet produced. Godfrey had written a pass 
 able play, but only one. Brackenridge s rhetorical 
 compositions were not intended to be acted. Mrs. 
 Warren s pieces, consisting of several political 
 pamphlets in dramatic form and two inferior 
 tragedies, never appeared in the theatre. Tyler 
 could boast of but three plays. Mrs. Rowson was 
 a novelist who occasionally turned to drama. Burk 
 was an editor and historian who brought out four 
 ranting plays. Our author gave to the theatre 
 during this period an average of rather more than 
 one drama a year, the worst equal to the average 
 of his predecessors, and the best considerably 
 better than anything yet written. Dunlap, then, 
 was the first American to lay claim to the title of 
 professional dramatist by writing a succession of 
 moderately good plays that were actually staged. 
 His mild superiority was the result of several 
 qualities. He had a sense of humor. He could 
 
 ^ Vol. X, p. 266. 
 
tje Original $lap 1 8 7 
 
 write smoother prose and more literary blank verse 
 than his rivals. And, better still, he knew how to 
 build a play to secure continuous interest and 
 suspense. 
 
 Between 1800 and 1828, when Dunlap finally 
 ceased writing for the theatre, a few dramatists 
 came to the front, who, though producing a smaller 
 quantity than he did, were more highly endowed. 
 Among these may be mentioned James Nelson 
 Barker, John Howard Payne, and Samuel Wood- 
 worth. But if they surpassed their older con 
 temporary, it was in part owing to the fact that he 
 had gone before and blazed the trail. For though 
 Dunlap was an imitator of foreign tendencies, yet 
 in this very imitation he proved to be an innovator 
 and pioneer in the history of American drama. It 
 would be futile to attempt to point out any specific 
 influence of his on his immediate followers, be 
 cause it is impossible to separate his influence from 
 that of the general type he was copying; yet it 
 cannot be doubted that his work helped attract 
 other writers to the forms with which he dealt. 
 
 His first acted play was a sentimental comedy, a 
 species which had long been very prominent in 
 England. But "The Father" was only the second 
 of the kind to be composed in this country, Tyler s 
 "Contrast" having preceded it by a year or two. 
 Subsequently Dunlap staged three other pieces of 
 sentimentalism, "Sterne s Maria," "The Natural 
 Daughter," 48 and "The Italian Father." It is safe 
 
 48 This play was not printed, but the title, deriving 
 from Cumberland s "Natural Son," indicates sentimental 
 content. 
 
1 88 William SDunlap 
 
 to assume that these added their weight to the in 
 fluence of the English representatives to call into 
 being the large body of sentimental drama, which 
 soon began appearing here. 49 
 
 An important division of Dunlap s writing was 
 the patriotic play. In this field he was not a 
 pioneer, but he was the most generous contributor. 
 Throughout his career this staunch patriot em 
 ployed his pen in praise of his native land. At the 
 outset he wrote "Darby s Return," the purpose of 
 which was to glorify America. Then came 
 "Andre," "The Soldier of 76," "The Temple of 
 Independence," "The Glory of Columbia," "Yan 
 kee Chronology," "The Battle of New Orleans," 
 and "A Trip to Niagara." Perhaps he helped 
 
 49 I have found the following sentimental dramas, which 
 were written in the United States between Dunlap s first 
 acted play and his last (1789-1828). This and the lists 
 below are not exhaustive, but they show the tendencies 
 during the years of Dunlap s dramatic authorship. "The 
 Yorker s Stratagem" (1792), J. Robinson; "Slaves in 
 Algiers" (1794), Susannah Rowson; "The Triumphs of 
 Love" (1795), J. Murdock; "The Man of the Times" 
 (1797), Beete; "Reparation" (1800), T. P. Lathy; "The 
 Hypocrite Unmasked" (1801), W. Winstanley; "He 
 Stoops to Conquer" (1804), John Minshull ; "Julia" 
 (1806), J. H. Payne; "Tears and Smiles" (1807), J. N. 
 Barker; "Jonathan Postfree" (1807), L. Beach; "The 
 Trust" (1808) and "The Fox Chase" (1808), Charles 
 Breck; "The School for Prodigals" (1809), "Fashionable 
 Follies" (1809), and "The Wounded Hussar" (1809), 
 Joseph Hutton; "Love and Friendship" (1809), A. B. 
 Lindsley; "The Child of Feeling" (1809), George Wat- 
 terson; "The Clergyman s Daughter" (1810) and "The 
 Poor Lodger" (1811), W. C. White; "The Yankey in 
 England" (1815), David Humphreys; "Clari" (1823), 
 J. H. Payne. 
 
l)c Original $Iap 1 89 
 
 popularize this type, for national affairs became 
 one of the commonest themes in our early drama. 50 
 In the history of ballad-opera Dunlap occupies 
 a considerable place. Several operas had been 
 written in this country before he attempted the 
 form, but "Darby s Return" was the first to reach 
 the stage. It was followed by "The Archers," 
 "Sterne s Maria," "The Wild Goose Chace" (altered 
 into an opera from Kotzebue), "The Knight of 
 Guadalquiver," and "The Glory of Columbia." No 
 doubt it was partly as a result of these that plays 
 interspersed with songs grew to be very numerous 
 at the end of the eighteenth century and the be 
 ginning of the nineteenth. 51 
 
 50 Partial list of patriotic dramas during Dunlap s pe 
 riod : "Slaves in Algiers" (1794), Susannah Rowson ; 
 "The Death of Major Andre" (c. 1795), Mrs. Marriott; 
 "Bunker Hill" (1797) and "The Death of Montgomery" 
 (1797), John Burk; "West Point Preserved" (1797), 
 Brown; "A New World Planted" (1802), Joseph Cros- 
 well; "The Battle of Eutaw Springs and Evacuation of 
 Charlestown" (1807), William loor; "The Indian Prin 
 cess" (1808), J. N. Barker; "The Battle of New Orleans" 
 (1816), C. E. Grice; "Triumph of Liberty" (1819), J. B. 
 White; "She Would be a Soldier" (1819) and "Marion" 
 (1821), M. M. Noah; "The Spy" (1822), C. P. Clinch; 
 "A Tale of Lexington" (1823), S. B. H. Judah ; "The 
 Widow s Son" (1825), Samuel Woodworth; "Indian 
 Prophecy" (1828), G. W. P. Custis. 
 
 51 Partial list of musical plays during Dunlap s period : 
 The Reconciliation" (1790), Peter Markoe; "Tammany" 
 (1794), Ann Hatton; "Slaves in Algiers" (1794), Susan 
 nah Rowson; "Edwin and Angelina" (1796), E. H. 
 Smith; "Rural Felicity" (1801) and "The Sprightly 
 Widow" (1803), John Minshull ; "Independance" (1805), 
 W r il!iam loor; "Jonathan Postfree" (1807), L. Beach; 
 "Tears and Smiles" (1807) and "The Indian Princess" 
 (1808), J. N. Barker; "The Wounded Hussar" (1809), 
 
1 90 JBflttam SDunlap 
 
 In employing the robber motif Dunlap had only 
 one predecessor, E. H. Smith, author of "Edwin 
 and Angelina." "The Knight s Adventure," re 
 vised by Hodgkinson, probably exerted some in 
 fluence in calling forth the succeeding group of 
 robber dramas. 52 
 
 One of Dunlap s distinct novelties was the 
 Gothic drama, which appeared full-grown in 
 "Fontainville Abbey," "The Knight s Adventure," 
 and "Ribbemont." The type was soon seized upon 
 by other Americans and frequently used. 53 
 
 Closely allied to the Gothic drama was his most 
 important innovation, the romantic tragedy and 
 tragi-comedy. I have already shown that the pre- 
 
 Joseph Hutton; "The Mountain Torrent" (1820) and 
 The Rose of Arragon" (1822), S. B. H. Judah; "Pad 
 dy s Trip to America" (1822), Charles Talbot; "The 
 Deed of Gift" (1822), Samuel Woodworth; "Clari" 
 (1823), J. H. Payne; "The Saw Mill" (1824), Micah 
 Hawkins; "The Forest Rose" (1825) and "The Widow s 
 Son" (1825), Samuel Woodworth. 
 
 52 Partial list of robber plays: "Rudolph" (1799?), J. 
 D. Turnbull; "The Mysteries of the Castle" (1807), J. B. 
 White; "Rinaldo Rinaldini" (1810), anonymous; "The 
 Rescue" (1813), Rinaldo D Elville; "Otho" (1819), John 
 Neal; "The Forest of Rosenwald" (1821), J. Stokes. 
 
 53 Partial list of Gothic plays : "Female Patriotism" 
 (1798), John Burk; "Edwy and Elgiva" (1801), C. J. 
 Ingersoll; "Bethlem Gabor" (1807), J. Burk; "The Mys 
 teries of the Castle" (1807), J- B. White; "The Wood 
 Daemon" (1808), J. D. Turnbull; "The Orphan of 
 Prague" (1808), Joseph Hutton; "Rinaldo Rinaldini" 
 (1810), anonymous; "Marmion" (1812), J. N. Barker; 
 "Otho" (1819), John Neal; "The Mountain Torrent" 
 (1820), S. B. H. Judah; "The Forest of Rosenwald" 
 (1821), J. Stokes; "The Forgers" (1825), J. B. White; 
 "Hadad" (1825), J. A. Hillhouse. 
 
Cljc <rigmai ptepg 1 9 1 
 
 vailing kind of serious play in America before 1790 
 was the eighteenth century form of tragedy. 
 Leicester" was the first protest against this 
 tendency, and it was backed up by four roman 
 tic tragi-comedies : "Fontainville Abbey," "The 
 Knight s Adventure," "The Archers/ and "Rib- 
 bemont." These must have had some influence, 
 inasmuch as the serious plays after 1795 as a ru ^ e 
 discarded the conventional formula. 54 
 
 From this analysis of his original compositions, 
 Dunlap s place in the history of American drama 
 is apparent. He invented no new types and con 
 ceived no new ideas, but he was a pioneer in em 
 ploying several types and ideas as yet almost, or 
 wholly, untried in this country. His important 
 work was done in the last decade of the eighteenth 
 century, a period of great change in our drama. 
 The plays written in the United States between 
 1795 and 1830 represent a very different classifi 
 cation from those of the preceding thirty-five 
 
 54 In a list of romantic dramas during the period under 
 consideration, all the above robber and Gothic plays 
 should be included, as well as the following titles : "Slaves 
 in Algiers" (1794), Susannah Rowson; "The Indian 
 Princess" (1808), J. N. Barker; "The Fortress of Sor 
 rento" (1808) and "The Wandering Boys" (1812), M. M. 
 Noah; "Demetria" (1813), J. A. Hillhouse; "She Would 
 be a Soldier" (1819), M. M. Noah; "Percy s Masque" 
 (1820), J. A. Hillhouse; "The Rose of Arragon" (1822), 
 S. B. H. Judah; "The Grecian Captive" (1822), M. M. 
 Noah; "The Spy" (1822), C. P. Clinch; "AH Pacha" 
 (1823) and "The Galley Slaves" (1823), J. H. Payne; 
 "Superstition" (1823), J. N. Barker; "Logan" (1823), 
 Joseph Doddridge; "La Fayette" (1824) and "The Wid 
 ow s Son" (1825), Samuel Woodworth. 
 
192 D&iHiam SDunlap 
 
 years, and this classification is that of Dunlap s 
 productions. I do not mean to intimate that 
 American dramatists consciously followed in his 
 steps, but unquestionably he was the most con 
 spicuous leader at the end of the century, for in 
 every case he was among the first to try the 
 novelty which later became the recognized con 
 vention. 
 
 But, after all, the most memorable thing about 
 our dramatist is not that he wrote good plays or 
 bad plays, important plays or negligible plays, but 
 that he wrote plays at all. He had a pleasant 
 and remunerative business; and certainly the ex 
 perience of his forerunners was not such as to 
 tempt a young man from the selling of china to 
 the writing of dramas. His motives were love of 
 the art and a desire to be known as a playwright. 
 He obeyed the urge of the author s instinct at a 
 time when authorship was not encouraged. He 
 rejoiced in the opportunity to give his countrymen 
 the benefit of his talent. And in recounting 
 William Dunlap s claims to an honorable re 
 membrance, it should not be forgotten that com 
 mercialism had no part in the making of the 
 Father of American Drama. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 THE DRAMATIC TRANSLATIONS 
 
 THE international copyright law was a product 
 of the mid-nineteenth century. The first at 
 tempt to protect an author outside the limits of his 
 country was made in 1837 by Prussia, but a com 
 plete system of international protection was not 
 evolved until much later. 1 In the time of Dunlap s 
 struggle for theatrical existence, a piece of foreign 
 literature was the legitimate prey of any man who 
 chose to appropriate it. Literary piracy directed 
 against another nation was a respectable and some 
 times a lucrative occupation. 
 
 This lax state of affairs proved a boon to the 
 manager of the New York theatre. He was there 
 by enabled to provide his stage not only with the 
 English favorites without cost, but also with 
 numerous French and German novelties simply by 
 the expenditure of the time necessary for transla 
 tion. Dunlap was well aware that a play bearing 
 the European trade-mark was much more certain 
 of a cordial reception than a home product. Hence 
 during the greater part of his managership he em 
 ployed himself extensively in translating and pre 
 senting foreign successes. Here he found a task 
 for which he was peculiarly fitted. Though en 
 dowed with but little originality, he yet knew stage 
 
 1 R. R. Bowker, "Copyright, Its History and Its Law," 
 Boston, 1912, p. 311. 
 
 193 
 
1 94 iifliani SDunlap 
 
 technique thoroughly, and with a ready com 
 mand of English and some linguistic ability, he 
 was well equipped for dramatic remodeling. 
 Translating for the theatre had become a frequent 
 practice in England, and it was already slightly 
 known in this country, but Dunlap was the earliest 
 American to make a business of it. 
 
 OUR author s activities as an adapter were con 
 fined chiefly to German drama, but he also drew 
 upon France for contributions, and indeed his first 
 translation was made from the French. Theatre 
 goers of the United States had formed a passing 
 acquaintance with the dramatic literature of 
 France through occasional British renderings, such 
 as Philips s "Distressed Mother," Hill s "Zara," 
 and Dibdin s "Deserter," as well as a few Amer 
 ican adaptations, especially Henry s "School for 
 Soldiers" and Humphreys s "Widow of Malabar." 
 Dunlap, however, gave French drama a much 
 more conspicuous place on our stage than it had 
 formerly possessed. 
 
 In 1797 the New York manager submitted his 
 first effort at translation to the judgment of his 
 patrons. When "Tell Truth and Shame the 
 Devil" issued from the press it was accompanied 
 with this note: "Those who are curious to know 
 how far this comedy is original, or how far bor 
 rowed, will be satisfied by consulting a French 
 
l>e 2E>ramatic Srang!ation 1 9 5 
 
 dramatic proverb, of one act, called JEROME 
 POINTU/ This piece by A. L. B. Robineau, who 
 wrote under the pseudonym of "Beaunoir," was 
 presented at Paris in 1781. Jerome Pointu is a 
 licentious, avaricious, hypocritical lawyer, who dis 
 charges his free-and-easy clerk, Leandre, for 
 moral irregularities. Leandre returns disguised 
 and leads Jerome to disclose his passion for wine, 
 women, and gaming. Over the dice-box the clerk 
 wins all Jerome s possessions ; then revealing him 
 self, he offers to restore everything in exchange 
 for the hand of his daughter. Though violently 
 opposed to the match, the miserly lawyer is forced 
 into the bargain. 
 
 Dunlap robbed this clever little farce of most of 
 its effect by over-moralizing it. "Tell Truth and 
 Shame the Devil" opens with a scene not in the 
 original, in which Semblance (Pointu renamed) is 
 accused by his honest partner, Whitely (invented 
 by Dunlap), of all manner of abomination; thus 
 the interest of seeing the hypocrite s character 
 gradually exposed is destroyed. Dunlap s incor 
 rigible honesty again led him astray at the end. 
 The point of the French piece is entirely lost when 
 Semblance refuses his consent to the engagement 
 because of Tom s deception in the disguise. The 
 American version closes with an original epilogue 
 satirizing untruth by pretending to praise it. 
 
 Aside from the changes which I have noted and 
 the omission of the superfluous clerk, Blaise, the 
 adapter followed the French outline carefully. But 
 he never fell into the error of rendering literally; 
 
196 
 
 the play was written in colloquial and idiomatic 
 English. 
 
 In 1799, in the midst of his Kotzebuean labors, 
 Dunlap again turned his attention to France. This 
 time he employed a bourgeois tragedy of some 
 prominence, "Le Deserteur" (c. 1770), by Louis 
 Sebastien Mercier. It is one of the many lacry- 
 mose plays which France produced after the in 
 vasion of sentimentalism during the first half of 
 the eighteenth century. 2 "Le Deserteur" presents 
 the sad history of a young man who, having de 
 serted his regiment because of ill-treatment, is ap 
 prehended on the eve of his marriage, and is ex 
 ecuted. The grief of the hero s newly found 
 father adds poignancy to the tragedy. 3 
 
 Dunlap prepared this play for his theatre as 
 "The School for Soldiers," drawing heavily, it 
 would seem, on "The School for Soldiers ; or, The 
 Deserter," a version made in 1783 by John Henry 
 of the old American Company. The later transla 
 tion was not published, but a comparison of the 
 respective dramatis persona, as found in Ireland, 
 shows that Dunlap employed Henry s revised 
 names, 4 and one easily infers that the borrowing 
 did not stop there. The New York manager, per 
 haps following his predecessor s lead, domesticated 
 
 2 See F. Gaiffe, "Le Drame en France au XVIIIe 
 Siecle," Paris, 1910. 
 
 3 Mercier s "Le Deserteur" is not to be confused with 
 Sedaine s musical drama of the same name, translated by 
 Thomas Dibdin. 
 
 * "Records of the New York Stage," Vol. I, pp. 79, 188. 
 
f)e SDramatic ranglation 1 9 7 
 
 the plot by laying the action in the time of the 
 American Revolution. 5 
 
 A few months later Dunlap presented "The 
 Robbery," his adaptation of Boutet de Monvel s 
 "Clementine et Desormes." This sentimental 
 drama, first performed at the Theatre Frangais in 
 1780, had already been translated into Dutch, 
 Italian, and Spanish. The American version was 
 not printed, and I have been able to locate its 
 original only through the cast of characters 
 printed in the "Commercial Advertiser" of Decem 
 ber 27, 1799. Monvel s play involves a hero driven 
 from home by his stepmother, a hopeless love 
 affair with his employer s daughter, a charge of 
 theft and a threat of execution, a chance meeting 
 of the long separated son and father, a complete 
 acquittal and a touching "bless you my children." 
 
 Charles-Michel, Abbe de 1 fipee, was one of the 
 most prominent humanitarians of the eighteenth 
 century. In 1755 he established, at his own ex 
 pense, a school for the deaf and dumb, and became 
 the founder of the modern system of instructing 
 deaf-mutes. In 1799 J ean Bouilly wrote a play, 
 "L Abbe de 1 fipee," wherein the philanthropist 
 aids one of his pupils in regaining an estate of 
 which he has been villainously deprived. Being 
 sufficiently sentimental, the piece had a triumphant 
 career in France, 6 and was much admired else- 
 
 6 See "New York Gazette," February 23, 1801. 
 6 Ernest Legouve, "Soixante Ans de Souvenirs," Paris, 
 1887, Vol. I, p. 88. 
 
198 B)iHiam SDunlap 
 
 where. Kotzebue translated it, shortly after it was 
 written, as "Der Taubstumme; oder, Der Abbe 
 de 1 fipee." In February, 1801, Holcroft s version, 
 "Deaf and Dumb ; or, The Orphan Protected," be 
 gan a successful run in London. 7 In the same 
 year Benjamin Thompson published "Deaf and 
 Dumb; or, The Orphan," a literal translation of 
 Kotzebue s literal translation. Charles Smith, a 
 New Yorker, in 1801 reprinted Thompson s ren 
 dering. 
 
 In March, 1801, Dunlap staged his own adapta 
 tion of Bouilly s play, retaining the original title. 
 It was not published, but we know that he went to 
 the French, and not to the German of Kotzebue. 8 
 A critique in the "New York Evening Post" of 
 December 14 state d that Dunlap s piece varied 
 considerably from its source, several new scenes 
 being added, and certain episodes merely narrated 
 in the French being actually represented. His 
 alteration was pronounced an interesting, moral, 
 and well-constructed drama. 
 
 The next borrowing from France, and the most 
 popular, was "The Voice of Nature," based on L. 
 C. Caigniez s "Le Jugement de Salomon" (1802). 
 The latter, founded on the biblical episode, locates 
 the scene in Jerusalem. Leila, the mother of an 
 illegitimate child of which she had been robbed 
 some years before, chances to recognize her off 
 spring by means of birth-marks. She learns that 
 
 7 Genest, Vol. VII, p. 501. 
 
 8 "American Theatre," p. 286. 
 
f>e SDramatit raniationg 1 99 
 
 it had been stolen by Tamira, whose husband 
 threatened divorce unless an heir was born. Both 
 women loudly claiming the child, the matter is 
 brought before Solomon, who orders that the boy 
 be bisected. Leila proves her maternity by re 
 linquishing her claim. Eliphal, the seducer of 
 Leila, now makes amends in marriage. 
 
 Translated by Boaden, this play was frequently 
 presented in England in 1802. Perceiving the 
 tone to be quite unoriental, Boaden adroitly trans 
 planted the events to Sicily, and to suit the new 
 setting renamed most of the characters ; thus King 
 Alphonso was substituted for Solomon, Alzira 
 for Tamira, and Rinaldo for Eliphal. 
 
 In February, 1803, Dunlap staged his version 
 of Caigniez s drama, imitating Boaden in title, 
 setting, and names. The American text, however, 
 shows no indebtedness to the English. That this 
 inferior play was a European success must be at 
 tributed partly to the peculiar appeal of its mother- 
 and-child sentimentality. Dunlap realized that the 
 same element would meet the hearty approval of 
 his countrymen, and he took pains to stress it. 
 He added an original epilogue, in which Alzaira 
 declares that no woman could be so heartless as 
 the one she has been impersonating, for the voice 
 of nature speaks to all women alike, and they 
 cannot but obey. What virtuous joy the translator 
 must have experienced when the press styled his 
 new piece one of the most affecting heart-appeals 
 ever known ! 9 
 
 9 "New York Evening Post," February 5, 1803. 
 
200 
 
 "The Voice of Nature" is of interest as the first 
 representative of French "melodrame" to make 
 its appearance in the New York theatre. The 
 "melodrame" was a distinct type of play which 
 developed in France from sentimental and Gothic 
 drama at the end of the eighteenth century. The 
 species was constructed according to a pretty 
 definite formula; it required as the essential ele 
 ments of the plot a heroine who is all virtue, a 
 deep-dyed villain, a protector who rescues the 
 lovely victim when her distress is at its height, and 
 generally a humorous servant who also champions 
 the cause of the oppressed. It was further dis 
 tinguished by the use of descriptive music; the 
 entrances, the exits, the pathetic scenes, and the 
 tense passages were accompanied by orchestral 
 music in keeping with the character or event. 
 Thus the plaintive flute was made to suggest the 
 dolor of the persecuted heroine, while the bass- 
 viol announced the villain. Joy, surprise, suspense, 
 despair, and divers other emotions appropriate to 
 the action were represented by the musical score. 
 Still other ear-marks of "melodrame" were dances 
 and pageants, relevantly or irrelevantly introduced ; 
 pantomime to assist in presenting the most exciting 
 and breathless episodes; and elaborate stage dec 
 orations and mechanical devices. 
 
 The father of "melodrame" was Guilbert de 
 Pixerecourt, whose "Victor ou TEnfant de la 
 Foret" was brought out in 1797. In his "Coelina 
 ou TEnfant du Mystere," brought out in 1800, the 
 form was seen in its completeness. The piece had 
 
Clje SDramatic ranlation 20 1 
 
 a remarkable run, and was followed by dozens of 
 similar plays from the same pen. Another pioneer 
 was Caigniez. His "Jugement de Salomon/ which 
 adheres to the formula with omission of the 
 humorous element, was performed three hundred 
 times in 1802. Thus "melodrame" became the 
 theatrical fashion in France, and remained so for 
 years. 
 
 The species, with all its adornments, was in 
 troduced to England in 1802 by Thomas Holcroft s 
 "Tale of Mystery," a translation of "Ccelina." 
 Soon the British stage was overrun with melo 
 dramas. Novels and plays were melodramatized, 
 and legitimate drama was almost driven from the 
 boards. 10 
 
 Dunlap gave New York its first taste of the new 
 type when he submitted "The Voice of Nature" in 
 February, 1803. But in all probability the audi 
 ences did not realize that they were witnessing a 
 novelty, for its presentation did not differ ma 
 terially from that to which they were accustomed. 11 
 To be sure, the music was more in evidence, but 
 otherwise Dunlap omitted much of the melodra 
 matic machinery, probably because he did not find 
 it specified in the French text. New York first 
 saw melodrama in its full glory when "A Tale 
 of Mystery" was performed on March 16, 1803. 
 It was advertised and reviewed as an innovation, 
 
 10 See Paul Ginisty, "Le Melodrame," Paris ; A. H. 
 Thorndike, "Tragedy," p. 334. 
 
 11 It was published in 1803 as a "drama in three acts 
 translated and altered from a French melodrame." 
 
202 
 
 and Dunlap referred to it as "the first play of the 
 kind seen in the New World." 12 He was able to 
 stage the piece with all the spectacular accompani 
 ments, because Holcroft, who had seen "melo- 
 drame" in the Parisian theatres, added to his ver 
 sion all necessary directions, which were left out 
 in the French editions. "A Tale of Mystery" met 
 the approval of New York, and served to establish 
 melodrama as one of the popular forms. 
 
 In April, 1804, Dunlap brought out another 
 French melodrama of his translating, Pixerecourt s 
 "La Femme a Deux Maris." It was first acted at 
 Paris in 1802, and was repeated hundreds of times 
 all over France. 13 Briefly the plot is this : Eliza 
 Werner, a supposed widow, is happily married to 
 Count de Fersen. Her first husband, Isadore 
 Fritz, a villain of the darkest hue, suddenly ap 
 pears, accuses her of faking the story of his death, 
 and demands her property. Upon discovering the 
 existence of a previous husband, the Count is con 
 vinced that he and Eliza must separate. He offers 
 Fritz a large sum for the promise of non-inter 
 ference. Fritz, however, has designs on the whole 
 estate. He plans an ambuscade for the Count, but 
 Bataille, the humorous concierge, overhears, and 
 so arranges it that the villain falls into his own 
 trap. 
 
 Two British versions preceded Dunlap s: Miss 
 Elizabeth Gunning s unacted "Wife with Two 
 
 12 "American Theatre," p. 314. 
 
 13 Ginisty, p. 71. 
 
lje SDramatic Cranglationg 203 
 
 Husbands" (1803), a close translation; and James 
 Cobb s free rendering of the same name, acted in 
 1803. The American adaptation seems to have 
 been constructed largely from its two English pre 
 cursors. In the main it is a paraphrase of Miss 
 Gunning s text, and in places it copies her ver 
 batim. From Cobb were taken some of the altered 
 names, and the idea of substituting an Irishman, 
 Armagh, for the Sicilian, Bataille. Though of 
 miscellaneous origin, Dunlap s "Wife of Two 
 Husbands" is a fairly effective play which does not 
 lack for intensity in the climaxes. In its presenta 
 tion, the conventions of melodrama apparently 
 were but little observed, for it was not advertised 
 or published as such, and aside from dances and 
 songs the text gives no indication of the new mode 
 of performance. 
 
 During the time when sentimentalism was a 
 fetish, French drama was infected even down to 
 the opera-comique. Within this genus there was a 
 rare species of the "purement tragique et lar- 
 moyant," to which belonged "Nina ou la Folle par 
 Amour" (1786), by Joseph Marsollier. 14 This 
 lugubrious affair tells the story of a girl whose 
 father breaks her engagement with Germieul in 
 consideration of a wealthier suitor. In a duel 
 between the two wooers, Germieul is severely 
 wounded and left for dead. Nina goes mad. In 
 due time Germieul recovers and returns to an 
 equivocal bliss with the loving but deranged Nina. 
 
 14 Gaiffe, p. 479. 
 
204 IBilliam SDunlap 
 
 The sentimentalism and unusual French vogue of 
 this opera, which had also been translated in Eng 
 land in 1787, induced Dunlap to attempt a version. 
 It was brought out unsuccessfully in December, 
 1804, as "Nina," and was never published. 
 
 Dunlap s last translation was made from a then 
 famous French bourgeois tragedy, written in the 
 style of a melodrama, "Trente Ans ou la Vie d un 
 Joueur" (1827), by Prosper Goubaux (pseudonym 
 "Dinaux") and Victor Ducange. 15 This violently 
 moral play, which shows the surviving influence of 
 Moore s "Gamester," represents three periods of a 
 gambler s life, after successive intervals of fifteen 
 years each. It traces his gradual downfall until 
 he becomes a pauper, a highwayman, and a 
 murderer. There were two British translations, 
 "The Hut of the Red Mountain ; or, Thirty Years 
 of a Gamester s Life," and "The Gambler s Fate; 
 or, A Lapse of Twenty Years," of which the latter 
 began a successful run at the Park in November, 
 1827. In February, 1828, Dunlap s "Thirty Years ; 
 or, The Life of a Gamester," appeared at the 
 Bowery Theatre. The American version was not 
 published, but I have compared the manuscript at 
 the Yale Library with the original, and have found 
 it to be a close rendering with occasional cuttings. 
 
 15 Legouve, "Souvenirs," Vol. II, p. 29, called it the most 
 popular play of the period. 
 
STJje 2Dramatic Cranglationg 205 
 
 ii 
 
 PRIOR to Dunlap s labors as a translator, German 
 drama was but scantily represented in the United 
 States. Frederick H. Wilkens, in his monograph 
 on the "Early Influence of German Literature in 
 America," 16 mentions nothing before David Rit- 
 tenhouse s unacted rendering of Lessing s "Miss 
 Sara Sampson," published at Philadelphia in 1789. 
 The only plays on our stage before Dunlap s 
 adaptations were Lessing s "Minna von Barn- 
 helm" and Schiller s "Die Rauber," both per 
 formed in 1795 from British translations. Four 
 years later the New York manager had brought 
 the drama of Germany to a high pitch of popular 
 ity, chiefly through the meretricious charms of 
 Kotzebue. 
 
 One of the most amazing phenomena of liter 
 ature was August Friedrich Ferdinand von Kotze 
 bue. To-day he is no more than a name. At the 
 close of the eighteenth century he was the most 
 famous man of letters in Europe, and his grip on 
 immortality was commonly reckoned as sure as 
 Shakespeare s. General attention was first at 
 tracted to him by his "Menschenhass und Reue" 
 (1789), the success of which was overwhelming in 
 Germany, and rendered him the public idol. With 
 breath-taking rapidity followed some two hundred 
 
 16 "Americana Germanica," Vol. Ill, p. in. 
 
2o6 H&iftiam SDunlap 
 
 and fifteen plays before his death in iSiQ. 17 After 
 about 1800 his vogue at home waned rapidly, only 
 a handful of his dramas retaining a place in the 
 theatres. The chief reasons for his meteoric rise 
 are three: First, Kotzebue was extremely skilful 
 in producing superficial effectiveness by bizarre 
 and exciting situations and showy characters; 
 while, except for Schiller, there was no other Ger 
 man playwright at this time capable of making a 
 popular appeal. Second, by presenting the aristo 
 crat as vicious, the common man as the embodi 
 ment of virtue, he caught the favor of the growing 
 spirit of democracy which had been fostered by 
 the French Revolution. Third, he hit the taste of 
 the time by constant use of sentimentality. 
 
 In writing bourgeois dramas of sentiment, 
 Kotzebue was following the fashion set for Ger 
 many by Lessing when, in 1755, under the in 
 fluence of Lillo and the French "comedie larmoy- 
 ante," he wrote "Miss Sara Sampson." This 
 "biirgerliche Tragoedie" met with large success, as 
 did his sentimental comedy, "Minna von Barn- 
 helm" (1767). Through the remainder of the 
 century these two types prevailed. In 1784 Schil 
 ler s "Kabale und Liebe" reached the high-water 
 mark of German bourgeois tragedy. About this 
 time IfBand was producing a prosperous series of 
 moral and moving comedies of every-day life. 
 Following these examples, Kotzebue proclaimed 
 on every occasion the two shibboleths of his day, 
 
 17 Charles Rabany, "Kotzebue : sa Vie et son Temps," 
 Paris, 1893 ; see his bibliography. 
 
Clje SDrmtiatic ^Translation^ 207 
 
 feeling and democracy, and captured his gen 
 eration. 
 
 As the century ended England became as de 
 lirious with the Kotzebuean fever as Germany, 
 and for much the same reasons. British drama 
 was at a very low ebb; Lewis, Holcroft, Colman, 
 and Dibdin were the best that England could claim, 
 and these the German writer easily surpassed in 
 the qualities that are necessary for immediate the 
 atrical success. Kotzebue s fame across the Chan 
 nel was first established by the unacted transla 
 tion of "Die Negersklaven" in 1796, which made 
 a pronounced impression because of its appropri 
 ateness to the slave agitation. Its author s career 
 on the English stage was inaugurated at Drury 
 Lane in 1798 by Sheridan s translation of "Men- 
 schenhass und Reue" under the title of "The 
 Stranger." It was belauded by the majority of the 
 papers and reviews. The "Times" declared: "Its 
 beauties are not of an age, but of all times. " It 
 was given twenty-six performances the first 
 season, and appeared regularly thereafter for 
 many years. As a rival piece Covent Garden in 
 the same year brought out "Lovers Vows," an 
 adaptation of "Das Kind der Liebe." It was given 
 forty-two times this season, and continued in the 
 London repertories until 1829. Sheridan again 
 pressed Kotzebue into the service of his depleted 
 finances in 1799 by presenting "Pizarro," based on 
 "Die Spanier in Peru." During the first twelve 
 months of its run it was given sixty-seven times, 
 and for ten years it filled the theatre wherever and 
 
2o8 iteiHiam SDunlap 
 
 whenever played. It went to the twenty-sixth edi 
 tion in 1800. Numerous other Kotzebue dramas 
 were brought forward during the last three years 
 of the century, but after 1800 the German mania 
 subsided, and only an occasional new piece was ac 
 corded a brief trial, while "The Stranger," "Lov 
 ers Vows," and "Pizarro" alone retained a regular 
 place in the British theatres. 18 
 
 The following is a list of Kotzebue s plays which 
 were translated in England, arranged approx 
 imately in the order of their introduction to the 
 public. 19 
 
 Translation first acted First published 
 
 "Die Negersklaven" 1796 
 
 "Die Indianer in England". . . .by i8oo 20 .... 1796 
 
 "Menschenhass und Reue" 1798 1798 
 
 "Das Kind der Liebe" 1798 1798 
 
 "Adelheid von Wulfingen" 1798 
 
 "Der Graf von Burgund" 1799 1798 
 
 "Graf Benyowski" 1811 1798 
 
 "Die Versohnung" 1799 1799 
 
 "Die Spanier in Peru" 1799 1799 
 
 "Die Wittwe und das Reitpferd". 1799 1799 
 
 "Der Opfertod" 1799 1799 
 
 "Armut und Edelsinn" 1799 1799 
 
 "Das Schreibepult" 1799 1799 
 
 "Die Sonnenjungfrau" 1812 1799 
 
 18 Walter Sellier, "Kotzebue in England," Leipzig, 1901. 
 
 19 This table is compiled from the British Museum 
 Catalogue, Genest, and Sellier. 
 
 20 Genest mentions no performance of it, but Anne 
 Plumptre s translation of Kotzebue s autobiography, Lon 
 don, 1800, p. 380, states that it was acted at Stamford. 
 
f)c SDramatic Cranglatitmg 209 
 
 Translation first acted First published 
 
 "Die Edle Luge" 1799 
 
 "Die Corsen" 1799 
 
 "Falsche Scham" 1799 
 
 "La Perouse" 1801 1799 
 
 "Die Silberne Hochzeit" 1799 
 
 "Die Verlaumder" 1799 
 
 "Die Uble Laune" 1799 
 
 "Joanna von Montfaucon" 1800 1800 
 
 "Der Wildfang" 1800 1805 
 
 "Der Taubstumme" 1801 1801 
 
 "Der Weibliche Jacobiner-Klubb" 1801 
 
 "Die Kreuzfahrer" 1806 
 
 "Eduard in Schottland" 1808 1808 
 
 "Blind Geladen" 1812 1812 
 
 "Die Beiden Klingsberg" 1814 
 
 "Der Rehbock" 1824 
 
 "Die Hussiten vor Naumburg" 1830 
 
 "Die Verwandtschaf ten" 1837 
 
 "Die Organe des Gehirns" 1838 
 
 "Der Wirrwarr" 1842 
 
 A few specimens of the English adulation show 
 ered on Kotzebue may be of interest: 
 
 "It is no feeble symptom of interior selfishness, 
 not to relish the general flow of his sentiments; 
 not to glow with sympathetic rapture, while this 
 Rousseau of the drama delineates the sweet affec 
 tions and the noble sacrifices which abound among 
 his heroes and heroines, and which are so well 
 adapted to electrify an audience." "Monthly Re 
 view; or, Literary Journal," Vol. XXIX, p. 102. 
 
2 1 o JDifliam SPunlap 
 
 "The rest of the writers for the stage will do 
 well to study the German poet; and we hope that 
 their application may recall them from Blue Beards 
 and Spectres to a true copy of human life" 
 "Monthly Review; or, Literary Journal," Vol. 
 XXVI, p. 190. 
 
 "There is, in his works, something exceedingly 
 congenial to the cast of English character, and to 
 the predominant tone of English sentiment. It is 
 Shakespeare, without his quibbles, his negligences, 
 his incongruities, his violations of the most indis 
 pensable dramatic probabilities. ... It is Shake 
 speare, still endowed with all that moral wisdom 
 which renders his works the best school of civil 
 sagacity, and makes the deep study of them almost 
 a perfect substitute for real experience in the 
 varied scenes of human life." Preface to "Self- 
 Immolation," by Henry Neuman, 1799. 
 
 But the "German Shakespeare s" vogue did not 
 go unchallenged. With the appearance of "The 
 Stranger" began the activities of an opposition 
 party headed by the Tories, the anti-revolutionists. 
 Kotzebue s disregard for accepted religion, morals, 
 and social rank was violently castigated. Certain 
 of his enemies thus vented their spleen : 
 
 "Let us, for God s sake, look with a little more 
 circumspection at the claims of these German 
 philosophers, before we so readily admit the value 
 of them; nor suffer the public taste to be vitiated 
 thus, without making one single attempt to expose 
 
Cfje SDramaric OTranglationg 2 1 1 
 
 the absurdity of its seducer. My blood boils with 
 indignation when I see my beloved Shakespeare, 
 Otway, Rowe, and all those ornaments of my na 
 tive country, thrust aside, to make way for the 
 filthy effusions of this German dunce ! 
 
 "Forbid it Britons! forbid it common sense!" 
 "Anti- Jacobin Review," Vol. Ill, p. 210. 
 
 "We wish that it was unlawful to translate them 
 [Kotzebue s plays], except into Coptic, and that 
 they were to be preserved in that language only." 
 -"British Critic," Vol. XV, p. 431. 
 
 "When it is considered how large a quantity of 
 Kotzebue we have been obliged to swallow, the 
 reader cannot wonder at our shuddering when a 
 fresh dose is offered to us. There is, alas! no 
 honey around the edges of the nauseating cup." 
 "Monthly Review; or, Literary Journal," Vol. 
 XXXII, p. 326. 
 
 With the Kotzebuean fad raging in Europe, 
 William Dunlap was not slow to perceive that his 
 best interests demanded its immediate importation 
 to the United States. Accordingly, on December 
 10, 1798, the New York theatre presented to a de 
 lighted audience that great London favorite (best 
 of recommendations), "The Stranger." Already 
 England had been blest with three translations of 
 "Menschenhass und Reue," Papendick s, Schinck s, 
 and Thompson s, in addition to Sheridan s altera 
 tion for the stage, a composite of the three. The 
 New York manager seems not to have availed him 
 self of any of these. His German was rather 
 
2 1 2 i&illtam SDunlap 
 
 meagre for purposes of translation, but "having 
 got possession of a wretched publication in which 
 the plot and part of the dialogue of Kotzebue s 
 play were given, in language neither German nor 
 English, he wrote a play founded on these mate 
 rials. . . . The author had adopted the names 
 from the English play-bills, as well as the name 
 by which Kotzebue s play was performed in Lon 
 don, and the public were at liberty to suppose that 
 that which delighted them had been sanctioned by 
 a London audience." 21 
 
 The American "Stranger" was never published, 
 but we may assume that it reproduced the original 
 in outline at least. The story as told by Kotzebue 
 is this: An anonymous misanthrope is living in 
 seclusion. Near him dwells a woman, Eulalia 
 (called Mrs. H alter in the English theatrical ver 
 sion), who passes her days in repentance for hav 
 ing deserted her husband years before. The 
 Stranger and Eulalia chance to meet, and discover 
 that they are husband and wife. After a touching 
 renunciation, they are about to part forever, when 
 their two small children appear and draw the for 
 giving pair into each other s arms. 
 
 How far New York approved of this piece of 
 sentimentality may be gathered from a critique in 
 the "Commercial Advertiser" of December 17, 
 1798 : "I believe it may be asserted that this Drama 
 is without a parallel." The novelty of its incidents, 
 their arrangement for alternate laughter and tears, 
 and especially its high moral tone and emotional 
 
 21 "American Theatre," p. 253. 
 
f)e Dramatic ranlation 2 1 3 
 
 truth, impressed the writer as unique. "If all plays 
 were like this, and if all audiences were equally 
 attentive and susceptible, the question as to the 
 usefulness of the Theatres might easily be de 
 cided; since no man who witnessed this play can 
 hesitate a moment to admit that he came away a 
 better man than he went." The same journal for 
 January 17, 1800, stated that the American trans 
 lation of "The Stranger" was held superior to 
 Kotzebue s original, high praise, indeed, for a 
 native product. 
 
 The public appetite, whetted by its first taste of 
 the German dramatist, soon demanded additional 
 morsels of the same savory variety. In the words 
 of the "Commercial Advertiser" of March 7, 1799, 
 "To see something more from the pen of Kotze- 
 bue is now the general wish," a desire that was 
 satisfied when Dunlap brought forward "Lovers 
 Vows," likewise the second play on the London 
 stage. 
 
 The plot has to do with a baron who seduces a 
 poor girl, and who in later years, being discovered 
 and denounced by his son, is persuaded to marry 
 the victim of his youthful folly. 
 
 The English acting version of this drama was 
 Mrs. Inchbald s "Lovers Vows" (1798). In the 
 same year Stephen Porter and Anne Plumptre 
 both translated it. Dunlap stated that his render 
 ing was not printed, 22 but in 1814 an edition of 
 "Lovers Vows" was published with his name on 
 
 22 "American Theatre," p. 261. 
 
214 Brilliant SDunlap 
 
 the title-page, and there can be little doubt that it 
 was Dunlap s work. This edition proves to be a 
 copy of Plumptre s "Natural Son," with a little 
 cutting and piecing and some renaming of the 
 characters, but with no evidence of first-hand use 
 of Kotzebue. The "Monthly Magazine, and Amer 
 ican Review" 23 reported that the American ver 
 sion was said to be Plumptre s translation fitted 
 for a local audience by the director of the New 
 York theatre. An extract quoted from the direc 
 tor s manuscript is identical with a passage in the 
 edition of 1814, and differs in names of characters 
 and other details from all other versions. We must 
 conclude then that the New York edition of "Lov 
 ers Vows" is Dunlap s, the publication of which 
 he somehow failed to acknowledge in his stage 
 history. 
 
 He did well to work on the basis of Plumptre s 
 rather than Inchbald s translation, since the former 
 possesses considerably more attractiveness of char 
 acter and dialogue. By somewhat enlivening this 
 literal rendering, he produced a play which justi 
 fied the above-mentioned "Monthly Magazine," 
 edited by Charles Brockden Brown, in congratu 
 lating New York on the superiority of its acting 
 version to that of London. The "Commercial Ad 
 vertiser" of March 12, in reviewing the play, said: 
 
 "Last evening, with curiosity alive and expecta 
 tion of a renewal of that delight which the 
 Stranger had so repeatedly pour d into the hearts 
 23 Vol. I, p. 96. 
 
Cljc SDramatic Crangiationg 2 1 5 
 
 of listening thousands, a crowded audience at 
 tended our Theatre to witness the first exhibition 
 of Lovers* Vows/ and we will venture to say that 
 never was so high raised curiosity so fully grati 
 fied. ... It is a just picture of natural circum 
 stances thrown together with exquisite skill for the 
 purpose of painting passion and teaching virtue." 
 
 Dunlap followed up these two achievements with 
 "Count Benyowski," of which a translation by 
 Render had already been printed in London. The 
 American manuscript was not published, but it was 
 a free rendering, judging from its author s state 
 ment that "the literal translations of Count Ben 
 yowski can give no idea of the drama as prepared 
 for the New York stage." 24 The scene of Kotze- 
 bue s play is laid in a Russian exile station whither 
 Benyowski, an Austrian, has been banished. Un 
 der his leadership the exiles engage in a rebellion. 
 The governor s daughter, with whom Benyowski, 
 though married, has fallen in love, is about to 
 accompany him in his flight, but her father en 
 treats her to remain, and the Austrian at last 
 relinquishes her. This heroic drama did not attain 
 the popularity of its two predecessors. 
 
 The season s final offering in the way of adap 
 tation from the Teutonic dramatist was "Indians 
 in England," the reception of which was commen 
 surate with its merits, it was given but once, and 
 Dunlap saw no reason for printing it. Wherefore 
 
 24 "American Theatre," p. 261. 
 
216 William 2DunIap 
 
 its relation to Alexander Thomson s translation of 
 1796 cannot be determined. The original plot is as 
 vapid as a plot could be. A wealthy East Indian 
 is on the verge of marrying an English girl when 
 his long-lost son, the girl s lover, unexpectedly 
 turns up, and the father steps aside. 
 
 But New York was not yet sated with German 
 plays. The "Commercial Advertiser" of Novem 
 ber 9, 1799, voiced the general opinion when it 
 expressed the hope that at the reopening of the 
 theatre the old Kotzebuean favorites might again 
 be seen, "with the addition of such other Diamonds 
 as the Manager may have drawn from the German 
 mine, during the leisure of summer." The first 
 diamond to dazzle the eager eyes was "Self-immo 
 lation ; or, The Sacrifice of Love," a translation of 
 the atrocious "Der Opfertod." Both McKee 25 and 
 Wegelin have included it in their bibliographies of 
 Dunlap, but the "History of the American The 
 atre" makes no mention of it whatever. The 
 dramatis persona, as printed in the "Commercial 
 Advertiser" of November 28, was identical with 
 that of Neuman s translation published at Dublin 
 earlier in the year under the exact title employed 
 at New York. Dunlap always felt free to borrow 
 from other translators, but he almost never 
 adopted title and dramatis persona without at least 
 a slight change. Since there is nothing to indicate 
 his authorship, it seems evident that the New York 
 
 25 Thomas J. McKee s introduction to "The Father," 
 No. 2 of Publications of the Dunlap Society, 1887, con 
 tains a list of Dunlap s plays. 
 
ljc SDramatic ranlation 217 
 
 acting version of "Self-Immolation" was in reality 
 Neuman s. 
 
 The support of the Park Theatre in 1799-1800 
 was "False Shame; or, The American Orphan in 
 Germany," a serious comedy built around the idea 
 that a false sense of delicacy, which prevents entire 
 confidence between husbands and wives or lovers, 
 is the cause of much unhappiness. An anonymous 
 adaptation of "Falsche Scham" was printed in 
 London in 1799, but Dunlap was under no obliga 
 tion to it. On this occasion he essayed an entirely 
 independent rendering, with such results as might 
 have been expected from a translator who was 
 unused to trusting himself alone. His play is 
 closely literal and often stiffly German in its 
 idioms. It reproduces all the wordiness of the 
 original, much of which might well be spared. 
 Because of its too great fidelity it is one of our 
 author s less satisfactory translations. But the plot 
 is interesting if shallow, and the comedy was well 
 received by the public and warmly praised by the 
 critics. 
 
 There is no evidence that Dunlap s version was 
 ever published, although two editions have been 
 ascribed to him, one printed at Charleston in 1800 
 and the other at New York in the same year. Both, 
 however, prove to be exact reprints of the anony 
 mous London play. Only one other American edi 
 tion is known, and it bears the name of Charles 
 Smith. 26 
 
 26 For the text of Dunlap s translation, I have con 
 sulted the manuscript in the Brown University Library. 
 
218 
 
 Perhaps the most skilful and independent of 
 Dunlap s adaptations was "The Wild Goose 
 Chace," acted early in 1800, the first rendering 
 of "Der Wildfang" into the English language to 
 appear on any stage. It is a brisk farce, chiefly 
 composed of the tricks by which Frederick, an 
 amorous youth of one and twenty, attempts to woo 
 and win Nannette, the daughter of an old dragon, 
 Madam Brumbach. After a series of entertaining 
 escapades, Frederick discovers that his tutor is the 
 father of Nannette, and from him he gains per 
 mission to marry. 
 
 This is another instance in which Dunlap did not 
 rely on a previous translation for assistance, yet 
 never did he do better work. He followed the Ger 
 man plot closely, and always reproduced the inten 
 tion of the author, but by a free textual rendering 
 he enlivened and adorned a rather bare comedy. 
 Kotzebue s terrific rate of composition often re 
 sulted in sketchiness and lack of finish. Dunlap 
 in this instance expanded the hasty dialogue, 
 adding spice and humor, and rounding out some 
 of the characters. Baron Piffleburg, pursued by 
 Madam Brumbach, especially profited in the altera 
 tion. From a somewhat meagre figure he became 
 a distinct personality, a good acting part. Again, 
 the shadowy hair-dresser was made a humorous 
 Frenchman with a strong Gallic accent. Another 
 change was the insertion of several songs without 
 warrant from Kotzebue, a liberty often taken 
 with him on the English stage. 27 Dunlap s pur- 
 27 A. H. Thorndike, Tragedy," p. 332. 
 
<l)e SDramatic ranlation 2 1 9 
 
 pose throughout was theatrical effectiveness, and 
 he succeeded unusually well. 
 
 "Der Wildfang" was also translated sometime 
 in 1800 by Charles Smith, and printed as "The 
 Wild Youth." Smith has already been mentioned 
 in this chapter, so a word concerning him will be 
 in place here. He was a New York bookseller and 
 editor who set out to translate the whole of Kotze- 
 bue, but after laboring through three plays his zeal 
 abated and he relapsed into reprinting London 
 editions. 28 Surely a more incompetent person 
 never tortured foreign literature into the English 
 language. His method was to reproduce the author 
 with excruciating literalness, as a few clauses from 
 the play under discussion will show: "I am with 
 her but three weeks," "the second is run away," 
 "she is beautiful like a rose," "just by that the 
 soonest." From such a rival Dunlap had nothing 
 to fear. 
 
 Apparently the only British adaptation of the 
 
 28 F. H. Wilkens, "Americana Germanica," Vol. Ill, 
 p. 125. According to Mr. Wegelin s "Early American 
 Plays," Smith s translations and reprints are these: 
 "Count of Burgundy" (1798; however, the "Monthly 
 Magazine," Vol. II, p. 135, said his first translation was 
 made in 1800), "Self-immolation" (1800), "The Wild 
 Youth" (1800), "La Perouse" (1800), "The Virgin of the 
 Sun" (1800), "Adelaide of Wulfingen" (1800), "The 
 Force of Calumny" (1800), "The Happy Family" (1800), 
 "Pizarro" (1800), "The East Indian" (1800), "Indigence 
 and Nobleness of Mind" (1800), "The Widow and the 
 Riding Horse" (1800), "False Shame; or, The American 
 Orphan in Germany" (1800), "Abbe de 1 fipee; or, The 
 Orphan" (1801), "Fraternal Discord" (1801), "The Writ 
 ing Desk" (1801), "The Beautiful Unknown" (1803). 
 
2 20 JBiHiam SDunlap 
 
 piece was "Of Age Tomorrow," a musical enter 
 tainment by Thomas Dibdin, first acted on Feb 
 ruary i, 1800, and printed in 1805. It is a free and 
 unsatisfactory version, the last act having been 
 entirely omitted. 
 
 Dunlap s success was acknowledged by the 
 critics. The "Commercial Advertiser" of January 
 25, 1800, favorably compared "The Wild Goose 
 Chace" with the best English farces and comic 
 operas, adding that it was enthusiastically re 
 ceived by an audience constantly convulsed with 
 laughter. The "Monthly Magazine" pronounced 
 this alteration more enjoyable than the original, 
 and much superior to Smith s. His "is far too 
 literal a version, and its language too flat and 
 vulgar to afford us any pleasure in the perusal. 
 . . . Mr. Dunlap is more bold and free; but this 
 freedom is under the guidance of sound discretion. 
 His experience, as director of the Theatre, has en 
 abled him to discern what would be most ac 
 ceptable, and to adapt his translation to the opinion 
 and taste of the public." 29 But this article made 
 one of the early protests against Kotzebue when it 
 advised the pruning of the faulty opinions, the 
 vulgarity and immorality of the German dramatist. 
 
 About two weeks after the premiere of "The 
 Wild Goose Chace," "The Force of Calumny," 
 adapted by Dunlap from "Die Verlaumder," was 
 performed. It presents a pathetic picture of the 
 suspicion engendered and the misery endured 
 
 2 Vol. Ill, p. 226. 
 
f)e SDramatic ranlation 2 2 1 
 
 through malicious lying. In the end, of course, the 
 misunderstanding is removed, and the calumniator 
 punished. The play was not known on the English 
 stage, but in 1799 Anne Plumptre published a 
 translation, which Charles Smith reprinted in 1800. 
 What relation Dunlap s version bore to the English 
 cannot be determined, since his was not printed. 
 Its vogue was not equal to that of several kindred 
 efforts, yet the declaration of the "Commercial 
 Advertiser" on February 7, 1800, that no play of 
 Kotzebue s was so uniformly interesting, would 
 indicate that it found admirers at its first ap 
 pearance. 
 
 A second translation to which Dunlap s title is 
 not clear is "The Count of Burgundy," first acted 
 in March, 1800. It is not mentioned in the "His 
 tory of the American Theatre," but Ireland, Mc- 
 Kee, and Wegelin have attributed it to him. 
 Identity of dramatis persona 30 suggests that the 
 American stage version was Plumptre s rendering, 
 somewhat altered, perhaps, by the New York 
 manager. I suppose the point cannot be deter 
 mined with certainty, and the inferiority of the 
 original makes it a matter of little importance. 
 "Der Graf von Burgund" deals with the time- 
 honored theme of a youth raised in obscurity, who 
 turns out to be the heir to a throne. It was cen 
 sured by the "Monthly Magazine" for its weari- 
 someness and its lack of art and ingenuity. 31 
 
 30 See "Commercial Advertiser," March 3, 1800, for the 
 New York cast, 
 si Vol. II, pp. 133 ff. 
 
222 iilliam SDimlap 
 
 One of Dunlap s most popular adaptations from 
 the German was "The Virgin of the Sun," brought 
 out in the spring of 1800. The year before, three 
 versions had been published in London : Plump- 
 tre s, Thompson s, and Lawrence s; it did not 
 appear on the English stage, however, until 1812. 
 In 1800 Lawrence s rendering was reprinted by 
 Charles Smith. Our author s play was constructed 
 from the original with the help of Plumptre s lit 
 eral translation. The latter guided him through 
 out the task, but in only two places did he ap 
 propriate entire sections verbatim. He copied the 
 last of Act II and the first of Act III, the best 
 portions of her work. 
 
 The events of the drama occur among the sun- 
 worshipers of Peru. Cora, a virgin of the sun, is 
 loved by Rolla, a native, and Alonzo, a Spaniard. 
 For Alonzo she has broken her vow of chastity, 
 and is about to become a mother. Rolla, convinced 
 of their love, relinquishes his claims and promises 
 to be as a brother. When the high priestess dis 
 covers Cora s plight she threatens her with living 
 burial, but Cora is sure that she has done no wrong 
 in thus obeying the voice of nature. The guilty 
 pair are placed on trial before the king and priests. 
 A sentence of death is about to be pronounced, 
 when Rolla rushes in with a band of followers to 
 enforce mercy. Cora persuades him to lay down 
 his arms, whereupon the king pardons all the 
 offenders. 
 
 Dunlap s main alterations of both Kotzebue and 
 Plumptre were an occasional rearrangement of 
 
f)e SDramatic rattlation 223 
 
 episodes, and a feature praised by Genest 32 a 
 generous cutting of the long-winded verbiage 
 which frequently retards the action and dulls the 
 interest. It is no exaggeration to say that the play 
 thus produced was more likely to go well than 
 Kotzebue s or Plumptre s. Such was the opinion 
 of his contemporaries. The "Monthly Magazine" 
 spoke as follows : 
 
 "The language of passion which he [Rolla] 
 utters, sometimes borders, perhaps, on extrava 
 gance; but this is less discernible in the play of 
 Mr. D. than in the original. In the former will 
 be found but few of those faults in style and senti 
 ment which occur in the more literal and faithful 
 translations. . . . The minuter differences of ex 
 pression, by which the original is softened and 
 chastized, are too many to be particularized, and 
 render the production of Mr. D., to an English 
 reader, superior to other translations." 33 
 
 There is reason to believe that Dunlap s printed 
 version was not the one which first appeared at 
 the Park Theatre. The "Commercial Advertiser" 
 of March 15, 1800, called the stage play Miss 
 Plumptre s, and correctly, I think. There is at the 
 New York Society Library a copy of her transla 
 tion, altered as a prompt-book in Dunlap s unmis 
 takable penmanship. Considerable portions are 
 cut and new renderings are freely substituted. It 
 would seem that the manager doctored up 
 
 32 Vol. VIII, p. 290. 
 
 33 Vol. II, p. 367. 
 
224 William SDunlap 
 
 Plumptre in his haste to present another German 
 novelty; then during the next two weeks he re 
 vised and improved his alteration, and sent it to the 
 press. 
 
 Just two weeks after the premiere of "The 
 Virgin of the Sun," its sequel, "Pizarro in Peru; 
 or, The Death of Rolla," was performed at the 
 Park. It soon gained almost as much of a hold in 
 America as it had in England, where at least four 
 different translations were printed in 1799: 
 Sheridan s, Button s, Lewis s, and Plumptre s. 
 At New York, sometime in 1800, Smith published 
 his "Pizarro," practically a copy of Sheridan. 
 
 Dunlap s play was in the main a revision of 
 Sheridan s very free adaptation, and approximately 
 a third of the text was even copied directly from 
 him. 
 
 The story as told by Dunlap is substantially 
 faithful to Kotzebue. Pizarro, a heartless Spanish 
 conqueror, is invading Peru accompanied by El 
 vira, his mistress. Alonso and Rolla, with other 
 Peruvians, prepare to resist. Alonso is captured 
 by the Spaniards and imprisoned to await death, 
 but Rolla succeeds in freeing him. As the Peru 
 vian is leaving the camp, he spies the child of Cora 
 and Alonso in the hands of the Spanish soldiers. 
 Seizing the infant, he flees amid a shower of 
 bullets, and escapes, with a fatal wound in his 
 side. He reaches the retreat of the distracted pair, 
 restores the child and dies. Thus Kotzebue ended 
 the play. Sheridan added thrills by shortening 
 
Jjc SDtamatic ranlationg 225 
 
 this scene and annexing a combat between Alonzo 
 and Pizarro, who suddenly rushes in and is slain, 
 thanks to the intervention of Elvira. Dunlap 
 wisely omitted Sheridan s last scene, and restored 
 the author s closing lines, which he designated 
 as "sublime." The New York version imitated 
 Sheridan in placing on the stage instead of behind 
 the scenes the spectacular flight with the child, in 
 eliminating much of Kotzebue s superfluous wordi 
 ness, and in amplifying the sentimental passages. 
 The "Monthly Magazine," in reviewing Dun- 
 lap s "Pizarro," made this comment : 
 
 "We have not, in the present instance, any 
 reason to detract from the praise we have before 
 bestowed on this gentleman as an able and judi 
 cious translator. His views being directed to the 
 stage, he has been particularly careful to adapt 
 his play for a popular exhibition. He has cut out 
 many passages that render the dialogue heavy and 
 tiresome, or which seemed liable to weaken the 
 dramatic effect of the scenes." He is commended 
 for "adhering to his author in the conclusion of 
 the play, which is greatly weakened by the change 
 introduced in that of Mr. Sheridan." 34 
 
 Judging from the success of the last two dramas, 
 the New York playgoers were as enthusiastic over 
 the German wonder as ever. The folk behind the 
 footlights, however, were tiring of the incessant 
 Kotzebue. In the words of the harassed manager, 
 
 s* Vol. Ill, p. 454- 
 
226 JDilliam SDunlap 
 
 those plays which attracted the public, and gave 
 bread to some and means of destructive indulgence 
 to others, were stigmatized by the actors as Dutch 
 stuff, and by other epithets equally character 
 istic." 35 
 
 The next two or three dramas failed to receive 
 the support accorded to their predecessors per 
 haps an indication that the public was beginning 
 to agree with the actors. On April 21, 1800, "The 
 Corsicans" made its bow in a version of dubious 
 origin. McKee and Wegelin have called it Dun- 
 lap s, but it is not mentioned in the "American 
 Theatre," and Ireland does not suggest a trans 
 lator. The drama was not acted in England, but 
 an anonymous rendering was printed at London in 
 1799, which Dunlap may have employed, with 
 alterations, on the stage of the Park Theatre. 
 
 Two days after "The Corsicans," "The Stran 
 ger s Birthday," a sequel to "The Stranger," was 
 performed. It was rendered from "Die Edle 
 Luge," already translated in England by Maria 
 Geisweiler as "The Noble Lie." Again Kotzebue 
 presented the Stranger now called Baron Mei- 
 nau and Eulalia. She still suffers remorse for 
 her early sin, and feels herself unworthy of her 
 husband. To comfort her, he deceives her into 
 believing that he has seduced the servant girl. In 
 advertently learning the truth, she is deeply 
 touched by his nobility, and presumably banishes 
 
 35 "American Theatre," p. 276. 
 
227 
 
 her self-contempt. Dunlap s version of this in 
 excusable play was never printed. 
 
 That Kotzebue was no longer swallowed whole 
 was more than hinted in a comment in the "Com 
 mercial Advertiser" of May 19, 1800 : 
 
 "Our stage has been so inundated of late, I had 
 almost said disgraced, with the wretched pro 
 ductions of the Holcrofts, the Reynoldses, the 
 Mortons, the Kotzebues (the exception of some 
 few plays) and a tribe of other such writers, that 
 it is high time to make a stand against a torrent 
 which threatens to vitiate not only taste but 
 morals." 
 
 The last new German drama of the season was 
 "The Happy Family," rendered from "Die Sil- 
 berne Hochzeit." McKee has attributed this title 
 to the New York manager in spite of his definite 
 statement that it was "an English version" which 
 he staged. 36 In the Society Library, among a 
 number of plays signed by Dunlap, there are two 
 copies of Thompson s rendering of "The Happy 
 Family" as reprinted by Charles Smith. One copy 
 bears the words "Cut for the part of Lewis" in 
 Dunlap s hand; the other, apparently the prompt 
 book, is greatly reduced and altered, with occasional 
 textual changes, all in the manager s penman 
 ship. I think the conclusion is obvious that "The 
 Happy Family" must be omitted from our trans 
 lator s bibliography. 
 
 36 "American Theatre," p. 282. 
 
228 William 2Dunlaj> 
 
 Early in the fall season of 1800 "Fraternal Dis 
 cord," another novelty from the prolific pen of 
 Kotzebue, won the approbation of the public. 
 London was already familiar with the play through 
 Ludger s unacted translation, printed in 1799 as 
 "The Reconciliation; or, The Birth-Day/ and 
 through Dibdin s "Birth-Day," acted in 1799 and 
 printed in 1800. 
 
 "Die Versohnung" is among the sanest efforts 
 of the Teutonic dramatist. It presents a rather 
 pleasing picture of middle-class life. Two elderly 
 brothers have been engaged for fifteen years in a 
 lawsuit with each other over a garden. Philip is 
 an impoverished consumptive with a daughter, 
 Charlotte. Franz is a well-to-do bachelor, an ex- 
 sea captain. Charlotte and her lover, Philip s 
 doctor, finally effect a reconciliation. 
 
 "Fraternal Discord" is as completely his own 
 as any of Dunlap s Kotzebuean adaptations. There 
 is some evidence that he was familiar with 
 Ludger s version, but he borrowed almost nothing 
 from it, and his result differs materially from 
 this stiffly literal rendering. Dibdin s play is a 
 radical alteration to which he was even less in 
 debted. "Fraternal Discord" may then be con 
 sidered an independent translation, and a very 
 skilful one. Some of the weaker scenes and more 
 unnecessary dialogue are omitted, and the whole 
 is clad in a garb of colloquial, natural English, pro 
 ducing a smoothly idiomatic play. The "Monthly 
 Magazine," while decrying the London versions as 
 stupid and mutilated, said : 
 
Clje SDramatic Cranglation^ 229 
 
 "Fraternal Discord is a translation from Kotze- 
 bue s Versbhnung, oder Bruder s Twist, by Mr. 
 Dunlap, and is, in our opinion, one of the most 
 pleasing pieces of that popular author. Its plot 
 is simple, yet sufficiently abounding in incident; 
 its moral is excellent, and its dialogue appropriate 
 and elegant. . . . The manager, in his translation, 
 appears to have done justice to the original, and 
 to have retained a due regard for the English 
 language, and the taste of his audience." 37 
 
 Dunlap himself considered it "perhaps the most 
 meritorious of the many translations and altera 
 tions which came from his pen." 38 
 
 New York received the play most cordially, and 
 yet divers intelligent people were beginning to 
 wonder whether, after all, Kotzebue would rank 
 with the immortals. One writer thus expressed it : 
 
 "No dramatist appears to have gained so sudden 
 and extensive a reputation as Kotzebue. No other 
 has been able to command the united suffrages of 
 distant and different nations in his favour. Cen 
 turies have elapsed before an author has been 
 much, or generally, known out of his native 
 country. His performances may be read by the 
 few ; but to be translated into different languages, 
 and usurp the place of native productions on the 
 theatres of other nations, is a destiny extraordinary 
 and unprecedented. . . . But popular favour is 
 capricious, and it may be fairly questioned whether 
 
 ST Vol. Ill, p. 380. 
 
 38 "American Theatre," p. 281. 
 
230 William SDunlap 
 
 the fame of this dramatist rests on a solid basis, 
 or bids fair to be as durable as it is great ; whether 
 he is to excite our wonder, and pass like a brilliant 
 meteor, or to remain a fixed luminary in the lit 
 erary horizon. There is sometimes a fashion in 
 the prevailing opinions of the world, in the matters 
 of literature and science, as well as in dress and 
 equipage; and the present teutonick fashion of 
 writing may be as transient as any other kind." 39 
 
 The final German translation that Dunlap gave 
 to the New York stage was "The Blind Boy." It 
 was taken from "Das Epigramm," a sentimental 
 comedy in which a young doctor, who has in 
 curred the hostility of a very self-important 
 woman, makes amends by restoring the sight of 
 her blind son. Once more the adapter worked in 
 dependently, for the play had not been, and was 
 not to be, translated in England. How well he 
 performed his task I cannot say, since the drama 
 seems never to have been printed. 40 The fact 
 that "The Blind Boy" was presented only a very 
 few times does not indicate that it was inferior to 
 its predecessors, but that New York had lost its 
 zest for Kotzebue. 
 
 39 "Monthly Magazine," Vol. Ill, p. 453. 
 
 40 Dunlap said nothing as to its publication ; Wegelin 
 states ("Bibliographical Checklist of the Plays and Mis 
 cellaneous Writings of William Dunlap," No. 26) that it 
 was printed in 1808, but his description : "A Melo-Drama, 
 in two acts, pp. 40," corresponds exactly with W. B. 
 Hewetson s original "Blind Boy," London, 1808, and does 
 not fit a translation of Kotzebue s four-act domestic com 
 edy. 
 
Clje SDramatic 3Tranlation 2 3 1 
 
 "La Perouse" was Dunlap s sole adaptation not 
 to appear in the theatre. That he translated the 
 piece we know from its inclusion in his bibli 
 ography and in the prospectus of his selected 
 plays ; but when he did so, or why it was not acted, 
 there is no way of determining. "La Perouse" 
 was well known in London. Renderings by 
 Plumptre and Thompson were printed in 1799; 
 early in 1801 J. Fawcett s pantomime, based on the 
 play, made something of a sensation ; and later in 
 the year Thompson s version was performed. 41 
 But not until 1811 did this drama of life on a 
 desolate island reach the New York stage, and 
 then only in the pantomimic form. 
 
 Though Dunlap was the adapter of the majority 
 of Kotzebue s plays seen at the Park Theatre, yet 
 other translators were also represented, for any 
 satisfactory rendering was welcome. During his 
 managership the following translations from the 
 German dramatist were given : 
 
 First acted Translator 
 
 "The Stranger" Dunlap 
 
 December 10, 1798 
 
 "Lovers Vows" Dunlap 
 
 March II, 1799 
 
 "Count Benyowski" Dunlap 
 
 April i, 1799 
 
 "Indians in England" Dunlap 
 
 June 14, 1799 
 
 Sellier, pp. 73, 75- 
 
232 iMiiam 2Dunto 
 
 First acted Translator 
 
 "Self-immolation" Neuman(?) 
 
 November 29, 1799 
 
 "False Shame" Dunlap 
 
 December u, 1799 
 
 "The Wild Goose Chace" Dunlap 
 
 January 24, 1800 
 
 "The Force of Calumny" Dunlap 
 
 February 5, 1800 
 "The Count of Burgundy" Uncertain 
 
 March 3, 1800 
 "The Virgin of the Sun" Dunlap 
 
 March 12, 1800 
 "Pizarro" Dunlap 
 
 March 26, 1800 
 "Sighs; or, The Daughter" Hoare 
 
 April 16, 1800 
 "The Corsicans" Uncertain 
 
 April 21, 1800 
 "The Stranger s Birthday" Dunlap 
 
 April 23, 1800 
 
 "The Horse and the Widow" Dibdin 
 
 May 5, 1800 
 "Joanna of Montfaucon" .... Cumberland 
 
 May 28, 1800 
 "The Wise Man of the East" . . . . Inchbald 
 
 May 30, 1800 
 "The Happy Family" Thompson 
 
 June 2, 1800 
 
 "Fraternal Discord" Dunlap 
 
 October 24, 1800 
 "The Blind Boy" Dunlap 
 
 March 30, 1803 
 
ftc SDramatic ranlation 233 
 
 We see that the New York director brought 
 out twenty plays, against only fourteen on the 
 London stage during the corresponding period. 
 It may occasion some surprise that Dunlap, with 
 his high ambition for a moral and elevating theatre, 
 should thus have thrown the doors of his establish 
 ment open to a dramatist who disregarded the 
 most fundamental precepts of accepted morality. 
 Perhaps the German s democratic principles so 
 often enunciated, and his sentimentalism so con 
 stantly flaunted, blinded the eyes of the American 
 manager ; perhaps Kotzebue s iconoclasm appealed 
 to him in this period of Godwinian discipleship ; 
 perhaps he connived somewhat at the objection 
 able qualities in consideration of his pocket-book. 
 It should be said, however, that he expurgated as 
 much as possible, and left some of the most 
 prurient plays untranslated. 
 
 Though greatly admiring Kotzebue, Dunlap 
 never idolized him, if his opinion was accurately 
 reflected in the works written in after years. 
 Neither did he denounce him as many did when 
 the novelty had worn off. From the "History of 
 the American Theatre" I quote : "Kotzebue is far 
 beneath many of the German dramatists." "Kotze 
 bue s great talent was facility of invention; his 
 incidents are admirable; his delineation of char 
 acter is often fine ; but many of his characters par 
 take of the age in which he lived, and of his own 
 false philosophy and false estimate of the founda 
 tion on which society ought to rest." 42 In the 
 
 42 pp. 254, 258. 
 
234 
 
 "Memoirs of Cooke," after condemning the Eng 
 lish playwrights who tried to put down German 
 literature, and the English translators who "suc 
 ceeded in darkening its brightness by a most thick, 
 and sometimes impenetrable, fogginess," he went 
 on to say: "As my admiration of the German 
 dramatists was not founded on the praise of the 
 English writers, so my opinion has not been shaken 
 by their censure." 43 
 
 The years of the Kotzebue fever in America 
 were 1799 and 1800. The inoculation took place 
 in December, 1798, and shortly the epidemic was 
 raging. During 1799, out of approximately one 
 hundred playing nights, at least thirty perform 
 ances of Kotzebue were advertised; and in 1800, 
 out of about one hundred and twenty-five nights, 
 he held the boards at least fifty times. The next 
 year started briskly with eight performances in 
 January, but the German onslaught met a sudden 
 and final check, for the remainder of 1801 saw but 
 a dozen or so exhibitions of Teutonic drama, and 
 1802 sank to four or five. Thereafter the "second 
 Shakespeare" was represented only by an occa 
 sional performance of "The Stranger," "Pizarro," 
 "Lovers Vows," or "Fraternal Discord," the four 
 plays which retained the most persistent hold on 
 the New York stage. This sudden slump in the 
 career of the reigning favorite was the result of a 
 similar catastrophe in London, the fashion-maker 
 of New York, and of a perfectly natural reaction 
 against the superficiality and falseness that had 
 just been so eagerly applauded. 
 
 43 Vol. I, pp. 276-7. 
 
lje SDramatic Crangiatitmg 235 
 
 During the fat years Kotzebue held a very prom 
 inent place in the newspapers and magazines of 
 the city. Each new piece was heralded before, and 
 lauded after, its appearance. Each performance 
 was reviewed with praise or blame for the actors 
 as they reached or missed the author s heights. 
 The English adulation of the great dramatist was 
 reprinted, and biographical notices concerning him 
 were frequently inserted. Besides the translations 
 by Dunlap and Smith, various British versions of 
 his plays and a few of his novels and other writ 
 ings were published in New York. The German 
 invasion, however, as we have seen, was not ac 
 complished without some resistance. New York 
 did not develop an opposition party as London did, 
 but individual-expressions of disapproval were not 
 lacking, and these became increasingly prominent 
 as time went on. 
 
 It is not to be assumed that New York was the 
 only city in the United States in which Kotzebue 
 was the dramatic hero. His plays reached Phila 
 delphia shortly after their introduction to America, 
 and between 1799 and 1802 they practically domi 
 nated the stage. "False Shame," "The Wild Goose 
 Chace," and probably others of Dunlap s trans 
 lating were given. 44 In the Boston theatre also 
 the German playwright was well represented. 
 Dunlap spoke of "Count Benyowski" and other 
 adaptations of his being acted there in the fall of 
 
 44 C. F. Brede, "German-American Annals," new series, 
 Vol. Ill, p. 265; see same writer and journal, new series, 
 Vol. X, pp. 106-149, for a discussion of Kotzebue on the 
 Philadelphia stage. 
 
236 JBflliam SDunlap 
 
 1799. "Pizarro," admirably brought out in 1800, 
 had a long and successful run. 45 Charleston wit 
 nessed a few of the dramas, including "Fraternal 
 Discord," in i8o3~4, 46 and probably this was not 
 their first season at .that place. It is to be noted 
 that wherever Kotzebue s works were acted, Dun- 
 lap was to some extent the purveyor thereof. 
 
 The effect of this craze on American drama was 
 less than one might have expected from its mag 
 nitude. The plays known to this country were 
 of two main types: dramas centered about pro 
 tagonists and dealing with remote times and places, 
 such as "Pizarro," "Benyowski," and "Adelaide 
 of Wulfingen" ; and semi-realistic dramas of con 
 temporary life, like "The Stranger," "Self-im 
 molation," and "Fraternal Discord." Perhaps 
 fewer examples of the first type could be found in 
 our literature after 1800 than before, and those 
 few were as much indebted to Schiller as to Kotze- 
 bue. The second had been one of the prevailing 
 types in America since Tyler s "Contrast" in 1787. 
 Kotzebue s favorite motifs, sentimentality and 
 discovery of kinship, were much used here years 
 before "The Stranger s" advent. The Kotzebuean 
 species of sentimentality which arose from affect 
 ing pictures of family life, was never much em 
 ployed by our dramatists, who preferred the 
 distressed-lover theme. The German writer s in 
 fluence, then, consisted more in confirming certain 
 
 45 "American Theatre," p. 273 ; W. W. Clapp, "A Rec 
 ord of the Boston Stage," p. 74. 
 
 46 "American Theatre," pp. 369-70. 
 
|)e Dramatic Cranglationg 237 
 
 tendencies already existent in this country, than in 
 introducing any new ones. 
 
 As a final word on Kotzebue in America, it may 
 be well to point to the fact that his vogue here was 
 almost simultaneous with his fame abroad, and 
 by completing the circle of his triumphs gave him 
 a distinction never before achieved by a man of 
 letters. Whereas other writers had gained a 
 foreign standing gradually, if at all, and usually 
 not till after their death, he leaped, almost at one 
 bound, into a place of the first literary importance 
 in all the leading countries of the world. This re 
 markable accomplishment was the result of his 
 unquestioned theatrical skill, his sentimentality, 
 and his revolutionary ideas. In this country his 
 political philosophy was especially congenial to the 
 Republican party, then rising into power. But 
 perhaps the main cause of his popularity in the 
 United States was the furore which he created on 
 the other side of the Atlantic. 
 
 Ill 
 
 KOTZEBUE was not the only German dramatist of 
 whom Dunlap made capital. Having profited by 
 these labors, in 1799 he turned his attention to 
 Schiller. "The Robbers" was his only play known 
 on our stage, and it was not at all well known. It 
 was first given at New York in 1795 and not re 
 peated until 1798, so far as I have discovered. 47 
 
 47 See ante, p. 162 ; "Commercial Advertiser," June 7, 
 1798. 
 
238 IMiiam SDunlap 
 
 Dunlap s translation of "Don Carlos," acted in 
 May, 1799, did not enhance Schiller s reputation in 
 the United States; it was not a sufficient success 
 to warrant repetition or publication. This tre 
 mendously long drama on Spanish history seems 
 scarcely adapted to the taste and habits of an 
 American audience. Dunlap curtailed it, so he has 
 told us, and probably it lost much of its original 
 force in the process. Thanks to adapter and 
 actors, the play "was unmercifully shorn of its 
 beams." 48 "Don Carlos" was not known to the 
 English stage, but two adaptations were printed in 
 England in 1798, of which the New York manager 
 may have made some use. 
 
 Three years later "Fiesco" was given at the 
 Park. McKee attributed the translation to Dun- 
 lap, but there is no proof that this is correct. His 
 statement is merely : "On the 26th of March, 1802, 
 Schiller s Fiesco was performed (Cooper play 
 ing Fiesco) ; it was coldly received." 49 A copy of 
 the drama in German was included in Dunlap s 
 library, and he at one time translated a portion of 
 it, 50 but we do not know that he ever finished it. 
 Perhaps the New York version was an abbrevia 
 tion of the rendering made in English in 1796. 
 
 The "Monthly Magazine" for December, 1800, 
 contained this notice: "We understand that the 
 Manager is preparing for the stage, a German 
 
 48 "American Theatre," p. 262. 
 
 49 Ibid., p. 294. 
 
 50 Diary, Vol. XV, pp. 66-7. 
 
Clje SDramatic ranlation# 239 
 
 drama, called Abaellino, which, in sublimity, is 
 thought superior to the Robbers, and in its 
 denouement to exceed the Stranger"^ Early 
 the next year this dramatic gem appeared. First 
 written as a novel in 1793 by Johann Heinrich 
 Daniel Zschokke, "Aballino der Grosse Bandit" 
 was soon dramatized by him and published in 1795. 
 Within a short time it was to be seen in most of 
 the theatres of Germany. Its international career 
 was long and brilliant. Translations were made 
 into Dutch, French, Spanish, Polish, Danish, and 
 English, and in various disguises it was acted all 
 over Europe. 52 
 
 Dunlap was the first to turn "Aballino" into 
 English. The earliest British versions were those 
 of M. G. Lewis and R. W. Elliston, both made in 
 1805. Unfortunately I have failed to find a copy 
 of the German play (except a later poetic revision) 
 in this country ; hence I have been unable to com 
 pare the translation with the original. But prob 
 ably the American adapter adhered fairly closely 
 to the text, as his custom was. 
 
 In the New York edition the plot is this : Abael 
 lino, a bravo, is terrorizing Venice by his assas 
 sinations. Great efforts are made to capture him, 
 but without success. Flodoardo, a young Venetian 
 in love with Rosamonda, the Doge s niece, as 
 sumes the task of exterminating Abaellino. But 
 the bandit s outrages continue, many prominent 
 
 " Vol. Ill, p. 456. 
 
 52 J. P. Hoskins, "Publications of the Modern Lan 
 guage Association," Vol. XX, p. 283. 
 
240 JBilliam SDuntop 
 
 citizens falling under his dagger. Finally at a 
 State reception, Abaellino suddenly appears, and 
 whisking off his horrible mask, reveals the hand 
 some Flo do ar do. Then he points out the con 
 spirators for whose detection he had assumed the 
 manner and disguise of a bravo, mysteriously pro 
 duces his supposed victims, and receives the hand 
 of Rosamonda. 
 
 This wildly extravagant affair met the entire ap 
 proval of New York, as well as of numerous other 
 American cities where it was played. 
 
 One of the least successful of the German adap 
 tations was "Peter the Great; or, The Russian 
 Mother," which came out in the fall of 1802. It 
 was based on "Die Strelizen," written in 1790 by 
 Joseph Marius Babo. The play concerns itself 
 with a conspiracy of the Strelitz 53 against Peter 
 the Great. The plot is discovered, and the young 
 leader is about to be executed, but his mother 
 prevails upon the Czar to spare him. 
 
 As usual, Dunlap s version carefully followed 
 the outlines of the original, though with judicious 
 compression of the dialogue, and without any at 
 tempt at literal translation. Some of the diffi 
 cult Russian names were simplified for instance, 
 Prostoserdof was changed to Orloff and one or 
 two minor characters were expanded, especially 
 
 53 The Strelitz was a body of troops which formed the 
 greater part of the Russian army in the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries. They were brave in battle, but so 
 given to mutiny in peace that Peter the Great abolished 
 the force. 
 
ljc SDramatic Cranglationg 24 1 
 
 the indefinitely foreign officer, who became at his 
 hands a debonair Frenchman. In short, Dunlap 
 altered "Die Strelizen" into a somewhat American 
 ized drama in easy and flexible English. Its lack 
 of popularity in New York is not surprising, be 
 cause the original has but little theatrical pos 
 sibility. 
 
 The shortest of the foreign renderings is "The 
 Good Neighbor; An Interlude in One Act. 
 Altered from a scene of Iffland s." It centers 
 about a kindly old man who serves as a sort of 
 community mediator and peace-maker. I have 
 been unable to locate the play of Iffland s from 
 which the sketch was taken. "Nachbarschaft" is 
 immediately suggested by the title, but I find no 
 resemblance in subject-matter. Probably Dunlap 
 took the idea from a portion of one of Iffland s 
 dramas, and worked it up to suit himself. 
 
 Considering Dunlap s translations as a whole, 
 we find much of that dependence on the work of 
 others which characterized his original plays. Not 
 more than one third of his adaptations were made 
 without the authority of previous British versions. 
 Much as he deplored the partiality of America for 
 the literature of Great Britain, he found it ex 
 pedient to follow that literature as a standard. 
 In the case of Kotzebue it was his usual practice 
 to bring forward on the New York stage those 
 dramas which made the greatest sensation in 
 London, though occasionally he anticipated the 
 
242 JMIiam 
 
 English premiere. This adherence to foreign 
 precedent, however, was not solely the result of 
 mental dependence on Dunlap s part ; it was rather 
 the most satisfactory solution of a very difficult 
 problem. Given a theatre rushing toward bank 
 ruptcy and an audience prejudiced in favor of the 
 London product, self-preservation required that 
 London be taken as the model. If often Dunlap s 
 dependence was not confined to the choice of the 
 play, but involved also textual borrowing, it should 
 be attributed to imperative haste and not to in 
 capacity. When he set himself to the task he could 
 make an independent translation equal to any of 
 his English rivals, as "The Wild Goose Chace" 
 and "Fraternal Discord" clearly show. 
 
 Dunlap s merits as a translator were of no mean 
 order. He always held the author s intention in 
 respect, yet he almost never fell into the error of 
 rendering literally. By reproducing the ideas in 
 facile, conversational English, by cutting redun 
 dancies, and by amplifying undeveloped spots, in 
 a word, by applying his knowledge of stage re 
 quirements to another writer s material, he often 
 constructed a play equaling or surpassing the 
 original. 
 
 The service of William Dunlap to American 
 literature through his translations was intangible, 
 but real none the less. Before 1799 America had 
 but the barest acquaintance with the drama of the 
 Continent. England held the boards to the ex 
 clusion of other nations. For the dramatic lit 
 erature of France and Germany Dunlap made a 
 
f)e 2Dramatit ranlation 243 
 
 large place on the stage of New York, and called 
 it strongly to the attention of other cities where 
 his adaptations were acted and his example im 
 itated. Thus he helped give the United States a 
 more cosmopolitan view of contemporary culture. 
 Though the plays which he exploited were of little 
 permanence, yet they aided in establishing literary 
 intercourse between America and Europe. Two 
 immediate results of this heightened interest in 
 foreign drama were the greatly increased popu 
 larity of Schiller in this country after 1800, and 
 the work of John Howard Payne as a translator of 
 French plays. 
 
 If Dunlap played some part in lessening the 
 provincialism of the United States in its youth, 
 and in broadening its outlook on the world of 
 letters, surely he deserves our respect and gratitude 
 as a contributor to our literary development. 
 
 
CHAPTER V 
 THE NON-DRAMATIC WRITINGS 
 
 NOBODY reads Dunlap s plays to-day, and 
 nobody visits an art museum to see his 
 pictures. These products belonged to the age 
 which gave them being, and with it they passed 
 away. But a third phase of his work still retains 
 an importance that it will not soon lose. It is as an 
 investigator and recorder of facts that he possesses 
 a present-day value. He knew some interesting 
 people of his generation ; he was a leader in various 
 activities ; he was a close observer of all that went 
 on about him, as well as a careful student of that 
 which had preceded. Of the things he knew best, 
 he wrote, and we are yet indebted to him for hav 
 ing done so. 
 
 THE "Memoirs of the Life of George Frederick 
 Cooke" had its place in the development of Ameri 
 can biography. In order to understand its sig 
 nificance, we must look at a few early examples 
 of this department of our literature. Among the 
 first attempts at memoir writing was John Nor 
 ton s "Life and Death of that deservedly famous 
 man of God, Mr. John Cotton," published in 1658. 
 As the title suggests, it was more sermon than 
 biography ; the narrative of John Cotton s life was 
 244 
 
Clje iJJotMSDramatit iriting 245 
 
 used as a vehicle for a great deal of moralizing. 
 Nothing like a well-rounded picture of the man 
 was given, for the emphasis was wholly on the 
 religious aspects. The formula employed by John 
 Norton prevailed for over a century. Cotton 
 Mather, Samuel Mather, Ebenezer Turrell, and 
 other biographers wrote in the laudatory, didactic, 
 and one-sided manner of their forerunner. 
 
 By 1800 the method was beginning to undergo a 
 change. One of the first memoirs of the nine 
 teenth century was Weems s"Life of Washington." 
 To be sure, Weems exalted his hero to the clouds, 
 and never lost an opportunity to point a moral, 
 even as his predecessors had done; but in laying 
 greater stress on private life and general affairs, he 
 took a forward step. Another tendency, almost 
 entirely absent previously, is well illustrated in 
 Cheetham s "Life of Thomas Paine" (1809) a 
 tendency to disregard the doctrine of "de mortuis 
 nil nisi bonum." Indeed, Cheetham s book is a 
 scathing denunciation of Paine s character and 
 deeds. 
 
 The "Memoirs of Cooke" was a joint product of 
 the older and newer methods. Like the pious 
 biographies of the eighteenth century it aimed to 
 serve the cause of morality; but, decidedly unlike 
 them, it did so, not by detailing the blameless 
 career of a devout clergyman, but by frankly re 
 vealing the errors of a dissipated actor. If the 
 moral purpose was inherited from the past, the 
 subject-matter was of the newer and less idolatrous 
 school, for we hear less praise of Cooke s majestic 
 
246 IBiHiam SDunlap 
 
 acting than condemnation of his inebriety. This 
 means that the picture is not so one-sided as in the 
 earlier biographies. In them we saw only the 
 preacher or the ideal Christian ; in this we see the 
 actor and the man, the genius and the brute. The 
 Philadelphia "Port Folio" spoke truly when it said 
 of Dunlap: "He deserves the thanks of his 
 countrymen for making so bold and intrepid a 
 stand in favour of legitimate biography." 1 
 
 In writing the "Memoirs," Dunlap relied for his 
 information on Cooke s rather fragmentary diaries, 
 and on his own acquaintance with him. From 
 these sources he strung out an Soopage narrative, 
 which probably was not considered too long in 
 that leisurely, two-volume age. The first volume 
 and about a third of the second are taken up with 
 the player s English career ; the remainder presents 
 a detailed review of his two years in America. We 
 are given some idea of that indescribable thing, a 
 great actor s mode of acting. We are introduced 
 to his manner of life and his opinions on various 
 subjects. We are offered lengthy extracts from 
 his journals. We are entertained with number 
 less anecdotes. Entirely too much space is de 
 voted to gossip and scandal. The reader is not 
 particularly edified by an account of each of the 
 player s debauches. Indeed, Dunlap s zeal for 
 temperance may have led him to exaggerate 
 Cooke s alcoholic excesses, or to give them a 
 semblance of greater frequency than was con 
 sistent with the truth. Some of Cooke s associates, 
 
 1 Third series, Vol. I, p. 554- 
 
ic IBritingg 247 
 
 especially W. B. Wood and J. W. Francis, have 
 testified that the biographer presented an unjust 
 picture of the actor. 2 It is to be regretted that he 
 did not omit some of the gossipy padding, and 
 substitute a discussion of the conditions in the 
 American theatre at this period. 
 
 The "Memoirs of Cooke" is not Dunlap s most 
 excellent production. It is, however, interesting 
 reading, it is our main source of information about 
 a distinguished player, and it is something of a 
 landmark in the development of impartial bi 
 ography. 
 
 One of the most pleasant friendships among 
 early American men of letters was that of Charles 
 Brockden Brown and William Dunlap, and it is 
 fitting that the latter should have written our 
 standard biography of the novelist. It is, to be 
 sure, a very imperfect performance, but for this 
 the author was not altogether to blame. Before 
 the task was put into his hands, it had been under 
 taken by Paul Allen of Baltimore, who had gone 
 so far as to print copious selections from Brown s 
 rarer writings for inclusion in Volume I. 3 When 
 the commission was given to Dunlap, it was agreed 
 that these selections should stand. Much as he 
 resented this encumbrance which occupied about 
 seven-eighths of the volume, he was under the ne 
 cessity of retaining it, and of inserting his material 
 
 2 Wood, "Personal Recollections of the Stage," Phila 
 delphia, 1855, p. 163 ; Francis, "Old New York," p. 205. 
 
 3 "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 272. 
 
248 l&tUiam 2DunIap 
 
 wherever convenient openings could be found. Of 
 the arrangement of the second volume he had com 
 plete control, and its construction is much superior 
 to the first. Ninety continuous pages are given to 
 biography and criticism; then follow about thirty 
 pages of letters, and about three hundred and fifty 
 pages of extracts and fragments. The work had 
 been designed both as a memoir and as a repository 
 for some of Brown s manuscripts and rare printed 
 writings ; hence a disproportion between selections 
 and biography for which Dunlap was not re 
 sponsible. But the modern reader is disposed to 
 desire an exchange of most of the extracts for 
 more letters and passages from the journal. The 
 English edition of 1822 in some measure improved 
 the work by reducing the whole to one volume of 
 three hundred and thirty-seven pages with a con 
 tinuous text, and an appendix containing the more 
 important selections in the American edition. 
 
 The biographical portion, which is not over one 
 hundred and thirty-five pages long, begins with an 
 account, probably somewhat idealized, of Brown s 
 precocious youth. His difficulty in choosing a pro 
 fession, his attempts at law study, and his refusal 
 to enter the practice are discussed. Then comes 
 his New York residence, with its many friend 
 ships and literary activities. After his return to 
 Philadelphia in 1801, the narrative proceeds 
 rapidly to his death in 1810, and ends with a grace 
 ful eulogy. Brown s habits of mind and methods 
 of literary work are discussed, and there is con 
 siderable judicious criticism of the novels. It is 
 
Charles Brockden Brown 
 
 From a miniature by William Dunlap, about 1 Sob 
 
ic IDritingg 249 
 
 stated at the outset that the subject s chief claim 
 to interest is as a pioneer, that planlessness and in 
 completeness mark his writings, and that his talent, 
 though great, was undeveloped. No attempt is 
 made to give undue credit, yet the treatment is 
 kindly and admiring. For Brown s personality 
 the author has hearty praise, but never extravagant 
 adulation. 
 
 Like the "Memoirs of Cooke," the "Life of 
 Brown" shows the influence of the newer bio 
 graphical method. While the main stress is prop 
 erly on the literary side, yet other interests and ac 
 tivities are not neglected. An effort is also made 
 to judge the novelist s merits impartially, and to 
 avoid indiscriminate laudation. 
 
 There is room for a new biography of Charles 
 Brockden Brown, and it is to be hoped that some 
 one may soon undertake it, so that we may have a 
 completer record of his life, especially after 1800, 
 than we at present possess. Meanwhile American 
 literature is under obligation to Dunlap for nearly 
 all that is known about our first professional man 
 of letters. 4 
 
 4 When Herring and Longacre were projecting the 
 "National Portrait Gallery," Dunlap was asked to furnish 
 a biography of Brown. For this purpose he condensed 
 his book to a very creditable sketch, and added a little 
 new material of some importance. It was published in 
 Volume III in 1836, accompanied by a portrait of the 
 novelist, engraved from Dunlap s miniature painted in 
 1806. 
 
2 50 Jt&iHiom SDunlap 
 
 ii 
 
 THE spectacular drama of the rise and fall of 
 Napoleon Bonaparte was approaching its denoue 
 ment in 1814. Dunlap, like most of his country 
 men, rejoiced when the tide of victory turned 
 against the dictator of Europe, and in two his 
 torical sketches he recounted the events which led 
 to the Emperor s overthrow. 
 
 In 1812 Francis L. Clarke published at London 
 a life of Wellington, who was then conducting the 
 campaign in the Spanish Peninsula. Clarke s ac 
 count extended to the siege of Burgos in the fall 
 of 1812. The work was printed in New York in 
 1814 with a 54-page supplement by Dunlap, con 
 tinuing the story of Wellington s triumphs from 
 the siege of Burgos to the capitulation of Bordeaux 
 in the spring of 1814. His statements were based 
 mainly on the official despatches of Wellington and 
 his generals, and of course showed the Duke in a 
 favorable light, but without the flattery that Clarke 
 lavished on him. 
 
 In the "Life of Wellington" Dunlap prophesied 
 the early downfall of the French tyrant. In a 
 second sketch he dealt with the fulfilment of this 
 prophecy. His "Narrative of the Events which 
 followed Bonaparte s Campaign in Russia to the 
 Period of his Dethronement" was published at 
 Hartford in 1814 both separately and as a sup 
 plement to an edition of Sir Robert Ker Porter s 
 
2 5 1 
 
 "Narrative of the Campaign in Russia, During the 
 Year 1812," first issued at London in 1813. Dun- 
 lap s account, seventy-five pages in length, begins 
 after the flight from Russia, and embraces the 
 battle of Leipzig, the capture of Paris, the banish 
 ment to Elba, and the establishment of the new 
 French government. In discussing the reorganiza 
 tion of France, the historian showed himself a 
 thorough American by deprecating the substitution 
 of one unqualified monarchy for another when the 
 time was ripe for a republic. 
 
 These two fragments are reasonably accurate, 
 but their manner of procedure is open to criticism. 
 Each is a solid mass of detailed military opera 
 tions, related in a juiceless and pedestrian fashion, 
 and almost unrelieved by considerations of larger 
 significance than the number of attacks on a given 
 position or the size of the armies involved. 
 
 Long years of participation in the dramatic 
 affairs of the United States gave Dunlap a know 
 ledge of their history which few of his contempo 
 raries possessed, and it is especially fortunate that 
 he had the inclination as well as the ability to 
 chronicle the progress of those affairs. 5 In the 
 preface to the "American Theatre" he said, quoting 
 Colley Gibber, whose "Apology" served as a sort of 
 model for him : "If I have any particular qualifica- 
 
 5 Dunlap was not the first to make a phase of American 
 culture the subject of a history. At least one work of 
 this nature had already appeared, namely, Isaiah Thomas s 
 "History of Printing in America," pubfished in 1810. 
 
252 ID ill mm SDunlap 
 
 tion for the task more than another, it is that I 
 am perhaps the only person living (however un 
 worthy) from whom the same materials can be 
 collected." 
 
 For his facts he relied to some extent on the 
 assistance of others: the investigations of his 
 friends; the reminiscences of Lewis Hallam, who 
 had come to this country as a boy in 1752, and of 
 W. B. Wood of Philadelphia; and contributions 
 by John Dunlap on Kotzebue and Schiller. But 
 chiefly he relied on his own researches and on his 
 journals and recollections covering a period of 
 twenty or twenty-five years. The chronicle ex 
 tends from the middle of the eighteenth century to 
 the coming of Cooke in 1810. It is interspersed 
 with sketches of the leading actors and play 
 wrights, anecdotes of the stage, and opinions on 
 various problems connected with the drama. 
 
 The book has many faults, not the least being 
 occasional inaccuracy of statements. At the start 
 the writer made the mistake of ascribing the 
 origin of American histrionic art to the Hallam 
 Company in 1752, whereas subsequent investiga 
 tion has found that the profession was followed 
 half a century before. Because his researches had 
 not been carried back of this date, he was in error 
 concerning the beginnings in nearly all the towns 
 where the drama gained an early foothold. And 
 in dealing with later events he sometimes stumbled 
 over a date, or otherwise gave misinformation. 
 
 Another serious fault, the book is not free 
 from partiality. Certain actors and playwrights 
 
253 
 
 are treated with more severity than they deserve, 
 because of Dunlap s personal dislike. Moreover, 
 the author was strongly prejudiced in favor of 
 himself. He gave his plays and experiences much 
 more prominence than their importance would 
 warrant. Indeed, after the first seventy-five pages 
 the work becomes more nearly an autobiography 
 than a well-balanced history of the stage. While 
 other theatres are from time to time considered, 
 the overwhelming emphasis is on the New York 
 theatre during the period of Dunlap s dramatic 
 and managerial activity. We hear more about 
 the "author of the Father of an only Child" than 
 of all other playwrights combined, and we en 
 counter two chapters of autobiography arbitrarily 
 dragged in. 
 
 A third fault is the lack of a clear outline of the 
 progress of our drama and the theatre. We are 
 given many details in chronological order, but a 
 bird s-eye view is hardly to be obtained. 
 
 If the "American Theatre" has numerous short 
 comings, it has more excellences. In general, after 
 the first dozen pages the information is reliable. 
 Many of the facts recorded are to be met with 
 nowhere else, because they came out of the writer s 
 own experience, and are invaluable for the light 
 they throw on our early stage conditions and 
 personages. 
 
 Regarded as an autobiography, the work has 
 distinct merit. Dunlap had the good sense to say 
 the most about the things he knew best. Thus, we 
 get interesting glimpses behind the scenes, ac- 
 
254 William SDunlap 
 
 counts of the quarrels, trials, and successes of 
 actors and managers, pictures of the audiences, 
 and descriptions of the players based on close ac 
 quaintance, all of which make it one of the most 
 human books ever written on the theatre. In style 
 it is more pleasing than any of the later treatises on 
 the subject. Personalities, anecdotes, and digres 
 sions serve to enliven a theme which in the hands 
 of Ireland and Seilhamer is often dreary reading. 
 Dunlap s opinions form no inconsiderable part 
 of the volume. His ideals are frankly and forcibly 
 stated. Realizing the influence of the theatre, he 
 stood unhesitatingly for a moral stage, a stage on 
 which virtue should be both practised and taught. 
 He stood for a stage which should appeal only to 
 the higher intelligence, with none of the cheap at 
 traction of acrobatics, dances, and monsters which 
 the audiences of his day demanded. He stood for 
 a theatre that should not be the gathering place 
 and parade-ground for the vicious and debased 
 elements of the community. As the surest means 
 to these ends he advocated and in this he was 
 ahead of his countrymen a theatre owned and 
 directed by the government, like those of France 
 and Germany, a theatre in which money-making 
 and reputation-making should be subordinated to 
 the mental and moral improvement of the people. 
 Having failed as a manager to bring his ideals to 
 a realization because of his dependence on the 
 public for his livelihood, Dunlap became convinced 
 that only that theatre which was in a position to 
 fashion popular taste, instead of following it, 
 
255 
 
 could effect a permanent reform. Again and 
 again he reiterated this idea. Almost the last 
 words of the book are: 
 
 "One great theatre in each great city of the 
 Union, supported and guided by the state, would 
 remedy every evil attendant on our present play 
 house system. 
 
 "We should have no managers seeking only to 
 fill the treasury or pay hungry creditors no stars 
 rendering all attraction but that of novelty un 
 profitable no benefit plays tempting actors to 
 exceed their stated and certain income, and to 
 descend to practices, for the purpose of gaining 
 patrons, which tend to disgrace their profession, 
 and sometimes end in destroying themselves no 
 display of impudent vice before the stage, or of 
 immoral precept upon it. A theatre, so supported 
 and conducted, must exhibit plays no less attractive 
 for the purpose of mere amusement, and no less 
 popular, but like the novels of Walter Scott, and 
 James Fennimore Cooper, incomparably more fas 
 cinating as well as instructive, than much of the 
 trash of the stage or the circulating library of 
 former days." 6 
 
 Subsequent writers on the American theatre 
 have drawn copiously from Dunlap as the ultimate 
 authority on many points, and all have treated him 
 with respect except George O. Seilhamer. By Mr. 
 Seilhamer he was arraigned for all the faults he 
 possessed and many that he did not, and was found 
 
 6 "American Theatre," pp. 404-5. 
 
256 f&tfltam SPunlaj* 
 
 guilty of woeful incapacity for his task. Seilhamer 
 was a Philadelphia!!, and one of his indictments 
 against Dunlap was that he did not give sufficient 
 attention to Philadelphia s laurels. Finding the 
 New Yorker in error in some of his early state 
 ments, he eagerly seized the opportunity of con 
 demning him in toto. "Dunlap was so uniformly 
 inaccurate that it is impossible to accept anything 
 he asserts as a fact." "Dunlap stands pre-eminent 
 as a historical blunderer." "There probably never 
 was a book written to throw light upon a subject 
 that succeeded so completely [as the American 
 Theatre ] in confusing it." 7 Such is the type of 
 Seilhamer s criticism. After castigating Dunlap s 
 inaccuracy in this sledge-hammer fashion, he fre 
 quently borrowed extensively from the "blun 
 derer" without giving credit; or, worse yet, fell 
 into as serious error as he had accused his prede 
 cessor of. Seilhamer s "History of the American 
 Theatre" is a monument of painstaking investi 
 gation, and its value is great, but the absurdly 
 jealous and unscholarly treatment of Dunlap is an 
 unmistakable blot. 
 
 Fortunately no one now attaches much weight 
 to Seilhamer s abuse, which, by the way, was 
 showered on all who had dared to write on his sub 
 ject. It is generally recognized that Dunlap made 
 mistakes, partly through oversight, partly through 
 the inaccessibility of material that has* since been 
 obtainable. But present-day students of American 
 drama honor him not only as a pioneer in the field 
 
 7 Seilhamer, Vol. I, pp. 198, 286; Vol. II, p. 274. 
 
Clje HJon^SDramatic lritingg 257 
 
 of theatrical chronicling, but as the preserver of 
 much information without which our knowledge 
 of the subject would be distinctly impoverished. 8 
 
 William Dunlap served the cause of American 
 art more effectively with his pen than his brush; 
 the "History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts 
 of Design in the United States" is more valuable 
 than all his canvases. 
 
 The plan of the work is biographical and strictly 
 chronological ; each artist is introduced at the point 
 when his professional career began. At the proper 
 place we come upon a sixty-nine-page sketch of 
 William Dunlap, a garrulous but interesting ac 
 count of his life, with special stress on his artistic 
 activities. It was included as a warning against 
 neglecting opportunities, and as evidence that he 
 was incapable of attaining high rank as a painter. 
 Interspersed through the biographies are brief dis 
 quisitions on the art academies of America, and on 
 the origin and history of various branches of art, 
 together with explanations of the mechanical pro 
 cesses they involve. 
 
 The term "art" is stretched to the breaking point ; 
 not only painters, sculptors, and architects, but 
 even sign-painters, bank-note engravers, and die- 
 sinkers are assembled within these hospitable 
 pages. Or if a man, engaged in other pursuits, 
 
 s The "New York Mirror," Vol. X, p. 266, said that 
 Dunlap had in preparation in 1833 a continuation of the 
 stage history to the appearance of Edwin Forrest about 
 1826. 
 
258 IDttluim SDunla j 
 
 chanced to paint a little, he is to be found here 
 with a word on his paintings and a careful discus 
 sion of his non-artistic labors. Thus Robert Ful 
 ton, who made a few poor portraits, is given eleven 
 pages, devoted to his steamboat and other inven 
 tions. The boundaries of the United States are 
 strained scarcely less. English and French artists, 
 who may have visited this country, are treated as 
 fully as the natives. For instance, Benjamin 
 West s son, Raphael, who spent two years in 
 America without doing any professional work, is 
 given five pages. 
 
 In dealing with deceased artists, the author went 
 to the most available sources for his facts, but in 
 the case of a living man his modus operandi was 
 to request a biographical account directly from 
 him or from some close acquaintance. Frequently 
 the letters, with appropriate comments, were pub 
 lished verbatim. In a manner, then, Dunlap s 
 function was to act as editor for a large body 
 of contributors, among whom were Irving and 
 Cooper. This method resulted in a series of biog 
 raphies and autobiographies, which have a first 
 hand veracity and a vitality that give them a 
 peculiar worth. 
 
 In the present work Dunlap began at the begin 
 ning. Later investigation has unearthed no Amer 
 ican artist, worthy of the name, prior to John 
 Watson, with whose landing at Perth Amboy in 
 1715 the chronicle opens. And none of Watson s 
 successors down to 1834 was overlooked. No 
 practitioner of any of the arts of design was too 
 
l)c i^on^SDramatic iErithigg 259 
 
 insignificant to be mentioned. If his merits did 
 not warrant a place in the text, his name and dates 
 were sure to appear in the appendix, reserved for 
 the least important. The work thus has a unique 
 value, since it preserves so complete a record of 
 our early artists, whose very names in some in 
 stances would otherwise be forgotten. 
 
 The hero of the history is Benjamin West. His 
 life, character, and work are admiringly, almost 
 reverently, presented, yet with an accuracy which 
 has made Dunlap s an authoritative account. 
 Throughout the two volumes West s name con 
 stantly appears as the instructor and guide of the 
 young artists from America, and as the chief 
 honor and glory of contemporary art, both of 
 America and England. 
 
 Stuart is handled with less veneration, and the 
 weaknesses of his character are exposed; but his 
 achievements are lauded without stint. 9 Allston, 
 for his success in historical work, which Dunlap 
 considered the highest form of painting, is ranked 
 as second only to West, and in some ways even his 
 superior. Sully, Jarvis, and Morse are cordially 
 praised, and in general the author treats his fellow 
 artists with kindly respect. 
 
 But when Dunlap wrote the "Arts of Design" 
 he was an old and broken man, and he was not 
 always free from petulance and irritability. This 
 is well illustrated in the passage on Tisdale, 
 
 9 For Volume I of the "National Portrait Gallery" 
 Dunlap provided a biography of Stuart, reduced from the 
 "Arts of Design." 
 
260 JMIiam Dunlap 
 
 whose refusal to give any information about him 
 self provoked this retort : "If, therefore, I err, he 
 must excuse me the world will care nothing 
 about it." 10 Dunlap s republicanism grew on him 
 with the years, and in this book he took every oc 
 casion to deprecate patronage of art by the nobil 
 ity, and to show his contempt for nobility in 
 general. But this spirit of ill-will and vindictive- 
 ness was chiefly displayed toward John Trumbull. 
 Dunlap hated Trumbull for a variety of reasons. 
 That artist, because of a slight misunderstanding, 
 had pettishly resigned his commission in the army 
 during the Revolution, and withdrawn from the 
 conflict. He had seen fit to malign West, whom 
 he looked on as his enemy. As president of the 
 American Academy he had treated younger artists 
 with contempt, and had declared war against the 
 National. He received $32,000 from the United 
 States government for four poorly executed panels 
 in the dome of the capitol. He was domineering, 
 vain, mercenary, and pusillanimous of this there 
 is ample proof. For these causes, and perhaps 
 others more personal, Dunlap developed a violent 
 dislike for Trumbull, to which he did not fail to 
 give rein in the "Arts of Design." For his best 
 work he had nothing but praise, yet it was his 
 poorer work and his faults of character and con 
 duct that he chose to dwell on. He magnified 
 trifles, misconstrued motives, and in general made 
 Trumbull out a much worse person than he really 
 was. If West may be called the hero of the his 
 tory, surely Trumbull is the villain. 
 10 Vol. II, p. 45- 
 
Cljc $on^Dramatxc iBriting 2 6 1 
 
 Another shortcoming somewhat akin to this 
 show of personal animosity, is the preponderance 
 of mere gossip and scandal throughout. The bio 
 graphical plan was adopted because it admitted of 
 this sort of diversion, which it was thought would 
 lend popular interest to the subject. Dunlap said : 
 "I believe the public love anecdote and gossip 
 that I do, I am quite certain." 11 But anecdote and 
 gossip proved so attractive to him that he forgot 
 his duty as a historian. We look in vain for an 
 estimate of an artist s place in the development of 
 American art. We hear almost nothing of influ 
 ences, and nothing at all of schools. The artists 
 are not even catalogued according to branches. An 
 engraver may be found sandwiched between a 
 painter and an architect. The work sadly lacks 
 organization, arrangement, and proportion, and 
 consequently fails to give a perceptible outline of 
 the "rise and progress of the arts of design in the 
 United States." But, like the "American Theatre," 
 it has, in spite of its faults, a place all its own as 
 the repository of much that would otherwise be 
 lost. 
 
 The style of this, Dunlap s most elaborate and 
 pretentious product, is appropriately elaborate and 
 pretentious. It was written in an era when Amer 
 ican writers were still addicted to the heavy, pom 
 pous periods of the eighteenth century, and it 
 partook of the mannerisms of its age. The stylistic 
 qualities which distinguish all Dunlap s books are 
 here intensified. In striving for pregnancy and 
 weight he was sometimes reduced to making much 
 
 11 "New York Mirror," Vol. XI, p. 248. 
 
262 iMiiam SDunlap 
 
 of little, with a resultant tone of insincerity and 
 affectation. There is too much fondness for the 
 first person singular, which at times is not to be 
 distinguished from boasting; yet this, like his 
 wordy discursiveness, is not unpardonable in a 
 man of his years. On the other hand, Dunlap s 
 style often possesses an expressiveness, a smooth 
 ness, and an animation which go far toward aton 
 ing for its imperfections. 
 
 Most of our author s books were greeted by the 
 reviewers with amiable commonplaces, which I 
 have not felt it worth while to quote. But the 
 "Arts of Design" had a varied and interesting re 
 ception. The "Mirror," cordial as always, recom 
 mended the volumes to all, from the scholar to the 
 conquest-sated belle, and predicted for it a sensa 
 tion across the water. 12 The "American Quar 
 terly Review" of Philadelphia complimented the 
 writer s industry, but aptly suggested that the title 
 be changed to "Anecdotes of Painters, Sculptors, 
 Architects, and Engravers, and of any and every 
 body who has had the remotest connection with 
 the Arts of Design in the United States." It con 
 tinued : "There is little of the dignity of history in 
 its gossiping chapters, and much more information 
 is communicated about the men than the artists. 
 . . . The original critical portions are for the most 
 part meagre and unsatisfactory." 13 The "North 
 American Review" praised the minuteness of the 
 research, the ease and clearness of the style, and 
 
 12 Vol. XII, pp. 139, 199- 
 is Vol. XVII, pp. 143 ff. 
 
26 3 
 
 the candor of the judgments, but found a lack of 
 arrangement, selection, and compression in the 
 material, and a partiality and animosity toward 
 some artists. It considered the attacks on Trum- 
 bull unjust, and the temper displayed not becoming 
 to a sensible man. 14 
 
 The "American Monthly Magazine" stoutly 
 championed Trumbull, and took the first oppor 
 tunity to abuse Dunlap as an artist. When his 
 painting, "Richard and Kenneth," appeared at the 
 tenth exhibition of the National Academy, the 
 magazine dipped its pen in vitriol, and incon 
 tinently damned this "daub equally void of draw 
 ing, taste or effect." Why did the Academy permit 
 such an atrocity to blot its walls? It might have 
 been done as well by a boy of fourteen ! An artist 
 who had so bitterly condemned his superiors, it 
 was asserted, could not complain if he was sub 
 jected to a little impartial criticism. 15 But the 
 most violent denunciation came from an anony 
 mous writer, who, having contributed the sketch 
 of John Vanderlyn to the "Arts of Design," felt 
 himself and the painter so wronged by the changes 
 that Dunlap made, that he published a pamphlet 
 in defense of his friend and in condemnation of 
 the unlucky historian. With such utterances as 
 these did he vent his wrath : 
 
 "Indeed, sir, your two bulky tomes of a thou 
 sand pages, dignified by the pompous title of a 
 
 i* Vol. XLI, pp. 146 ff. 
 15 Vol. V, p. 316. 
 
2 64 BMfliam SDunfap 
 
 History ; what are they but a miserable chron 
 icle of mere gossip and scandal, about upon a par 
 with our daily political press or police reports. 
 ... As an Artist, and certainly not of the first 
 class, you assume a dictation over all of your pro 
 fession. . . . The grave even, it seems, has proved 
 no shelter to many of them, for you have dragged 
 them, or their memoirs, before the public, but as I 
 hope not before posterity to degrade them of 
 course, and at the same time, as certainly your 
 common profession." 16 
 
 As a final verdict on the whole matter I quote 
 the opinion of a modern student of American art. 
 Of Dunlap, Mr. Samuel Isham has said: 
 
 "He is our American Vasari. . . . He had a 
 feeling for accuracy rare at the time. . . . He has 
 been called the acrimonious Dunlap/ but the 
 reader of to-day will not find the epithet justified. 
 ... It is only in his pages that we seem to touch 
 the reality of West and Stuart and Trumbull and 
 Allston and Sully. Men were as sensitive then as 
 to-day, and the men of whom he wrote and their 
 friends were displeased at his frankness; but 
 viewed at the present distance of time, he seems 
 rather kindly. He had his dislikes, but he was 
 harder on no one than on himself." 17 
 
 16 "Review of the Biographical Sketch of John Van- 
 derlyn, published by William Dunlap, in his History of 
 the Arts of Design/ with Some Additional Notices, re 
 specting Mr. Vanderlyn, As an Artist." By a Friend of 
 the Artist. New York, 1838, p. 62. 
 
 17 "History of American Painting/ pp. 72-3. 
 
265 
 
 The closing period of Dunlap s life was occupied 
 with research in the history of his State. This 
 subject had of recent years received considerable 
 attention, and a half-dozen histories of New York, 
 written between 1814 and 1835, were in the field. 
 For his authorities, Dunlap employed his pre 
 cursors to some extent, but for the most part he 
 went to the sources, and minutely examined news 
 papers, state and private documents, letters, jour 
 nals, etc. 
 
 When the pinch of poverty became so sharp as 
 to require immediate alleviation, he whipped into 
 shape the material he already had, and in 1837 
 published his "History of New York, for Schools." 
 His model was "Uncle Philip s Conversations with 
 the Children about New York," written by F. L. 
 Hawks and printed in 1835, a book in which in 
 struction is imparted by the question and answer 
 method. Uncle Philip s chats ceased with the 
 Declaration of Independence, and Dunlap con 
 tinued the task. The interlocutors are supposed 
 to be Uncle Betterworth, aged seventy-one, who is 
 engaged in writing a history of the State, and bears 
 a striking resemblance to William Dunlap; and 
 four children between the ages of eight and four 
 teen. John, the oldest, shows a perfect genius for 
 remembering dates and facts ; William, aged 
 twelve, speaks with the vocabulary of fifty; 
 Philip s function is to shout "Hurrah !" in the 
 heroic moments, and Mary is frankly bored when 
 Indians are not the theme. 
 
 Before considering the war, Uncle Betterworth 
 
266 JOilliam SDunlap 
 
 questions the children on what they had learned 
 from Uncle Philip, and thus the early history from 
 Hudson s discovery is presented. After the first 
 hundred pages the causes of the Revolution are 
 taken up and discussed during the remainder of 
 the volume. At this point the material becomes too 
 complex and the style too weighty for juvenile 
 minds. Volume II deals with the Revolution, and 
 ends with the inauguration of Washington in 
 1789. Both parts, like Hawks s book, are well 
 sprinkled with stories and moral disquisitions on 
 the evils of drinking, smoking, idleness, etc. 
 
 An examination of this work in connection with 
 the larger history, which followed it in two or 
 three years, shows that in the main both came from 
 the same manuscript. The text-book is independ 
 ent through the first half of Volume I, but begin 
 ning with the causes of the Revolution, it contains 
 almost nothing not found in the same words in 
 the later and more amplified treatise. The situa 
 tion is probably this : Up to 1837 Dunlap had car 
 ried on his research and written portions in the 
 final form, with only the larger history in mind. 
 Then being too impoverished to continue, he filled 
 the gaps in his manuscript in a more juvenile style, 
 and with slight revision sent it to press. Later in 
 vestigation was given to the early periods and to 
 certain phases of the Revolution, which had not as 
 yet been thoroughly worked out, and the results 
 were incorporated in the second publication. 
 
 The first part of the "History of the New Neth 
 erlands, Province of New York, and State of New 
 
Clje ^on^SDcamatit BSritingg 267 
 
 York, to the Adoption of the Federal Constitu 
 tion," appeared in 1839. Beginning with the dis 
 covery of America, it proceeds with much detail 
 through Hudson s exploration and the Dutch and 
 English colonization. The last quarter of the vol 
 ume deals with the causes of the war, and prac 
 tically parallels the text-book. The second part 
 was published posthumously in 1840, with a pref 
 ace stating that while Volume I was in the press, 
 the author had been stricken with a disease which 
 ultimately proved fatal, and that the material of 
 the present volume had been selected and arranged 
 according to the design of the writer in so far as it 
 had been expressed. I infer that John A. Dunlap 
 was the editor from the facts that the copyright 
 was secured by him, and that he assisted his father 
 in other literary labors. The second volume details 
 the events of the Revolution, with undue stress on 
 the Arnold-Andre conspiracy, and concludes with 
 the adoption of the Federal Constitution, an out 
 line of which is given. An appendix of two hun 
 dred and forty-six pages follows, containing 
 Letters, documents, extracts from early records, 
 and a large quantity of "Miscellaneous Matter" 
 apparently drawn from the newspapers. 
 
 If Dunlap s work be compared with a good 
 modern history of the State, it will be seen that 
 very little escaped him and that his statements are 
 generally accurate. As an investigator he pos 
 sessed distinct ability; to his task he brought a 
 perseverance and a minuteness of research not 
 often to be found in an old and broken man. But 
 perhaps this is the highest praise his last achieve- 
 
268 IBiHiam 2DunIaj> 
 
 ment can be given. As a treatise on New York 
 history it leaves much to be desired. It is scarcely 
 more than a series of details chronologically ar 
 ranged, and presented in an impersonal and inef 
 fective manner. There is no proper proportion or 
 emphasis. There is no subordination of the unim 
 portant, nor stressing of the significant; conse 
 quently the book gives no clear idea of the main 
 current of events. Indian affairs, biography of 
 both the small and the great, episodes involving 
 oppression or the struggle against it, dramatic or 
 picturesque occurrences, these are disproportion 
 ately prominent because they were Dunlap s hob 
 bies. A defect resulting from all this is that we 
 gain no large view of the development of New 
 York, no connected idea of her progress as a politi 
 cal unit, or of her contribution to the history of the 
 nation. In other words, Dunlap was so absorbed in 
 the contemplation of the trees that he failed to per 
 ceive the forest. Had he lived to complete the 
 second volume, he might have remedied this fault 
 to some extent, but probably not, for the fault 
 seems to have been constitutional. In connection 
 with his Napoleonic fragments, his chronicles of 
 the theatre and art, and even his large paintings, 
 we have noticed the same inability to convert a 
 mass of details into a progressive unit. 
 
 The worth of the book as a historic document is 
 not a little lessened by the decidedly partisan spirit 
 displayed. As a Federalist Dunlap could not for 
 get his antipathy to France, nor his conviction that 
 unqualified suffrage was a very dangerous liberty. 
 
269 
 
 As an American he could not forget his enmity for 
 England, nor lose a chance to cast aspersions at 
 her. 
 
 But defective though it is, the history deserves 
 as much respect as any book of its time because of 
 the overwhelming obstacles with which the author 
 had to contend. Poverty, old age, and disease op 
 posed him at every step, yet he did not give up the 
 struggle until his hands and mind were powerless ; 
 and when the second volume appeared, a few 
 months after his death, his triumph was complete. 
 Perhaps it is as an example of dogged persever 
 ance and unspectacular heroism that the "History 
 of New York" has its greatest value. 
 
 Ill 
 
 IT would have been strange if the energetic, ver 
 satile, and improvident Dunlap had not tried to 
 establish a magazine, inasmuch as that occupation 
 was then one of the popular modes of losing 
 money. Since the founding of our first magazine 
 at Philadelphia, in 1741, the country had seen mul 
 tiplied dozens of the species rise, flourish for a day, 
 and wither. The eighteenth century alone wit 
 nessed the outcropping of no less than fifty-seven 
 of these journalistic mushrooms, most of which 
 expired within a year, though two, the "New York 
 Magazine; or, Literary Repository" and the 
 "Massachusetts Magazine," achieved a veritable 
 
2 70 IBiliiam SDuntap 
 
 Methuselah existence of eight years each. 18 The 
 early years of the nineteenth century had their 
 quota of these ill-fated enterprises. One, however, 
 the Tort Folio," founded at Philadelphia in 1801 
 under the editorship of Joseph Dennie, attained 
 the altogether unprecedented age of twenty-six 
 years before it was laid in the ancestral tomb. 
 
 The modern monthly bears very little resem 
 blance to its progenitors. These pioneers had 
 almost no illustrations or advertisements. Their 
 pages were filled with a variety of material cal 
 culated to hit divers tastes. A periodical of the 
 better class, such as Charles Brockden Brown s 
 "Monthly Magazine, and American Review/ con 
 tained biographical sketches, travel papers, essays 
 on superficial subjects, accounts of remarkable 
 sights, events, etc., occasional tales, reviews of 
 books and plays, household information, foreign 
 and domestic occurrences, extracts from European 
 periodicals, and a section devoted to poetry. The 
 intellectual challenge was not great; the aim was 
 to impart polite instruction and correct sentiments. 
 
 Dunlap established the "Monthly Recorder" in 
 April, 1813. Just why he should have tried to re 
 plenish his depleted finances by entering the pre 
 carious field of journalism in the midst of the war, 
 it would be difficult to explain, except that he had 
 a gift for tumbling down financial stairways. Per 
 haps Dennie s comparative success inspired him; 
 but if so, it was a will-o -the-wisp inspiration, for 
 
 18 P. L. Ford, "Check-list of Eighteenth Century Pe 
 riodicals." 
 
Cljc |3on^)ramatic IDritingg 2 7 1 
 
 after five issues the "Monthly Recorder" fell into 
 the bog of unpaid and insufficient subscriptions, 
 which had swamped the goodly throng of its 
 predecessors. 
 
 But the "Monthly Recorder," albeit its existence 
 was of most uncomplimentary brevity, was as 
 meritorious as the most of its kind. Its contents 
 had as much dignity and solidity as any of its con 
 temporaries. A synopsis of the April number will 
 indicate the character of all. The issue opened 
 with a biography of Dr. Edward Miller, whose 
 portrait, engraved from a painting by Dunlap, 
 served as frontispiece. There followed the first, 
 instalment of a letter-series, "The American in 
 Europe"; an extract on eccentric character from 
 Angeloni s letters; an essay contrasting supersti 
 tion and religion; two letters on the theatre 
 written in the Jonathan Oldstyle manner by "Tim 
 othy Teasdale" ; a story of the Inquisition ; an 
 article on Leslie, the painter; a memorandum of 
 the wars between the present United States and 
 Canada, by S. L. Mitchill ; a biographical notice of 
 William Clifton ; a fine arts section, containing an 
 account of the American Academy, by the secre 
 tary; book reviews; notices of new publications; 
 a dramatic review ; a digest of public events ; and 
 a few scattered poems. 
 
 It was then the modest custom to publish maga 
 zine articles anonymously ; hence it is impossible to 
 say just how much of the contents of the five 
 numbers came from Dunlap s pen, or who his con 
 tributors were. But it is easy to see the editor s 
 
272 SEHHiam SDunlap 
 
 hand frequently, for instance in the biography of 
 Miller, the Inquisition tale, and the article on 
 Leslie in the April issue. As for the contributors, 
 we know at least that Mitchill was one, and that 
 John Dunlap assisted in the undertaking. 19 
 
 Dunlap s journalistic activities were not confined 
 to the editing of a short-lived magazine. He was 
 also a prolific writer for the New York period 
 icals. The extent of his work in this direction 
 cannot be ascertained because of the practice of 
 anonymity already referred to. Yet some of his 
 articles were signed, and to others he alluded in 
 his Diary, so that I have been able to locate about 
 nineteen contributions to magazines and newspa 
 pers. These represent various types of composi 
 tion, translation, philosophy, biography, criticism, 
 and story ; and some are of sufficient interest to be 
 summarized here. 
 
 The earliest article which I have found dates 
 from the period of Godwinian influence. It ap 
 peared in the "New York Magazine; or, Literary 
 Repository" of October, 1797, under the heading 
 "On Innocence and Generosity." It was written 
 in answer to St. Pierre s "Vindication of Divine 
 Providence," which had praised innocence as the 
 most desirable of qualities. Dunlap declared a 
 consciousness of virtue to be preferable to that of 
 innocence, inasmuch as the former implies active 
 ability for good, while the latter may imply only 
 an absence of vice. "The most innocent of all ani- 
 19 "Arts of Design," Vol. I, p. 272. 
 
ic IDritingg 2 73 
 
 mals," said he, "is an oyster." St. Pierre had also 
 expressed the sentimentalist s belief that gener 
 osity and feeling rather than reason should be the 
 guide of life. In reply Dunlap said: 
 
 "These opinions are mischievous in the same de 
 gree that they are unphilosophic and unjust. Let 
 man be just and he will never be generous ; for the 
 moment that, deaf to reason, and impelled by feel 
 ing, he oversteps the bounds of justice, he has done 
 a wrong, he has committed injustice, he has in 
 jured a fellow-creature, and inflicted a wound on 
 society." 
 
 In the next issue of the same periodical, Dunlap 
 a second time attacked St. Pierre. The French 
 writer had argued for an unreasoning love of coun 
 try simply because it is one s own. The American 
 contended that love of country should be based 
 solely on the worth of the country; that blind 
 patriotism is a frequent cause of stagnation, and 
 a sure breeder of injustice. Obviously Dunlap had 
 drunk deep at the Godwinian well. 
 
 The "Mirror" of September 14, 1833, contained 
 a review of Croker s edition of Boswell s "Life 
 of Johnson." In the manner of the contemporary 
 English reviews, the writer expressed his opinions 
 on the subject of the book rather than on the book 
 itself. Dunlap was no admirer of Johnson, the 
 philosopher. He considered his teaching danger 
 ously immoral and a deliberate perversion of the 
 truth. Johnson s declaration, "It is better that 
 some be unhappy than that none should be happy ; 
 
2 74 MMKiatn SDunlap 
 
 which would be the case in a general state of equal 
 ity," roused the republican s ire. In other words, 
 said Dunlap, "it is better that the mass of man 
 kind should be poor and oppressed, vicious and un 
 happy . . . because, otherwise, the great could not 
 revel in that superfluity which constitutes happi 
 ness." Equality, he maintained, far from destroy 
 ing happiness, would increase it by doing away 
 with ignorance and vice. "How is it," said John 
 son, "that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty 
 among the drivers of negroes ?" Dunlap answered 
 that the loud yelps came from those upon whom 
 England had forced negro slavery, and that the 
 yelpers were those who were striving to abolish 
 the evil after having shaken off the chains of 
 foreign dominance, which Johnson would have 
 riveted on them. While admiring the lexicog 
 rapher s powers of mind, the writer considered 
 his political and moral doctrines perniciously false. 
 
 An essay on art, which Dunlap had read before 
 the New York Lyceum, was published in the 
 "American Monthly Magazine" of February, 1836. 
 He stated the principle that art is a product of 
 national and individual independence, and that 
 artists must be left free to direct their own insti 
 tutions if they are to succeed. (The old quarrel 
 between the two academies had not been for 
 gotten.) To those men of wealth who tried to 
 run the academies, he recommended that they 
 could better serve the cause by purchasing foreign 
 masterpieces and establishing museums. 
 
 Nothing that Dunlap ever wrote is more read- 
 
275 
 
 able than two picaresque tales, published in the 
 "Mirror" of November 12, 1836, and January 7, 
 1837. They deal with a pre-Revolutionary rogue, 
 Tom Bell, who was extraordinarily ingenious at 
 parting the fool and his money. He also had the 
 faculty of escaping with the ill-gotten gains, leav 
 ing his accomplices to pay the penalty. Both tales 
 are told with sprightliness and animation, and one 
 could desire further exploits of the entertainingly 
 iniquitous Tom Bell. 
 
 IV 
 
 DUNLAP lived in an age when drinking was almost 
 a universal practice, and when drunkenness was 
 much more common among people of respectability 
 than it is to-day. He himself, while not all his life 
 a total abstainer, was always very moderate in his 
 potations, unless it might have been during his 
 residence in England. The extent of his temper 
 ance is well illustrated by an incident which oc 
 curred at a banquet given in honor of Cooke. A 
 decanter was upset on the table, and the wine 
 running from Cooke toward Dunlap, the actor ex 
 claimed, "See! is it not very strange? The wine 
 runs from me! and toward that man, too, of all 
 others." 
 
 Dunlap replied, "Do you not know the reason ?" 
 
 "No what is it?" 
 
 "I never abuse it." 20 
 
 20 "Memoirs of Cooke," Vol. II, p. 318. 
 
276 HMKiam SDunlap 
 
 By personal experience Dunlap found that alco 
 hol was not essential, by observation he became 
 convinced that it was dangerous, and eventually he 
 developed into a temperance advocate. To propa 
 gate his views, at the age of seventy he published 
 a novel called "Thirty Years Ago; or, The Mem 
 oirs of a Water Drinker." 
 
 The incidents center about the Park Theatre of 
 New York, a rather unexpected haunt for a tee 
 totaler. The abstemious hero is a comedian, 
 blest with the name of Zebediah Spiffard, whose 
 diminutive body is topped off with a face of ex 
 ceeding homeliness and a shock of orange-red hair, 
 truly a novel hero for a novel. Zebediah as a 
 boy became a confirmed and unshakable water- 
 drinker because of the fatal inebriety of his 
 mother. At the opening of the story the comedian 
 has just married, on brief acquaintance and for 
 reasons not specified, a tall and stately tragedienne, 
 both larger and older than himself, and of none 
 too savory a reputation. Poor Spiffard soon learns 
 to his unutterable woe that his wife and mother- 
 in-law are also slaves of the bottle. (Dunlap ap 
 parently believed in woman s rights.) 
 
 The heroine, Emma Portland, a cousin of Mrs. 
 Spiffard s, is one of those transcendingly beauti 
 ful maidens whom novelists have ever loved to 
 create. Her angelic face is crowned by a pro 
 fusion of flowing tresses that are forever escap 
 ing from confinement and falling in cascades about 
 her lovely form. Her mind is pure and unsullied 
 as a lily, and her days are spent in charitable deeds. 
 
277 
 
 Her fiance (for in this curious book the hero and 
 heroine have no designs on each other) is Henry 
 Johnson, a poor but sterling youth with a sick 
 mother to care for. 
 
 The lesson of temperance is powerfully enforced 
 by the drunken exploits of Cooke, who is one 
 of the leading characters of the tale. One night 
 the actor is found dead drunk in the snow, and 
 being carried to Henry s home, is recognized by 
 Mrs. Johnson as her one-time husband and the 
 father of her son. 21 
 
 In the closing chapters Mrs. Spiffard, who has 
 gone from bad to worse, commits suicide, a de 
 bauched aunt of Zebediah s dies of alcoholism, and 
 Cooke is borne to a drunkard s grave. The 
 comedian now turns preacher and devotes him 
 self to organizing temperance societies; while 
 Henry and Emma receive the reward of virtue, 
 and are happily married. 
 
 The novel is Dunlap s least praiseworthy book. 
 It is without plot or definite structure, and the 
 content is often ludicrous. The strained and ex 
 aggerated language, the featuring of trifling epi 
 sodes, the over-wrought sentimentality, the un- 
 naturalness of the characters, the shallow and 
 crudely enforced moralizing, and the multiplied 
 horrors of strong drink cause the "Water Drinker" 
 to rank as an inferior specimen of Sunday-school 
 fiction. 
 
 21 Dtmlap admitted that there was no basis in reality 
 for assuming this marriage, but it was in keeping with 
 Cooke s marital record. 
 
2 7 8 JEilliam SDuntop 
 
 But a certain amount of interest must be con 
 ceded it. There are hints of the appearance and 
 customs of old New York, glimpses behind the 
 scenes at the Park Theatre, and side-lights on 
 Cooke, all of which are worth reading, though not 
 of especial value. The book is chiefly interesting 
 for the way in which the author has utilized his 
 acquaintanceship and his experiences for the mak 
 ing of a story. Besides Cooke, a half-dozen other 
 real people, including T. A. Cooper, Drs. Francis 
 and McLean, and Governor Tompkins, are intro 
 duced by name; and two or three more are pre 
 sented under a disguise. The portrait of the re 
 doubtable Zebediah himself was unquestionably 
 drawn from William Twaits, the comedian ; and 
 Treadwell, in whose law office Spiff ard at one time 
 studied, bears a striking resemblance to Robert 
 Treat Paine, Jr. 
 
 As for the incidents, at least half of them are to 
 be found in essence in the "Memoirs of Cooke," 
 the "American Theatre," and the Diary. Several 
 elements in Zebediah s youth are autobiographical, 
 for instance the favorite books, the trip to Ox 
 ford and Stamford, and the visit to the battle-field 
 of Quebec, where an ancestor had bled. There is 
 an elaborate hoax played on the comedian by his 
 professional friends, which is recorded in the 
 "American Theatre," with Twaits as the victim. 
 There is a fake duel between Cooper and Cooke, 
 elaborated from the "Memoirs." There is an ex 
 cursion to a mad-house, extracted almost bodily 
 from Volume XXX of the Diary. Were it worth 
 
2 79 
 
 while, numerous other instances of the same thing 
 might be cited. 
 
 In some sense the book is an epitome of Dun- 
 lap s mind. None of his favorite interests or 
 opinions is omitted. The theatre and its need of 
 reform and government control, art, George Wash 
 ington, Yankee and Irish servants, sentimentalism, 
 moralizing, hatred of slavery and belief in coloni 
 zation, contempt for English snobbery, suspicion 
 of France, such are the warp and woof of the 
 novel as they were of its author s mental fabric. 
 Even the geography of the book is typical, em 
 bracing as it does Stamford and Virginia, the ex 
 tremes of Dunlap s peregrinations. 
 
 With all its imperfections, the "Water Drinker" 
 was well received and warmly reviewed. To a 
 modern reader it is merely a curiosity, deserving 
 of respect as a serious effort to promote temper 
 ance when temperance was unpopular, but devoid 
 of merit as a piece of literature. 
 
 There were few kinds of writing that Dunlap did 
 not attempt. His non-dramatic works testify to 
 an unflagging energy and a variety of interests that 
 would be creditable to any one, and especially so 
 to a man who had gained prominence in other lines 
 of endeavor as well. These works have striking 
 defects and some are almost worthless, yet a few 
 are of such importance as to hold a unique posi 
 tion in their respective fields. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 WILLIAM DUNLAP has never ranked 
 among our distinguished men of letters, 
 and he will never do so. He labored as zealously 
 as any, but no amount of application could make 
 up for the gift that he lacked. He challenges our 
 interest almost wholly as a pioneer. He took up 
 his pen when the literature of the United States 
 was still feeble and ill-supported. He threw him 
 self especially into the neglected and unremunera- 
 tive field of American drama, and though he pro 
 duced nothing of lasting merit, he surpassed the 
 work of his forerunners, he established play-writ 
 ing as a respectable profession, he stimulated 
 others to follow his example, and he exerted a 
 distinct influence in determining the course of our 
 drama during the last years of the eighteenth 
 century, not by his original conceptions, to be 
 sure, but by imitating English types. 
 
 As manager of the New York theatre, he was 
 able to bring his innovations before the public, and 
 to hasten their adoption by his contemporaries. 
 This position also enabled him to gain a hearing 
 for other native dramatists, and thus to encourage 
 further activity in the same direction. He per 
 formed an additional service of real importance 
 by translating and staging a large number of 
 280 
 
Conclusion 281 
 
 French and German plays. Hitherto American 
 theatre-goers had been almost totally ignorant of 
 foreign drama except that of England, but Dun- 
 lap gave prominence to other countries as well, 
 and so helped broaden the outlook of our citizens 
 on the literature of the world. 
 
 Upon the theatre as an institution his effect was 
 less marked. Yet he emphasized scenery more 
 than had been done before, and he made the play 
 house as moral and intellectual as his patrons 
 would permit. 
 
 But Dunlap s achievements were by no means 
 confined to the theatre. His non-dramatic writ 
 ings were numerous; and indeed his present-day 
 value rests on some of these, rather than on his 
 plays. As the biographer of George Frederick 
 Cooke and Charles Brockden Brown, and as the 
 historian of the American stage and American art, 
 though sometimes prone to error, he recorded a 
 large quantity of information that could have come 
 from no one else, and that greatly enriches our 
 knowledge of those subjects to-day. 
 
 Still another prominent line of Dunlap s en 
 deavor was painting. The making of miniatures, 
 oil portraits, and exhibition pictures occupied a 
 considerable portion of his life. His exhibition 
 pictures seem to have perished, with no attendant 
 loss to art, but the miniatures and portraits which 
 remain indicate that at his best he was a thor 
 oughly capable painter. But in this field again 
 Dunlap s place is primarily that of a pioneer. He 
 was one of the early New Yorkers to take up 
 
282 
 
 painting as a profession, he was a founder of the 
 first art academy in New York worthy of the 
 name, and he was in some sense a missionary of 
 art to the more remote communities by virtue both 
 of his itinerant occupation and of his traveling 
 show pictures. 
 
 As a workman, Dunlap belongs to what Charles 
 Lamb has called the great race the borrowers. 
 Having a good deal of constructive skill but no 
 imagination, he drew his material from the most 
 available sources. In his painting he borrowed 
 wholesale from Benjamin West. In his plays he 
 borrowed from Shakespeare, Dekker, and the 
 English writers of his own day, from novels, news 
 papers, and history. In his translations, them 
 selves a species of borrowing, he borrowed from 
 anybody who had already adapted the same pieces. 
 
 But by means of his borrowing Dunlap aided the 
 progress of American culture. Before the new 
 and uncertain nation could develop any sort of 
 culture of its own, it must first acquire a sense of 
 culture and a desire for it, and this could most 
 readily be brought about through a familiarity with 
 the culture of the Old World. By helping, 
 through his imitations and borrowings, to gain cur 
 rency in the United States for the art and litera 
 ture of Europe, he made a small but definite con 
 tribution to the intellectual growth of the young 
 nation. 
 
 In a survey of Dunlap s work, two facts stand 
 out most clearly. In the first place, he was un 
 usually prolific and surprisingly versatile. And 
 
Condition 283 
 
 in each department of his activity, while producing 
 much that was decidedly bad, he also produced 
 some results that were more than ordinarily good, 
 considering his period. Second, whether his out 
 put was good or bad, his labor was prompted by 
 motives which deserve complete respect. He lived 
 at a time when American art and literature were 
 compelled to struggle for existence, with no 
 popular encouragement and support. Yet he was 
 convinced that art and literature were of more 
 value than dollars and cents. He allied himself 
 with the exponents of these pursuits; and through 
 out a long life, marked often by severe poverty and 
 distress, he remained faithful to the cause which 
 he had espoused. 
 
of ^iiliant 
 
 ORIGINAL DRAMATIC WORKS 
 
 1 "The Modest Soldier ; or, Love in New York." 
 
 Written 1787. 
 
 2 "The Father; or, American Shandyism." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 September 7, 1789. 
 
 Printed at New York, September 14, 1789. Re 
 printed at Halifax immediately. Also in the 
 "Massachusetts Magazine; or, Monthly Mu 
 seum," October and November, 1789, Vol. I, 
 pp. 620-29, 649-55. Revised as 
 
 "The Father of an Only Child." 
 
 Printed in the "Dramatic Works of William 
 
 Dunlap," Vol. I, Philadelphia, 1806. 
 
 Copies of this volume were broken up by David 
 
 Longworth, and each play was issued sepa 
 
 rately with an additional title-page, New York, 
 
 1807. This volume was reissued as Vol. XXII 
 
 of Longworth s "English and American 
 
 Stage," New York, 1808. 
 
 The edition of 1789 was reprinted as No. 2 of 
 
 the Publications of the Dunlap Society, New 
 
 York, 1887. 
 
 1 For a complete title-page bibliography of Dunlap, see 
 Oscar Wegelin, "A Bibliographical Checklist of the Plays 
 and Miscellaneous Writings of William Dunlap." In 
 "Bibliographica Americana," edited by Charles F. Heart- 
 man. Vol. I, New York, 1916. 
 284 
 
JBifliam SDunlap g J^ritingg 285 
 
 3 "Darby s Return." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 November 24, 1789. 
 
 Printed at New York, December, 1789. Re 
 printed in the "New York Magazine; or, Lit 
 erary Repository," January, 1790, Vol. I, pp. 
 47-51. Also at Philadelphia, 1791. In the 
 "Dramatic Works of William Dunlap," Vol. I, 
 Philadelphia, 1806. Reissued by Longworth in 
 1807 and 1808 as was "The Father." In second 
 series No. 8 of the Publications of the Dunlap 
 Society, New York, 1899, Appendix. 
 
 4 "The Miser s Wedding." Sometimes called 
 "The Wedding." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 June, 1793. 
 
 5 "The Fatal Deception; or, The Progress of 
 Guilt." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 April 24, 1794. 
 Printed as 
 "Leicester." 
 
 In the "Dramatic Works of William Dunlap," 
 Vol. I, Philadelphia, 1806. Reissued by Long- 
 worth in 1807 and 1808 as was "The Father." 
 
 6 "Shelty s Travels." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 April 24, 1794. 
 
 7 "Fontainville Abbey." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 February 17, 1795. 
 
 Epilogue printed in the "New York Magazine ; 
 or, Literary Repository," May, 1795, Vol. VI, 
 
286 ISiHiam SDunlap 
 
 p. 183. The play printed in the "Dramatic 
 Works of William Dunlap," Vol. I, Philadel 
 phia, 1806. Reissued by Longworth in 1807 
 and 1808 as was "The Father." 
 
 8 "The Archers; or, Mountaineers of Switzer 
 land." Sometimes called "William Tell; or, 
 The Archers." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 
 April 18, 1796. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1796. 
 
 9 "The Mysterious Monk." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 October 31, 1796. 
 Printed as 
 
 "Ribbemont ; or, The Feudal Baron." 
 
 New York, 1803. In Longworth s "English 
 and American Stage," Vol. I, New York, 
 1803 (?). 
 
 10 "The Knight s Adventure." 
 
 Revised by John Hodgkinson as 
 
 "The Man of Fortitude ; or, The Knight s Ad 
 venture." 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 June 7, 1797. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1807. The title-page 
 bears only Hodgkinson s name. 
 
 11 "Andre." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, March 
 30, 1798. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1798. London, 1799. 
 The edition of 1798 was reprinted as No. 4 of 
 the Publications of the Dunlap Society, New 
 
IDiUtam SDunlap g Jriring 287 
 
 York, 1887. Also in "Representative Ameri 
 can Plays," edited by Arthur Hobson Quinn, 
 New York, 1917. 
 
 12 "Sterne s Maria; or, The Vintage." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Janu 
 ary 14, 1799. 
 
 13 "The Natural Daughter." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 8, 1799. 
 
 14 "The Temple of Independence." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 22, 1799. 
 
 15 "The Italian Father." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, April 
 15, I799- 
 
 Printed at New York, 1810. In "Dramatic 
 Works of William Dunlap," Vol. II, New 
 York, 1816. 
 
 16 "The Knight of Guadalquiver." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, De 
 cember 5, 1800. 
 
 17 "The Soldier of 76." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 23, 1801. 
 
 1 8 "The Retrospect; or, The American Revolu 
 tion." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, July 
 5, 1802. 
 
 19 "Liberal Opinions." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Janu 
 ary, 1803. 
 
288 IBiHiam SDunlap 
 
 20 "The Glory of Columbia Her Yeomanry !" 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, July 
 4, 1803. 
 
 "The Songs, Duets, and Chorusses," printed at 
 New York, 1803. Also in Longworth s "Eng 
 lish and American Stage," Vol. XV, New 
 York, c. 1806. 
 The play printed at New York, 1817. 
 
 21 "Bonaparte in England." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, De 
 cember 19, 1803. 
 
 22 "The Proverb; or, Conceit Can Cure; Con 
 ceit Can Kill." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 20, 1804. 
 
 23 "Lewis of Monte Blanco; or, The Trans 
 
 planted Irishman." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, March 
 12, 1804. 
 
 24 "The Freedom of the Seas." A song. 
 
 Sung at the Park Theatre, New York, July 4, 
 
 1810. 
 
 Printed in the "New York Evening Post," 
 
 July 3 and 5, 1810. Also with "Yankee 
 
 Chronology; or, Huzza, for the Constitution!" 
 
 New York, 1812. 
 
 25 "Yankee Chronology." A song. 
 
 Sung at the Park Theatre, New York, July 4, 
 
 1812. 
 
 Augmented into an interlude, 
 
 "Yankee Chronology; or, Huzza for the Con 
 stitution !" 
 
iflliam SDunlap g Wtiting^ 289 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Sep 
 tember 7, 1812. 
 Printed at New York, 1812. 
 
 26 "Yankee Tars." A song. 
 
 Sung at the Park Theatre, New York, Decem 
 ber 10, 1812. 
 
 Printed with "Yankee Chronology; or, Huzza. 
 for the Constitution !" New York, 1812. 
 
 27 "The Battle of New Orleans." 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, July 
 4, 1816 (?). 
 
 28 "The Flying Dutchman." 
 
 Played at the Bowery Theatre, New York, 
 May 25, 1827. 
 
 29 "A Trip to Niagara; or, Travellers in Amer 
 ica." 
 
 Played at the Bowery Theatre, New York, 
 November 28, 1828. 
 Printed at New York, 1830. 
 
 30 "Forty and Twenty." Original or translated ? 
 
 Unacted. 
 
 31 "Robespierre." Original or translated? 
 
 Unacted. 
 
 DRAMATIC TRANSLATIONS 
 a. From the French 
 
 i "Tell Truth and Shame the Devil." (Robi- 
 neau.) 
 
 Played at the John Street Theatre, New York, 
 
 January 9, 1797. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1797. 
 
2 90 iDriliam SDunlap 
 
 2 "The School for Soldiers." (Mercier.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, July 
 4, 1799. 
 
 3 "The Robbery." (Monvel.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, De 
 cember 30, 1799. 
 
 4 "Abbe de 1 fipee." (Bouilly.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, March 
 8, 1801. 
 
 5 "The Merry Gardener." (Author unknown.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 3, 1802. 
 
 6 "The Voice of Nature." (Caigniez.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 4, 1803. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1803. Second edition, 
 1807. In Longworth s "English and Ameri 
 can Stage," Vol. XXI, New York, c. 1808. In 
 the "Dramatic Works of William Dunlap," 
 Vol. II, New York, 1816. 
 
 7 "The Wife of Two Husbands." (Pixere- 
 court.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, April 
 4, 1804. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1804. Second edition, 
 1811. In Longworth s "English and Ameri 
 can Stage," Vol. Ill, New York, c. 1804. In 
 the "Dramatic Works of William Dunlap," 
 Vol. Ill, New York, 1816. 
 
 8 "Nina." (Marsollier.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, De 
 cember 28, 1804. 
 
BMIiam DunIap iBritingg 2 9 1 
 
 9 "Thirty Years ; or, The Life of a Gamester." 
 (Goubaux and Ducange.) 
 
 Played at the Bowery Theatre, New York, 
 February 22, 1828. 
 
 b. From the German 
 
 1 "The Stranger." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, De 
 cember 10, 1798. 
 
 2 "Lovers Vows." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, March 
 n, 1799. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1814. In the "Dramatic 
 Works of William Dunlap," Vol. Ill, New 
 York, 1816. 
 
 3 "Count Benyowski." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, April 
 i, 1799. 
 
 4 "Don Carlos." (Schiller.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, May 
 6, 1799. 
 
 5 "Indians in England." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, June 
 14, 1799. 
 
 6 "False Shame." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, De 
 cember n, 1799. 
 
 7 "The Wild Goose Chace." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Janu 
 ary 24, 1800. 
 
 Printed as No. i of "The German Theatre" 
 (Dunlap), New York, March, 1800. 
 
292 iiHram SDunlap 
 
 8 "The Force of Calumny." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 5, 1800. 
 
 9 "The Virgin of the Sun." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, March 
 12, 1800. 
 
 Printed as No. II of "The German Theatre" 
 (Dunlap), New York, March, 1800. 
 
 10 "Pizarro in Peru ; or, The Death of Rolla." 
 
 (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, March 
 26, 1800. 
 
 Printed as No. Ill of "The German Theatre" 
 (Dunlap), New York, May, 1800. 
 
 11 "The Stranger s Birthday." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, April 
 23, 1800. 
 
 12 "Fraternal Discord." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Oc 
 tober 24, 1800. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1809. In "Dramatic 
 Works of William Dunlap," Vol. II, New 
 York, 1816. 
 
 13 "Abaellino, the Great Bandit." (Zschokke.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary n, 1801. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1802. Another edition, 
 1803. So-called second edition, 1807. Third 
 edition, 1814. Fourth edition, 1820. In Long- 
 worth s "English and American Stage," Vol. 
 I, New York, 1803 (?). In the "Dramatic 
 Works of William Dunlao," Vol. Ill, New 
 York, 1816. 
 
g iritingg 293 
 
 14 "Where Is He?" (Author unknown.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, De 
 cember 2, 1 80 1. 
 
 15 "Peter the Great; or, The Russian Mother." 
 (Babo.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, No 
 vember 15, 1802. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1814. In the "Dramatic 
 Works of William Dunlap," Vol. Ill, New 
 York, 1816. 
 
 1 6 "The Good Neighbor." (Iffland.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, Feb 
 ruary 28, 1803. 
 
 Printed at New York, 1814. In the "Dramatic 
 Works of William Dunlap," Vol. II, New 
 York, 1816. 
 
 17 "The Blind Boy." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Played at the Park Theatre, New York, March 
 30, 1803. 
 
 18 "La Perouse." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 Unacted. 
 
 DOUBTFUL ATTRIBUTIONS 
 
 1 "Self-immolation; or, Family Distress." 
 (Kotzebue.) 
 
 2 "The Count of Burgundy." (Kotzebue.) 
 
 3 "The Corsicans; or, The Dawnings of Love." 
 (Kotzebue.) 
 
 4 "Fiesco." (Schiller.) 
 
 5 "Blue Beard; or, Female Curiosity." 
 
 6 "The Africans." 
 
 7 "Rinaldo Rinaldini." 
 
294 JDilliam SDunlap 
 
 NON-DRAMATIC WORKS 
 
 1 "Ella A Norwegian Tale." 
 
 and 
 "Cololoo An Indian Tale." 
 
 In "American Poems, Selected and Original," 
 Vol. I, Litchfield (Connecticut, 1793). Also 
 in "The Columbian Muse, A Selection of 
 American Poetry from Various Authors of 
 Established Reputation," New York, 1794. 
 
 2 "Memoirs of the Life of George Frederick 
 Cooke." Two volumes. 
 
 New York, 1813. London, 1813. London, 
 second edition, 1815. 
 
 3 "The Monthly Recorder." 
 
 New York, April to August, 1813. Collected 
 as "A Record, Literary and Political, of Five 
 Months in the Year 1813. By William Dun- 
 lap and Others." 
 
 4 A Supplement of 54 pages to Francis L. 
 Clarke s "Life of Wellington." 
 
 New York, 1814. 
 
 5 "A Narrative of the Events which followed 
 Bonaparte s Campaign in Russia to the Period 
 of his Dethronement." 
 
 Hartford, 1814. Also printed as 
 A Supplement of 75 pages to Sir Robert Ker 
 Porter s "Narrative of the Campaign in Rus 
 sia, During the Year 1812." 
 
 Hartford, 1814. Second edition, 1815. 
 
295 
 
 6 "The Life of Charles Brockden Brown." Two 
 volumes. 
 
 Philadelphia, 1815. London, 1822, one vol 
 ume. 
 
 7 "Description of Dunlap s Painting of Christ 
 Rejected By the High Priests, Elders and 
 People, When brought by Pilate from the 
 Judgment Hall to the Pavement." 
 
 Norfolk (1822). 
 
 8 "Address to the Students of the National 
 Academy of Design, at the Delivery of the 
 Premiums, Monday, the i8th of April, 1831." 
 
 New York, 1831. London, "Library of the 
 Fine Arts," 1832, Vol. IV, pp. 143-51. 
 
 9 "A History of the American Theatre." 
 
 New York, 1832. London, 1833, two vol 
 umes. 
 
 10 "History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts 
 of Design in the United States." Two 
 volumes. 
 
 New York, 1834. 
 
 11 "Gilbert Charles Stuart." A biographical 
 sketch in the "National Portrait Gallery of 
 Distinguished Americans," Vol. I. 
 
 New York, 1834. Philadelphia, 1852. 
 
 12 "Charles Brockden Brown." A biographical 
 sketch in the "National Portrait Gallery of 
 Distinguished Americans," Vol. III. 
 
 New York, 1836. Philadelphia, 1852. 
 
296 i^tfliam SDunlap 
 
 13 "Thirty Years Ago; or, The Memoirs of a 
 Water Drinker." Two volumes. 
 
 New York, 1836. Reprinted as 
 
 "Memoirs of a Water Drinker." Two vol 
 umes in one. 
 New York, 1837. 
 
 14 "A History of New York, for Schools." Two 
 volumes. 
 
 New York, 1837. Second edition, 1855. 
 
 15 "History of the New Netherlands, Province of 
 New York, and State of New York, to the 
 Adoption of the Federal Constitution." Two 
 volumes. 
 
 New York, Vol. I, 1839; Vol. II, 1840. 
 
 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PERIODICALS 
 
 THIS list does not pretend to include all of Dun- 
 lap s magazine and newspaper contributions. A 
 complete bibliography is impossible because much 
 of his work of this nature was, no doubt, published 
 anonymously. Only signed articles or those to 
 which he alluded in his Diary are included here. 
 
 1 "The Zephyrs, An Idyl. (Translated from the 
 German of Gesner, by W. Dunlap.)" 
 
 "New York Magazine; or, Literary Reposi 
 tory," December, 1795, Vol. VI, p. 760. 
 
 2 "First Idyl of Gesner. (Translated from the 
 German by Wm. Dunlap.) Daphne Chloe." 
 
 "New York Magazine; or, Literary Reposi 
 tory," January, 1796, new series, Vol. I, p. 49. 
 
!l>ifliam SDunlap g i^ritingg 297 
 
 3 "On Innocence and Generosity." 
 
 "New York Magazine; or, Literary Reposi 
 tory," October, 1797, new series, Vol. II, p. 
 5i8. 
 
 4 "Remarks on the Love of Country." 
 
 "New York Magazine; or, Literary Reposi 
 tory/ November, 1797, new series, Vol. II, 
 p. 582. 
 
 5 "Biographical Sketch of the Late Gilbert 
 Stuart. [By William Dunlap, Esq.]" 
 
 "Knickerbocker," April, 1833, Vol. I, p. 195. 
 
 6 "Scraps and Miscellanies. By William Dun- 
 lap, Esq." (a) "Thomas Dowse." (b) "Speci 
 men of Indian Eloquence." 
 
 "Knickerbocker," May, 1833, Vol. I, pp. 281-4. 
 
 7 "Boswell s Life of Johnson." 
 
 "New York Mirror," September 14, 1833, Vol. 
 XI, p. 82. 
 
 8 "English Travellers." 
 
 "New York Mirror," October 5, 1833, Vol. XI, 
 p. in. 
 
 9 Review of a medical book by Dr. William 
 
 Beaumont. 
 "Evening Star," October 10, 1833. 
 
 10 "Memoir of Thomas Abthorpe Cooper." 
 
 "New York Mirror," November 2, 1833, Vol. 
 
 XI, p. 142. 
 
 11 "The Ghost Murderer. By William Dunlap." 
 
 "New York Mirror," January 17, 1835, Vol. 
 
 XII, p. 225. 
 
298 IDilliam 2DunIap 
 
 12 "Proceedings of the American Lyceum. Es 
 say on the Influence of the Arts of Design; 
 and the True Modes of Encouraging and Per 
 fecting Them. By William Dunlap." 
 
 "American Monthly Magazine," February, 
 1836, Vol. VII, p. 113. 
 
 13 "Critical Hints." Signed "W. D." 
 
 "American Monthly Magazine," May, 1836, 
 Vol. VII, p. 502. 
 
 14 "Tom Bell. A Tale of the Good Old Time. 
 By William Dunlap." 
 
 "New York Mirror," November 12, 1836, Vol. 
 XIV, p. 157. 
 
 15 "Tom Bell and the Princess Susannah Caro 
 lina Matilda. By William Dunlap." 
 
 "New York Mirror," January 7, 1837, Vol. 
 
 XIV, p. 217. 
 
 1 6 "The Night Jumpers; or, The Yankee Tom 
 and Jerry. By William Dunlap." 
 
 "New York Mirror," July I, 1837, Vol. XV, 
 p. 2. 
 
 17 "The Dancing Bear. Imitated from the Ger 
 man of Gellert, by William Dunlap, August, 
 
 I799-" 
 
 "New York Mirror," July 8, 1837, Vol. XV, 
 p. 10. 
 
 18 "Mr. Catlin s Lectures. By William Dunlap." 
 
 "New York Mirror," October 14, 1837, Vol. 
 
 XV, p. 126. 
 
 19 "The Vanity of Human Wishes. By William 
 Dunlap." 
 
 "New York Mirror," December 30, 1837, Vol. 
 XV, p. 211. 
 
partial list of 
 
 THE following catalogue is far from complete. 
 Two facts have tended to scatter Dunlap s pictures 
 widely, and to render them inaccessible : First, he 
 practised his vocation all the way from Norfolk to 
 Montreal. Second, the contents of his studio were 
 sold at auction shortly after his death. Though 
 the majority of his paintings are probably still in 
 existence, it is now impossible to locate many of 
 them. 
 
 a. Miniatures 
 
 1 Armitt Brown. 
 
 Owned by Mrs. Fred Brown, Philadelphia. 
 
 2 Charles Brockden Brown. 
 
 Owned by the Brown family, Philadelphia. 
 
 3 Charles Brockden Brown. 
 
 Owned by Mr. Herbert Lee Pratt, New York 
 City. 
 
 4 Charles Brockden Brown. 
 
 In the Lucy Wharton Drexel Collection, Pen- 
 rynn, Penn. 
 
 5 Mrs. Charles Brockden Brown. 
 
 In the Lucy Wharton Drexel Collection, Pen- 
 rynn, Penn. 
 
 6-7 Two miniatures of George Frederick Cooke. 
 
 Owned by The Players, New York City. 
 
 299 
 
300 IDiHiam 2Dunlap 
 
 8 Thomas Abthorpe Cooper. (Copied from 
 Jarvis s oil portrait.) 
 
 Owned by The Players, New York City. 
 
 9 Margaret Dunlap. 
 
 Owned by the Johnson family, Staten Island. 
 
 10-11 Two miniatures of William Dunlap. 
 
 Owned by Mrs. W. H. Carmalt, New Haven, 
 Conn. 
 
 12 Mrs. William Dunlap. 
 
 Owned by Mrs. W. H. Carmalt, New Haven, 
 Conn. 
 
 13 Timothy Dwight. (By Dunlap?) 
 
 Owned by Mrs. W. H. Carmalt, New Haven, 
 Conn. 
 
 14 President Tyler. 
 
 Owned by Mr. Albert Rosenthal, Philadelphia. 
 
 15 Mrs. Wignell. 
 
 Owned by Prof. Theodore S. Woolsey, New 
 Haven, Conn. 
 
 1 6 Col. Hugh Williamson. 
 
 Present location unknown. 
 
 17 Francis Bayard Winthrop. 
 
 Owned by the Johnson family, Staten Island. 
 
 1 8 Mrs. Benjamin Woolsey, ist. (Copied from 
 an oil portrait by an unknown artist.) 
 
 Owned by Mrs. W. H. Carmalt, New Haven, 
 Conn. (?) 
 
 19 Mrs. Benjamin Woolsey, 2nd. 
 
 Owned by Mr. William S. Johnson, Mamaro- 
 neck, New York. 
 
30 l 
 
 20 Capt. John Taylor Woolsey. (By Dunlap ?) 
 
 Owned by Mrs. W. H. Carmalt, New Haven, 
 Conn. 
 
 21 William Walton Woolsey. 
 
 Owned by Mr. William S. Johnson, Mamaro- 
 neck, New York. 
 
 22-25 Four miniatures of unknown persons. 
 
 Owned by Mr. Albert Rosenthal, Philadelphia. 
 
 b. Oil Portraits 
 
 1 Anthony Bleecker. 
 
 Owned by the Society Library, New York City. 
 
 2 Anthony Bleecker. 
 
 Owned by Mrs. Fannie W. Neilson, Newburgh, 
 New York. 
 
 3 De Witt Clinton. 
 
 Owned by the Brook Club, New York City. 
 
 4 John Adams Conant. 
 
 Owned by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 
 New York City. 
 
 5 Mrs. John Adams Conant. 
 
 Owned by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 
 New York City. 
 
 6 Mrs. Thomas A. Cooper. 
 
 Owned by the Cleveland Museum of Art, 
 Cleveland, Ohio. 
 
 7 Margaret Dunlap. 
 
 Owned by Mrs. W. H. Carmalt, New Haven, 
 Conn. 
 
302 iBfliiam SDunlap 
 
 8 The Artist showing a picture from "Hamlet" 
 to his parents. 
 
 Owned by the New York Historical Society, 
 New York City. 
 
 9-10 Two small portraits of Mrs. William Dun- 
 lap. 
 
 Owned by relatives of the family. 
 
 11 Portrait of a Lady. 
 
 Owned by the Worcester Art Museum, Worces 
 ter, Mass. 
 
 12 Rev. Enoch M. Low. 
 
 Present location unknown. 
 
 13 Henry Seymour. 
 
 Owned by the Misses Miller, Utica, New York. 
 
 14 Mrs. Henry Seymour. 
 
 Owned by Mrs. Walter G. Oakman, Islip, Long 
 Island. 
 
 15 Robert Snow. 
 
 Owned by the Museum of the Brooklyn Insti 
 tute of Arts and Sciences. 
 
 1 6 George Spalding. 
 
 Owned by the Worcester Art Museum, Worces 
 ter, Mass. 
 
 17 A group of six figures from "The Spy," in 
 cluding Harvey Birch. 
 
 Owned by Mr. Albert Rosenthal, Philadelphia. 
 
 1 8 Robert Taylor. 
 
 At Rosewell, Whitemarsh, Virginia. 
 
 19 Major David Van Horn. 
 
 Owned by A. Van Horn Stuyvesant, New 
 York City. 
 
 20 Capt. Watson. 
 
 Owned by the Ehrich Galleries, New York 
 City. 
 
"Abaellino," 72, Ssn, 87, 
 
 239-40 
 
 "Aballino der Grosse Ban 
 dit," 239 , 
 "Abbe de 1 Epee," 73, 85n, 
 
 197-8 
 Adams, John and Samuel, 
 
 132 
 
 Addison, Joseph, 89, 130 
 "Adelaide of Wulfingen," 
 
 236 
 
 "Adulateur, The," 132 
 /Eschylus, 145 
 "Africans, The," 179, 180 
 "Agamemnon," 145 
 Albany, N. Y., 72, 83 
 Allen, Paul, 247 
 Allston, Washington, 96, 97, 
 
 126, 259, 264 
 American Academy of Fine 
 
 Arts, 98, icon, 104-6, no, 
 
 260, 271 
 American Company, 35, 36, 
 
 39, 40, 44, 196 
 "American Poems, Selected 
 
 and Original," 25 
 Amherst, Gen. Jeffrey, 3 
 "Andre," 58, 62, 8sn, 164-7, 
 
 171, 172, 173, 184, 188 
 Andre, Major John, 36, 163- 
 
 6, 171, I72n, 267 
 "Androborus," 129 
 Annapolis, Md., 34 
 "Anti-Jacobin, The," 57 
 "Arabian Nights, The," 9 
 "Archers, The," 28, 155-7, 
 
 189, 191. (See "William 
 
 Tell") 
 
 Arnold, Benedict, 163, 164, 
 
 171, 267 
 "Articles of Agreement be 
 
 tween Hallam, Hodgkin- 
 
 son, and Dunlap," 44-7 
 Aston, Tony, 29 
 "As You Like It," 59 
 "Attack on the Louvre, 
 
 The," in 
 
 Babo, J. M., 240 
 Baltimore, Md., 83 
 Bannister, Charles, 12; 
 
 John, 12, 78 
 Barbary States, War with, 
 
 150 
 Barker, J. N., 187, i88n, 
 
 i8gn, igon, igin 
 Barlow, Joel, 25, 83 
 Barton, Andrew, 131 
 Bartow, Thomas, 5 
 Bath Theatre, 38 
 "Battle of Brooklyn, The," 
 
 133 
 "Battle of Bunker s-Hill, 
 
 The," 133, 145 
 "Battle of Hexham, The," 
 
 162, 163 
 "Battle of New Orleans, 
 
 The," 95, 174, 188 
 Beach, L., i88n, iSgn 
 "Bearing of the Cross, The," 
 
 103, in 
 "Beaux Stratagem, The," 8, 
 
 30, 35, 129 
 "Beggar s Opera, The," 132, 
 
 Betty, Master, 88 
 
 303 
 
304 
 
 Bible, The, 100 
 
 Black Friars, 16 
 
 Bleecker, Anthony, 17, i8n, 
 
 103 
 "Blind Boy, The," 74, 8sn, 
 
 230 
 
 "Blue Beard," 179, 180 
 Boaden, James, 153, 199 
 Bonaparte, Jerome, 173 
 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 174, 
 
 250 
 "Bonaparte in England," 78, 
 
 8sn, 113, 173-4, 179 
 "Bon Ton," 140 
 Boston, 23, 30, 36, 37, 55, 
 
 58, 72, 83, 93, 102, 235 
 Boswell, James, 121, 273 
 Bouilly, Jean, 197, 198 
 Bowery Theatre, 106-7, 109, 
 
 113, 204 
 Brackenridge, H. H., 133, 
 
 186 
 
 Breck, Charles, i88n 
 Brevoort, Henry, 103 
 Brown, C. B., 24, 28, 48, 51, 
 
 57, 63,69, 90, 100, 1 10, 153, 
 
 214, 247-9, 270, 281 
 "Brown, Life of," 95, 247-9 
 Brown, Elijah, 95 
 Brown, T. A., 31 
 Brown, William, iSgn 
 Brown University, 2i7n 
 Bryant, W. C., 103, 109, 113, 
 
 124, 125 
 
 Buffalo, N. Y., 94 
 Bulwer-Lytton, Edward, 121 
 "Bunker Hill," 173 
 Burgoyne, Gen. John, 36 
 Burk, John, 173, 186, i89n, 
 
 I9on 
 
 Caigniez, L. C., 198, 199, 201 
 "Caleb Williams," 161 
 "Calvary," 103, 106, 108, in 
 
 "Careless Husband, The," 
 
 134 
 
 "Carmelite, The," 154 
 Carr, Benjamin, 28 
 "Castle of Andalusia, The," 
 
 162, 163 
 "Castle of Otranto, The," 
 
 154 
 
 "Castle Spectre, The," 154 
 "Cato," 30, 89, 129, 130 
 Chapel Street Theatre, New 
 
 York, 34 
 Charleston, S. C., 29, 30, 72, 
 
 236 
 
 Cheetham, James, 245 
 "Christ Rejected," 101-2, 
 
 108, in 
 
 Cibber, Colley, 134, 251 
 Clarke, F. L., 250 
 "Clementine et Desormes," 
 
 197 
 
 Clinch, C. P., i89n, I9in 
 Clinton, De Witt, 124 
 Clinton, George, 83 
 Cobb, James, 203 
 Cockings, George, 131 
 Cole, Thomas, 105, 126 
 Colman, George, the 
 
 Younger, 162, 179, 180, 
 
 i Son, 207 
 "Cololoo," 25 
 
 "Columbian Muse, The," 25 
 Columbia University, i8n 
 "Commentaries on Ameri 
 can Law," i8n 
 Conant, J. A., 124 
 Condorcet, Marquis de, 55 
 Congreve, William, 34 
 "Conquest of Canada," 131 
 "Conscious Lovers, The," 
 
 135 
 "Contrast, The," 14, 16, 20, 
 
 133, 137, 187, 236 
 Cooke, G. F., 88-90, 92, 245- 
 
305 
 
 246, 252, 275, 277, 27711, 
 278, 281 
 
 "Cooke, Memoirs of," 92-3, 
 
 234, 244-7, 249, 278 
 Cooper, J. R, 26, 103, 112, 
 
 120, 121, 255, 258 
 
 Cooper, T. A., 61, 62, 65, 66, 
 69, 73, 74, 77, 79, 84, 87, 
 88, 90, 91, 118, 175, 238, 278 
 
 Cooper, Mrs. T. A., 124 
 
 Copley, J. S., n, 96, 126 
 
 "Corsicans, The," 226 
 
 Cotton, John, 244 
 
 "Count Benyowski," 66, 8sn, 
 215, 235, 236 
 
 "Count of Burgundy, The," 
 221 
 
 "Count of Narbonne, The," 
 
 154 
 Covent Garden Theatre, 48, 
 
 50, 88, 162, 207 
 "Critic, The," 12 
 Croswell, Joseph, i89n 
 Cruger s Wharf Theatre, 
 
 New York, 33 
 Cruikshank, George, ii2n 
 Cumberland, Richard, 135, 
 
 154, i87n 
 
 "Curfew, The," is8n 
 Custis, G. W. P., 18911 
 
 "Darby s Return," 21, 8sn, 
 
 142-3, 150, 179, 188, 189 
 "Death of Montgomery, 
 
 The," 133, 145 
 "Death on the Pale Horse," 
 
 103, 108, in 
 
 Decatur, Capt. Stephen, 151 
 Defoe, Daniel, 121 
 Dekker, Thomas, 167, 168, 
 
 169, 282 
 
 D Elville, Rinaldo, I90n 
 Dennie, Joseph, 270 
 "Deserteur, Le," 196 
 
 Diary, Dunlap s, 53, 54, 57, 
 58, 6m, 90, 98, 117, 118, 
 1 20, 272, 278 
 
 Dibdin, Thomas, 194, I96n, 
 207, 220, 228 
 
 Diorama, The, 107-8, 176 
 
 "Disappointment, The," 131, 
 
 134 
 
 "Distressed Mother, The," 
 194 
 
 Doddridge, Joseph, igin 
 
 "Don Carlos," 67, 238 
 
 "Don Juan," 100 
 
 "Douglas," 88, 146 
 
 Douglass, David, 33, 34, 36 
 
 Drama League of America, 
 62n 
 
 "Dramatic Works of Wil 
 liam Dunlap, The," 85 
 
 Drone Club, ign 
 
 Drury Lane Theatre, 48, 
 179,207 , 
 
 Ducange, Victor, 204 
 
 Dunlap, Hester, 24 
 
 Dunlap, John A., 24, 53-4, 
 56, 92, ii8n, 127, 252, 267, 
 272 
 
 Dunlap, Margaret, 24, 53-4, 
 119, 121 
 
 Dunlap, Samuel, 3, 4, 5, 7, 
 11, 13, 22, 23 
 
 Dunlap, Mrs. Samuel, 4, 98n. 
 (See Margaret Sargeant) 
 
 Dunlap, William, parentage 
 and birth, 3-4; education, 
 4-8; during the Revolu 
 tion, 6-9 ; loss of eye, 8-9 ; 
 first attempts at drama 
 and art, 9-10 ; residence in 
 England, 11-14; early 
 plays, 15-28 ; marriage, 
 16-17; mercantile pur 
 suits, 22-3 ; director of 
 New York theatre, 28-9, 
 
306 
 
 43-81 ; playwriting and 
 translating, 49-79; bank 
 ruptcy, 79-^80; estimate of 
 his ability as a director, 
 80-1 ; itinerant painting, 
 82-3 ; second connection 
 with the theatre, 84-91 ; 
 literary ventures, 92-5 ; 
 state office, 94-5; main 
 period of professional 
 painting, 95-121 ; found 
 ing of the National Acad 
 emy, 104-6; illness and 
 operation, 118-9; list of 
 his contributions to ex 
 hibitions of the National 
 Academy, I22n ; estimate 
 of his ability as a painter, 
 94, 123-5; historical writ 
 ing, 95, 112, II7-9, I2I-2, 
 
 126; death, 127; estimate 
 of his character, 127-8; 
 see "Contents" for treat 
 ment of his works; gen 
 eral estimate of his 
 achievements, 280-3 
 
 Dunlap, Mrs. William, 54, 
 101, 119, 127. (See Eliza 
 beth Woolsey) 
 
 Durand, A. B., 105, 126 
 
 Button, Thomas, 224 
 
 Duyckinck, Evert, 21 
 
 Dwight, Timothy, 17, 58 
 
 Edgeworth, Maria, 121 
 "Edle Luge, Die," 226 
 "Edwin and Angelina," 163, 
 
 190 
 
 "Ella," 26 
 
 Ellison, James, I5in 
 Ellison, R. W., 239 
 
 Epee, Charles-Michel, Abbe 
 
 de 1 , 197 
 "Epigramm, Das," 230 
 
 "Falsche Scham," 217 
 "False Shame," 68, 8511, 217, 
 
 235 
 
 Farquhar, George, 43 
 "Fatal Deception, The," 25, 
 
 143. (See "Leicester") 
 "Father, The," 19-20, 86, 
 
 137-42, 143, 170, 183, 187. 
 
 (See "The Father of an 
 
 Only Child") 
 "Father of an Only Child, 
 
 The," 85n, 141, 253. (See 
 
 "The Father") 
 Fawcett, J., 231 
 Federal Constitution, 21, 267 
 "Federalist, The," i8n 
 Federalist Party, 142 
 "Femme a Deux Maris, La," 
 
 202 
 "Ferdinand Count Fathom," 
 
 100 
 
 "Fiesco," 238 
 Fitch, Clyde, i64n 
 Fitzball, Edward, 106, 107 
 "Flying Dutchman, The," 
 
 106, io7n 
 "Fontainville Abbey," 26-7, 
 
 8sn, 151-5, 158, 190, 191 
 "Fontainville Forest," 153 
 "Force of Calumny, The," 
 
 70, 85n, 220-1 
 Forrest, Edwin, 113, 257n 
 Forrest, Col. Thomas, 13111 
 "Forty and Twenty," 8sn, 
 
 181 
 Francis, Dr. J. W., 119, 125, 
 
 247, 278 
 "Fraternal Discord," 71, 
 
 85n, 87, 228-9, 234, 236, 
 
 242 
 "Freedom of the Seas, 
 
 The," oi 
 
 French Revolution, 142, 206 
 Freneau, Philip, 25 
 
307 
 
 Friendly Club, 17-19, 24 
 Fulton, Robert, 258 
 
 Gallatin, Albert, 84 
 "Gambler s Fate, The," 107, 
 
 204 
 
 "Gamester, The," 204 
 Garrick, David, 140 
 Geisweiler, Maria, 226 
 Genest, John, 140, 141, 223 
 "George Barnwell," 30, 129 
 "German Theatre, The," 69, 
 
 70 
 
 Gessner, Solomon, 27 
 Gibbon, Edward, 121 
 "Glory of Columbia, The," 
 
 74, 85n, 171-3, 177, 179, 
 
 184, 188. 189 
 Godfrey, Thomas, 129, 130, 
 
 186 
 Godwin, William, 57, 61, 
 
 161, 163, 272 
 Goldsmith, Oliver, 15 
 "Good Neighbor, The," 74, 
 
 85n, 87, 241 
 
 Goubaux, Prosper, 204 
 "Graf von Burgund, Der," 
 
 221 
 
 Grice, C. E., 95n, 1890 
 Gunning, Elizabeth, 202, 203 
 
 Hallam Company, 32, 129, 
 
 252 
 
 Hallam, Lewis, ist, 32-3 
 Hallam, Lewis, 2d, 15, 19, 
 
 29, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44-7, 
 
 50-1, 53, 63, 63n, 252 
 Hallam, Mrs. Lewis, 43, 50, 
 
 5i, 63n 
 
 Hallam, William, 32 
 Halleck, Fitzgreene, 103, 
 
 H3 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, i8n 
 "Hamlet," 37, 61 
 
 Hancock, John, 132 
 "Happy Family, The," 227 
 Hartford, Conn., 47, 55, 250 
 Harwood, J. E., 78 
 Hatton, Ann, i8gn 
 Hawkins, Micah, i9on 
 Hawks, F. L., 265, 266 
 Haymarket Theatre, 48, 180 
 "Helvetic Liberty," 156 
 Henderson, John, 12 
 Henkels, S. V., 94 
 Henry, John, 15, 19, 35, 36, 
 
 38, 194, 196 
 
 Henry, Mrs. John, 15, 19 
 Hewetson, W. B., 23on 
 Hewit, James, 72 
 "Highland Reel, The," 150 
 Hill, Aaron, 194 
 Hillhouse, J. A., 19011, I9in 
 "Historic Muse, The," I23n 
 "History of the American 
 Theatre," 109, 112, 137, 
 159, 167, 179, 180, 216, 221, 
 226, 233, 251-7, 261, 278 
 "History of the New Neth 
 erlands, Province of New 
 York, and State of New 
 York," 125, 126, 266-9 
 "History of New York, for 
 
 Schools," 122, 265-6 
 "History of the Rise and 
 Progress of the Arts of 
 Design in the United 
 States," 117, 118, 119, 122, 
 
 257-64 
 
 Hodgkinson, John, 25, 26, 
 28, 29, 38, 39, 4i, 43, 44-7, 
 49, 50-1, 52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 
 59, 62, 63, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 
 74, 75, 77-8, 159, 190 
 
 Hodgkinson, Mrs. John, 26, 
 38 
 
 Holcroft, Thomas, 54, 57, 
 
 157, 198, 201, 202, 207 
 
3 o8 
 
 Home, John, 145 
 
 "Honest Whore, The," 167, 
 
 168, 170 
 
 Hosack, David, 116, 117 
 Hudson, Henry, 266, 267 
 Hugo, Victor, 121 
 Hull, Capt. Isaac, 175 
 Hume, David, 54 
 "Humphrey Clinker," 100 
 Humphreys, David, i88n, 
 
 194 
 
 Hunter, Gov. Robert, 129 
 Hutton, Joseph, i88n, igon 
 
 Iffland, A. W., 74, 206, 241 
 Inchbald, Mrs. Elizabeth, 
 
 213, 214 
 "Indians in England," 67, 
 
 8sn, 215 
 
 Ingersoll, C. J., igon 
 Ingham, Charles, 105, 122, 
 
 126 
 
 Inman, Henry, 105, 126 
 "Inquirer, The," 57 
 loor, William, iSgn 
 Ireland, J. N., 20, 196, 221, 
 
 226, 254 
 "Irene," 130 
 Irving, Peter, 92, 93 
 Irving, Washington, 75, 76, 
 
 92, 1 20, 258 
 Isham, Samuel, 264 
 "Is It a Lie?", i82n 
 "Italian Father, The," 67, 
 
 8$n, 87, 167-70, 184, 187 
 "Ivanhoe," 100 
 
 Jarvis, J. W., 126, 259 
 Jefferson, Joseph, ist, 48, 66, 
 
 /i 
 
 Jefferson, Joseph, 3d, 48n 
 Jefferson, Thomas, 83 
 Jephson, Robert, 154 
 "Jerome Pointu," 195 
 
 Johnson, Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 John, 48 
 Johnson, Samuel, 130, 
 
 273-4 
 Johnson, William, 17, i8n, 
 
 24,63 
 John Street Theatre, New 
 
 York, 28, 35, 36, 38, 48, 
 
 50, 53, 56, 58, 59 
 Jones, J., I5in 
 Jordan, Mrs. Dorothea, 12 
 Judah, Moses, 23, 56 
 Judah, S. B. H., i&gn, igon, 
 
 igin 
 "Jugement de Salomon, Le," 
 
 198, 20 1 
 "Julius Caesar," 130 
 
 "Kabale und Liebe," 206 
 
 Kelly, Hugh, 134 
 
 Kemble, Charles and Fanny, 
 
 H3 
 
 Kemble, J. P., 12, 88 
 
 Kent, James, 17, i8n, 83 
 
 "Kind der Liebe, Das," 207 
 
 "King John," 61 
 
 King s College, 8 
 
 Kip Street Theatre, New 
 York, 31 
 
 "Knight of Guadalquiver, 
 The," 72, 85n, 189 
 
 "Knight s Adventure, The," 
 85n, 159, 163, 190, 191. 
 (See "The Man of Forti 
 tude") 
 
 Kotzebue, A. F. F. von, 65, 
 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 74, 
 88, 108, 189, 198, 205-37, 
 252; plays on the London 
 stage, 208-9; plays on the 
 New York stage, 231-2 
 
 "Ladies of Castile, The," 
 136, 145 
 
309 
 
 Lamb, Charles, 282 
 "La Perouse," 8511, 231 
 Lathy, T. P., i88n 
 Lawrence, James, 222 
 Lee, Nathaniel, 130 
 "Leicester," 8511, 143-9, 154. 
 183, 191. (See "The Fatal 
 Deception") 
 Leslie, C. R., 271 
 Lessing, G. E., 205, 206 
 "Letters of Jonathan Old- 
 style, Gent.," 75-6 
 Lewis, M. G., 154, 207, 224, 
 
 239 
 "Lewis of Monte Blanco," 
 
 78, 85n, 179 
 
 Lexington, Battle of, 175 
 "Liberal Opinions," 74 
 Lillo, George, 43, 206 
 Lindsley, A. B., i88n 
 London, n, 92, 95, 112 
 Longworth, David, 86, 87, 92 
 "Lovers Vows," 66, 85n, 87, 
 
 207, 208, 213-15, 234 
 Low, Samuel, 136 
 Ludger, C., 228 
 Lunch Club, 103 
 
 "Macbeth," 144, 145 
 McKee, Thomas, 216, 221, 
 
 226, 227, 238 
 McLean, Dr., 119, 278 
 MacNally, Leonard, 162 
 Madison, Mrs. James, 83 
 Malbone, Edward, 82, 83 
 Manfredi, Signer, 77 
 "Man of Fortitude, The," 
 52, 159-63- (See "The 
 Knight s Adventure") 
 Manumission Society, 23 
 Markoe, Peter, 133, i89n 
 Marriott, Mrs., iSgn 
 Marsollier, Joseph, 203 
 Masons, 16 
 
 "Massachusetts Magazine, 
 
 The," 269 
 Mather, Cotton and Samuel, 
 
 245 
 Matthews, Brander, 164, 
 
 166, 184 
 
 Melmoth, Mrs., 48 
 "Memoirs of a Water 
 
 Drinker," 117, 276-9. (See 
 
 "Thirty Years Ago") 
 "Menschenhass und Reue," 
 
 205, 207, 211 
 "Merchant of Venice, The," 
 
 32 
 
 Mercier, L. S., 196, I96n 
 Merry, Mrs. Robert, 73, 86. 
 
 (See Mrs. Thomas Wig- 
 
 nell) 
 "Merry Gardener, The," 
 
 73, 85n 
 
 Michaux, Dr. Pierre, 49, 50 
 Miller, Edward, 271; Sam 
 uel, 17, i8n 
 
 Milne s "All in a Bustle," 59 
 "Minna von Barnhelm," 205, 
 
 206 
 
 Minshull, John, i88n, i89n 
 "Miser s Wedding, The," 25 
 "Miss Sara Sampson," 205, 
 
 206 
 Mitchill, S. L., 12, 16, 17, 
 
 i8n, 51, 56, 83, 271 
 "Modest Soldier, The," 15, 
 
 137 
 
 Moliere, J. B. P. de, 121 
 Moncrieff, William, 107 
 "Monthly Magazine, and 
 
 American Review, The," 
 
 214, 220, 221, 223, 225, 228, 
 
 238, 270 
 "Monthly Recorder, The," 
 
 93, 270-2 
 
 Montreal, Canada, 100, 101 
 Monvel, Boutet de, 197 
 
3 io 
 
 Moore, Edward, 204 
 Morris, G. P., 113, 115, 125 
 Morse, Jedidiah, 58 
 Morse, S. F. B., 96, 97, 103, 
 
 105, in, 126, 259 
 Murdock, J., i88n 
 "Mysterious Monk, The," 
 
 49, 157. (See "Ribbe- 
 
 mont") 
 
 Napoleon. (See Bonaparte) 
 
 Napoleonic Wars, History 
 of, 95, 250-1, 268 
 
 "Narrative of the Events 
 which followed Bona 
 parte s Campaign in Rus 
 sia," 250 
 
 Nassau Street Theatre, New 
 York, 32 
 
 National Academy of De 
 sign, 105-6, 108, 109, no, 
 in, 117, 121, 122, i22n, 
 260, 263 
 
 "National Portrait Gallery, 
 The," 117, 249n, 259n 
 
 "Natural Daughter, The," 
 66, 187 
 
 "Natural Son, The," 135, 
 i87n, 214 
 
 Neal, John, I9on 
 
 "Negersklaven, Die," 207 
 
 Neuman, Henry, 216, 217 
 
 Newport, R. I., 34 
 
 New Theatre, New York, 
 53, 59-6o, 63, 64-5. (See 
 Park Theatre) 
 
 New York City, 6, 7, 30, 31, 
 32, 36, 39, 61, 81, 91, 97, 
 104 
 
 New York Drawing Asso 
 ciation, 105 
 
 New York Historical So 
 ciety, 15, i8n 
 
 "New York Magazine, 
 The," 27, 269, 272 
 
 "New York Mirror, The," 
 
 128, 185, 273, 275 
 Niagara Falls, 95 
 "Nina," 79n, S5n, 203-4 
 Noah, M. M., I5in, 18911, 
 
 I9in 
 Norfolk, Va., 98, 100, 101, 
 
 1 02 
 Norton, John, 244, 245 
 
 O Keeffe, John, 142, 150, 
 
 162 
 
 "Opfertod, Der," 216 
 "Orphan, The," 30, 37 
 Otis, James, 132 
 Otway, Thomas, 34, 43, 211 
 Oxford University, 12, 13, 
 
 278 
 
 Paine, R. T., 278 
 Paine, Thomas, 245 
 Papendick, George, 211 
 Park Theatre, New York, 
 64-5, 69, 73, 78, 79, 81, 84, 
 87, 88, 89, 91, 106, 107, 
 113, 181, 204, 217, 223, 224, 
 226, 231, 238, 276, 278. 
 (See New Theatre) 
 "Patrick in Prussia," 142 
 "Patriot Chief, The," 133, 
 
 145 
 
 Paulding, J. K., 113 
 Payne, J. H., 88, 93, I5in, 
 
 187, i88n, igon, I9in, 243 
 Peale, Rembrandt, 105 
 Pelisier, Victor, 66 
 Pepys, Samuel, 121 
 Perth Amboy, 3, 4, 6, 25, 48, 
 
 53, 56, 57, 63, 68, 80, 84, 89, 
 
 91, 127 
 "Peter the Great," 74, 85n, 
 
 87, 240-1 
 Philadelphia, 23, 30, 33, 36, 
 
 37, 38, 39, 5i, 72, 83, 85, 89, 
 
 90, 95, 102, 235 
 
Philips, Ambrose, 194 
 Philological Society, 16, 17 
 "Pioneers, The," 177 
 Pixerecourt, Guilbert de, 
 
 200, 202 
 "Pizarro," 70, 8sn, 207, 208, 
 
 224-5, 234, 236 
 Plumptre, Anne, 213, 214, 
 
 221, 222, 223, 224, 231 
 "Political Justice," 57 
 "Politician Outwitted, The," 
 
 136 
 
 "Ponteach," 130, 131 
 "Poor Soldier, The," 142 
 Porter, Sir Robert K., 250 
 Porter, Stephen, 213 
 "Port Folio, The," 270 
 "Portrait of a Lady," 124, 
 
 125 
 
 Post, Dr. Wright, 49 
 Price, Stephen, 87, 88, 89 
 "Prince of Parthia, The," 
 
 129-30, 133, 145 
 Princeton University, i8n 
 "Proverb, The," 78, 850, 174 
 
 Quebec, 100; Battle of, 3; 
 
 Battle-field of, 101, 278 
 Quincy, Josiah, 58 
 
 Radcliffe, Mrs. Ann, 153, 
 
 154, 161 
 "Rauber, Die," 161, 162, 163, 
 
 205 
 
 "Recruiting Officer, The," 30 
 Reinagle, A., 38, 39, 55, 61 
 Render, Wilhelm, 215 
 "Retrospect, The," 73 
 Revolutionary War, 6-9, 36, 
 132, 163, 175, 260, 266, 267 
 Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 101, 
 
 126 
 
 "Ribbemont; or, The Feu 
 dal Baron," 85n, 157-9, 
 190, 191. (See "The Mys 
 terious Monk") 
 
 "Richard III," 37, 89, 129 
 "Rinaldo Rinaldini," 180-1, 
 
 i9on 
 
 Rittenhouse, David, 205 
 "Robbers, The," 162, 237, 
 
 239 
 
 "Robbery, The," 69, 8sn, 197 
 "Robespierre," 181 
 Robin, Augustus, ion 
 Robineau, A. L. B., 195 
 "Robin Hood," 162, 163 
 Rogers, Major Robert, 131 
 "Romance of the Forest, 
 
 The," 153, 154 
 "Romeo and Juliet," 77, 129, 
 
 130 
 
 Rousseau, J. J., 99 
 Rowe, Nicholas, 43, 211 
 Rowson, Mrs. Susannah, 
 
 150, 155, 186, i88n, iSgn, 
 
 I9in 
 Rubens, P. P., 13, 101 
 
 "Sack of Rome, The," 136, 
 
 145 
 
 St. Pierre, Charles, 272, 273 
 Sargeant, Margaret, 3, 4. 
 
 (See Mrs. Samuel Dun- 
 lap) 
 Schiller, Friedrich, 67, 161, 
 
 163, 205, 206, 236, 237-8, 
 
 243, 252 
 
 Schinck, A., 211 
 "School for Lovers," 135 
 "School for Scandal," 12, 64 
 "School for Soldiers," 67, 
 
 72, 8sn, 194, 196 
 "School for Wives," 134 
 Scott, Walter, 255 
 Sedaine, M. J., i96n 
 Seilhamer, G. O., 52, 53, 254, 
 
 255-6 
 "Self-immolation," 216-7, 
 
 236 
 
3 I2 
 
 Sewall, Chief Justice Sam 
 
 uel, 30 
 
 Seward, Honora, 165 
 Shakespeare, William, 6, 34, 
 
 4i, 43, S3, 88, 89, 130, 144, 
 
 145, 152, 159, 205, 210, 211, 
 
 282 
 
 Shelley, Mrs. Mary, 121 
 "Shelty s Travels," 25, 150-1 
 Sheridan, R. B., 184, 207, 
 
 211, 224, 225 
 "She Stoops to Conquer," 
 
 15, 37 
 
 Siddons, Mrs. Sarah, 12 
 "Silberne Hochzeit, Die," 
 
 227 
 
 Sketch Club, 109 
 "Slaves in Algiers," 150, 155 
 Smith, Charles, 198, 217, 219, 
 
 220, 221, 222, 224, 227, 235 J 
 
 list of his translations, 
 
 Smith, E. H., 17, i8n, 24, 25, 
 
 28, 51, 59, 63, 163, i8gn, 
 
 190 
 
 Smith, J. S., I5in 
 Society Library, New York, 
 
 223, 227 
 "Soldier of 76, The," 72, 
 
 8sn, 188 
 
 Solee, John, 55, 56 
 Sonneck, O. G., 29, 157 
 "Sophonisba," 130 
 South Street Theatre, Phila 
 
 delphia, I72n 
 
 Spalding, George, 124, 125 
 "Spanier in Peru, Die," 207 
 Steele, Richard, 135 
 Sterne, Laurence, 139, 170 
 "Sterne s Maria," 66, 85n, 
 
 170-1, 187, 189 
 Stokes, J., I90n 
 "Stranger, The," 65, 70, 8511, 
 
 207, 208, 210, 211-13, 214, 
 
 226, 234, 236, 239 
 
 "Stranger s Birthday, The/ 
 
 70, 8sn, 226 
 "Strelizen, Die," 240-1 
 Stuart, Gilbert, 83, 94, 96, 
 
 97, 125, 126, 259, 264 
 Sully, Thomas, 96, 98, 125, 
 
 126, 259, 264 
 
 Talbot, Charles, 
 
 "Tale of Mystery, A," 201, 
 
 202 
 
 Tell, William, 28, 155-6 
 "Tell Truth and Shame the 
 
 Devil," 50, 8sn, 194-5 
 "Temple of Independence, 
 
 The," 66, 188 
 Theatre Francois, 197 
 "Theodosius," 130 
 "Thirty Years Ago," 121, 
 
 276-9. (See "Memoirs of 
 
 a Water Drinker") 
 "Thirty Years ; or, The Life 
 
 of a Gamester," 107, 204 
 Thomas, Isaiah, 25in 
 Thompson, Benjamin, 198, 
 
 211, 222, 227, 231 
 Thomson, Alexander, 216 
 Thomson, James, 130 
 Tisdale, E., 259 
 Tobin, John, I58n 
 "Tom Jones," 100 
 Tompkins, Gov. Daniel, 278 
 "Trente Ans ou la Vie d un 
 
 Joueur," 204 
 "Trip to Niagara, A," 107-8, 
 
 176-9, 183, 188 
 "Tristram Shandy," 170 
 Trumbull, John, 96, 98, 104, 
 
 105, 126, 260-1, 263, 264 
 Turnbull, J. D., I9on 
 Turrell, Ebenezer, 245 
 Twaits, William, 278 
 "Twelfth Night," 169 
 Tyler, Royall, 15. 16, 133-6, 
 
 178, 186, 187, 236 
 
313 
 
 Tytler, A. R, 162 
 
 Vanderlyn, John, 97, 263 
 Van Home, John, 9, 10, II 
 "Venice Preserved," 113 
 "Verlaumder, Die," 220 
 Verplanck, Gulian, 125 
 "Versphnung, Die," 228 
 "Virgin of the Sun, The," 
 
 70, 85n, 222-4 
 "Voice of Nature, The," 74, 
 
 8sn, 87, 198-202 
 Voltaire, F. M. A. de, 58 
 
 Walpole, Horace, 121, 154 
 War of 1812, 91, 174, 178 
 Warren, Gen. Joseph, 132 
 Warren, Mrs. Mercy, 132, 
 
 136, 186 
 
 Washington, D. C, 83, 103 
 Washington, George, 10, n, 
 
 18, 21, 65, 69, 133, 165, 172, 
 
 245, 266, 279 
 Washington, Mrs. Martha, 
 
 10 
 
 Watson, John, 258 
 Watterson, George, i88n 
 Webster, Noah, 16 
 Wegelin, Oscar, i82n, 216, 
 
 221, 226 
 
 Weir, R. W., 126 
 Wellington, Duke of, 250 
 Wells, John, 17, i8n 
 Weems, M. L., 245 
 West, Benjamin, n, 12, 14, 
 
 96, 97, 101, 102, 103, 123, 
 
 126, 258, 259, 260, 264, 282 
 West, Raphael, 12, 258 
 Westray, Ellen, 68 
 "Where Is He?", 73, 8sn 
 White, J. B., i89n, I9on 
 White, W. C., i88n 
 Whitehead, William, 135 
 
 "Widow of Malabar, The," 
 
 194 
 "Wife of Two Husbands, 
 
 The," 78, 8sn, 87, 179, 
 
 202-3 
 "Wife with Two Husbands, 
 
 The," 202 
 Wignell, Thomas, 19, 21, 38, 
 
 39, 55, 61, 142 
 Wignell, Mrs. Thomas, 85. 
 
 (See Mrs. Merry) 
 "Wildfang, Der," 218, 219 
 "Wild Goose Chace, The," 
 
 69, 70, 85n, 178, 189, 218- 
 
 20, 235, 242 
 
 Wilkens, F. H., 180, 205 
 Williamsburg, Va., 30, 32, 
 
 "William Tell," 85n. (See 
 
 "The Archers") 
 Winstanley, W., i88n 
 Wolfe, Gen. James, 3, 133 
 Wood, W. B., 247, 252 
 Woodworth, Samuel, 187, 
 
 i89n, 19011, ipin 
 Woolsey, Benjamin, 17 
 Woolsey, Elizabeth, 17. (See 
 
 Mrs. William Dunlap) 
 Woolsey, Theodore D., i8n 
 Woolsey, T. S., 94, 95n 
 Woolsey, W. W., 17, i8n 
 Worcester Art Museum, 125 
 
 Yale University, 17, iSn, 94, 
 
 204 
 "Yankee Chronology," 92, 
 
 174-6, 179, 183 
 "Yankee Tars," 92 
 Yorktown, Battle of, 74-5, 
 
 i?2, 175 
 
 "Zara," 194 
 
 Zschokke, J. H. D., 72, 239 
 
Bita 
 
 ORAL SUMNER COAD was born in Mount Pleasant, 
 Iowa, on December 27, 1887. His public school 
 education was received at Eldon, Iowa, and Gales- 
 burg, Illinois. In the fall of 1905 he entered Knox 
 College, and graduated with the degree of A.B. in 
 1909. During the year 1910-1 1 he was a graduate 
 student at Columbia University in the Department 
 of English, obtaining the Master s Degree in June. 
 The next three years were spent as Instructor in 
 English at Ohio Wesleyan University. In the fall 
 of 1914 he returned to Columbia for further study. 
 For 1915-16 he was appointed University Fellow 
 in English. For the following year he was made 
 Instructor in English at Columbia College. Dur 
 ing the period of his study under the Faculty of 
 Philosophy in Columbia University, he pursued 
 courses in English and Comparative Literature 
 under Professors W. P. Trent, A. H. Thorndike, 
 Brander Matthews, J. B. Fletcher, W. W. Law 
 rence, H. M. Ayres, John Erskine, and G. P. 
 Krapp. 
 
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