.^luu [iiirli ^(c nihlcv ~ \ - \ A HISTORY OF EN GLAND FROM THE FIRST INVASION BY THE ROMANS BY JOHN LINGARD, D.D. VOLUME I. THIRD EDITION. LONDON: PRINTED FOR J. MAWMAN. MDCCCXXV. ISAAC FOOT LIBRARY B. nBNSLEY, BOLT COURT, FLEET STREET. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION The first eight volumes contain the History of England from the first invasion by the Romans to the accession of the house of Stuart. To the reader it can matter little what were the motives, which induced me to undertake this work : yet I may be allowed to say, that I was neither ignorant of the difficulty of the attempt, nor insensible to the merits and fame of those who have preceded me in the same career. It is long since curiosity first led me to consult the original writers : and an intimate acquaintance with these authorities convinced me, that if much had already been accom- plished, yet much remained to be done ; that in the best of our histories there were errors to be corrected, and omissions to be supplied ; and that on several important subjects new in- formation might be brought forward, toeluci- VOL. I A iv PREFACE. date what was obscure, and to rectify what had been misrepresented. To these objects I origi- nally bniited my plan : but to search out and reined V the defects of others, was soon felt an irksome, as well as ungracious otfice : I aban- doned the design, and ventured on a more ar- duous and laborious task, the composition of the present volumes. To render them more deserving of the public approbation, I did not hesitate, at the com- mencement of my labours, to impose on myself a severe obligation, from which I am not con- scious of having on any occasion materially swerved: to take nothing upon trust; to con- fine my researches, in the first instance, to ori- ginal documents, and the more ancient writers; and only to consult the modern historians, when I had satisfied my own judgment, and composed my own narrative. My object was to preserve myself from copying the mistakes of others, to keep my mind unbiassed by their opinions and prejudices, and to present to the reader from authentic sources a full and correct relation of events. These restrictions would indeed add to the toil of the writer; but they promised to stamp the features of accuracy and PREFACE. V novelty on his work. How far I have sue- ceeded, must be for the public to determine : but this, I trust, will be admitted, that what- ever may be in other respects the defects of this History, it may fairly claim the merit of research and orii^inalitv. The labour was at first comparatively trifling. For the description of ancient Britain the writer must be content with the scaiitv information which he may glean from the notices, scattered here and there in the works of classic antiquity. In the next stage of his progress he is intro- duced to a race of native historians, who, hav- ing received with the doctrines of Christianity the rudiments of literature, hastened to commit to writing the transactions of the age, or were satisfied to copy the records leit to them by their predecessors. Their manner is jejune, their language homely, their selection inju- dicious : vet from them, with the aid of the Saxon laws and the Saxon councils, published by Spelman and Wilkins, it is possible to form an interesting, if not satisfactory, account of England previously to the Nointan conquest. After that period the materials thicken upon the historian : iii each succeeding reign they A 2 Vi PREFACE. increase in number and importance; and, in proportion as lie approaches to more modern times, thty present a voluminous and for- midable array of annalists and historians, of rolls and journals of parliament, and of col- lections of state papers, of dispatches of am- bassadors, and of private letters of ministers and courtiers. All these it is his duty to pe- ruse and to compare; that he may ascertain the dates, may decide between the conflicting testi- mony of witnesses, may unravel the intrigues of statesmen, and may clear the truth from the rubbish, which has been thrown over it by ignorance, or prejudice, or passion. Among these sources of historical informa- tion there is one, which deserves his peculiar attention; the confidential correspondence of persons in high and official situations. This offers to him the most valuable assistance. It removes the veil which policy has drawn before the counsels of princes, reveals the secret springs which set in mcjtion the machinery of government, and exhibits kings and ministers in their true characters, not as they affected to appear to the public eye, but as they really were in the privacy of their own houses, and in the PREFACE. VU circle of their familiar acquaintances. Without such documents history is an inert and spirit- less mass ; from these it may derive both life and vigour. In addition he must not fail to seek for in- formation in the works of the continental his- torians. In matters of extraneous policy, in the contests and negociations between the so- vereigns of this and of other countries, he will often be misled, if he trust solely to the fidelity of his English guides. It is his duty to con- trast foreign with native authorities, to hold the balance between them with an equal hand, and, forgetting that he is an Englishman, to judge impartially as a citizen of the world. Even with respect to domestic history, the most authentic and interesting information may often be drawn from the reports, made by foreign ambassadors in England to their respective sovereigns. In the course of the following pages the reader will see, how much I am indebted, during the reign of Mary, to the dispatches of the imperial ambassador preserved in the library at Besan- 9on in France; how much, during the reign of Elizabeth, to extracts from the papers deposited by Philip II. at Simancas in Spain. viii PREFACE. Amoni; later writers Dr. Henry ventured to deviate from tlie beaten track, and com- posed a liistory of England on a plan entirely new. He broke the time into small portions, and divided the subject into different heads, allotting- to each portion a separate book, and to each head a separate chapter. This arrange- ment has met with many admirers ; and must be acknowledged to possess the advantages of classification and perspicuity. But to me it appears liable to strong- objections. It inter- rupts the continuity of the narration ; it insu- lates facts which, to be properly understood, should be viewed in conjunction with others; it separates effects from their causes, which are often to be found in different chapters ; and it deprives liistory of its native and most pleasing- charm, by giving- to it the semblance of a study rather than an amusement. For these reasons I did not hesitate to prefer the method conse- crated by the practice of the great \Miters of antiquity, and by the adoption of the majority of their successors. It is easy for a skilful hand to interweave in a continued narrative every notice, that may be necessary to delineate the manners and habits of thinking, the arts, PREFACE. IX the literature, and the legislative principles of the age. ... . . The reader of these pages will soon discover, that I advance but few pretensions to that which has been called the philosophy of history, and which on a former occasion I have had the teme- rity to denominate the philosophy of romance/ It is the privilege of the no\eHst, as I then remarked, to be always acquainted with the se- cret motives of those, whose conduct and cha- racters he delineates : but the writer of history can know no more than his authorities have disclosed, or the facts themselves necessarily suggest. If he indulge his imagination, if he pretend to detect the hidden springs of every action, the real origin of every event, he may embellish his narrative, but he v/ill impose upon his readers, and probably upon himself Much research and experience may perliaps have en- titled me to form an opinion : and I have little hesitation in saying, that few writers have done more to pervert the truth of history, than philo- sophical historians. They may display great acuteness of investigation, a profound know- - In the advertisement prefixed to tlic fourth volume of the first edition. X PREFACE. ledge of the human heart; but little reliance can be placed on the fidelity of their state- ments. In their eagerness to establish some favourite theory, they are apt to overlook every troublesome or adverse authority, to distort facts in order to form a foundation for their system, and to borrow from their own fancy whatever may be wanting for its support and embellishment. Of the ease with which history may thus be made to bend to any hypothesis, a strong illustration is furnished by the contro- versy respecting the unfortunate Mary Stuart. The leading facts of her story admit of no dis- pute ; but her enemies have attributed to the Scottish queen one set of motives, her advo- cates another : from either, the explanation of her subsequent conduct naturally follows ; and in one case she stands before us convicted of adultery and murder, in the otlier she appears an innocent and much injured woman. AVhen I consider the extent of this work, that the narrative runs through eight volumes, and comprizes the transactions of more than sixteen centuries, it would be idle to flatter myself with the hope that it is exempt from occasional error. Those only, who are accustomed to * PREFACE. XI historical composition, can be fully aware bow difficult it is, in works of multifarious researcb, to guard at all times against mistakes. In de- fiance of tbe most vigilant eye, a wrong name, a false date, will often slip unobserved from tbe pen : sometimes a valuable antbority, or an important circumstance will be overlooked or forgotten ; and tbe writer, as be is always ex- posed to tbe danger, will occasionally suflfer bimself to be misled by tbe secret prejudices, or tbe unfair statements of tbe autbors, wbom it is bis duty to consult. Tbese errors, bow- ever, let tbem be wbat tbey may, will, 1 trust, be found on examination comparatively few and unimportant. Tbey certainly bave not sprung from negligence or design. On the one band I bave spared no labour, shrunk from no in vesti Elation : on tbe other I am not conscious to myself of any feeling which should induce me to pervert tbe truth. It has been my con- stant endeavour to separate myself as much as possible from every party ; to stand as it were aloof, the unconcerned spectator of the passing events; and to record them fairly in these pages, as they came in review before my eyes. That they should always appear to others, in Xll PREFACE. the same li,i;lit, in vvliich tliey appeared to me, I cannot expect: but before the reader accuse me of prejudice, let liim be assured that he is free from prejudice liimself. Before I conclude, I ought perhaps to ap- prize the reader, that Avhere, not to load the page with a multitude of notes, I have classed several references in the same line, it is not pre- tended that each of them separately will fully authorize the statement, to which it belongs. Some have perhaps furnished only particular circumstances ; some may partially contradict the others : the text is the result from the comparison of them all ; and should not be charged with inaccuracy, till all have been col- lated in their diti'erent bearings, and the value of each has been carefully ascertained. The succeeding volumes, which will conduct me to the revolution of 1688, will contain the eventful history of the Stuarts, and with that history a review of the state of literature and the arts, not only under those princes, but also under their predecessors of the house of Tudor. Hornby, May, 1S25. ADVERTISEMENT. 1 HE ninth and tenth volumes will be found to comprize the reigns of James I. and Charles I., to the constitutional reader a most interest- ing portion of our history, as it presents to his view that succession of events which led to the civil war, and subsequently to the downfall of the monarchy. In composing them the writer has scrupulously adhered to his former plan, joining the same distrust of modern, with the same attention to original, authorities. It has also been his endeavour to hold with a steady hand the balance between the contending par- ties, and to delineate with equal fidelity the virtues and the vices of the principal actors, whether they supported the pretensions of the crown, or fought for the liberties of the people. Having no ])olitical partialities to gratify, he knows not of any temptation, which was likely XIV ^ADVERTISEMENT. ill this respect to seduce liim from the straight line ot'liis duty. A jealousy has existed tliat he may occa- sionally he swayed by religious prepossessions. Nothing can be more easy than to throw out such insinuations : but he is not aware that any important error, calculated to justify the charge, has hitherto been discovered in the preceding volumes. It was, indeed, hoped, by some persons who revere the memory of arcldjishop Cranmer, that a diligent search among ancient records might serve to place in a more favourable light the character of that celebrated prelate. The task was accepted and performed with his wonted zeal and ability by Mr. Todd : but the result has disappointed their wishes. Mr. Todd's labours have con- firmed the most material of the statements contained in the sixth of these volumes : and a careful comparison will shew that even his objections on points of minor importance, are built on slender foundations, and fiequently serve to overturn each other. A diiferent ground has been taken by a writer in the last number of the Edinburgh Review. After a laboured eulogium upon ADVERTISEMENT. XV Hume, he proceeds '' to try what confidence *'maj be safely placed on Dr. Lingard's *' History," for that purpose selects the hack- nied story of Edwy and Elgiva, (a selection which to the initiated reader must appear to savour of art and mystery;) and having given tlie substance of the narrative, which is in- serted in the first volume, pretends " to ad- " mire the dexterity with which the objections " to it have been omitted, the difficulties with " which it is attended, have been concealed, *' and the facts at variance with it, or calcu- *' lated to throw discredit on it, have been "suppressed." It is painful to be obliged to notice such a statement. Whoever will turn to the pages referred to by the reviewer, (Hist. i. 511 — 518) instead of condemning the author of conceal- ment and misrepresentation, must award to him the praise of candour and impartiality. Those very pages offer the proof of his claim. They contain a selection of the most material passages bearing on the subject, which could be foimd among ancient documents ; and this selection was made indifferently from writers favourable or unfavourable to the author's XVI ADVERTISEMENT. oiHiiion, and expressly for the purpose of en- abling the reader to exercise his own judg- ment. The critic proceeds to represent the work as disgraced by national partialities, as betraying a marked antipathy to the natives of Wales and Scotland. On what the first part of the charge is founded, it will not be easy to con- jecture : the second has perhaps been suggest- ed by this, that the writer has dared to ques- tion the claim of Wallace to that extravagant praise, which has been lavished on him by the enthusiasm of his countrymen. If this be his offence, he pleads guilty, and trusts that the reader will commend him for having dared to separate the truths of history from the tales of fiction. Neither has Scotland any reason to bewail the demolition of the idol. Amoncr her sons of the olden time she may find many illustrious characters, far more deserving of her homage and veneration. But is it not the writer's practice to repre- sent persons in an odious light, because they had not the good fortune to be praised by Hume i He may confidently answer that it is not. With the exception of a few parfcicu- ADVERTISEMENT. XVll lar passages, to which his attention has been directed by his friends, he has not read a hun- dred pages in Hume's history during the last eight years. If the reason be asked, it was because he wished to preclude tlie possibility of imitation, and to stamp on his own work tie features of originality. To many readers these remarks may ap- pear superfluous. They were thought owing, not to the weight of the objections themselves, but to the merited celebrity of the publication, into which those objections had found ad- mission. Hornby, July ith, 1825. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME i^» CHAP. I. ROMAN BRITAIN. CESAR TWICi: IXVADES BRITAIN TIIK BRITISH TRIBKS TIIKIR JIAN'- NERS RKLIGIOX GOVERNMENT GRADUAL CONQUEST OF BRITAIN BY THE ROMANS ITS STATE UNDER TUT, EMPERORS CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES TO CHRISTIANITY THE R0:MANS ABANDON TIIK ISLAND. PAGE Cicsar's first invasion of Britain 1 His return to Gaul 3 The second invasion 4 Resistance ot'Cassibelan. .. . 6 And his submission 8 Origin of the Britons 9 British tribes 11 Their manners 12 Discovery of the tin ishinds 14 E\])orls and imports IG Religion 19 Sacrifices 20 Doctrines 21 Authority of the Druids .... 25 The Bards 2(J fiovernment of the Britons, . ib. Angusfus 2M Cahgula 29 ClaiKhus 30 VOJ. J. I PAC; E I Ostoriiis 31 I Fate of Caractacus 32 I Reduction of Anglesey .... 35 I Rebellion of lloadicea .... 30 1 Defeat of Boadice;x 33 ! Victories of Agricola 40 I He invades Caledonia 43 j The Government established in Britain I The Prelect Procurator and taxes , Artny Provinces Colonies ! Municipia Latian cities Stipendiary towns ; Roman walls Valismi of Hadrian b 44 45 40 47 4« 50 51 ib. 52 ib. 53 CONTENTS. PACK Vallum of Antoninus 54 I'Ipiits JMarcellus ib. Cludiiis Alhinus 5G \ irius Lupus ib. Severus in Britain 57 Grants peace to the Caledo- nians 58 liuilds liis celebrated Avall . . 59 He dies CO Usurpation of Carausius. ... 61 His death 02 Rei<:u of Allectus 03 Hisdeath ib. Introduction of Christianity .. 04 Conversion of Lucius 00 IWGE Persecution 07 Constantine emperor 08 Government of Jiritain ..... 09 T^nmny of Paulus 71 Export of corn from Britain 72 Origin of the Picts and Scots ib. Theodosius 76 Usurpation of Maximus .... 77 He is slain 78 I^larcus, Gratian and Constan- tine emperors 79 Britain abandoned by the Ro- mans 81 The natives invite the Saxons 83 Theological disputes 84 CHAP. H. ANGLO-SAXONS. ORIGIX AXD CHARACTER OF THE ANGLO-.SAXOXS THEIR REPEATED UK.SCKNTS IX BRITAIX THEY FOUND EIGHT DISTINCT KINGDOMS THE NATIVES RETIRE TO THE WESTERN COAST REIGNS OF THE SAXON BRETWAI.DAS -EI.LA CEAWtilN ETHELBERT REDWALD EDWIN OSWALD OSWIO. PAGE Original country of the Saxons 80 Their manners 87 Arms 88 Ships 89 Foundation of the kingdom of Kent 91 British fictions , 92 Sussex 94 Wessex 95 Essex 97 East Anglia ib. Bernicia 98 Deira ib. Mercia 99 Conduct of the Britons. . . . 100 Their chieftains 102 E fleets oltheSaxon conquests 103 Octarchy established i05 .ELLA, BRETWALDA I. PAGE Reign of iElla 106 CEAWLIN, BRETWALDA II. Reign of Ceawlin ib. ETHELBERT, BRETWALDA III. Reign of Ethelbert ...... 103 Conversion of the men of Kent ib. Ethelbert baptized 109 Conversion of Essex Ill Controversy with the Britons ib. Laws of Ethelbert 113 Reign of Eadbald 115 REDWALD, BRETWALDA IV. Reign of Redwald 116 Conquests of Edilfrid .... ib. CONTENTS. PAGE Adventures of Edwin 117 Death of Edilfrid 119 EDWIN, BRETWALDA V. Reign of Edwin 120 His marriage ib. Attempt to assassinate Edwin 121 His revenge, and conversion 122 Edwin's power 125 His death 126 Sufferings of the Northum- brians 127 OSWALD, BRETWALDA VI. Murder of the Northumbrian kings 128 Accession of Oswald 129 PAG E Conversion of the Northum- brians 130 Death of Oswald 132 OSWIO, BRETWALDA VII. Reign of Oswio 1 34 Murder of Oswin ib. Enmity of Penda 135 Defeat and death of Penda 137 Dedication of ^Ifleda . , . . 139 Power of Oswio 140 Religious disputes 141 Uniformity established .... 143 Yellow plague 144 Theodore archbishop of Can- terbury 146 Death of Oswio 147 CHAP. m. ANGLO-SAXONS. KINGS OF NORTHUMBRIA OF MERCIA ETIIELBALD — OFFA CE- NULF — OF WESSEX CiEAUWALLA INA CYNEWULF EGBERT — ETHELWULF ETHELBALD ETHELBERT ETIIELRED. NORTHUJIBRIA. . PAGE Northumbrian kings 149 Eglrid's wars and death . . 153 AldCrid 155 Succession of PMorthuinbrian kings ]5G Notice of Bede 1 62 Of Aicuin 163 MERCIA. Mercian kings. Wulphere 165 Ethelred 166 Ccenrod 167 Ceolred 16a EthelbaM ib ' PAGE Offa 171 His victories ib. Archbishopric of Lichfield 172 Offa and Charlemagne. ... 175 Murder of Ethelbert, of East- Anglia 177 Offa's death 179 Egferth ib. Cenulf deposes Eadbcrt of Kent 180 Restores the prerogatives of Canterbury 182 Perseeutesarchhi.shopWulfrid ib. Kenelm murdered ]84 Coehvulf ib. CONTENTS, WESSF.X. PACK Kings of Wessex 1 95 Cotilwiilf ib. Death ot Tewdrick oJ" Wiiles I m CynegilsandCuiclielm, ... ib. Coimvalch 187 Expelled and restored .... 188 Sexburga 181) Ca'adwalla 190 In Sussex ib. Made king of Wessex .... 191 Conquers the isle of Wight 192 Puts to death the brothers of Arvald ib. Loses his brother in Kent. . 193 Goes to Rotne ib. Is baptized 191 Dies ib. Ina ,. . .. ib. Publishes a code of laws . . 195 Invades Kent and Cornwall ib. Is opposed by pretenders to the crown 1 96 Pounds monasteries 197 Resigns the crown 198 Goes to Rome ib. Dies 199 iEthellieard ib. Cuthred 200 Sigebyrcht ib. Is deposed 201 Cynewulf ib. Is mtinlcred ib. I'unislitncnt of the murderers 202 Rrihlric 204 Is poisoned bv his queen . . ib Her late '. 205 KGBERT. Egbert 205 Subdues the l.ritons 200 The Mercians 207 p.\r.K The Nortiiumbrians 207 The Danes and Northmen 208 Their descents 210 Death of Egbert ib. ETHELWULF. Succession of Ethelwulf . . 211 Danish invasions 213 Ethelwulf assists the Mer- cians 215 Grants a liberal donation to the church ib. Visits Rome 216 Ethelbald rebels 218 Pacification ib. Ethelwulf dies 219 ETHELBALD. Ethelbald marries his mo- ther-in-law 219 His death 221 ETIIELBERT. Ethelbert 221 Adventures of Ragnar Lod- brog : .... 222 His death by jEWsl 223 ETHELKED. Invasion bv the sons of Rag- nar. ...^ 224 They conquer Northumbria ib. Invade Mercia 225 Plunder and destroy the churches 226 Enter East-Anglia 227 IMurdcr king Edmund 228 Inviule Wessex 229 Death of Ethelred 231 CONTENTS : CHAP. IV. ANGLO-SAXONS BIHTH, EDUCATION, AND ACCESSION OF ALFRED SUCCESSES OF THE DANES ALFRED OPPOSES THEM BY SEA HIS VICTORIES, LAWS, AND IMPROVEMENTS REIGNS OF EDWARD ATHELSTAN EDMUND AND EDRED. ALFRED THE GREAT. PAGE Birth of Alfred 232 His education 233 His malady 234 His succession to the crown 235 He purchases peace 236 Danes conquer Mercia .... ib. Pillage north of the Tyne. . 238 Invade Wessex 239 Alfred builds a fleet 241 Faults in the character of Alfred 242 He is driven from his throne 243 Submission of Wessex. . . . 246 A party of Danes defeated . 247 Alfred reappears . 248 Fights the Danes 249 Is victorious 250 Alfred's improvements in the army 252 The fortifications 253 The navy ib. The administration of justice 255 He encourages learning . . . 257 His translations 259 Arrangement of his time . . 260 Of his finances ib. His power 262 Invasion by Hastings .... ib. Who retires to France .... 266 The war continues ib. Its termination 268 Battles bv sea ib. Deatii of Alfred 270 EDWARD. Ethelwoldaspireslo the crown 272 And perishes in battle.... 273 PAGE Edward takes possession of Mercia 274 Attacks the northern Danes 275 Success of Edward and Ethel- fleda.... 276 Edward pursues his success 277 Dies 278 His family ib. Eadburga ib. Edward fortified the burghs 279 E cclesiastical affairs 280 ATHELSTAN, THE FIRST MONARCH OF ENGLAND. Succession of Athelstan .... 282 Tale about the mother of Athelstan ib. Alfred aspires to the crown 283 Athelstan takes possession of Northumbria 284 Extends his authority over the Britons 285 Death of his brother Edwin 286 Scots rebel and submit. . . . 288 Invasion of Anlaff ib. Victory of Brunanburgh . . 290 Power of Athelstan 291 He protects foreign princes 292 Haco of Norway ib. Alan of Brefagne 293 Louis of France 294 Marriages of his sisters. . . . 296 Ethilda ib. Editha ib. Adiva 297 Eigiva ib. CONTENTS. PAGE j Athelstan's death 297 And Cumbria Manners ib. Charilies 298 Laws ib. EDJIUND. Northumbrian princes .... 299 AnlafT's success 300 Ilis Death 301 Edmund con(|uers Northum- bria ib. p.\cr 302 Edmund's death 303 Edred succeeds 304 EDRED. Final subjection of the North- umbrians 304 Account of Turketul 30G Andof Dunstan 308 Edred 's death 309 CHAP. V. ANGLO-SAXONS. REIGX OF EDWY — EDGAK EDWARD THE MARTYR ETIIEI>RED AND EDJIUXD, SURXAMED IKOXSIBE. EDWY. PAG E Edwy 310 His misconduct 312 His amour with Ethelgiva. . 313 Herbanishment 315 Revolt of the Mercians, ... 316 Edwy's death ib. EDGAR. Edgar's infancy 317 He recalls Dunstan 318 Becomes king of Wessex. . ib. Surnamed the peacetal. ... 319 Pleases the Northumbrians 320 Divides their territory .... 321 Permits them to make their own laws 322 His naval expeditions ib. His ])ower 323 Administration ol'justice .. . 324 The restoration of the monks 325 The reform of the clergy , . 328 Edgar's magnificence .... 329 His courage 330 His death 331 EDWARD THE MARTYR. Succession of Edward 333 His murder 335 ETUBLRED. Ethelred succeeds Invasions and ravages of the Northmen . . ^ Treason of Elfric Sweyn and Olave Other invasions Ethelred marries Emma , . Massacre of the Danes. . . . Revenged by Sweyn Exertions of Ethelred . . . . Invasion by Thurcliil . . . . Distress of the English. . . . Taxation Last invasion by Sweyn. . . . Flight of Ethelred , Death of Sweyn Return of Ethelred Livasion by Canute .... . . Death of Ethelred PAGE 336 339 340 341 343 344 345 347 348 350 351 353 355 357 ib. 358 380 3G3 EDMUND. Siege of London 3(54 Battles between Edmund and Canute 365 Pacification £08 Death of Edmund 369 CONTENTS. CHAP. VI. DANES. DANISH SOVEREIGNS CANUTE HAROLD—HARDECANUTE SAXON LINE RESTORED EDWARD THE CONFESSOR HAROLD VICTORT OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. CANUTE. PAGE Canute succeeds 371 Sends away the children of Edmund ib. Kills Edwy 372 Marries Emma 373 Punishes Edric ib. Rewards the Danes 375 Establishes guards ib. Pleases the English 376 Publishes laws 378 Visits Denmark 380 Conquers Norway ib. And subdues the Scots. . , . 381 He rebukes his flatterers . , ib. His pilgrimage to Rome . , 382 His letter 3B3 His death 886 HAROLD, SURNAMED HAREFOOT. Succession of Harold .... 387 Invasion by Edward 388 Another by Alfred ib. Flight of Emma 392 Death of Harold 393 IIARDECANUTE, Succession of Hardecanute 393 His revenge 394 His magnificence 397 His death ib. EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. Succession of Edward .... 398 His character 399 Pimishes his mother 401 PAGE Is opposed by the king of Norway 402 Marries Editha 404 History of Sweyn 405 Rebellion of the Godwins. , 406 Their banishment 409 Visit from William of Nor- mandy 410 Restoration of the Godwins 41 1 Promotion of Stigand 413 Death of Godwin 414 Edward's humanity 416 War with Macbeth 418 Civil war 419 Conquest of Wales 421 Edward sends for his nephew from Germany 422 Harold in Normandy 424 Insurrection of the Northum- brians 428 Death of Edward 429 HAROLD. Succession of Harold .... 434 William claims the crown. . 435 Invasion by the king of Nor- way 436 Who falls in battle 437 William prepares to invade England 441 Lands in England 444 Conduct of Harold ib. Battle of Hastings 447 Death of Harold 451 CONTENTS. CHAP. Vlf APPENDIX. POLITY OF TIIK ANGLO-SAXONS FEUDAL CUSTOMS RANKS IN SOCIETY COURTS OF LAW — CRIMES SLAVES. IManners of Anglo-Saxons PAOi; 454 Feudal customs 455 Lord and vassal 45G llonuige 457 Division of Lands 4G0 Military service 462 P'irdwite 4G4 Puneyance 465 Heriots 466 ]\Iarriage licences 467 Ranks.— The eorl 468 King 469 Queen 172 Ealdorman 473 Gesith 474 Thane 475 Gerefa 477 The ceorl ib. Administration of justice.. 478 Ilundred-inotes 479 Shire-motos 4B1 Origin of shires 482 Of Hundreds 483 TAGK Tythings 484 King's court ib. Witena-gemot 485 Its members ib. Its authority 487 Judicial proceedings 488 In civil actions 489 In criminal prosecutions . . 491 Purgation by oath 492 Purgation by ordeal 493 Obstacles to the administra- tion of justice Crimes '^f the Anglo-Saxons Homicide, punished by fine Weres Mode of payment Theft and robbery Their punishment Number of slaves Their different classes .... Manumission Trade in Slaves Burghers 496 497 ib. 409 500 501 502 503 506 507 509 Not ES. 511 HISTORY OF E N G L A CFIAP. I. ROMAN BRITAIN. CESAR TWICE IWADES rfftlTArM THK EniTISH TRIBES — THEIR MANNERS RELIGION GOVERNJIEKT — GRADUAL CONQUEST OF BRITAIN BY THE ROMANS— ITS STATE UNDER THK EMPERORS — CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES TO CHRIS- TIANITY — THE ROMANS ABANDON THE ISLAND. For our first acquaintance with the history of CHAP. Britain, we are indebted to the pen of a Roman ^ ^' , generah Julius' Caesar, in the short space of Cesar's three years, had conducted his victorious legions sion of from the foot of the Alijs to the mouth of the ^'"'t''^'"- AC ^^ PJiine. From the coast of the Morini he could descry the white cliffs of the neighbouring island : and the conqueror of Gaul aspired to the glory of adding Britain to the dominions of Ptomc. The refusal of the Gallic mariners to acquaint him with the muuber of the inhabitants, their manner of warfare, and their political in- VOL. I. 15 3 HISTORY or ENGLAND. stitutlons ; and the timidity of Volusenus, who, though he had been sent to procure informa- tion, had returned without venturinii^ to ap- proach the island, served only to irritate his curiosity, and to inflame his ambition. The ]]ritons, by lending aid to his enemies, the Ve- neti, had supplied him with a decent pretext for hostilities : and on the twenty-sixth of August, in the fifty-fifth year before the Christian era, Cicsar sailed from Calais, with the infantry of two legions. To cross the strait was only the ■work of a few hours : but, when he saw the opposite heights crowned with multitudes of armed men, he altered his course, and steering along the shore, cast anchor before the spot which is now occupied by the town of Deal. The natives carefully followed the motions of the fleet, urging their horses into the waves, and by their gestures and shouts, bidding de- fiance to the invaders. The appearance of the naked barbarians, and a superstitious fear of olfending the gods of this unknown world, spread a temporary alarm among the Romans : but after a short pause it was dispelled, by the intrepidity of the standard-bearer of the tenth legion ; who, calling on his comrades to follow him, leaped with his eagle into the sea. Detach- ments instantly poured from the nearest boats : the beach, after a short struggle, was gained ; and the untaught valour of the natives yielded to the arms and discipline of their enemies. to Gaul. ROMAN BRITAIN. <: The Romans were not more pre-eminent in CHAP, the art of war, than they were deficient in nau- ^ ^' , tical science. On the fonrth night after their iiis return arrival the violence of the wind auQ-mented the usual swell of the waves at a spring tide : the ships, that had been liauled on shore, w^ere filled with water : those which rode at anchor, were driven out to sea ; and a squadron, which was employed to bring the cavalry from Gaul, was entirely dispersed. The British chieftains, who had come to the camp to solicit peace, ob- served the consternation excited by these un- toward events ; and having retired separately, under difl'erent pretexts, concealed themselves, with their forces, in the neighbouring woods. Caesar was not aware of their design, till he heard that the seventh legion which had been sent out to forage, was surrounded and over- whelmed by a hostile multitude. The timely arrival of the rest of the army rescued the sur- vivors from utter destruction : but the Britons, steady in their plan, dispatched messengers to the neighbouring tribes, to represent the small number of the invaders, and inculcate the neces- sity of intimidating future adventurers, by ex- terminating the present. A general assault was soon made on the Roman camp: and, though it proved unsuccessful, it taught Cirsar to reflect on the evident danger of his situation, if the in- clemency of the weather should interrupt his communication with Gaul, and confine him, B '2 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. during* llic winter, to a foreign shore, without suj)i)lies or provisions. To save his reputation, he ghidly accepted an ilUisory promise of subr mission from a few of the natives, and hastened back with his army to Gaul, after a short ab- sence of three wrecks. It is manifest that he had httle reason to boast of the success of this expedition: and on that account he affects in his Commentaries, to represent it as undertaken for the sole purpose of discovery. But at Rome it was hailed as the forerunner of the most splendid victories : the mere invasion of Britain was magnified into the conquest of a new world ; and a thanksgiving of twenty days was decreed by the senate to the immortal gods.' The se- f£\iQ cnsuinsf winter was sioent by each party cond inva- . ' . . ^ *' , , sion. m the most active preparations. In spnng the ^' ' ^* Roman army, consisting of five legions and two thousand cavalrv, sailed from the coast of Gaul in a fleet of more than eight hundred ships. At the sii'ht of this immense armament stretchinsr across the channel, the Britons retired with precipitation to the Avoods : and the invaders landed without opposition on the very same spot which they had occupied the preceding year. Caesar immediately marched in pursuit of the ' Cses, de Bel. Gal. iv. 20— 3G. Dio. xx.\i.\. 120. Cffisar, in his letters, described the island as of immense extent, another world : aliiini oiheni tcrrarum. Euincn. paiieg. p. 171. Of his success, Lucan savs plainly: Tcrrita qiutsitis ostcndit tcrga Biitannis. Luc. ii. oT2. ROMAN BRITAIN. £ natives, but was recalled the next clay by the CHAP, news of the disaster which had again befallen , ^' , his fleet. A storm had arisen in the night, in which forty vessels were totally lost, and many of the others driven on shore. To i^^uard airainst similar accidents he ordered the remainder to be dragged above the reach of the tide, and to be surrounded with a fortification of earth. In this laborious task ten days were employed, after which the invaders resumed their march towards the interior of the country. Each day was marked by some partial rencounter in which the natives appear to have frequently obtained the advantage. It was their policy to shun a general engagement. Divided into small bodies but stationed within hail of each other, they watched the march of the enemy, cut off* the stragglers, and diligently improved every opportunity of annoyance. Their principal war-- riors, who fought from chariots, extorted by their skill and intrepidity the applause of the Romans. On the brink of a precijiice, or on the rapidity of a descent, they guided their vehicles with as much safety as m the level plain. No danger appalled them. They drove fearlessly along the Roman line, espied every opportunity of breaking the ranks of the enemy, and during the heat of the action would run along the pole, leap on the groimd, or regain their seats, as the events of the moment seemed to demand. If they despaired of success, they HISTOUV OF ENGLAND. retired M'ltli rapidity : it' tbey were ])ursucd, tliey abandoned their chariots, and with their pikes resisted on foot the charge of the cavalry. It required all the art of Cresar to inliiet any seri- ous injury on so active a foe. At length three of the legions with all the horsemen were sent out to forage, and their apparent disorder in- vited the Britons to attack them with their whole force. Descending from the hills, they poured through every opening, and penetrated as far as the eagles : but the veterans received them with coohiess ; their return was closed up : and but few were able to regain the mountains and woods. Dispirited by this check, many of the confederate tribes retired to their homes : and Cassibelan, king of the Cassii, the chief of the allies, was left to sup})ort the whole pres- sure of the war. Resist- By repeated victories over his neighbours, cSsibe- Cassibelan had acquired high renown among l^n- the natives. The tribes on the richt bank of the Thames had invited him to place himself at their head : and his conduct during the war seems to have justified the selection. Deserted by his confederates, he retreated into his own . territories, and attempted to place the Thames between him and his pursuers. At the only ford he ordered sharp stakes to be fixed in the bed of the river ; lined the left bank with pali- sades ; and stationed behind these the principal part of his army. Uut the advance of the llo- ROMAN URITAIN. < mans was not to be retarded by artificial diiTi- CITAP. cultics. The eavaliy without hesitation pkmged , J^ into the river : the infantry followed, thoujjfli the water reached to their shoulders : and the Britons, intimidated by the intrepid aspect of the invaders, fled to the woods. Such is the account of this transaction which has been given by Ctesar : but Polya^nus attributes his success to the panic caused by the sight of an elephant. At the approach of this unknown animal, of enormous magnitude covered with scales of polished steel, and carrying on his back a turret filled with armed men, the Britons abandoned their defences, and sought for safety in a pre- cipitate flight.^' The king of the Cassii was not, however, dis- couraged. To impede the progress of the ene- my, he laid waste his own territories. By his orders the habitations were burnt, the cattle driven away, and the provisions destroyed : and as the Romans marched through this desert, Cassibelan himself, with four thousand chariots, carefully watched all their motions. But the unfortunate chieftain, besides his foreign ene- mies, had to contend against the jealousy and resentment of his own countrymen. He had formerly subdued the Trinobantes, a contiguous nation. In the contest their king Immanuentius had been slain : and his son Mandrubatius was now an exile, and served in the army of the ' PolycTn.viii. 737. Lug. Bat. 1691. HISTOnV OF KNGLAND. Invaders. Tlie Trinobantcs offered to Riibmlt to the llonians on condition that they should be governed by the son of lunnanuentius : and se- veral tribes, wliieh bore with impatience the yoke of the Cassii, following their example, soli- cited the protection of Caesar. By these he was conducted to the capital or principal fortress of Cassibelan, situated on the spot where after- wards Verulani was built, and near to the pre- sent town of St. Albans. It was surrounded by a rampart and a ditch, and covered on every side by extensive marshes and forests. Even Ciesar admired the judgment with M'hich the position had been selected, and the art with which it was fortified. Its defences, however, were easily forced by the Romans : and the cattle of Cassibelan, his principal treasure, be- came the prey of the conquerors. The British king still waited the issue of his plans in another quarter. He had instructed the four chieftains of Kent to assemble their forces, assault the Roman camp, and set fire to the ships. If this attempt had succeeded, the Romans would have been involved in inex- And his tricable difficulties. But the men of Kent were defeated : and Cassibelan condescended to sue for peace. Caesar, who feared the approach of the equinox, willingly prescribed the following conditions, that he should give hostages, should live in amity with t!ie Trinobantcs, and should furnish his share to the annual tribute, which submis sion ROMAN BRITAIN. 9 was to be imposed on Britain. The Romans CHAP, immediately marched back to the coast^ and as v— ^— / the fleet had been refitted, returned to Gaul in the month of September.^ Such were the petty results of this mighty expedition. The citizens of Rome celebrated ■with joy the victories of their favourite general: but the conqueror of Britain was not the master of one foot of British ground. The inhabitants, however, and the productions of " the new world," became objects of interest to the more civilized nations of Greece and Italy; and the industry of writers was eagerly employed to satisfy the curiosity of the public. Of their works, many have undoubtedly perished : from those which remain, has been gleaned the fol- lowing account of ancient Britain, such as it is described to have been about the commence- ment of the Christian era. The principal nations of Europe are shewn, Origin of from the radical difference in their languages, Jo^s^"" to be descended from the three great families of the Celtee, Gothi, and Sarmatit : and fvom the countries which they have successively occupied, it a])pears that the Celtre were the first who crossed the limits of Asia into Europe ; that, as the tide of population continued to roll towards the west, they were pushexl forward by the ad- vance of the Gothic nations ; and that these in their turn yielded to the pressure of the tribes ^ Oes. V. 1— (23. Diu, xl. UG. 10 HISTORY 01' KNGLAND. of the Sarmatiu. At the dawn of history wc find the Ccltii: dispersed oati* a great part of Jul rope : in the time of Cirsar they occupied tlie principal j^ortion of Spain, of Gaul, and of the British isles.'' That conqueror, in describing- the inhabitants of Britain, could speak from per- sonal knowledge of none but the tribes that dwelt near the mouth of the Thames. These he informs us were of Belgic descent. Their ancestors had, at no very distant period, invaded the island, expelled the original inhabitants from the coast, and in their new settlements still retained the names of the parent states.'^ Beyond them dwelt other tribes less familiarized M'ith the habits of civilized life. Vvlien he m- quired after their origin, he was told that their ancestors were the spontaneous production of the soil: later discoveries shewed that thei/ were Celtic, the descendants of the first colonists of Britain." The number of the inhabitants in the districts '' It is doubtful whether the Belgic tribes should be considered as of Celtic or Gothic origin. '^ Ca's. ii. 3. v. 12. " I shall not notice the fable of Brutus, the great grandson of TEneas, who gave his name to the island, and whose descendants are said to have swayed ihe sceptre for many generations (Nennius says he extracted it ex vctcribus scriptis veterum nostroruni. Edit. Bert. 10k which makes it older than Geoftry or Tyssilio): nor the dreams of more recent antiquaries, who have sought out the pa- triarch of the Cymri in the ark of Noah, and conducted him and his children tlirough a thousand perils to Britain. — The triads have given \is the names, and, in some instances, the origin of the three pri- meval tribes that settled in Britain ; of the three foreign tribes, tliat were peaceably admitted ; and of tlie three usurping tribes, that ROMAN BRITAIN. 11 wliich fell under his observation, astonished the Roman general : and there is reason to believe that many other districts were eqnall)^ well peopled/ The population of the whole island comprised above forty tribes, of which several, Biiiish while they retained their former appellations, had been deprived of their independence, at the same time that others, amid the revolutions of two or three centuries, had risen to a high pre- eminence of power. The long tract of land to the south of the Severn and the Thames was unequally portioned among ten nations, of which the principal were the Cantii, or men of Kent ; the Belgse, or inhabitants of the present coun- ties of Hampshire and Wilts, and the Damnonii, who, from the river Ex, had gradually extended themselves to the western promontory. Across the arm of the sea, now called the Bristol chan- nel, the most powerful was the tribe of the Silures. From the banks of the Wye, their ori- ginal seat, they had carried their arms to the Dee, and the ocean: and their authority was obtained possession of the greater part of the island. But what- ever may be the antiquity of the triads, their testimony must be doubtful, as being founded cither on oral tradition, or on fictions framed originally to solve appearances. For GUdas informs us that in his time there did not exist among his countrymen any historical documents : quippe qua^, si qua fuerint, aut ignibus hos- tium delcta, aut civium exilii classc longius doportala, non compa- reant. Gild. edit. Rrrt, p. 09. 1 lloniinum est infuiita multitudo. Ca'S. v. 12. UoXvavPpmtoi v-ntTos. Dio. Sic. v. 317. Brigantcs, civitas numerosissima. Tac. Agric, c. 17. 12 lirSTORV OF ENGLAND. CHAP, acknowlodi^'cd by the Ordoviccs and the Diincta?^ the inhabitants of tlie northern mountains, and ot" the western district of AVales. On the eas- tern eoast of the ishmd between the Thames and the Stour, hiy the Trinobantes, whose ca- j)ital was London : and from the Stour to the Ilmnber stretched the two kindred nations of the leeni, called Cenimagni, and Coitanni. The ])ol)uni and Cassii, confederate tribes under the rule of Cassibelan, extended along- the left bank of the Thames, from the Severn to the Trino- bantes : and above them dwelt the Carnabii and several elans of minor consequence. The Bri- gantes were the most powerful of all the British nations. They were l)ounded by the Humber on the soutli, and by tlie Tyne on the north; and had subdued the \^olantii and kSistuntii of the western coast. To the north of the Brigantes were five tribes, known by the general appel- lation of Matcta^ : and beyond these wandered amid the lakes and mountains various clans, among which the Caledonians claimed the praise of superior courage, or superior ferocity.^ Tluir By the Roman writers all the natives of Bri- tain are indiscriminately denominated barha- r'ums, a term of indefinite import, ^^'llicll must vary its signification with the subject to which it is applied. Though far removed from the elegance and refinement of their invaders, the * Ptolem. viii. 2. llicard. Corin. i. C. Whitiiker's Muuchesttr, i. 01. ii. 201. manners. ROMAN BRITAIN. 13 Belgic tribes of the south might ahiiost clahn the praise of civilization in comparison ^vith their northern brethren. Their dress was of their own manufacture. A square mantle co- vered a vest and trowsers, or a deeply plaited tunic of braided cloth : the waist was encircled with a belt : rings adorned the second finger of each hand: and a chain of iron or brass was suspended from the neck.'* Their huts resem- bled those of their Gallic neighbours. A foun- dation of stone supported a circular wall of timber and reeds ; over which was thrown a conical roof, pierced in the centre for the two- fold purpose of admitting lights and discharging the smoke."* In husbandry they possessed con- siderable skill. They had discovered the use of marl as a manure : they raised more corn than was necessary for their own consumption : and to preserve it till the following harvest, they generally stored it in the cavities of rocks." But beyond the borders of the southern tribes, these faint traces of civilization gradually disappeared. The midland and western nations were unac- quainted with either agriculture or manufac- tures. Their riches consisted in the extent of their pastures, and the number of their flocks. With milk and flesh they satisfied the cravings *Plin. viii. 40. xxxiii. 1. Dio Nic. in Neronc, p. 1C9. W'UiU aker's Manchester, vii. 5. '" Cas. V. VZ. Diod. Sic. v. p. ai7. Stiabo, iv. 197. " riin. Iliit. Nat. xvii. 6. v.. Diod. Sic. v. y. 347. 1 1 niSlTORY OF ENGLAND. of liungcr ; and, clothed in skins, tlicy bade dc- liunce to the inclemency of the seasons.'- ])ut even sheep were scarcely known in the more northern parts ; and the hordes of savages, who roamed through the wilds of Caledonia, often dc])ended for support on the casual produce of the chase. They went almost naked : and shel- tered themselves from the weather under the co^'er of the woods, or in the caverns of the mountains. Their situation had hardened both their minds and bodies. If it had made them patient of fatigue and privation, it had also taught them to be rapacious, bloody, and re- vengeful. AVhen Severus invaded their coun- try, the Roman legions were appalled at the strength, the activity, the hardihood, and fero- city of these northern Britons.'^ Discovery The supcHor civilization of the southern tribes of the tin -.•1-11 1 . • 1 . . islands. ' '^vas attributed by historians to their intercourse with the strangers, whom the pursnits of com- merce attracted to their coast.'^ IVhen the Spanish ores began to be exhausted, the princi- pal supply of tin was sought from the mines of Ijritain. The first who exported this metal from the island, and conveyed it to the different ports in the Mediterranean, were certain Phe- nician adventurers from Cadiz. To monoi)()lize so valual^le a branch of commerce, they care- '^ Ca;s. V. \A. " Mela, iii. p. -204. Dio Nic. in Scvero, p. 340. Ileiodian, iii. 47. '* Ca-s. V. 11. Diod. Sic. v. 3 17. ROMAN BRITAIN. Iq fully concealed the place from the knowledge CHAP, of their neighbours i and about five centm'ies , ^- , before the birth of Christ, Herodotus, the father of profane history, candidly acknowledged that he had been unable to discover the real position of the " Cassiterides, or Tin-islands."^^ The Phenicians of Carthage were more successful. Anxious to share in the trade with their brethren of Cadiz, Hanno and Himilco undertook sepa- rate voyages of discovery. Having passed the straits, Hanno turned to the left, and explored the coast of Africa : Himilco shaping his course to the north, crept along the shore of Spain, stretched, by accident or design, across the ocean, and in the fourth month discovered the object of his voyage. The GEstrymnides (so the tin islands are called in his journal, which was extant as late as the fifth century), were distant two days' sail from " the sacred isle of the Hi- bernians," and that isle lay near to the isle of the Albions."^ The success of the Carthagi- nians awakened the hopes of the Grecian colo- nists of Marseilles ; and Pytheas, their most celebrated navigator, during his voyage in the "^ Strab. iii. 175. Plin. vii. 50. Herotl. iii. 203. Lug. Bat. 1715. 'Test. Avien. Ura marit. v. 117. 410. Ast liinc (luolius in sacra?/! (sic insulam Dixeie prisci), solibtis ciirsus rati est, Eaiiiquc late gens Ilibcinoruin colit. Iltid. v. 108. Why Sacrum? Diodorus says it was called Iiin, the very name by which it is known to the natives at this day : t-i^v ovofia^otJ.evj)v ipiv. Diod. Sic. V. 355. May not the resemblance between 'piJ'and tepav have given rise to the ciathet " sacred "? Hi HISTOUV OF ENGLAND. iiortlicni seas, had also tlic good fortune to dis- cover the Cassitcridcs.''" 'I'hey were ten in ninnljcr, abounding in mines of tin and lead, and divided by a narrow but boisterous strait from the coast of the Damnonii. The largest was called Silura or Sigdelis, a name in which may be discovered the origin of their present appellation, " the Scilly isles." Nine out of the ten were inhabited : and the natives are de- scribed as a peaceful and industrious race, much addicted to habits of religious worship and di- vination. They wore long tunics of a dark co- lour; were unacquainted with the use of money ; had no fixed places of habitation, and crossed from isle to isle in boats of wicker-work covered with leather.'^ By these successive discoveries the trade was at last thro\\n open to different nations. Lucius Crassus, a Roman, taught the natives to work their mines to greater advantage ; and Exports so abundant was the annual ex})ortation, that ports.'"" t^^G surplus of the tin was bought up by factors on the coast of the Mediterranean, and con- veyed over land to the remote jirovinces of " Plin. ii. 75. Voss. de Hist. Grsec. iv. Tlie Romans also, after several fruitless attempts, discovered tlie Cas.sitcri(les. A story is told of a Phenician merchant, who seeing himself closely watched l)y a Roman vessel, ran his ship ashore, that he might not disclose the secret to a rival. lie was reconipensed tor his loss out of the public treasury. — Strah. iii. 175. '* Sol. xxii. '2. Test. Avien. v. 95. Sirab. iii. 17;"). The en- croachments (-f the sea, by gradually inundating llic low lands, have nuilliplied the number of islets. ROMAN BRITAIN. 17 India.'-' But the navigation by the pillars of CHAP. Hercules was now abandoned as too expensive and dangerous. The British miners having cast their tin into square blocks, conveyed it to the Isle of Wight, the general deposit. Thence it was exported by Gallic traders to the mouths of the Seine, the Loire, or the Garonne ; and ascending these rivers, was carried across the land on the backs of horses, till it could be conveyed by water carriage to the great com- mercial cities of Marseilles or Narbonne.-*^ In return for this metal, so highly prized by the ancient nations, the Britons received articles of inferior value to the importers, but of high esti- mation to an uncivilized people, salt for the preservation of provisions, earthen-ware for do- mestic use, and brass for the manufacture of arms and ornaments.^' The enterpilse and researches of the fo- reigners quickened the industry of the natives. Tin had originally formed the sole article of their commerce ; to the exportation of tin was soon added that of hides, which were procured in immense numbers from the tribes in the in- terior; lead was next extracted from veins open to the day ; and then followed a most valuable acquisition, the discovery and use of iron." '9 Strab. iii. 175. Plin. xxxiv. 17. ^^ The whole journey was performed in about thirty days. See Died. Sic. V. 316, 317. 3G1. Strab. iii. 117. ^' Strab. iii. 175. f- Plin. iv. 22. XXXiv, 17. Ca'S. v. 12. VOL. I. C 18 IliSTORY OF ENGLAND. But report had exaggerated the productions of the country far beyond their real value : and at the time of the invasion, the Romans flattered themselves with the hope of conquering an island, of which the shores abounded with pearls, and the soil with ores of the more pre- cious metals. Their avarice was, however, de- feated. Of gold or silver not the smallest trace was discovered;-'^ nor were the British pearls of a size or colour which could reward the labour of the collector.-^ Yet the invasion produced one advantage to the natives. They sought, and at last discovered ores of the very metals, after which Roman avarice had so anxiously but fruit- lessly inquired : and the British exports, at the commencement of the Christian era, comprised, if we may credit a contemporary and well-in- formed writer, corn and cattle, gold and silver, tin, lead and iron, skins, slaves and dogs.*^ Custom of Of the peculiar customs of the Britons but boc)>? '^ few and imperfect notices have been transmitted to posterity. One strange and disgusting prac- tice, that of painting the body, seems to have prevailed in many parts of the island. For this purpose the southern tribes employed a blue -' Illud cognitiim est, neque aiiri neque argenli scrupuliim esse iilliini in ilia insula. Cic. ep. ad fam. vii. 7. ad Alt. iv, IG. -' Parvos alquc decolores. Plin. ix. 35. Origcn says they were cloudy, and less bright than those of India. Com. in Matlh. 211. Yet Caesar dedicated to Venus a breastplate ornamented with pearls, wliich he pretended to have found in Britain. Plin. ibid. •^ Tac. vit. Agric. xii. Strab, iv, 199, ROMAN BRITAIN. 19 d3'e, extracted from woad, which gave to them, in the eyes of foreigners, the appearance of Ethiopians. It was adopted equally by both sexes : and was consecrated in their estimation by ceremonies of religion.-'^ Connected with this was the still more barbarous practice of tatooing, so long in use among the more nor- thern Britons. At an early age, the outlines of animals were impressed with pointed instru- ments in the skin : a strong infusion of woad was rubbed into the punctures ; and the figures, expanding with the growth of the body, retained their original appearance through life. The Briton was vain of this hideous ornament : and to exhibit it to the eyes of his enemies, lie was always careful to throw off his clothes in the day of battle.-^ The religion of the natives was that of the Religion. druids, whether it had been brought by them from Gaul, as is the more natural supposition, or, as Ceesar asserts, had been invented in the island. The druids adored, under diflercnt ap- pellations, the same gods as the Greeks and Romans. Pluto they considered as their pro- -•= Plin.xxii. 1. Mela, iii. G. Ca'sar (v. 14.) says: ornnes vero se Britanni vitro inficiunt. As, however, he had not seen any of the more remote tribes, it is uncertain whether his observation should be applied to them. " Solin. xxii. -13. Herod, iii. 47. It was practised by the Picts as lute as the fifth century. Perlogit cxangues Picto moriente fignras. Claud, dc Bel. Gel. v. 1C5. C "2 20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. gcnitor: Apollo, Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva were severally worshipped : but to Mercury, us the inventor of the useful arts, they paid a more partieular veneration.-** To these, the superior gods, they added, like other polytheists, a m\d- titude of local deities, the genii of the woods, rivers, and mountains.'"'' Some fanciful writers have pretended that they rejected the use of temples through a sublime notion of the divine inunensity : perhaps the absence of such struc- tures may, with more probability, be referred to their want of architectural skill. On the oak they looked with peculiar reverence. This mo- narch of the forest, from its strength and dura- bility, was considered as the most appropriate emblem of the divinity.'*^ The tree and its productions were deemed holy : to its trunk was bound the victim destined for slaughter; and of its leaves were formed the chaplets worn at the time of sacrifice. If it chanced to produce the misletoe, the whole tribe was summoned : two white heifers were immolated imder its branches : the principal druid cut the sacred plant M ith a knife of gold ; and a religious feast terminated the ceremonies of the day.^' Sacrifices. The druids were accustomed to dwell at a distance from the profane, in huts or caverns, -^ Ca?s. vi. Ij, 10. '^ Gild, ii. Many of these local deities are named in inscriptions which still exist. ^° Aya\na, St Aios mKriKuv v^i)\-t} Spvs. Max. Tyr. Dissert, xxxviii. p. 87. 2' Plin. xvi. IJ. ROMAN BRITAIN. 21 amid the silence and gloom of the forest. There, at the hours of noon or midnight, when the deity was supposed to honour the saered spot with his presence, the trembling votary was admitted within a circle of lofty oaks to prefer his prayer and listen to the responses of the minister.^- In peace they offered the fruits of the earth : in war they devoted to the god of battles the spoils of the enemy. The cattle were slaughtered in his honour: and a pile formed of the rest of the booty was conse- crated as a monument of his powerful assist- ance.^^ But in the hour of danger or distress human sacrifices were deemed the most effi- cacious. Impelled by a superstition, which had steeled all the feelings of humanity, the offici- ating |)riest plunged his dagger into the breast of his victim, whether captive or malefactor; and from the rapidity with which the blood issued from the wound, and the convulsions in which the sufferer expired, presumed to an- nounce the future happiness or calamity of his country.'^^ To the veneration, which the British druids Doctrines. — ' ' ' - — -■ ' 3 • ='=' Mela, iii. 243. Luc. i. v.'153.,iii. v. 399.423. Tac.Ann.xiv. 30. I have not noticed the circles ol' unhewn stones, the remains of which still exist at Stonehenge, Al)t!ry, &c. because I do not find that such stones are ever mentioned by ancient writers, as aji- pendages to places of worship among the Cclta?. ^^ Ca-s. iv. 16. ^' Diod. Sic. V. 35i. Tac. Ann, xiv. 30, Cas.vi.lS. Plin. xxx.l. Strab. iv, 198. 22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. giTAP. derived from their sacerdotal character, must ])e added the respect, which the reputation of knowlcdg-c never fails to extort from the igno- rant. They professed to be the depositaries of a mysterious sciencCj for above the comprehen- sion of the vulgar : and their schools were opened to none but the sons of illustrious fomilics. Such was their fame, that the druids of Gaid, to attain the perfection of the institute, did not disdain to study under their British brethren."''' AMth them, as with similar orders of priests among the ancients, a long course of prepara- tory discipline was required : and we are told that many had the patience to spend no less than twenty years in this state of probation. To the initiated they enjoined the most invio- lable secrecy : and that the profane might not become acquainted with their doctrines, the use of letters w^as prohibited, and each precept was delivered in verse by the teacher, and committed to memory by the disciple.^*' Of tenets thus anxiously concealed, it is not to be expected that much should be distinctly known : the following particulars have been collected from the few notices contained in the ancient historians, compared with the doctrines peculiar to the bards. The druids professed to be acquainted with the nature, the power, and the providence of the divinity ; with the figure, 3s Caes. vi. 12. 'Mb.vi. 13. A«fO/*«Tw5«s. Diog. Laert. in proem, p. 5. Amstel. apiul West. ROMAN BRITAIN. 23 size, formation, and final destruction of the earth : with the stars, their position and mo- tions, and their supposed influence over human affairs/'^ They practised the art of divination. Three of their ancient astrologers were able, it is said, to foretel whatever should happen before the day of doom ; and their skill in magic was so great, that, according to Pliny, the Persians themselves might be thought to be their dis- ciples.^"* To medicine also they had preten- sions : but their knowledge was principally con- fined to the use of the misletoe, vervain, savin, and trefoil ; and even the efficacy of these simples was attributed not to the nature of the plants, but to the influence of prayers and in- cantations.'^^ The great objects of the order were, according to themselves, " to reform " morals, to secure peace, and to encourage " goodness :" and the following lesson, which they inculcated to the people, was certainly conducive to those ends: ''The three first prin- " ciples of wisdom are, obedience to the laws of " God, concern for the good of man, and forti- " tude under the accidents of life." "^"^ They also 3' Cffs. vi. 13. Mela, iii. 243. Amm. Mar. xv. 427. '« Mela, iii. 243. Plin. xxx. 1. Solin. xxii. 42. Dio. Sic. v. 354. Cic.dediv. i.41. Triad, 89. ^^ Plin. xvi. 44. xxiv. 11. xxv. 9. xxx. 1. "" These two triads may be seen in Davis (Celt, llesearches, 171. 182). It is remarkable that the laller had been translated by DiogCFies Laertius many centuries ago. "ZeSveiv Bees, icai fxiiSkv ko.kov 5f)ar, /cat v.v^pnav a. 4S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, ancient writers, and the inscriptions on ancient V J , monuments, have been discovered the names of three-and-thirty cohorts of auxihary foot, and of eleven squadrons of auxiliary horse, which were stationed in Britain." All these WTre com- posed of foreigners ; for though by the law of conscription the natives were compelled to serve, they were not permitted to remain in the ishmd. At home they might have employed their swords in asserting the independence of their country : but on the continent they were unconnected with the inhabitants : for their subsistence, they depended on the bounty of the emperor ; and far from combining to sub- vert, were always prepared to support, the throne of their benefactor. What their number might be, is uncertain : but there exists evidence to sliew^, that they amounted to at least six-and- twenty cohorts ; that they were dispersed as far as Egypt and Armenia ; and that some of them had acquired the surname of '* Invincible" from their valour.'^ Provinces. When the Roman conquests in Britain had reached their utmost extent, they w^ere irregu- . laily divided into six provinces under the go- vernment of pretors appointed by the prefect. The long tract of land which runs from the western extremity of Cornwall to the South '' It is not, however, improbable that the same cohort or squa- dron may be sometimes designated under two different names, '' Apud Canul. iiUiod. p, cvii. ROMAN BRITAIN. ' 49 Foreland in Kent, is almost separated from the rest of the island by the arm of the sea, now called the Bristol Channel, and by the course of the river Thames. This formed the most wealthy of the British provinces ; and from priority of conquest or proximity of situation, was distinguished by the name of Britannia prima. Britannia secunda comprised the pre- sent principality of "Wales, with the addition of that tract which is included by the Severn in its circuitous course towards St. Georo-e's channel. Flavia CtEsariensis was the next in order, but the first in extent. It was bounded on two sides by the former provinces, and on the two others by the Humber, the Don, and the German ocean. To the north of the Humber lay the province of Maxima. It reached to the Eden and Tyne, and its opposite shores were washed by the western and eastern seas. Valentia fol- lowed, including the Scottish lowlands as far as the Friths of Clyde and Forth. The tribes be- yond the friths formed the sixth government of Vespasiana, divided from the independent Cale- donians by the long chain of mountains, which rising near Dumbarton, crosses the two counties of Athol and ]3adenoch, and stretches beyond the Fritli of Murray. But the greater part of this province was wrested at so early a period from the dominion of Rome, that it is seldom men- tioned by writers, and the pretentura of Agricola has been generally considered as the portiieru VOL. I, E 50 IIISTOnV OF ENGLAND. limit of the empire in Britain.''' To cacli of tliese divisions was allotted a separate govern- ment under the general superintendence of the prefect: but the interests of the rulers were most jealously separated from those of the pro- vincials. Every Briton by his birth was ex- cluded from all offices of trust and authority in his own country : and every holder of such office was prohibited by law from marrying a native, or purchasing property within the island.^^ Colonies. Throughout these provinces was scattered a great number of inhabited towns and military posts, the names of which are still preserved in the itineraries of Richard and Antoninus. They were partly of British, and partly of Roman, origin ; and were divided into four classes, gra- dually descending in the scale of privilege and importance. 1. The first rank was claimed by the colonies. It had long been the policy of Rome to reward her veterans with a portion of the lands of the conquered nations ; and for this purpose those situations were generally selected, which combined the double advantage of a fruit- " Ric. Corin. i. p. 15. Not. Imp. occid. f. 155. The capitals of these provinces were llichborough, Caerleon, London, York, Whit- hern, and Inverness. The cxisteivcc of the last province of Ves- pasiana has hccn questioned : but the authority of Richard is cor- roborated by tiic testimony of Ptolemy, who mentions the military station of Pterotone or Inverness. Ptol. viii. 2. apud Gale. Whit. Manch. i.8. iii. 2. xi. 3. ^ See the Pandects xxiii. tit.ii. n. C8. 57. G3. Cod, Thcod. viii lit. XV. leg. 1. ROMAN BRITxVIN. 51 fill soil, and a military position. Each colony ^vas a miniature representation of the parent city. It adopted the same customs, was go- verned by the same laws, and with similar titles conferred on its magistrates a similar authority. In Britain there were nine of these establish- ments, two of a civil, seven of a military descrip- tion.^^' In the constitution of the latter, we discover a striking similitude to the feudal tenures of later acres. The veteran received his land from the bounty of the emperor ; and was obliged to enrol his sons in the army, as soon as they should attain the years of man- hood. Disgrace, imprisonment, or sometimes death, was the punishment of the youth, who refused to serve the benefactor of his father and family. 2. The advantages enjoyed by the colo- Mimicipia. nies were nearly equalled, in some respects sur- passed by the privileges of the municipal cities ; the inhabitants of which were exempted from the operation of the imperial statutes, and with the title of Roman citizens, possessed the right of choosing their own decuriones or magistrates, and of enacting their own laws. Privileges so valuable were reserved for the reward of extra- ordinary merit, and Britain could boast of only two mimicipia, Verulam and York.^' But the Latiauci- jus Latii, or Latian right, as it conferred more ^^^^• partial advantages, was bestowed with greater "' Richboroiigli, Loiulon, Colchester, Bath, Gloucester, Caerl<;on, Chester, Lincoln, and Chesterfield. Illc. Corii). i. \\ ^<^. "^ I'*'*'- E 2 52 Stipen- diary towns. Roman walls. HISTORY OP ENGLAND. libcralify. Ten of the British towns had ob- tained it from the favour of different emperors, and were indulged with the choice of their own niag"istrates, who, at the expiration of the year, resigned their offices, and claimed the freedom of Ilome/^^ That freedom was the great object of provincial ambition ; and by the expedient of annual elections, it was successively con- ferred on almost all the members of each Latin corporation. 4. The remaining towns were stipendiary, compelled, as the term imports, to pay tribute, and governed by Roman officers, w^ho received their appointment from the pretor : These distinctions were, however, gradually abolished. Antoninus granted to every provin- cial of rank and opulence the freedom of the city : Caracalla extended the indulgence to the whole bodv of the natives.^^ Though Agricola had defeated, he had not been able to subdue, the Caledonians. After his departure they continued to insult the Ro- man power ; frequently crossed the line of forts between the two friths ; and by their successful example, rekindled the flame of independence in the breasts of many among their countrymen. In less than thirty years the state of Britain had *^ Inverness, Perth, Dunbarton, Carlisle, Calterick, lllackrode, Cirencester, Salisbury, Caister in Lincolnshire, and Slack in Long- wood. Ilic. Corin. i. p. 30. ^* Tillem. Einp. ii. 103. Hence he is thus addressed by Rutiliiis: Urbem fccisti quod prius orbis crat. liidil. Itin. v. 66. ROMAN BRITAIN. 53 become so precarious, as to require the pre- sence of the emperor Pladrian. Of his exploits history is silent: but on the testimony of medals a.D. 120, and inscriptions, we may believe that he ex- pelled the barbarians, and recovered the pro- vinces which had been lost.'^ If, however, his victories have been forgotten, his memory has been preserved by a military work, which was executed under his direction, and has hitherto defied the ravages of time. Convinced by ex- perience that the pretentura thrown up by Agri- cola could not confine the northern tribes, he resolved to oppose a second barrier to their in- cursions, by drawing a ditch and rampart across the island, from the Solway fritli on the western, to the mouth of the Tyne on the eastern, coast. This mighty fortification measured in length Valium of more than sixty of our miles ; and strong bodies of troops were permanently stationed at short intervals on the whole extent of the line.^^° *^ See speed, 90. Camd. introd. Ixxix. ^ Sparlian. in Hadrian, p. '290. The vallum may be traced from Burgh on the sands to the town of Newcastle, avoiding the moun- tains, and winding along the valleys. The ditch appears to have been eleven feet in hreadtli, and nine in depth; the rampart, at the present day, rises in some parts six feet above the original surface. Besides this, two aggeres or mounds of earth, one on the north, the other on the south, run the whole length in lines parallel to the ditch, at the distance of nearly twenty feet. Jt is probable, that the mound to the south was a military road ; and that the original work of Hadrian, like that of Antoninus between the Friths, con- sisted of no more than the ditch, the rampart, and the road. Tlie 51 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. But the traiuiiiillity, which had been csta- bUshed by Hadrian, was repeatedly disturbed. Vallum of during' the reign of his successor, Antoninus, uus. On the north of the valKim the six tribes of the A. D. 14(3. Mji^^tie reasserted their independence ; on the south the Brigantes took up arms, and invaded the territory of the Ordoviccs. Lolhus Urbicus was appointed propretor of Britain. He chas- tised the Brigantes, subdued the Maa^tse, and, in imitation of Hadrian, carried a similar forti- fication across the Isthmus, from Caer-ridcn on the Forth to Alchuid on the Clyde, a distance of more than thirty-six miles. In honour of the emperor, it was called the vallum of Antoninus ; and from numerous inscriptions which have been preserved, we learn the names of the different corps by vdiicli it was raised, and the different portions of work which were respectively al- lotted to each.^'' uipius Hostilities were now become habitual between A.^D.'^iso. the Caledonians and the Romans. Urged by national animosity and the love of plunder, these intractable barbarians annually assaulted the vallum of Antoninus ; often eluded the vigi- lance, or overpowered the opposition, of the guards ; and spread devastation over the pro- agger on the north might be afterwards added as a military way for the wall of Severus, when the vallum could be no longer considered as a work of defence. ^',Pausan. in Arcad. 1. viii. p. 698. Capitol, in Anton, p. 297. Ilorsley, Prit, Rom. p. 160. lienry ii. App. ix. 170. ROMAN BRITAIN. 55 vincc. But in the reign of Commodus their incursions assumed a more formidable appear- ance; and the discontent of the legions alarmed the emperor for the safety of Britain. Ulpius Marcellus, a soldier of approved valour and un- sullied integrity, was made propretor. He re- stored the discipline of the army, and drove the Caledonians back to their native mountains. But his services were I'cquited with ingratitude. By his severity he incurred the hatred of a se- ditious soldiery ; while his glory excited the jealousy of a dissolute prince. From the swords of the former he escaped with difficulty ; Com- modus recalled him from his command, and reluctantly abstained from depriving him of life.^ But the British legions soon made a trial of the resolution, or the weakness of the emperor. They sent a deputation of fifteen hundred men to demand the head of the minister Perennis. Without opposition these dangerous petitioners inarched through Gaul and Italy, and were met at the gates of Rome by Commodus himself. To that jmnce, immersed in pleasure, and reck- less of blood, the life of a favourite was a trivial object. He surrendered Perennis to their re- venge : the unhappy victim was scourged and beheaded: and his wife and daughters were immolated on his remains.^^ ^^ Dio apiul Xiphil. in Commocio, p. 286, 2'37. ^' Ibid. p. 287. Lamprid. in Coiii. p. 311. Zonar. p 20t». 56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. The government of Britain was next con- ^ — y — ' fcrrcd on Clodius Albinus. His birth and ^ibiiuH. abilities awakened the jealousy of his imperial ^■^- master, wlio, either with the view of securinsr IPO— 107, ... . . ^ his fidelity, or, as is more probable, of trying his ambition, offered him the rank and authority of Csesar. Albinus had the prudence to decline the msidious present : but after the death of Commodus, and the ephemeral reigns of Perti- nax and Julian, he willingly accepted the same dignity from the emperor Severus. It soon, however, appeared, that with all the parade of iriendship, Severus was a secret and mortal enemy : and Albinus, by the advice of his friends, assumed the imperial pur[)k% and led the British legions into Gaul. The two armies, amounting to one hundred thousand men, fought in the plain of Trevoux, near Lyons. At first the cause of Albinus was seen to tri- umph. Severus disappeared from the field : but he soon returned with a fresh body of men, renewed the battle, and obtained the victory. The British Cuesar paid with his head the forfeit of his ambition.'"^ virius Severus was now vmdisputed master of the j^"Pj**- empire. To abolish the exorbitant power of the prefect of Britain, he divided the island into two governments, bestowing the one on Herac- ^" Herodian, iij. IG— 33. Dio apud Xiphil. in Sever, p. 33^— 321. Roman' uritain, 57 lianiis, and the other on Varius Lupus.-'' The latter with an arm}' of new levies "vvas unable to Avithstand the united efforts of the Maeetee and Caledonians, and was compelled to purchase with money a precarious respite from their in- cursions. The expedient, though it procured a tempoi'ary forbearance, invited them to a repetition of tlic attempt : and Lupus, wearied with continued hostilities, solicited the pre- sence of the emperor, and the aid of a nume- rous army.^^ Though Severus was advanced in years, and Sevems in declining in health, he cheerfully obeyed the oo|^2ij. summons of his lieutenant. He was accompa- nied bv his tAvo sons, Caracalhi and Geta : to the younger he committed the civil government of the province : to Caracalla he assigned a part in the ]n"ojected expedition. When the army moved from York, the selection of the com- manders, the number of the legions and auxi- liary cohorts, and the long train of carriages loaden Avith provisions and implements of AA^ar, proclaimed the determination of the emperor to subdue, if not to exterminate, all the rebellious tribes in the north. The Britons Avere but ill provided against so formidable an iuA^asion. They possessed no other defensive armour than '^' Eis 5i;o -nyeixovias. Ilcrod. iii. 21. Spartm. in Sever, p. SQO. Inscriptions in Speed, p. 139. by mistake for 111. ■'^ Heruc]. iii. IG. 58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. a narrow target. Their weapons were a dirk, an unwieldy sword hanging from the M'aist by an iron chain, and a short hmce, from one ex- tremity of which was suspended a bell. But they were aided by the nature of the country, abounding in mountains, lakes, and forests ; by constitutions inured to flitigue, hvmger, and every privation ; by habits of running, swim- ming, and wading through rivers and morasses ; and above all by a contempt of danger, and an unconquerable love of freedom. The progress of the Romans was constantly interrupted by the necessity of opening roads through the woods, of throwing bridges over the rivers, and of erecting causeways across the marshes. It was in vain that Severus sought for an enemy in front. The natives had wisely divided them- selves into detachments, which hung on the flanks of the Romans, watched every advantage, and often inflicted a sudden and severe wound on the long and encumbered line of their ene- mies. Still the emperor, regardless of his losses, and unappalled by difficulties, pressed forward till he reached the Frith of Cromarty, where he condescended to accept the offers of submission which he had formerly refused ; and, that he the CaTe- flight appear to punish the obstinacy of the donmns. natives, exacted the nominal surrender of a part of their territory. But this trivial advantage had been dearly purchased : and the number of the Romans, who perished by fatigue, by Grants peace to ROMAN BRITAIN. 59 disease, and by the sword, has been estimated CHAP- at fifty thousand.^^ n— ^]— ^ \Mien Severus returned to York, he had Buikishis leisure to devise means for the future security wall. of the southern provinces. From what he had seen, he was convinced that no rampart of turf could resist the assaults of these active and per- severing barbarians: and he determined to con- fine their incursions by raising a solid wall of stone a few paces to the north of tlie vallum of Hadrian. In the neighbourhood of the sea it preserved a parallel direction ; but as it ap- proached the higher ground, leaving the work of that emperor to wind its circuitous course along the valleys, it boldly ascended the most lofty eminences, and ran along the margin of the most abrupt precipices. Its height was twelve feet ; '-^^ its breadth at the foundation varied from two to three yards. In front was sunk a ditch of the same dimensions with that of Hadrian : and for its protection were as- signed four squadrons and fourteen cohorts, composing an army of ten thousand men, quar- tered in eighteen stations along the line of the wall. By the historian of Severus, this stu- pendous erection is pronounced the principal glory of his reign : by the traveller of the pre- sent day its remains are viewed with emotions of astonishment and delight.'*'' " Dio apud Xipliil. in Severo, p. 340. Herod, iii. 40. 49. '■" Bode. Hist. i. 12. ^* Nolit. imp. Pancirol. f. 170, 177, Maximum decus, Spart. in Severo, p, 321. HISTOIIV or ENGLAND Scarcely had the Romans evacuated the terri- tory of the Caledonians and Maa^ta*, when inlbr- mation was brouii^ht to Severus, that the barba- rians had recommenced hostilities. His infir- mities had been so much increased by the fa- tig-uc of the late campaign, that he was no longer able to join the army. He gave the command to Caraealla, with an injunction to ex- tirpate the whole race without mercy. But that ])rince had a far dilferent object in view, to ex- clude his brother Geta from the succession. Instead of marching against the Britons, he endeavoured to gain the aMcction of the troops, by indulgence and donatives : and as soon as jif ,),c«^ his father had expired at York, renewed the ivb. 1/211. peace, disbanded the army, and returned to Home.'"' A.D. History is little more than a record of the 211—234. n;iiseries inflicted on the many by the passions of a few. If then, for more than seventy years from the death of Severus, Britain has escaped the notice of the ancient annalists, ^vc may infer that thc)^ were years of comparative tranquillity and happiness. The northern tribes respected the strength of the new fortification, and the valour of the army by which it was guarded : and the natives of the south, habituated from their infancy to submission, bore without im- patience the yoke, which had pressed so heavily on their free-born fathers. The rest of the em- ' "™ —■■■■■ M l II, -I.... -I. — ii... —^M.«^^M ^— ^M^— ■"'Dio, p. 312. Ufiod. ibid. ROMAN BRITAIN. 61 pire was convulsed by the claims of the numerous CHAP, competitors, known by the name of the thirty v ^j . tyrants : and from coins, which have been oc- casionally discovered in the island, it is sup- posed that Posthumus, Lollianus, Victorinus, Tetricus, Bonosus, and .^lianus were succes- sively acknowledged in Britain. If the infer- ence be accurate, the silence of history shews, that their authority was admitted without oppo- sition, and not established at the point of the sword, as it was in the other provinces. Pro- bably Britain constantly followed the fortune of Gaul. This distracted state of the empire had opened Usurpa- ncw prospects to the barbarians, who, under the l^^^^\^ls, ^' appellations of Franks and Saxons, possessed a.d. 284. the coast from the mouth of the Rhine to the extremity of the Cimbrican Chersonesus. They swept into their own ports the commerce of the narrow seas, and insulted by their predatory ex- peditions the shores of Gaul and Britain. To chastise or restrain their insolence, the com- mand of a powerful fleet, with the title of Count of the Saxon shore, was given by the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian to Carausius, an ex- perienced officer, and a Menapian by birth. His conduct soon awakened suspicion. The pirates continued their depredations with im- punity ; a portion of their spoil was regularly surrendered to Carausius : and the money was employed in debauching the loyalty of the mari- llis death A.D, 290, HISTORY OP ENGLAND. ners. IVIaximiaii prepared to punish his perfidy, iiiit the IMenapiaii unexpectedly fortified Bou- l()!4'iie, conchided an alliance with the barba- rians, sailed to Britain, induced the army and fleet to espouse his cause, and assuming with the imperial purple the name of Auj^ustus, set at defiance the whole power of Rome. The reign of this adventurer was fortunate and glorious. The Caledonians were compelled to flee before his arms; his authority was ac- knowledged on the western coast of Gaul ; and a numerous fleet carried the terror of his name to the entrance of the Mediterranean. It -vvas not, however, to be expected, that the emperors should tamely acquiesce in his usurpation. At first indeed they thought it more prudent to admit him as their colleague : but wdien they had adopted the two Csesars Galerius and Con- stantius, they assigned to the latter the task of wresting Britain from his dominion. Constan- tius began the attempt with the siege of Bou- logne. By his orders the mouth of the harbour was obstructed by a mound of stones : and the garrison, cut off from any assistance from Britain, was, after an obstinate resistance, com- pelled to surrender. This loss might grieve, but did not dishearten, Carausius. He was still master of the sea, and at the head of a numerous army. But while he was employed in provid- ing against a distant danger, he fell a victim to domestic treachery : and in the eighth year of ROMAN BRITAIN. <>3 his reiga was murdered at York by Allectus, a minister who had abused his coniidcnce, and dreaded his resentment. Allectus enioyed durinsf three years the re- Reign of "^ Allectus. ward of his treachery. The time w^as spent by Constantius in preparing a fleet which mig-lit safely transport his troops to the island. To distract the attention of the enemy, it w\as di- vided into two squadrons, of wdiich one under his own command Vv'as stationed at Boulogne, the other, under that of the prefect Asclepiodo- tus, in the mouth of the Seine. The latter, owing to the impatience of the mariners, was the first which put to sea : and sailing under the cover of a fog, passed unobserved by the British fleet near the isle of Wight, and reached with- out opposition the adjacent coast. The Caesar himself with a still more powerful armament di- rected his course to the shore of Kent ; and at his landing received the pleasing intelligence that Allectus was dead. On the first news of the arrival of Asclepiodotus, the usurper had hastened towards the spot : but the greater part of his forces was unable to equal his speed ; and with his guard, a band of Franks, he was speedily overwhelmed by the Romans. Nor was this the iiis death. only instance of the good fortune of the Csesar. A division of his fleet, which had separated in the dark, entered the Thames, and advanced without meeting an enemy to the neighbour- hood of London. At that moment a body of G1 HISTORY OF K NO LAN I). CHAP, auxiliaries in the pay of Electus, hearing' of his ^Jj , death, began to phnuler the city. It was saved iVoni destruction by the accidental arrival of the Romans : and Constantius himself was soon after hailed by the inhabitants as their sovereign and deliverer. He immediately restored the imperial authority : Britain became his favourite residence ; and the natives enjoyed the benefit of a mild and equitable administration, till their happiness was disturbed by religious persecu- tion.^^ introduc- At the distance of so many ages it is impos- diristi- sible to discover, by whom Christianity was unity. i^^.g^ preached in the island. Some writers have ascribed that province to St. Peter ; others have preferred the rival claim of St. Paul : but both opinions, improbable as they are in them- selves, rest on the 'most slender evidence ; on testimonies, which are many of them irrelevant, all ambiguous, and unsatisfactory. It is how- ever certain that at a very early period there were christians in Britain : nor is it difficult to account for the circumstance, from the inter- course which had long subsisted between the island and Rome. Within a very few years from the ascension of Christ, the church of Rome had attained great celebrity : soon afterwards it at- tracted the notice and was honoured with the ®' Panegyr. vet. p. 177, 180. Eulrop. i.\. p. 639. Aurcl. Vict, in Constan. ROMAN BRITAIN. 65 enmity of Claudius and Nero.='' Of tlic Ro- CHAP. nums, whom at that period choice or necessity , ^ eondiicted to Britain, and of the Britons who were induced to visit Home, some would of course become acquainted wdth the professors of the ijospel, and yield to the exertions of their zeaL Both Poraponia Gra?cina, the wife of the proconsul Plautius, the first who made any per- manent conquest in the island, and Claudia, a British lady, wdio had married the senator Pu- dens are, on very probable grounds, believed to have been christians.'-"^ Whether it was by the piety of these ladies, or of other indi- viduals,"^"* that the doctrine of Christianity was first introduced among the Britons, it proceeded with a silent but steady pace tov/ards the ex- tremity of the island. The attention of the Roman officers w^as absorbed in the civil and military duties of their stations : and while the blood of the christians flow^ed in the other pro- vinces of the empire, the Britons were suffered to practise the new religion without molesta- •^ Epist. to Romans, i.S. Suet, in Claud, xxv. Tac. Ann. xv. 44. Dspoj. pomponia see Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 32. for Claudia compare St. Paul, 2 Tim. iv. 21. with Martial, cpig. ii. 54. iv. 13. '""Nothing can be less probable in itself, nor less supported by ancient testimony, than the opinion that Britain was converted by oriental missionaries. The only foundation on which it rests, is, that in the seventh century the Britons did not keep Easter on the same day as the church of Ronie. That, however, they did so in the beginning of the fourth century, is plain from Eusebius (Vit. Con. iii. 19), Socrates (Hist. v. 22), and the council of Aries (Spel- man, p.40, 12). VOL. I. F sionofLu cius 6G HISTORY OP ENGLAND. tion. There is even evidence that the know- ledye of the gospel was not confined to the sub- jects of Rome. Before the close of the second century, it had penetrated among the indepen- dent tribes of the north."" Conver- It might have been expected that the British writers would have preserved the memory of an event so important in their eyes as the conver- sion of their fathers. 13ut their traditions have been so embelUshed or disfigured by the fictions of the bards, that without collateral evidence, it is hardly possible to distinguish in them what is real from that which is imaginary. After de- ducting from the account of Nennius and his brethren every improbable circumstance, avc may believe that the authority conferred by the emperor Claudius on Cogidunus, was continued in his family; that Lucius, surnamed Lever maur or the great light, one of his near descend- ants, was a believer in the gospel ; that he sent to Rome Fagan and Dervan to be more perfectly instructed in the christian faith : that these en- voys were ordained by the Pope, Evaristus or Eleutherius, and at their return, under the in- fluence of their patron, increased the number of the proselytes by their preaching, and esta- blished the British, after the model of the con- tinental churches. But independently of their authority, w^e have undoubted proof that the "" Brilannorutn inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita. Tertul. adver. Jud. c. vii. p. 189. Ed. Rigalt. ROMAN BRITAIN. ^ believers were numerous, and that a regular hierarchy had been instituted before the close of the tliird century. For by contemporary writers the church of Britain is always put on an equality with the churches of Spain and Ganl ; and in one of the most early of the western councils, that of Aries in 314, we meet with the names of three British bishops, of Eborius of York for the province of Maxima, of Restitu- tus of London for that of Flavia, and of Adel- phius of Richborough for that of Britannia • 10'' pnma.' - It has been observed that the British chris- Persecu- tians had hitherto escaped the persecutions to 303—305. which their continental brethren were repeat- edly exposed. But in the beginning of the fourth century, Dioclesian and Maximian deter- mined to avenge the disasters of the empire on the professors of the gospel ; and edicts Avere published by which the churches in every pro- vince were ordered to be demolished, and the refusal to worship the gods of paganism was made a crime punishable with death. Though Constantius might condemn, he dared not for- bid the execution of the imperial mandate : but he was careful at the same time to shew by his conduct his own opinion of religious persecution. Assembling around him the christian officers of his household, he communicated to them the '^^ Spelm.conc. 4'2. 45. Lubbe, cone. i. 1130. Euscbius, v. 23. Socrates, v. 2K F 2 GS HISTORY OF ENGLAND. "vvill of tlic emperors, and added that they imist determine to resii^n their employments, or to abjure the worship of Christ. If some among tlicm preferred their interest to their religion, they received the reward which their i)crfidy deserved. The Caesar dismissed them from his service, observing that he would never trust the fidelity of men, who had proved themselves traitors to their God.'^-' But the moderation of Con stan tins did not restrain the zeal of the infe- rior magistrates. The churches in almost every district were levelled with the ground : and of the christians many Hed for safety to the forests and mountains, many suffered v/ith constancy both torture and death. Giidas has i)reserved the names of Julius and Aaron, citizens of Caer- leon npon Usk ; and the memory of Alban, the protomartyr of Britain, was long celebrated both in his own country and among the neigh- bouring nations. But within less than two years Dioclesian and Maximian resigned the purple : Constantius and Galerius assumed the title of emperors ; and the freedom of religious wor- ship was restored to the christian inhabitants of the island.'^^ Constan- Constantius, while he was yet in an inferior ror^'GO? situation, had married Helena, a native of By- thynia according to some writers, the daughter of a British prince, if we may believe our na- *"' E'jseb. Vit. Cons. i. 16. Sozom. i. G. Lact. de mort. Petiec. 15, 16, "/Gild. vii. viii. 13ed. i, vii. ROMAN BRITAIN. 69 tional Iiistorians. ^iVhcn he v/as raised to tlie dignit}' of Citsar, he was compelled to repudiate Helena for Theodora, the daughter-in-law of Maximian ; but she had already born him a son in Britain,'*' the celebrated Constantine,on whom posterity has bestowed the epithet of the " great." The young prince was educated an ' honourable hostage in the court, first of Diocle- sian, and then of Galerius : but on the report that his father s health was rapidly declining, he snatched a favourable moment to escape, and maiming at every post the horses which were not necessary for his flight, contrived to retard the speed of his pursuers. lie reached York a few days before Con stan tins expired : w^as re- commended by him to the affection of the sol- diery ; and assumed w^ith their approbation the titles of Cai-sar and Augustus. The sequel of his story, and the long course of victories by which he united the whole empire under his own authority, are subjects foreign from these sheets : but it will be necessary to notice an important alteration which he made in the government of Britain.'^^ Dioclesian had divided the whole empire into Govem- four parts under himself, Maximian, and the two BHudn! Csesars, AVlien Constantino became sole empe- ror, he adopted a similar partition under four pretorian prefects. At the same time new titles '" Tu nobilcs illic oricml) fccisti. Paneg. veter. p. 19Q. Item. p. 207. ■''' Zobim. ii. 78, 79. riuloslorg. i. p. 47 7. fO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. and cmplovnients were devised ; and throughout the whole gradation of offiee, the military was jealously separated from the civil administration. J5y this arrangement Britain was placed under the jurisdiction of the prefect of the Gauls, whose authority extended from the wall of An- toninus to the southern limits of Mauritania Tingitana. His deputy, with the title of vicar of Britain, resided at York; while the subordi- nate charge of the provinces was intrusted to the two consulars of Valentia and Maxima, and the three presidents of Flavia, Britannia prima, and Britannia secunda. The administration of justice, and of the finances, was continued in the hands of these ministers : but the command of the army was divided among three military offi- cers, who acknowledged for their superior the master of the cavalry or infantry stationed on the banks of the Rhine. They were distinguished by the titles of the duke of Britain, whose com- mand reached from the northern boundary to the Humber; the count of the Saxon shore, whose duty it was to jr^ard the coast, from the Humber to the Land's End in Cornwall ; and the count of Britain, to whom were subject all the other garrisons in the island. ^'*^ Under Constantine and his sons Britain en- joyed more than fifty years of tran(pnUity. The aggressions of the barbarians w^ere repressed ; "^ Zosim. ii. 109, 110. Tilleni. iv. 117. Not. Imp. f. 155. 161, 162.176, 177. ROMAN BRITAIN. 71 and industry and commerce were encouraged. The first check was given to the public prospe- rity by the cruelty and avarice of Paulus, a Spa- tyranny • "i TT 1 1 1 1 • 1 1 *^* Paulus. nish notary, lie had been sent to the isUmd 354. with a commission from the emperor Constan- tius to inquire into the conduct of the officers, who, during the general defection of the western armies, had adhered to the usurper Magnentius, Paulus was eminently skilled in all the arts of rapacity and chicanery ; with him wealth was a sufficient presumption of guilt ; and no man, whose possessions might fill the coffers of the notary and his imperial master, was ever acquit- ted at his tribunal. Martin, the vicar of Britain, had lamented, and sometimes interposed to pre- vent, these iniquitous proceedings. But he was informed that a deep scheme had been laid to involve him in the common delinquency : and, impelled by despair, he made an attempt on the life of the notary. The stroke was parried : and Martin instantly plunged his sword into his own heart. His real or pretended accomplices were punished with torture and confiscation, exile or death : and Paulus continued his career regard- less of the hatred and imprecations of the na- tives. By Constantius he was applauded for his fidelity : Julian, the succeeding emperor, com- manded him to be burnt alive.^^^ While Julian held with the title of Caesar the i'^« Amm. Marcel, xiv. 12, xx. 1. 72 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, prefecture of Giuil, an event occurred which . ^- , proves the great resources of Britahi at this Export of p^^i-iod, Xhe Franks, Saxons, and Allemanni corn Irom ' • i • i Britain, had previously crossed to the left bank ot the llhine, kiid vraste an extensive tract of country, reduced to ashes forty cities, and carried the inhabitants into captivity. ]iy repeated victo- ries the Ca.'sar compelled the barbarians to restore their prisoners: his next object was to provide the multitude with food in a country, vvhich for years had been desolate. The grana- ries of Britain oifered an immediate and plen- tiful supply. A fleet of eight hundred small vessels was collected in the mouths of the Rhine : repeated voyages were made to the Bri- tish coasts : the cargoes were conveyed in light- ers up the river : and the almost famished inha- bitants received an ample provision of corn both to sow their kinds, and to support themselves till the following harvest.^^'-' Nor was the island equal only to a temporary supply. It ex- ported annually great quantities ot corn to the continent.ii^ vetot vaiscriy ayavoi TraiSes l§r]pciiv. Dion. Perierg. v. 563. As the Roman arms never penetrated into Ireland, the ancients may have entertained very false notions of its inhabitants. By Diodorus (v. 355), Strabo (iv. 201), Mela (iii. 266), and Solinus (xxii. 42), they are described as canibals, and the most barbarous of the hvmian race. But from Tacitus we learn that the ports of Ireland were frequented by merchants, and that in manners and disposition the natives resembled the Britons (Vit. Agric. xxiv). "■"•In the fourlli century, they were universally known by the ROMAN BRITAIN. 7^ in the iieiglibourliood of Locli Lomond, to plun- CHAP. der the rich provinces of the Roman Britons. But the Scots soon aspired to something more permanent than phmder. From the north of IrcLand the passage was short and inviting : hordes of adventurers followed each other ; set- tlements were obtained from the friendship, or extorted from the weakness, of the Picts : and at last the strangers acquired so marked a supe- riority over the indigenous tribes, as to impart the name of Scotland to the northern division of Britain.'"' It was long, however, before the two nations were blended in one people. We name of Scots (Scoticas gentes Porphyr. apud S. llieron.adCtesiph. iv. 481). Thus Claudian, speaking of their depredations, says : Me juvitStilicho, totaiu cum Sco/us lernen Movit, et infesto spumavit reini-e Tethys. De Laud Stil. ii. v. 219. Scotorum cuniulos flevit glacialis lerne. In consul, iv. Honor, v. 33. The island itselfvvas called Scotia. Scotia eadem etHibernia— cujiis partes priores Iberiam intendunt, unde et Ibernia dicta: Scotia, autem quod ab Scotorum gentibus colitur, appeliata. Ibid. Orig, xiv. 123. See also Orosius(i. '2), i'Etiiicus (Cosniog. 507), Ravenna* Gcographus (Gale. i. 748) , and 13ede(IIcec autem proprie patria Sco- torum est. Hist. i. 1). It is not improbable that the Scoti were tbe most numerous tribe in the interior of the island, and a division of the great Celtic family of the Cotti. The language of the VVal- denses, the natives of tlie valleys amid the Coition Alps bears to this day a great affinity to the vernacular tongues of Ireland and Scotland. See Chamberlayne's Oratio Doinin. and P'nkerton's Dissert p. 84. '"U^oarn, Fergus, and Angus, the sons of Ere, a cliieftain of Dalraida in Ulster, settled in the isthmus of Cantire in .503. From them the Scottish kings claimed their descent. See Dr. O'Conor, Prolog, i. 126. ii. 83. 76 Thoudo- siiis. 360. 368. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. find the Picts distingTiisbcd from the Scots as late as the twelfth century.^'' In the reio-n of Constantius the Picts and Scots entered the Roman province in consi- derable numbers. The Caesar Julian could not be spared from Gaul : and Lupicinus, whom he sent as his deputy, did not venture to meet the invaders. This confession of weakness incited them to repeat their inroads ; and at each repe- tition they penetrated farther into the country. They maintained s])ies in the Roman army ; they tempted the fidelity of the garrisons ; and they seduced many of the foreign auxiliaries to join them in the pursuit of plunder. At length the emperor Valentinian was alarmed for the safety of the island. Fallofaudes, the Roman general, had been slain by treachery : Necta- rides, the count of the Saxon shore, had fallen in battle : and the flames of devastation Vv^ere spread along the right bank of the Thames. First the steward of tlie imperial household, then Jovinus, and lastly Theodosius were ap- pointed to the command. That celebrated offi- cer, with the liower of the Gallic army, landed at Richborough, and, having divided his troops into several corps, attacked and defeated the marauding parties of the barbarians. He en- tered London in triuniph, and spent a few weeks in making preparations for new victories, 'i he deserters were induced by an act of amnesty to "Ulic. Hasul. 29i. 31(3, ROMAN BRITAIN. 77 rejoin their standards ; the ancient discipline of CHAP. the army was revived ; supplies and reinforce- . ^- . iiients were provided ; and, on th.e recommence- 369. ment of hostilities, the invaders were taught in several bloody encomiters to respect the bra- very of the troops, and the talents of the general. They sullenly retired beyond the ancient limits of the empire : and Theodosius applied himself to re-establish the former system of govern- ment. The political and financial departments he confided to the vicar Civilis : and as com- mander of the army, repaired the fortifications, placed garrisons in the military stations, and restored the province of Valentia, which had long been abandoned. When he left the island, his services were attested by the gratitude of the natives^ who accompanied him in crowds to the sea shore ; and by the acknowledgment of his sovereigiijwho loaded him with distinguished honours. 118 Gratian succeeded his father AVicntinian in Usurpa- tlie empire, and invested with the purple The- M^axUnus odosius the vounf>'cr, the son of the deliverer of Britain. There was at the time in the island an officer, named Maximus, of great abilities, and of greater ambition."^ Inflamed v;dth jea- •'^^ Amm, Mar. xxvii. c. 8. xxviii. c. 3. CLuk!. in iv. lion. v. 2o. "''Maxinuis is called a Sjianiard by Zosinius (iv, 'J17), a IJiiion by Socrates (v. 11) and (iildas (c. x.), the Robber of Richboroiigh by Ausonius (Lalro llluitupiniis. De clar. Urb. vii. p. loOl. apud I'oet. vet); 78 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, lousy by the promotion of one who had been . ^ , his equal, he began to intrigue with the sol- diery ; and artfully extorted from their grati- tude or their credulity an offer of the title of Augustus. It was not without a})parent reluct- ance that he yielded to their entreaties : but his subsequent conduct betrayed his real sen- timents. Not content with the possession of Britain, he aspired to the whole of the western empire. At the head of the British army he sailed to the mouth of the Rhine ; the murder of Gratian gave him possession of Gavil ; and, by the i)recipitate flight of Valentiniau, the greater part of Italy was compelled to submit to liis authority. Pie reigned with dignity, and 382. severely chastised the Piets and Scots, who attempted to renew their itu'oads. Thcodosius received his image, and acknowledged his title ; but roused at last by shame and apprehension, he took the field against the usurper. On the banks of the Save in Pannonia the first shock was given to the power of Maximus : the city of A(juileia soon afterwards saw him stripped lleisslain. of the imperial ornaments, and beheaded by order of his victorious opponent. The Britons, who had followed his standard, never revisited their country : and the native writers lament the defenceless state in which it was left, ex- posed to the insults of its inveterate enemies. ^^o '™ Prosper, in Chron. an. 387. Suzom. Hist. vii. p. 721. Gild. c. 11, Nunj. xxiii. ROMAN BRITAIN. 79' This favourable opportunity did not escape the vigilance of the Picts and Scots. They experienced only a feeble resistance from the ^^ss— 400 small force that had been left in the islanj, and returned home laden with the plunder of the provinces. Their repeated inroads impelled the Britons to lay their distressed situation before the imperial court, probably through the means of Chrysantus the vicar, whose ad- ministration is mentioned with applause : and Stilicho, the master of the infantry and cavalry, dispatched to their assistance a body of troops, which repelled the invaders, and confined them within their own territories. ^-^^ But the great fabric of the Roman pov/er Marcus, was now shaken to its foundation. Hordes of and Con- barbarians, under different denominations, issu- f^J^^^J^^Jg^ ing from the unknown regions of the east and the north, had depopulated the fairest of the provinces ; and a torrent of Goths, \"andals, and Alans, under the celebrated Alaric, had poured from the summit of the Julian Alps into the flourishing plains of Italy. It became necessary to recall the troops from the extre- mities to defend the heart of the empire ; and the cohorts which had been stationed along the walls in Britain, fought and triumphed under the command of Stilicho in the bloody battle of Pollentia.122 After the retreat of Alaric 403, the British forces seem to have returned to the '-' Compare Gildas (c. 12) and 13cde (i. !..>) with Claudian (De laud. Stilic. ii. vcr. 217). '-Claudian Dc bello Get. v. 410. so HfSTORY OF ENGLAND. island, and to have driven back the Plots, who had taken advantage of their absence to phuider the neighbouring province. But witliin two or three jears the German nations bursting into Gaul, spread devastation from one extre- mity to the other ; and the legions in Britain, cut off from all communication with the em- peror Honorius, determined to elect an emperor 406. for themselves. The purple was bestowed on Marcus, one of their officers, who soon lost his life in a sedition of the soldiery. The next ob- ject of their choice v»-as Gratian, a native of one of the British nmnicipia : vAio, at the end of four months, experienced the fate of his predecessor. This dangerous pre-eminence was, however, still an object of competition. Constantine, a soldier in the ranks, with no other pretensions than his name, offered himself to their suf- frages. He was proclaimed Augustus, led them to Boulogne, and with the assistance of some Roman corps, which lay dispersed in the neighbourhood, cleared the province of the barbarians. His son Constans, who is said to have worn the monastic habit at Winchester, was named Caesar, and hastened to take pos- session of Spain. But their prosperity was of 411. very short duration. The son was put to death at Vienne by Gerontius, one of his own offi- cers ; and the father was beheaded at Aries by the order of Constantius, who commanded the forces of Honorius. ^^ '-'Zoiira. vi, p. 371—375. ROMAN BRITAIN. 81 While Constanthie was thus hastening to his ruin, Britain had been the theatre of an im- portant revohition. The natives, left without ^-{^^^^^^^ a mihtary force, and exposed to the inroads of ed by the their enemies, determined to reject an autho- rity wliich was unable to afford them protec- tion. They deposed the Roman magistrates, proclaimed their own independence, took up arms, and with the spirit of freemen, drove the barbarians out of their territories.^-^ When the intelligence reached Ravenna, Honorius, the legitimate emperor, wrote to the states of Britain, " to provide for their own defence." By this ambiguous expression he has been thoudit to have released them from their alle- giance : perhaps his only object was to autho- rize their present efforts, that he might thus reserve a claim to their future obedience.'-' It would be interesting to delineate the con- duct of the natives on this memorable occa- sion, and accurately to exhibit the causes which transferred the greater part of this island from the milder dominion of the Romans to the exterminating sword of the Saxons. But Bri- tain, after its separation from the empire, ceas- ed to attract the notice of foreign historians : and our national writers lived at so distant a period, and have interwoven so much fable in their narratives, that they possess but httle '"^ Zosim.vi. 370. '-' Itl. 381. VOL. I. G •88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. claim to our confidence. From Zoslmns we learn, that, on the cxthiction of the imperial authority in the island, the British States esta- blished domestic governments according to •circumstances. These states were undoubtedly the different cities, which have been previously enumerated, and to which Ilonorius had di- rected his letters. As the colonies, municipia, and Latin towns, had always formed so many separate commonwealths under the superin- tendence of the provincial presidents, they would probably wish to retain the forms of government to which they had so long been habituated. It is, however, easy to conceive, that during the anarchy that must have been produced by the sudden removal of the Iloman magistrates, and the confusion occasioned by the repeated incursions of the Picts and Scots, many a fortunate leader would abuse his ow^n powder and the confidence of his fellow-citizens to usurp the sovereign authority. In a few years every trace of popular government had vanished : and all the provinces, ^vhich had belonged to the empire, were divided among a multitude of petty chieftains, principally of British, but partly of Roman origin. They w^ere dignified with the title of kings, though the dominions of many wTre confined within nar- rower limits than most of our present counties : and their ambition, their wars, and their vices, inflicted on the country more permanent and ROMAN BRITAIN. extensive iniurlcs than had ever been suffered CHAP, from the incursions of foreign enemies. '^'^ , ^ . Soon after the Britons asserted their inde- Thena- pendence, the greater part of Europe was de- tivesin- popidated by the two dreadful scourges of Saxons. pestilence and famine. This island did not escape the general calamity : and the Scots and Picts seized the ftivourable moment for the renewal of their inroads. The dissensions , , ,: of the native chieftains facilitated their attempts : district after district became the scene of de- vastation : till the approach of danger admo- nished the more southern Britons to provide for their own safety. Some solicited, but in vain, the protection of ^Etius, the Roman ge- neral in Gaul : '-'^ others, under the guidance of ^^ortigern, the most powerful of the British kings, had recourse to an expedient, which, however promising it might appeal* in the out- set, proved in the result most fotalto the liberty of their country. The emperors had long been accustomed to purchase the services of the barbarians ; and the Armoricans, who, like the Britons had thrown off the Roman yoke, had, with the assistance of the Saxons, successfully maintained their independence.'-^ Vortigern resolved to pursue the same poHcy. A Saxon - squadron of three chiules, or long ships^ was '-« Gild. c. xix. xxiii. xxv. Epi-t. p. 10. 12. Nen. c. Ixi. Procop. Hist. Vand. 1. l.p. », 9. '" Gild. c. xvi. xvii. :;x'. '■-'* Sid. Apoi. i'aiicg. Avit. v. 3G3. G2 84 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. cruising in the channel in quest of adventures ; and its two commanders, the brothers Ilcngist A. Drill*, .^iiti Horsa, eagerly accepted the overtures of the British prince, to aid in figliting his battles, and to depend for their reward on his gratitude. They landed at Ebbsfleet, and were cantoned in the isle of Thanet.'-^ Theologi- Amidst these calamities, the Britons found putes. leisure to attend to theological disputes. About the commencement of the fifth century, Pela- gius a Briton, and Celestius a Scot, had ad- vanced several new and heterodox opinions respecting the nature of original sin, and divine grace. Agricola, one of their disciples, made an attempt to diffuse the new doctrine among their countrymen : and the British prelates, unaccustomed to the subtleties of controversy, solicited the assistance of their neighbours, the bishops of Gaul. With the concurrence of Pope Celestine, Germanus of Auxerre twice visited Britain, once in 429 in company with Lupus of Troyes, and again in 446 with Severus of Treves. By his authority the doctrines of Pelagius were condemned and suppressed ; and schools for the education of the clergy were opened in several dioceses. On one occasion the Gallic prelate resumed a character, in which he had distinguished himself during his youth. A party of Picts and Saxons were plundering ^"^ GiW.c. xxiii. Nen. xxviii. ROMAN BRITAIN. 85 the coast. Gcrmaniis })ut himself at the head CHAP. of the Britons, and led them to a defile, where , J; they awaited in anibiish the approach of the invaders. On a sudden by his command they raised a general shout of Hallelujah: the cry was reverberated from the surrounding hills: the enemy fled in amazementj and numbers perislied in an adjoining river. By our ancient writers this action was celebrated vmder the name of the Hallelujah victory.'^'' "" Prosp. in Chron. p. 630. ad. ann. 4.29. Constan, vit. S. Ger. c. ]. 28. Bed. i. if. Hunt. 178. &<* HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. 11. ANGLO-SAXONS. ORIOIX AND CUABACTFR OF TIIR ANGLO-SAXONS THKIR RE- PKATED DESCKNTS IN BRITAIN TirEY FOUND EIGHT DIS- TINCT KINGDOMS THE NATIVES RETIRE TO THE WESTERN COA%T REIONS OF THE SAXON BKETWAI>r»AS ^LLA CEAWLIN ETHELBEllT REDWALD EDWIN OSWALD OSWIO. CHAP. About the middle of the second century the V ^l' , Saxons, an obscure tribe of barbarians, occu- Original picd the district between the Elbe and the S'sax-"^ Eyder on the neck of the Cimbrican Cherso- ons. nesus ; ' in the course of two hundred years the same appellation had become common to all the nations from the extremity of the peninsula to the Weser, the Ems, and the Rhine.- They formed a kind of voluntary association, which was loosely held together by similar interests, and congenial pursuits. Pillage by land, pi- racy by sea, was their only profession : and though the imperial fleet had often been em- ployed to check, it could never subdue, their dauntless and enterprising spirit. But as the power of Rome declined, the audacity of the ' Ptol. in 4" EuropsB tab. « EuLrop. ix. p. G59. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^* Saxons increased : their expeditions became CHAP, more frequent, their descents more destruc- v_J^ tive : from phmder they proceeded to coloniza- tion : and the men who had depopulated, after- M'ards repeopled the better portion of Britain. Adventurers from each of the associated tribes were among the colonists ; but the majority consisted of Jutes, Angles, and Saxons properly so called.^^ The original seat of the Saxons has .■ :.\ already been mentioned : the Angles were their neii^hbonrs on the north as far as the site of the present town of Flensburgh : and beyond the Andes dwelt the nation of the Jutes, with no other boundary than the ocean .^ From the language of the Saxons, their gi- Their gantic stature, and national institutions, it is '^'^""^'^^• evident that they Avere of Gothic descent. Tlieir whole time was alternately devoted to in- dolence and to rapine. To earn by labour what , might be acquired by force, they deemed un- worthy the spirit of a freeman, and consigned the culture of their lands with the care of their . flocks to the meaner laboiu' of women and slaves. Every warrior attached himself to the fortunes of some favourite chieftain, whom he; 3 Bed. 1. lo. Ethelwerd, Chron. 1. p. 476. '' Bode nieniioiis also the Trisians, Boruclviari or people of Berg, the llugini, Danai, and Iluiini. v. 9. All'red, in his Orosius, dis- tinsuishcs Aniilc-lund, Scalaud and Denmark -. but afterwards ob- serves that .lutland, Sealand and the other islands were originally inhabited by the Angles. " On tha-m landnni eardodon Engle • jer hi hider on land conion." Barrington's Orosius, p. 20. SS HISTORY OF ENGLAND. followed in his piratical expeditions. These ehieftains i»uided the councils of the tribe ; and from them, in times of danger, was selected a leader, who exercised the supreme command, and was dignihed with the title of conyng or king. His authority, however, was but tempo- rary. It expired with the exigency to which it owed its existence.'' Arms. The warlike exertions of these tribes were at first checked by their want of arms : but during three centuries of intercourse or hostility with the Romans, they had learned to supply the de- ficiency. They bore a target on the left arm, and employed for offence the spear, the sword, and the battle-axe. The two latter were long and ponderous ; and to their destructive effects is attributed the havoc, which the Saxons never failed to make in the broken ranks of an enemy.'* As their ships were not fitted for the transpor- tation of cavalry, they usually fought on foot in one compact body; but after their settlement in Britain, the chieftains, with the most wealthy of their retainers, came mounted into the field. Their esteem for the war-horse rose to a spe- cies of veneration ; but previously to his initia- tion, his nostrils were slit, his ears were stitched up, and his sense of hearing was (Entirely de- stroyed. From that moment he became sacred to the god of war, and was conceived on im- * Bed. V. 10. Witlich. i. p. 7. « Iluntingd. 178. 181. ANGLO-SAXONS. 89 portant occasions to announce the will of the chap. deity.'" ^^• In tlie infancy of their naval power the Saxon ships. boats resembled those of the other northern tribes : and a few planlvs surmounted with works of osier and covered with skins, bore the fearless barbarian across the ocean, in the search of spoil and adventures.*^ But in the fifth cen- tury their chiulcs or war-ships had assumed a more formidable appearance :^ and from the number of warriors whom they carried, and the length of the voyages which they made, we may conclude that they were formed of more solid and lasting materials. In these the Saxons re- peatedly issued from their ports, somethriCS steering for a particular point, sometimes trust- ing entirely to the guidance of the winds : but whether they were conducted by chance or de- sign their object -was invariably the same, to surprise and pillage the unoftending inhabitants on some parts of the British or GaUic coasts. Sidonius, the eloquent bishop of Clermont, has described in animated language the terrors of the provincials and the ravages of the barba- rians. " We have not," he says, " a more cruel ^ Wilk. Con. i.^50. ° Cui pelle salum sulcare Britanmim Ludiis, et assuto glaucuni nuirc findere Icmbo. u'lpol. Fan, Avit. v. 370. " The word is still employed on the rivers Tjne and Were. By ancient writers it is translated a long or a large ship. See Bcde, 1. 15. Alfred's Version, ibid. Chron, Sax. 12. Gildas, c. xxiii. 90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ' and more dangerous enemy than the Saxons. ' They overeome all who have the courage to * oppose them. They surprise all who are so ' imprudent as not to be prepared for their at- ' tack. ^Mien they pursue, they infallibly over- ' take : when they are pursued, their escape is ' certain. They despise danger : they are in- ■' ured to shipwreck : they are eager to })urchase ' booty with the peril of their lives. Tempests, ' which to others are so dreadful, to them are •' subjects of joy- The storm is their protection ' when they are pressed by the enemy, and a ' cover for their operations when they meditate ^ an attack. Before they quit their own shores, ' they devote to the altars of their gods, the ' tenth part of the principal captives : and when •' they are on the ])oint of returning, the lots ' are cast with an atfcctation of equity, and the ' impious vow is fulfilled. "^^' The character hich is thus given of them by Sidonius, is con- firmed by every ancient authority. Marcellinus has recorded the terror excited by their sudden and unexpected aggressions : Zosimus allots to them the superiority in courage, strength of body, and patience of fatigue : and by the em- peror Julian they are pronounced the most for- midable of all the nations that dwelt beyond the Rhine, on the shores of the western ocean. ^^ 10 Sidon. viji. 6. " Saxones pree c£eteris hostibiis timenliir. Amm. Mar. xxviii. p. 526. Kaplepoilaloi dv/xcfi kui pufirj Kat Kapltpia tti Trept toj .uaxas. Z()5. iii. p. 147 Tuv vnep tijv V-qvov /cai ANGLO-SAXONS. 9JL Sucli was the terror of the Saxon name, when CHAP. Hengist and Horsa, in 449, were invited by ^ ^J- , Vorti"Trn to fii,dit his battles. For six years ^°""^i^- ~ tion of the they served him with fidelity. Tiie Picts were kingdom , taught to respect, the Britons were eager to ^ ^7?' reward, their valour. Hengist, whether he had already formed designs of conquest, or was wil- ling to render greater services to his employers, obtained permission to sohcit reinforcements from his own country. The messengers, whom he sent, Avere received with welcome : chieftain after chieftain led his followers to Thanet : and the isle was crov/ded with strangers, till their number became an object of jealous apprehen- sion to the Britains. An increased supply of provisions was demanded ; and the refusal was to both parties the signal for vrar. The Saxons marched to the Medway, and at Aylesford were 455. opposed by the watives. The passage of the river was fiercely disputed : Vortigern lost a son, and Hengist his brother : but the issue appears to have been favourable to the strangers. After the death of Horsa, ^sca, the son of Hengist, was associated with his father in the command, and a second battle was fought more to the west on the banks of the Cray. It proved most disastrous to the interests of the Britons. Four Tfiv eampiav eaXallTii' idvo>v t« ^xaxit-'-onlala. Jul. orat. i. in lautl. Const, p. 31. Angli, lioiniiics omnium quos uovimu-i l)aiijaroruin ad bella acerrimi. IVocop. Hist. Got. iv. \>. 4G9. Gcnleuj virtute utque agilitate terribilcni. Oros. vii. p. 549. 9^ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. of their leaders were left on the field : their troops fled with precii)itation to London : and Kent was abandoned to the possession of the invaders. It was at this time that Hengist ven- tured, if ever he ventured, beyond the limits of that connty. We are told by Gildas that the Saxons traversed the island without opposition, that they spread on every side the flames of de- vastation : but that on their return the natives collected in considerable numbers, and inflicted a signal vengeance on the plunderers. Some such event may perhaps have happened : but the Saxon writers are silent, and the hyperboli- cal declamation of Gildas must not be literally 1C3. received. Eight years later was fought a most bloody battle, in which twelve of the British chieftains were slain ; and the Saxons lost a re- nowned leader called Wypped, from whom the spot was named "l^^yppcdsfleet. The last vic- tory of Hengist was obtained in 473. The Britons are said to have fled from their enemies as " from a devouring conflagration," and to have left behind them spoils of incalculable value. The conqueror survived fifteen years, and dying in 488, left the peaceable possession of Kent to his son ^Esca.^^ Biitibhfic- A very different tale is told by the British writers, whose vanity has attributed the loss of Kent to the infatuation of Vortigern, and the treacherous policy of Hengist. That chieftain, '^ Chron. Sax. 13, 14. Bed. i. 15. tions. ANGLO-SAXONS. if we may credit their relation, had a daughter, Rowena, of transcendent beauty. It was so contrived, that at a banquet given to the British nobles, she waited on Vortigern, who was cap- tivated by her charms, took her to his bed, and bestowed on his father-in-law the kingdom of Kent. But his attachment to the Saxons de- prived him of the affections of the Britons. His son Vortemir was placed on the throne, fought three battles with the strangers, and ultimately expelled them from Kent. During five years Heneist wandered an adventurer on the ocean : but at the death of Vortemir the father re- covered his crown, and the son-in-law demanded the restoration of the possessions which he had lost. Three hundred deputies from each na- tion assembled in council to determine the question : but during the conference each Saxon singled out his victim : at the proper moment Hengist exclaimed, " Nemeth yure seax, Draw your da.o-gers :" and the ground was covered with the dead bodies of two hundred and ninety- nine Britons. The one who had been spared, was Vortigern himself: and to free from cap- tivity a prince, wliom rhey hated, the natives yielded to Hengist the territory which has since been divided into the counties of Kent, Essex, Sussex, and Middlesex. Can it be necessary to say that many of th.ese pretended events arc contradicted by undeniable evidence, and that all escaped the notice of Gildas, a British;, and 93 94 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Sussex. 477. almost a contemporary, Avritcr ? The whole ap- pears to be a fable invented by the natives, to account for tlie first settlement of the Saxons without the admission of conquest. ^^ Hengist and his successors were content with the possession of Kent. On the north, east, and south, their small domain was protected by the Thames and the sea; on the west thev were re- moved from the hostility of the natives by the interjiosition of a new band of adventurers, under the command of /Ella and his three sons. In 477, these marauders landed at Cymensorc, near Withering, in the isle of Selsey. The Britons made an obstinate resistance : but were defeated with considerable loss, and com- pelled to shelter themselves in the Andrcds- wold, a forest of one hundred and twenty miles in length, and thirty in breadth. The progress of iElla was slow. In 485 he fought a great battle, the result of which is unknown : and it was not till 490 that he could penetrate as far as the city of Anderid, which gave its name to the tract, and was deemed an impregnable fortress. Its fate is celebrated in our annals. While the '•■' Ncn. c. 36. 44 — 47. 1 should not have noticed iliese fictions had it not been thought that the account of Ilengist's expulsion is favoured by a passage iii Giidus (aruiuanto ctun recessisscnt domum, c. 25) : but it is evident that by domum he means their settlement in Rent, as he adds that the Britons attacked and defeated them there. Perhaps he may allude to the battle of Wyppedslieet. There is a place of that name in the isle of Thanet: but it is very uncer- tain that it -was the scene of combat. ANGLO-SAXONS. m Saxons besieged the city, they were besieged in cHAP their turn by a numerous army of Britons, who ^^• allowed them no rest either by day or night. As often as they began the assault, the natives attacked them in the rear: and if they turned on the assailants, these immediately found an asy- lum in the woods ; from which they issued again, the moment that the Saxons moved to their former position. This harassing species of Vv'arfare suo-w-ested to the barbarian the obvious expedient of dividing his force into two armies : of which one conducted the siege, while the other watched the motions of the enemy with- out the walls. At last the Saxons forced their way into the place ; Anderid was reduced to ashes ; and every inhabitant was put to the sword, ^^ This conquest secured to ^^lla the possession of his former acquisitions, and he be- came the founder of the kingdom of Sussex. Five years after the destruction of Anderid, a more powerful armament of five chiules ap- peared in the channel. This was under the command of Cerdic, v/ho sailing past the pre- vious conquests of his countrymen, landed more to the west, at a place which, from the circum- stance, received the name of Cerdicsora.^^ Na-^ tanleod, the king of the district, opposed the '* Chron. Sax. 14, 15. Hunt. 179. Sussex was computed to contain 7000 hides of land. ]5e(i. iv. 13. '^ Iligden tells us that this " shore of Cerdic" is Yarmouth (Gale, p. 224). He prohably means Yarmouth in the isle of Wight. Wesscx, 495. D6 history of ENGLAND. foreii2;"ncrs with intrepidity and jicrscvcrancc ; and Cerdic was repeatedly eompclled to solicit the co-operation of other adventurers. In 501, Porta, with two chiules, arrived at Portsmouth, and slew a l^ritish prince who opposed his land- ing'. iStill Natanleod retarded the advance of the invaders : and in 508 he routed Cerdic, but was attacked durini;' the pursuit by Kcnric, and perished in the field with five thousand Britons. Even this important victory did not give to the Saxon quiet possession of the country. In 514 he received a great accession of strength by the arrival of his nephews Stuffa and Whitgar with three chiules at Cerdicsora : repeated victories gradually extended the conquests of the stran- gers: and in 519 the great battle of Charford on the Avon finally established the kingdom of AYessex, or of the AVest-Saxons. Cerdic hav- ing associated his son Kenric in the regal dig- nity, and bestowed upon his nephews the subor- dinate sovereignty of the isle of Wight, died in 5:34.i« The success of these adventurers had given a new direction to the policy of the Saxons. Their object, which had formerly been plunder, was now converted into that of colonization. In pursuit of new settlements in a more opulent country and under a more genial sun, the most '" Chron. Siix. 15—19 Hunt. 179. Whitgar and Stiifia put to the sword every- Briton in the island. Asser, p. 5. Klia. ANGLO-SAXONS. 97 enterprising" chieftains abandoned tlieir homes, and were followed by numbers anxious to share their fortunes. There was no part of the eastern shore, from the Frith of Forth to the mouth of the Thames, which was not visited by hordes of barbarians. "\Aliiie Cerdic was struo'irhnsr with the southern Britons, several independent chief- tains had pushed their conquests along the left bank of the Thames : and in 530 Erkenwin had Essex. 530 assumed the sovereignty of Essex, or of the East-Saxons.^' The enterprising^ spirit of the Angles had led them to desert entirely their na- tive country. 1^ Several divisions landed to the north of the East-Saxons : Uffa, from whom his EastAn- successors were called Uffingas, was chosen for their monarch : and so great was their power, that even while they were making conquests on the Britons, they could furnish men for a foreign expedition. i'-' The daughter of one of their chiefs had been betrothed to Radigis, prince of the Varni, a people on the north bank of the PJiine. But on the death of his father, Radigis married his step-mother, tlie daughter of Theo- dobert the Frank, and the East-Angles resolved to revenge the insult. An expedition sailed up the Rhine: the Varni were defeated; and the country w\is pillaged. When the victors re- turned to the disappointed princess, whom they '7 Mat. West, ad an. 586. '' Bed. i. 15. Clirun. Sax. 1','. ''-» Hunting. 313. Led. ii. 15. VOL. I. H 98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Bernicia. 5i7. Deira. 5G0. had left with a sufficient guard, she loaded them with reproaches for having permitted the escape of Iladigis. They returned to the pursuit ; dis- covered the fugitive in a wood, and laid him in chains at her feet. His punishment was proba- bly less severe than the reader will have antici- pated. He was compelled to dismiss the sister of Theodobert, and to take the East-Anglian lady to his bed. The conquerors returned in triumph to Britain. -'^ But the majority of the Angles had spread themselves more to the northward. Ida, who commanded a fleet of forty chiules, after many severe conflicts succeeded in removing the Ber- nician Britons from the vicinity of the coast ; and fixed his residence at Bebbanburgh, a castle which he had built on a lofty promontory, and to which he had given that name in honour of his consort, Bebba.^i He obtained the regal title in 547, and reigned twelve years. His states were called the kingdom of Bernicia, and were bounded on the south by the river Tees. The Britons, who lived on the right bank of the Tees were called Deira. The first of the Anglian chieftains by whom they had been as- sailed and defeated was Scomil. Sella, one of his descendants, in 5G0, obtained the undis- puted possession of the country, and formed a -^ Procup. Hist. Cotli. iv. 468. '•2' Chron. Sax. p. 19. Bed. iii. G. Ncn. 63, CI. ANGLO-SAXONS. 99 new kingdom, which preserved its British ap- CHAP. pcllation.-^ ^— v-— ' The Saxons of Deira stretched themselves as Mercia. far as the Humber. In 586 a colony under the command of Cridda passed that river, and after clearing the coasts of the Britons, pushed their conquests behind the East- Angles, till they had reached the very centre of the island. They were in general called Mercians, perhaps from the marshy district in which they first settled ; some of them took the name of Middle-Angles from their central position. ^^ From the arrival of Hengist to the last suc- cesses of Cridda, a period had intervened of more than one hundred and fifty years. The ^ natives had gradually retired before their ene- mies from the coast to the mountains, and had left about one half of the southern division of the island in the possession of the invaders. Eight new kingdoms had been formed. Kent and Sussex were comprised ^vithin the small extent of the counties still known by those names. The East Saxons possessed Essex, Middlesex, and the south of Hertfordshire. East Anglia comprehended Norfolk, Suffolk, 22Nen. Gl. When Bernicia was afterwards united with Deira under one sovereign, the wiiolc was called the kingdom of North- unibria, from its comprising the Saxon conquests north of the lliimber. '■'3 Mercia was divided by tlie river Trcn tinto north and south. North Mercia was computed to contain 7000, south Mercia 5000 hides of Ian L Bed. iii. 21. H 2 100 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. Cambridge and the isle of Ely. These states were prevented from extending their territories by their position on the eoast, and the eonti- guity of other Saxon adventurers. But the remaining kingdoms bordered on the Britons, and were successively augmented by conquest. When they had attained their full growth, Ber- nieia on the north, and Deira on the south of the Tees, extended from the Forth to the Hum- ber, and from the eastern sea to the western. Wessex was bounded by the Thames and the Severn on the north, and stretched from the borders of Kent and Sussex to the Land's-cnd in Cornwall. Mercia comprised all the interior -of the island as far as the mountains of Wales. — It is easy to point ont the continental origin of these different peoples. The nations of the Saxons discover themselves by their very name. The conquerors of Kent, of the Isle of Wight, and the coast of Hampshire opposite to that island, were Jutes. All the remaining king- doms were founded by the Angles. ^^ Conduct During this long and eventful period, the Britons, though finally unsuccessful, had dis- played a considerable share of courage and reso- lution. In the other provinces of the empire the natives had remained tame spectators of the contest between the imperial forces and the bar- barians : and whenever the fortune of war de- "'■' - — p, ■■■— — - ■■— . . -, « I , , _ , -■ ^* Bcdc, i. 15. Chron. Sax, 12. ottheliri tuns. ANGLO-SAXONS. dared in favour of the latter^ had patiently sub- mitted to the rule of the conquerors. The Bri- tons alone, with tlic exception of the natives of Armorica, had ventured to unslieath the sword in the defence of their liberty. If during the struggle they lost the fairer portion of the island, the origin of their misfortunes will be found in the want of union among their chieftains. Like their fathers of old, they were vanquished in detail. Their national writers talk of kings who at this period wielded the whole power of Bri- tain : but of the existence of any such authority no trace can be discovered in genuine history. The population of the coimtry was divided among a multitude of chieftains, whose crimes and dissensions had rendeivd them too attentive to objects of personal jealousy or aggrandize- ment, to act with any combined effort against the common enemy. The chief opposition made to the Saxons seems to have proceeded from the inhabitants of the places in v/hich they successively landed : and so unconscious were the other tribes of the danger which threatened them, or so indifferent to the fate of their more distant countrymen, that at the very time, when the barbarians were establishing kingdoms in the south-west of the island, an army of twelve thousand Britons, under the command of Rio- thamus, sailed from the coast of Cornwall to the mouth of the Loire, and ascending that river 101 102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. foiiglit against the Visigoths in the neighbour- hood of Bourii^es.-'' Tl ■' ... ciudiains ^^ ^^^^ chicftains, who signaHzed their valour against the Saxons, we possess only an imper- feet catalogue. l.The first is Aurelius Ambro- sius, who is described as of Roman origin ; the son of i)arents that had worn the purple ; a brave, faithful, and luiassumini^: warrior. He seems to have fought against Ilengist, and to have perished in a domestic quarrel with Gui- tolin.-'' 2. The fame of Natanleod has been preserved by the Saxon Chronicle. He Avas the opponent of Ccrdie, and falling in battle, left his name to a considerable district in Ham])- shire.27 3. The territory of Urien and the scene of his prowess lay'in the north. Ida and his Angles experienced in Urien a formidable anta- gonist: but the Briton, after a long, and in some instances successful, struggle, was de- prived of life by the jealousy of a confederate chieftain, named Morcant.^^ 4. The fame of Arthur has eclipsed that of all his contempo- raries. Yet if we divest his memory of that fictitious glory, which has been thrown round it by the imagination of the bards, he will sink into equal obscurity with his fellows. AVe know neither the period when he lived, nor the dis- trict over which he reiraed. He is said to have 2^ Jornand. cxlv. p. 678. Sid. Apol. iii. cp. 9. -'•Gild. c. 25. Nen. c. t. '-^Chron. Sax. p. 17. :^«Neim. c. 64. ANGLO-SAXONS. - 103 fought and to have gained twelve battles. In most of these, from the names of the places, he seems to have been opposed to the Angles m Lincolnshire, from the last at mount Badon, to the Saxons under Cerdic or Kenric.-'' This, whether it were fought under Arthur or not, was a splendid and usefid victory, which for forty years checked the advance of the strangers .^^ Perhaps, when the reader has been told that Arthur was a British chieftain, that he fought many battles, that he was murdered by his ne- phew, and was buried at Glastonbury, where his remains were discovered in the reign of Hen. II., he will have learned all, that can be ascertained at the present day, respecting that celebrated warrior.^^ By the conquests of the Saxons the island Effects of was replunged into that state of barbarism from conquests. which it had been extricated by the Romans. The ^actors had long been inured to pillage and slaughter. On many occasions the towns and villaores were with their inhabitants involved in the same ruin. A mighty conflagration, says Gildas, w?s lighted up by the barbarians on the eastern coast, which gradually dev »ured the whole surface of the island.-'^ To escape from the exterminating sword of their enemies, the natives, as soon as opposition appeared fruitless, *' Nenn. c. 61, 62. cum not. Gale, p. 131. '^'^GM. c. 26. ^' Girald. apud Langhorn, p. 91. Lei. Coll. v. 8, 9. '2 Gild. c. 24. Chron. Sax. p. 15. 1^4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. fled with their most valuable effects to the hills and forests. Multitudes found a secure asylum among' the mountains which cover the west of the island : where, struggling w^ith poverty, and engaged in constant warfare, they rapidly lost the faint polish of provincial civilization, and relapsed into many of the habits of savage life. Others under the conduct of their prelates and chieftains abandoned their native country alto- gether. Crossing the ocean they seized the desolate lands on the western extremity of Ar- morica ; subdued the independence of the neigh- bouring cities ; and gave to the tract which they subdued the appellation of their parent country. It is still known by the name of JJrctagne."^' But the work of devastation was at last checked by views of personal interest. The habitations of the Britons were wanted for the use of the conquerors ; and the labours of the captives were found necessary for the cultivation of the soil. Hence it w^as that, as the Saxons extended their conquests, the buildings were suffered to stand ; and the lives of the Britons were spared, unless the thirst of vengeance had been excited by the obstinacy of their resistance. The captives, without distinction of rank or j^ro- fession, of sex or age, were divided, together ^^ Gild. c. '25. and the testimonies in Usher, Antiq. p. 225 — 227. Also Bouquet's llerum Galhc, torn. v. p. 149. vii. 298, and in torn. vi. Eginhard. annal. ad an. 78G. and Erniold . Nigel, de rcb. IauIov. 1. iii. ANGLO-SAXONS. 105 with the Land, among the conquerors : they be- came the property, the chattels, of their lord, subject to his caprice and transferable at his will. The same fate attended their descendants for many generations : and from the authentic record of Doomsday it appears, that as late as the eleventh century a majority of the popula- tion of England remained in a state of slavery. The conquerors had established eight inde- Ociarchy pendent kingdoms in the island, though from ^^^j'^^'l'^^- the frequent union of Bernicia and Deira under the same head, they have generally been con- sidered as only seven. The history of their dif- ferent dynasties, were they to be arranged cither collaterally or in succession, would perplex and fatiirue both the writer and the reader. A suffi- ciently accurate notion of the period, which pre- cedes the preponderance of the West-Saxon kings, may be obtained by attending to the reigns of the more powerful monarchs. For there frequently was one among the number, whose authority was acknowledged by all or by most of his contemporaries. The title by which he was designated was that of Bretwalda, the wielder or sovereign of Britain. Whether he obtained it by the influence of his power, or received it from the spontaneous suffrage of his equals, is doubtful ; nor do we know whether any duties or prerogatives were attached to his dignity. ]3y Bede the title is given to seven of the Saxon princes ; other historians add an lOG HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ciyhth. To their reigns may witli propriety be rclerred the principal events which occurred in the kingdoms not immediately subject to their control.'^ iELLA, Bretwalda I. Kcign of The descent of JEWa. on the southern coast, and his subsequent success, have been pre- viously noticed. It is difficult to conjecture, by what means he acquired the precedency among the confederate chieftains. The kingdom of 480. Sussex, which he founded, was the smallest, and the least powerful of all the new principalities. This distinction may perhaps have been con- ceded to some pre-cminence,which he enjoyed in his native country, or to some exploits of which the memory has perished. He has scarcely ob- tained the notice of our ancient chroniclers.''^ CEAWLIN, Bretwalda II. Rei^n of Etliclbert, the fourth king of Kent, was the 5(^3^^' "^" first to disturb the harmony, which had united the Saxon princes. At the age of sixteen, he was taught to believe that the dignity of Bretwalda belonged to him as the representative of Hen- gist.^^ Under this impression he led an army against Ceawlin, king of Wessex, the grandson 3-» See Bede, ii. 5. and the Saxon Chronicle, p. 71. From the strong expressions of Bede,itwoidJ not be rash to infer that the in- ferior kingh acknowledged themselves the vassals of the Bretwalda. ■'^ Bed. et Chron. Sax. ibid. '^ Malms, p. 12. Hunt. p. 315. ANGLO-SAXONS. 1^7 of Cerdic. At Wimbledon his temerity was severely chastised. Oslac and Cnebba, his two ealdormen, fell in the conflict, and Ethelbert himself escaped with difficulty from the pursuit of the enemy. Ceawlin, content with the hu- miliation of the king of Kent, directed his arms against the Britons. The battle of Bedford, which was foueht under the direction of his brother Cuthwin, added to his dominions the towns of Leighton, Ailesbury, Bensington, and 571. Eynsham : and six years afterwards the victory of Derham in Glocestershire was marked by srr. the fall of three British kings, Conmail, Con- didan, and Farinmail, and was followed by the surrender of the iniportant cities of Glocester, Cirencester, and Bath. When Ceawliii had set- tled his new conquests, he resumed offensive operations against the Britons. At Frithern on the left bank of the Severn he lost his son Cutha : 584. but victory declared for the Saxons, the neigh- bouring towns were plundered, and the army returned home laden with booty. A few years afterwards, on the death of Cissa, the son of iEUa, Ceawlin added Sussex to his other domi- nions. But fortune deserted him in the zenith of his power. At Wodensburg in Wiltshire he was defeated by his rebellious subjects : and 59i. Ccolric his nephew ascended the throne. Ce- awlin died in 593 .•^'' '^Chron. Sax. 20— 23. Ethelwerd, 834. Hunt. 315. In writ- ing the name of this king, Bedc (ii. 6.) observes that the Angles 108 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.. ETIIELBERT, Bretwalda III. Rri:;!! ol' EtliclbLMl The disgrace, which had clouded the first years ofEthelbert, king of Kent, was afterwards dispersed by the glory of a long and prosperous reign. At the death of Ceawlin he had acquired (by what means we are not informed) the dig- nity of Bretwalda, and his authority was ad- mitted by all the Saxon princes south of the Humber. AVhile he was in possession of this dignity, he received intelligence that forty stran- 59C. gers had landed on the isle of Thanct. These Avcre Augustine and his associates, partly Gauls, partly Italians, wliom Pope Gregory the Great had sent for the benevolent purpose of convcrt- Convcr- hig tlic pagans. Ethelbert could not be unac- sionotthe qyaintcd with the christian religion. It was Men ot * ^ ~ ^ Kenr. probably the belief of the majority of the British slaves in his dominions : it was certainly pro- fessed by his queen liertha, the daughter of Charibert, king of Paris. The Saxon prince received the missionaries, imder an oak, in an open field, at the suggestion of his priests, who had told him that in such a situation the spells of the foreign magicians would lose their in- fluence. At the appointed time, Augustine was introduced to the king. Before him were borne a silver cross, and a banner representing the and Saxons spoke different dialects ; Ca;lin,qui lingua eorum Ceau- lin vocabatur. ANGLO-SAXONS. 101) Redeemer : behind him his companions walked CHAP, in procession : and the air resounded with the ^ — .^ anthems which they sang* in alternate choirs. As soon as the interpreter had explained the object and motives of their mission, Ethelbert replied, that he had no wish to abandon the gods of his fathers for a new and uncertain worship : but that, as the intention of the strangers was benevolent, and their promises were inviting, they might preach without molestation, and should be supported at his expense. This fa- vourable answer filled them with joy : and they proceeded to Canterbury chanting, as they went, the following prayer : " By thy great mercy, O " Lord, turn away, we beseech thee, thy anger ^' from this city and thy holy temple, for we are ^' sinners. Hallelujah." ^''^ The care of the queen had already prepared Etiieibert a residence for the new apostles. They were '^'^P^'^^''- lodired in the ancient church of St. Martin, Mdiich had originally belonged to the Britons, and had lately been repaired for the use of Liudhard, a christian prelate who accompa- nied Bertha from Gaul. Curiosity led the Saxons to visit the strangers : they admired the ceremonies of their worship, compared their lives with those of the pagan priests, and learned to approve a religion, which could in- spire so much piety, austerity, and disinterested- 38 Bed. i. 25. 110 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ncss. ^^''itli secret pleasure Ethelbert viewed the alteration in the sentiments of his subjects : on the feast of Pentecost in the year 597, he professed himself a christian, and received the sacrament of baptism ; and on the followinu;" Christmas ten thousand of his subjects followed the example of their sovereign. ^^ The willing mind of the royal proselyte was now quickened by the letters and presents of the pontiff. He exerted all his influence to second the efforts of the missionaries ; not indeed by violence (which he had learned to be repugnant to the mild spirit of the gospel,) but by private exhortations, and by distin- guishing the converts with marks of the royal favour. As soon as Augustine had received the episcopal consecration from the archbishop of Aries, the king retired to the city of Re- culver, and gave to the missionaries Canter- bury with the surrounding country. By his munificence the church of St. Saviour, origi- nally built by the Britons, was repaired and allotted for the residence of the bishop and his clergy : "while a new monastery was raised without the walls, for the use of the monks, and dedicated in honour of the apostles Peter and Paul. At the same time the number of the missionaries was augmented by the care of Gregory ; and their success was rapidly ex- =>» Bed, i. 20, Greg. Epist. vii. 30. ANGLO-SAXONS. Hi tended to the boundaries of the kingdom. As each canton embraced the new doctrine, the heathen temple was converted into a christian chm'ch : and in order to wean the proselytes from their idolatrous practices, they were per- mitted, instead of the feasts which they had formerly celebrated around the altars of their gods, to assemble upon the more solemn fes- tivals in the neighbourhood of the church, and to partake of a sober repast. To preside over the more distant converts, Augustine conferred the episcopal dignity on his disciple Justus. The new prelate fixed his residence in Roches- ter, in which the church of St. Andrew was erected by the piety of Ethelbert. The kingdom of Essex was, at this period, go4. governed by Saberct, the son of its founder, sion oTes- and the nephew of Ethelbert. The influence sex. of the uncle introduced a missionary, the abbot Mellitus, to the notice of Saberct, who soon consented to receive the sacrament of baptism. The episcopal consecration was conferred on Mellitus : and London, which is represented as a pojjulous and commercial city, was selected for the see of the new bishop. The cathedral was built, and endowed at the joint expense of Ethelbert and Saberct. ^^* From the con\'ersion of the Saxons the zeal Contro- of Augustine was directed to the reformation Ji^^J^^bX'^ tons. «Becl. i. 20. 30., iii. 3. 112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. of tlic Britons. During one hundred and fifty years of unsuccessful warfare, the ancient dis- cipline of their churcli had been nearly abo- lished, and tlie lives of their clergy were dis- graced by vices the most repugnant to their profession.^' To which of the British sees the archiepiscopal jurisdiction had been originally attached, is at present unknown ; but Gregory had written to Augustine, that he had subjected all the bishops of Britain to his authority. The missionary, with the aid of Ethelbert, prevailed on the British prelates to meet him at a place, which has since been called Augustine's oak in Worcestershire. After a long and unavail- ing debate, the conference was adjourned to another day. In the interval the Britons con- sidted a neighbouring hermit, who advised them to watch the behaviour of Augustine ; if he rose to meet them, they were to consider him as a man of unassuming disposition, and to listen to his demands : but if he kept his seat, they should condemn him of pride, and reject his authority. With this sapient admonition, which left to accident the decision of the con- troversy, seven bishops, with Dinoth, abbot of Bangor, repaired to the place of conference. Augustine happened to be seated ; and did not rise at their arrival. Both his reasons and his authority were consequently despised. In ■•' Their character has been drawn in odious but faithful colours by Gilda«, a countryman and contemporary. Gild. ep. p. To, ANGLO-SAXONS. H3 points of doctrine there had been no difference CHAP. between them : and to focilitate their compU- , ^^- , ance in other matters, the archbishop had re- duced his demands to three heads : that they should observe the catholic computation of Easter, should adopt the Roman rite in the administration of baptism ; and should join with the missionaries in preaching to the Sax- ons.^^ Each of these requests, in obedience to the advice of the hermit, was pertinaciously refused. '• Know then," exclaimed the mis- sionary with the tone of a prophet, " that if " you will not assist me in pointing out to the " Saxons the way of life, they, by the just judg- " ment of God, will prove to you the ministers '^ of death." He did not live to see the predic- tion verified.'*"^ The rei Compare Bcde (iii. xxvii.) wilh tlie_ Ulsler Annals (Usher, Ant. Brit. p. 918.) VOL. I. L 14C HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Theodore archbi- shop of Canter- bury. In Ireland an ancient writer computes its vic- tims at two thirds of the inliabitants.^^ The highlands of Caledonia were alone free from this dreadful visitation. The natives piously ascribed the exemption to the intercession of their patron St. Columba, and persuaded them- selves that even in the infected countries they were inaccessible to its attacks. Adamnan, the abbot of Icolmkille, relates, with obvious emotions of national pride, that twice during this period he visited the king of Northumbria, and, though he lived in the midst of the con- tagion, though numbers were daily dying around him, neither he, nor any of his attend- ants, ever took the infection.^! The pestilence no sooner appeared, than it proved fatal to several of the most distinguished characters in the island. Catgualet, king of Gwynez, Ercombert of Kent, Ethel wald of Sussex, Deusdedit archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London and Lindisfarne, Boisil, the celebrated abbot of Mailros, and Ethel- burga, the royal abbess of Berking, were among the first of its victims. The death of the me- tropolitan afforded Oswio an opportunity of promoting his favourite system of religious uni- formity. He consulted with Egbert, the new king of Kent ; and by their concurrence, the =^" Vit. Gcral. Sax. apud Ant. Brit. p. 1164. "*' Adamn. Vit. St. Cohimb. ii. c. xlvii, p. 153. ANGLO-SAXONS. 1^7 presbyter Wighard, who had been chosen to CHAP, succeed to the archiepiscopal dignity, Avas sent v— .^^ to Rome to ask the advice of the Apostolic see. But in that city the new prelate fell a victim to the pestilence which he had escaped in his own country : and his death was announced in a letter to Oswio from pope Vitalian. The pontiff, however, assured the king that he would gratify his wishes by selecting for the church of Canterbury a person equal to so exalted a station ; and after some delay Theodore, a monk of Tarsus, whose virtue and erudition had been honoured with general applause, landed in Kent, with the title of archbishop of Britain. His authority was immediately acknowledged by all the Saxon prelates : new bishoprics were established ; synods were held ; and uniformity of discipline was every where observed. Oswio died in 670. With him expired both Death of the title and the authority of Bretwalda. The })ower of Northumbria had for some years been on the decline; while the neighbouring state of Mercia, created by the genius of Penda, had gradually matured its strength, and the south- ern kingdom of AVessex had with a slow but steady progress constantly advanced in the sub- jugation of the Britons. These three rival nations will, in the following chapter, solicit the attention of the reader : the feeble king- doms of Essex, Kent, fiast-Anglia and Sussex, L 2 148 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. sometimes the allies, but generally the vassals of their more powerful neighbours, cannot awaken sufficient interest to deserve a more detailed and separate narration. CHAP. III. ANGLO-SAXONS. KINGS OF XORTIIUMBRIA OF MERCIA ETIIEI.BALD — OFFA — CKX'UI.F OF WKSSEX C.EADWALLA IN A CYNEWULF EGBERT ETIIELWULF— ETHELBALD — KTHELBERT — ETHEL- RED. NORTHUiMBRIA. Prom Oswio the Northumbrian sceiDtrc was CHAP. Ill transferred to the hands of Egfrid, the elder ^— v— ' of his svu'viving sons.^ The Picts, despising- the J^P'^thum- youth of the new monareh, assembled under kings. their prince Bernherth, and asserted their inde- pendence. But Egfrid, with a vigour which surprised and dismayed them, put himself at the head of a body of horse, entered their ter- ritory, defeated them in a bloody battle, and ' Malmsbury (20, 21) aiul several later writers say that Alch- frid the elder son was still alive, l.uit rejected on account of ille- gitimacy : and that he ascended the throne after the death of Kgfrid. From a diligent examination of Bede it ajipears to me that they have confounded Alchfrid, and Aldfrid, and made the two hut one person. Aldfrid was illegitimate, and t/wiigfit to be the son of (Jswio. lie lived in spontaneous exile among the Scots tlirough his desire of knowledge, and was called to the throne after the decease of the legitimate oft'^priug of Oswio. See B( de, p. 129. 13'2. 178. 20G, 207. 234. 217. 293. Also the poem De Abbat, Lindi"-. in act. SS. Bencd. p. 305. 150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. eom])ellcd tlicm to submit again to the superior power of the Northumbrians. AVith et^ual ex- pedition he antieijiated and defeated the de- signs of AVulphere kingof ]Mereia/»vho numbered among his vassals most of the southern chief- tains. The victory broke for a while the power of the iMcreians. Wulphere died soon after : and his kingdom was at first seized by the Nortlnnnbrian, but restored to Ethelred, who had married Osthryda, the sister of Egfrid.^ Religious prejudice has conferred an adven- titious interest on the reign of Egfrid ; and his quarrel with Wilfrid, the celebrated bishop of York, occupies a distinguished but dispropor- tionate space in our modern histories. "Wilfrid was a noble Northumbrian, who had travelled for improvement ; and after his return from Italv, had been selected as the instructor and confidant of Alchfrid, the son of Oswio. When Tuda died, Wilfrid w\as chosen to succeed him in the bishopric of York, and was sent by the two princes into Gaul to be consecrated by his friend Agilberct, bishop of Paris. Whether it was that during his absence, the quarrel arose between Oswio and his son, or that the party of the Scottish missionaries had acquired the ascendancy, as is intimated by Eddius, Wilfrid, at his return, found Ceadda in possession of the episcopal dignity, and retired peacefully to his monastery at llippon. But Theodore of Can- - Edd. Vit. Wilf. xix. xx. 61; C2. Bed. iv. 12. ANGLO-SAXONS. 151 tcrbiiry restored Wilfrid, and translated Ceadda clIAP. to Lichfield. Oswio acquiesced in the decision v_^^_/ of the metropolitan, and the bishop enjoyed for several years his friendship, and that of his suc- cessor Eofrid.^^ Eg-frid's first wife was Edilthryda, the daugh- ter of Anna, king of the East-Angles, and widow of Tondberct, ealdorman of the Girvii. At an early period in life she had bound herself by a vow of virginity, which was respected by the piety or indiiierence of her husband. At his death she was demanded by Oswio for his son Egfrid, a youth of only fourteen years : and in spite of her remonstrances was conducted by her relations to the court of Nortlmmbria. She persisted in her former resolution ; and Egfrid, when he ascended the throne, referred the matter to the decision of Vvilfrid, having pre- viously offered him a valuable present if he could prevail on Edilthryda to renounce her early vow. The prelate however disappointed his hopes : the princess toolv the veil at Cold- in"'ham : and the friendship between Wilfrid o i and Egfrid was considerably impaired. The king now married Ermenburga, a princess, the violence of whose character excited the discon- tent of the peo]3le, and the remonstrances of the bishop. The freedom of his admonitions mor- tified her pride, and she found in her husband the willing minister of her vengeance.^ 3 Edd. i— XV. Bed.iii. 1>!3. iv. 3. v. 19. * Bed. iv, 19, Edd. xxiv. 152 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. In the exercise of his authority archbisliop Theodore was always severe, occasionally des- potic. He had already deposed three of the Saxon prelates ; and Wilfrid was destined to cx- 678. perience the same fate. At the solicitation of Egfrid and Ernienburga, he came to Northum- brian divided the ample diocese of York into three portions ; and consecrated three new pre- lates, one for Bernicia, a second for Deira, and a third for the Lindiswaras. But Wilfrid did not submit in silence. He complained that he had been deprived without notice or accusation ; and, with the advice of his episcopal colleagues, appealed to the equity of the sovereign pontiff. The appeal was admitted. The injured })relatc prosecuted it in person : Ctcnwald, a monk, ap- peared as the advocate of Theodore. After a patient hearing pope Agatho decided, that "W^il- frid should be restored to his former bishopric ; but that he should select three proper persons out of his own clergy, should ordain them bishops, and divide among them the more dis- tant parts of his diocese."^ 080. Egfrid and Ermenburga had made several fruitless attempts to intercept the prelate on his joiu-ney : at his return they thrcAV him into i)ri- son, and during nine months endeavoured by the alternate employment of lenity and rigour, of promises and threats, to extort a confession ^ Edd, xxiv— xxxi. Bed. iv. 12. v. 19. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^^'"^ that the papal rescript had been procured by bribery, or falsified by his contrivance. Wearied at last with his constancy, and harassed by the importunities of the abbess Ebba, they con- sented to his enlargement, but on the condition that he should bind himself by an oath never more to set his foot within the dominions of Eofrid. Wilfrid retired into Mercia. From iSIereiahe was driven by the intrigues of his per- secutors into Wessex ; and from Wessex was compelled to seek an asylum among the pagans of Sussex. Edilwalch their king took him un- der his protection : and the exile repaid the benefit by diffusing among his subjects the doc- trines of the gospel. The South-Saxons were the last jK^ople of the octarchy who embraced Christianity.'' Though the royal families of Northumbria Egfiid's and Mercia were allied by marriage, their union JJean,'"" had been broken by the ambition of Egfrid. The ^^''• hostile armies met on the Trent : their valour was wasted in a dubious conflict ; and peace was restored by the ])aternrd exhortations of Theo- dore. iElfwin, the brother of Egfrid, had fallen in the battle : and as the honour of the king compelled him to demand compensation, he was persuaded to accept the legal were instead of prolonging hostilities for the uncertain purpose of vengeance.' Aftervv^ards, in the year prcced- csn. «Ecld. xxxiii— xl. Ikd. iv. 13. v, 19. " Edd. XNiii. Rfd.iv. '2]. I.i4 HISTORY op ENGLAND. ini»' his death, he dispatched Ik^orht, a warlike and san^'iiinary ehiei'tain, to ravage the coast of Ireland. Oi' his motives for this expedition we are not informed. Bedc assures us that the Irish were a harmless and friendly people. To them many of the Angles had been accustomed to resort in search of knowledge, and on all oc- casions had been received kindly, and supported gratuitously, lieorht recjuited their hos])itality by ravaging their country, and burning their towns, churches, and monasteries. The natives, unable to repel the invader by force, implored on the author of their wrongs the vengeance of heaven : and their imprecations were believed 683. to be fulfilled in the following year by the un- fortunate death of Egfrid. Against the advice of his council the king led an army into the ter- ritory of the Picts. Brude, the Pictish king, })rudently retired before a superior enemy, till his pursuers had entangled themselves in the defiles of the mountains. At Drumnechtan was fought a battle, which proved most fatal to the Northumbrians : fev/ escaped from the slaugh- ter : Egfrid himself was found on the field by the conquerors, and honourably interred in the royal cemetery in the isle of Hii. The Picts, and Scots, and some tribes of the Britons, took advantage of this opportunity to recover their independence : Trumwin, whom Egfrid had ap- ]:)ointed bishop at Abcrcorn, fled with his clergy into the south j and of the Saxon settlers all, ANGLO-SAXONS. 15 who had not the sfood fortune to make a prcci- CHAP. TT r pitate escape, were put to the sword, or con- v_^^ signed to perpetual slavery.^ Egfrid had left no issue by Ermenburga; and AkifVid. the Northumbrian thanes offered the crown to Aldfrid, the reputed but illegitimate son of Oswio. Durino* the last reion he had retired to the western isles, and had devoted the time of his exile to study under the instruction of the Scottish monks. His proficiency obtained for him from his contemporaries the title of the learned king. Though a pacific disposition, and the diminished power of the kingdom, did not permit him to assume the superiority, which had been posseseed by several of his predecessors, he reigned respected by his neighbours, beloved by liis subjects, and praised by the learned whom he patronised. If he conducted in person any military expedition, it has escaped the notice of historians : but the celebrated Beorht, by his order or with his permission, attempted to obli- terate the disgrace, which the late defeat had brought on the Northumbrian arms ; and, like the unfortunate Egfrid, lost in the attempt both his life and his army.'' In the second year of his reign, Aldfnd, at oqj. the recommendation of archbishop Theodore, had restored Wilfrid to his bishopric and pos- sessions. The reconciliation was not lasting. **Bcd. iii. 27. iv. '^6. Edd. xliii. Cliron. Sax. 45. Sim, Dun. Hist. ccc. Dun. p. 48. '^iJed. v. 2-1, 156 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. The prelates who had been expelled by the re- storation of Wilfrid, accjuircd the confidence of the kini^- : Brihtwald, the successor of Theodore, was induced to favour their cause ; and the per- secuted bishop was compelled to appeal a second time to the justice of Rome. He returned with a papal testimonial of his innocence: but Ald- frid refused to see him, and he .sheltered himself under the protection of Coenred of Mercia. io5. Aldfrid died in 705 : and in his last moments regretted his treatment of Wilfrid, and be- queathed to his successor the charge of doing justice to the injured prelate. A compromise, satisfactory to all parties, was effected in the course of the same year.^*^ Siicct-bion Hitherto the actions, and abilities of the Nor- thiiiubrian thuuibrian princes have demanded a more ample '"^*" space : a few pages may suffice for the history of their successors, which will present nothing to the reader but one continued scene of perfidy, treason and murder. At the death of Aldfrid, his son Osred was eight years old. The ealdor- nian Eadulf usurped the sceptre, and besieged the royal infant in Bamborough : but the people espoused the cause of Osred, and the usm-per, after a tumultuous reign of two months, paid 711. the forfeit of his treason. Berctfrid assumed the guardianshi[) of the king, and chastised the incursions of the Picts in a bloody battle fought "J Bed. V. IS). E(UI. Nlii— Iviii. ANGLO-SAXONS. 157 near the wall. But Osred soon emancipated himself from the restraint of his tutor : and the ungovernable youth was slain in his nineteenth year on the banks of Winandermere, in an 7io. attempt to suppress a dangerous insurrection headed by his kinsmen, the two brothers Csen- red and Osric. Ca^^nred possessed the throne two years, Osric eleven, at whose death it de- scended to Ceolwulf the brother of his prede- 729. cessor. The learning and piety of Ceolwulf are attested by venerable Bedc : but he possessed neither the vigour nor the authority requisite for his station. In the second year of his reign, 731; he was seized, shorn, and shut up in a monas- tery, From this confinement he escaped, re- ascended the throne, and learned amid the splendid cares of royalty to regret the tranquil- lity which he had reluctantly possessed in the cloister. After a reign of eight years, lie volun- 737. tarily resigned the sceptre, and embraced the monastic profession at Lindisfarne.^^ He was succeeded by his cousin Eadbert, who during a reign of one-and-twenty years enlarged the ter- ritory, and revived for a while the ancient glory of the Northumbrians. The Picts and Mercians felt the s\iperiority of his arms : and with the assistance of Ouengus, the Pictish king, he took Dunbarton from the Britons, and added Cyil to his dominions. In his old age he imitated his " Mailros, 139. Sim. Dun. 100. 1»8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. predecessor and received the tonsure among the clernv of the church of York, of which his 7oc!. brother Egbert was the archbishop. His retreat by some writers is attributed to compulsion ; others assign it to the impression made on liis mind, by comparing the violent deaths of two contemporary princes with the peaceful exit of 759. Ceolwulf.*'^ Oswulf, the son of Eadbert, was slain by a conspiracy of his thanes soon after his accession : and the sceptre by the suffrages of the people was placed in the hands of Edil- wold, a noble Northumbrian. But the descend- ants of Ida, who claimed it as the right of their family, considered him an usurper. The death of Oswin, his principal opponent, who fell in a battle which lasted three days in the vicinity of Melrose, seemed to confirm him on the throne : but after a troublesome reign of six years he re- signed, in an assembly of the w^itan at Finchley, in favour of Alchrcd, a prince of the line of 7C5. Ida.^'^ The inconstancy of the Northumbrian thanes was fatal to tlie ambition of their mo- narchs. Alchred, abandoned by those who had placed him on the throne, lied for protection to Kennet king of the Picts, and was succeeded by Ethelred, the son of Edilwold, of whom we know only, that in the fifth year of his reign, his army was twice defeated by two rebel ealdormen, 778. Ethelwald and Heardbert, and that the loss of '■^ Auct Bed. p. ^24. Sim. Dun. p. 105. lliiut. 190. '3 Sim. Dun. p. lOG. Auct. Bed. '^24. ANGLO-SAXONS. 15D his three principal captains induced him to fly, and leave the sceptre to Alfwold the son of Oswuif.^^ Alfwold's reign was as tamultuous as those of his predecessors. Beorn his princi- pal minister was burnt to death in Silton by a party of thanes, whose enmity he had incurred by the equity of his administration ; and the king himself, whose virtue was not a match for the ferocity of his subjects, was slain by the eal- dorman Sigan. The murderer, five years later, 788. perished by his own sword. ^^ Osred, the son of Alchred, attempted to seize the crown : but the thanes recalled the exiled Ethelred, and the late claimant, to save his life, enrolled himself among the clergy of York, and afterwards for greater security fled to the isle of INIan. Ethelred re- 790. turned wdth the thirst of revenge. He ordered Eardulf, one of his most powerful opponents, to be slain at the door of the church of Rippon. The monks carried the body into the choir. During the funeral service it was observed to breathe, proper remedies were applied to the wounds, and the future king of Northumbria was carefully concealed in the monastery. The fate of Elf and Elwin, the two sons of Alfwold, was more deplorable. They had fled to the sanctuary at York: were drawn by deceitful promises from their asylum ; and paid with their lives the price of their credulity. Osred '■* Chron. Sax. G2. Sim. Dun. 107, 108. Mailros, 138. '^C'liron. Sax. G','. 04. Mailros, 139. 1()0 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, now returned from the isle of Man, and braved III N — ,,J— / his rival to battle, but he was deserted by his followers, and added another to the victims of Ethelred's ambition. That prince, however, was liastening to the close of his bloody career. In his third year the total failure of the harvest had reduced the inhabitants to the extremitv of distress : to famine were soon added the ravages of pestilence : and to complete their misfortunes an army of Danes landing on the coast, pillaged the country, and destroyed the venerable church of Lindisfarne, the former residence of the apostle of the Northumbrians. Both the cala- mities of nature, and the cruelties of this un- known enemy, were attrib\ited to the impru- dence or the bad fortune of Ethelred : and he fell in a fruitless attempt to quell the rising dis- content of his subjects.^'' The sceptre stained with the blood of so many j)rinces was next 794. grasped by Osbald ; but it dropped from his hands at the end of twenty-seven days, and Eardulf, whose life had been saved by the monks of Rippon, ascended the throne. Osbald pru- dently retired to the cloister, where he enjoyed a tranquillity unknown to his more successful competitor. Eardulf Avas compelled to fight against the murderers of Ethelred, and defeated them in a sanguinary conflict at Ijillinghow near 798. Whalley. They found a powerful protector in "' Chron, Sax. 04, Oj. Mailros, 139, Sim. Dun, 110— 110. ANGLO-SAXONS. 161 Cenulf, kinj? of Mercia. The two kings ad- CHAP. • III vanced against each other at the head of their v — ,^ respective armies : bnt a reconciliation was ef- 8oi. fectcd by the interposition of the prelates ; and they SAvore eternal friendship to each other. Yet Eardulf was afterwards surprised by his ene- mies, and put into close custody. These nu- 8(X5. merous, and bloody revolutions had excited the notice of foreign nations. Charlemagne pro- nounced the Northumbrians more perfidious than the very pagans -.^"^ and by a special mes- senGTcr souo-ht and obtained the liberation of the captive from the hands of his sanguinary sub- jects. It seems that the opponents of Eardulf consented to commit the decision of their quar- rel to the equity of the pontiff Leo III. The king himself, after paying a visit to the emperor at Noyon, repaired to Rome, where a messengea: from Eanbald, archbishop of York, had already arrived. That prelate, the ealdorman Wado, and Cenulf of Mercia were believed by Leo to be the secret authors of the rebellion. In the beginning of 809 Eardulf left Rome, accompa- nied by Aldulf the papal legate, and by the mes- senger of Eanbald, to whom Charlemagne, in order to manifest the interest which he took 'in. the afl'air, added Rotfrid, abbot of St. Amand, and Nanther, abbot of 8t. Omer. With this 809. honourable escort he arrived in Northumbriaj " Gcntem jicriidam et pervcrsam, pcjorcm paganis; Malms. '10. VOL. r. M 162 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, all opposition \'tinishcd before the papal and im- y-..^^^ pcrial envoys ; and the deposed king was una- nimously restored to his throne. ^^ Hov/ long he continued to reign is uncertain. It is unnecessary to pursue farther the history of these princes. During the last century Nor- thumbria had exhibited successive instances of treachery and murder, to which no other coun- try perhaps can furnish a parallel. Within the lapse of one hundred years fourteen kings had assumed the sceptre : and yet of all these one only, if one, died in the peaceable possession of royalty. Seven had been slain, six had been driven from the throne by their rebellious sub- jects. After Eardulf, the same anarchy and perfidy prevailed, till the Danes totally extin- guished the Northumbrian dynasty, by the slaughter of Ella and Osbriht in the year 867. From these worthless princes, the votaries and victims of their ambition, the mind will turn with pleasure to two very different characters, who, in a more humble station, became the be- Notice of nefactors of their age and country. These were ^"^' Bede and Alcuin, Northumbrian scholars, whose literary superiority was acknowledged by their contemporaries, and to whose writings and ex- ertions Europe was principally indebted for that portion of learning, which she possessed '*Le Cointe, Ann. eccl. Franc, p. 102. Annal. Bened. torn. ii. p. 383. Bouquet, Rer. Gallic, torn. v. p. 72. 255. 333. 355. C02. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^63 from the eighth to tlie eleventh century. Bede CHAP, was born at Sunderland, and wa« intrusted in w^^^ his childhood to the care of the monks of Jar- row, a convent on the right bank of the Tyne. In that seminary he spent sixty-two years, de- voting, according to his assertion, the whole of his time either to his own improvement or to the improvement of others. He had studied every science which survived the ruin of the Ro- man empire; and if the reader look into his writings, he will be astonished at the depth and the variety of his attainments. Of his works the most valuable is the " Ecclesiastical History of the Nation of the Angles," which while it treats professedly of the establishment of Chris- tianity in the different Saxon kingdoms, inci- dentally contains almost all that we know, of the history of the more early princes. This learned monk died at Jarrow in 733. His works were quickly transcribed, and dispersed among the nations of Europe : and the applause with which they were received, induced the Anglo- Saxons to consider him as the ornament and pride of their nation. ^^ Alcuin was a native of York, or its neigh- OfAkuin, bourhood. By archbishop Egbert he was ap- pointed master of the great school in the archie- " Et rectum quidem mihi videtur, says the abbot Cuthbert, ut tota gens Anglorum in omnibus provinciis, ubicumque reperti sunt, gratias Deo referant, quia tarn mirabilcm virum illis in sua natione donavit. • Ep. St. Bonif, p. IQ 1. M 2 164 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. piscopal city. His reputation attracted crowds of students from Gaul and Germany to his lec- tures, and recommended him to the notice of the emperor Charlemagne. He accepted the invitation of that prince to reside in his court ; diffused a taste for learning through all the pro- vinces of the empire ; and numbered the most distinguished prelates and ministers among his scholars. When, in his old age, he retired from the distractions of the j^alace, many followed him to his retreat at Tours, where he continued his favourite occupation of teaching till his death in the commencement of the ninth century. His works are numerous. They consist principally of poems, elementary introductions to the dif- ferent sciences, treatises on a variety of theolo- gical subjects, and an interesting correspond- ence with the most celebrated characters of the age.-'' -•^ The Anglo-Saxon converts were indebted for the little learn- ing they acquired to their missionaries : and hence for some time those in the north repaired for instruction principally to Ireland, those in the south to the Roman teachers at Canterbury. This produced a kind of literary rivalship between the two i:?lands, of which an amusing account is given by Aldhelm, who had studied first under Irish, and then under Roman masters. In his letter to !Kadfrid, who had just returned from Ireland, he gives due praise to the learning of the Irish scholars; but then he observes that Eng- land too has its share, that Tlieodorc and Adrian shine like the sun and moon at Canterbury, and that the former is surrounded with scholars even from Ireland. Theodorus summi sacerdotii gu- bernacula regens, Ilibernensium globo discipulorum stipatur. Usser, syllog. ep. p. 38. See also O'Conor, prol, Ixix. ANGLO-SAXONS. 165 GHAP MERCIA. III. ' In the preceding pages the reader will] have Mercian noticed the accession of Wulphere to the throne ^"^'^ of Mercia, and his frequent and not inglorious struggles against the power of the Northum- brians. With equal spirit, and eventually with greater success, he opposed his southern rivals, the kings of Wessex. In the first conflict the Wulphere. chance of war made Wulphere the prisoner of Coinwalch, but with the recovery of his liberty he obliterated the disgrace of his defeat. At 66i. the battle of Pontisbury the forces of Wessex were dispersed ; the victors ravaged the country of their enemies ; and the Wihtwaras, the in- habitants of the isle of Wight, submitted to the dominion of Wulphere.^^ That prince was now the most powerful of the kings on the south of the Humber : and he employed his authority in promoting the diffusion of Christianity among his dependants. Idolatry disappeared in Mercia: the natives of Essex, who, during the pestilence, had returned to the worshij) of Woden, were re- claimed by the preaching of the bishop Jarum- nan : and Edilwalch, king of Sussex, at the per- suasion of Wulphere, professed himself a chris- tian. On the day of his baptism, he received from the munificence of his royal god-father the -' This appears to me ihe most plausible manner of reconciling Ethelwerd (p. 476) with the Saxon Chronicle ^(p. 39) and ^Bede (iv. 13). IS€ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, sovcrcii'iity of the isle of "Wight, and of the tcr- V— ,^,— / ritory of the Meanwaras, a district comprehend- ing ahiiost the eastern moiety of Hampshire, Wilfrid, who had been driven into exile by the resentment of Ermenburga, improved the op- portunity to establish the belief of the gospel in the kingdom of Sussex, and Edilwalch rewarded his zeal with the donation of the isle of Selscy, containing eighty-seven hides of land, and two hundred and fifty slaves. They were baptised, and immediately received their freedom from the piety of the bishop.-^ The power of Wulpliere declined as rapidly as it had risen. Towards the end of his reign, he was defeated by the Northumbrians^ and lost the province of the Lindiswaras. The men of Wes- sex, who had borne his superiority with impa- tience, were encouraged by the victory of the Northumbrians, to try again the fortune of war. Though the battle was not decisive, it contri- buted to break the power of ^Vulphere, at whose death Egfrid, the Northumbrian monarch, over- 675. ran and subjected the kingdom.^^ Ethclred. Ethelred was the brother of Wulphere, and had married Osthryda, the sister of Egfrid. To this alliance he was perhaps indebted for the 676. crown of Mercia. He led an army against Lo- thaire, king of Kent, burnt the villages and 2- Bedc, iii. 00. iv. 13. Edd. Vit. WHf. xl. ^ Cluon. Sax. p. 41. Edd. xx. ANGLO-SAXONS. W churches, carried off the inhabitants, and de- CHAP, stroyed the city of Rochester. He next de- s— ..^ manded the province of the Lindiswaras from Egfrid : a war ensued : ^Elfwin, the brother of the Northumbrian, was slain : and Etheh'cd, 079. though he paid the icere for the death of J^lfwin, recovered the possession of the disputed terri- tory. For many years he reigned with honour : but the murder of his queen Osthryda by the Qsr. Suthenhymbre, the people between the Trent and the Humber, forcibly affected his mind. He gave the government of the discontented district to his nephew Coenred, the son of Wulphere : and at last abdicated the throne in his favour. He had children of his own : but they were of 704. an immature age, and the nation preferred a successor of approved judgment and in the vigour of manhood. Ethelred then took the monastic vows in the monastery of Bardeney, was raised to the oiBce of abbot, and died at an advanced age in 716.-^ Coenred was a prince whose piety and love of Coenred. peace are loudly applauded by our ancient chro- niclers : but whose short reign of five years af- fords only a barren theme to the historian. As soon as Ceolred, the son of the preceding mo- narch, was of an age to wield the sceptre, Coen- red resigned the crown, and travelling to Rome, 70^, received the monastic habit from the hands of 2* Bed. iv. 12. 21. V. 19. Chron. Sax. 44. 49. Tlor. ad an. 716. Chron. Pet. de Burg. p. 6. 168 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. III. Ceolred. 715. 716. the pontiff. Offia, the son of Sighere, king of Essex, was the companion of his pilgrimage, and the imitator of his virtues.^^ The reign of Ceoh-ed was ahiiost as tranquil as that of his predecessor. Once only had he recourse to the fortune of arms, against Ina, king of ^Vessex. The battle was fought at Wo- densbury : and the victory was claimed by each nation. But Ceolred deiaren crated from the piety of his fathers, and by the licentiousness of his morals alienated the minds of the Mer- cians. In the eighth year of his reign, as he sat at table with his thanes, he suddenly lost his reason, and shortly after expired in the most excruciating torments.-^ Ethelbald. Contemporary with Ceolred was Ethelbald, a descendant of Alwin, the brother of Penda. He was in the vigour of youth, graceful in his per- son, ambitious of power, and immoderate in his pleasures. To avoid the jealousy of Ceolred, by whom he was considered as a rival, Ethelbald had concealed himself among the marshes of Croyland, where he was hospitably entertained by Guthlake, the celebrated hermit. As soon as he had learned the death of his persecutor, he issued from his retreat ; assumed the sceptre without opposition ; and afterwards, to testify his gratitude for his former benefactor, raised a •^' Bed. V. 19. "^ Chron. Sa.\. p. 50, 51. Ep. St. Bonif. apud Spelm. p. 225. ANGLO-SAXONS. 16& magnificent churcli and monastery over the tomb of Guthlake.2^" The character of Ethel- bald was a compound of vice and virtue. He was liberal to the poor and to his dependants ; he watched with solicitude over the administra- tion of justice; and he severely repressed the hereditary feuds, which divided the Mercian thanes, and impaired the strength of the nation. Yet in his own favour he never scrupled to in- vade the rights of his subjects; and that no re- straint might be imposed upon his pleasures, he refused to shackle himself with the obligations of marriage. The noblest families were dis- graced, the sanctity of the cloister was profaned by his amours. The report of his immorality reached the ears of the missionary, St. Boniface, who from the heart of Germany wrote him a letter of most earnest expostulation.^^ What influence it had on his conduct, is not men- tioned : but he soon after attended a synod, held by archbishop Cuthbert for the reformation of manners ; and long before his death, forsook the follies and vices of his youth. Of the kings, who had hitherto swayed the Mer- cian sceptre, Ethelbald was the most powerful. From the Humber to the southern channel, he compelled every tribe to obey his authority : but '^1 Ingul. p. 2. To construct the building, Ethelbald gave 300 poundsof silver the first year, and 100 pounds a year for the ten following years, )). 3. '■'^Ep. St. Bonit". apud Spelm.p. 2^5. 170 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, lie seems to have respected the power or the abili- ^L_/ ties of the Northumbrian monarehs : and if he ventured twiee to invade their territories, it was 737. at times Avhen they were engaged in the north against the Picts, and when the spoils which he obtained were dearly pvirchased by the infamy 740. of the aggression.^'* In the south the kings of Wessex struggled with impatience against his ascendancy, but every effort appeared only to rivet their chains. They v/ere compelled to serve him as vassals, and to fight the battles of their 752. lord. At length, in 752, Cuthred undertook to emancipate himself and his country, and boldly opposed the Mercians in the field of Burford in Oxfordshire. In the open space between the two armies, Edilhun, who bore the golden dra- gon, the banner of Wessex, slew with his own hand the standard-bearer of Ethclbald : and his countrymen hailed as the omen of victory the valour of their champion. An ancient poet has described in striking language the shock of the two armies ; the shouts and efforts of the com- batants, their murderous weapons, the spear, the long sword, and the battle-axe, and their prodi- gality of life in the defence of their respective standards. Chance at length conducted Ethel- bald to the advance of Edilhun : but the king of -•''Bed. V. 23. In his charters he calls himself Rex Britanniae, and Rex non solum Merciorum sed et oniiiium provinciarum, qiias general! nomine Sufangli dicuntur. Smith's Bed. app. p. 786. Hunt. 195. Chron. Sax. 54. ANGLO-SAXONS. 171 Mercia shrunk before the ffisrantic stature, and CHAP. • TTT bloody brand of his adversary, and gave to his . ^',.j followers the example of a precipitate flight. This defeat abohshed for a time the superiority of Mcrcia.-^*^ Ethelbald did not long survive his disgrace. Beornrcd, a noble Mercian, aspired to the throne, 757. and a battle was fought on the hill of Seggeswold in Warwickshire. The king either fell in the engagement, or was killed by his own guards in the following night. His body was buried in the monastery of Repandune.-Ji The death of Ethelbald transferred the mo- ofla. mentary possession of the crown to Beornred : but the thanes espoused the interests of Offa, a prince of royal descent ; and the usurper, at the end of a few months, was defeated in bat- tle, and driven out of Mercia. Of the reign of the new monarch the first fourteen years were employed in the subjugation of his do- mestic enemies, and the consolidation of his iiisvicto- own povver, objects which he was unable to "^^' effect v/ithout the eftusion of much blood.-^^ In 771. 771 he first appeared in the character of a con- queror, and subdued the Ilestingi, a people inhabiting the coast of Sussex. •'^•^ Three years 77-t. 30 Hunt. 195. West, ad ann. 755. 3' Ingul. p. 5. Auct. Bed. p. 224. Sim. Dun. p. 105. Malm. f. 14. 3- Ep. Alcuini apud Malm. p. 33. Lei. Collect, i. 402. 33 Mail. p. 138, Sim. Dun. p. 107. The Ilestingi have been sought in every part of the island. A charier in Dublet fixes 172 CHAP. III. 777. 785. Archbi- shopric of Lichfield. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. afterwards, he invaded Kent, routed the na- tives at Otlbrd, and stained the waters of the Darent with the blood of the fugitives.-'^ From the more feeble, he turned his arms against the more powerful, states. He entered Oxford- shire, which then belonged to Wessex ; Cyne- wulf, the West-Saxon monareh, fled before him : Bensignton, a royal residence, was taken ; and the territory on the left bank of the Thames became the reward of the conqueror.''-^ The Britons were the next victims of his ambition. The kings of Powis were driven from Shrews- bury beyond the Wye ; the country between that river and the Severn was planted with co- lonies of Saxons : and a trench and rampart stretching over a space of one hundred miles from the mouth of the AA^ye to the asstuary of the Dee, separated the subjects of Offa from the incursions of their vindictive neighbours .^^ The Northumbrians also, but in what year is uncertain, were compelled to own the superi- ority of the Mercian.'^'' The chair of St. Peter was filled at this period them in Sussex. By it Offa confirms a grant of land in the neigh- Ijourhood of Hastings to the abbey of St. Denis, and styles Bert- wald, the proprietor of Hastings and Pevensey, his ficltlis. Apud Alford, ad ann. 700. ^^Chron. Sax. Gl. Mail. 138. 3^Chron. Sax, Gl. Mail. 138. Ethel. 477. 3« Wise's Asser. p. 10. Sim. Dun. p. 118. Caradoc. p. 20. Lang- horn, p. 292. "West. 142. Offa, in a charter dated 780, styles liimsclf Rex Merciorum simulq^^ aliarum circumquaque Jiationum. Smith Bed. app. p. 7G7. III. ANGLO-SAXONS. 173 by Adrian, the friend and favourite of Charle- CHAP, magne. In 785 two papal legates, the bishops of Ostia and Tudertum, accomi)anied by an envoy from the French monarch, landed in England: and convoked two synods, the one in Northumbria, the other in Mercia. In the latter, which was attended by Offa, and by all the princes and prelates on the south of the Humber, the legates read a code of ecclesias- tical laws composed by the pontiff for the refor- mation of the Anglo-Saxon church. It was heard with respect ; and subscribed by all the members.-^^ The ambition of Offa did not omit the opportunity of attempting a project, which he had long meditated. Jaenbercht, archbi- shop of Canterbur)'-, had formerly offended the king, and had been deprived by him of all the jnanors which belonsred to his see in the Mer- cian territories. From the man the enmity of Offa was transferred to the church, over which he presided. Why, the king asked, should the Mercian prelates be subject to the jurisdiction of a Kentish bishop ? Why should the most powerful of the Saxon kingdoms be without a national metropolitan ? According to his wishes a proposition y^as made in the sy- nod, that the jurisdiction of the see of Canter- bury should be confined to the three kingdoms of Kent, Sussex, and Wessex : that one of the *'8Chron, Sax. 64. Wilk. Con. torn. i. p. 151. 174 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CH.VP. Mercian bishops should be raised to the archie- ^^^' piscoj^al rank ; and that all the prelates between the Thames and the Huniber should be subject to his authority. Jaenbercht did not acquiesce without a struggle in the degradation of his church ; but the influence of Otfa was irresisti- ble ; and Higebert of Liclifield was selected to be the new metropolitan.-^'* Still it was ne- cessary to procure the papal approbation. The messengers of Oifa urged the great extent of the province of Canterbury, and the propriety of appointing a native metropolitan to preside over the churches of so povv^crful a kingdom as Mercia : the advocates of Jaenbercht alleged the letters of former pontiffs, the prescription of two centuries, and the injustice of depriving an innocent prelate of more than one half of his jurisdiction. Adrian assented to the wishes of the king : the pallium with the archicpiscopal dignity was conferred upon Adulph, the suc- cessor of Higebert, in the see of Lichfield ; and Jaenbercht was compelled to content himself with the obedience of the bishops of lloehester, London, Selsey, Winchester and Sherburne.^^ Before the conclusion of the council, Eg- ferth, the son of Offa, was solemnly crowned, 39 Malm, f, 15. Wilk. Con. p. 152. 164. It was, says the Saxon Chronicle, a" geflitfullic (quarrelsome) synod," p. 63. The situation ofCalcuith or Calcythe, where it was held, is disputed. I suspect it to be Chelsey, which was called Chelccthe as late as the end of the fifteenth century. Lei. Col. iv. 250. ^^Angl. Sax. i. 460, Malms, f. 15. Spel. con. S02. ANGLO-SAXONS. 1^5 and from that period, reigned conjointly with CHAP, his father. At the same time the king deli- - — J^ vered into the hands of the legates a charter, in which he bound himself by oath, and pro- mised for his successors, to send annually the sum of three hundred and sixty-five mancuses to the church of St. Peter in Rome, to be em- ployed partly in defraying the expenses of the public worship, partly in the support of indi- gent pilgrims. '^^ Alcuin, the Anglo-Saxon preceptor of Char- oftk and lemagne, had been instrumental in opening an j^a^ne." epistolary correspondence between his royal jDupil and the king of IMercia.^2 From the letters, which are still extant, it appears that several of the thanes, who had opposed the succession of Offa, finding it unsafe to remain in England, had sought an asylum upon the continent. The humanity of Charlemagne re- fused to abandon them to the resentment of their enemy. Those, who asserted their inno- cence, he sent to Rome to exculpate them- selves before the pope : the others he retained under his protection, not, as he said, to en- ^' Ang. Sax. i. 461. Chron. Sax. p. 64. Huntingdon (f. 197), says, Egferth was crowned king of Kent : but in this he differs from all other historians. — The niancus was equal to thirty pennies. ■^'2 In his letters Charles gives himself the sounding title of *' the most powerful of the christian kings of the east ;" and at the same time to sooth the vanity of Offa, calls him " the most powerful of the christian kings of the west." Ep. Car. Mag. apud Bouquet, torn. v. p. 620, Ill 176 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, courage tlicm in their rebellion, but with the Iiope that time might soften the resentment of OHa, and that the fugitives might be received into favour. Once he intrusted some of them to the faith of Ethelhcard, the successor of Jaenbercht in the see of Canterbury: but on the express condition, that he should send them back to France in safety, unless Offa should give the most solemn assurances, that he would pardon their offences.'^"' Another subject of discussion rccfarded the mercantile interests of the two nations. It was complained that the avarice of the English manufacturers had induced them to contract the size of the woollen gowns, which they exported to the continent : and the vigilance of the French had detected several adventurers, who, under the disguise of pilgrims, had attempted to impose on the offi- cers of the customs.'^ 'Ihese points were ami- cably arranged : but a new occurrence intcr- *^ The letter to Ethelhcard is so honourable to Charlemagne, that I shall offer n» apology for transcribing a part of it. llos miseros patria; suje exiiles vestrae direximus pielati, deprecantes, ut pro ipsis intercedere dignemini apud fratrem meum carissimum Offanuni regem. — His si pacem precari valcatis, remuneant in pa- tria. Sin vero durius de illis frater n^-eiis respondeat, illos ad nos reniitlite ilUesos. Melius est enini percgrinare quam perirc, in aliena scrvire patria quam in sua mori. Confido de bonitate fratris mei, si obnixe pro illis intercedatis, ut benigne suscipiat eos, pro nostro amorc, vcl magis pro Christi charitate, qui dixit, remittitc et rcmittetur vobis. Int. epist. Alcuini. ep. CI. "•* Malms, f. 17. Lcl. Collcc. i. 402. Wilk. Con. i. 158. Bou- quet, V. G27. ANGLO-SAXONS. 177 rupted for a time that harmony, which had CHAP. subsisted for so many years. Charlemagne, as . '.^ a proof of his friendship, had proposed a mar- riage between his illegitimate son Charles and a daughter of Otfa. The Mercian, as the price of his consent, demanded a French princess for his son Egferth. If we reflect that the two monarch s had hitherto treated each other on the footing of perfect equahty, there will not appear any thing peculiarly offensive in such a demand. Yet it wounded the pride of Charle- magne ; he broke off all communication with the Mercian court ; and the trade with the English merchants experienced the most rigo- rous prohibitions. But Gerwold, the collector of the customs, whose interests probably suf- fered from this interruption of commerce, con- trived to pacify his sovereign : and Alcuin, who was commissioned to negotiate with the Mer- . cian, succeeded in restoring the relations of amity between the tv/o courts. "^^ The most powerful of the Saxon princes were ]\iurder of ambitious of an alliance with the family of ^f East' ^' Offa. Brihtric and Ethelred, the kings of Wcs- Anglia. sex and Northumbrian had already married his daughters Eadburga and Elfleda ; and Ethel- bert, the young king of the East-Angles, was a suitor for the hand of their sister, Etheldrida. This amiable and accomplishe d prince (so he ^^ Chron. rontiiiicUen. c. xv. apiul Bouquet, v. 315. Epist. Ale ad Cole. ibid. p. 007. VOL. I. N 178 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. CHAP, is described) by the advice of his council pro- wl^L^ cecded with a numerous train to Mercia. On the confines he halted, and sent forward a mes- senger M'ith presents and a letter, announcing the object of his intended visit. A kind invi- tation was returned, accompanied with a pro- mise of security. At his arrival he was received with the attention becoming his dignity, and expressions of affection most flattering to his hopes. The day Avas spent in feasting and merriment : in the evening Ethelbert retired to his apartment ; but shortly afterwards was invited by Wimbert, an officer of the palace, to visit Offa, wdio wished to confer w^ith him on matters of importance. The unsuspecting prince, as he followed his guide through a dark passage, was surrounded by ruffians, and de- prived of life. At the nev/s, his attendants mounted their horses and fled : Etheldrida, dis- appointed in her expectations of worldly hap- piness, retired from court, and lived a recluse in the abbey of Croyland : and Offa, shut up in his closet, affected by external demonstrations of grief, to persuade the world of his innocence. Gratitude to the founder of his abbey has in- duced the monk of St. Albans to transfer the whole guilt from the king to his consort Cyne- drida : by every other ancient writer, he is said to have acted by her suggestion : and, if it be true that he immediately annexed East-Anglia to his own dominions, little doubt can be en- ANGLO-SAXONS. 17& tertained that the man, who reaped the advan- CHAP. tage, had directed the execution of the murder.''^ ^-^^ Offa honoured the memory of the prince, ofta's . death whose blood he had shed, by erecting a stately tomb over his remains, and bestowing rich do- nations on the chm'ch at Hereford, in which they reposed. About the same time he en- dowed the magnificent abbey of St. Albans. But his heart was corroded by remorse, and his body enfeebled by disease. Within two 794. 3^ears he followed Ethelbert to the grave, and Vv^as buried near Bedford, in a chapel on the banks of the Ouse. It was the tradition of the neighbourhood, that, a few years afterwards, the river overflowed, and that his bones were carried away by the inundation.^'' Egferth, who had been crowned nine years Egfertb, before, succeeded his father. The ancient writers indulge in reflections on the misfor- tunes of a family, the establishment of Avhich ^^ Westminster is merely the copyist of the monk of St. Albans, who, besides confining the guilt to the queen, makes Ethelbert sink through a trap-door into a cave, where he was dispatclied. Vit. Off. ii.p. 900. Wallingford (p. 530), on some ancient autho- rity, describes him as falling in battle. Occiditin campestriindicto bello. See Chron. Sax. 65. Malm. 15. Ethelw. 477. Asser. Ann. 154. Brompton, 749— 75'2. ^7 1 have not mentioned Offa's pretended journey to Rome: for it could not have escaped the notice of every historian before the fabulous monk of St. Albans. The institution of the Remescot is attributed to him by Huntingdon : I suspect that writer has confounded it with the annual donation of 305 mancuscs already mentioned. N2 180 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. had cost its founder so many crimes. Egfertli died without issue after he had possessed the crown one hundred and forty-one days. Of his sisters, Elfleda became a widow soon after her marriage, Eadburga died in i)overty and exile in Italy, and Edilthrida finished her days in seclusion at Croyland- Within a few years after the murder of Ethelbert, Otfa and his race had disappeared for ever.^^ Cenuifde- Tlic thronc of Mcrcia was next filled by Cc- bertof^ ' I'l^ilfj descended from another of the brothers Kent. of Penda. At the commencement of his reign, a singular revolution in Kent directed his atten- tion to that kingdom. By the death of Aluric the race of Hengist became extinct: and the prospect of a throne awakened the ambition of several competitors. The successful candidate was a clergyman related to the descendants of Cerdic, Eadbert Pren, whose aspiring mind preferred the crown to the tonsure.'*^ Ethel- heard, the archbishop of Canterbury, beheld \vith sorrow his elevation : but if he treated Eadbert as an apostate, Eadbert considered Jiim as a rebel ; and the metropolitan, unable to maintain the discipline of the canons, consulted the Roman pontiff, Leo III. who, after mature deliberation, excommunicated the king, and threatened, that, if he did not return to the *^ Ing. p. 6. *» Hunting, f. 197. Wallingford says that he was brother to Ethelred; the eldest son of Withrcd, p. 530. ANGLO-SAXONS. 181 clerical profession, he would exhort all the in- CHAP. habitants of Britain to unite in punishing his »-i^Jlw disobedience.^*^ Cenulf took this office on him- 796. self : and Eadbert, convinced that resistance would be vain, endeavoured to elude the vigil- ance and revenge of his enemies. He was^ however, taken : the eyes of the captive were put out, and both his hands amputated, Cuth- red, a creature of the victor's, obtained the throne, M^ith the title, but without the autho- rity, of king : and Eadbert was reserved by the Mercian for the gratification of his vanity. A day had been appointed for the dedication of the church of Winchelcomb, which he had built with ro3^al magnificence : the ceremony was attended by two kings, thirteen bishops, ten ealdormen, and an immense concourse of peo- ple : and in their presence Cenulf led his mu- tilated captive to the altar, and of his special grace and clemency granted him in the most solemn manner his freedom. According to the national custom the parade of the day was con- cluded by the distribution of presents. To the kings, prelates, and ealdormen he gave horses, garments of silk, and vases of the precious me- tals, to each visitor of noble birth but without landed possessions a pound of silver, and to ^ Anglia Sacra, i. 4ii0. In the poj.'c's letter the name ot' the king is not nienlioueU: but all circumstances conspire to point out Eadbert. 18« HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, every monk and clergyman a smaller but pro- ^_ ^y- . portionate sum.^^ Restores ^i\q Hcxt midertakini? of Ccnulf was an act theprero- „ . . , n ry, gativcsof of justice, to rcstorc to tlic successors or !5>t. ^^^y^^' Augustine the prerogatives, of which they had 803. been despoiled at the imperious demand of Offa. The authority of the new metropolitan had been endured with reluctance by the En- glish prelates, his former equals : and the arch- bishops of Canterbury and York seized the first opportunity of conveying to the king the sentiments of the episcopal body. He acqui- esced in their wishes : a letter in his name and that of the nobility and clergy was written to the pope ; and Ethelheard proceeded to Rome to plead in person the rights of his church. A favourable answer was obtained ; and Ethel- heard at his return, summoned a council of twelve bishops, in which it was declared that the decree of pope Adrian had been surreptiti- ously obtained, and the metropolitan of Lich- field was reduced to his former station among the suffragans of Canterbury .^^ 313. Archbishop Wulfrid was, like his predeces- Persecutes sor, for some time the favourite of Ccnulf. ^'^ Wulfrid.^^ With the origin of the dissention between them, we are unacquainted : but we afterwards find the king displaying the most violent hostility against »' Monast. Angl. i. 189. Chron. Sax. 67. Sim. Dun. 11-k Malm. 13. Walling. 530. *- Wilk. Con, 163. 167. Smith's Red. app. p. 787. Malm. f. Ij. Evid. eccl. Christ. 2212. " Ing. p. G. ec a ANGLO-SAXONS. l83 the primate, and excluding- him during six CHAP. years from the exercise of the archiepiscopal . ^^^- . authority. Both appealed to the holy see, and Wulfrid repaired to Rome, to vindicate his cha- racter from the charges of his royal persecutor. At his return Cenulf summoned him before a 816. great council at London. " I require," said the king, " that you surrender to me and my heirs your manor of three hundred hides at Yongesham, and pay to me one hundred and twenty pounds of silver. If you refuse, I will drive you out of Britain, and no solicita- tion of the emperor, no command of the *' pope, shall ever procure your return." Wul- frid heard the menace with firmness : and Cenulf shewed himself inflexible. After much altercation and many remonstrances, a com- promise was effected by the interposition of the nobility and clergy. Wulfrid acquiesced in the king's demand : and Cenulf consented that the cession should be of no value, unless he Avrote to the pope in favour of the archbi- shop, and restored him to all the privileges which his predecessors had enjoyed. But no sooner had he obtained possession of the ma- nor and the money, than he laughed at the cre- dulity of Wulfrid, who was compelled to submit ; in silence, and to wait for compensation from the justice of Cenulf's successor.^^ ^^ Wilk. Con. 172, 173. Spel. con. 332. Chion. Sax. 69. 184 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. After a prosperous reign of twenty-six years the king was killed in an expedition against the East-Anglians. Notwithstanding his perseeu- tion of the arehbishop, he is eelebrated by our aneient writers for his piety no less than his eou- rage and good fortune. He was succeeded by his only son Kenelni, a boy of seven years of Kencim age. After the lapse of a few months the young murdered. . • a ^ • . . a i . • i. 819. prmce accompanied his tutor Asccbert into a forest, where he was barbarously murdered. Suspicion attributed his death to his elder sister Quendrida, whose ambition, it was said, would have willingly purchased the crown Avitli the blood of a brother. If such were her views, she was disappointed. Ceolwulf, her uncle, ascended the throne : but Quendrida succeeded to the patrimony of her father, and is frequently men- tioned in the English councils with the titles of abbess, and heiress of Cenulf.^^ 821. The reign of Ceolwulf was short. In his se- Ceolwulf. cond year he was dethroned by Beornwulf, a Mercian, ^vho had no better title than his power and opulence. He obliged Quendrida to com- pound with Wulfrid for the land which her father had wrested from the archbishop. His abilities are said to have been unequal to his station, and 824. he was soon compelled to yield to the superior genius of Egbert, king of Wessex.^^ ^^ Ing. p. 7. Wilk. and Spcl. ibid. Probably she was called abbess, because Ccmilf had left her the abbey of Winchelcomb. ^^ Ing. p. 7. ANGLO-SAXONS. 185 r.^ ^. CHAP. WESSEX. III. From the kings of Mercia it is time to return Kings of to the descendants of Cerdic, whose fortune or abihties, after a struggle of three hundred years, triumphed over every opponent, and united all the nations of the Anglo-Saxons in one great and powerful monarchy. The death of the Bret- walda Ceawlin and the accession of his nephew Ceolric, have been already noticed. To Ceolric 597. after a short reign of five years, succeeded his brother Ceolwulf, whose enterprising spirit en- Ceolwulf. gaged him in constant hostilities with the Sax- ons, Britons, Scots, and Picts.'''' The men of Sussex made a bold but unsuccessful effort to eor. recover their independence. The war was con- ducted with the most obstinate valour : and though Ceolwulf crushed his opponents, it was 6 10. with the loss of his bravest warriors.'''^ He next led a numerous army against the Britons, drove Mouric their king, beyond the Severn, and pe- netrated to the banks of the Wye. The pride of the natives attributed their reverses, not to the superiority of the conquerors, but to the in- capacity of their leader. His father Tcwdric, it was said, had never shewn his back to an enemy : were he to place himself at their head, the Sax- ons wo\dd not dare to appear in his presence. Tewdric had resigned the sceptre, and led the rv " Chron. Sax. p. 2ii. Hunt. 101. *8 Chron. Sax. p. 25. Hunt lUl. 186 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. CHAP, life of a hermit amidst the rocks of Dindyrn. y—,,^ From his cell he was drawn by the entreaties of his countrymen ; and assumed with reluctance the command of the army. In the battle which followed^ the hermit gained the victory, but lost Death of liis Hfc. He received a wound in the head, of waies^'''^ which hc died near the confluence of the Wye and the Severn. Ceolwulf did not survive him more than a year.''^ Cvne<^ils. Ccolwulf M'as succccdcd by Cynegils, the son andCui- of Ccolric, wlio divided the kins^dom with his Gii. brother Cuichelm. This partition did not dimi- nish the strength of the nation. The two bro- thers appeared to be animated with the same spirit, and united their efforts to promote the 614. public prosperity. They led a powerful army to Bampton in Somersetshire. The Britons fled at the martial appearance of the enemy ; and the Saxons returning from the pursuit numbered two thousand and forty-six enemies among the slain.''^ The three sons of Saberct, who had suc- ceeded to the kingdom of Essex, ventured to provoke the hostility of the two brothers ; but they fell on the field of battle, and of their fol- — ^ Edwin, king of Northumbria. What peculiar provocation he might have received, it is in vain to conjecture: according to Mahiisbury, he had been deprived of part of his territory. The si- 626. lence of historians acquits Cynegils of any share in the guilt of his brother ; but he was unwilling to see him fall a victim to the re&entment of the Northumbrian, and assisted him with all his forces in a fruitless attempt to repel Edwin. Fortunately the conqueror was appeased, and left them in possession of their territories.'^^ Two years afterwards Penda, who was then G28. beginning his sanguinary career, determined to measure his strength with that of the West- Saxons. The obstinacy of the two armies pro- longed the contest till it was interrupted by the darkness of night. The conflict v/as about to be renevv^ed in the morning, when both parties, appalled by the loss of the preceding day, were induced by their mutual fears to listen to terms of reconciliation. The battle was fought at Cirencester.*^^ Both Cynegils and Cuichelm received baptism from the hands of the bishop Birinus. Cynegils survived his brother seven years, and died in 642. The throne was next filled by Coinwalch, the Coin- son of the last monarch, who had refused to ^'^^42. 6- Bed. ii. 9. Chron. Sax. 27, 28. " Chron. Sax. p. 29. Ethelward, 476. Hunt. 131. 188 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. embrace Christianity with his father and uncle. He had formerly married a sister of Penda; but as soon as he obtained the crown, he dismissed her "with ignominy, and bestowed his hand on a more favourite princess. The Mercian, lu'gcd by resentment, entered Wessex, defeated Coin- walch, and chased him out of his dominions. Expelled lie found an asylum in the territory of Anna, cd. ^ ' the virtuous king of the East-Angles, where he was induced to abjure the deities of paganism. In the third year of his exile, he recovered his throne by the assistance of his nephew Cuthred ; and as a testimony of his gratitude, bestowed on his be- nefactor three thousand hides of land at Aston in Berkshire. His next care was to fulfil the pious bequest of his father and to erect a cluu'ch and monastery in the city of Winchester. Its size and magnificence astonished his country- men.''^ 652. Coinwalch was eminently successful against ^53. the Britons. He defeated them at Bradford, and afterwards at Pen ; and made the Parret the western boundary of his kingdom. But he was compelled to bend before the superior power of Wulpliere, king of Mercia, If the chance of war threw that prince into the hands of Coinwalcli, the reader has seen that he re- 661. covered his liberty, defeated the West-Saxons, and transferred the sovereignty of the isle of ^ Bed. iii. 7. Chron. Sax. 31, 32, S3. 39. Malm. f. G. • ANGLO-SAXONS. 189 Wight, and of part of Hampshire, to his friend CHAP. Edilwalch, the king of Sussex.*'"' . ^^- . At the death of Coinv/alch without children, sexburga. an aUuring prospect was opened to the ambition ^ ^" of the remaining descendants of Cerdic ; but the reins of government were instantly seized by his widow Sexburga, a princess, whose spirit and abilities were worthy of a crown. By her promp- titude and decision she anticipated or suppress- ed the attempts of her opponents : at the head of her army she overawed the neighbouring princes, who were eager to humble the power of Wessex ; and by the lenity of her sway, endea- voured to reconcile her subjects to the novelty of a female sovereign. Yet a general discon- tent prevailed ; the chieftains conceived it a dis- grace to submit to the sceptre of a woman; and she would probably have been driven from the throne, had not her death anticipated the attempt, before the first year of her reign w^as at an end.*'"*' Tho oovernment of Wessex now assumed the form of an aristocracy. The most powerful thanes associated for their mutual defence ; and in the emergencies of foreign war conferred on one of their number the title of king.*'' The 674. 65 Chron. Sax. 33. 39. Bed. iii. 7. iv. 13. Hunt. 182. ^^ Chron. Sax. 41. Weslininster says she was dethroned (ad ann, 672) ; but I prefer the testimony oi" Mahnsbury, f. 6. ''^ This appears the only manner of reconciling the ancient chro» niclers with Bede iii. 12. 390 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. first of tlicse was /Esciiin, a descendant of Ccol- wulfj who fought a bloody but indecisive battle with '\Vul])hcre, at ]3edwin in Wiltshire. He died or was expelled in the following year : 670. Centwin, the brother of Coinwalch, succeeded, and the West-Saxons under his conduct drove the Britons to the borders of the ocean. To escape his pursuit, many joined their brethren in Armorica.^'^ Casadwal- Among the numerous princes of the f^imily of Cerdic was Ciieadwalla, of the house of Ceawlin. His youth, activity, and courage had distinguish- ed him above his equals : but the quality which attracted the admiration of the people alarmed the jealousy of Centwin; and C^adwalla, with a band of faithful adherents, retired from danger into the territory of Sussex. Yet the spirit of the fugitive scorned to solicit assistance from the enemies of his country : and in the extensive forests of Andredswald and Chiltene he main- tained his independence.^'^ At the same time Wilfrid, the banished bishop of York, resided in In Sussex. Selsey, which had been given to him by Edil- w^alch. The similarity of their fortunes formed a bond of amity between the two exiles. Caead- walla frequently visited the prelate, and received «« Chron. Sax. 44. Malm. 6. Hunt. 183. Ethel. 476. «9 De desertis Chiltene et Ondred. Edd, c. xli. The forest of Andredswald has been already mentioned : Chiltene was probably in the eastern part of Hampshire, and in the district of the Mean- ivari lately added to Sussex. Remains of the name still exist in Chilton, Chalton, &c. ANGLO-SAXONS. 1^^ from liim seasonable supplies of horses and CHAP. » 1 iir money. Insensibly the number of his followers < — ^ increased ; adventurers and malcontents crowd- ed to his standard ; and he made a sudden and unexpected irruption into the cultivated part of Sussex. Edilwalch, v/ho attempted with a few followers to oppose him, was slain; and the flames of war were spread over the country, when the ealdormen Bercthune and Andhune, returned from Kent with the army of Sussex, and drove this band of outlaws to their former asylum in the forest. There Ceeadwalla received Made king of Wessex» the welcome intelligence that his persecutor Cent- 085^ win was dead, and had generously, on his death- bed, named him his successor. He immediately marched into Wessex \ his reputation had already interested the people in his favour: his rivals were intimidated by the martial appearance of his followers ; and Cceadwalla ascended, without opposition, the throne of Cerdic.'^ The first care of the new king was to remove the disgrace which he had so lately received in Sussex. With a powerful army he entered that <^8G. devoted country, slew Bercthune in battle, and reduced the natives to their former dependance on the crown of Wessex. Thence he pursued his victorious career into Kent. The inhabitants fled at his approach ; and the riches of the open- country became the spoil of the invaders. '° Edd. c. xli. Bed. iv. 15. Chron. Sax. 45. Malms. 151. '^ Bed. iv, 15. Chron. Sax. p. 40. Hunt. 192. 19*2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. The isle of Wight had been formerly subju- gated and colonized by a body of Jutes. Wnl- tiieTie Iff P^icrc had severed it from Wesscx : Ca^adwalla Wight. resolved to reunite it to his dominions, lliougli a pagan, he implored, in this difficult enterprise, the assistance of the God of the christians, and vowed, in the event of victory, to devote one fourth of his conquest to the service of religion. Arvald, who held the island under the crown of Sussex, defended himself with courage ; and Cajadwalla received several wounds before he could subdue his antagonist. In his rage he had determined to exterminate the natives, and to supply their place with a colony of Saxons ; but he yielded to the entreaties and exhortations of AA^ilfrid ; and gave to the bishop, in execution of his vow, three hundred hides of land, the fourth portion of the island. By him the dona- tion was transferred to the clergyman Bernwine his nephew, who, with the assistance of Hiddela, - established the christian faith among the inha- bitants.'"'- Puts to During this invasion two young princes, the bSthers of t>rothcrs of Arvald, had escaped from the island, Arvald. and sought an asylum among the Jutes of the opposite coast. They were concealed at Stone- ham ; but the place of their retreat was betrayed to Cicadwalla, and an order was dispatched for their immediate execution. Cynibert, the abbot 7» Bed. iv. 16. ANGLO-SAXONS. 193 of Redbridge, hastened to solicit, and with diffi- CHAP. culty obtained, a respite, till he should baptize ^^^* the unfortunate youths. He hastened to Stone- ham, informed them of their approaching end, consoled them with the hope of future happi- ness, and explained to them the leading doc- trines of Christianity. They listened to him with gratitude ; the ceremony of baptism was performed; and the two brothers joyfully offered their necks to the sword, " in the certain hope," says Bede, " of exchanging a temporary for an " immortal and blissful existence." '^-^ The next theatre of his veno'eancc, or his am- ^'^^f ^]^ ^~ . brother in bition, was the kingdom of Kent. His brother Kent. IMollo comm.anded the West-Saxon army: and the natives, recurring to the policy which they had adopted in the former year, retired at the approach of the invaders. MoUo, whom the ab- sence of an enemy had rendered negligent, in- cautiously separated from his forces with twelve attendants. He was descried by the peasants, attacked, hunted into a cottage, and burnt to death. Cctadwalla hastened to revenge the fate of his brother : and devoted the whole of Kent to the flames and the sword. '^ From his first acquaintance with ^Vilfrid, the ^"^^ to . . Home. king had imbibed a favourable notion of the christian worship : when he had mounted the throne, he invited the bishop into Wessex, " Bed. ibid. ■?* Chron. Sax. n. 48, VOL. I. O 194 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, honoured Inm as his father and benefactor, and ^ ^^^- , determined to embrace the faith of the gospeL Another prince would have been content to re- ceive baptism from his own prelate or his in- C88. structor: Ca?adwalla resolved to receive it from the hands of the sovereign pontiff. He crossed the sea, visited in his progress the most cele- brated churches, testified his piety by costly presents, was honourably entertained by Cuni- bert, king of the Lombards, and entered Rome Is baptiz- in the spring of the year 688. On the vigil of ^^' Easter he was baptized by pope Sergius, and changed his name to that of Peter, in honour of the prince of the apostles. But before he laid aside the, white robes, the usual distinction of those who had been lately baptized, he was Dies. seized with a mortal illness, and died on the twentieth of April in the thirtieth year of his age. By the command of Sergius he was interred in the church of St. Peter ; and an inscription fixed on his tomb preserved the memory, and cele- brated the virtues, of the king of the West- Saxons.'-^ ina. rj^j-jg successor of Caeadwalla was Ina, who de- rived his descent from the Bretwalda Ceawlin. ■'^ Chron. Sax. p. 48. Bed. v. 7. The concluding lines of his epitaph were these: Candidas inter oves Christi sociabilis ibit : Corporenam tumulimi, mente siiperna tenet. Commutasse magis sceptrorum insignia credas, Quern regnum Christi promcruisse vides. Ibid ANGLO-SAXONS. 195 As a ^varrior Ina was equal, as a legislator he cHAR was superior, to the most celehrated of his pre- vJlJ^ decessors. In the fifth year of his reign he as- sembled the Witena-gemot, and " with the "advice of his father Cenred, of his bishops *^ Hedda, and Ereonwald, of all his ealdormen, " and wise men and clercfy," enacted seventy- Publishes nine laws, by Avhich he regulated the adminis- j^^^° ^ ° tration of justice, fixed the legal compensation for crimes, cheched the prevalence of hereditary feuds, placed the conquered Britons under the protection of the state, and exposed and punished the frauds, which might be committed in the transfer of merchandise, and the cultivation of land.'^ Essex, (by what means is unknown) had already been annexed to his crown:''' and Kent invades was again destined to lament the day in which comvvaV MoUo had perished. At the head of a resistless ^^4. ^ army Ina demanded the ivere for the death of his cousin : and Withred, king of Kent, to appease the resentment of the invader, paid the full com- pensation, thirty thousand pounds of silver.'^ The West-Saxon monarch steadily pursued the policy of his fathers in the gradual subjugation of the Britons: added by successive conquests several districts to the western provinces of his ''S Leges Sax. p. 14—27. " Malm. 7. Ina calls the bibhop of London, " my bishop." Leg. Sax. p. 14. 's Chron. Sax. p. 48. Polychron. p. 243. Malmsbnry (7) has too great a sum, .'50,000 marks of gold. Florence of Worcester makes t amount to 3700 pounds, Flor, ad ann, 694. O 'Z 196 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. kingdom; and expelled, after long- struggles, Geraint, the king of CornAvall. His dispute with Ceolrcd of Mercia, was more bloody, and 715. less glorious. The battle was fought at Wod- nesbury. Both claimed the vietory: but neither dared to renew the engagement.'-* Is opposed If the abilities of Ina had promoted the pros- dors t?the P^^'^^Y ^f Wcssex, the duration of his reign cx- ciown. hausted the patience of the more aspiring among the descendants of Cerdic. He had swayed the sceptre two-and-thirty years, when the ctheling 721. Cenulf ventured to claim the royal authority, and in a short time paid the forfeit of his ambi- tion.^*^ The next year his example Avas followed by another pretender named Eadbyrht ; who seized the strong castle of Tamiton, which Ina had lately erected in Somersetshire. It was at the moment when an insurrection had drawn the king into Sussex : but his queen Ethelburga assembled an army, took the fortress by storm, and levelled it with the ground. Eadbyrht had the good fortune to escape from his pursuers, and was raised by the enemies of Ina to the throne of Sussex. During two years the natives successfully maintained the struggle for their 725. independence, but in the third they were defeat- ed, and the death of Eadbyrht consummated the subjection of their country.^^ 79 Chroii. Sax. p. 50, 51. Hunt. 193, 194. so Chron. Sax. p. 52. Flor. Wig. ad ann. 721. «' Chron, Sa.\. p. 52. Hunt. 194. monaste- ries. ANGLO-SAXONS. , 197 Ina was the friend and benefactor of the churchmen. All the celebrated monasteries in his kingdom experienced his bounty: and the Founds abbey of Glastonbury vras erected by him with a munificence truly royal. ^- The religious sentiments which he had imbibed in early life, sunk more deeply into bis mind as he advanced in years ; and their influence was strengthened by the exhortations of his queen, who ardently wished for the retirement of the cloister. With this view, if we may credit the narrative of Malmsbury, she devised and executed a most singular stratagem. The king and queen had given a splendid entertainment to the nobility and clergy of tlie kingdom. The following mornin"" they left the castle: but after a ride of a few hours, Ina, at the earnest solicitation of Ethelburga, consented to return. He was sur- prised at the silence and solitude which appeared to reign in the castle. At each step his as- tonishment increased. The furniture had dis- appeared : the hall was strewed with fragments and rubbish : and a litter of swine occupied the very bed, in Avliich he had passed the night. His eyes interrogated the queen, who seized the moment to read her husband a lecture on the ^■•^Malm. dc Ant. Glast. edit. Cale, p. 310. His donations amounted to 2900 pounds of silver, and 3.50 pounds of gold. Ibid. I should think this money arose from the zcere paid for the death of Molio : as Ina built the monastery pro anima propiaqui sui xMuI- lonis. Gale, 309. Monast. Anc:. i. 13. 19S Resigns the crown. Goes to Rome. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. vanity of human greatness, and the happy sere- nity of an obscure and religious life.^'^ It is not, however, necessary to attach much credit to th story. There are other grounds on which the determination of Ina may be exphiined, without attributing it to so clumsy an artifice. He had now reigned seven-and-thirty years. The peace of his old age had been disturbed by rebellion. His body was broken by infirmity, his mind dis- tracted by care. Experience had taught him how difficult it was to hold with a feeble hand the reins of government among a warlike and turbulent nobility. He resolved to descend spontaneously from that situation, vdiich he could no longer retain with dignity: and religion offered to his grey hairs a holy and a safe re- treat. In the Witena-gemot he resigned the crown, released his subjects from their allegi- ance, and expressed his wish to spend the remain- der of his days in lamenting the errors of his youth. Within a few weeks the royal penitent, accompanied by Ethelburga, quitted Wessex. To watch and pray at the tombs of the apostles Peter and Paul, was the first object of their wishes : and after a tedious journey they arrived in Rome, and visited the holy places. It may be, as some writers have asserted, tliat Ina then built the school of the English in that city: ^4 but this circumstance was unknown to the more ^* Malm. 7. f"* West, ad ann. 727. He also attrib\ites to Ina the estallishnieut of Peter-pence, which is equally intiprobablc. ANGLO-SAXONS. 199 ancient historians : and can hardly be reconciled CHAP, with the humility of the king, wliose endeavour ^ ^^J- . it was to elude the notice of the public, and to live confounded with the mass of the common people. On tliis account he refused to shave his head, or wear the monastic habit : and con- tinued to support himself by the labour of his hands, and to perform his devotions in the garb of a i])oor and unknown pilgrim. lie died before ^^^s- 728. the expiration of the year : and was soon fol- lowed to the grave by Ethelburga, the consort of his greatness, and the faithful companion of his poverty and repentance.^-^ When Ina resigned the sceptre, he recom- ^thel- mended for his successors, yEthelheard, the brother of his queen, and Oswald, who through Ethelbald, Cynebuld, and Cuthwin, traced his descent from Ceawlin.^'^ The two princes im- mediately became antagonists : Oswald, though defeated, did not relinquish his pretensions ; and till his death in 730, yEthelheard reigned in anxiety and suspense. This domestic quarrel impaired the power, and emboldened the ene- mies, of Wessex. The British writers claim for their countrymen, the glory of three victories, obtained in North-'^Yales, South- Wales, and Cornwall.^' The superiority of the Mercians is better established. iEthelheard was compelled 8' Bed. V, 7. Chron. Sax. p. b'i. Malm. 7. Gale, 313. ^■^ Bed. V. 7. Chron. Sax. p. 53. " Caradoc, p. KJ, 200 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, to obey the a\itliority of Etliclbakl, king of Mer- , ^"- , cia: and an unsuccessful attempt to recover his 733. independence, was chastised by the loss of So- merton, the capital of ►Somersetshire. After an 741. inglorious reign of thirteen years he left his crown to his brother Cuthred.^^ Cuthrcd. Cuthrcd first drew his sword to revenge the death of his son, the etheling Cenric, who had been slain in a sedition of the people. The per- 748. petrators of the crime, apprehensive of punish- ment, took up arms, and placed at their head the ealdorman Edilhune. Their army was infe- rior to that of the king : but the bravery of their leader supplied the deficiency of numbers : and the victory was doubtful, till a dangerous wound removed the ealdorman from the field. The conqueror behaved with generosity to his van- quished subjects, and restored Edilhune to his favour. The services of that nobleman in the great victory of Burford have been already men- tioned. By his assistance the king defeated the Mercians, and secured the independence of 752. AVessex. An expedition against the Britons, which added a considerable district to his do- minions, closed the career of this warlike mo- narch, who died in 754.^^ Sigebyrcht Sigcbyrcht succeeded to the crown. Before the end of the year, the majority of the thanes rejected his authority, and elected a descendant »« Chron. Sax. p. 54. Hunt. 195. »'■' Chron. Sax. 56. Hunt. 196. Carad. 17. ANGLO-SAXONS. 201 ofCerdic,byiiameCynewiilf. Hampshire alone, by the influence of the ealdorman Cumbra, re- mained faithful to Sigebyrcht : but that nobleman having presumed to remonstrate with him on his conduct, was put to death by his ungrateful master. The loss of their leader dissolved the is deposed. connexion between the Hampshire-men and the king : they united with their countrymen in ac- knowledging the claim of Cynewulf: and Sige- byrcht fled with precipitation to the forest of Andredswald. There he wandered for almost a year ; till he was accidentally discovered at Pre- vet by one of the retainers of Cumbra, who to revenge the death of his lord, thrust his spear through the body of the fugitive prince. He is said to have been buried with royal honours at Winchester.-'*^ Of the lonjr reiern of Cvnewulf we know little Cynewulf more than that it was signalized by several vic- tories over the Britons, and disgraced by the surrender of Bensington to the Mercians. But 784. the history of his death deserves to be preserved, as illustrative of two great features in the Anglo- Saxon character, — dcvotedness of attachment, and ferocity of revenge. Sigebyrcht had left a brother named Cyneheard, who, to escape the is mur- jealousy of the new king, had abandoned his ''^"^^^• native country, and consoled the hours of exile with the hope of revenge. Thirty-one years had ^<^ Chron. Sax. 56. Ethclw. i77. Hunt. 196. 202 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Punish- ment of the mur- derers. elapsed from the death of Sigcbyrclit, when Cync- heard returned with eighty-four adherents, and seereted himself in the woods. It chanced one evening that the king left Winchester with a slender retinue to visit a lady at Merton, to w'liom he was warmly attached. Cyneheard stole silently from his retreat, followed with caution the footsteps of the monarch : and in the dead of the ii'vAit surrounded the residence of his mistress. Cyncwulf was asleep : his at- tendants were dispersed in the neighbouring houses. At the first alarm he arose, seized his sword, and descended to the door, where he de- scried his enemy, and springing forward aimed a desperate blow at the head of Cyneheard. The wound, which was but slight, was quickly re- venged by the weapons of the conspirators. Roused by the noise of the combatants and the shrieks of the woman, the king's attendants has- tened to his assistance ; but they found him breathless, and weltering in blood. It was in vain that Cyneheard offered them their lives and possessions. They scorned his proposals : and after a long conflict were all slain with the exception of a Briton, who in quality of hostage, had been detained in the court of Cynewulf. Even he was severely wounded. Early in the morning the news arrived at Winchester. The ealdorman Osric, and Wi- verth the thane, immediately mounted their horses, and rode to Merton, followed by their ANGLO-SAXONS. 203 retainers. Cyneheard met tliem at the gate to CHAP. . • III justify his conduct, and to solicit their friend- ship. He pleaded the obligation of revenging the wrongs of his family: asserted his claim to the throne ; offered them valuable possessions ; and bade them recollect that many of his friends were their kinsmen. " Our kinsmen," they re- plied, " are not dearer to us, than was our lord. " To his murderers we will never submit. If " those, who are related to us, wish to save " their lives, they are at liberty to depart." " The same offer," returned the followers of Cyneheard, "was made to the king's attend- '' ants. They refused it. We will prove to- " day that our generosity is not inferior to '^ theirs." Impatient of delay, Osric forced the barrier : he was opposed with the most despe- rate intrepidity : and the battle was terminated only by the failure of combatants. Of Cyne- heard's eighty four companions one alone was saved. He was found among the slain covered with wounds but still alive : and owed his pre- servation to this fortunate circumstance, that he was the god-son of Osric. The body of Cyne- wulf was interred among the ashes of his pro- genitors at Winchester : that of Cyneheard was conveyed to the church of Exeter.'-^^ '■>^ Chron. Sax. 57. 63. Hunt. 39G, 197. Flor. ad ann. 78t. Malm. 7. Ethelw. 477. Westm. ad ami. 78G. They all agree in substance, Imt differ in minor circumstances. I have selected those which appear the most probable. r204 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Bnluric. Is poison- ed by his queen. 800. The vacant throne was next occupied by Brihtiic. The West-Saxon thanes had still re- tained the ancient privilege of electing their kings. Though they confined their choice to the descendants of Cerdic, they frequently dis- regarded the order of hereditary succession. This practice was productive of the most serious evils. Every prince of the royal race nourished the hope of ascending the throne : and, as the unsuccessful candidate often appealed to the sword, the strength of the nation Avas impaired by domestic dissensions ; and the reigning king was frequently compelled to divert his attention from the general welfare to his own individual security. The opponent of Brihtric was Egbert, who unable to withstand the power of his enemy, left the island, and sought employment in the armies of Charlemagne. Of the exploits of the king during the sixteen years of his reign, historians are silent : the circumstances of his death, on account of its consequences, have ar- rested their attention. Brihtric had married Eadburga, the daughter of Offa, a princess as ambitious and unprincipled as her father. By her imperious temper she governed her hus- band, and, through him, the whole nation. The king had noticed with particular distinction the ealdorman AVorr. Jealous of the rising influ- ence of this young nobleman, Eadburga pre- pared for him a poisonous potion : but unfortu- nately the king drank of the same cup, and ac- ANGLO-SAXONS. 205 companicd his favourite to the grave. The CHAP. West-Saxons vented their imprecations against ^^^- ^ the murderess, who escaped with her treasures iier fate to France : and the Witena-gemot enacted a law, by which the consorts of their future kings were deprived of the style and privileges of royalty. Eadburga was presented to Charlemagne, and when the jeering monarch asked her, whom she would have, him or his son, " your son," she replied, " for he is the younger." The emperor was, or affected to be, displeased : but he made her a present of an opulent monastery, in which she resided with the title of abbess. But the dissoluteness of her conduct soon scandalized the sisterhood, and the public. She was ex- pelled with ignominy, and after many adven- tures, terminated her miserable existence at Pavia in Italy, where the daughter of the king of Mercia, and widow of the king of Wessex, was often seen soliciting in rags the charity of pas- sengers. Brihtric died in the year 800. •- EGBERT. The expulsion of Egbert, and his reception at Egbert. the court of Charlemagne, have been already mentioned. Three years he served in the ar- mies of that emperor, and improved the period of his exile in acquiring a proficiency in the arts ^ 92 Chrou. Sax. 63. 08. Asser, p. 10. 12. 206 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, of war and of government. The death of J^^^- . Brihtrie recalled him to his native country. He was the only remaining prince of the house of Cerdic, deriving his descent from that conqueror through Inigils, the brother of Ina. By the West-Saxon thanes his claim was unanimously acknowledged : and the day of his coronation was ennobled by a victory, the omen of subse- quent conquests. Desirous perhaps to disturb the joy of the ceremony, Ethelmund, the Mer- cian ealdorman of Glocestershire, attempted Avith a body of horsemen to cross the Isis at Kempsford, and was opposed by Wulstan, the West-Saxon ealdorman of Wiltshire. Both the commanders fell in the engagement : but the Mercians were routed, and pursued with con- siderable loss into their own territory.'-^^ Egbert devoted the commencement of his reign to the cidtivation of peace, and the im- Subducs provement of his people. It was not till 809 that he unsheathed the sword : but from that period 809. each succeeding year was marked by new victo- ries and conquests. He repeatedly invaded and appropriated to himself a portion of the territory of the ancient Britons : the havoc of war and the flames of destruction were carried to the western extremity of the island : and the natives of Cornwall, exhausted by numerous defeats, re- luctantly submitted to the conqueror.^^ The the Bri- tons. s^ Chron. Sax. p. 68. »* Cbron. Sax.p. 69. 70. Ethelvveard, 478 . ANGLO-SAXONS. 207 East- Angles, who still remembered the treachery of Oft\i, by entreaties and presents mduced him to make war upon the Mercians. The two ar- The Mer- mies met at Ellendune on the banks of the '^^^^q23. Willy : and Beornwiilf, after an obsthiate resist- ance, yielded the palm of victory to his adver- sary, who, seizing the favourable moment, over-ran the feeble kingdoms of Kent and Essex, and united them to his own dominions. Beorn- 825. wulf, and after him his successor Ludecan, sought to wreak their vengeance on the East- Ano-les.^"' Both lost their lives in the fruitless attempt: and Wiglaf, who next ascended the throne, had scarcely grasped the sceptre, when he was compelled to drop it at the approach of the West-Saxons. Unable to collect an army, he endeavoured to elude the pursuit of the in- vaders : wandered for three years in the. forests and marshes ; and during four months obtained a secure retreat in the cell of Ethelburga, the daughter of Offa, v/ho lived a recluse in the church of Croyland. Time, and the entreaties of the abbot Siward, mitigated the resentment of Egbert : who at last permitted Wiglaf to re- tain the sceptre, on condition that he should pay an annual tribute, and swear fealty to the king of 'Wessex.-^*'* By the submission of the TheNonh- Merclans and of the East-Angles, Egbert found ''"^t^^^'- himself on the frontiers of Northumbria, which s*Prece pretioque Ingul. 7. Chron.Sax. p. 70. o^ ingul. 7, 8. 20S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. was already subdued by the terror of his name. The chieftains, with Eanfrid at their liead, met him at Dore, aekn()wledi»'ed him for their lord, and gave hostages for their obedience. Thence he directed his arms against the Britons, pene- trated through the heart of North Wales, and planted his victorious standard in the isle ofx'\n- glesey. Thus in the space of nineteen years ^lid Egbert, by his policy and victories, extend the authority of Wessex over the greater part of the island, and obtain for himself the honourable title of " the eighth Bretwalda."''^ ThcDanes Scarcely, however, had the king attained this andNorth- superiority over the native princes, when he saw himself assailed by a foreign and most dangerous enemy. At this period the peninsula of Jutland, the islands of the Baltic, and the shores of the Scandinavian continent, were the birth-place of a race of men, who like the Saxons of old, sj^ent the best portion of their lives on the waves, despised the tranquil enjoyments of peace, and preferred the acquisitions of rapine to the laborious profits of industry. Their ma- ritime situation familiarized them with the dan- gers of the ocean : and an absurd law of success- men s^Chron. Sax. 71,72. Ethelw. 478. The opinion that he gave himself the title of the first king of England, rests on no siifiicient authority. Several of his predecessors iiad as good a right to it as himself: and his immediate successors contented themselves with the usual style of kings of the West-Saxons. By monarcha Bri- tannicE, Huntingdon (198) probably means no more than Bret- walda. ■V" ANGLO-SAXONS. 209 sion, which universally prevailed among a mul- CHAP. titude of chieftains, consigned the majority of • their children to the profession of piracy. The eldest son obtained the whole patrimony of his family : the rest of the brothers received no other inheritance than their swords, and ships, with which they were expected to acquire repu- tation and riches.^^ Till the eighth century the sea-kings (so the principal of these adven- turers were called), confined their depredations to the northern seas : but they had heard of the wealthy provinces in the south ; and the suc- cess of their first attempts incited them to en- gage in more distant and important expeditions. Several chieftains associated under the banner of a renowned and experienced leader. In spring the pirates sailed to a distant province, landed, ravaged the country, collected the spoil, steered to another coast, repeated their depreda- tions, and in autumn returned loaden with plun- der to their own country. Their first attempts were directed against the British isles : next they desolated the coasts of France and Spain ; at last they sailed through the straits which di- vide Europe from Africa, and taught the shores of tlie Mediterranean to tremble at the names of the Danes and Northmen. The establishment of a Danish dynasty in England, of the dutchy of Normandy in France, and afterwards of a '■"^ Gale, 533. Snorre, Ilavniae, 1777. p. 43. Messen. Stock- holme, 1700. p. 4. VOL. I. p 810 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. CHAP. III. Their de- scents. 832. 833. 835. Death of Egbert. powerful kingdom in Italy, bears sufficient tes- timony to their courage, their activity, and their perseverance. Of their descents in England during the eighth century three only are recorded, one on the isle of Thanet, and two on the coast of Northumbria. If these attempts produced a temporary alarm, they furnished no cause of permanent uneasi- ness. But towards the close of the reign of Eg- bert the numbers of the pirates perpetually in- creased, and their visits were annually renewed. In 832 they landed in the isle of Shej^py, con- veyed away the plunder, and returned home without molestation. The next year a fleet of jfive-and-thirty sail entered the mouth of the Dart : and Egbert had the mortification to see his West-Saxons turn their backs to the in- vaders. Convinced of the necessity of prejjara- tion, he summoned all his vassals to meet him in London, explained to them the measures which he had resolved to adopt, and waited in anxious suspense for the next descent of the enemy. Nor were they inferior in policy to the king. They landed on the coast of Cornwall : where, by the offers of friendship, they seduced the Britons from their allegiance ; and at Heng- stone hill encountered with united forces the men of Wessex. The king commanded in per- son : and a bloody but decisive victory restored the glory of his arms, crushed the rebellion of the Britons, and compelled the invaders to seek ANGLO-SAXONS. 211 refuge in their ships. This was the last exploit CHAP, of Egbert, who died in the following year, after . ^^J' ^ a long, a glorious, and a fortunate reign.^^ s^®- ETHELWULF. Ethelwulf succeeded his father on the throne Succession of Wessex : the conquered provinces of Kent, wulf. Essex, and Surrey were formed into a subordi- nate kingdom, and intrusted to the government of Athelstan, the son or the brother of Ethel- wulf. loo Of this monarch it has frequently been ob- served that he was fitter to wear the cowl, than to wield the sceptre. For so unfavourable a character he is principally indebted to the pen of Malmsbury, who describes him as a prince of inferior abilities, and assigns the merit of his government to the wisdom of his ministers Al- ston, bishop of Sherburne, and Swithin, bishop of Winchester. But the accuracy of this state- ment may be questioned. In the pages of the more ancient annalists Ethelwulf appears with greater dignity : and if we may estimate his character by his conduct, we cannot refuse him the praise of activity and courage. s» Ethclw. 478. Hunt. 198. lug. 10. ""' Chron. Sax. 73. Our chroniclers are equally divided on the question, whether Athe]stan was the son of Egbert, or of Ethel- wulf. I suspect that Ethelwulf governed the conquered provinces during the life of his f — ^ vived only a few days, and was buried at Win- Etlidreci. burn : the invaders returned to Reading, where they divided the spoil, and rejoiced over their victory. ^-^ 1'-' Asser, 24. Chron. Sax. 81. 232 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. IV. ANGLO-SAXONS. BIRTH, EDUCATION'^ AXD ACCESSION OF ALFRED SUCCESSrS OF THE DANES ALFRED OPPOSES THEM BY SEA HIS VIC- TORIES, LAWS, AND IMPROVEMENTS REIGNS OF EDWARD — ATHELSTAN EDMUND AXD EDRED. AI.FRED THE GREAT. CHAP. "\Yjth the name of Alfred;, posterity has asso- ^ — V— ' ciated the epithet of " the great." The kings, his predecessors, are chiefly known to us by their actions in the fieki of battle : it is the praise of Alfred that he was not only a warrior, but also the patron of the arts, and the legisla- tor of his people. TJie'ir history has been com- pressed into a few pages : but his merit will de- serve a more full and detailed narration. Birth of Alfred was born at "Wantage in 849, the youngest of the four sons, whom Osburga, the daughter of Oslac bore to Ethelwulf. The beauty, vivacity, and playfulness of the boy en- deared him to his parents, who affected to fore- see that he would one day prove the chief orna- ment of the race of Cerdic. It was this partia- lity ^vhicll induced the king to send him, when ANGLO-SAXONS. 233 only in liis fifth year, with a numerous retinue to Kome, to be crowned by the pontiff; and af- terwards, when the royal pilgrim himself visited the apostolic city, Alfred was selected to accom- pany his father. The Anglo-Saxons of this period had degene- Hiseduca- rated from the literary reputation of their ances- tors. The thanes, dividing their time between the occupations of war and the pleasures of the chase, despised the tranquil pursuits of know- ledge, and directed the attention of their chil- dren to those exercises, which reciprocally impart and require habits of strength, agility, and courage. Osburga, however, had the merit of awakening in the mind of Alfred that passion for learning, by which he was so honourably distinguished from his contemporaries. Holding in her hand a Saxon poem elegantly written, and beautifully illuminated, she offered it as a reward to the first of her children, whose pro- ficiency should enable him to read it. The emulation of Alfred was excited : he ran to his master, applied to the task with diligence, per- formed it to the satisfaction of the queen, and received the prize of his industry.' But soon, by the death of both parents, the education of the young prince devolved on his elder brothers, to whom the pursuits of litera- ' Ai-ser, IG. The same writer carefully distinguishes the libe- ralcs artes from the venaloriu ct cielcris artibus, (pia nvbiiibus con- vcniunt, p. 43. <234 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. tiirc were probably objects of contempt. His proficiency under their care was limited to the art of reading: from which he could derive 110 other immediate advantage than the perusal of a few Saxon poems, and books of devotion, written in the vernacular idiom. It proved, however, to him an acquisition of considerable importance : for it laid the foundation of his subsequent improvement ; it urged his curiosity to explore those treasures of history and science, which were locked up in the obscurity of a learned language ; and it enabled him at a lateu period to apply with success to the study of the Latin tongue. But his health was then impaired by disease, his mind occupied with the cares of government : and he frequently in the company of his friends lamented that indulgence, which had permitted him to throv/ away the years of his youth in pursuits and diversions, from which he had reaped nothing but ignorance and re""ret.- His ma- But if the mind of Alfred had not received the polish of classical literature, it had been deeply impressed with religious sentiments, which influenced his conduct through life. At the age of twenty he determined from motives of virtue to marry. The lady, whom he ho- noured with his choice, was Alswitha, the daughter of Ethelfrid, a Mercian ealdorman, -Asser, 17. » ANGLO-SAXONS. 235 and of Eadburga, a princess of the race of Pcnda. But the joy of the nuptial ceremony- was clouded by an unexpected calamity. In the midst of the festivity, while Alfred was enter- taining the thanes of both kingdoms^ he was suddenly seized with a most painful disorder. Its seat was internal : its origin and nature baf- fled all the science and skill of the Saxon phy- sicians. By the ignorance of the people it was attributed to magic, or to the malice of the devil, or to a new and unknown species of fever. From that moment to the day in which Asser wrote his history, during the long lapse of five- and-twenty years, the king was afflicted with this mysterious disease : its attacks were almost incessant : and each short interval of ease was embittered by the prospect of a speedy return of pain. It continued to harass him till his death." During the reigns of his brothers, he pos- iiis suc- sessed the government of a petty district with thecrown the title of king. At the death of Etlielred he sn. was called to the throne by the unanimous voice of the West-Saxons. With real or affected modesty he refused ; alleging' his own incapa- city, and the increasing multitudes of the Danes. His objections were over-ruled ; the archbishop of Canterbury placed the crown on his head ; and at the name of Alfred the hopes of the 3 Asser, 19. 40—42. 236 lie pur- chases peace. Danes conquer Mercia. ii72. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Wcst-Saxons revived. The first care of the yomii,'- monarch (he was only in his twenty- second year) was to perforin with decent pomp the funeral of his late brother : and from this solenm ceremony lie was summoned to arms and the field of battle. Another body of ad\'en- turers had joined the invaders stationed at Reading. The confederates penetrated into ^^ iltshire, and from their eaniji on the hills which cover the banks of the AVilly, spread de- vastation over the surrounding country. Anxious to distinguish himself, the new king, at the head of his Wcst-Saxons, advanced to seek a more numerous enemy. The impetuosity of the at- tack threw the Northmen into disorder: but they rallied from their flight, renewed the con- test, and rather by superior numbers than supe- rior valour, wrested the victory from the grasp of their opponents. The unfortunate issue of this battle gave a new direction to the policy of Alfred. He necfotiated with the Danish chief- tains, and induced them, probably b)' the offer of a A'aluablc present, to withdraw out of his dominions.'^ From Wiltshire Halfdene led his barbarians to London, where he passed the winter. Bur- rlicd, the king of Mercia, taught by the example of Alfred, made them a liberal donative, and obtained a promise that they would march * Asser, 24, 25. Chion.'Sa.x. 82. ANGLO-SAXONS. 237 peaceably through his territories on their road CHAP, to the north : but they halted at Torksey in v_^^— » Lincolnshire, and returned to their usual habits of depredation. Another present, and another srs, - treaty succeeded. The Danes derided the sim- plicity of the Mercian, and on a sudden, with- out pretext or provocation, surprised Repton on the southern bank of the Trent. This monas- tery, the pride of Mercian piety, they burnt to the ground : and violated the tombs of the princes whose ashes reposed within it. The 9^^- following spring their numbers were doubled by the arrival of another horde of adventurers, un- der the united command of the kings Goth- run, Oskytul, and Amund. His knowledge of their force, joined to his experience of their perfidy, drove the Mercian king to despair. Unable to repel them by force, or to purchase their removal by money, he abandoned his throne, and proceeded, a reluctant pilgrim, to the tombs of the apostles at Rome. He arrived with a broken heart, died within a few days, and was buried in the church of the Saxon hospital. His queen Ethelswitha followed her lord, but had not even the consolation of visiting his grave. She sickened and died at Ticino.*^ By the retreat of Burrhed, the Mercian sceptre was left at the disposal of the invaders. They placed it in the hands of Ceolwulf, a native *Asser, 20. Ingul. 20, '27. 238 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. CHAP, tlianc, who bad the pusillanimity to accept it , ^J'- , from the enemies of his coimtiy, on the ignomi- nious condition of paying them a yearly tribute, and of reigning in subservience to their will. This phantom of a king was but the pander to their rapacity. As long as he could extort mo- ney from his miserable countrymen^ he was per- mitted to retain the sceptre : when he could no longer satisfy their demands, he was stripped of the ensigns of royalty, and sutfered from their cruelty that death, which he owed to his coun- try. He was the last who bore the title of king of Mercia.^ Pillage The whole of the Anglo-Saxon territories the Tyne. Were now uudcr the dominion of the invaders, ^'^- with the exception of the districts on the south of the Thames, and the north of the Tyne. In 875, having arranged the plan of their future operations, they divided themselves into two bodies. The new adventurers with their three kmgs moved towards the south, and occupied Cambridge : Halfdene and his followers em- barked on board their fleet in the Trent, steered along the coast of Deira, entered the Tyne, and ascended that river as far as the mouth of the Tame. Here they moored their fleet during the winter. Upon the first appearance of spring they issued forth to the work of devastation. Tynemouth was levelled with the ground. The «Asser,26, 27. Ingul. 27. Chron. Sax. 82, 83. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^39 abbey of Lindisfarne was plundered, and reduced to ashes ; while the bishop and monks precipi- tately fled with their treasures and the body of St. Cuthbert to the highest of the Northum- brian mountains. At Coldhigham the nuns, stimulated by the example of their abbess, dis- figured their faces with wounds to escape the insults of the barbarians. They preserved their chastity ; but perished in the flames, which de- voured their convent. Wherever Halfdene marched, his route might be traced by the smoking ruins of towns and villages, and the mangled remains of the victims of his barbarity. The summer he spent in ravaging the lands of the Strathclyde Britons, the Scots, and the Picts : in the autumn he returned into Berni- cia, and, dividing it among his followers, ex- horted them to cultivate by their industry that soil, which they had won by their valour.'' While Halfdene was thus consolidating his invade conquests in Northumbria, Gothrun with the ^^70!' southern army remained inactive for the space of twelve months in the neighbourhood of Cam- bridge. But one night the barbarians suddenly hastened to their fleet, embarked, and disap- peared. Soon afterwards they were descried, steering towards the coast of Dorset, vv^here they surprised the strong castle and monastery 'Asser, p. 27. Chron. Sax. p. 83, Sim. Dunel. p. 95, Mat. West, ad ann. 870. 240 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. of ^A^'aivbani, situated at the conflux of the Fromc and the Piddle. From this station plundering parties M'ere dispatched in every di- rection, Mliieli, on the arrival of Alfred, retired within their intrenchments. In the art of be- siei^ing i)laccs the Saxons seem to have been conscious of their deficiency. They never re- fused to meet the enemy in the field ; but from the day, on which Ethelred was defeated before Reading, prudence had taught them to respect the Danish fortifications. Alfred attempted to negotiate : and Gothrun consented, for a con- siderable sum, to retire out of Wesscx. In- structed, however, by the fate of Burrhcd, and not confiding in the sincerity of the Dane, the king demanded a certain number of hostages, and was permitted to select them from the no- blest of the chieftains. He next required their oaths. They swore by their bracelets. He was not content. They swore by the relics of the christian saints. Satisfied that he had bound them by every tie, which his diffidence could devise, Alfred now expected their departure ; when, in the darkness of the night, a detach- ment of the army sallied from the castle, sur- prised the Saxon cavalry, mounted the horses of the slain, and by a rapid march took posses- sion of Exeter. The king, unable to dislodge them from either position, retired with shame and disappointment.^ * Asser, Q7, 2ii. Cliron. Sax. 83, ANGLO-SAXONS. 241 In the fifth century the Saxons had been for- CHAP. ^ TV midable for their pov/er by sea : their conquests v_^^; in Britain had directed their attention to other Alfred objects, and had annihihited their fleet. But tieer.^^ Alfred now saw the necessity of opposing the ^''^• Danes on their own element. In 875 h.e equipped a few ships, manned them with fo- reign adventurers, whom the hope of reward had aUured to his service, and, trusting himself to the faith of these mercenaries, sailed in quest of an enemy. Fortune threv/ in his M^ay a Danish fleet of seven ships, one of which he captured, while the others escaped. This trifling success elevated his hopes : ships and galleys were built ; and by unceasing efforts, he at last succeeded in creating a navy. He had soon reason to congratulate himself on this acqui- sition. A resolution had been taken by the Northmen to evacuate Wareliam. Their cavalry proceeded to join their friends at Exeter, and were followed by Alfred, who invested the place by land : the infantry embarked on board the fleet, and were directed to steer to the same city. But they had scarcely put to sea, before a storm compelled them to run along the coast of Hampshire, where they lost one half of their ships. The others, shattered by the tempest, recovered their course, but were opposed by the Saxon fleet, which blockaded the mouth of the Ex, and after a sharp action were entirely de- VOL. I. R 242 Faults in the char- acter of Alfred. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. stroycd. The loss of one hundred and twenty- sail induced Gothrun to treat in earnest. More hostages were given, the former oaths were re- newed, and the Northmen marched from Exeter into Mercia.-' It has been said that the character of Alfred was without a blemish. Such unqualified praise is the language of rhetorical declamation, rather than of historical truth. In his early years, in- deed, his opening virtues endeared him to the nation : ^^ and in a more advanced age he was the guardian and the benefactor of his country. But at the commencement of his reign there was much in his conduct to reprehend. The young monarch seems to have considered his high dignity as an emancipation from restraint ; and to have found leisure, even amidst his struggles with the Danes, to indulge the impe- tuosity of his passions. The scandal of Walling- ford may be dismissed with the contempt, which it perhaps deserves : ^^ but we learn from more ancient authorities that his immorality and de- spotism provoked the censure of his virtuous »Asser, p. 29. Chron. Sax. p. 81. 'OAsser, p. 24. lie adds that Alfred, had he been ambitious, might have obtained the crown from the favour of the people, to the exclusion of his elder brotlier. " In priniordiis regni sui vivebat luxui et vitiis sulyugatus— vir- gines et caste vivere volcntes vel iiivitas vel voluntarias onini stu- dio subdere festinavit. Walling, p. 585. ANGLO-SAXONS. 2^3 kinsman St, Neot :i2 and Asser, his friend and CHAP. panegyrist, acknowledges, that he was haughty v ' ^ to his subjects, neglected the administration of justice, and treated with contempt the com- plaints of the indigent and oppressed. It waste this indiscretion (to borrow the term under which the partiality of the biographer was wil- ling' to veil the misconduct of his patron), ^^ that Alfred himself attributed the severe and unex- pected calamity, which overwhelmed him in the eighth year of his reign. For the piety of the age, instead of tracing events to their political sources, referred them immediately to the pro- vidence of God ; and considered misfortune as the instrument Avith which divine justice punish- ed past enormities. At the close of the last campaign v/e left him lie is in the undisturbed possession of the kingdom of from'his Wessex : at the bemnnins" of the next year w^e throne, discover him a solitary fugitive, lurking in the morasses of Somersetshire. This sudden revo- lution arose from the policy of Gothrun, the most artful of the Northmen, That chieftain, on his retreat out of Wessex, had fixed his resi- dence at Glocester, and rewarded the services of his veterans by dividing among them the lands in the neighbourhood. But while this peaceful ^'^ Pravos redarguens actus jussit in melius convert!. — Dc tyran- nidis improbitate, ac de supeiba rcgiminisau.steritatc acritcr cum incrcpavit. Vit. St. Ncoti in act. SS. Ben. Sac. iv. toni. ii. p. ^530, 331. '■'Asser, p. 31, 32. r2 244 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. occupation seemed to absorb his attention, his mind was actively emplo^^ed in arranging;" a plan ofwarfare^whieh threatened to extinguish the last of the Saxon governments in l^ritain. A winter campaign had hitherto been unknown in the an- nals of Danish devastation : after their summer expeditions the invaders had always devoted the succeeding months to festivity and repose : and it is probable that the followers of Gothrun were as ignorant as the Saxons of the real de- sign of their leader. On the first days of the year 878 they received an unexpected summons to meet him on horseback at an appointed place : on the night of the sixth of January they were in possession of Chippenham, a royal villa on the left bank of the Avon. There is reason to be- lieve that Alfred was in the place, when the alarm was given : it is certain that he could not be at any great distance. From Chippenham Gothrun dispersed his cavalry in different di- rections over the neighbouring counties : the Saxons were surprised by the enemy before they had heard of the war : and the king saw himself surrounded by the barbarians without ibrces and almost without attendants. At first he con- ceived the rash design of rushing on the multi- tude of his enemies ; but his temeritv was re- strained by the more considerate suggestions of his friends; and he consented to reserve himself for a less dangerous and more hopeful experi- ment. To elude suspicion he dismissed the few ANGLO-SAXONS. 245 thanes, vvho v\'ere still near his person ; and en- deavoured alone, and on foot, to gain the centre of Somersetshire. There he found a secure re- treat in a small island, situated in a morass formed by the conflux of the Thone and the Par- ret, which was afterwards distinguished by the name of Ethelingey, or Prince's island.^' '■*To account for t!ie sudden retreat of Alfred, and the tempo- rary extinction of thfe West-Saxon jiower, has perplexed most his- torians. I shall not enumerate their different hypotheses, as the account given in the text sati^factoii'y, in my opinion, ex- plains the whole difficulty; and is supjioitcd by authorities which seem to have been overlooked. " DCCCLXXVIII. Tliis year in " mid winter, over twelfth-night, the Danish army stole to Cliip- " penham ; and rode over the West-Saxon land ; and settled in it. " And much of ihe people they drove over sea, and of the rest tiie " gieater part they rode round, and sulijccted to themselves, ex- "cept the king Alfred, and he with a little I'and, went uneasily " to the woods and the fastnesses of the moors." Chron. Sax. 8i. Their success was owing to their celerity, obequitando, Ethclw. f. 4o0.— Iter accclerans occidentalcs Anglicos attentavit invadcre. In illisenim partibus didicerat a fugilivis ipsum regem hiemare. — Rex autem Akiredus audiens barbaricam ral)iem et Scevitiam comi- nus irruiss(% suorumnue considerans dispositionem (di^pcrsionc/ti, MS. Claud, A. 5. \>. 157) hue illucque co^pit animo ttuctuare : tandem discrctiore fretus arbitrio, ccssit hostibus, ac solus et iner- niis fug;e est cxpositus ludibri;). \'it. St. Neot. in Act. SS. Ben. Srec. iv. torn ii p. 0:33. This author proceeds to notice one of the adventures, which Alfred, in better days, delighted to narrate to the circle of his friends (Malms, de Reg. 23). In his retreat he was entertained in the cottage of a swine-herd: and his hostess, in the absence of her husband, desired tiie stranger to watch tlie loaves, which she had jikiced to bake on the hearth. But Alfred's mind was too deejtly occupied with tiie thought ol' his mi.->fortunes to at- tend to the charge. The bread was burnt: and the negligence of o ^*<> HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Though the escape of Alfred had disap- j)ointecl the hopes of the Danes, they followed up their success with indefatio-able activity. The men of Hampshire, Dorset,Wilts,and Berkshire, separated from each other, ignorant of the fate of their ])rince, and unprepared for any rational system of defence, saw themselves compelled to crouch beneath the storm. Those who dwelt near the coast, crossed with their families and treasures to the opposite shores of Gaul ; the others sought to mitigate by submission the fe- rocity of the invaders, and by the surrender of a part, to preserve the remainder, of their pro- perty. One county alone, that of Somerset, is said to have continued faithful to the fortunes of Alfred: and yet, even in the county of Somer- set, he was compelled to conceal himself in the fens, while the ealdorman ^Ethelnoth with a few adherents wandered in the woods. ]3y de- grees the secret of the royal retreat was re- vealed : he was joined by the more trusty of his subjects ; and in their company he occasionally issued from his concealment, intercepted the straggling parties of the Danes, and returned, loaded with the spoils, often of the enemy. the king was severely chastised by the tongue of the woman. This mcideut was soon suno; in Latin verse. Urere quos cernis panes, gyrare moraris. Cum nimium gaudes hos manducare calentes. ^ i4sser, p. 31. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^247 sometimes (such was his hard necessity) of his CHAP. own people. As his associates multiplied, these . ^y* . excursions were more frequent, and successful ; and at Easter, to facihtate the access to the island, he ordered a communication to be made with the land by a wooden bridge, of which he secured the entrance by the erection of a fort. ^\^hile the attention of Alfred v/as thus fixed a party of on the enemy who had seized the eastern pro- featedl ^' vinces of his kingdom, he was unconscious of the storm, which threatened to burst on him from the west. Another of the sons of Ragnar, probably the sanguinary Ubbo, with three-and- twenty sail had lately ravaged the shores of Demetia or South Wales ; and crossing to the northern coast of Devonshire, had landed his troops in the vicinity of Aplcdore. It ap- pears as if the two brothers had previously agreed to crush the king between the pressure of their respective armies. Alarmed at this new debarcation, Odun the ealdorman, with several thanes, fled for security to the castle of Kyn- with. It had no other fortificaticm than a loose wall erected after the manner of the Britons : but its position on the summit of a lofty rock rendered it impregnable. The Danish leader was too wary to hazard an assault : and calmly pitched his tent at the foot of the mountain, in the confident expectation that the want of water would force the garrison to surrender. But Odun, gathering courage from despair, silently 248 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. left his intrcnclimcntsat the dawn of the morning; biu'st into the enemy's camp ; slew the Danish chief with twelve hundred of his followers ; and drove the remainder to their fleet. The bravery of the Saxons was rewarded with the phmder of "Wales ; and among the tro])hies of their victory was the lleaian, the mvsterious standard of the raven, woven in one noon-tide by the hands of the three daughters of Ragnar. The super- stition of the Danes was accustomed to observe the bird, as they marched, to battle. If it ap- peared to flap its wings, it was a sure omen of victory : if it hung motionless in the air, they anticipated nothing but defeat. ^^ Alfred re Thc news of tliis success infused courage into the hearts of the most pusillanimous. Alfred watched the reviving spirit of his people, and by trusty messengers invited them to meet him in the seventh week after Easter at the stone of Egbert, in the eastern extremity of Selwood forest.^'' On the appointed day the men of Hampshire, Wiltshire, and Somerset cheerfully obeyed the summons. At the appearance of Alfred, they hailed the avenger of their coun- try ; the wood re-echoed their acclamations ; and every heart beat with the confidence of '^ Chron. Sax. Cl. Asser, 3?. '« It is DOW called Brixton.— Ingulf (p. 26) and some writers after him, inform us that the kin;^ disguised himself as a harper, and visited the Danish camp, where he oljserved tlieir negligence, and learned their ulterior ohjects. Thc story is in itself impro- bahle, and was unknot n to Asser. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^^^ victory. But the place was too confined to CHAP, receive the multitudes that hastened to the v-_^^_/ royal standard : and the next morning the camp was removed to Icgiea, a spacious plain, lying on the skirts of the wood, and covered by marshes in its front.^" The day was spent in making preparations for the conlilct, and in assigning their places to the volunteers that hourly arrived ; at the dawn of the next morn- ing, Alfred marshalled his forces, and occupied the summit of Ethandune, a neighbouring and lofty eminence. ^^ In the mean while Gothrun had not been an idle spectator of the motions of his adversary. He had recalled his scattered detachments, and was advancing with hasty steps to chastise the insolence of the insur- gents.''' As the armies approached, they vo- Fights the ciferated shouts of mutual defiance ; and after the first discharge of their missive weapons rushed to a closer and more sanguinary com- bat. The shock of the two nations, the efforts '■^ It is believed to be Leigh not tar from Weslbuvy. In the life of St. Neot it is described as grata salicis planities juxla tilvain, p. 335. '*" Disi'osita seriatim acie proxiinum antici- paverunt promontoriiini. Iliiic hostiimi exploraliant cccursum. Ibid. Anticipavit inontcm hosubiis iiimis aplum, si prKcavissent. V/alling. p. 533. Tiiis is probably Brattoiihill, near Eddingdon. '•' Gytnis undiquc Danos cuiivocans, manum magnam con- traxit. \\ aUiiig. ibid. Ut rumor hujus eventus latissimc difliisus profaiias Gytronis attingeret aures — protinus jiixla morein svuitii acies disposucrunt, ad locum certaminis castra moventcs. Vit. St. Neot. p. 335. These passages jdaiuiy show that the Danes were not !-ur]'ri'^ed by Alfred, as is generally asserted. See also Translat. St. Cuth. in act. SS. Bened. sax. iv. torn. ii. p. 279. 350 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. of their leaders, the fluctuations of victory, and the alternate hopes and fears of the contending parties must be left to the imagination of the reader. The Danes displayed a courage wor- thy of their former renown, and their rej:)eated conquests. The Saxons were stimulated by every motive that could influence the heart of man. Shame, revenge, the dread of subjugation, and the hope of independence, impelled them forward : their perseverance bore down all op- position: and the Northmen, after a most ob- stinate, but unavailing resistance, fled in crowds to their camp. The pursuit was not less mur- derous than the engagement : the Saxons im- molated to their resentment every fugitive, who fell into their hands. Immediately, by the king's orders, lines were drawn round the en- campment ; and the escape of the survivors was rendered impracticable by the vigilance and the isvictori- multitude of their enemies. Famine and de- spair subdued the obstinacy of Gothrun, who on the fourteenth day offered to capitulate. The terms imposed by the conqueror were ; that the king and principal chieftains should em- brace Christianity ; that they should entirely evacuate his dominions ; and that they should bind themselves to the fulfilment of the treaty by the surrender of hostages and by their oaths. After a few weeks, Gothrun with thirty of his officers was baptized at Aulre near Athelncv. He took the surname of Athelstan, ous ANGLO-SAXONS. and Alfred was his sponsor. After the cere- mony both princes removed to Wedmore, where on the eighth day Gothrun put off the white robe and chrysmal fillet, and on the twelfth bad adieu to his adopted father, whose generosity he had nov/ learned to admire as much as he had before respected his valour. From Chippenham he marched into Mcrcia, fixed his head quarters at Cirencester, and or- dered his followers to cultivate the soil. He remained here but twelve months, when he returned to his former kingdom of East Anglia : and though a Danish armament under the com- mand of Hastings entered the Thames, and solicited him to renew the vv\ir, he adhered faithfully to his engagements. Two treaties whicli he made with Alfred are still extant. By the first the boundaries between the two king- doms are determined to be the Thames, the river Lee to its source, a line drawn thence to Bedford, and along the Ouse to its mouth. The lives of Englishmen and Danes are declared to be of equal value : and all unauthorized inter- course between the two nations is forbidden. By the second the two kings engage to pro- mote Christianity, and to punish apostacy ; the laws of the Danes are assimilated to those of the Saxons ; and the fines payable for offences are determined both in Saxon and Danish mo- ney.-*> The followers of Gothrun gradually 251 QO Leg. Sax. 47. 51. 25^ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. adopted the liabits of civilized life ; and by ac- quiring an interest in the soil, contributed to protect it from the ravages of subsequent ad- venturers. Alfred's The rctrcat of Gothrun ofave to Wessex a im nic'iits in loug rcspitc froni the horrors of war, and fifteen the army. yQr^y^ of comparative tran({uillity left Alfred at leisure to attend to the improvement and civi- lization of his people. The army claimed his first care. The desultory but incessant attacks of the Danes had demonstrated the necessity of organizing a force, which shoidd be ready to take the field at the first alarm, and to march to any point of the coast that was menaced with an attack ; but at the same time the scarcity which arose from the frequent suspensions of agricultural labour, shewed the impolicy of collecting together the great mass of the po- pulation. Alfred adopted an improved plan: which, while it was calculated to oppose a for- midable force to the descents of the Northmen, secured a sufficient supply of hands for the cultivation of the soil. The defence of the towns and cities was intrusted to the courage and fidelity of the inhabitants under the direc- tion of the king's Gerefii or reeve : of the rest , of the free population the males were divided into two classes, to each of which was allotted in rotation a regular term of service. They were commanded by the king or the ealdor- man of the county : and instead of pay received ANGLO-SAXONS. 253 from the national stores a proportionate supply CHAP. L' ' • O, IV or provisions.-^ ^ ^ ' , The utility of fortifications had been suffiei- The forti- licit ions ently demonstrated by the example of the Danes, and the successful defence of Kynwitli. By the orders of Alfred a survey was made of the coast and naviq^al^lc rivers : and castles •were built in places the best fitted to prevent the landing, or to impede the progress of an enemv. Yet in this undcrtakiiii'* of which the necessity was so apparent, he had to encounter numerous difficulties, arising from the preju- dices and indolence of his people. In many instances the execution of the royal orders was postponed : in others the buildings were aban- doned as soon as the foundations had been laid. But occasional descents of the Danes came in aid of the kings authority: those, who had lost their property by their negligence, were eager to repair the fault by their industry ; and before the close of his reign Alfred had the satisfaction to see more than fifty castles built according? to his directions.^- The first attempt winch the king made to The navy, create a navy has been already mentioned. His success stimulated him to new exertions : and, to acquire knowledge, and to do honour to the naval profession, he often accompanied his squadrons in their expeditions. On one of these 883. 2' Chron. Sax. p. 92, 23. '■■^- Asser, p. 5'.), 00. Spchn. Vit. Alfred, p. 129. not. IV. 254 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. CHAP, occasions he met four sail of Northmen. Two •\vcie ca})turcd by boarding, and their crews put to the sword : the commanders of the other two, terrified by the fate of their companions and their own loss, threw dowii their arms, and 885. on their knees solicited mercy. On another occasion the Saxon fleet surprised and captured thirteen sail in the river Stour. Every man on board was massacred : but the same evening the victors in their return Avere intercepted by a Danish squadron, and completely defeated.^^ As soon as the king became acquainted with the arts of attack and the modes of defence practised by the northern nations, several im- provements suggested themselves to his supe- rior sagacity. He ordered ships to be built of larger dimensions than those of the Danes. Their decks were higher, and their length dou- ble. The increased elevation gave his mariners an advantage over their enemies, who were compelled to direct their strokes upwards : and the greater bulk of the vessels added to their stability in the Avater, while the Danish ships were agitated by the slightest motion. That their celerity might not be retarded by the ad- ditional weight, he augmented the number of the rowers ; and gave to all his vessels tliirty, to several more than thirty, oars on a side. This fleet was so judiciously disposed in the '^ Asser, 36, 37. Chron. Sax. 80, 87. ANGLO-SAXONS. 255 different harbours, that the marauding squa- drons of the barbarians found it difficult to approach, or to abandon, the shore with im- punity.-^ From measures of defence against a foreign The admi- enemy, the king turned his attention to the do- of justice. mestic economy of the country. During the long period of Danish devastation, the fabric of civil government had been nearly dissolved. The courts of judicature had been closed : in- juries were inflicted without provocation, and retaliated without mercy; and the Saxon, like the Dane, had imbibed a spirit of insubordina- tion, and a contempt for peace, and justice, and religion. To remedy these evils, Alfred restor- ed, enlarged, and improved the salutary insti- tutions of his forefathers ; and from the statutes of Ethelbert, Ina, Offii, and other Saxon princes^ composed a code of law, adapted to the circum- stances of the time, and to the habits of his sub- jects.-^ But legislative enactments would have been of little avail, had not the kins' insured their execution, bv an undertakino- of no small difficulty, but w^hich by his vigilance and per- severance he ultimately accomplished. The Saxon jurisprudence had established an ample gradation of judicatures which diverged in dif- ferent ramifications from the kino-'s court into every hamlet in the kingdom : but of the persons invested with judicial authority very few were '^* Chron. Sax. 98. -^ Leg. Sax. 28— 4G. 256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. qiuilified for so important an office. Almost all were ignorant: many M'crc despotic. The powerful refused to acquiesce in their decisions ; and the defenceless complained of their oppres- sion. Both had frequent recourse to the equity of Alfred, who listened as cheerfully to the complaints of the lowest as of the highest among his subjects. Every appeal was heard by him with the most patient attention : in cases of im- portance he revised the proceedings at his lei- sure ; and the inferior magistrates trembled at the impartiality, and severity of their sovereign. If their fault proceeded from ignorance or in- advertence, they were reprimanded or removed according to the magnitude of the offence: but neither birth, nor friends, nor power, could save the corrupt or malicious judge.-" He was made to suffer the punishment, which he had unjustly inflicted ; and, if we may believe an ancient au- thority, forty-four magistrates were by the king's order executed in one year for their in- formal and iniquitous proceedings.-' This se- -^ Asser, 69—71. -'' Miroir des Justices, p. 29G. cd. 1C4'J. It was written by Andrew Ilorne under Edward I. or Edward II. Some of the cases are curious. Thus Athulfwas executed because he had condemned Copping, who was not twenty-one years of age: BilUng, because he liad condemned Lcston, who did not sit down, when proclamation liad been made for all but the murderer to sit down: Hale, because he had acquitted the sheriff Tristram, though Tristram had unjustly seized goods for the king's use : Therborn, because he had condemned Osgot for a crime, of which he had ob- tained pardon from the king: OskilcU, because he had condemned Culling on the sole report uf the coroner. Thus also he imprison- ANGLO-SAXONS. 257 verity was productive of the most beneficial eon- CHAP, sequences. The judges were careful to acquire v__^ a competent degree of knowledge ; their deci- sions became accordant to the law : the commis- sion of crime was generally followed by the in- fliction of punishment : and theft and murder were rendered as rare, as they had formerly been prevalent. To prove the reformation of his subjects, Alfred is said to have suspended valuable bracelets on the highway, which no one ventured to remove: and as a confirmation we are told, that if a traveller lost his purse on the road, he would at the distance of a month find it lying untouched in the same spot.-^ These are probably the fictions of a posterior age : but they serve to shew the high estimation in which Al- fred's administration of justice was held by our forefathers. The decline of learning in the Saxon states iie encou- had been rapidly accelerated by the Danish in- j^^|J vasions. The churches and monasteries, the only academies of the age, had been destroyed: and at the accession of Alfred, Wessex could hardly boast of a single scholar, able to trans- late a Latin book into the English tongue.^^ The king, who from his early years had been raires ed Sithinp;, because thai ofllccr liadiinprisoned Ilerbole for a crime cominitted l)y llcrbole's wife: he ordered Ilaulf to lose a band, lie- cause he had not intticted tliat punishment on Armoc, &c. \k '^'J'J — 30 1 , -•'^ Mahns. dc Reg. ii. 4. f. '2 1 . -'■' Alfred, pra^f. ad l^ist. p. 82. Wise's Asser. VOL. I. S 258 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. animated with the most ardent passion for knowledge, endeavoured to infuse a similar spirit into all who aspired to his favour. For this purpose he invited to his court the most distinguished scholars of his own and of foreign countries. Plegmund and Werfrith, Ethelstiin and Werwulf visited him from Mercia. John of Old Saxony left the monastery of Corbie for an estabhshiiient at Ethelingey: Asser of St. David's was induced by valuable presents to re- side with the king during six months in the year : and an honourable embassy to Ilincmar, archbishop of Ilheims, returned with Grimbald the celebrated provost of St. Omer."^*^ With their assistance Alfred began in his thirty-ninth year to apply to the study of Roman literature; and opened schools in different places for the in- struction of his subjects. It was his will that the children of every free-man, whose circum- stances would allow it, should acquire the ele- mentary arts of reading and writing : and that those, who were designed for civil or ecclesiasti- cal employments, should moreover be instructed in the Latin language.^^ 30 Asser, 46 — 49. Epist. Fulconisin Wise's Asser, p. 123. John, abbot of Ethelingey, has been often confouniled with Joannes Sco- tus Erigena. They were different persons. Scotiis, as his name imports, was a native of Ireland; John the abbot was a native of Old Saxony (Asser, Gl). Scotus was neither priest nor monk (Mabillon, sax. iv. torn. ii. p. 510). John the abbot was both priest and monk (Asser, 47 — 61. TElfredi praf. ad Past. p. 85). ^' iElfred.prsef. ad Past. p. 85. Asser, 43— 55. Did he not at ANGLO-SAXONS. '^59 It was a misfortune which the king frequently lamented, that Saxon hterature contained no books of science. " I have often wondered," [Jiiij,\7"^" says he, " that the iUustrious scholars, who " once flourished anion"' the Eoelish, and who "- had read so many foreign works, never '• thought of transferring the most useful into '' their own language."-^- To supply the defi- ciency Alfred himself undertook the task. Of his translations two were historical, and two di- dactic. The first were the ecclesiastical history of the English by Bede, and the epitome of Oro- sius, the best abridgment of ancient history then extant, both works calculated to excite and gratify the curiosity of his subjects. Of the others one was meant for general reading, " the "Consolation of Philosophy," by Boetius, a treatise deservedly held in high estimation at that period ; and the second was destined for the instruction of the clergy, the Pastoral of Gregory the great, a work recommended both by its own excellence, and the reputation of its author. Of this he sent a copy to every bishop in his dominions, with a request that it might be preserved in the cathedral for the use of the diocesan clergy.^-'' this time establish the university of Oxford ? I know not. The contested passage in Asser (p. 52) appears to me undoubtedly spurious. Wiiat writer of the ninth or tenth centuries ever used the expressions, Divus Petriis, or Divi Cildas, Melkinus, &c. ? s'-^TLlfred. praef. ad Past. p. 84. ^^ Ibid. 80. On each copy was an ceslell of fifty mancuses, and the king requested that no on«.- S2 260 Arraiipc- inent of his tiiiu". Of his fi- nances. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. In the arraiigrincnt of his time, his finances, and his domestic concerns, Alfred was exact and mcthodicaL The officers of his househokl were divided into three bodies, which succeeded each other in rotation, and departed at the end of the month, the a]h)tted period of their ser- vice.^^ Of each day he g-ave one third to sleep and necessary refreshments : the remainder was divided between the duties of his station, and works of piety and charity,-^"' His treasurer was ordered to separate his revenue into two moie- ties. The first he subdivided into three parts, of which one was destined to reward his ser- vants and ministers, another to supply presents for the stranoers who visited his court, and the third to pay the numerous bodies of workmen whom he employed. For he erected palaces in different parts of his dominions : repaired and would " take the a?stell from the book, nor the hook from the minster." The meaning of the word iL'steU lias hitherto proved a stumbling-block to the commentators. 3* Asser, 65. ^^ Malm. Qi; 5i5. Asser, 67. Without tlie knowledge of chronometers, Alfred was perplexed to discover the true hour of the day. To remedy the inconvenience he had re- course to the following simple expedient. By repeated experi- iTients he found that a quantity of" wax weighing seventy-two pennies, miglit be made into six candles, each twelve inches long and of equal thickness, and that these burning in succession, would la<^t exactly twenty-four hours. To prevent the flame from being affected by currents of air, the candles wore enclosed in a large lantern of transparent horn : and as the combustion of each inch of wax corresponded with the lapse of one seventy-second part of the day, or twenty of our minutes, he was hence enabled to measure his time with some accuracy. Asser, 68, 69. ANGLO-SAXONS. 261 embellished those which had been left by his CHAP. IV predecessors, and rebuilt London and several other towns, which the Danes had reduced to heaps of ruius. In all these undertakings we are told that he displayed an improved taste and considerable magnificence. Among his artists were numbers of foreigners attracted by his offers, and the fame of his liberality : and by frequent conversation with them he is said to have acquired a theoretical acquaintance with their respective professions, which astonished the most experienced workmen.^^ Tiic other moiety of his revenue was parceled out into four portions. One was devoted to the support of his school, his favourite project. Another was given to the two monasteries which he had founded, one at Shaftesbury for nuns, at the head of v/hom he placed his daughter Ethel- giva: another at Ethelingey for monks, which he peopled with foreigners, because the Danish devastations had abolished tlie monastic insti- tute among his ov/n subjects. The third portion he employed in relieving the necessities of the in- digent, to whom he was on all occasions a most bountiful benefactor. From the fourth he drew the alms, which he annually distributed to different churches. Tliey were not confined to his own dominions, but scattered through "Wales, Northiunbria, Armorica, and (iaul. Often he ^<5 Asser, 52. 58. 00. ^6'3 HISTORV OF ENGLAND. sent considerable presents to Rome : sometimes to the nations in the Mediterranean and to Jeru- salem : on one occasion to the Indian christians at Meliapour. Swithelm, the bearer of the royal alms, brought back to the king several oriental pearls, and aromatic liquors.-'' His power. The long interval of peace, which Alfred en- joyed after the baptism of Gothrun, had raised him to a high pre-eminence among the British princes. The East- Anglian and Northumbrian Danes, though their subjection was rather no- minal than real, acknowledged his authority. The kingdom of Mercia no longer existed. He had given the government of that country with his daughter .'Ethelflccda to the ealdorman Ethcred. Even the kings of the Welsh, Ana- rawd of Gwynez, Flemeid of Demetia, Helised of Brecon, Howcl of Gleguising, and Brocmail of Gwent, harassed by intestine dissensions, voluntarily placed themselves under his protec- tion, and did him homage on the same terms as luvasi-jn Ethcred of Mercia."^s It was in this season of inss. " prosperity that Alfred saw the storm, which had so long desolated the fairest provmces of Gaul, cross the channel, and burst on his own terri- tory. Hastings, the most renowned and suc- 37 See Asser, 58. CO. 6i. 06, 67. Chron. Sax. p. 86. 90. Malm. (le gest. rog. ^'4. Hunt. 201. rior.Wigcr.o91. It is curious t!i;it :i9 Asser (p. 58) makes llic marc Tyrrenuin extend " ad ultinuiin Hybernia; finem," so Alfrcu in his translation of Oroaius Siays of Ihc same or the WcnJehw, that "on liyre west endc is Scotland." 3" Asser, IP, 53. 893. ANGLO-SAXONS. 363 cessfiil of the sea-kings, after more than forty years of carnage and plunder, undertook, in imitation of Gothrun, to win for himself a king- dom in Britain. The forces of the Northmen assembled in the port of Boulogne in two divi- sions, of which one comprising two hundred and fifty sail steered its course to the mouth of the Limene, and took possession of Apuldrc on the Rother r"'^ the other of eighty ships under Hast-t ings himself, directing its course more to the north, entered the Swale, and fortified a position at Milton. Never did Alfred display more ability, nor the barbarians more pertinacity, than in the conduct of this war. Every attempt of the in- vaders was foiled by the foresight and expedi- tion of their adversary : yet they maintained the contest for more than three years : and did not abandon their object, till they had exhausted every resource, whicii courage or perfidy, ac- tivity or patience could supply. As soon as Alfred had collected his forces, he marched into Kent, and occupied a strong posi- tion between Milton and Apuldre. From a lofty eminence he could watch the motions of his enemies, while his flanks were secured from surprise by an extensive wood on the one side, 3!* There was formerly a river and spacious liarl)our of this name. Neither are at present in existence, owing to inundations. The spot is now called Romney Marsh. See Gibeon at x)ui end of Uie Saxon ChroniclC; p. Si, 2^4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. and a deep morass on the other. Thus the com- niunication between the Northmen was inter- cepted: and each army was compelled to remain inactive in its camp, or, if it ventured a forward movement, to expose itself to j)robable destruc- tion. The perfidy of Hastings disengaged him from this embarrassing situation. He offered to depart in consideration of a sum of money : gave hostages for the performance of his en- gagement ; and as a spontaneous proof of his sincerity permitted his two sons to receive the sacrament of baptism. To one Alfred, to the other Ethered, stood sponsors.^^ Ikit in the meantime a part of the army at Apuldre eluded the vigilance of the king, stole through the fo- rest of Andredswald, and began to ravage the counties of Wessex. At Farnham they were overtaken by Alfred, and his son Edward. The Saxons were victorious : the booty and horses of the barbarians fell into their hands: and many of the fugitives perished, as they attempted to cross the Thames without a knowledge of the fords. In the action their king, whose name is unknown, had received a severe wound : and his inability to bear the rapidity of their flight, compelled them to halt in Thorney, a narrow islet formed by the waters of the Coin. There they were carefully vratchcd by successive par- 40 Chron. Sax. 9t. Hunt. 201. West. 178. ANGLO-SAXONS. 2G5 ties of Saxons, till tlicy obtained permission to CHAP, depart on terms similar to those, which had v.^^— ^ been stipulated with Hastings/'^ The open hostility of these adventurers was not more formidable than the suspicious fidelity of their countrymen, who under Gothrun and Cuthred had formerly settled in East-Anglia and Northumbria. Both these princes were now dead, and neither oaths nor hostages could secure the obedience of their former retainers. Some time before the evacuation of Thorne}^ Alfred had received intelligence that these faith- 894. less vassals had equipped two powerful fleets, with one of which they were besieging Exeter, while the other i;avaged the northern shore of Devon. To add to his perplexity the perfidy of Hastinii's was now become manifest. He had indeed abandoned Milton, but it was only to cross the river, and take possession of Beamfleet on the coast of Essex, where he had been joined by the fleet from Apuldre. In this emergency the king divided his forces. With the cavalry he hastened to Exeter, and drove the besiegers to their ships : Ethered with the remainder sur- prised Beamfleet in the absence of Hastings, and obtained possession of his treasures, his ■" Chron. Sax. 93. Elhelwcid, -IR'2. This iblantl is generally suj)posc(l to be the Mersey at tlie mouth of tlic Coin in Essex. But Elhciwerd ealls it 'i'iior^iey : and from tiie situation I should con- ceive it to have been formed by the river Coin, which enters the Thames near Staines. 'i66 Who re- tires to France. The war continues. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. wife, and his children. This loss humbled the pride of the barbarian : he solicited a pacifica- tion : Alfred, in opposition to the advice of his coinicil, ordered the prisoners to be restored ; and Hastings promised to leave the island for ever.'- Whether he performed his engage- ment, we are not told : but from this moment he disappears from the pages of the Saxon annal- ists ; and before the close of the century we find him in France, pursuing his usual career of devastation. At last he accepted from Charles the simple the city and territory of Chartres, and condescended to become the vassal of a throne, which he had so often shaken to its foundation.""' However this may be, the adventurers from Apuldre and the fugitives from Thorney took possession of Shobury on the coast of Essex ; and their numbers were increased by the arrival of auxiliaries from East-Anylia and Northum- bria. On a sudden, leaving a sufficient garri- son for the defence of the place, they burst from their cantonments, swept Avith rapidity the left bank of the Thames, crossed the country to the Severn, and plundered without opposition both sides of that river. At the first alarm the men of Mercia and Wessex, and the Britons of Wales hastened to oppose the depredators, who at "* Chron. Sax. 93, 94. Flor. 590. *J Wil. Cemct. 221. 2'i'u. Bouquet, vil. 221. 223, ANGLO-SAXONS. 267 Buttington found themselves surrounded by three armies under Etherhed, Athehii, and Ethcl- noth. For several weeks they supported with patience the hardships of a siege : but, as soon as their horses were devoured, famine compelled them to make a desperate attem})t, and with immense loss tliey forced a way through their enemies, traversed JMercia, and regained their fortress at Shobury. Here they reposed them- selves till their losses were repaired by the arri- val of new adventurers : and then, bursting like a torrent through Mercia, they took possession of Chester and the Wirall. Alfred was at the time cruising with his fleet in the channel. He hastened to the Wirall ; but when he had ex- amined the position of the enemy, he despaired of beina: able to force their lines, and contented himself with driving away the cattle^ and de- stroying the corn in the neighbourhood. Famine compelled the barbarians to seek new adven- tures. They ravaged North IVales : but find- 895. ing the royal army in their way, suddenly re- turned, directed their march througli Northum- bria into East-Anglia, and by that circuitous route, regained their former station in Essex. It might have been expected that after so many failures, they would have abandoned the island. Alfred heard with pleasure that they had put to sea with their families and plunder : but in a few days they were discovered in the Thames near London, and steering their course up the 2CS HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 890. CITAr Lea, selected a stroiii^' position about twenty '^- miles from that capital, and made it their head quarters during' the -winter.'* Jn the ensuing- spring, the citizens harassed by the neighbourhood of the Danes, attempted to storm their intrenchments, but were repulsed ■with considerable slaughter. To protect the harvest, Alfred encamped on the banks of the Lea, and, as he was riding one day, discovered a spot, in which by diverting the course of the water, and raising obstructions in the bed of the river, it was easy to prevent the egress of the enemies' fleet. The work was soon completed, and for its protection a castle was erected on each bank. The Northmen, foiled by the king's ingenuity, abandoned their position ; and, though they were pursued by the Saxon cavalry, reached l^iridgenorth on the Severn. Here they passed the winter without molestation. But their spirit was broken : dissension prevailed among their leaders ; and in the spring they disbanded them- selves, separating into small bodies, and taking different directions. Many obtained settlements among the East-Anglians and Northumbrians : the remainder sailed to their countrymen on the banks of the Seine. *'* liut though the great body of the barbarians had retired from the contest, several small ma- lts terml natiuii 897. Batllos by sea. -» Chron. Sax. <)-t— 9G. ^' Chron. Sax. 9G, 97. rior. 500, 597. ANGLO-SAXONS. 2G9 rauding parties continued to liovcr round the coast, and often inflicted the most serious inju- ries on the inhabitants. On one occasion six Danish vessels were seen to enter the strait be- tAveen the isle of Wight and the coast of Hamp- shire ; and were quickly pursued by a Saxon squadron of nine sail. The Northmen had di- vided their force. Three of their ships lay dry on the beach, while the crews were employed in pursuit of plunder : the other three rode at anchor to receive the attack of the Saxons. In the unequal contest which followed, two of these were captured : the third with only five men on board contrived to escape to a port in East- Anglia. The engagement was hardly termi- nated when the Danes returned from their ex- pedition on shore ; and the ebbing of the tide left all the English vessels aground, three near to the enemy, the other six at a considerable distance. This accident awakened the hopes of the barbarians, who fearlessly crossed the sands on foot, and made an attack on the nearest vessels. In this bold though unsuccessful at- tempt they lost one hundred and twenty men : and yet by their superior skill were the first to get olf their ships and put to sea. One of the three escaped : the others were driven on the coast of Sussex, where their crews were seized, and executed as pirates. During the summer no fewer than twenty Danish \'essels were captured."*'' •*■' Chron. Sax. 93, 99. 900 Death of 270 HFSTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. The death of Alfred happened on the 26th of IJ^ October, in the year 900 or 901. He left two sons, Edward who succeeded him, and Ethel- Aitrcd. werd, who received from his father a learned education, and whose sons perished at the cele- brated battle of Brunanbvu'g.*' His daughters were Etiielflasda, married to Ethered of Mercia, Ethelgiva abbess of Shaftesburyj and AUVitha, wedded to Baldwin count of Flanders, the son of the celebrated Judith. The will of Alfred is deserving of notice from the interesting information which it affords re- specting the transmission of property among the Saxons.'is Egbert had entailed his estates on his male descendants to the exclusion of females : '^ to the spear-side and not to the " spindle-side." Ethelwulf made Ethelbert, his second son, king of Kent: to Ethelbald, Ethe- red, and Alfred, he bequeathed at his death cer- tain lands, which were to descend unimpaired to the survivor of the three. When Ethelbald died, Ethelbert claimed the kingdom : and a compromise was effected among the brothers. ■•^ This Elhelwerd, who died in 932 (Flor. 602) has generally been confounded with Etheiwerd the hibtorian, who wrote in the reign of Edward the martyr, and who says expressly that he was descended not from Alfred, but from Alfred's brother and prede- cessor Ethered. Ethelw. praf. 473. ■** A Latin but very faulty translation may be seen in Wise's Asser, p. 74. A more accurate version has been made bv Mannin"- from the Sa.xon original in the register of the abbey of Newminster at Winchester, preserved in the library of Mr. Astlc. ANGLO-SAXONS. 271 according to which Ethered and Alfred surren- dered to the king their joint interest in the lands bequeathed by Ethelwulf, which he immediately- restored to them with the addition of all such estates as he had acquired either by his personal exertions, or with their assistance. After the death of Ethered, the two remaining brothers made a new agreement in presence of their no- bles, by which it was settled that the survivor should inherit the personal estate of the other, and the lands originally bequeathed by their father : but that he should faithfully divide among his nephews all the other real property which both had acquired by grant, purchase, or any other means. Alfred, having stated these particulars, informs us, that in order to dispose by will of what belonged to him by the death of Ethered, he assembled the thanes of Wessex at Langdon. " I prayed them," he adds, " for " my love (and gave them security that I would " never bear them ill-will for speaking justly) " not to be prevented by fear or love from de- " ciding right : lest any man should say that I " had defrauded my kinsfolks." The thanes ap- proved his title to the property. " It is all," said they, "delivered there into thy hand. " Therefore thou mayest bequeath and give it " either to a relation or a stranger, as thou tliink- " est best." The next day the king in their pre- sence revoked all his former wills, divided his lands among his two sons, his three daughters. <2;2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. liis two nephews, liis cousin Osfcrtli and his wife AIsMitha.i-' lie then left sums of money to all the above, to his ealdormen, to his servants, and his bishops : fifty maneuses of gold to fifty priests, fifty to the poor ministers of God, fifty to poor people in distress, and fifty to the church in which he should be buried. At the end he strictly forbad his heirs to invade the liberty of those men, whom he had made free. " For " God's love, and for the advantage of my soul, *' I will that they be masters of their own free- " dom, and of their own will ; and in the name '' of the living God I entreat that no man dis- "^ turb them by exaction of money or in any "other manner : but that they be left at liberty *' to serve any lord whom they may chuse." EDWARD. Kthelwoia The succession of Edward was opposed by his thecrown. cousiu Ethclwold, wlio claimed the crown as ^^'- the representative of Ethered, the elder brother of the late monarch. 1 lis pretensions were over- ruled by the decision of the Witena-gemot : and the discontented prince, apparently under pre- tence of recovering the hereditary patrimony of his father, assembled his retainers, and occupied the castles of Christchurch and AVimburn. In '*" If any of the lands which lie left to females had descended lo him from Egbert,' he desired his heirs male to take the lands, and give to the females an equivalent in money. ANGLO-SAXONS. 273 the latter place he forcibly married a nun out of the convent, and announced his resolution never to surrender the fortress but with his life. The approach of Edward to Badbcrry suggested a less hazardous policy. He retired in secrecy, and reached the northern Danes, who pitying his misfortunes, or admiring his spirit, gave him the title of king, and hastened to fight under his banner. In a short time the exile saw himself at the head of an army of adventurers from Northumbria, East-Anglia, and France. With these he landed in Essex, and obtained posses- 904. sion of that county. The next year he marched g^^^ through IMercia as far as Cricklade, crossed the Thames, and pillaged the greater part of Wilt- shire. ]3ut at the approach of Edward he re- tired : and the West-Saxons in their turn reta- liated on the Danes the injuries which they had inflicted on Mercia and Wessex. From St. Ed- mund's dyke in Cambridgeshire they spread the flames of war to the mouth of the Ouse : and crossing that river, continued in the fenny coun- try the work of devastation. At last Edward thought proper to withdraw his army. In defi- ance of repeated orders the men of Kent re- mained behind : they w^ere surrounded by the Danes ; and a most murderous conflict ensued. Two ealdormen, several thanes, two abbots, And pe- and the greater number ol the common men, jj^ttie. perished ; but the East-Anglians purchased their VOL. I. T 274 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. advantag-c at a lii,<;h jiricc. They lost their king Eohric : and to Edward the death of Ethelwold was of i^reater consequenee than the most bril- liant vietory."'^ Edward From tliis period the king''s attention was sess1on^*'of prineipally directed to two great objects, the Mercia. union of Mcrcia Avith his own dominions, and the subjugation of the Northumbrian and East- Anglian Danes. I. For a few years the govern- ment of Mercia, during the frequent infirinities of Ethered, was intrusted to the hands of Ethel- fleda, a princess whose masculine virtues and martial exploits are celebrated in the highest strains of panegyric by our ancient historians. At the death of her husband, Edward seized and united to Wessex the two important cities of London and Oxford : nor does EthelHeda appear to have resented this partition of her territory. She continued to govern the remainder with the title of the lady of Mercia, and cordially sup- ported her brother in all his operations against the common enemy. But that respect Avliich Edward had paid to the merit of his sister, he refused to the weakness of his niece Elfwina. When Ethelfleda died in 920, he pretended that the young princess had promised marriage to Reynold the Dane, and entering Mercia at the head of his army, sent her an honourable captive »° Chron. Sax. 100, 10 J. Hunt. f. 202. West. 180, 181. ANGLO-SAXONS. 275 into Wessex, abolished every trace of a separate CHAP. government, and moulded the whole of the ^_ij^ Saxon territories into one undivided kingdom. ^i II. Had the Danes in England been united Attacks under the same monarch, they would probably em Danes' have been more than a match for the whole ^^^• power of Edward : but they still preserved the manners and spirit of their ancestors, and dimi- nished their national strength by dividing it among a number of equal and independent chieftains. After the death of Ethelwold five years elapsed without any important act of hos- tility : in 910 Edward conducted his forces into Northumbria, and spent five weeks in ravaging the country, and collecting slaves and plunder. The next year the Northmen returned the visit. They penetrated to the Avon : but in their retreat were overtaken by the Saxons, and suffered a defeat, which was long a favourite subject among the national poets. Edward now adopted the plan, which had been so successfully pur- sued by his father, of building fortresses for the defence of his dominions, and the annoyance of the enemy. A line drawn from the mouth of the Thames^ through Bedford to Chester, will pretty accurately describe the boundary which separated the hostile nations. To curb the East-Anglians the king built Witham and Hert- ford : while EthelHeda, at his suggestion, erected ^' Cluon. Sax. 103. 107. Ingulf. 28. Caradoc, 47. T 2 27G HTSTOKY OF ENGLAND. similar fortresses at ]>r*Hl — .^ Edward casually visited his former nurse, he saw the daughter of the neat-herd, and was captivated with her beauty. Athelstan was the fruit of their mutual affection .''^ From this very doubtful story it has been inferred that the king was an illegitimate son : but the force of the mference is weakened by the testimony of a contemporar}^ poetess, who, in mentioning the birth of Athelstan, alludes to the inferior descent of his mother, but at the same time calls her the partner of Edward's throne.''^ The child was the delight of his grandfather Alfred, who created him a knight by investing him with a mantle of purple, and a short sword in a golden scabbard. After the death of his mother he was intrusted to the care of his aunt Ethelfleda, a fortunate circumstance, as it probably caused his interests to be, at this period, so eagerly espoused by the natives of Mercia.^- In Wessex Athelstan had to guard against Alfred as- the secret desie'ns of his enemies, of whom the P""*^^ ^"^ ^^'^ most dangerous was the etheling Alfred. The associates of this prince had conspired to seize the person of the king at Winchester, and to deprive him of his sight. On the discovery '■'" Malm. 29. •^'^ Malm, '11. \ Ro.wit/ia, dcgest. Odon. p. 165. '"'' Quern peperit regi corisois non inclyta icgni. '^b-t HISTORY OP ENGLAND. of the plot Alfred demanded, according to the forms of the Saxon jurispi'Lidencc, to clear him- self by oath : and Athelstan, who dared not refuse the privilege, sent him to Rome in the custody of his mcssengerSj to perform the ce- remony in the presence of the j:)ontitf. The unfortunate etheling swore to his innocence on the aUar of St. Peter. But as he survived his oath only three days, his death was considered a sufficient proof of his guilt by the witan, Avho adjudged his estates to the king. By him they Avere given to the monastery of MaUiisbury.''^ Athelstan Siglitric, the Danish king of Northumbria, ?csSii*'"ot ^^^'^ braved the power of Edward : he solicited iNjoriiunu- the friendship of Atlielstan, and asked his sister \j'jj_ Editlia in marriage. The two princes met at TaniM'orth, Siglitric was baptized, received the hand of Editha, and accepted from Athel- stan a grant of what he already possessed, the country between the Tees and the Frith of Forth.''* It is said that the barbarian soon repented of his choice, and abandoned both his wife and religion:''"' it is certain that he died at the end of twelve months, and that Athel- stan seized the opportunity to annex Northum- bria to his own dominions. The two sons of Siglitric lied before the superior power of the Anglo-Saxon ; Godfrid into Scotland, and An- laff into Ireland. Anlaff had the good fortune to « Malm. 28, 29. ^'^ Meilm. 27. Wallingford, 540. '^'' Westniin. 105. ton?. ANGLO-SAXONS. 285 meet with friends and associates : but Con- stantine, the king of the Scots, dared not aiford an asylum to the enemy of Athelstan ; and Godfrid, after a fruitless attempt to surprise the city of York, voluntarily surrendered himself to the mercy of the conqueror. He was re- ceived with humanity, and treated with honour : but the mind of the Dane could not brook the idea of dependance, and on the fourth day he fled to the coast, and commenced the profession of a sea-king/'^' Tlie ambition of Athelstan now grasped at Extends the sovereimitv of the whole island. In the i\'f=i"f'i"- o J n'y over north he levelled with the ground the castle the i?ri- of York, the principal bulwark of the Danish power: Ealdulf, a Saxon chieftain, was com- pelled to yield to him the strong castle of Bam- borough: and the king of Scots, and the prince of Cumberland, obeyed his summons, and ac- knowledged his superiority. On the west he intimidated the Britons of Wales and Cornwall. The chieftains of the former waited on him at Hereford, where they stipulated to confine their countrymen to the right bank of the \^^ye, and to pay a yearly tribute of twenty pounds of gold, three hundred pounds of silver, and five thousand head of cattle. The Cornish Britons had hitherto reached from the Land's-end to the river Ex, and possessed one half of Exeter. ^« Malm. 27. '286 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. He conimaiulcd tlicin to retire beyond the Ta- mar ; surrounded the eity with a strong wall of stone ; and frequently honoured it with his presence. To eonfirni his elaim of sovereignty he convened at a place called Eadmote all the princes of the Scots, Cambrians and Britons, who, placing their hands between his, swore to him that fealty which the Saxon vassul was ac- customed to swear to his lord.'''' Deatli of During this tide of success, and when Athel- ther^Eci- ^^'"^ ^^^^^ j^^^^ readied the zenith of his power, M'in. Edwin, the eldest of his brothers, perished at sea. The traditionary ballads, consulted by Malmsbury, attribute his death to the jealousy of the king, who, convinced of his own illegi- timacy, suspected Edwin of aspiring to that crown which belonged to him by the right of inheritance. It was in vain that the young prince asserted his innocence upon oath : and when his oath was disregarded, threw himself on the affection of his brother. The tyrant thought his own safety incompatible with the life of Edwin : and, while he att'ected the praise of lenity by commuting the sentence of death into that of banishment, committed his victim to the mercy of the waves in an open and shat- tered boat, with only one companion. The ^" Malm. 27, 23. I'lor. 602. Mail. 147. Tlie contemporary writer in Malmsbury makes the tribute of the Welsh amount to 25,000 cattle. I have preferred the more moderate account of Caradoc, p. 48. ANGLO-SAXONS. 28? prince, in a paroxysm of despair, leaped into the sea ; his attendant coolly waited for the flow of the tide, and was wafted back to the shore in the neighbourhood of Dover. Athelstan, it is added, when it was too late, repented of his cruelty, submitted to a course of canonical pe- nance, and built the church of Middletou, that prayers might be daily offered for the soul of his murdered brother. Such is the tale which Malmsburyhas preserved, but of which he does not presume to affirm or deny the truth.''^ It seems not to deserve credit. No trace of it is to be discovered in the contemporary biogra- pher of Athelstan : and in the poem from which it was extracted, it was coupled with another tale evidently fLibulous.'^^ That Edwin perished at sea, cannot be doubted : but the king ap- pears rather to have deplored his death as a calamity than to have regretted it as a crime. ^^ Non constanter sed titubanter. Malm, 25. Non ut defen- dam, sed ne leclorum scientiam del'raudem. Id. 29. The story is repeated by Sim. 134. 154. Iloved. 242. West. 18G. Bromp. 836. It may however be observed that Simeon, Hoveden, and Westminster, have all copied the same words from one common document. Florence (603), who usually copies the same, has in this instance deserted it, and omitted entirely the death of Edwin. ^^ The ballad proceeds to say that it was the butler of Athelstan, who urged his master to the death of Edwin : that one day, as he ■waited on the king, his foot slipt, and recovering himself with the other, he exclaimed : thus brother helps brother. The words re- minding Athelstan of the late of Edwin, he ordered the butler to be put to death. Malm. 29. This kind of story seems to have been a favourite with the Anglo-Saxons. The reader will meet with another edition of it in tlie history of Edward the confessor. 28S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. The account of Tluntingdon contains all that , ^^- , can now be known of the transaction : " soon " afterwards he had the misfortune to lose in " the waves of the ocean his brother Edwin, a " youth of great vigour and good disposition."''^^ Scots re- The kincr of Scots eagerly sought to free him- submit. ^<^^f from his dependancc on the English mo- narch : and with this view entered into alliance with Ilowel king of Wales. lUit the power of Athelstan was irresistible. At the head of his army he extended his ravages as far as Dun- fredor and Westmore, while his fleet pillaged the coast to the extremity of Caithness. Con- stantino was compelled to implore the cle- mency of the conqueror, and to surrender his son as an hostage for his fidelity.'^ Invasion Thrcc ycars afterwards the superiority of the " pg" ^^ English king Avas threatened by a more formi- dable confederacy. In 937 a fleet of six hun- dred and fifteen sail cast anchor in the Humber. It obeyed the commands of AnlafP, who was come with an army of Irish and northern adven- turers to reconquer the dominions of his father. "^ That Efiwin perished at sea is asserted by the Saxon chro- nicle (111), and Maihos (117). Tlie words of Huntingdon arc: nee muho post adversa perculsus fortiina fratrem suum Edwinuni magni vigoris jiivenem ct bonaj indolis maris tiuctibus flebihtcr amisit. Hunt. 201-. 158, 159. "' Chron. Sax. 111. Sim. Dun. 134. Tloren. 603. On tliis ac- count EthcUverd, a contemporary^ says, Colla subdunt Scoti pari- terque Picti, uno solidantur liritannidis arva. Ethchv. 43'^. Sco- tiiim sibi sv\bjiigandopcrdomuit. Sim, Dun. 25, ANGLO-SAXONS. 289 His arrival was the signal of war to his confe- derates, the Scots and Britons, who under their respective princes directed their march to the same spot. Tlie lieutenants of Athelstan, mi- able to repel the torrent, endeavoured to retard its progress. Negotiations were o])ened to gain time for the arrival of Athelstan, who not content with his own forces, had purchased the aid of several sea-kings. As he passed through Beverley, he visited the church, offered his dagger on the altar, and vowed to redeem it, if he returned victorious, at a price worthy of a kino\ The armies were soon in the neiqli- bourhood of each other, when Anlaff planned a midnight attack, in the hope of surprising and killing his adversary. To discover the quarters of Athelstan, he adopted an artifice familiar to the Northmen. The minstrel was in that age a sacred character ; and Anlaff with his harp in his hands fearlessly entered the English camp, mixed without suspicion among the troops, and was at last conducted to the royal pavilion. The king, who was at dinner, bade the stranger strike his harp, and rewarded him for his song. But the disguise of the pretended minstrel could not conceal him from the eye of a soldier, Avho had once served under his standard, but \vho disdained to betray his for- mer leader. As soon as Anlaff was out of danirer, this man related tlie circumstance to Athelstan, and to the charge of perfidy, indig- VOL. I. U 290 HFSTOUY OF ENGLAND. ^"ictory of Brunan- burgh. iiantly replied : '' No ; I have shewn that my " lioiiour is above temptation ; and remember '•' that if I had been j)crfidious to him, I might " also have proved perfidious to you." The king accepted the apology, and by his advice, removed to a distant part of the field. The ground which he had left, was afterwards occu- pied by the bishop of Sherburn. In the dead of the night the alarm was given : Anlafif with a body of chosen followers Mas in the midst of the camp ; and a bloody and doubtful conflict ensued. In the morning, when he retired, it was discovered that the prelate had perished with all his attendants. '^ Two days after this occurrence was fought the battle of Brunanburgh, in Northumbria : a bat- tle celebrated in the relics of Saxon and Scan- dinavian poetry. The multitude of the confe- derates consisted of five nations, Norwegians, Danes, Irish, Scots, and Britons : in the English armv waved a hundred banners, and round each banner, if we may believe the exaggeration of a contemporary, were ranged a thousand warriors. The contest lasted till sunset. A northern sea-king, in the pay of Athelstan, was opposed to the Irish, and after an obstinate struggle drove them into a wood at no great distance. Turketul with the citizens of Lon- don, and Singin w4tli the men of Worcester- '^Malm. 2C, ANGLO-SAXONS. 291 shire, penetrated into the midst of the Scots, killed the son of their king, and compelled Con- stantino to save himself by a precipitate flight. Anlaff still maintained his position against all the efforts of Athelstan and his West-Sax- ons : but the victors returning from the pursuit, fell on his rear, and decided the fortune of the battle. The Northman escaped the sword of his enemies ; but he left five confederate sea- kings, seven jarls, and many thousands of his followers, on the field of battle. " Never," , says the native poet, " since the arrival of the " Saxons and Angles, those artists of Avar, was " such a carnage known in England." The conqueror in his return from the battle, re- deemed his dagger from the church of Beverley with a grant of ample and valuable privileges." ''^ This splendid victory crushed the enemies, Power of and confirmed the ascendancy of Athelstan. By the Northmen he was distinguished with the appellation of " the conqueror."''^ The British princes no longer disputed his authority : the chieftains of the East-Anglian and Northum- brian Danes, who under a nominal vassalage had so often maintained a real independence, entirely disappeared : and all the countries ori- ginally conquered and colonized by the diftcr- ent Saxon tribes became united under the same " Chron. Sax. 112 — 114. Egilli Saga apud Johnstone, 31. Ingulf. 37. Mailros, 117. Malm. 27, 28. ''■* Snorre, p. 119. lie also calls him Athelstan the failhliil. Ibid. U 2 29^2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. lie pro- tects fo- reign princes. Ilaco of Norway. crown. To Atlielstan belongs the glory of having established, what has ever since been called the kingdom oi' England. His prede- cessors, till the reign of Alfred, had been styled kirn's of Wessex. That monarch and his son Edw^ard assumed the title of kings of the An- glo-Saxons. Atlielstan sometimes called him- self kin"' of the Enq-lish : at other times claimed the more pompous designation of king of all Britain. Both these titles were indiscriminately employed by his immediate successors : but in the course of a century the latter fell into disuse : the former has been retained to the present age."^ As the power ofthc king became predominant in Britain, his influence began to be felt upon the continent. He maintained a friendly cor- respondence with several foreign courts ; and three princes, destined to act important parts in the concerns of Europe, w^ere educated under his protection. 1. The first was Haco, the younger son of Harold Harfagre, the powerful king of Norway. When the father sent the child to the English court, he presented the king with a magnificent ship of which the sails were of purple, while the beak was covered '^ For Alfred, see Ileniing. Chart, i. 42. Asser. 1. 3.: for Edward, Gale, iii. p. 362. : for Alhelstan, id. p. 36 1. The coins in Camden Tab. 4, 5. : in Hick's Diss. tab. ii. and the MS. in the Cotton hljrary, Tiberius, A. 2. Athelstan ab omnibus imperator totius Britanniic est pronuntiatus. Flor. C93. Subactis ubique hostibus totius Britannia.' doraiuiiini obtinuit. Sim. Dun. 18. Bretajinc. ANGLO-SAXONS. ' ^5>3 with plates of gold, and the inside hung round CHAP, with gilded shields. At the death of Harold, ^ ' Eric the elder brother ascended the throne : but he soon lost by his cruelty the affection of his subjects: and Athelstan sent his "foster son/' with a powerful fleet to obtain possession of the sceptre. The enterprise succeeded : English missionaries under the protection of the new king disseminated the doctrines of the gospel ; and the reign of Haco the good, is still cele- brated in the annals of Norway.'''' 2. A second Alan of ward of the Eno-lish king was Alan of Bretao-nc The charitable donations of Ethelwulf, Alfred, and Edward, to the chvu'ches of Armorica had given rise to an intercourse between the English and the transmarine Britons, who stilly at the distance of four centuries, lamented their ba- nishment from the land of their fathers."'' When the Normans under Rollo depopulated Bretagne, numbers of the natives sought and obtained an asylum under the protection of Athelstan. Among the fugitives was Matheudoi, who had married the dan«'hter of Alan the i^-reat : and who committed his infant son to the care of his friend. Athelstan stood sponsor to the young- prince at his baptism ; watched over his educa- '" Malms. 28. Snorre, 121. 138. WO. Ilavniaj, 1777. Mr. Tur- ner has the merit of calling the attention of writers to the con- nexion hetwccn Athelstan and the king of Norway. Vol. ii. 83 — 91. '' In exnlatu atqiie in captivitate in Francia commoramur. Epist. Radbodi Do), epis. Gale, iii, 3(31. 2f)4 Louis of France. 923. '920. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. tion ; and at a proper age sent him back to his native country with the surviving exiles, and a band of English adventurers. The young Alan proved himself worthy of his protector : he re- covered by degrees the territories of his grand- father; and by a long series of splendid actions made himself the sovereign of Bretagne."^ 3. Athelstan's own nephew was the third of his royal pupils. His sister Edgiva had been married to Charles the simple, king of France, to whom she bore a son Louis, who from his long exile in England, was surnamcd d'outremer. Three years after his birth, her husband was imprisoned by the treachery of Herbert, count of Vermandois : but the queen escaped with her child, and was received with an affectionate welcome by her father Edward. AVhen Athel- stan succeeded to the throne, he w^as not indif- ferent to the interests of his sister and nephew. In 92G the friends of Charles made an attempt to obtain his freedom, and Louis was sent at their request to France : but the efforts of the royalists were speedily repressed, and the young prince sought again the protection of his uncle. After an exile of thirteen years he recovered the throne of his fathers. Athelstan had contracted a friendship with the duke of Normandy, who was induced at the death of Rodulf the succes- sor of Charles, to espouse the interests of '8 Chron. Nannet. apud Bouquet, vii. 276. Gul. Gemet. iii. 1. ANGLO-SAXONS. 295 Louis. "^ An embassy from France, at the head of which was the archbishop of Sens, demanded the rightful descendant of Charlemagne : they 930. swore in the hands of Athelstan and Edgiva, that he should be immediately put in possession of the royal authority : and Louis sailed to Boulogne with a splendid retinue of Anglo-Saxon thanes and prelates. He was received by a de- putation of the French nobility, conducted in state to Laon, and crowned ^vltli the usual so- lemnity.^*' But he soon found himself opposed by the factions which had dethroned his father, and were now supported by Otho of Germany ; and therefore solicited the assistance of his un- cle, whose fleet ravaged with impunity the lands of his enemies along the coast of Flanders. ^^ As for Edgiva she continued to hold a distinguished place in the councils and court of her son ; till in an unlucky hour she fixed her affections on the count of Meaux, the son of the man who had wrested the sceptre from her husband. At her instigation he carried her off, as it were, by force, and married her as soon as they arrived in a place of apparent safety. Louis was indignant g^j at the conduct of his mother. He immediately pursued the fugitives, made Edgiva his prisoner, " Hugo Floriac. apud Bouquet, vii. 319. Item, 301. Chron. Turon. ix. 80 Flodoardi, Hist. iv. ^G. Chron. Viridun. apud Bouquet, \\], 290. Chron. Osoran. viii, 237. ^' Chron. Flodoard. vii. 193. 296 HISTOnV OF ENGLAND. CHAP, and committed her to the custody of his queen ^^- Ilcrbcri^-e.^- iMairiagcs Bcsidcs Edgiva and the wife of Sightric the ul his sib- ters. Northumbrian, Athelstan had seven other sis- ters, of whom three put on the veil, four were married to some of the most powerful princes in Europe. 1. In 92G, Hugo the great, father of the founder of the Capetian dynasty, sohcited Eiiiiidi, the hand of Ethilda. He had been amonc: the ]nost active enemies of Charles the simple : but he had recently declared in favour of the cap- tive monarch ; and had selected for his ambas- sador Adulf of Flanders, the cousin of Athel- stan. In the assembly of the witan at Abing- don were displayed the numerous and costly l)resents which he had sent, perfumes, jewels, relics, horses, the sword of Constantine the great, and the spear of Charlemagne. Before this splendid exhibition his former demerits dis- appeared ; and Ethilda became the wife of a noble Frank, who without the title, possessed the wealth and power of a king. Editha. 2. Soon after the battle of Brunanbursrh, the emperor, Henry the fowler, sought a consort for liis son Otho among the sisters of Athelstan. The king appears to have been flattered by the re(piest : and to return the compliment, he sent both lulitha and Adiva to Germanv, that the im- »'- Daniel, Hist, de France, ann. 951. Chron. Flodoardi, viii. 20r. Edgiva's epitaph may be seen ia Mabillon, Analec. i. 427. ANGLO-SAXONS. 29/ perial suitor might make his choice. Before their departure each princess received presents from the king, the thanes, and the prelates, the only dower she could offer to her future hus- band. They were conducted as far as Cologne by the chancellor Turketul. Otlio preferred Editha : her sister was married to a prince whose Adiva. name has not been preserved, but whose do- minions lay among the Alps. 3. There only remained Elgiva, the youngest and most beau- Elgiva. tiful of the daughters of Edward. She accepted the hand of Louis, prince of Aquitain.^^^ In the year 940 Athclstan died, regretted by Athd- his subjects, and admired by the surrounding jeath. nations. He was of a slender habit, and mid- dling stature. His hair, which was yellow, he wore in rinolets entwined with thread of gold. Among the higher orders of the nobility he Manners. maintained that reserve which became his supe- rior station : to the lower classes of his subjects he was affable and condescending. From his fiither he had inherited a considerable treasure : but his liberality was not inferior to his opu- lence, and the principal use which he made of money was to enrich others. To his vassals he was accustomed to make valuable presents : the spoil collected in his military expeditions was always divided among his followers : and "For these marriages sec Ethelwcrd (173), Ingulf (37, 38), Malnishury (25, '28), Westminster (IBj, 180), and Ilrosvitha, de geslib Odonis, 101 — 105. 298 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Ills munificence to the clergy was proved by the churches which he erected or repaired.*^^ Neither Chanties. Q^gij^ \^\^ charitics to be left unnoticed. He an- nually redeemed at his private expense a certain number of convicts, who had forfeited their liberty by their crimes : and his bailiffs were or- dered, under severe penalties, to support a pau- per of English extraction on every two of their Laws. farms.*^"'' As a legislator he was anxious to sup- press offences, to secure an impartial. adminis- tration of justice, and to preserve the standard coin of the realm in a state of purity. With this view he held assemblies of the witan at Greatly, Faversham. Exeter, and Thundcrsfield : associations were formed under his auspices for the protection of property : and regulations were enacted respecting the apprehension, the trial, and the punishment of malefactors. Negligence in the execution of the laws was severely chas- tised. A thane paid to the crown a fine of sixty shillings: a superior magistrate was amerced in double that sum with the forfeiture of his office.^'' In his will he had chosen the abbey of Malms- bury for the place of his sepulture. There he had deposited the remains of his cousins iElfwin and Ethelwin, who fell at Brunanburgh ; and to the same place his own body was conveyed in ^ All these particulars are mentioned by his contemporary bio- grapher apud Malms. 27. ^* Each pauper received annually a complete suit of clothes, and monthly a measure of meal, a gammon of bacon, or a ram worth four pennies. Leg. Sax. 50. '^^ Leg. 51 — 69. ANGLO-SAXONS. 299 solemn pomp, followed by a long train of pre- lates and nobles, and surrounded by the presents wliieh he had bequeathed to the monastery .^^ EDMUND. The civil wars, which formerly desolated Northum- Northnmbria, have been mentioned already: print ices: after the extinction of its native kings it con- tinued to present similar scenes of anarchy and bloodshed. Its chieftains were partly of Saxon, partly of Danish origin, alike in disi)osition and habits ; but enemies to each other, and equally regardless of treachery or of violence, when it could contribute to their aggrandizement. Every sea-king was certain of finding an asylum among them : and, if he had the ambition to aspire to a throne, there were never wanting men, who were willino- to draw the sword in his cause. Sometimes a fortunate adventurer extended his authority over the whole nation ; sometimes two or more shared the sovereign power among them. But they were no better than flitting shadows of royalty, following each other in rapid succession. After a year or two many of them perished by the treachery of their friends or the swords of their enemies ; many were compelled to abandon the country, and revert to the pur- suits of piracy : hardly one transmitted the in- 87 Malm. 29. 300 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. hcritancc of his authority to his children. Oc- casionally necessity extorted from them an ac- knoAvledi»ment of the superiority claimed by the kinijs of Wessex : but the moment the danijer Avas removed, they uniformly forgot their oaths, and resumed the exercise of their independence. It seems to have mattered little, whether these princes were natives or foreigners : the pride of the inhabitants was satisfied, provided they did not crouch to the pretensions of the southern Saxons, whose superior civilization was viewed with contcnipt by the barbarism of the Northum- brians. t?rrL^ After the battle of Brunanburgh the terror of 910. Athelstan had kept tliis turbulent people under some restraint: but at his death their ancient spirit revived ; Anlaff was in\'itcd to hazard a third time the fortune of war ; and M'ithin a few weeks the Humber was covered by a numerous fleet of foreign adventurers. The sea-kinfjf rested his hope of success on the rapidity of his motions, and, marching into Mercia, obtained possession of Tamworth. I^^dmund, the brother of Athelstan, and about eighteen years of age, had been crowned at Kingston, and hastened to oppose the invaders. The operations of the campaign are involved in much obscurity. The success which attended the first efforts of Ed- mund, seems to have been balanced by a subse- ([uent defeat : and the respective losses of the two princes induced them to listen to the sug- ANGLO-SAXONS. 301 gestions of the archbishops Odo and Wolstaii, chap. who hiboured to effect a pacification. Tlie va- v_i^ nity of our chroniclers has exhibited the trans- action in partial colours : but the conditions of the treaty prove the superiority of Anlaff. Ed- mund ceded in full sovereignty to the Dane all the provinces on the north of the Watling street.^^ The sea-king did not long enjoy his good for- iiisdeDth. tune. He died the next year, and Edmund im- ^^^' proved the opportunity to recover the dominions which he had lost. His measures were planned with foresight and executed with vigour. The Eclmund five-burghs, as they were called, of Derby, Lei- Nonhma- cester, Nottingham, Stamford, and Lincoln, had ^'"'^• long been inhabited by the descendants of Danes, who, though they made a profession of obedience to the English monarchs, considered it a duty to favour the enterprises of their kins- men. These towns formed as it w^ere a chain of fortresses running through Mercia, and garri- soned by enemies. The king began his opera- tions by reducing them in succession. Their in- 940. habitants were expelled, and replaced by Eng- lish colonies.^^ Edmund next proceeded into Northumbria. That country was already divided '^^ Besides the printed chroniclers, see another in MS. quoted by Mr. Turner, Tib. B. 4. Wcstminbter (1B7), adds to the condition of the treaty, that the survivor was to succeed to the dominions of the other. This is not mentioned by any other writer. «;'Chron.Sax, 114. Hunt. ^.'03. Fior. 003. 3C'2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. between two princes, one of wliom like his pre- decessor was called Anlalf, the other styled himself Reginald, king of York. They sub- mitted without resistance to the superior power of Edmund, acknowledged themselves his vas- 943. sals, and embraced Christianity. The king stood sponsor to Anlatf^ at his baptism ; and adopted Reginald for his son, w^hen he received confir- mation. Yet he had hardly left the country, when they again asserted their independence. Their perfidy soon met with its punishment. 944. The archbishop of York and the ealdorman of Mercia united their forces, and drove the two rebels ont of the country.'^^ And Cum- A scusc of their own dano^er had hitherto 945. taught the Britons of Cumbria to assist their neighbours in these struggles to maintain their independence. It was against them that Ed- mund next directed his arms. Every effort, which they could make, was hoi)eless : the two sons of Dunmail their king fell into the hands of the conqueror, and were deprived of sight, and the country was bestowed on Malcolm, king of Scots, on the condition that he should become the vassal of the English crown, and should unite with Edmund in opposing the attempts of the sea-kings.9i s° Ethelw. 482. Flor. 604. Hunt. 203. **' Utsibi terra et mari fidelis esset. Lei. Col. ii. 399. Sim. 156. Hunt. 203. rior. 604. His midwyrhta, or associate in war, Chron. Sax. 115. Ut Aquilonares Angliffi partes terra niarique ab hostiiini ANGLO-SAXONS. 303 The reign of Edmund lasted only six years. He was celebratinj? at Pucklekirk in Glocester- shire the feast of St. Augustine, the apostle of Jg'J^"'^""'^'^ the Saxons, wlien he perceived Leof a noted 946. outlaw enter the hall. This man had been ba- nished on account of his crimes some years be- fore : and now had the audacity to. seat himself at the royal table, and to offer resistance, when the cup-bearer ordered him to depart. Passion hujried Edmund to the spot, where he received a wound in the brcas , from a dagger wdiich Leof had concealed under his clothes. The king immediately expired : the assassin was cut in pieces by the royal attendants.*-'^ Edmund had been married to Elfgiva, a prin- cess of exemplary virtue, whose solicitude for the relief of the indigent, and charity in pur- chasing the liberty of slaves, have been highly extolled by our ancient writers. She bore him two sons, Edwy and Edgar, of whom the eldest could not be more than nine years of age. Their childhood rendered them incapable of directing the government: and in an assembly of the pre- lates, thanes, and vassal princes of Wales, their adventantium incursione tucretur. West, 188. Fordun (iv. 24) asserts that according to the agreement between the two kings, the heir to the crown of Scotland was always to hold Cumberland of the crown of England. The spot where Dunmail was defeated is still marked with a heap of stones about nine miles from Keswick on the road to Ambleside. West, 82. ^2 Malm. 30. West. 188. lu most of his charters he styles himself Rex Anglorum. 304 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, uncle Edrcd, the only surviving son of Edward, > ^^- . was chosen king ; and, to use the inflated lan- Edredsuc- g^i^gc of a chaitcr givcu on the occasion, was ceeds. « consccratcd at Kinston to the (luadripartite " government of the Anglo-Saxons, Northuni- '^brians, Pagans, and Britons.'"'^ EDRED. Final sub- The I'cign of Edred was principally distln- thc North- guislicd by the final subjugation of Northum- ""^94g"^' ^^'^^* Ii^ii^^ediately after his coronation, he pro- ceeded to that country : and received first from the natives, afterwards from the Scots, and lastly from the Cumbrians, the usual oaths of fidelity.^^ But the obedience of the Northum- brians lasted only as long as they Avere over- awed by his presence : he was no sooner de- parted than they expelled his ofiicers, and set his authoritv at defiance. Eric, who had been driven from Norway by his brother Haco, and had wandered for years a pirate on the ocean, landed on their coast, and was immediately sa- luted king. The news excited the indignation of Edred. His first object was to secure the "^ Smith's Bed. App. 772. Elfgiva died before her husband. Ethelw. 48'>. •'•' Flor. 604^. West. 189. " The Scots gave him their oafhs that they would will whatever he should will." Chron. Sax. 115. Cui Northymbri subjiciunter cuncti, necnon Scoti jusjuranda confir- nuint, iinmutabileinquc lidem. Elhelw, 482. ANGLO-SAXONS. 30^ important city of York : and with that view he CHAP. XT r dispatched his chancellor Tinketul to arch- > ^ • . bishop Wolstan, to confirm the wavering fidelity of that prelate, whose influence among his countrymen was unbounded. The king soon afterwards entered Northumbria at the head of the men of Wessex and IMercia : and by ravag- ing the lands, severely punished the perfidy of the rebels. But, as he led back his followers loaden with pillage and unsuspicious of danger, the gates of York were thrown open in the night ; a chosen band of adventurers silently followed his march ; and a division of his army was sur- ])rised and destroyed. To revenge this insult 950. he resumed the vrork of devastation : but his anger was appeased by presents, entreaties, and submission ; and he returned in triumph with a long train of captives to London. Eric might still perhaps have maintained himself in the country, had he not been opposed by a new competitor, Anlaff, one of the princes who had fled from the sword of Edmund in the last reign. The two rivals assembled their forces : Anlaft', was victorious : and the Norwegian with his son and orothcr perished in the wilds of Stancmoor by the treachery of Osulf, and the sword of Macco, the son of AnlaftV'-^ This was the last struggle of Northumbrian 95?. independence. Edred returned Avith a nume- 'J^Ing. 30. 41. West. 189. Mail. 148.' VOL, I. X 306 HISTORY OF ENULANI). rous army, and traversed the country without <)|)j3osition. Large and fertile diistriets were laid desolate : the archbishop, M'hose conduct had long been ambiguous, was immvu'cd for a year within the castle of Whitby : the i)rincipal no- blemen were torn from their dependants, and carried by the king into captivity : the whole province, like the rest of England, was divided into shires, ridings, and wapentakes : and the government was intrusted to a number of offi- cers appointed by Edred, under the superin- tendence of Osulf, who took the title of earl of Northumberland.'-^^ i^ccount Edred was afflicted with a lingering and pain- tiii. ful disease :^' and much of the merit of his reign must be attributed to the counsels of his favou- rite ministers, the chancellor of Turketul, and Dunstan, abbot of Glastonbury. Turketul was a clergyman of royal descent, the eldest son of Ethelwerd, and the grandson of Alfred . He had refused preferment in the church, but accepted and retained the ofHce of chancellor under his cousins Athelstan, Edmund, and Edred. His virtues and abilities were honoured with the ap- jjrobation of the prince, and the applause of tlie •"^Ing. 41. Sim. 153. Walling. 511. ■•'AJalni. 30. lie was for a lung lime unal)lc to lake any solid food (V'it. S. Dun, in Act. SS. p. G53) : a most nnlucky circum- stance for an Anglo-Sa.\on king, of whom it was expected that he should be the foremost in the pleasures of tlic table as well as the dangers of the field. ANtJLO-S AXONS. 307 people. He held the first place in the royal councils : the most important offices, both civil and ecclesiastical, were conferred b}^ his advice : and his attendance on the sovereign was re- quired in every mihtary expedition. The im- portant part which he acted in the battle of Bru- nanburgh, has been already noticed.-"^ When he was sent by Edred to archbishop Wolstan, it chanced that his road led him by the ruins of Croyland, which still aflbrded a miserable shel- ter to three monks, the survivors of the Danish devastations. Tm'ketul was affected by the piety and resignation of these aged anchorites ; and he felt a secret desire to enter into their society, and to restore their monastery to its ancient splendour. At his return he solicited, and after several refusals, obtained the permis- sion of his sovereign. The public crier announced to the citizens of London that the chancellor, before he quitted his office, was anxious to dis- charge all his debts, and to make threefold re- paration to any person, ^^^hom he might have in- jured. ^Vhen he had satisfied every demand, he gave fifty-four of his manors, the inheritance which he had received from his father, to the king and reserved six for the use of his monas- •'* Ingulf remarks (p. o7)tliat tliough he led ihc troops to hiittlc he refused lo make use of arms, because the canons jiroliibilcd to (•l(;rgymcn the effusion of blood. It was, however, the doftrine of the ago, that an cxce[)tion was allowed in war undertaken fur the proleclion of tlie country against a pagan invasion. Ibid. X 'I 30S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. tcry. At Croyland he made his monastic j)ro- fcssion, received the investiture from Edrcd, was blessed by the bishop of Dorchester, and the next day by the advice of the lawyers resigned the abbey with its appurtenances into the hands of the sovereign. All the lands which formerly belonged to it, had during the Danish wars, been seized by Burrhed, king of Mereia, who annexed a ])art to the crown, and divided the remainder among his thanes. The former were cheerfully restored by the piety of Edred ; of the latter se- veral manors were purchased from the present possessors by Tiirketul. At the next meeting of the witan he received a new grant of the whole from the king in the most ample form, but with the exception of the privilege of sanc- tuary, which he refused as a violation of justice and an incentive to crime. From this period he spent seven-and-twenty years in the discharge of his duties as abbot. The zeal of the precep- tor was rewarded by the proficiency of his disci- ples ; and at his death in 975 the monks of Croyland formed a numerous and edifying com- munity. -'^ And of The abbot of Glastonbury, the other favourite of Edred, occupies a disproportionate space in most of our modern histories. Nearly related to Athelm, archbishop of Canterbury, and to Elphege, bishop of Winchester, he had been in- -'" See Ingulf, '^5. 30—11. 5'i. Duns tan. ANGLO-SAXONS. 309 troduced by tliem a candidate for royal favour to the court of king Athelstan. But the jea- lousy of rivals, and the reflections suggested by a dangerous illness, diverted the thoughts of the young thane from worldly pursuits to the mo- nastic state : and havin"' received the order of priesthood, he served during several years the church of Glastonbury. In this situation his zeal, disinterestedness, and charities attracted the notice of the public : by Turketul he was . recommended to the favour of Ednumd ; and that prince bestowed on him Glastonbury with its possessions. By Edred, Dunstan was not less respected than he had been by his predeces- sor. The new king made him the director of his conscience : deposited with him his trea- -sures and the titles to his kinds ; and earnestly solicited him to accept the vacant bishopric of Winchester. This preferment he declined : and, while he was more obscurely cmploj^ed in the government of his monastery, unexpectedly lost his friend and benefactor. The king, whose F.died's constitution had been enfeebled by frequent re- '^•^^th.9.>j. turns of his disease, expired in the tenth year of his reign, and was buried at Winchester.'^ lOo "^'•An";. Sac. ii. 90 — lOi. Malm. 30. 310 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. V. ANGLO-SAXONS BKIGNS OK KDWY— EDGAR EDWARD THE MARTYR — ETIIEL- KED AND EDMUND, SURNAMED IRONSIDE. EDWY. At the accession of Edrcd, his nephews Edwy and Edgar had been passed by on account of their childhood : at his death the elder of the two brothers was chosen king by the unani- mous voice of the witan, and entered immedi- ately on the full exercise of the royal authority.' The young king had unfortunately imbibed an idea that the crown belonged to him of right from the time of his father's death. The con- sequence was, that during the life of Edred he looked on him as an usurper, and after his decease treated his friends as personal enemies to him- ' It is observable that the ancient writers almost always speak of our kings as elected. Edwy's grandmother iri her charter (Lye, App. iv.) says : "he was chosen, gecorcM." The contemporary bio- grapher of Dunsta ) 'apud Boll. torn. iv. I\Iaii, 311) says: ab uni- versis Anglorum j.rincipibus communi electione. He also inti- mates that Wessex and Mercia had not yet coalesced into one kingdom : ut in idrmjue plchc regimi numeros nominaque suppleret ekctiis, p, 3.53. ANGLO-SAXONS. self.2 They were removed from the royal coim- chap cils ; and this origmal cause of discontent was > increased by the conduct of their successors. By flattering the king's passions the new favour- ites obtained the ascendancy over his mind : and by seeking the aggrandizement of their own famihes at the expense of others, they at first lessened, and ultimately destroyed, his popu- larity. Every order of men successively expe- rienced either injury or insult. The relations of Edwy were driven from the court : several of the most opulent thanes were forcibly deprived of their estates : the grants that had been made to different churches were resumed ; and the whole nation was thrown into a ferment by new and grievous exactions.-^ But tha. v hicn most loudly provoked the censure of the public, was the treatment of the king s grandmother Edgiva. That princess, venerable for her age and virtues, was, on some unknown pretext, despoiled of her '- Wallingford, 5-11, 542. No ancient writer has mentioned the age of Edwy at his accession. Circumstances concur to shew that he had certainly reached his sixteenth, possibly his eighteenth, year. ^Osbern, lOi. Undequid mall succrevcrit,quam infamis faraapo- pulonuv. aures et ora repleverit,_/"«c//e est el vie tacente v'ulerc. Ipse nainqiie possessiones quorumcumque diripere, hos et illos exhare- (lilarc, niajores natu proscrihcrc, totnnique regnum innumeris op- prcssionihus conturbarc fesiinavit. I'-adnur, vit. S. Dunst, apud Suriuni, p. 230. Col. v'lgrip. 1(518. 1 have quoted this ]>assage troni liadiner (which evidently appears to have been copied i)y him from a cuntenii)orary writer) l)e(.ause it has been omitted in the extracts published by Wharton in Ang. Sac. torn. ii. '3v: His mis- conduct. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. riches and patrimony, and reduced to a state of indii^cnee and privacy.^ AVhile Edwy, by these tyrannical proceedinirs, ahcnated the atfeetions of his subjects, he ren- dered himself contemptible by the immorality of his private life. Ardent in the pursuit of pleasure, and regardless of public decency, he abandoned himself to the most unseemly enjoy- ments. The language in which our ancient writers uniformly describe and reprobate this part of his conduct, is not fit for the eye of every reader:^ but it will be proper to delineate the real nature of his connexion with Ethelgiva, a subject, which, though unimportant in itself, has derived some interest from the embellish- ments with which it has been adorned by the fancy of modern historians. ^Osb. 104. Accessit his malis ejus nimis detestabile malum. INIatrem quippe, totius Anglian nobilitatricem, ecclesiarum consola- tricem, et sustentatricem opprcssorum in immensum afllixit, ac vastatis rebus ad cam pertinentibus, ab eo statu, in quo esse sole- bat, sajviis et crudelis dejecit. Ead. ibid. Atavam suam pra^dari pra!cepit. MS. Cleop. 78. "When Edred ended, was Eadgiva " bereaved of all her property :" is her own expression in her origi- nal charter. Lye, i\pp. iv. — I take the words pra;'dare, diripeic, vastare, to mean that summary kind of vengeance which indivi- duals frequently indicted on their enemies, and kings on powerful delinquents, by sending a body of armed men, to drive oft' their cattle, and plunder their houses and estates. * Regiam dignitatem obsccenis operibus dehonestabat. Eadm. 192. Libidine ardens sine intermissione sestuabat ad coitum Osb. 10-1-. Expugnator alienfe pudicitia?, negligcns sua-, vaga fractus libidine. Senatus in vit. S. Oswaidi, MS. iu the Durham librarv. ANGLO-SAXONS. 313 Etlieliiiva Mas a ladv of noble birth, who had CHAP conceived the design of securing the dignity ot x_^^ queen for herself or for her daughter.^ With ]^''''''' the view of captivating Edwy's affections, the Ethcl-iva. one or the other was constantly in his company : and, if we may credit the scandal of the age, neither of them hesitated to sacrifice her honour to the hope of obtaining the object of her ambi- tion. The king's coronation had been fixed at a distant dav by the witan. As soon as the ceremony was ended, Edwy proceeded with the thanes and prelates to the banquet, which was always given on such occasions : but after a hasty repast, he rose from his seat, left the hall, and repaired to the company of Ethelgiva and her daughter. By the members of the witan his departure was considered as an insult : and after some deliberation it was resolved that Kinsey, bishop of Liclifield, and the abbot of Glastonbury should, in the name of the whole assembly, recall the king, and command Ethel- giva to leave the court, under the penalty of death. The two deputies found Edwy in the most unbecoming situation, replaced the crown upon his head, and conducted him back to the hull. Before they had left the room, Ethelgiva ''' Cum adiilta filia. MS. Cleop. 7G. Filiarn aduUam. Eadimir apiul Surium, p. <237. It will not follow tVoin this cxiircssion that Elliclgiva was very old. By law females weie adull at twelve years of age. Wilk. con, i. p. I'iO. xxvii. 31* HISTORY OF ENGLAND. threatened Dunstan with the whole weight of her resentment." The influence which that ecclesiastic formerly enjoycdj had expired v/ith the reign of Edred. To have been honoured with the friendship of his uncle was a sufficient crime in the estima- tion of Edwy : but Dunstan had, by a still more lionourable provocation, incurred the enmity of this prodigal and voluptuous youth. As the treasurer of Edred, and the executor of his last testament, he had disappointed the rapacity of the prince : ^ and by seeking to check the licen- tiousness of his conduct, had long ago wounded and irritated his pride.-' To a mind thus predis- posed the late transaction appeared an unpar- donable offence : and Ethelgiva, 'ii order to ex- ecute her threat, had not so much to stimulate, as to guide, the resentment of hei paramour against a supposed enemy, and an importunate monitor. "With the king's permission a party of armed men \vas dispatched to Glastonbury, who seized on the property of Dunstan, and expelled him by force from his monastery. Several thanes offered him an asylum in their houses : but their generosity subjected them to the ven- geance of Edwy ; and the abbot, that he might not involve his friends in his own ruin, resolved to submit to his fate, and to retire into exile. He was no more than three miles from the Si Sec Note [A], at the end of the voliinie. V/allingford, .542. Osb. 302 'JOsb. 101. ANGLO-SAXONS. 31?> shore, when the sateUites of Ethelgiva arrived, with an order, it is said, to deprive him of sight. He pursued his course, landed in Flanders, and w^as honourably received by the earl Arnulf, who appointed for his residence the monastery of St. Peter's at Ghent.io Soon after this transaction Edwv apiDcars to ^*^^ ^^- , *' '^ ^ nishnient. have married, an event which might have been expected to put an end to the connexion be- tween him and his mistress. Whether on that occasion Ethelgiva was committed to the care of her relations or of her husband, we are igno- rant ; but the king, either instigated by his pas- sion, or moved by her solicitations, carried her off by force, and placed her in one of the royal farms. ^^ Archbishop Odo undertook to remove the scandal Ly enforcing the punishment which the laws awarded against women living in a state of concubinage.^'^ Accompanied by his retainers, he rode to the place, arrested Ethelgiva, pro- bably in the absence of her lover, conducted her to the sea-side, and put her on board a ship, in which she was conveyed to Ireland. At his re- turn to court he waited on Edwy, and in respect- ful and aifectionate language endeavoured to justify his own conduct, and to sooth the exas- perated mind of the young prince.^^ '° See Note [A], at the end of the volume. " Quam et rapuit. Vit. S. Oswaldi, MS. Nero. E. 1. '2 Edward, the grandlatlier of Efhvy, had enacled : "Tl'a known " wliorquean be found in any place, men shall drive her out of the " realm." Les;. Sa.x. .53. " See Note ( A]. 310' HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Notwltlistanding" his errors, the Wcst-Saxoiis ^ J . were still attached to Edwy, as the descendant the M ••^' ^^^ ^*^"'^ ^'^*^^ ^^ kini>s, the lineal representative ci.iiis. of the founder of their monarchy. But to the other Saxon nations he was a stranger, the head of a family which had been imposed upon them by the reverses of war. In the second or third year of his reign the Mercians rejected his au- thority. Edwy did not tamely submit to the insult : but his force was inferior to that of the insurgents, and he was compelled to retire with precipitation into Wessex. Ethelgiva, who had returned from Ireland, was the companion of his flight. At Glocestcr she fell into the hands of the pursuers, who with their swords divided the sinews of her legs, a cruel but not unusual mode of punishment in that age. After lingering in great torment for a few days, she expired. ^^ Kdwy's The war Avas continued with more acrimony than exertion : and each bank of the Thames was alternately laid waste by parties of marau- ders. Edgar, the king's brother, was chosen to fill the imited throne of Mercia and Northum- bria.^'* Edwy, after a short struggle, finding himself unable to expel, consented to acknow- ledge the new king; and in a gemot of the whole nation, the Thames was unanimously fixed for the common boundary of their respec- tive dominions. ^Ve are told that after this '■* For the death of Ethclgiva, see Note [A]. '' EHgere sil)i Eadguriin-i in rcgom. MS. Clcop. 78. ANCiLO-SAXONS. 317 partition, the king reformed his conduct, and (HAP. ; studied to. recover the affections of his subjects, v ^' . His death in the following year, disappointed ^^^-^ their lio})es. By one writer he is said to have been assassinated : ^^'' by others to have pined away through grief for the loss of the northern provinces : i' by all his death is described as miserable and prematiu-e. From his beauty lie was usually called Edwy the fair.^^ EDGAR. Edgar was still in the cradle, when he lost his Edgar's mother Elfgiva. By his father the infant was "'^'^"'^• intrusted to the care of Aifwena, the wife of Athelstan, an East-Anglian ealdorman, who from his royal descent and extensive authority had obtained the surname of the " half-king." The young prince was educated with their chil- dren ; and was, it is probable, indebted to the family for his elevation to the throne of Mcrcia, in opposition to his brother Edwy. Athelstan, a little before his death, entered the monastery of Glastonbury ; his four sons, Ethelwold, Alf- wold, Athelsin, and i\ilwin, long continued to be the favourite counsellors of Ediiar.^'-* '*^ MS. Nero, A. G. quoted by Mr. Turner, p. 103. '7 Tngnlf, 41. Malm. 30. Caradoc, 5G. '» Ethclweid, 483. ''' Hist. Rames. 387. 393. It is singular that modern historians should attribute the revolt of the northern provinces, and the eleva- tion of Edgar, to the intrigues of tlie monks, and of archbishop Odo, not only without a single authority in favour of the charge, but in 318 Hf recall Diinslaii. 957. Becomes J\ing of Wessex. 959. HISTOUV OF ENGLAND. One of the first measures of the new king, or rather of his ministers (for he was only in his ' fourteenth year), was to recall from exile the abbot of Glastonbury. His possessions, which lay in the dominions of Edwy, he could not recover : but he was retained in an honourable situation at court near the person of Edgar. When the witan assembled, he opened the ses- sion with a discourse which excited the admi- ration of his hearers ; received at their unani- mous rcfjuest the episcopal consecration ; and on the death of the bishop of "Worcester, was appointed successor to that prelate. The next year the church of London became vacant ; and he accepted, though with reluctance, the admi- nistration of that diocese.20 The thanes of Wessex, after the death of Edw}', oflered the throne to Edgar ; and the two kingdoms were again united under the same monarch. The oppressive acts of the late go- vernment were now solemnly annulled. Ed- giva, the relict of Edmund, recovered her patri- mony : Dunstan was re-established in the pos- session of Glastonbury and Abingdon ; and am- ple reparation was made to the thanes, who had suffered from the passion or resentment of direct opposition to the fact, that both the archbishop and the monks who liacl sullcred from the despotism of Edwy, continued failhhil to him. By all ancient writers the insurrection is confined to the Mercians, East-Anglians,and Northumbrians, among whom no monasteries then existed. -0 MS. Cleop. 78, 79. Osbcrn, 107. WaUinaford, 544. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^^^ Edwy.'-^ One of the last acts of that prince had CHAP, been to nominate Byrhtchn, bishop of Shcr- > — ,; — > burn, to the metropoUtical see of Canterbury. Perhaps the ministers of Edgar were unwilhng to see a favourite of his brother at the head of the Eni>hsh church: certain it is that in the as- sembly of the witan his want of vigour was al- ledged as a proof of incapacity; and that Byrh- tchn returned with disgrace to the church, from wdiich he had been promoted. Dunstan, who was selected in his place, repaired to Rome, and obtained the pallium from John XII. He re- signed the bishopric of London in favour of iElfstan, that of Worcester in favour of Oswald, the nephew of Odo,-- Edo"ar has received from posterity the sur- Surnamed n r 1 ■>■> T>. 1 • 1. the peace- name 01 ''the pcaceiul. JJarmg the sixteen fui. years of his reign he v/as never compelled to nnsheath the sword against either a foreign or a domestic enemy. The circumstance is the more remarkable, if we consider the lot of the kings who preceded, or followed him. His predeces- sors, during the long lapse of one hundred and fifty years, scarcely enjoyed an interval of repose from the repeated, and often formidable, inva- sions of the Northmen. Of his successors his ^'MS. Cleop. 79. "•'^:S1S. C]va\). 70. O^h. 109. Wluir- loii (Aug. Sac. ii. 107. nut) infers from tlic words uf Osbern (p. 110), that Dunstan possessed Rochester vvhh (.'unteibury. This is a mistake. Osbern says the contrary. Su also does Kadmer, 2M. 320 HISTOIIV OF EN(iLANl). CHAP, son was driven by tlicni into Normandy: his v_^^ grandson -svas compelled to share the throne with a foreign chieftain ; and his descendants in the third degree lived in exile, while the English sceptre was wielded by a race of Danish sove- reigns. This long interval of tranquillity, the peculiar felicity of Edgar, arose partly from the policy of his uncle Edred, partly from his own good fortune and the vigour of his councils. Pleases 'f jjc ])o]:)ulation of Northumbria was com- tlie North- '^ ^ • c t^ uiubrians. poscd HI a grcat proportion of Danes, or the ])osterity of Danes. Animosity against their southern neighbours, and affection for their own kinsmen, induced them frequently to invite, al- ways to assist, the invaders. By Edred, indeed, they had been completely subdued : but it is pro- bable that their submission w^ould only have been temporary, had not circumstances connected their interests with the prosperity of the new king. Edgar had been educated among the Da:nes of East-Anglia : the Northumbrians had united with that people and the Mercians to raise him to the throne: and they respected liiin as a king whom they had not only chosen for themselves, but had imposed on the hostile kingdom of Wessex. He, whether it were through gratitude or policy, paid to them on all occasions the most marked attention : and the only blot, which the southern annalists could discover in his character, was his partiality for ANGLO SAXONS. 321 the manners, and his zeal for the welfare, of CHAP, his Danish subjects,-' Still he appears to have ^ ^' . kept a watchful eye over tlieir conduct : and on ^":'^''^^ . ] ■> ^ „ i their tern- the death of Osulf, their first earl, his jealousy tory. taught him to diminish the power of the Nor- ^^^' thumbrians by dividing the country into two earldoms ; of Avhicli he gave one, extending from the Humber as for as the Tees, to Oslac, and the other, comprising the lands on the north of that river, to Eadulf.-^ Soon after this division the witan assembled at York, and Edgar addressed them in language, which while it suited his own dignity, was soothing to the va- nity of a high-spirited people : '^ It is my will,' said the king, " that the Danes choose for them- " selves such laws, as are best adapted to their ^'^ particular circumstances : and that the Eng- " lisli observe the statutes which I and my " counsellors have added to the ancient dooms. " But one thinsr I would have to be common to " all my people, English, Danes, and Britons, " in every part of my empire : that both rich and ]30or possess in peace what they have right- fully acquired ; and that no thief find a place " where he may secure the property that he has '' stolen." After a few regulations for this pur- ^ Cliron. Sax. ll(j. In hoc tamcn peccabat, quod paganos cos, (lui ill hue jialiia suh co degcbant, nuiiis firniavit, ct exlrancos hue atiductos plus a-quo diligcns valdc corroboravit. Hunt. 204, "■* Walling. .541. Iloved, 243. This writer niakc.'i the Tyno the division between the counties. VOL. I. Y 3'2'2 Permits tlicm to make 1 heir own laws. His naval expedi- tions. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. pose he proceeds : " Again it is my will that the " Danes select for themselves the best laws in " their power. This permission I have granted " you, and will grant yon, as long as I live, for " the fidelity which you have always borne to me. " Among the English I and my witan have fixed proportionate fines for different' transgres- " sions : and my wish is that you do the siune with discretion and my approbation. And let the Earl Oslac and all the military men, who "dwell in this earldom, promote it: and let " word be sent to the ealdormcn i^lfere, and " ^gilwin, that it may come to the knowledge " of all, both rich and poor. As long as I " live, I will be to you a faithful lord, and most " kind to all who shall be careful to keep my (( (C a a peace. 25 But Edgar, to preserve the tranquillity of his dominions, did not depend solely on the fidelity of the Northumbrians. Every year, about the commencement of summer, when the sea-kings issued forth in quest of adventures, directions were given for the ship-fyrd, or naval expedition. A fleet of three hundred and sixty sail was di- vided into three squadrons stationed on the three coasts of the island : and the king, suc- cessively embarking in each, made by sea the circuit of his dominions. This annual parade of -'" Leg. Sax. 80. 82. iElfcre was ealdorman of the Danes in the north of Mercia, ./^gilwin or Aylwin of those in East-Anglia. ANGLO-SAXONS. 323 his power intimidated the northern chieftains, who conducted their piratical hosts to other shores, where they were equally tempted by the hope of plunder, and less dismayed by the pro- babihty of resistance. -''' Proud of his ascendancy, Edgar assumed the His power. most lofty titles. He styled himself king of the English, and of all the nations dwelling around, monarch of all Albion and of the kings of the isles.-' We are assured that the princes of the Scots and Britons did him service as vassals :^^ and if we may believe one of his charters, all the islands between Britain and Norway, the city of Dublin, and the greater part of Ireland, had sub- mitted to his authority.^y In lieu of the tribute, which his predecessors had imposed on the Welsh, he exacted an annual present of the heads of three hundred wolves : and so effectual was the expedient that in four years that race of ferocious animals was entirely extirpated.^" At the invitation of Alfsi, bishop of Durham, and the two earls of Nortlmmbria, Kenneth, king of Scotland, visited Edgar in London. From the English monarch he received valuable presents^, silks, rings, and gems, and one hundred ounces of pure gold ; but the principal object of his *' Malm. 33. Sim. IGO. Muilros, 150, These writers make llie ships amount to 3G00. Tlie number appears to me enormous. I have ihcrefure retrenched a cipher. -' Ing. 42. 40, 47. Bed. App. 776. '■^s Hunt. 2U4. Sim, 159. West. 192, 2!^ Dugdaie, i. MO. '^ Maim. 32. Carad, 56. y '2 324 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. journey was to solicit as a flivonr, or to demand as a right, the cession of the province of Lothian. It formerly belonged to the Northumbrian kings, who had pushed their conquests and colonies to the Frith of Forth :■*• but its proximity to the Scots exposed it to frequent inroads, and its re- moteness from the present seat of government rendered it unproductive to the royal treasury. By Edgar the matter was referred to his mi- nisters, who were induced by the poverty and distance of the province to decide in favour of Kenneth. Lothian was transferred to the crown of Scotland on the condition that its inhabitants should be permitted to retain their language, laws, and customs :^'^ and the Scottish prince obtained an additional grant of twelve manors in different parts of England. Adminis- In tlic internal administration of the govern- ment Edgar exhibited an example worthy the imitation of future kings. He usually spent the winter months in making progresses through the different counties, every where reforming abuses, inquiring into the conduct of the magis- trates, and listening to the complaints of the people. He was most anxious that the poor should obtain justice equally with the rich. By ^' Bede speaking of Abercorn, says : in monasterio /Ebbercurnig, posito quidem in regione Anglorum, sed in vicinia f'reli, quod An- gloruni terras Pictoruniquc disterminat. Bed. iv. 26. 3- Walling. 545. West. 193. Does not this siifticiently account for the prevalence of the J'^nglish language in the lowlands of Scotland ? tration of justice I ANGLO-SAXONS. 325 his authority f\imily feuds were suppressed, and men were compelled to submit the decision of their quarrels to the legal tribunals. He re- stored the coinage to its legitimate weight and purity; enforced the punishment of exile against malefactors convicted of atrocious offenceSj and almost extinguished the crime of robbery, by the vigilance with which he caused the guilty to be pursued, and by the impediments which his laws opposed to the transfer of stolen property.-" The inhabitants of Thanct had long been ad- dicted to acts of piracy. In 969 they plundered several merchant-ships on their voyage from York : but the ealdorman of Kent, by the order of the king, immediately entered the isle, pil- laged the country, and hanged the most guilty : one of the many instances of military execution, which in that age the state of society and the imperfection of judicial proceedings might per- haps render expedient."'* The tranquillity of Edgar s reign, his undis- The resto- . ration ot puted superiority over the neighbouring princes, themonks. and his attention to the welfare of his people, have contributed to throw a lustre around his memory : the reformation of the church, under- taken by the prelates, and effected with the aid of his authority, though it was received with 3' Le;;. S;,\x. 77. 80. MS. Cleop. 79. Obh. 110. Chioii. Sax. IIG. Mailros, 130. Malm. 3'i, 'M. 34 Chron. Sax. 121. West. 192. Noii ut hoslis insaniens, sed ut rex malo mala punien=. Hunt. ','01. 3^6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. iiCratitiidc by liis contemporaries, has been marked with unmerited censure by modern writers. Tlie Danish invasion had both relaxed the sinews of ecclesiastical discipline, and dis- solved the greater number of the monastic and clerical establishments. The most opulent mo- nasteries had been laid in ruins by the rapacity of the barbarians : and their lands, without an owner, had been seized by the crown, or had been divided among the nearest and most pow- erful thanes. Under former kings, efforts had been made to restore the monastic order, but they had proved ineffectual. The prejudices against it were nourished by the great proprie- tors now in possession of its ancient revenues : even the monastery of Ethelingey, which Alfred had peopled with foreign monks, had been gra- dually deserted ; and the two abbeys of Glas- tonbury and Abingdon, the fruits of the zeal of Dunstan, had been dissolved by the resentment of Edwy. The clerical order was more fortu- nate. Though shattered and disfigured, it had survived the tempest. But the friends of reli- gious severity, wlicn they compared the clergy of their day with the clergy of ancient times, saw much in their conduct to lament and cor- rect. Formerly they lived in comnumities un- der particular regulations : and their seclusion from temporal pursuits insured the faithful dis- charge of their spiritual functions. But during the Danish wars they had been dispersed amidst ANGLO-SAXONS. 3^27 their relatives, had divided amono' themselves CHAP. • '^ V the revenues of their respeetive chiirehes, and, substituting" others for the performance of the service, indulged in the pleasures and dissipation of the laity. But that which gave particular offence to the more devout was their marriages. It is most certain, that during the two first cen- turies of the Saxon church the profession of celibacy was required from every clergyman advanced to the orders of priest, or deacon, or sub-deacon :^'' but amid the horrors of succes- sive invasions the injunctions of the canons had been overlooked or contemned : and, on many occasions necessity compelled the prelates to ordain, for the clerical functions, persons who had already engaged in the state of matrimony. Similar causes had produced similar effects in the maritime provinces of Gaul : and Dunstan had witnessed, during his exile, the successful efforts of the abbot Gerard to restore the ancient discipline in the churches of Flanders.^'' Ani- mated by his example, the metropolitan made a first essay to raise the monastic establishments from their ruins : and his laboiu's were zealously seconded by two active co-operators, the bishops Oswald and Ethehvold. The former governed the church of "Worcester : the latter, his favou- rite discij)le, had been placed at his request in S' Bed. i. '.'7. v. 21. Wilk. con. p. 112. K13, 131. l.'-(3. ^'^ Vit. S. (icrar. s;i'c. \. 15ciicil. \k 272. 323 HISTOIIV OF ENGLAND. the sec of AVinchester. To them Edj^ar was induced to sell, or grant, the lands of the mo- nasteries, which had fallen to the crown : and of those which remained in the hands of indivi- duals, a portion was recovered by purchase, and still more by the voluntary resignation of the possessors. Persons were soon found ready to embrace an institute recommended by the pre- lates, and sanctioned by the king : as fast as buildings could be erected, they were filled with colonics of monks and their novices : and within a few years the great abbeys of Ely, Peter- borough, Tliorney, and Malmsbury, rose from their ashes, and recovered the opulence and the splendour which they had formerly enjoyed. The re- The next object of the metropolitan Avas the theclc'-^y. I'cfomiation of the more dissolute among the clergy, principally in the two dioceses of Win- chester and Worcester. For this purpose a commission was obtained from Rome ; and a law was enacted, that every priest, deacon, and sub-deacon should live chastely, or be ejected from his benefice.'^^ Oswald, whose zeal was tempered with lenity, soon converted the canons of his cathedral and of Winchelcomb into com- munities of monks. Ethelwold met with a more stubborn resistance ; and after a considerable delay was compelled to recur to the civil magis- 37 Eadnier, 200. AVilk. con. 239. 247. I have omitted the ce- lebrated speech attributed to Edgar on this occasion, because it is probably a declamation composed by some ilietorician. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^'^^ trate. Armed with the royal authority he sue- CHAP, cessively transferred the prebendaries of the old , — ^ and new ministers to other situations which he had prepared for them in his diocese, and sup- plied their places wdth monks whom he had se- lected from his Hxvourite convent at Abingdon. There was nothing now to arrest the progress of rnonaclnsm. The laity liad caught the spirit of the prelates: several opulent noblemen erected monasteries on their respective de- mesnes : and the king publicly gloried in the assertion, that though the order was nearly ex- tinct at his accession, almost fifty abbeys had been established during his reign.''*^ It was the pride of Edgar to display his opvi- Edgar's lence and authority ; to be surrounded by pre- ^^^^^l ' lates, nobles, and the princes his vassals ; and to distribute among them presents of greater or less value in proportion to their respective ranks. Hence it wall excite surprise that a prince of this character, living in an age which attached so much importance to the regal unction, should have permitted thirteen years of his reign to elapse before he w^as crowned : nor is it less ^echron. Sax. 117. Ingulf, 45. 17. Osbcrn, 111. Wolslan, vit. Ethciwoldi, 614. Ead. 'JOO. Hist, llames. 400. Tlic nde observod in all these nioiia'-tcrics was l!iat of St. Benedict, with the addition of a icw national customs (Apost. Bencd. app. par. 3. p. oO). The Benedictine monks were fust introduced among the Northumbrians in 661 (F.dd. vit. Wilf. xlv.), among the West- Saxons in 67.") (Malm, dc T'ont. v. 341. 333. 3.j6), and among the Mercians in 709 (VVilk. con. p. 71). 330 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. extraordinary that of the many historians who relate the eircnmstance, not one has thoug-ht proper to assign the reason. The ceremony M'as at length performed at Bath Avith the usual solemnity, and in the presence of an immense concourse of spectators. Thence he proceeded to Chester to receive the homaue of eiiiht jH-inces, Kenneth king of Scotland, Malcolm of Cumberland, Mac Orric of Anglesey and the isles, Jukil of Westmoreland, Jago of Gallowa}^ and Hovvel, Dyfnwal, and Griffith of Wales. The ceremony was opened with a splendid pro- cession by water on the Dee. Edgar stepping into his barge seated himself at the helm : and the vassal kings taking the oars rowed him to the church of St. John the Baptist ; the pre- lates and thanes followed in their barges, while the banks were lined with spectators and the air resounded with acclamations. At his return he is said to have observed to those around him ; " My successors may think themselves kings, *' when they can connnand the service of the " like number of princes." ^'' I!l^p*^""" Edgar had happily no opportunity of acquir- ing military glory : but on one occasion he proved that he was not deficient in personal courage. Kenneth, alluding to his spare form and low stature, had said that it was a disgrace to so many brave men to obey the authority of '"Chron. S3.X. 121. Mailrgs, 150. Flor. COT. West. 1!)2. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^21 a dwarf. The words were reported to the khig, CHAP, who dissembling his anger, eondueted Kenneth ^--.J,—^ into a neighbouring wood^ and bade him draw his sword and learn, who was the fitter to com- mand the other. The king of Scots apologized for the jest, and disarmed his resentment. ^^ Edgar lived only two years after his corona- ^^'^ t]eaih. tion, and died in 975.^^ Like the other princes of his family he married at a very early age. His first wiife Elfleda the fair, survived their union but two years, and left him a son, Ed- ward, who succeeded him. By his second wife Elfrida, the daughter of Ordgar, earl of De- vonshire, he had two sons, Edmund, who died in his infancy, and Ethelred, who ascended the throne after the murder of Edward. Most writers have contented themselves with telling us that the king married Elfrida after the death *^ Maltn. 32. ^' Chron. Sax, 122. The chronicle has preserved parts of the poems made on the occasion. I shall ofter a literal version of some passages to the curiosity of the reader. " Here ended his earthly joys Edgar England's king : and chose <' the Y\"ht of another world, beauteous and happy. Here Edgar " departed, the ruler of the Angles, the joy of the West-Saxons, " the defender of the Mercians. That was known afar among " many nations. Kings beyond the baths of the sea-fowl wor- " shipped him far and wide : they bowed to the king as one of " their own kin. There was no fleet so proud, there was no host " so strong, as to seek food in England, while ihis noble king " ruled the kingdom, lie reared up God's honour, he loved God's " law, he preserved t!ie people's peace, the bc^t of all the kings <' that were before in the memory of man. And God was his " helper : and kings and earls bowed to him : and they obeyed his " will : and without battle he ruled all as he willed."— p. 1 10. 122. 33'2 HISTOUY OF ENGLAND. of Etlic'h^'old her first husband : but Mahns- buiy, on the taith of an ancient balhul, has transmitted to us a story probably invented by his enemies. According to this account Elfrida M^as possessed, as the heroine of every romance should be, of unparalleled bea\ity and accom- plishments. Edgar commissioned Ethel wold, the son of his foster-father Athelstan, and his favourite minister, to visit Ordgar, and report his opinion of the daughter. The heart of the ealdorman was captivated. He forgot his duty, wooed and married Elfrida, and on his return informed his master, that though she might grace the house of a subject, she did not become the splendour of a throne. But the secret was quickly betrayed : it reached the ears of the king ; and he announced to his astonished favourite that he intended to visit the bride. Ethelwold had now recourse to tears and entreaties. He disclosed to his wife the whole transaction, and conjured her to conceal her beauty from the eyes of the king. But Elfrida had already ceased to love : and he ap})eared to her in the light of an enemy, since he had deprived her of a crown. She received the king in her gayest attire, and em- ployed all her arts to engage his notice and win his affections. Edgar retired, convinced of the perfidy of his friend, and of the superior beauty of the lady. For a while he disguised his inten- tions ; but took the opportunity, while they ANGLO-SAXONS. 333 were hunting together in the forest of Whcr- well, to run his spear through the body ot Ethelwold. It is needless to add^ that he mar- ried the widow.'^^ I should not have noticed this tale, so im- probable in itself, and supported by such ques- tionable evidence, had it not found a place in most of our modern histories. There is ano- ther, which is better authenticated, and attri- butes to Edgar the violation of Wulfrith, a young lady, educated in the convent of Wilton, who to elude his pursuit, had covered herself with the veil of one of the sisters. She bore him a daughter, Editlia, afterwards abbess of Wilton. For this offence the king was severely reproved by the archbishop, and submitted to a course of penance during the term of seven years.'*^ EDWARD, THE Martyr. It was imfortunate that the two sons of Ed- Succession ui" Edward. •*'- Malm. 33. The same story is told with some variation hy Brompton (8G6). I should refer its ori,:^in to the time when El- frida became the ohject of public execration on account oi" the murder of Edward. Malmsbury in the same place, and on no better authority, tells us another tale of a lady at Andover,who, to save the chastity of her daughter, substituted the handsomest of her slaves. In the morning the king discovered the deception gave the woman her liberty, and raised her to a superiority above her former mistress. Id. 33. ■*^ Osl)ern, 111. Ead. 218. Malm, 33, adds : certum est non tunc sanctimonialcm fuisse. Osbcrn tells us that the king was crowned in 97.5, because his penance was then ended. But seven are not tliirteen vears. 9r:i ^34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. .c;"ar were children at the time of their father's death, Edward had reached his thirteenth, Jiitheh'ed only his seventh year. There could be no doubt of Edward's claim to the crown : the right of primogeniture, the will of his father, and the extreme youth of his brother, all plead- ed in his favour. Yet his succession was op- posed by a party, who objected to his character, that he was of a harsh and cruel disposition ; and to his birth, that he was born before either his father or mother had been crowned.^^ At the head of the faction was Elfrida, whose am- bition hoped to obtain the sceptre for her own son, and who, to strengthen his interests, openly . proclaimed herself the patroness of the ejected clergy. The pretensions of Ethelred were es- poused by them, by their numerous partisans, and in particular by Alfere, the powerful earl of Mercia; while on the other hand, all the prelates, and the earls of Essex and East-Anglia maintained with equal obstinacy the superior claim of Edward. The controversy threatened to involve the nation in the horrors of civil war. Alfere wrested from the monks their new establishments in Mercia : Oslac of Nor- thumbria was driven by his enemies into exile : and Alfwin and Alfwold armed the East-An- glians in their own defence. At length a general meeting of the witan v\-as held : and •" Osbern, 110. Eadnier, '-street to the Thames these instructions were faithfully observed : the inhabitants of Oxford appeased his anger by prayers and hostages : their example was fol- lowed by the citizens of Winchester ; and the invader, borne forward by the tide of success, hurried his troops to the walls of London. The city was defended by Ethelred and Thurchil, whose policy and courage baffled the negotia- tions, stratagems, and assaults of the enemy. '° Encom. Enimse, Maseres, p. 0. Vanes in the shape of hirds or dragons were fixed on the masts to point out the direction of the wind. Ibid. ^'rior. G14. West. 201. ANGLO-SAXONS. 357 SAveyn consoled his disappointment with the CHAP, repetition of his former cruelties ; and march - ^-..^ ing slowly to Bath, proclaimed himself king of England, summoned to his court the thanes of 'Wessex, Alercia, and Northumberland, and compelled them to swear allegiance to the king of the Danes. This general defec- tion created alarm \\'ithin the walls of the me- tropolis. The wavering fidelity of the citizens induced the king and Thurchil to retire with the fleet to Greenwich : and the authority of the invader was quickly established in London itself. In this emergency Ethelred yielded to despair. Flight of His wife and children with a retinue of one hun(h'ed and forty horsemen he recommended to the care of her brother Richard, and sailed clandestinely with the few thanes and prelates, who still adhered to his fortunes, to the isle of "Wiirht. There he remained in concealment till a messenjxer from Emma brought him the offer of a secure asylum in Normandy.'^ The successes of the northern chieftains were 1014. often attended with surprising revolutions ; and ^^Ifyl^ their thrones, which had no firmer basis than that of terror, were overturned at the first shock. It v\'as in the second week of January that Ethel- red fled from England, and abandoned the crown to his victorious competitor : in the first week of February the unexpected death of that com- " Chron. Sax. 143, 144. Mahii. 39. West. -202. 368 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. pctitor recalled the fugitive king', and re-esta- blished his authority. Sweyn, before he died, had a})pointed his son Canute to succeed him : and the will of the monarch had been confirmed by the acclamations of the army.'-^ But the English, no longer overawed by the genius of the conqueror, and considering the moment fa- vourable for the recovery of their independence, invited Ethelred to re-ascend the throne. His son Edward met the thanes at London : it was agreed that the king should forgive all past of- fences, should govern according to law, and should on important occasions follow the advice of the great council : and that the thanes, on their part, should swear to support his authority, and never to submit to a Danish sovereign. Return of Ethclrcd, who returned about the middle of Lent, was received wdth enthusiasm, and in- stantly led an army against the enemy in Linde- sey. Canute could not withstand the supe- rior force of the English, and fled with sixty ships, leaving his associates to the mercy of the victors. The country "was ravaged, and every inhabitant of Danish extraction was put to the sword. To revenge the fate of his friends Ca- nute ordered the hostages, who had been de- livered to his father, to be deprived of their ears, noses, and hands. In this mutilated state, the sons of the noblest families among the English, ■?'- Encom. Emm. p. 9. ANGLO-SAXONS. 359 were landed at Sandwich, as pledq'es of that un- CHAP. .... V sparing retribution which awaited those, who had n_^^ revolted from the authority, or opposed the in- terests, of the Dane. He proceeded to his own country.'^ It might have been expected that the English, ioi5, relieved from the pressure of the enemy, Avould , have employed this interval in providing against future dangers. But distrust and treachery still distracted their attention, and divided their councils. Ethelred convoked an assembly of the witan at Oxford : and his first measure was a repetition, on a smaller scale, of that system of massacre, for which he had already suffered so severely. Many thanes of Danish descent were immolated to his jealousy or revenge : but Sigeferth and IMorcar, the chieftains of the Seven-burghers, were too pov/eyful to be openly assailed with impunity. On such occasions the policy of the king did not disdain the dagger of the assassin. The unsuspecting carls were in- vited to a banquet by his favourite Edric ; and in the midst of the feast were murdered by a body of armed men. Their retainers, alarmed at the fate of their lords, fled to the church of St. Frideswitha: driven from the gates they sought refuge in the tower : but Ethelred, irri- tated by their resistance, ordered fire to be put to the sacred edifice ; and had the satisfaction '* Chron. Sax. 145. Flur. G15. Hunt. 207. 360 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Invasion by Canute, to sec his enemies, real or supposed, perish in the conflagration. Such conduct was not of a nature to conciliate esteem, or to insure fidelity. The sequel proved that he could not command the obedience of even his own fomily. Edmund, his eldest son, petitioned for the possessions of the two earls. The father refused : and the young prince hastened to Alalmsbury, married Algiva, the relict of Sigefcrth, whom the king had confined in the monastery, rode Avith her into Northumberland, and by her influence pre- vailed on the Seven-burghers to receive him as their chieftain. Ethclred was compelled to ac- quiesce in this insult to his authority.'-^ At the connnenccment of winter Thurchil had received twenty-one thousand pounds as the reward of his past services : but either suspect- ing the capricious temper of Ethelrcd, or dread- ing the resentment of his native sovereign, he re- turned with nine sail to Denmark, and obtained, after much solicitation, the forgiveness of Ca- nute. The thousand ships, which, according to the northern writers, that prince had collected for the invasion of England, are reduced to two hundred by a contemporary historian : but he "Chron. Sax. 116. Malm. 39. Flor. 61G. West 202. The rif-burghers or inliahitants of the five burghs, Leicester, Stamford, Derljy, Nottingham, and Lincoln, are well known in our history. But who were the Scven-buigliers ? MalmsLury (41) and West- minster (203) seem to place them among the Northumbrians: the Saxon Chronicle (14G) and Florence (616) make them include the Fif-burghcrs. ANGLO-SAXONS. 361 describes in pompous colours, the splendour of cHAP. their equipment, and assures us that among the ^• warriors whom they bore, there was not one of ignoble birth, or past the age of manhood, or unpractised in feats of arms, or unable to con- tend in speed with the fleetest horse.'^' Sand- wich was at this period " the most celebrated " haven in Britain."'^ Here Tlmrchil solicited and obtained permission to obUterate the dis- grace of his past disloyalty. He was the first to land ; but was resolutely opposed ; and if he ul- timately proved successful, it was not without the loss of the bravest among his Danes. From Sandwich Canute proceeded along the southern coast, ravaged the maritime counties, and ex- torted the submission of the West-Saxons. An army had been collected in the north by Ed- mund : another in Mercia by Edric. They joined, quarrelled and separated. The resent- ment of Edric led him to the standard of Ca- nute : and his example was followed by a body of Danes, who had sworn fealty to Ethelred."*^ The next year, after an ineffectual attempt to raise an army in the southern counties, Edmund put himself at the head of the Northumbrians, '6 Encom. Emm. 12. Langbeck, i. 67, 118. "■ Sandwich omnium Anglorum porUium famosissimus. En- » com. Emm. 13, 14. '"^ Forty ships. Ciiron. Sax. MG. Flor. G16. The amountofthe Danish armies is always calculated by our old writers in ahips. From diUcrents hints 1 conjecture the complement ofa sliip to have been about 80 men. S62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^vho had been called into the field by their earl Uhtred. England soon became the prey of two hostile armies, which instead of seeking each other, contented themselves with plnndering the defenceless inhabitants. The royalists wreaked their vengeance on the comities of Stafford Salop and Leicester^ the inhabitants of which had refused to join their standard : and Canute, adopting a similar policy, indulged his followers with the pillage of the eastern part of Mercia, and the neighbourhood of York. Uhtred was called away to protect his own property : but finding resistance hopeless, made an offer of submission. It was accepted: and his oath of fealty was fol- lowed by an order for his execution. The Dane summoned him to attend his court at ^Vihcal : a curtain suspended across the hall concealed Thurebrand and a body of assassins : and the defenceless earl fell a victim to the perfidy of his new sovereign. Forty of his retainers shared his fate.^'' ■'' Chron. Sax. 117, 143. Malm. 40. Encom. Emm. 15. The history of Uhtred and his family will aftbrd striking proofs of the barbarism of the times. When Malcolm, king of Scotland, laid siege to Durham, Uhtred assumed the office of his aged father, the earl Waltheof, and defeated the enemy. After the victory he se- lected the most handsome of the slain, whose heads by his orders were cut off, washed in the river, and with their long braided hair fixed on stakes round the walls of the city. To reward this service Ethelrcd appointed him earl, and gave him his daughter Elfgivain marriage. His former wife Siga was the daughter of the opulent thane Styr. With her he had espoused the quarrels of the family, and engaged to satisfy the revenge of his father-in-law by the death ANGLO-SAXONS. 363 Harassed with care, and worn out with dis- ease, Etheh'ed had resigned the defence of the throne to the eourage and activity of Edmund. Death of At tlie arrival of Canute from Denmark he was ^^''''''^^^^• confined to his bed at Cosham in Wiltshire. For greater security he had been removed to Lon- don, v/bere he lingered through the winter. But his constitution was broken : and on the twenty- third of April he terminated a long and calami- tous reign at tlie very moment when the barba- rians Avere preparing to besiege liim in his ca- pital. Of the sons by his first wife Edmund, of that ncljlemau's enemy Thiirebrand. But Thiirebrand frustrated all his machination?, and at last, as appears above, obtained the consent of Canute to inflict on his foe the punishment which had been designed for himself. The murderer, however, fell soon after by the sword of Aldred, the son of the man whom he had mur- dered. The duty of revenge now devolved on Ceorl, the son of Thurebrand. The tv.'o chieftains spent some years in plotting their mutual destruction : by the persuasion of their friends they were reconciled : and the reconciliation was confirmed by oaths of bro- therhood, and a promise of making together a pilgrimage to Rome. Aldred visited Ceorl at his house, was treated with apparent kind- ness, and then treacherously assassinated in the forest of Rides- dale. Ceorl escaped the fate which he merited: but at the dis- tance of many years his sons, while they were feasting at the house of the eldest brother near York, were surprised by Wallheof the grandson of Aldred. The whole family was massacred with the exception of Sunierlede, who chanced to be absent, and of Canute, vA:o owed his life to the pity inspired by his amiable character. Sim. Dun. 81, 82. This hereditary feud, which had now continued for five generations, was at last extinguished by the Norman con- quest. From it the reader may judge of the disunion, mistrust, and treachery, which prevailed in armies composed of the retainers of chieftains, bound by what they considered a most sacred duty, to seek the destruction of each other. It was to this that in a great measure was owing the success of the Danes. 2^* HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Eclwy, and Athelstan survived liim : by Emma he left two others, Edward and Alfrcd.^^ EDMUND. Siege of If the personal exertions of an individual eould 1016. have prevented the subjugation of England, that glorious achievement would have been accom- plished by the courage and perseverance of Ed- mund, lie was in London at the time of his fa- ther's death, and was immediately proclaimed king by the citizens. Canute was posted at Southampton, where the thanes of Wesscx re- luctantly acknowledged him for their sovereign. The preparations for the siege of the capital^ the last bulwark of English independence, were now ready : and a fleet of three hundred and forty sail, carrying an army of twenty-seven thousand men, had been collected in the mouth of the Thames.^^ Within the city were Edmund and his brother, the queen dowager Emma, two bishops, and several distinguished thanes. It was easy for Canute to cut off the communica- tion by land: to prevent the ingress and egress by water proved an undertaking of greater dif- ficulty. As the fortifications of the bridge im- peded the navigation of the river, by dint of labour ^oChron. Sax. U.0. 148. **' We owe ihis information to Ditmar, bisliop of Mcrsbnrgh, who received it the same year from an acquaintance. He tells us that Canute's ships carried on an average eighty men, Bouquet, x. 134. ANGLO-SAXONS. 365 a clianncl was diis: on the rii'lit bank : through it was dragged a considerable number of ships : and tlie Northmen became masters of the Thames above as well as below the city. The valour of the inhabitants repelled every assault ; and compelled the Dane to try the influence of promises and threats. He demanded that Ed- mund with his brother should be delivered into his hands ; that fifteen thousand pounds should be paid for the ransom of the queen, twelve thousand for that of the bishops ; and that three hundred hostages should be given as pledges for the fidelity of the citizens. If these terms were accepted, he would take them under his protec- tion : if they were refused, the city should be abandoned to pillage and the flames.*^^ Sensible that it required the exertions of an Battles be- army to save the capital, Edmund endeavoured mund and to escape during the darkness of the night. A Canute. boat conveyed the royal brothers through the Danish fleet,^^ and the men of Wessex hastened in crowds to their standard. They surprised a party of plunderers in the forest of Gillingham : ^'^ Ditmar, ibid. Chron. Sax. 148. ^3 Ditmar, ibid. It is singular that Ditniar's friend should call the brother of Edmund Athelstan, and say that he fell in the next engagement. This prince is unknown to our national historians. Yet his will is published by Lye (Die. App. No. 5.), in which he repeatedly calls Ethelred his father, Elfrida his grandmother, and Edmund and Edwy his brothers. It has been supposed that the author of the will was slain by the Danes in 1010 : but the Athel- stan, who fell on that occasion, was not the king's son. lie was his " athum" or daughter's husband. Chron. Sax. 139. 366 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, but liad soon to contend with Canute himself, . y* . who leaving a detachment to observe the city, had advanced with the rest of his forces to crush the growing power of his competitor. The battle of Scearstan is celebrated in the writings of our annalists. Edmund placed his most ap- proved warriors in the front : the remainder were formed into a reserve. The Danes \vere resisted by Edric and^Ehner with the men of ^Vilts and Somerset. So obstinate was the valour of the combatants, that night alone put an end to the contest. It was renewed the next morning: when Edmnnd, espying his adversary, with a stroke of his battle-axe divided the shield of the Dane, and wounded his horse in the shoulder. A crowd of Northmen sprung forward to pro- tect their monarch : and Edmund slowly retired before the multitude. At this moment Edric cut off the head of Osmear, who had been slain, and holding it in his hand exclaimed, " The head of Edmund!" At the sight some of the Enghsh turned their backs. The indignant prince hurled his spear at the traitor : and, has- tening to an eminence, uncovered his face, that he might be kno^vn to his troops. The battle was thus restored, and was a second time inter- rupted by the darkness of night.^^ In this murderous conflict each army had suf- fered severely ; but the morning shewed that 8' Chron. Sax. 148, 1-19. Flor. 618. Knytlinga Saga, p. 130. ANGLO-SAXONS. 367 the result was in favour of the Eni'Hsh. Canute CHAP, was already on his march to London. Edmund, as soon as he had repaired his losses, followed the footsteps of the Dane, forced him to raise the siege, and fought a second battle at Brent- ford. The advantage seems to have been with the enemy, who again returned to the capital, but failing in the assault, pillaged the neighbour- ing country. The indefatigable Edmund over- took the plunderers at Oxford, where they ex- perienced a most signal overthrow. It is pre- tended that the English monarch might have annihilated the Danes, had it not been for the perfidious counsels of Edric, who was again re- stored to favour.^^ Canute sailed to the isle of Sheppy. To a personal challenge from the Eng- lish hero, he coolly replied : " Let the man who '^ talks of fighting in winter, take care to be " prepared in summer." ^^ Within a few days the Northmen had quitted the isle of Sheppy, and carried devastation through the county of Essex. Edmund met them at Ashdown. The Danes brought into the field the mysterious standard of their fathers : and Thurchil, from the apparent flight of the raven, promised them certain victory.^" Ed- mund had drawn up his forces in three divisions ; but at the very onset, Edric, either actuated by 8^ Chron. Sax. 119. Flor. GIO. *'^ Qui aves ducllum in hiemc, cave ne dcficias aptiore tempore. Encom. Emm, 10. ^' Ibid. Encom. Emm. 16. 368 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. treachery, or by cowardice, fled with his division. From three in the afternoon till sunset despair supported the natives : some of them even main- tained the contest by the light of the moon : but at last they fled in every direction, and at- tempted by their knowledge of the country to elude the pursuit of the enemy. This defeat was most fatal to the prospects of Edmund. Almost the whole of the West-Saxon nobihty perished. The Danes buried their own dead ; they stripped the bodies of the English, and left them naked on the field.*^ Pacifica- Canute followed his competitor into Gloces- tershire, and another battle would have ensued, had not the chieftains in each army been tired of this sanguinary warfare. Compelled by the expostulations of their troops, the two kings met in the isle of Olney, exchanged oaths and pre- sents, and agreed to a compromise. The Thames was made the boundary of their respective do- minions. The south was retained by Edmund : the north by Canute : but the tax called Dane- geld was extended to both kingdoms, and as- signed to defray the expenses of the Danish fleet. Edmund died within a month after the pacifica- tion. ssibid, ir, 18. Chron. Sax. loO. Malm. 40. F!or. 618. In this battle fell the ealdormen /Elfric, Godwin, Ulfketel, and Ethel- ward. Eadnoth, bishop of Dorchester, with Wulsige the abbot of Ramsey, was slain as he was saying mass for the success of the army. Hist. Elien. 502. Juxta morem Anglorum vetcrera non armis sed orationum suppetiis piignautem e.xercitum juvaturi. Hist. Ram. 433. ANGLO-SAXONS. 369 tion, and ^yas buried near the remains of his CHAP, grandtather at Glastonbury. He left two in- ^— -v^ fant sons, Edward and Edmund. ^'^ The reign of this king, if reign it can be called, wliich was a mere strugg'le for existence, lasted but seven months. Yet within that short space, besides having vigorously assisted in the defence of London, he fought five battles ; and, till the fatal field of Ashdown, seemed de- stined to establish the independence of his coun- try. From his armour or his strength he ac- quired the surname of "Ironside :'' and his me- mory was long cherished by the gratitude and admiration of his subjects. Their vanity has thrown the embellishments of fiction over the character of the hero. To account for the final success of Canute it was said that the two kings fought in single combat in the isle of Olncy : that the Dane, finding him?elf inferior, assailed his rival with flattery ; and that by his eloquence not his prowess, he induced the English prince to acquiesce in the partition of the kingdom.'^'^ Nor Vv^as Edmund permitted to die in the ordi- nary course of nature. ]3y some writers his Death of death Avas attributed to Canute, on whom it con- ferred the crown of Wessex : by others to Edric, as if the murder of a king had been want- s' ChroM. Sax. 150. Enconi. Emnne, 18, 19, 20. Walling. 549. Florence (G18), and Westminster (205), give to Kdmund, London, Esse.x, and East-Anglia. s-o Kiev. 3G4. West. 205. Hunt. 203. VOL. I. 2 B 370 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ing to fill lip the measure of his treasons. The assassins were said to have been the two cham- berlains of Edmund, or Edric, or the son of Edric. Some professed themselves ignorant of the circumstances, some asserted that he was stabbed in the back in a secret and unguarded moment.-'^ But the real fLict is uncertain. The Saxon Chronicle is content with saying, that he departed on the feast of St. Andrew; the enco- miast of Emma, that he died by the visitation of God.^'2 -"1 Ingul. 57. Hunt. 'M8. West. 205. Hist. Ram. 434. Malm. 40. Saxo. 193. Hist. Elien. 502. ^- Chron. Sax. 150. Deus Edmiindum eduxit c corpore. En- com. Emm. 20. Hominem exuit. Walling. 549. Ambiguum quo casu extinctus. Malm. 40. DANES. 371 CHAP. VI. DANES. DANISH SOVEREIGNS CANUTE HAROLD HARDECANUTE— SAXON LINE RESTORED EDAVARD THE CONFESSOR HAROLD VICTORY OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. CANUTE. After the death of Edmund, Canute was elect- cHAP, ed king by the unannTious voice of the nation. v_Y^L^ To iustify their choice it was pretended bv some, Canute . , . ' succeeds. that according to the pacification of Olney, the crown belonged to him as the survivor: by others that Edmund had appointed him the guardian and protector of his children.^ The best reason was the povv^er of the Dane. No man had the wish or the hardihood to renew the bloody and unavailing contest. The first object of Canute's policy was to se- Sends cure himself on the throne. From the infancy chitdren^ of Edmund's children he had little to appre- ofEd- ' ^ mund. bend ; but as they advanced m years, they might 1017, ' He was chosen sponte (Encom. Emm. p. 20), omnium consen- su (Ing. 58), ex preedicta concordiic condictione (Walling. 549) quia Edmundus voluerat Canutum adjutorem et protcctorcm esse liorum ejus, donee regnandi .elatem habuissent. Flor. 618. 2B2 372 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. prove dangerous competitors. Though a sea- king was seldom diverted from his purpose by considerations of humanity, Canute did not im- brue his hands in their blood, but sent them to his half-brother Olave, king of Sweden. If we may believe those, who could hardly possess the means of knowing it, the messenger who conducted the children, was instructed to re- quest in secret of Olave, that he would order them to be murdered. But whatever credit may be given to that report, it is certain that they were conveyed from Sweden to the court of Stephen, king of Hungary.^ That prince, who was afterwards sainted for his virtues, re- ceived the orphans with tenderness, and educat- ed them as his own children. Edmund died in his youth : Edward married Agatha, daughter to the emperor of Germany, and will hereafter claim the reader's attention. Kills Besides the children, Canute had to guard ^^"^y- against the brothers of Edmund. Edwy was in England, and, for reasons with which we are unacquainted, was named the " king of the pea- sants." He was banished, recalled, and assassi- nated in the bosom of his family. We are told that the king had endeavoured to induce Ethel- wold, a powerful thane, to undertake the mur- - Mailros, 155. Flor. 619. Higden, 275. Our chroniclers say that they were sent to Solomon king of Hungary. But Papebroche shews it must liave been to Stephen, not to Solomon, who was not born till after the year 1031. Act. SS. Jan. ii. 325. DANES. 373 der ; and that, failing in the attempt, he bribed some ofEdwy'sown servants."-^ Edward and Alfred, the half-brothers of Ed- J:^^"'^^ Emma. mund were m Normandy, and Wallingford as- sures us that their uncle Richard had fitted out a lieet in support of their claims.^ But Canute had the wisdom to disarm his enmity, by asking in marriage his sister, the relict of Ethelred. To accept the hand of the man, whose hostility had almost deprived her late husband of his kingdom, who was suspected of tlie murder of her sons-in-law, and who had despoiled her own children of the crown, does not indicate much delicacy in Emma : but her youth and vanity were flattered with the prospect of royalty ; her brother reluctantly assented to the proposal ; and the marriage v/as solemnly celebrated in the month of July. It had been previously agreed, that her issue by Canute should succeed to the crown of England; a condition, which, while it satisfied the Norman, extinguished the hopes of his nephews.'' Canute had divided the kingdom into four Punishes governments. Wessex he retained for himself; East-Ani'-liahe ffave to Thurchil; and continued Eric and Edric in Northumberland, and Mercia.'' 3 Ciiron. Sax. 151. Flor. 619. Mailros, 15.5. The Saxon Chronicle nicntiuns two Edwys hanishcd at the same time : Itiit they appear to be one person, from Simeon (175), Iligden (274). Brompton (907), Knyghton (2317). * Walling. 550. ■'' Chron. Sax. 151. I'-ncom. Emm. 21. :Malm. 10, 41. ^ Tjiurchil was expelled in 1021. Chron. Sax. 152. See a long Edric. 3*4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. But Edric soon received the reward of his former perfidy. The king was celebrating the festival of Christmas in London, and Edric had the imprudence to boast of liis ser\rices. Canute, turning to Eric, exclaimed: " Then let him re- " ccive his deserts, that he may not betray us, " as he betrayed Etheh'ed and Edmund." The Norweirian cut him down witli his battle-axe ; and the body was thrown from a window into the Thames. It has been said that Canute, though willing to derive advantage from the treason, was anxious to punish the traitor : but, as he ordered Norman and the principal re- tainers of Edric to be put to death at the same time, there is reason to believe that they were suspected of some plot against the Danish in- terest. Their punishment is a matter of triumph to the ancient annalists, vvho attribute to the perfidy of Edric the subjugation of their coun- try : but the same writers lament the fate of Ethelwerd and Brihtric, who perished with them, and were numbered among the most noble and blameless of the English nobihty." The lands of the slain were distributed among the Danish chieftains; but several of these, aware of the hatred of the natives, and apprehensive for account of this celebrated Dane in Langbcck, ii. 438. Eric met with the same fate as Thiuchil. West. 207. Malm. 41. '' Encom. Emmjc, 20. Malm. 41. Edric is said to have been killed digno fine (Ing. -.'SS) swythe rihtlice (Chron. Sax. 151), but the others sine culpa (Mail. loo. Flor. 019). DANES. 375 their lives, with the kino's permission sold their CHAP. VI '^ — ^ estates, and returned with the money to their ^^ native country.^ These emigrations to Denmark were much Rewards encouraged by Canute, who, now that he thought *^^^^^"^^- himself secure on the throne, made it his en- deavour to win the affections of his Emrlish sub- jects. The presence of the Danish army was to them a constant source of uneasiness and ani- mosity : but gratitude as well as policy forbad him to dismiss it without a liberal donative. For this purpose the sum of fifteen thousand pounds was raised on the citizens of London, of seventy- lois. two thousand on the remainder of the nation : an oppressive burthen, but v/hich was borne with the greater cheerfulness, when its real object was understood. Of all the associates of his labours and conquests he retained only the crews of forty ships, about three thousand men, jjrobably the Thingmanna or royal guard, which, we are told, Establish- amounted to that number.'* These were a body esguard^i., * Hist. Ram 4S8. 443. 415. °Chron. Sax. 15). Tlor. G19. Sim. Dunel. 177. These all (lifter in the sum paid by the citizeas of London, making it 10,500, 11,000, or 15,000 pounds. We are told in the laws of Edward the confessor, that to provide for the safety of the Danes who remain- ed, it was agreed that they should all enjoy the king's peace; that if a Dane were murdered, the reputed murderer, unless he could clear himself by the ordeal, should be given up to justice: that if he could not be imniedialely found, the inhabitants of the vill or hun- dred, where the murder was perpetrated, should have a montii and a day to search forhun: that if they did not discover him, they should then pay a fine of 4G marks ; that if they surrendered him to J/ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Pleases the Eng- lish. of soldiers selected by Canute from the whole of his forces. He was their commander : the chiefs swore fealty to him ; and the i)rivates to their chiefs. The laws arc still extant, which he com- piled for their use: and his chief object appears to have been to prevent the quarrels, and con- sequently the bloodshed, which so frequently ha[)pened among these turbulent warriors. Un- fortunately the king himself was the first to transgress his own laws, by the murder of a sol- dier in a paroxysm of passion. He assembled the Thingmans, descended from his throne ac- knowledged his crime, and demanded punish- ment. They were silent. He promised impu- nity to every individual, who should speak his sentiments. They left the decision to his own wisdom. He then adjudged himself to pay three hundred and sixty talents of gold, nine times the amount of the usual pecuniary mnlct : and added nine other talents byway of farther compensation.^^ Though Canute had been baptized in his in- fancy, he knew little of the doctrines of Chris- tianity. But as soon as he was seated on the English throne, the ferocity of his disposition the king within a year and ;x day, the money should be returned : hut if they did not, forty marks of the fine should he kept by the king, and the other six be given to the parents or the lord of »he slain. Leg. Sax. 199, 200. '" Langhcck, 111, 144. et seq. Saxo. 199. The Thingnuinna were also called Thingliths, and lius- carlcs, that is, thane-nien, sca-lhanes, and domestics." DANES. 37 was softened by the precepts of religion, and the sanguinary sea-king was insensibly moulded into a just and beneficent monarch. He often lamented the bloodshed and misery, wliieli his own rapacity and that of his father had intiicted on the natives ; and acknowledged it his duty to compensate their sufferings by a peaceful and equitable reign. ^^ He always treated them with marked attention ; protected them from the in- solence of his Danish favourites ; placed the two nations on a footing of equality ; and admitted them alike to offices of trust and emokuTient. He erected a magnificent church at i^shdown, the scene of his last victory : and repaired the ruins of the reliijious edifices, which had suffered during the invasion. By his donations the ab- bey of St. Edmond's, the memorial of the cruelty of his fathers, was rendered for centu- ries the most opulent of the monastic establish- ments in the kingdom. In a witena-gemot at Oxford he confirmed the laws of Edgar, and per- suaded the English and Danish thanes to forgive each other everv former cause of offence, and to promise mutual friendship for the future.^- In another at Winchester a code of hiws was com- piled from the enactments of former kings, with such additions as were required by the existing state of society. From it some interesting par- ' Sec his charter in Ingulf, 58. '- Ing. iiiid. Hist. Ramcs, •137. Encom. Enun. 23. Chron. Sa.\. 151. Muil. 135. 378 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ticulars may be selected. 1. The kinq* exiiort- ed all those, avIio were intrusted with the ad h\\\s'^^^^^^ ministration of justice, to be vigilant in the punishment of crimes, but sparing of human life : to treat the penitent with less, the impeni- tent culprit with greater, severity ; and to consider the weak and indigent as worthy of pity, the weal- thy and powerful as deserving the full rigour of the law : because the former were often driven to the commission of guilt by two causes, w*hich seldom affected the latter, oppression and want. 2. He severely reprobated and prohibited the custom of sending christians iov sale into foreign countries. But the reason which he assigned, was not that there is any thing immoral in the institution of slavery ; but that such christians were in danofcr of falliner into the hands of infi- 'O^' "" -VVX^.Xij, del masters, and of being seduced from their religion. 3. By the incorporation of the Danes with the natives, the rites of paganism had again made their appearance in the island. Canute forbad the worship of the heathen gods, of the sun or moon, of fire or water, of stones or fountains, and of forests or trees. At the same time he denounced punishment against those who pretended to deal in witchcraft, and the "workers of death," whether it were by lots, or by flame, or by any other charms. 4. The ex- isting system of jurisprudence which he con- firmed, was divided into three branches, the law of the AA'est-Saxons, the law of the Mercians, DANES. 379 and the law of the Danes. The two former had been preserved from the time of the Heptarchy, and prevailed in their respective districts : the latter had been introduced into East-Anglia and Nortliumbria by the Danes, who had settled in those countries since the beginning of the ninth century. Of all three the substance was the same : they differed only in the amount of the pecuniary mulcts which were imposed on vari- ous transgressions. 5. Tlie king undertook to ease his people of part of the burthens arising from the feudal services, wliicli in England, as w^ell as the other European nations, had long been on the increase. He totally abolished the custom of purveyance, forbidding his officers to extort provisions for his use, and commanding his bailiffs to supply his table from the produce of his own farms. He fixed at a moderate value the heriots w^hich were paid at the demise of te- nants, and apportioned them to the rank of the deceased, whether they died intestate or not. With respect to heiresses, whose helpless condi- tion iTcquently exposed them to the tyranny of their lords, he enacted, that neither maid nor widow should be compelled to marry against her will. In conclusion he commanded these laws to be observed both by the Danes and the Eng- lish, under the penalty of a single were for the first offence, of a double were for the second, and of the forfeiture of all property for the third.i'' 1^ Leg. Sax. 133—130. 113—11(3. Broinplun, 911—931. Visits Denmark. 380 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. Though Canute generally resided in England, he frequently visited Denmark. He was ac- companied by an English fleet ; and carried with him pious and learned missionaries to civihze and instruct his countrymen. Of these, lk>r- nard, Gerbrand, and Ilainer were promoted to the episcopal dignity, and placed by him in Sconen, Zealand, and Funcn. In one of his visits, in 10'25, he was suddenly attacked by Olave and Ulfr with a numerous army of Swedes, and was defeated with the loss of many English 1025. and Danish thanes. But our annalists add, that Godwin, who commanded the English troops, surprised the camp of the enemy during the niglit, and totally dispersed the Swedes. This service procured him the esteem and favour of his sovereign. ^^ onqiiers The powcr of Cauutc released the kingdom ^™'^>- fi-om the horrors of domestic war: but his am- bition thirsted for a crown which had formerly been worn by his father. Sweyn had divided Norway between two brothers, Eric and Haco. When Eric accepted Northumberland from Canute, Haco succeeded to the whole, but was driven from it by the superior power of Olave, a Norwegian sea-king. Canute seduced the natives from their allegiance to Olave by pre- 1028. sents, sailed to Norway with an English fleet of fifty vessels ; and was every where received with acclamations of joy, and professions of " Adam Brem. ii. 3C. Chron. Sax. 153. West. 207. DANES. 381 attaclimcnt. He expelled Olave and restored Haco. But the latter was soon after drowned at sea ; and Olave recoverd his dominions. That prince was a zealous christian ; but his religious innovations irritated the jealousy of the pagan priests ; and he was murdered in an insurrection of his subjects. ^^ Canute's last military effort M'as directed And sub- against Scotland. Fordun tells us, that Dun- scots. ^^ can, who, as nephew and heir to Malcolm, was in possession of Cumberland, refused to hold it of Canute, because that prince had not ob- tained the crown by hereditary descent: but that, before the armies could engage, the two kings were reconciled, and the ancient condi- tions respecting the possession of Cumberland, were solemnly renewed. Of tJiese particulars our annalists are ignorant ; and merely inform us, that Malcolm, unable to oppose the superior power of the English monarch, submitted to his pleasure with two inferior princes, Melbeth and Jermac.i*^ The courtiers of Canute, to please his vanity, Here- Avere accustomed to extol him as the greatest flatterers. of kings, W'liose will was obeyed by six powerful nations, the English, Scots, and Welsh, the Danes, >Swedes, and Norwegians. Canute either had the good sense to despise, or affected to despise, their flattery. On one of these occa- '^Chron. Sax. 153. Flor, G'20. Snorre, 278. '^Fordun, iv. 41. Chron. Sax. 153. Hunt. 208. West. 200. 382 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, sions, as lie was sittinq" on the shore near Soiith- ^ ampton, he commanded the sea to respect its sovereicn. 15ut the influx of the tide soon ■V- '{-)' compelled him to retire, and he imi)rovcd the opportunity to read his flatterers a lecture on the weakness of earthly kings, when compared with the power of that supreme Being who rules the elements. Impressed with this idea, he is said, on his return to Winchester, to have taken the crown from his head, to have placed it on the great crucifix in the cathedral, and never more to have worn it even at public ceremo- nies, i'' His pii- In 1030 he made a pilgrimage to Rome. On Kome^^^^ his road he visited the most celebrated churches, 1030. leaving every where proofs of his devotion and liberality. ^8 In his return he proceeded imme- diately to Denmark, but dispatched the abbot of Tavistock to England with a letter, describing the object and the issue of his journey. This letter I shall transcribe not only because it furnishes an interesting specimen of the man- ners and opinions of the age, but also because it exhibits the surprising change which religion had produced in the mind of a ferocious and sanguinary warrior. " Hunt. 2C9. West. 209. '« So profuse was he in his donations that, according to a foreign chronicler, all who lived on the road by which he passed, had reason to exclaim : bencdictio Domini super rcgem Anglorum Canutonem. Chron. Wil. Gcdel. apud Bouquet, x, 262, DANES. 383 Canute, king of all Denmark, England and Norway, and of part of Sweden, to Egelnoth the metropolitan, to archbishop Alfric, to all ii'* letter. J.UO X • the bishops and chiefs, and to all the nation of the English, both nobles and commoners, greet- ing. I write to inform you that I have lately been at Rome, to pray for the remission of my sins, and for the safety of my kingdoms, and of the nations, that are subject to my sceptre. It is long since I bound myself by vow to make this pilgrimage ; but I had been hitherto pre- vented by affairs of state, and other impedi- ments. Now, however, I return humble thanks to the almighty God, that he has allowed me to visit the tombs of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul, and every holy place within and with- out the city of Rome, and to honour and vene- rate them in person. And this I have done, because I had learned from my teachers that the apostle St. Peter received from the Lord the great power of binding and loosing, wdth the keys of the kingdom of heaven. On this ac- count I thought it highly useful to solicit his patronage with God. Be it moreover known to you, that there was at the festival of Easter a great assemblage of noble personages with the lord the pope John, and the emperor Conrad, namely, all the chiefs of the nations from mount (xargano to the nearest sea, who all received me honourably, and made me valuable presents ; but parti- 3S4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CLilarly tlic emperor, who gave me many gold and silver vases, with rich mantles and gar- ments. I therefore took the o})portunity to treat with the pope, the emperor and the princes, on the grievances of my people, both English and Danes ; that they might enjoy more equal law, and more secure safeguard in their way to Rome, nor be detained at so many barriers, nor harassed by unjust exactions. My demands were granted both by the emperor, and by king Rodulf, to whom the greater part of the barriers belong; and it was enacted by all the princes, that my men, whether pilgrims or merchants, should for the future go to Rome and return in full security, without detention at the barriers, or the payment of unlawful tolls. I next complained to the pope, and expressed my displeasure that such immense sums were extorted from my archbishops, when according to custom they visited the apostolic see to ob- tain the pallium. A decree was made that this grievance should cease. Whatever I demanded, for the benefit of my people, either of the pope, or the emperor, or the princes, through whose dominions lies the road to Rome, was granted willingly, and confirmed by their oaths, in the presence of four archbishops, twenty bishops, and a multitude of dukes and nobles. ^Vliere- fore I return sincere thanks to God, that I have successfully performed whatever I had intended, and have fully satisfied all my wishes. DANES. 385 Now, tlierefore, be it known to you all, tlia have dedicated mv life to the service of God, to govern my kingdoms with equity, and to observe justice in all things. If by the violence or negligence of youth, I have violated justice heretofore, it is my intention, by the help of God, to make full compensation. Therefore I beg and command those to whom I have con- fided the government, as they wish to preserve my friendship, or save their own souls, to do no injustice either to rich or poor. Let all per- sons vvdiether noble or ignoble, obtain their rights according to law, from which no devia- tion shall be allowed, either from fear of me, or through fiwour to the powerful, or for the purpose of supplying my treasury. I have no need of money raised by injustice. I am now on my road to Denmark, for the purpose of concluding peace with those nations, who, bad it been in their power, Avouid have deprived us of both our crown and our life. But God has destroyed their means : and will, I trust, of his goodness preserve us, and humble all our enemies. When I shall have concluded peace with the neighbouring nations, and set- tled the concerns <,)f my eastern dominions, it is my intention to return to England, as soon as the fine weather will permit me to sail. But I have sent you this letter beforehand : that all the people of my kingdom may rejoice at my prosperity. For you all know that I never VOL. I. 2 c His death. 386 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. spared nor will spare myself, or my labour, when my object is the aclvantapi'e of my subjects. Lastly, I entreat all my bishops, and all the sheriffs, by the fidelity which they owe to me and to God, that the church-dues according to the ancient laws may be paid before my return: namely, the plough alms, the tithes of cattle of the present year, the Peter-pence, the tithes of fruit in the middle of August, and the kirk- shot at the feast of St. Martin, to the parish church. Should this be omitted, at my return 1 will punish the offender by exacting the whole fine appointed by law. Fare ye well.^^ 1035. ^ Canute lived three years after his pilgrimage to Rome. He died at Shaftesbury in 1035, and was buried at Winchester. By his queen Emma he had two children, a son, whom from his own name he called Hardecanute, or Canute the hardy, and a daughter Gunihlda, who was married to Henry the son of Conrad, and em- peror of Germany. Besides these children, Alfgiva, the daughter of Alfhelm, earl of North- ampton, had borne him, previously to his mar- riage, two sons, Sweyn and Harold. Their illegitimacy in the opinion of the age, was no great disgrace : and the violence of party en- deavoured to obstruct their advancement, by describing them as supposititious. But that they were acknowledged by their father, is evident. To the elder, Sweyn, was given the crown of >y_Speliii. Cone. 537. Ing. 59. Flor. C20. Malm. 41. DANES. Nonvav, after the assassination of Clave : Ha- rold, by his promptitude and the favour of the soldiery, ascended the throne of England on the demise of Canute."*^ HAROLD, suRNAMED Harefoot. By the marriage settlement between Canute Succession and Emma, and by a more recent declaration ^ ^"^'^ of the kinq-, the crown oug-ht to have devolved on Hardecannte. But that prince had been previously sent to take possession of Denmark^ and his absence encouraged the ambition of his illegitimate brother, Harold, whose interests were warmly espoused by the Thingmanna at Lon- don,-^ the Danes in general, and the northern English. The wishes of the southern counties were divided between Hardecanute and one of the two sons of Ethelred, who still resided in Normandy. The country appeared on the eve of a civil war : and many, to escape the impend- ing tempest, had sought an asylum in the mo- lose, rasses and forests ; when a compromise was effected in a witena-gemot at Oxford. To Harold were allotted London and the northern division of the kingdom : the counties on the right bank of the Thames were appropriated to Llardecanute, and during his absence were com- -oChron.Sax. 155. Ing. 61. Flor. 622. West. 206. The last writer describes Alfgiva as married to Canute. -'The Saxon Chronicle calls them the lithsmen at London, and as the Thingmanna were also called ThingUlhs, I have no doubt ihcy were the same persons. 2 C 2 388 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. mittcd to the government of his mother Emma, and the ealdorman Godwin.^^ Invasion As soon US the news of the death of Canute ward." had reached Normandy, Edward, the eklest of the surviving- sons of Etheh-ed, and afterwards king of England, collected a fleet of forty ships, crossed the channel, and landed at Southamp- ton. If he relied on the co-operation of his mother, he was deceived. Emma was more at- tached to her children by Canute than to those by Ethelred : and was actually making every ex- ertion to preserve the crown for Hardecanute. Though Edward landed -within a few miles of her residence, and in the midst of her retainers, he found himself in a hostile country: a formida- iible force, which was hourly increasing, menaced him with destruction : and the prince and his followers, having plundered a few villages re- tired to their ships, and returned to Normandy. The result of this expedition seems not to have been forgotten : and Emma, at a later period, was punished for her disaffection by the neglect of her son, and the forfeiture of her treasures.^^ Another Wc are not told what were the reasons, w^kich ^- '^^^ ' determined Hardecanute to trifle away his time in Denmark. Harold profited by the delay: and by threats, and promises, and presents, con- tinued to extend his authority. But what chiefly -2 Chron. Sax, 154, 155. Ingul. Gl. Encom. Emm. 25,26. 2*Gnil. I'ict. 37, 38. edit. Maseres. Will. Gemet. 271. Leg. Sax. 210, DANES. 389 contributed to fix him on the throne was a bloody and mysterions occurrence, of which at the present day it is difficult to discover either the origin or the motive. A letter was convey- ed to Edward and his brother Alfred in Nor- mandy. It purported to be written by their mother, upbraiding them v/ith their apathy, de- scribing the growing ascendancy of Flarold, and urging one of them to cross the sea, and to as- sert his right to the crown. By the historian, who has preserved this letter, it is pronounced a forgery, contrived by Harold to decoy one of the two princes into his hands.-^ It is not very probable that Emma, after her exertions in favour of Hardecanute, and her indifference or rather enmity to Edward, could have written such a letter : but it will require equal credulity to believe that it was a contrivance of Harold. Why should he invite only one, and not both of the brothers? By removing both out of his v\'ay, he would secure himself against the claim- ants, to whom the eyes of the natives were prin- cipally directed : but the benefit which might be derived from the murder of one would be more than balanced by the infamy, which would result from so detestable a crime. However this may be, it is certain that Alfred, the younger, accept- ed the invitation, raised a small body of troops in Normandy, repaired to the court of Baldwin, -■» Enconi. Emm. 28. 390 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, earl of Flanders, and by the addition of a few ^s—^^.—' adventurers from Boulogne, swelled the number of his followers to six hundred men. At Sand- wich he found a strong force prepared to oppose him : and clianging his course, steered round the north Foreland, till he came opposite to the city of Canterbury, where he landed without discovering an enemy. Within a few hours he •was met by Godwin, who plighted him his faith, and undertook to conduct him to Emma. Leav- ing London on the right, because it belonged to Harold, they proceeded to Guildford, were the earl quartered Alfred and his men in small bodies among the inhabitants, supplied them plentifully with provisions, and having promised to wait on the prince in the morning', retired to his own residence. In the midst of the nicrht, the satellites of Harold arrived, surprised the strangers in their beds, and reserved them for the butchery of the following day. With their hands bound behind them they were ranged in a Hue : every tenth man out of the six hundred received his liberty : and of the rest a few were selected for slavery. The scene which followed can hardly be paralleled in the annals of the American savage. The remaining victims were maimed, or bhnded, or hamstrung, or scalped, or embowelled, according to the caprice or bar- barity of their tormentors. ^^ Never," says one of the chroniclers, " was a more bloody deed "done in this land since the arrival of the DANES. 391 " Danes." The prince himself was hurried away to Harold in London, and thence to the isle of Ely, under the charge of a thane, whose threats and insults aggravated the horrors of his situation. Seated on a sorry horse, stripped of his clothes, and with his feet tied beneath the saddle, the son of Ethelred was exposed in each town and village to the derision, perhaps to the commiseration, of the beholders. At Ely he was arraigned before a court of miscreants, and adjudged to lose his eyes. The sentence was executed by main force : and the unfortunate prince, after lingering a few days, expired, either by the violence of his sufferings, or by the dagger of an assassin.-^ Of the truth of this melancholy tale there is no reason to doubt. It has been transmitted to us by a contemporary writer, who received his information from the survivors of the massacre ; and his narrative is fully confirmed by the testi- mony of succeeding historians. Yet it is diffi- cult to believe, that such unnecessary cruelty, so wanton a waste of human blood, could have 2^GuL Pict. 33. Eiicom. Em ai. 29— 31. This historian wrote within three yetirs after the massacre. His testimony will over- balance the doubts of iMalmsbury (43). Malnisbury (ibid.) sup- poses the murder of Alfred to have taken place after the death of Harold . Huntingdon after that of Uardecanute. But the monk of St. Omer affixes it to the reign of Harold, and the chronicles of Mailros (15G), of Florence (623), of Westminster (210), to the year 1030. — Higden thus describes the punishment of embowelling : Primordia viscerum fecit ad palos ercctos iigi, et tunc corpora cir- curaduci, donee novissima intestinorum extraherentur. Hig. 277. 392 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. been, as is pretended, a, mere act of precaution on the part of Harold. It wears more the ap- pearance of a deed, stiniidated by the thirst of revenge, or promj)ted by tlie hope of inspiring terror. Perhaps Alfred, by his previous cruelty, liad sharpened the resentment of his enemies : undoubtedlv he had come at the invitation of a party of malcontents to drive Harold from the throne.-'' night of When Emma was informed of the fate of he r son, she began to be alarmed for her ov/n safety. Her friends advised her to quit the country : and Baldwin of Flanders offered her at Bruges a secure and honourable asylum. 2' Her flight left Harold without an opponent : the thanes of Wessex Avithdrev/ their allegiance from his half- brother ; and he was unanimously chosen king of England. J kit when he called on Eglenoth, the archbishop of Canterbury, to perform the ceremony of his coronation, that prelate placing theensigniaof royalty on the altar, boldly replied: ^' there are the crown and sceptre, which " Canute intrusted to my charge. To you I " neither give nor refuse them. You may take them if you please ; bnt I strictly forbid any of my brother bishops to usurp an office, which is the prerogative of my see." Of Harold's behaviour on this extraordinary occur- ^''Sccptrum et ipse paternum rcquiiebat. Gul. I'ict. 38. Ut paternum rcgnum obtincrct. West. '210. '■'"Encom. Emm. G2. DANES. 393 rence, we are ignorant : but he appears to have subsequently removed the prhnate's objections, and to have been crowned with the usual solem- nities.-^ No details of his sfovernment have been trans- Dcatli of Tf I I mitted to posterity. One writer insinuates, that 1040 he was a benefactor to the church: another, hos- tile to his memory, asserts, that through hatred of Christianity, he absented himself from all the public offices of religion.-^ His principal amuse- ment Vv^as the chase, in which he frequently hunted on foot, and from his iieetness acquired the surname of " barefoot. " After a short reign of four years, he died in 1040, and was buried at Westminster, HARDECANUTE. Emma, after her arrival at Bruges, had en- siicces- deavoured, by frequent messages, to inflame j'/^^^j"^. . the ambition, and accelerate the preparations of nute. her son Hardecanute. Two years, however, elapsed before she was able to direct his atten- tion to his interests in England : and then, leav- ing a powerful armament in port, he sailed with nine ships to consult his mother. During his residence M-ith her at Bruges, a messenger ar- rived with the welcome intelligence of the death . of Harold : and he was followed by a deputation '^ Ibid. 23, 29. He gave to the monastery of Croyland the mantle which he wore at his coronation. Ingvil. Gl. --* Ing. Ibid. Encom. Emm. '29. 394 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. of English and Danish thanes, requesting Har- decanute to ascend the throne of his father. As soon as his fleet had joined him from Denmark, he proceeded with sixty-two sail to England.^^ His authority was immediately acknowledged : but one of the first measures of his government excited universal discontent. By Canute the Thingmanna had been reduced to the comple- ment of sixteen shi}:>s : and the pay of these Danish guards had been long defrayed by the nation at the annual rate of eight marks for each private, and of twelve marks for each officer. The addition of the new fleet had multiplied their number in a fivefold degree : and the tax Avhich was imposed in consequence, experienced considerable opposition. At Worcester the col- lectors, Thurstan and Feader, v/ere put to death in an insurrection of the populace. But a severe punishm'ent followed the oflbnce. Daring four days the county was given up to pillage, and on the fifth the city was reduced to ashes. The in- habitants had fled to an island in the Severn, where they defended themselves till they had appeased the vengeance, and obtained the par- don, of the king.-'^i Ills re- Hardecanute could not forcret the iniuries of Harold to himself and to his relatives, the usurp- ation of the crown, the exile of Emma^, and the 30 Encom. Emm. 34. ^^ Chron. Sax. 15.5, 156. Flor. 023, 624. Malm. 43. venge. DANES. 395 murder of Alfred : and his feelings urged him to an act of impotent revenge^ the folly of which was equal to its barbarity. As if he could make the dead to feel ; he ordered the tomb of his pre- decessor to be opened ; the body to be decapi- tated ; and the head and trunk to be thrown into the Thames. Both were recovered bj^ some fishermen, who deposited them in the cemetery of St. Clement's, the usual burying place of the Danes. 2- The care of this posthumous execution had been delegated to Alfric, archbishop of York, and Godwin^ earl of Wessex. But the commis- sioners disagreed, and the prelate accused the carl of the murder of Alfred. Godv/in denied the charge ; and cleared himself, in the legal manner, by his own oath, and the oaths of a jury of his peers, the principal noblemen in Eoirland.-^^ It cannot be ascertained whether 3-Flor. 623. West. 211. Mailros, 156. ^3 The guilt of Godwin will always remain a problem. It may be urged against him, that Alfred at the time of the murder was under his protection, and in his town of Guildford ; that within four years he was publicly accused of it by the archbishop of York; and that he is condemned without hesitation by almost every historian who wrote after the conquest. On the other hand it may be ob- served, 1st, that the monk of St. Omcr, who was so well acquainted \\ ilh the transaction, far from charging the earl, seems to represent him as perfectly ignorant of Alfred's danger : ad sua recessithospi- tia manerediturus, ut domino suo servirct cum debita honorificen- tia. Enc. Emm. 30. 2d, that the accusation of the archbishop is balanced by the acquittal of Godwin on his trial: 3d, that httle re- liance is to be placed on the assertion of writers posterior to the conquest; when every tale which could vilify the family of God- 396 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAr. this acquittal removed the suspicions of Hardc- ^^- , Canute : but the carl was restored to favour, and participated with Emma in the administration of the kingdom. He had made to the king a most magnificent present, a ship of the usual dimen- sions, of which the stern was covered with plates of gold. It carried eighty warriors, the retainers of Godwin. Their lances, helmets, and coats of mail WTre gilt : their battle-axes glistened with decorations of gold and silver ; the hilts of their swords, the nails and bosses of their shields, were of gold : and they wore rovmd each arm two golden bracelets of the weight of sixteen ounces.^^ This account will not excite surprise in the reader, who recollects that the Northmen were accustomed to expend the plunder of na- tions in embellishing their arms and ships, ob- jects of inestimable value in the eyes of the northern pirates.-^^ Hardecanute is described as mild in his man- -svin was gratefully accepted, and eagerly countenanced by the rei'Miing dynasty. Edward the confessor, in two of his charters, attributes the death of his brother to Harold, and (which is more sino-ular) to Hardecanute. Now the latter prince was in Denmark, and the accusation, if it mean any thing, must allude to those who coverned in the name of Hardecanute, and in that hypothesis may reach Emma, or Godwin, or both. The king's words are, Ha- roldo et Hardccanuto, a quibus et alter meus frata Alfrcdu?, crude- liter est occisus. Spehn. Con. 628. 032. Yet would Harold, who was then all-jiowerhd, have subscribed to these charters, if they had cast so foul a stain on the memory of his father? 3-t Malm. 43. Mailros, 166. Elor. 62;J. West. 211. 35 See Encom. Emm. 8. 13. Snorre, 338. DANES. 397 ners, and generous in his disposition. His table was copiously supplied at four different hours in the day. This was no mean recommendation JJil^^cencf." in the opinion of the chieftains, who set a high value on the pleasures of the table, and expected to eat and drink at the expense of the sove- reign.-'^ He sent for his half-brother, Edward, from Normandy, received him with the sin- cerest friendship, and gave him a princely es- tablishment. His sister Gunihlda, the fairest woman of her time, he married to the emperor Henry. All the thanes, both English and Danish, attended her to the sea-shore, desirous of attracting the notice of the king by the at- tention which they paid to the princess : and never before, say the chronicles, was seen in England so magnificent a display of gold, and silver, and gems, and of silken vests, and beau- tiful horses. The songs which were composed on the occasion, continued to be sung by the people in their convivial meetings, and preserved the memory of Gunihlda through many succeed- ing generations.-^^ The character of the king was such as to af- His death. ford the presage of a tranquil and prosperous reign. But his constitution was feeble, and his life had been frequently endangered by disease. In his second year he honoured with his pre- sence the nuptials of a noble Dane at Lambeth. 30 Hunt. 209. " Malm 43. 306 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. As lie was slandirii^' in the midst of the com- pany, and lifting the cnp to his mouth, he sud- denly fell to the ground, was carried speechless to his chamher, and in a short time expired. His bodv was laid near that of his father in the church of Winchester .-^^ Hardecanute left no issue. His death severed the connexion between the crowns of Endand and Denmark. Magnus, the son of Olavc, who had driven Sweyn from Norway, now obtained possession of Denmark. Succes sion of EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. Before the body of the departed king could Edward, bc laid in the grave, his half-brother, Edward, had ascended the tlu'one. The rightful heir of the Saxon line was the son of Edmund Ironside, the exile in Hungary. But, in determining the succession, the English had frequently substi- tuted the uncle for the nephew. Edward was. present; his character and his misfortunes plead- ed in his favour : the wishes of the natives loudly demanded a king of the race of Cerdic : and the murmurs of the Danes, if the Danes were in- clined to murmur, were speedily silenced by the overwhelming influence of Godwin. On the following Easter the son of Ethelred was crown- ed by archbishop Edsy, who embraced the op- portunity of reading the new sovereign a long ^f' Malm. 43. Flor, 624. VI. Ills cha- racter. ANGLO-SAXONS. 399 lecture on the regal duties, and the paternal cHAP, government of his Saxon predecessors,^^ Edward was now about forty years of age, twenty-seven of which he had spent an exile in Normandy. Precluded by circumstances from every rational hope of obtaining the crown, he had solaced the hours of banishment v\dtli the pleasures of the chase, and the exercises of reli- gion : and he brought with him to the throne those habits of moderation and tranquillity which he had acquired in a private station. He was a good, rather than a great, king. To pre- serve peace, and promote religion, to enforce 30 Chron. Sax. 15?, Chron. Lamb, ad ann, lOiS. It is publish- ed at the end of Lye's Dictionary. I shall refer to it by that name, because it was copied by Lambard. By the Norman writers, Ed- ward's accession is attributed to the exertions of William duke of Normandy, then in his fifteenth year. We are told that he de- manded the crown for Edward by his messengers, that he sent Ed- ward from Normandy with a guard, and that he threatened to follov/ with a powerful army. The fear of an invasion made the choice of the En"-lish fall on Edward. Guil. Pict. p. 44. edit. Maseres. I con- sider this as one of the fictions invented in Normandy to account for the appointment, real or pretended, of William by Edward to be his successor. That the English prince was at the very period in Enfdand, and not in Normandy, is evident, not only from our Eng- lish chroniclers, but from the monk of St. Omer, who, in the last lines addressed by him to Emma, praises the union in which she lives in England with her two sons Edward and Hardecanute (En- com. Emm.p. 3G), and from William of Jamieges, who says that Hardecanute called Edward from Normandy, and that they lived afterwards together (Guil. Gem. vii.). It is remarkable that the first of these writers says Edward was sent for, that he might par- take of the kingdom (ut veniens secum obtinerct regnum, p. 36); the second, that Hardecanute left him heir to the kingdom (toliiis regni reliquit haeredcm, ibid.). 400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. the ancient laws, and to dinnnisli the burthens of his peo])le, were the chief objects of his go- vernment: but he possessed not that energy of mind, nor that ferocity of disposition, which, perhaps, were necessary to command the re- spect, and to repress the violence, of the lawless nobles by whom he was surrounded. At his accession he found three powerful chieftains near the throne, Godwin, Leofric, and Si ward. They had assumed the title of earls : for the ascendancy of the Danes had introduced Danish customs and Danish appelkitions. The ealdorman of the Saxons had been transformed into the earloi the Northmen : and the different earldoms had been fixed in different proportions, some being confined within narrow limits^ while others were extended to several counties. As the delegates of the sovereign, the earls pos- sessed considerable power. They levied forces, received fines, tried causes, and exercised the ordinary functions of royalty within their re- spective jurisdictions : but they were remove- able at the will of the king and the witan, and did not transmit their offices to their children, llie earldom of Siward extended from the Hum- ber to the confines of Scotland ; Lcofric was called the earl of Leicester, but his government comprehended most of the northern counties of Mercia. Godwin ruled in "\V>ssex, Sussex, and Kent : and his two sons^ Sweyn and Harold, already possessed, or soon obtained, the former ANGLO-SAXONS. 401 the earldom of Glocester, Somerset, Oxford, CHAP. and Berks, the latter that of Essex, Hunting- ^—^^ don, East-Anglia, and Cambridgeshire. When united, these noblemen were more than a match for the king, whose chief security lay in their mutual jealousies and discordant interests. It was fortunate for Edward, that in the com- , . his mo- mcnccment of his reign, these poAverful chief- ther. tains overlooked every subject of private dissen- sion in their common zeal for the royal service. Bv their aid the restoFeation of the crown to the Saxon line was peaceably effected ; and the Da- nish families, whose fidelity was ambiguous, or whose former tyranny deserved punishment, were driven out of the kingdom. To the list of the sufferers must be added the queen-mother. Edward held a council at Glocester : thence, accompanied by Godwin, Leofric, and Siward, he hastened to Winchester, seized her treasures, and swept away the cattle and corn from the lands, which she possessed as her dower.^*^ The reader will already have noticed several in- stances of this species of military execution : but why it was indicted upon Emma we have no particular information. By her partiality to the Danes she had acquired the hatred of the natives. The riches, Mdiich she collected with assiduity, had always been at the command of her younger children, while her sons by Ethel- '^'' Chron. Sax. 157. Cliron. Lamb, ad ann. 1013. VOL. I. 'I I) 403 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. red were suffered to feel the privations of po- verty. To her opposition was owing, in all pro- bability, the failure of Edward's descent after the death of Canute : and it was even whispered that she was not guiltless of the blood of Al- fred.^^ Her antipathy to the king had discovered itself since his accession : and she had obsti- nately refused to grant him any pecuniary aid, '-^ But whatever were the motives which prompted this act of severity towards her, the character of Edward, and the sanction of his council, will justify the belief that it had not been wantonly adopted. She was still j)ermitted to retain her dower, and to reside at Winchester, where she died in 1052. Is opposed While Edward was employed in consolidating kfng of his power at home, a formidable competitor was ^"InfJ' risin"- in the north. Ilardccanute, when he ruled 1046. ^ ^ ' , in Denmark, had been frequently engaged in war with Magnus, the conqueror of Norway ; till both princes, fatigued with the useless strug- gle, had consented to a peace, on the precarious, but not unusual condition, that the survivor should succeed to the dominions of his deceased adversary. At the death of Hardecanute, Mag- nus occupied Denmark. But this did not satisfy his ambition ; he also demanded the Enghsh ^> This is asserted by the monk of Winchester, who relates every fable. Ang. Sac, i. 292. But it appears to derive some support from the assertion of Edward, mentioned at the end of note 33, p. 395. "*- Chron. Lamb, ad ann. 1043. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^03 crown, on the plea that, since it had been worn by Hardecanute, it was included in the provi- sions of the treaty. To his messengers Edwan*d returned a sensible and resolute answer : that he sate on the English throne as the descendant of the English monarchs : that he had been called to it by the free choice of the people: and that he would never abandon it but with his life. The Northman had threatened to support his pretensions with all the power of Denmark and Norway: and Edward, to oppose the danger, had collected a numerous fleet at Sandwich. But Magnus was detained at home to defend his own territories against the rival efforts of Sweyn, the son of Ulfr and Althritha, the sister of Ca- nute. Sweyn was defeated, and his cause ap- peared desperate, when the unexpected death of Magnus raised him to the throne. Norway was immediately seized by Harold, the nephew of Olave : he engaged in hostilities with Sweyn : and both princes ineffectually solicited the aid of the king of England. Sweyn had formerly requested fifty ships to support him against Magnus : he now demanded the same number against Harold. Though his requests were sup- ported by all the influence of Godwin, who had married his aunt Githa, the witena-gemot on both occasions returned a peremptory refusal.^^ « Chron. Lamb, ad ami. 104C. 1048, 1049. Malm. (30. Muil- ros, 157. Snorre, 38. 9.1) Si 404 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. From the failure of Godwin in these attempts, it would np})ear as if the other noblemen, iviarrics alarmed at his increasing' influence, had com- Editha bined to oppose his designs, and undermine his power. For besides their former honours, his sons had acquired a distinguished place in Ed- ward's affections,'*^ and iiis daughter had been crowned queen of England. Our ancient chro- niclers, hostile as they are to her ftxmily, have not been unjust to the merit of Editha. She was, in their language, the rose blooming in the midst of thorns. In her manners and conduct she manifested no traces of that barbarism, which marked the characters of her father and brothers. Her personal accomplishments were enhanced by the qualities of her mind : and to the praise of meekness, piety, and generosity, she added, what was a very uncommon acquire- ment in the ladies of that age, a competent knowledge of books."^' When EdAvard was im- portuned by his council to marry, he disclosed to Editha that he bad bound himself to a life of continence ; but oftcred, on the condition that he should observe his vow, to place her by his side upon the throne. Their nuptials were ce- lebrated in 1044.^'"^ — — — '■'■■■ ■- .1 . — .. _ — _-__ ^ -. ■'^ They were "tha;s cyngcs dyrlingas." Ciiron. Lamb, ad ami. 1052. ■'^ Ing'df, 62. This writer tells us that when he was a boy, Editha would often stop him as he came from school, make him repeat his lesson, ask him questions in grammar and logic, and as a reward give him a few pieces of silver, and send him to the larder. Ibid. ■»'' Chron. Sax. 157. West. 212. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^05 The power of the Godwins received its first CHAP. shock from the ungovernable passions of Sweyn, ^ ^ . the eldest of the five brothers. He had vio- J^^'^^^'T ^^ lated the person of Edgiva, the abbess of Leo- 1049. minster, and the indignant piety of Edward drove him into banishment. The outlaw as- sumed the profession of a sea-king, and sought wealth and power by j^iratical depredations. Weary at last with v/andering on the ocean, he returned to England, sent his submission to the king, and obtained a promise of pardon. But the execution of the promise was opposed by i\YO unexpected adversaries, his brother Flarold, and Beorn his cousin, who probably had been the principal gainers by his outlawry. Disap- pointment urged him to revenge, which he sought under the mask of friendship. At the recpiest of the emperor Henry, Edward had col- lected a numerous fleet for the purpose of op- posing Baldwin, earl of Flanders. This arma- ment was divided into tv/o squadrons, of which one lay at Sandwich under tlie immediate com- mand of the king, the other at Pevensey under that of earl Godwin. Sweyn, concealing his real design, visited his father at Pevensey, where he was apparently reconciled to Beorn, and pre- vailed on that thane to vv'ithdraw his opposition. Tiience the two cousins proceeded together to- wards Sandwich, for the avowed purpose of soli- citing the royal clemency in favour of tlie out- lav/ : but on the road Beorn was suddenly seized 40G HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Rebellion of the Godwins. 1051. by a body of armed men, hurried on board a shij) at l^oscnham, and conveyed to Dartmouth, on the coast of Devon. The mariners of Sweyn, by the command of their master, murdered and buried their i)risoner. His bones were after- wards discovered at a great depth in the ground, and re-interred near those of his uncle Canute at ^Y^inchester. The assassins sailed to Bruges, and found an asylum Tinder the protection of Bakhvin, earl of Flanders, who had made his peace with the emperor.*' After this aggravation of his guilt, it is strange that Sweyn should cherish the hope of forgive- ness : and still more strange that he should ultimately obtain it. But tiuie wore down the edge of Edward's resentment : and pity, or the recollection of former friendship, or the fear of alienating a powerful family, induced him, at the solicitation of the bishop of Worcester, to restore the outlaw to his estates and honours. It was not long, however, before the Godwins had the imprudence to brave the royal authority, and to make themselv^es the objects of national resentment. They had long been jealous of the part, which the Normans held in the royal fa- vour. For during a long and tedious banish- ment Edward had acquired a partiality for the manners and the natives of the country, where his wants had been relieved, and his life had •*7 Chron. Sax. IGO. Chron. Lamb, ad ann. 1030. Flor. 626. ANGLO-SAXONS. 407 been protected. The gratitude of the monarch was extended to those, who had attached them- selves to the fortmies of the exile. Many re- ceived ample possessions from his bounty. To Radulf he gave the earldom of Hereford : Odda was raised to equal honours in another part of the kingdom : Ulf was made bishop of Dor- chester, Robert of London, and afterwards of Canterbury : and the first vacant sees were pro- mised to two foreigners, the royal chaplains, "^A^iliiam and Wulfhelm. "While most of the courtiers, to please the king, imitated the man- ners, and even adopted the language of the Normans, the Godwins openly set them at de- fiance, and anxiously watched for an opportunity to drive them out of the kingdom.""^ It hap- pened in 1051, that Eustace, earl of Boulogne, who had married the sister of Edward, paid a visit to his brother-in-law."'^ At Dover (a town belonging to Godwin) his attendants quarrelled with the burghers : twenty English and about the same number of Frenchmen were slain; and if the earl himself escaped, he was indebted for his safety to the sv/iftness of his horse. This sanguinary fray has been differently attributed to accident, to the insolence of the strangers, or to the inhospitality of the townsmen : but as ■^^ Ingulf, 02. * ' The name of tlie king's sister was Goda. She had been married to Walter, earl of Mantc, and borne him a son Radulf, to whom Edward gave the earldom of Hereford. After the death of Walter, she married Eustace. Malm. 45. 408 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Godwin and Eustace were enemies;, tliere is reason to believe that, it' the quarrel were not deliberately begun, it was at least prosecuted by both jiartics with more fury on account of the hostility of their respective lords. Eustace hastened to the king to complain of the injury : and Godwin was ordered to chastise the inso- lence of his men. The carl disdained to obey : his two sons applauded the spirit of their father: and resolved to improve the present opportu- nity and direct the national animosity against the foreign favourites. Three armies from the three earldoms of Godwin, Sv»-eyn, and Harold, directed their march towards Longtree in GIo- cestershire, to punish, as it was pretended, the depredations committed on the lands of Harold by the French garrison in the castle of.Here- ford."''<^ But Edward, who lay at Glocester, was not to be deceived by this flimsy pretext : he summoned to his aid iladulf^ and Lcofric, and Siward, and was soon in a condition to intimi- date his opponents. The troops demanded to be led against the insm-gent earls, and the best blood in England, says the chronicle, would have been shed, had not more temperate mea- ^<^ The Normans, who had followed Edward, built caetles on their lands after the manner of ihcir own country. Ihus besides the castle at Hereford, wc niectwilh Robert's castle, Pentecoste's castle, See. C:hron. Sax. 163. 1C7. Chron. Lamb. Wb'i. The foreiirn- crs who formed the garrisons are called indifferently Frcncisc men, or Welisc (Gaulish) men. The latter term has caused some con- lusion on account of its similarity to the word ' Welshmen.' ANGLO-SAXONS. 409 sures been suggested by the wisdom of Lcofric, and adopted by the moderation of Ed\vard. It was proposed to summon the witena-gemot, and to refer every subject of dispute to the decision of that assembly. To so equitable an oiler Godwin dared not object : and hostages, as if the two parties were on a footing of equality, were mutually exchanged. At the appointed day, the autumnal equinox, Edward entered London at the head of the most pow^erful army that had been seen for many years : Godwin at the same time took possession of Southwark with a considerable number of follov/ers. But the infiuence of the earl shrunk l)cfore the awe that was created by the majesty of the king, and the terror that was inspired by the superio- rity of his force. The insurgent army gradually Their ba- m.elted away : and Sweyn, on the night before "'^^^"^^"^ the day appointed for an inquiry into the death of Beorn, thought it prudent to flee. He was solemnly pronounced an outlaw : the thanes, who held of Godwin and Harold, were compel- led to swear fealty to the king ; and the two carls were ordered to clear themselves of the accusations against them by the oaths of twelve compurgators in the presence of the witan. As a previous condition they demanded hostages for their safety : but this demand was contume- liously refused ; and they were allowed five days either to establish their innocence, or to quit the kingdom. Godv/in^ with his wife and three 410 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. sons, Sweyn, Tostig, and Gurth, fled for protec- tion to tlie carl of Flanders : Harold, and his brother Lcofwin, hastened to Bristol, embarked on board a vessel belonging to Sweyn, and with difliculty reached Ireland. ''^ The (jueen was in- volved in the common disgrace of her family. Her lands were seized by the king, and her per- son was intrusted to the custody of Edward's sister, the abbess of Whcrwell. Some writers affirm that she was treated with great severity : but a contemporary historian assures us, that she was conducted with royal pomp to the mo- nastery allotted for her residence, and informed that her confinement v/as only a measure of tem- , porary precaution.''^ Visit from At the vcry commencement of the insurrec- \yiiliam ^Iqj-^ ^Jjj, foreiq-n favourites had trembled for of Nor- ' " . . -r, luandy. their Safety ; and by their advice Edward had solicited the assistance of William, duke of Normandy. Tranquillity was hardly restored, when that prince, with a powerful fleet, reached the coast of England. As his services were no longer wanted, he landed v/ith a gallant train of knights, was kindly received by the king, visited several of the royal villas, and was dismissed with magnificent presents. Many have pre- tended, that the real object of this interview wa^ ^' Chron. Sax. 163, 164. Chron.Lamb. adann. 1052. -^-Thc author of the life of Edward, quoted by Stow, p. 96. His auUiority is the greater, as he dedicated his work to Editha. herself. Ibid. « ANGLO-SAXONS. 411 the future succession of \^'illiam to the crown CHAP, of England : but Ingulf, who accompanied that ^—..^ prince on his return to Normandy, and was for several years his confidential secretary, assures us, that the idea of succeeding to the English throne had not yet presented itself to his mind.^^ "While Godwin remained at Bruges, he did Kestora- not abandon himself to despair, but spent the Godwins, winter in arranging the means of revenge. A ^°^^* few days before Midsummer he put to sea with a small squadron ; while a powerful armament at Sandwich, under the earls Radulf and Odda, w^atched all his motions. The outlaw was un- conscious of his danger : but he escaped in a storm, and precipitately returned to his former asylum. The royal commanders were dismissed for their negligence : and while the council w^as debating on the appointment of their successors, the mariners (so loosely combined were the armaments of these times) returned to their re- spective homes. This dispersion of the fleet encouraged Godwin to renew his attempt : in the channel he was met by Harold from Ire- land : w^ith their united squadrons they pillaged the coast, swept away the ships from the differ- ent harbours, advanced up the 'i hames, and sailed through the southern arch of the bridge at London. The royal fleet of fifty sail was " Ingulf, CJ. I'lor. G27. Ilemmingford, 450. Chron. Lamb, ad ann. 1052. 412 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ranged on the opposite side of the river ; and a j)owerfLil army lined the left bank. Godwin sent his submission to Edward, by whom it wa^j sternly refused. 13 ut his resolution \vas gra- dually subdued by the policy of .Stigand, who insinuated that liis troops were unwilling to shed the blood of their countrymen ; and that it was folly to sacrifice the aficctions of his subjects to the interests of a few Normans. At lenq-th he extorted from the reluctant kincr a commission to negotiate with Godwin, and that instant the foreigners fled in despair. Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, and Ulf, bishop of Dorchester, mounting their horses, fought their way through their opponents, rode to Ness in Essex, and seizing a small and shattered bark, committed themselves to tlic mercy of the waves. Tlic others dispersed in dilFerent directions ; and by the connivance of Edward's friends escaped with their lives, though they were compelled to quit the kingdom. By their flight the principal ob- stacle to an accommodation was removed, God- win received permission to visit the king. lie laid the blame of the late dissensions on the Normans, attested in the most solemn manner the innocence of himself and his children, and surrendered as pledges for his loyalty his son "\\\drnoth, and his nephew Haco. Edward re- ceived him kindly, but for greater security sent the hostages to be kept by William of Nor- mandy. The foreign favourites were outlawed ANGLO-SAXONS. 413 bv decree of the great council : Godwin and CHAP. Harold recovered their earldoms ; and Editha ^ — ,^ was recalled from her prison to the throne.''-^ But to Sweyn Edward was inexorable. He had been guilty of a most inhuman and perfidious murder ; and seeing himself abandoned by his family he submitted to the discipline of the ec- clesiastical canons. He walked, a barefoot pil- grim, from Flanders to Palestine ; visited with tefd'S of compunction the holy places ; and on his return finished his penance and his life in the province of Lycia.^^ The services of the neq-otiator on this occa- Prom"- '=' . ticn ot sion were not forgotten by the Godwins. He siigand, had expelled archbishop Robert : he succeeded to the lionours of that prelate. Without learn- ing, v/ithout any of the virtues becoming his profession, Stigand, even under a religious mo- narch, arrived at the highest dignity in the Eng- lish church. His only merit was an aptitude for intrigue, and the art of profiting by every occurrence. He had been originally noticed by Canute, and appointed one of the royal chap- lains. By the intervention of friends and the aid of presents, he became bishop of Flelmstan : from Helmstan he was successively removed to Selsey and Winchester ; and nov/ obtained the . great object of his ambition, the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury. To his unspeakable morti- ^' Chron. Sax. 105— 1G8. Flor. C'>7, G2a. " Malm. 46. ^14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND, CHAP, fication Pope Leo IXo could not be persuaded >««^^ that a church was vacant, of which tlie bishop was still alive, and refused to surrender his rights.^'' But the vigilance of Stigand never slept: John of Velitra}, under the name of Be- nedict, usurped the papacy for a few months ; and it was no difficult matter for one intruder to obtain the pallium from another. However, Benedict was soon expelled, and Alexander II. suspended Stigand from the exercise of the epis- copal functions. 8tiil, under the patronage of Hart)ld, he contrived to deceive the simplicity of Edward : and his avarice absorbed at the same time the revenues not only of the churches of Canterbury and \\' inchester, but also of the monasteries of St. Augustine's, St. Alban's, Ely, and Glastonbury.-''' Death of Godwin did not long survive the disgrace of Godwin. ;::>' 1053. his enemies. He died the following Easter ; and the story which was invented by the malice of party, would persuade us that his death was a visible judgment of heaven on the murderer of Alfred. He was sitting, we are told, at table with the king. Observing a servant, who had chanced to make a false step, support himself with his other foot, he exclaimed : " See, how ■'^ Robert had gone to Rome, and in his return \\ith a papal let- ter, died at Jumieges, an ahbey in Normandy. Malm. 40. ^^ Chron. Sax. 157, 150. 168. 170. Hist. Elien. 315. Mail. 153; Spel.;;con. C28. Vit. S. Wulst. 251. Guil. Tict. 105. Ing. 69. Malm', lie. ANGLO-SAXONS. ^15 "one brother assists another!" — -"Yes," re- phecl Edvv^ard, looking sternly at the earl, '• and " if Alfred were now alive, he might also assist " me." Godwin felt the reproach, loudly pro- tested his innocence,, and with the most solemn execrations wished that, if he were guilty, he might not live to eat the morsel, which he held in his hand. He put it to his mouth, and imme- diately expired.''^ Such is the tale in its most improved state. At its first publication the pre- jDaratory incident, and the remark of Edward appear to have been forgotten."'-' The real fact is. that Godwin on Easter Monday fell speech- less from the royal table ; that he was carried by his three sons into the king's chamber ; and that, after lingering for some time in great tor- ment, he died on the following Thursday. ^"^ His earldom was given to Harold : that of Harold to Alfgar the son of Leofric. The character of this powerful earl has been painted by most of our historians in colours of blood. They describe him as a monster of in- humanity, duplicity, and ambition. But their credit is lessened by the consideration that they wrote after the conquest, when every artifice w^as adopted to persuade the English, that the ^siligden 280. Rudborn, 239. West. 215. Brompton, 913, according to whom the person who made the false step was Harold, Godwin's son, and cup-bearer to the king. ■-''' Ingulf, 66. Malm. 45. ' ^' Chron. Sax. 1G8. Mailros, 158. Flor. 023. 41G HISTORY OF ENGLAND. man whom the Norman had precipitated from the throne, was, on account of his own crimes and those of his father, unworthy to remain on it. To their defamation may be opposed the panei*"yric of Edward's biograplier, ^vho dedi- cated his work to Editha. If we may beheve him, the earl was the father of the people, the support of the nation. To the peaceful and vir- tuous he was kind, generous, and placable : but the turbulent and kiwless trembled at his lion- like countenance, and dreaded the severity of his justice. The English lamented his death as a national calamity, and placed their only con- solation in his son Flarold, the inheritor of his father's virtues no less than of his honours.*'^ Probably the truth will be found between the exaggerated encomiums of one party and the midistinguishing invectives of the other. Edward's Though the late disturbances had interrupted " ' the general tranquillity, they had been termi- nated without bloodshed, and had inflicted no considerable injury on the people. The princi- pal calamities of Edward's reign were pestilence and famine, evils which, at this period, occa- sionally visited every part of Europe. As long as agriculture was in its infancy, each unfavour- able season was followed by a year of scarcity : and while the intercourse between nations was ^' Vit. Ed. apud Stow, 97. These opposite accounts so per- plexed Malmsbury, that he knew not what to believe, or what to reject. Mahns. 45. ANGLO-SAXONS. 417 rare and insecure, the wants of one people could not be relieved from the plenty of another. The chroniclers of the age frequently complain of the inclemency of the seasons, of earthquakes, Vvliich, on one occasion created considerable alarm at Derby and at Worcester, of the dis- tress caused by the failure of the crops, and of contagious distempers which afflicted not only the cattle, but also the human race.^- The benevolent heart of Edward mourned over the calamities of his people, and he eagerly adopted every expedient which seemed likely to remove or to mitigate their sufferin<>-s. The Dane-afelt had now been paid for eight-and-thirty years : it formed a considerable part of the royal re- venue. In 1051 the king resolved to sacrifice this advantage to the relief of the people : and the abolition of so odious an impost was received by them with every demonstration of gratitude. On another occasion, when his nobles had raised a large sum on their vassals, and begged him to accept the free gift of his faithful subjects, he refused the present as extorted from the labour of the poor, and commanded it to be restored to the original contributors.^-^ The only foreign war, in which the king en- *>- Chron. Sax. Ij7. 1G9. Cliron. Lamb, ad ann. 1049. 1059. Mailros, 157. In the year 10 19 we are told that much corn and many farms in Dcrl)yshire were destroyed liy the wild-jlre (Chron. Lamb, ad ann.), or as it is termed in the chronicle of Mailros, by the wood-fire (ignis acreus vulgo dictus silvaticus, Mail. 157). ^■5 Ing. Q5. Mailros, 157. Hov. 256. VOL. I. 2 E •il6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. gaged, was against an usurper, whose infamy has been imniortahzcd by the genius of Shak- Warwith speare. In 1039 Duncan, king of Scotland, 1054. "^^"^s murdered by Macbeth. A })rince driven by force from the throne of his fathers might justly claim the sympathy of Edward : and Malcohn, the son of Duncan, received from him the per- mission to vindicate his rights with the aid of an Enghsh army. For fifteen years the power of the murderer discouraged every attempt : and the fugitive resided with his uncle, Siward, earl of Northumberland. But wdien Maeduft', the thane of Fife, unfurled the royal standard, Mal- colm hastened to the insurgents; Siward ac- companied him with a powerful force ; and the victory of Lanfanan in Aberdeenshire, by the fall of Macbeth, placed the crown on the head of the rightful heir. Among those who perished in the action was the son of Siward. The hero anxiously inquired in what manner the young man had fallen ; and being assured that his wounds were received in front, exclaimed that he was satisfied, and wished for himself no bet- ter fate. Soon after his return Siward was at- tacked by a disorder which proved mortal : but he declared that he would die as he had lived, like a warrior: and ordering his arms to be brought, breathed his last, sitting upright on his bed, and leaning upon his spear.^'^. His son ^ I may be allowed to observe that with respect to this event, lord Hailes (Annals of Scotland, p. 2) appears to have overlooked ANGLO-SAXONS. 41i) Waltheof was too young to exercise the autho- rity of his father : and the earldom was given to Tostig, the brother of Harokl. "Wliile the earl of Northumberland was yet in Civil war, Scotland, the flames of civil war had burst out in England. They seem to have been kindled by the jealousy of Harold, who was indignant that the earldom which he had resigned for that of Godwin, should be given to the rival family of Leofric. At the witena-gemot Alfgar was ac- cused of treason " against the king and the " country." Most of our chroniclers assert his innocence :'^^ a writer, who seems devoted to the interests of Harold, declares that his guilt was established on the most satisfactory evi- thie statements of our most ancient historians. He tells us that •' Siward, with the approbation of his sovereign, led the Northum- " brians to the aid of Malcolm, but did not live to see the event " of his enterprise:" tJiei/ say, that he defeated Macbeth, and placed Malcolm on the throne as Edward had ordered. Siwardus jussu Regis Edwardi et equestri cxercitu et clysse valida Scottiam adiit, etcum rege Scottorum Macbeotha praelium commisit, ac multis millibus Scottorum et Ncrmannis omnibus, quorum supra men- tionem fecimus occisis, ilium fugavit, et Malcolmum, utrexjus- serat, regem constituit. Sim. Dun. 187. Florence, p. 629, repeats the same words. Mailros, p. 153, has the same sense. See also Malmsbury, IMacbetha vita regnoque spoliavit, Malcolmum regem instituit, f. 44. Huntingdon, regem bello vicit, regnum totum de- struxit, dcstructum sibi subjugavit, f. 209. Lambard's Saxon Chronicle : " Siward went with a great army into Scotland, both " with ship-force, and land-force, and fought with the Scots, and " routed the king Macbeth, and slew all the best in the land, and " brought thence much spoil, such as no man ever got before."" Chron. Lamb, ad ann. 1054. '^^ Ing. 66. Mail 158. Flor, 629. 2 E 2 4'20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP dcncc.'^''' Outlawed bv the iiidj'incnt of the ^ ^' council, Alfi^ar fled to Ireland, purchased the .^ assistance of a northern sea-king, was joined by Griffith, prince of ^Va]es, and jwurcd his ^Velsh and Norwegian auxiliaries into tlie county of Hereford. The earl lladulph with his retainers fled at the first onset : the city was taken and pillaged : four hundred of the inhabitants were slain : and the cathedral vv'ith the principal buildings was burnt. To revenge this insult the king assembled an army at Glocestcr, at the head of which Harold chased the invaders into the fastnesses of Snowdon. A negotiation followed, which restored to Alfgar his former honours. His allies marched immediately to Leicester : and Leofric, who appears to have remained an idle spectator during the contest, was impelled by apprehension or by gratitude 1057. to reward their services at its termination. But Leofric died soon afterwards : and Alfgar suc- ceeded to the honours of his father. The former jealousy, and former accusations were imme- diately revived. Alfgar again lost his earldom ; and was again restored, by the arms of Griffith and the Norwegians. But he hardly enjoyed his triumph during a year : and at his death left two sons, Morcar and Edwin, whose unmerited fate 1059. will claim the sympathy of the reader.^''' sfiChron.Sax. 169. (57 Ingulf, (jQ>. Mailros, 158. Tlor. 629, 630. ANGLO-SAXONS. 4^1 The death of Alfgar exposed Griffith to the CH^P. just resentment of Harold. The Welsh prince J^L^ and his subjects had long deserved the name ^p^^l^^l and punishment of robbers and assassins. From 1003. the recesses of their mountains they had made annual incursions on the inhabitants of the borders: had indulged in plunder, bloodshed, and conflagration ; and had eluded the pursuit of vengeance by the celerity of their retreat. ■^Vhen Rhese, the brother of Griffith, fell into the hands of the English, even the meekness of Edward, "whom no injuries could irritate," ^'^ ordered him to be put to death : and the king now commissioned Harold to inflict a severe punislunent on these persevering robbers. Aware of tlic difficulties arising from the na- ture of the country and the fleetness of the enemv, Harold selected a numerous body of young men, vigorous and active, bade them exchange their usual arms for others of less weight and dimensions ; and gave them for defence helmets and targets of hardened lea- ther. In the depth of winter he attempted by a sudden irruption to surprise (jriifith : but the Welshman escaped, though his ships and man- sions were consigned to the flames. At the beginning of summer, Tostig, with a body of cavalry, entered Wales from the north : Harold conveyed his troops by sea, and landed them on the coast. The indefatigable earl, who pro- 4-22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Edward sends for his ne- phew from Germany. ceeded on foot, and fared like the meanest of his followers, traversed the country in every direction. Neither mountains nor morasses could screen the natives from the pursuit of their enemy. "Wherever the Welsh offered any resistance, he was victorious : and to perpetuate the memory of each victory, he erected a pyra- mid of stone with this inscription : Here Ha- rold CONQUERED. Ovcrpowercd and dismayed they solicited for mercy ; and sent as a peace- offering the head of Griffith to the conqueror. Harold returned in triumph to Edward : the head of the Welshman with tiie beak and the ornaments of his ship were presented to the English monarch : and his two uterine brothers Blethgent and Rigwatlan sw^ore fealty, and en- gaged to pay the ancient tribute. A law was passed condemning every "Welshman, found in arms on the east of Offa's dyke, to lose his right hand : and the natives of the mountains, taught by fatal experience, respected during the four next reigns the territory of their neighbours.^^ The custom of pilgrimage had prevailed among the Anglo-Saxons from the time of their conversion to Christianity. During the reign of EdAvard there was hardly a year in Vv'hich ^•"Gir. Camb. in Ang. Sac. ii. oil. Ingulf, 68. Chron. Lam. ad ann. 1063. Tlie chronicle says the Welsh princes swore fealty and gave hostages to the king and the earl. Why to the earl? Had he been appointed Edward's successor? or did they merely become his vassals? At the same time and by the same authority Meredith was appointed prince of South Wales. Towel, 103. ANGLO-SAXONS. 423 bishops^ thanes, or abbots did not proceed to Rome, that they might offer up their devotions at the tombs of the apostles. The piety or the curiosity of Aldred, bishop of Worcester, was still more enterprising. He traversed Germany and Hungary, reached the city of Jerusalem, and as a memorial of his visit to the sepulchre of the Saviour, oifcred a golden chalice of the vreight of five marks. ''^ Edward was animated with the spirit of his countrymen, and had bound himself by vow, to visit, in imitation of his predecessors Canute and Ethelwulf, the apostolic see. But the design was opposed by liis witan, on the ground, that the king had no children, and that the dangers of the journey mi^lit exGOse the nation to the evils of a dis- C? J. puted succession. '1 This objection directed the thoughts of Edward to his nei^liew and name- sake, the exiled son of his brother Edmund. An honourable embassy v^as sent to demand him of the emperor Henry HI. into whose family he had married:"- and the young Edward arrived '^Chron. Lamb, ad ann. 1058. '' Splem. con. G28. '-Some diflficulty has been started with respect to this marriage, but it arises solely from an error in the jninted text of Ailred : Rex Ilungarorum Edvardo fdiam Germani .ud Ilcnrici imperaloris in matrimoniumjunxit. o06. Sui should either he omitted, or, as Papebroch suggests, changed into Sti. Lambard's chronicle only says that Agatha (that v.as her name) was the relation of the em- peror (ad ann. 10.')7) and speaking of her daughter Margaret, that " her mother-kin went to Henry the Caesar" (ad ann. 1007). But Simeon (170) and Ailred himself, in the same page, expressly assert, that she was the daughter of the emperor's brother. He had a brother called Bruno. 424 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. in London M'ith Agatha, his wife, and Iiis chil- dren, Edu^ar, Margaret, and Christina. Tiie people, who received him witli lively demon- strations ofjoy, were plunged into mourning by his sudden death. There is something myste- rious in the fate of this prince. It was natural that Edward shovdd be anxious to embrace a nephew, who like himself, and for the same reason, had spent the better portion of his days in banishment: and whom the English monarch had now chosen for the purpose of perpetuating on the throne the race of Cerdic. Yet from the hour of his arrival to that of his death, the prince was by some contrivance kept at a dis- tance from the kin"' : a circumstance which will almost justify a suspicion that he was deemed by Harold a dangerous obstacle to the success of his future projects.'^ Harold in By the course of events that earl was become dy. ' the most powerful subject in England. After 1065; ^]jg death of Edward (surnamed the outlaw) but one individual stood between him and the suc- cession, Edgar the son of that Edward, a young prince, feeble in body and still more feeble in mind, whose hereditary right was sunk in his inaptitude to govern. But the other side of the channel exhibited a more formidable compe- titor, in the person of ^^^illiam, duke of Nor- mandy. It was evident that by descent neither could boast the remotest claim. William was '^Chron. Lamb, ad aim. 1057. ANGLO-SAXONS. 425 the illegitimate son of Robert, the ncpliew of cilAP. Emma : Harold's only connexion with the royal , ^'^- family arose from the marriage of his sister with Edward/'^ Their real title lay in their power and ambition : and in the latter "W^illiam was equal, in the former he was superior to Harold. Unfortunately for the English earl, a vessel, in which he had sailed from Bosenham, was acci- dentally stranded in the mouth of the river Maye, on the opposite coast of Ponthieu. A barba- rous custom had invested the lord of the dis- trict vrith a pretended right not only to the remains of the wTCck, but also to the persons of the survivors : nor were imprisonment, threats, and torments spared to extort from the captives an exorbitant ransom. Harold and his com- panions were seized on the beach, conducted to '* For the satisfaction of the reader, I shall subjoin a short gene- alogy of William's descent from KoUo, the tirst Duke of Normandy. Rollo, died in 917. I "William + 943. I Richard I. +990, Richard n. + 1026". Emma:= Ethelred + 1016'. Richard in. + 102(i. Robert -(- 103"). Edmmui + IOK;. Edward -|- 10 GC, I I without issue. William, by Her, Edward + 10')7. leva a concubine. | Edgar Atheling. The descent of Harold can be traced no fartlicr back than his grandfather Wultholh, " child of Sussex." His father Godwin had married Gyda, the sister of Ulfr, brother-in-law to Canute. Of the connexion between Godwin and Ullr, RJr. Turner has given from the Knyllinge Saga an account, which savours more of ro- mance than of history. 42t; HISTORY OF ENGLAND. the carl Guy, by whom they were immured within his castle of Beaurain. No circumstance could have been more propitious to the views of William. He demanded the prisoners : they vrcre surrendered to him at Eu in Normandy ; and the compliance of Guy was rewarded with a valuable donation of land. In the Norman court Harold was treated with respect and mu- nificence : but he enjoyed only the semblance of liberty, and soon had reason to regret the dungeons of Beaurain. Compelled by the ne- cessity of his situation, he consented to do ho- mage for his lands and honours to William, as the apparent successor of Edward. But the jealousy of the Norman required more than the mere ceremony of homage. Before an assembly of his barons, Harold was constrained to swear that he would promote the succession of the duke to the English crown, that he would guard his interests in the court of Edward, and that he would admit a Norman garrison into the castle of Dover. At length, loaded with presents but distressed in mind, he was per- mitted to leave the territory of his rival. He had obtained from the gratitude of William the liberation of his nephew, Haco, one of the hos- tages, whom Edward had formerly required from Godwin : Wulfnoth the other, was de- tained by the policy of the Norman, as a secu- rity for the faith of his brother.^^ '" See the account in William of Poitoii, who received the par- ANGLO-SAXONS. 427 That Harold was thus delivered up by tlie CHAP. eaii of Ponthieu, and was compelled to swear fealty to William, are indisputable facts : but the object which originally induced him to put to sea, is a subject of doubt and investigation. By the Norman writers, and those who follow them, we are told, that Edward, moved by gra- titude and relationship, had appointed William his successor, and that Harold v/as sent to notify this appointment to the duke.'*^ Nor, indeed, is it improbable that such a report should be circulated in Normandy, as a justifi- cation for the violence which was offered to Harold. Many of the English historians have Dreserved, or invented, a different account. If we may believe them, the earl intended to visit Wliliam, but his object was to solicit the liberty of the hostages, Haco and Wulfnotli.^^ It is, however, difficult to conceive that a man am- bitious of a crown, would, for the freedom of tv/o captives, trust himself and the success of his projects, to the mercy of a rival. Perhaps it were more safe to rely on the authority of those writers, vvdio appear ignorant of both these reports ; and who describe the voyage of Ha- rold as an occasional excursion along the coast, from which he was driven by a storm on the barbarous territory of Ponthieu.'*^ ticulars of the oath from persons, who were present. Guil. Pic". 70, 80. 85. '" Guil. Pict. 77. Order. \it. 492. Wil. Gemot. 285. "' Eadm. 4. Sim. Diinel. 195. Ilemingford, 456, '» Mat. Paris, 2. West. 218. Mdm. 52. 42S PIISTORY OF ENGLAND. It was aljoiit the end of siminicr, when the earl returned to England •/'•^ his services were insurrcc- immediately required by an insurrection of the Korthum-'' Nortluunbriaus. Tosti,^• had o-overned that brians.^ peoi)le with the rapacity of a despot, and the cruelty of a barbarian. In the preceding year he had perfidiously nuuxlered two of the noblest thanes in his palace at York : at his request Editha had ordered the assassination of Gospa- tric in Edward's court : and the recent impo- sition of an extraordinary tax, as it was univer- sally felt, had armed the whole population against his government. In the beginning of October the insurgents surprised York. Tostig' fled : his treasures and armoury were pillaged : his guards, to the number of two hundred, both Danes and English, with their commanders, Amund and Uavenswarth, were made prisoners, conducted out of the city, and massacred in cold blood on the north bank of the Ouse. Elated with their success the insurgents chose for their future carl INIorcar, the son of Alfgar : and that nobleman, with the men of Lincoln, Notting- ham, and Derbyshire, and his brother Edwin with those of Leicester, and a body of Welsh auxiliai'ies, advanced as far south as Northamp- ton. Here they were met by Harold. When he inquired into the nature of their demands, 79 No writer that I know has fixed the date of Harold's deten- tion in Normandy ; but we learn iVom Pictavicnsis, that the corn in Bretagne was almost ripe (Fict. 81. 85). ANGLO-SAXONS. 429 they replied, that they were freemen, and would not tamely submit to oppression : that they re- quired the confirmation of the laws of Canute, and the appointment of Morcar to the earldom of Nortlmmberland. Harold returned, and ob- tained the royal assent to their requests : but during his absence and at their departure, they plundered the country, burnt the villages, and carried away several hundreds of the inhabi- tants, who Avere destined to a life of slavery, unless their ransom should be afterwards paid by their friends. Tostig, dissatisfied with the pacification, repaired to Bruges, the usual asy- lum of his family .^"^ If, on this occasion, Harold appeared to de- sert the cause of his brother, we may attribute his moderation, not only to the formidable ap- pearance of the insurgents, but also to a pru- dent regard for his own interest. The king was hastening to the grave: and the success of the earl's projects required his presence in London, a period of tranquillity, and the good will of the people. He returned to the metro- polis on the 30tli of November, five weeks be- fore Edward breathed his last. The monarch Death of previously to his decease had the satisfaction of ' ^^'^"' witnessing the dedication of the church of "IVest- minstcr, which had been the great object of his solicitude during his latter years. "When the witarrxopposed his journey to Rome, Leo IX. ^'^ Chron. Sax. 171. Chron. Lamb. :ul unn, 10(35. Flor. (333. 430 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. authorized liim to commute his intended pil- grimage for soniQ other work of piety. With this view he set apart the tenth of his yearly revenue, and rebuilt from its foundation the church of 8t. Peter, at the western extremity of the capital. On tlie vigil of Christmas he was attacked by the fever which ultimately proved fatal. For three days he struggled against the violence of the disease, held his court as usual, and presided with affected cheer- fulness at the royal banquets. On tlie festival of the Innocents, the day appointed for the de- dication of the new church, he was unable to leave his chamber. The ceremony was, how- ever, performed. Editha took the charge of the decorations, and represented the royal founder. But his absence and the idea of his danger, dif- fused a deep gloom among the thousands who had assembled to witness the spectacle. After 1066. lingering a v/eek longer, Edward died on the 5th of January, and was buried the following day with royal pomp in the church which he had erected.*'' ^' Chron.Sax. 171, Spelm. con. G28 — 637. Cum insigni regio. Hist. Ram. 4C0. Ailrcd Kiev. 398, 399. Here it may be asked ■whether Edward, before his death, did or did not appoint a suc- cessor ? It is evident that he had looked on his nephew, Edward the outhiw, as the riglitful heir, and on that account sent for him from Hungary to England. At the death of that prince in 1057, we are told that fears concerning the succession began to be enter- tained (spes regii sanguinis deinceps deficere caipit, Ing. 66. Malm. ii. 52) : but that it was not till 1065, the last year of his reign, that ANGLO-SAXONS. 431 If we estimate the character of a sovereign by the test of popular affection, we must ranli Ed- ward among the best princes of his time. The goodness of his heart was adored by his subjects who lamented his death with tears of undissem- bled grief, and bequeathed his memory as an object of veneration to their posterity. The blessings of his reign are the constant theme of ovu' ancient writers : not, indeed, that he dis- played any of those brilliant qualities, which at- tract admiration, v/hile they inflict misery. He could not boast of the victories v/hicli he had won, or of the conquests which he had achiev- ed : but he exhibited the interesting spectacle of a king, negligent of his private interests, and totally devoted to the welfare of his people ; and Edward abandoned the hope of placing on the throne Edgar, the son of his nephew. (Ing. 68.) Whether during that year he appointed either WiUiam or Harold, must for ever remain uncertain. They both asserted it : but it was so nnich for the interest of each to have it believed, that neither can deserve credit. It is observable that Ingulf, who was at the time absent on a pilgrimage to Jeru- salem, tells us, not that Harold, but that Robert of Canterbury, was sent to announce to William his appointment (p. 68) : and yet Ingulf could not have been ignorant that Robert had been driven from England thirteen vears before. William of Poitou (p. 44), another contemporary writer, assigns the same mission to Robert, when, by the advice of the witan he conducted Wulfnotb and Haco as hostages to William. But we know that Robert, in- stead of conducting hostages, fled for his life: and that the hos- tages were given by Godwin after his departure. Can it be that Robert on his return to Normandy first suggested to William the idcaof claiming the succession, and hence was supposed to have offered it by the commission of Edward? 43'2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, by his labours to restore the dominion of the N_yil_^ laws ; his vigilance to ward off foreign aggres- sion ; his constant, and ultimately successful, so- licitude to appease the feuds of his nobles, if he did not prevent the interruption, he secured at least a longer duration of public tranquillity, than had been enjoyed in England for half a century. He was pious, kind, and compassion- ate : the father of the poor, and the protector of the weak : more willing to give than to receive ; and better pleased to pardon than to punish.*" Under the preceding kings, force generally sup- plied the place of justice, and the people were impoverished by the rapacity of the sovereign. But Edward enforced the laws of his Saxon predecessors, and disdained the riches which were wrung from the labours of his subjects. Temperate in his diet, unostentatious in his per- son, pursuing no pleasures but those which his hawks and hounds afforded, he was content with the patrimonial demesnes of the crown : and was able to assert, even after the abolition of that fruitful source of revenue, the Dane-gelt, ^- An uninteresting story told by Malmsbury has been brought for- ward to prove that the simplicity of Edward bordered on childish- ness, and that he was so ignorant as not to know that kings pos- sessed the ])ower of punishing offenders (Hist, of Aniilo-Saxons, vol. iii, p. 315). The inference is not warranted by the original story, which merely asserts, that to a peasant who had broken the king's nets, Edward angrily said : " I will do as much to you, if I " have an opportunity." Tantundem tibi nonebo, si potero. Malm. 44. ANGLO-SAXONS. 433 that lie possessed a greater portion of wealth, than any of his predecessors had enjoyed. To him the principle that the king- can do no wrong, was literally applied by the gratitude of the peo- ple;, who, if they occasionally complained of the measures of the government, attributed the blame not to the monarch himself, of whose be- nevolence thev entertained no doubt, but to the ministers, who had abused his confidence, or deceived his credulity.^^ It was, however, a fortunate circiuiistance for the memory of Edward, that he occupied the interval between the Danish and Norman con- quests. AVriters were induced to view his character with more partiality from the hatred with which they looked on his successors and predecessors. They w^ere foreigners, he was a native : they held the crown by conquest, he by descent : they ground to the dust the slaves vrhom they had made, he became known to his countrymen only by his benefits. Hence he ap})eared to shine with a purer light amid the gloom with which he was surrounded ; and whenever the people under the despotism of the Norman kings had an opportunity of expressing their real wishes, they constantly called for the "laws and cus-toms of the good king Edward." He was the first of our princes, who touched for the king's evil. The surname of " the con- " Hist. Ram, 450. Elien. 515. Malm. -Id. Ingul. GO. VOL. I. 2 F 434 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. fcssor " was given to liim from the bull of his canonization, issued by Alexander III., about a century after his decease. Succes- sion of Harold. 1066. HAROLD. By the death of Edward, Edgar the etheling became the last surviving male of the race of Ccrdic : but, if his claim were ever mentioned, it "svas instantly abandoncd.^^ A report had been circulated that Edward, on his death-bed, had appointed Harold to be his successor.^-^ He was proclaimed king in an assembly of the thanes and of the citizens of London ; and the next day witnessed both the funeral of the late, and the coronation of the new, sovereign. On account of the suspension of Stigand, the ceremony was performed by Aldred, the archbishop of York. 86 ^•' Quia puer tanto honori minus idoneus videbatur. Alar. Riev. 366. 8^ I am much inclined to believe this report, not only on the tes- timony of the English writers (Chron. Sax. 172. Iloved. 4i9. Ead- mer, 5. Sim. Dun. 193. Al. Bev. 126. Flor. 633. Hist. Elien. 515) : but because its truth is acknowledged by the enemies of Ha- rold. Edvardi dono in ipsius fine. Guil. Pict. 135. iEgrotus princeps concessit. Order. Vit. 492. *® Ingulf, 68. Flor. 633. Hisf. Elien. 515. In a fact, which publicly took place in England, the native writers are more entitled to credit than foreigners. The Normans say Harold was crowned by Stigand (non sancta consecratione Stigandi, Guil. Pict. 105) : and the statement is supported by the figures on the tapestry of Bayeux (Lancelot, 421). But they give us only the reports prevalent in Normandy : and William, anxious to interest the religion of his subjects in his own favour, would readily countenance the notion that his rival had been crowned by a suspended prelate. ANGLO-SAXONS. 435 To Edgar, in lieu of the crown, was given the CHAP, earldom of Oxford. ^ ^^- , The southern counties cheerfully acquiesced in the succession of Harold : he was alarmed and perplexed by the hesitation of the Northum- brians. Their pride refused to be bound by the act of those whose military qualities they deemed inferior to their own ; and they looked around for a chieftain, who would solicit their aid, and accept the crown from their hands. Harold hastened into the north : instead of an army he was accompanied by Wulstan, the venerable bishop of Worcester ; by whose influence, com- bined with his own concihatory conduct, he soon won the affections, and secured the obedience of the Northumbrians. His marriage with Editha, the daughter of Alfgar, bound to his interests her two brothers, the powerful earls, Morcar and Edwin. ^-^ The intelligence both of the death of Ed- William ward, and of the immediate coronation of Harold, crown. had been conveyed to Normandy by the same messenger. William assembled his council, in- formed them of the event, and expressed his de- termination to pursue by arms his pretensions to the crown of England. An envoy was dis- patched to remind Harold of his former oath of fealty, and promise of assistance. The king re- plied : that the oath had been extorted from him ^ Ang. Sac. ii. 253. 2f2 436 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Invasion by the king of Norway : by force : that a promise to give a crown which did not belong to him, coukl not be binding : that he had been elected king by the free suf- frage of the people : and that, when it should come to the trial, he would prove himself worthy of their choice. The messaj^e was such as Harold, the ansv/cr such as William, expected. Each had already determined to appeal to the sword : and the English no less than the Nor- mans were astonished at the mighty prepara- tions making to decide the important quarrel.*'*^ It was unfortunate for Harold that he had to contend at the same time, not only with Wil- liam, but with his brother Tostig, the exiled carl of Northumberland, in whom he expe- rienced a most bitter and enterprising adver- sary. The outlaw visited Normandy, and ar- ranged a plan of co-operation with the duke : he sent messengers to the northern princes, and engaged the assistance of Harald Hardrada, the king of Norway : he collected a fleet of sixty sail at Bruges, and entering the channel began the war by levying contributions in the isle of Wight. But he retired upon the approach of his brother, and sailing round the south foreland, directed his course to the north. In Lindesey he -was defeated by Edwin : his mariners aban- doned him in his distress ; and Malcolm, king of Scotland, afforded him an asylum till the ar- 3^ Ing. 08. Eadni. 5. Matt. Paris, — . Malm. 56. ANGLO-SAXONS. 437 rival of his Norwegian ally.^^ The armament CHAP, under Ilardrada was not ready for sea till the v__^^ month of August ; when the Norwegian mo- narch, leaving the regency of the kingdom to his son ]\Iagnus, embarked with his femily and a gallant army in a fleet of three hundred sail. His queen Elizabeth and her two daughters, fearing the dangers of the campaign, were set on shore at the Orkneys : and Hardrada, according to agreement, was joined by Tostig with a few ships at the mouth of the Tyno. Their first object was to obtain possession of York; and with this view they entered the Humber and ascended the Ouse. A desperate attempt to save that capi- tal was made by the earls Edwin and Morcar. The Norwegian had drawn up his men with their right flank to the river, and their left to a morass. The impetuosity of the English burst through the line : but they in their turn were overwhelmed by a fresh body of forces from the ships ; and more of the fugitives perished in the water, than had fallen by the sword. Edwin and Morcar escaped to York : negotiations were opened ; and the mutual exchange of one hun- dred and fifty hostages shews, that the province was conditionally surrendered to the invaders.'^^ Harold had completed his preparations, and who falls having selected a position between Pevenscy ** Chron. Sax. 172 Malm. 52. Hunt. 210. Snorrc, iii. 14G. Order. Vit apud Duchesne, 4G9. 492. Gcinctic. 285. ^ Chron. Sax. 172. Snorre, 153—155. Flor. 03 1. Iligdcn, 284. 438 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. and Hastings, awaited with confidence the threatened descent of the Norman. The unex- pected invasion of Ilardrada disconcerted his projects. Trusting", however, to his fortune, and encouraged by the tempestuous state of the weather, he lost not a moment in marching against the aggressor, and arrived in the neigh- bourhood of York within four days after the late battle. Unconscious of danger Ilardrada had left one part of his forces on board the fleet, while he marched with the other for the purpose of dividing and regulating the province which he had conquered. In this employment he vvas overtaken by the indefatigable Harold. Sur- prised, but not dismayed, the Norwegian sent three messengers to the fleet to hasten the march of his men, while he retired slov/ly to Stamford- bridge on the Derwent. There he drew up his warriors in a compact but hollow circle. The royal standard occupied the centre ; the cir- cumference was composed of spearmen. The whole was surrounded by a line of spears firmly fixed in the earth, and pointed outwards in an oblique direction. The Icelandic historian has preserved some curious anecdotes respecting this celebrated bat- tle. Hardrada wore a blue mantle and a glitter- ing helmet. As he rode round the circle, his horse fell. " Who," exclaimed Harold, " is that " chieftain on the ground ?" Being told it was Hardrada, " He is," returned the king, " a gal- VI. ■V" ANGLO-SAXONS. 439 " lant warrior : but his fall shews that his fate is CHAP. " approaching." Soon afterwards a messenger came from the English monarch with an offer of the earldom of Northmiibcrland to Tostig. " The ^' proposal," said the outlaw, " should have been " made some months ago. But if I accept it, *^ what will my brother give to the king of Nor- ^' vv^ay ?" " Seven feet of land for a grave," was the contemptuous reply. Tostig scorned to abandon his friend. The English cavalry were accustomed to charge in irregular masses : and, if they met with resistance, to disperse in every direction, and re- assemble upon a given point. The firm array of the Norwegians bade defiance to all their efforts ; and Harold with his great superiority of force might yet have been foiled, had not the ardour of the enemy seduced them to break their ranks, and pursue the fugitive cavalry. That instant the English rushed into the opening : and in the confusion Hardrada v/as shot through the neck with an arrow. He fell instantly : and Tostig assumed the command. A second offer from Harold was indignantly refused : the arrival of the expected aid revived the fainting spirits of the Norwegians : and a desperate but unavailing effort was made to wrest the victory out of the hands of the English. The battle was continued by the obstinacy of the enemy long after every reasonable hope of success had been extinguished: and it was onlyterminatedby the death of Tostig, VI 440 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, and of every celebrated eliicftahi in the Norwe- gian army. This action is considered as one of the most bloody that is recorded in our annals : and at the distance of fifty years the spot was still whitened with the bones of the slain.-'^ The courage of Harold was tempered with humanity. He sent for Olave, the younger son of Hardrada, who, accompanied by his bishop, and the earl of the Orkneys, obeyed the sum- mons of the conqueror. He experienced a courteous reception ; swore to live in amity with England ; and was dismissed with twelve ships to revisit his native country. A few days were necessarily employed by Harold in taking pos- session of the Norwegian fleet, securing the spoil, and refreshing his exhausted troops. He repaired to York : but the public rejoicing of the citizens could not trancjuillize his impatience to learn the motions of his remaining and most formidable competitor. The king was seated at the royal banquet, and surrounded by his thanes, when a messenger entered the hall, and an- nounced the arrival and descent of the Normans on the coast of Sussex. The battle of Stamford- si Snorre, 156—165. Ing. 69. Chron. Sax. ITQ. Cliron. Lamb, ad ann. 1066. Hunt. 210. Order. Vit. apud Maseres, 174. Tos- t)g had married Judith, the daughter of Baldwin carl of Flanders. She afterwards espoused the son of Azo and Cunegimda, Guelph I. or V. from whom in a direct line the ];resent royal family of Eng- land is descended. But I do not tind that her first husband Tostig ever took the title of king of England, as is supposed by Gibbon. Miscel. Works, iii. 192. ANGLO-SAXONS. 441 bridge had been fought on the twenty-fifth^ CHAP. "William effected his landing on the twenty-ninth, , ^j- , of September.-'- That prince had employed eight months in the wniiam most active preparations for the invasion. By toTmade the gravest of his comisellors it was deemed a England, most hazardous enterprise : but his confidence was not to be shaken by their suggestions ; and the people, catching the spirit, seconded with all their zeal the exertions of their duke. Nor ■was this enthusiasm confined to his own subjects. Bretons, Poitevins, Burgundians, and warriors from every province of France, crowded to his standard : and by the beginning of August he found himself at the head of fifty thousand cavalry, besides a smaller body of infantry .'•'^ All had been taught to believe, that they were called to fight in the cause, of justice against an usurper, of religion against a perjured traitor. Whatever claim other individuals might prefer to the crown of England, Harold, the rnan^ the liege subject of William, could not lawfully Avith- '-^2 - Hunt. 210. Hist, Kames. 4C2. The printed chronicle flT'i) says, William landed on Michaelmas day: and this I conceive to be the meaning of Orderic, who says, he crossed the sea on the night preceding (175). I cannot, however, agree with Orderic (184), or with Gemmeticcnsis (vii. 34), that the battle of Stamford-bridge was fought on the 7tli of October. The English writers place it on the 25th of September. 'J3 Milia miUlum quinquaginta. Pict. lOG. Virorum sexaginta milia. Id. 112. Quinquaginta milia ?/it//7«OT, cum copia/7(^/i7uw. Orderic, I7'l. Thcic passages plainly prove that the mdlta fought on horseback. 442 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. hold it from his lord. To strengthen these im- pressions the duke had sent an embassy to pope Alexander III., from whom he had received a consecrated banner. This might be no more than a return of politeness on the part of the pontiif : but to the troops it was represented as the sanction of their intended expcdition,'^^ by the head of their church. To furnish transports for this numerous body of men, for their arms, horses, and provisions, every vessel in Normandy was put in requisition. But the supply was still inadequate : and many individuals sought the favour of their prince, by building others at their own expense in the dif- ferent harbours and creeks. The general ren- dezvous was appointed at the mouth of the Dive, a small river which flows into the sea between the broader streams of the Orne and the Touqucs : and in the month of August its shallow estuary was covered with one thousand, or, according to some historians, with three thousand vessels of every size and description.^^ Still the success of the enterprise depended much on the caprice of the weather. As soon as the army was prepared to embark, the wind 9-* Pict. 106, lOT. Malm. 56. s'-' Pict. 109. Gemet. p. 665. Malm. iii. 56. The duke's ship vas a present from his wife Matilda. On the prow was an image of gold, representing a boy, who with his right hand pointed to England, and with his left held a trumpet of ivory to his mouth. Lyt. Hist. vol. i. app. out of an ancient MS, p. 463, also at the end of Tavlor's Gavel-kind. ANGLO-SAXONS. 443 veered to the north-east : and for more than a month it continued stationary at the same point. It was not till the approach of the equinox that a breeze from the west released the fleet from its tedious confinement. The Norman eagerly seized the opportunity of putting to sea : but the wind gradually became more violent : the skill of the mariners was baffled by the turbu- lence of the elements and by the fears of the soldiers : and though a great part of the fleet reached St. Valery near Dieppe, the whole coast was covered with fragments of wreck and the bodies of the drowned. ^*^ This v/as a severe check to the impatience of William. He la- boured to interest heaven in his behalf: the shrine of St. Valery was carried in procession ; and the whole army joined in public supplica- tions for a favourable wind. At last their wishes "were gratified ; and the duke led the way with a lantern suspended from the head of the mast, as a guide to his followers during the darkness of the night : but so unequal was their speed, that when he had reached the English shore, the others were scattered in different directions over a line of twenty leagues from one coast to the other. Ill this situation they would have offered an easy victory to the fleet of Harold : but un- fortunately it had previously dispersed to pro- cure provisions ; and the different squadrons 0*^ Pict. 108. Order. 175. 444 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. had been detained in port by the violence of the weatlier."' The Normans landed without oppo- Lands in sition at Pevensey, marched immediately to "S '^" • Hastings, and threw up fortifications, at botli places, to protect their transports, and secure a retreat in case of disaster.^^ Nor was the pre- caution useless. ^A'ithin a few days the two ports were blockaded by the whole navy of England.!"* Conductof In this einerffency the conduct of Harold has been severely censured. It is alleged that in- toxicated with his late success he deemed him- self invincible : that by his avarice in appropri- ating to himself the spoils of the Norwegians, he deprived the country of the services of his vete- rans : and that by his imprudence he wantonly staked the independence of England on the ex- ertions of a handful of men, hastily collected, and unpractised in warfare. Perhaps these charges have no other foundation than the pre- judices of writers, who sought to console their own pride and that of their readers, by ascribing ^7 Flor. 634. The fleet separated on the 8th of August : but as- sembled again within a fortnight after the arrival of the Normans. ^^ Quae sibi forent receptaculo, et navibus propugnaculo. Order, Vit. apud Maseres, 175. The custodia navium is also mentioned by Pictavicnsis, p. 112. Hence the assertion of later writers, that he burnt all his ships, must be unfounded. I suspect the fear of losing them was the reason that he never ventured from the coast, till after the decisive battle of Hastings. ■'■' The Norman writers, anxious to exasr^erate the forces of the conquered, make the English fleet amount to 700 sail. Pict. 127. Vit. 177. ANGLO-SAXONS. 445 the subjugation of the country to the incapacity cHAP. of its ruler. On the receipt of the intelligence the ,__J^ king flew to the capital. It is probable that before his march to the north he had left directions for troops to assemble at London in the case of in- vasion : it is certain that thousands hastened to his standard, and that in six days he thought himself a match for his rival. i*^^ In the begin- ning of October he was feasting at York : on the fourteenth of the same month he had reached the camp of the Normans. But no celerity could surprise the vigilance of William. His scouts brought him advice of the approach of the Eng- lish. He made immediate preparations for the impending combat ; recalled the detachments ^00 Within these six days we are told that messages were ex- changed between the two rivals. An English monk, on the part of Harold, acknowledged the prior right of William ; but main- tained that Edward had, on his death-bed, left the crown to Harold, and that the last disposition had revoked the former. A monk of Eecamp replied, on the part of William, that Edward had given him the crown by the advice of his witan : that Godwin, Stigand, Leofric, and Siward had sworn to allow no other prince to succeed : that hostaces had been given for the execution of their oaths : that Harold had afterv/ards, at the command of Edward, taken upon himself a similar obligation : that William had no objection to sub- mit his claim to the decision of the laws, either Enghsh or Nor- man : or that, if his rival preferred it, he was ready to meet him in single combat. Harold merely replied, that God should judge be- tween them. Pict. l\2—i'i6. I distrust the whole of this story. Reasons have already been adduced to make it doubtful, whether Edward tlie confessor ever promised the succession to William : and the arrival of Edward the outlaw as the presumptive heir to the crown in 1057, shews that the assertions said to have been made by the monk of Fecamp, are absolutely false. 446 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, whicli had been sent out to plunder, and re- ^^^' tirinq- to his tent, attended at mass, and received the communion.^^^ In the casuistry of that age no crime was reckoned more shameful or more atrocious than the treason of a vassal against his lord : and William seems to have been powerfully im- pressed with the notion^ which had been so in- dustriously propagated among his troops, that heaven would not fail to avenge upon Harold the violation of his oath. When he was told that the king of England accompanied the army, he expressed his astonishment that a man, con- scious of the guilt of perjury, should venture his person in battle. ^^^ The same sentiment was prevalent among the English. The brothers of Harold earnestly intreated him to absent him- self from the field. " You have sworn," they said, " fealty to William : you cannot lawfully " fight against a prince, to whom in the name of " God, you have promised submission. Leave ' " to us the direction of the battle. We are " bound by no oaths. We know nothing of " the Norman except as the enemy of our coun- '<^' This circumstance probably gave occasion to the statement of Malmsbury (56, 57), that the English spent the night before the battle in drinking, the Normans in prayer. The fact is that Harold hastened to take the enemy unawares ; and partly succeeded, as se- veral detachments had gone out to plunder in the morning before his approach was known. Pict. 127. ^^ Taylor's Ann. 192. ANGLO-SAXONS. 447 " try." The king laughed at their apprehen- CKAP. sions.^^^ ^-^vT^ The spot which he had selected for this im- Battle of portant contest was called Senlac, nine miles ^i^^tings. from Hastings, an eminence opening to the south, and covered on the back by an extensive wood.^^^ As his troops arrived he posted them on the declivity m one compact and immense mass. In the centre waved the royal standard, the figure of a warrior in the act of fighting, worked in thread of gold, and ornamented with precious stones. By its side stood Harold and his two brothers Gurth and Leofwin ; and around them the rest of the army, every man on foot. In this arrangement the king seems to have adopted, as far as circumstances would permit, the plan which had lately proved so fatal to the Norwegians, and which now, from the same causes, was productive of a similar result. Pro- bably he feared the shock of the numerous ca- valry of the Normans. Both men and horses were completely cased in armour, which gave to their charge an irresistible weight, and ren- dered them almost invulnerable by ordinary weapons. For the purpose of opposing them with more chance of success Harold had brought '03 Order. Vit. 17G. Malm. 56. '04 Some writers have supposed the name was derived from Sangue-lac or the lake of blood, in allusion to the carnage made in this battle. But Orderic assures us that Senlac was the ancient name. Locus, qui ^n^ac antiquitus vocabatur. Order. 178. 44S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. with him engines to discharge stones into their ranks, and had recommended to his soldiers to confine themselves in close fight to the use of the battle-axe, a heavy and murderous weapon. On the opposite hill, "William was employed in marshalling his host. In the front he placed the archers and bowmen; the second line was composed of heavy infantry clothed in coats of mail ; and behind these the duke arranged in five divisions, the hope and the pride of the Nor- man force, the knights and men at arms. That he would strive both by words and actions to infuse into this multitude of warriors from differ- ent nations an ardour similar to his own, is not improbable : but the two harangues which ^Vil- liam of Poitou, and Henry of Huntingdon, have put into his mouth, may with equal probability be attributed to the historians themselves. About nine in the morning the army began to move, crossed the interval between the two hills, and slowly ascended the eminence on w^hicli the English were posted. The papal ban- ner, as an omen of victory, was carried in the front by Toustain the fair, a dangerous honour which two of the Norman barons had successively declined. ^'^^ At the moment when the armies were ready to engage, the Normans raised the national 105 Pict. 127. IIuHt. 210, 211. Orderic, 178. ANGLO-SAXONS. 449 sliout of '* God is our help," which was as h)iidly answered by the adverse cry of " Christ's rood, '' the holy rood." The archers, after the dis- charge of their arrows, retired to tlic infantry, whose weak and extended line was unable to make any impression on their more numerous opponents. William ordered the cavalry to charge. The shock was dreadful : but the English in every point opposed a solid and im- penetrable mass. Neither buckler nor corslet could withstand the stroke of the battle-axe, wielded by a powerful arm and with unerring aim : and the confidence of the Normans melted away at the view of their own loss, and the bold countenance of their enemies. After a short pause the horse and foot of the left wing betook themselves to flight : their opponents eagerly pursued : and a report was spread that William himself had fallen. The whole army began to Avaver ; Avhen the duke with his helmet in his hand, rode along the line, exclaiming : " I am " still alive, and, with the help of God, I still " shall conquer." The presence and confi- dence of their commander revived the hopes of the Normans: and the speedy destruction of the English, who had pursued the fugitives, was fondly magnified into an assurance of victory. These brave but incautious men had, on their return, been intercepted by a numerous body of cavalry : and on foot and in confusion they VOL. I. 2 G ■v- 450 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, quicldy disappeared beneath the swords or ra- _}2l^ tlier the horses of the enemy. Not a man sur- vived the carnage. William led his troops again to the attack : but the English column, dense and inmioveable, as a rock amidst the waves, resisted every as- sault. Disappointed and perplexed, the Nor- man had recourse to a stratagem, suggested by his success in the earlier part of the day. He ordered a division of horse to flee : they were pursued : and the temerity of the pursuers was punished with instant destruction. The same feint was tried with equal success in another part of the field. These losses might diminish the numbers of the English : but the main body obstinately maintained its position ; and bade defiance to every eff^ort of the Normans. ^^^ During the engagement William had given the most signal proofs of personal bravery. Three horses had been killed under him ; and he had been compelled to grapple on foot with his adversaries. Harold also had animated his followers, both by word and example, and had displayed a courage worthy of the crown, for which he was fighting. His brothers Gurth and Leofwin had perished already : but as long as he survived, no man entertained the apprehension of defeat or admitted the idea of flight. A little 106 pict. 128—131. Orderic, 179. ANGLO-SAXONS. 451 before sunset an arrow, shot at random, en- tered his eye. He instantly fell; and the know- ledo-e of his fall relaxed the efforts of the Ens:- i^eath of ^ . Harold. lish. Twenty Normans undertook to seize the royal banner ; and effected their purpose, but with the loss of half their number. One of them, who maimed with his sword the dead body of the king, was afterwards disgraced by William for his brutality. At dusk the English broke up, and dispersed through the wood. The Normans followed their track by the light of the moon, when ignorance of the country led them to a spot intersected with ditches^ into which they vv^ere precipitated in the ardour of pursuit. The fugitives, recalled by the accident, inflicted a severe ven2"eance on their adversaries. As Wil- liam, attracted by the cries of the combatants, was hastening to the place, he met Eustace of Boulogne and fifty knights fleeing with all their speed. He called on them to stop : but the earl, while he was in the act of whispering into the ear of the duke, received a stroke on the back, which forced the blood out of his mouth and nostrils. He was carried in a state of insensibility to his tent : William's intre- pidity hurried him forward to the scene of dan gcr. His presence encouraged his men : suc- cours arrived : and the English, after an ob- stinate resistance, were repulsed. i"'' ^^'^ Pict. 132—134. Orderic, 182—185. Hunt. 211. Malm. 57. 2 G2 452 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Thus ended this memorable and fatal battle. On the side of the victors almost sixty thousand men had been eugaged, and more than one fourth were left on the field. The number of the vanquished, and the amount of their loss, are uidvnown. By the vanity of the Norman historians the English army has been exagge- rated beyond the limits of credibility : by that of the native writers it has been reduced to a handful of resolute Avarriors :^^^ but both agree that with Harold and his brothers perished all the nobility of the south of England ; a loss which could not be repaired. The king's mo- ther begged as a boon the dead body of her son ; and offered as a ransom its weight in gold:^*^'^ but the resentment of William had rendered him callous to pity, and insensible to all inte- rested considerations. He ordered the corpse of the fallen monarch to iae buried on the beach ; adding with a sneer ; '^ he guarded the coast " while he was alive ; let him continue to guard " it after death." By stealth, however, or by pm'chase, the royal remains were removed from this unhallowed site, and deposited in the church '°^ See Pict. 128. Orderic, J78, and in opposition, Ingulf, 69. Chron. Sax. 172. Flor. 634. Malms. 53. ^•^3 Baron Maseres has calculated the average weight oi the human body at somewhat less than 11,000 guineas. Pict. 138. not. ANGLO-SAXONS. 45 of Waltham, which Harold had founded before CHAP, he ascended the throne. i"' ^J- , ''"Pictaviensis (135), and Orderic (lo5), say that he was buried on the beach ; most of our historians (Malm. 57. West. 224. Pa- ris, S), that the body was given to his mother without ransom, and interred by her orders at Waltham. A more romantic story is told by the author of the Waltham MS. in the Cotton Library, Jul. D. 6, who wrote about a century afterwards. If we may believe him, two of the canons, Osgod Cnoppe, and Ailric, the childe-maister, were sent to be spectators of the battle. They obtained from Wil- liam, to whom they presented ten marks of gold, permission to search for the body of their benefactor. Unable to distinguish it among the heaps of the slain, they sent for Harold's mistress, Edi- tha, surnamed"the fair," and tlie " swan's-neck." By her his features were recognised. The corpse was interred at Wallham with regal honours, in the p.resence of several Norman earls and gentlemen. — Mr. Turner first called the attention of his readers to- to this MS. Hist, of Eng. i. 60. 454 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. VII. (APPENDIX I. ) POLITY OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS FEUDAL CUSTOMS RANKS IN SOCIETY — COURTS OF LAW CRIMES SLAVES. CHAP. Every account of the civil polity of the Anglo- N_.^^ Saxons must necessarily be imperfect. We can only view the subject through the intervening- gloom of eight centuries : and the foint light which is furnished by imperfect notices, scat- tered hints, and partial descriptions, may serve to irritate, but not to satisfy curiosity. It would be in vain to seek for information in the works of foreign writers : and the native historians never imagined that it could be re(piisite to de- lineate institutions with which they had been familiarized from their childhood, and which they naturally judged would be perpetuated along with their posterity. Manners Of the military character and predatory spirit of Anglo- ^,1 c *. ^- 1 ; J Saxons, oi the baxons an accurate notion may be lormed from the Danish adventurers of the ninth and tenth centuries. Both were scions from the same Gothic stock: but the latter retained for a longer period the native properties of the ori- ginal plant. Hengist and Cerdic, and their fel- APPENDIX I. 455 low chieftains, were the sea-kings of their age, CHAP. animated with the same spirit, and pursuing the . . same objects as the barbarians, whose ferocity- yielded to the perseverance of Alfred, but sub- dued the pusillanimity of Ethelred. The reader has only to transfer to the Saxons the Danish system of warfare, its multiplied aggressions, its unquenchable thirst of plunder, and its unpro- voked and wanton cruelties, and he will form a correct picture of the state of Britain, from the first defection of Hengist to the final establish- ment of the octarchy. The adventurers did not think of colonizing the countries which they conquered, till they had become weary of devas- tation : and then they introduced the institu- tions, to which they had been habituated in their original settlements. Of these the most important, and that which Feudal formed the groundwork of all tlic rest, may be ^'■'^^'^"^^ discovered among the Germans in the age of Tacitus. From him we learn that every -chief- tain -^^'as surrounded by a number of retainers, who did him honour in time of peace, and ac- companied him to the field in time of war. To fight by his side they deemed an indispensable duty ; to survive his fall an indelible disgrace.' It was this artificial connexion, this principle w^hich reciprocally bound the lord to his vassal, and the vassal to his lord, that held together the 'Tac. Germ. IJ, 11. 45G HISTORY OF ENGLAND, northern hordes, when they issued forth in quest of adventures. They retained it in their new homes : and its consequences were gradually developed, as each tribe made successive ad- vances in power and civilization. Hence sprang the feudal system with its long train of obliga- tions, of homage, suit, service, ])urveyance, re- liefs, wardships, and scutage. That it was intro- duced into England by the Norman conqueror, is the opinion of respectable writers : and the assertion may be true, if they speak of it only in its mature and most oppressive form. But all the primary germs of the feudal services may be descried among the Saxons, even in the earlier periods of their government : and many of them flourished in full luxuriance Ion"" before the extinction of the dynasty. As the subject is interesting, I may be allowed to treat it more in detail. " Lord and That the artificial relation between the lord and his man or vassal, was accurately under- stood, and that its duties were faithfully per- formed by the Anglo-Saxons, is sufliciently evi- dent from numerous instances in their history. AVe have seen- that when Cynewulf was sur- prised in the dead of the night at Merton, his 7nen refused to abandon, or even to survive their lord : and when on the next morning the eighty- four followers of Cyneheard were surrounded 2 See history, p. 201. APPENDIX I. 457 by a superior force, they also spurned the offer of life and liberty, and chose rather to yield up their breath in a hopeless contest, than to vio- late the fealty, which they had sworn to a mur- derer and an outlaw.^ An attachment of this romantic and generous kind cannot but excite our sympathy. It grew out of the doctrine, that of all the ties Avhicli nature has formed or so- ciety invented, the most sacred was that which bound the lord and the vassal ; whence it was inferred that the breach of so solemn an en2ra2;e- ment was a crime of the most disgraceful and impardonable atrocity. By Alfred it was de- clared inexpiable : the laws pronounced against the offender the sentence of forfeiture and death ."^ It was not, however, an institution which pro- Homage. vided solely for the advantage of one party. The obligations were reciprocal. The vassal shared with his fellows in the favours of his lord, and lived in security under liis protection. It was a contract, cemented by oath, for the benefit of each. " Bv the Lord," said the inferior placing his hands between those of his chief, " I promise to be faithful and true ; to love all " that thou lovest, and shun all that thou shun- ^ Chron. Sax. anno 750, p. 57. ■* Chron. Sax. .^)3. Leg. Sax. p. 33, 34, 3.'). 142, 113. Even the word vasHdl seems to have been known in England as early as the reign of Alfred. Asser, his instructor, calls the thanes of Somer- set, uobiles vasalli Sumertunensis jilaga'. Asser, 33. 458 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. " nest, conformably to the laws of God and ^IL^ u j^^.^^^ . j^j^j never in will or weald (power), " in word or work, to do that which thou loatli- " est, provided thou hold me as I mean to serve, " and fulfil the conditions to which we agreed when I subjected myself to thee, and chose thy will." ^ This last proviso furnished the usual pretext for the dissolution of these engagements. To it every powerful chieftain ajopealed as often as he dared to disobey the orders of his sovereign, the " h'wg-lord,'" as he was called, in contra- distinction to inferior lords. The sub-vassal, indeed, could not be compelled by the tenor of his oath to bear arms against the head of the state : but he never presumed to doubt of the rectitude of his immediate chief, and always ac- companied hnn to the field, whether it were against the enemies, or the sovereign of his country. We are told that Godwin and his sons were " loath to march against their king-lord :" yet their " men" followed them in sufficient numbers to render doubtful the issue of the con- test ; and on the submission of their leaders were only required to transfer their homage to " the hands" of the king. It should, however, be observed that the Anglo-Saxon vassals were divided into two classes. Some were vassals by choice, who * Leg. 401. 50. do. Bromp. 859. APPENDIX I. 459 chose their own lord, paid him an acknowledg- CHAP. ment for his protection, and at his death gave their fealty to any superior whom they thought proper to select.'^" Others were vassals by te- nure, who held of their lord estates for life, or estates of inheritance, with the obligation of military service/" Such fees were called folc- lands from folgian, to follow, because the tenant was bound to follow his lord. Of both descrip- '' In Latin they were called comniendati. They were common in France (Baluz. capit. i. 443. 536), and seem to have been very numerous in England. Thus when Alfred bequeaths several of his lands to his son Edward, " he prays the families at Cheddcr ia " Somersetshire to choose Edward on the same terms, as had for- '•' merly been agreed between Alfred and them." (Test. iElf.) We often find them described in Domesday, as free men, who could go with their lands to whomsoever they pleased. They arc most frequently mentioned in Norfolk and Suffolk. Thus in Shotley were 210 socmen. Of these four were the eommenclati of Harold, two of Gurth, the rest of difierent barons under king Edward. Domes. 237. a. 7 The possession of land by military tenure is noticed by Bede in his letter to Egbert (p. 309). Allusions to vassals of that de- scription frequently occur in the laws ('23. 09. and 2'2. 144): they are expressly mentioned by Canute. '' If a ' man' de- *' sert his lord on service by sea or land, he sliall forfeit all << that he has, and his own life. Let the lord take his chattels, " and Ihe land which he gave to him (his fee) ; and the king take his *' bockland, if he have any (land not held of a lord) ; but if he fall <' in presence of his lord in battle, let the heriot be forgiven, and «■ his heirs take the land and chattels, and shift them most right- " fully." (Leg. 14o. Thus 2Elfred, the ealdorman, bequeaths to his son only one manor of his bockland, because he hoped the king would give him tire folcland (the fee) : but in case the king should refuse the folcland, he leaves him another manor (Lye, App. No. ii). Thus also Turketul on the death of his father received his paternal inheritance from the gift of the king. Ing. 36. See lleming. Chart. 8L 460 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. tions several notices may be discovered among the relics of Anglo-Saxon anti([uity. Division "Wliatever may have been the conduct of the ot lands. '' other northern tribes, there cannot be a doubt that the conquerors of Britain shared among themselves the lands of the conquered. This is sufficiently attested by the state of landed pro- perty among them in every subsequent stage of their history ; and by the general surveys which had originally been taken. Every district and every kingdom had been distributed by compu- tation into so many lands of families, otherwise denominated hides or sowlings. Of these we are informed by venerable Bede (720), that the isle of Wight contained twxlve hundred, the kingdom of Sussex seven thousand, that of Mer- cia, north and south of the Trent, twelve thou- sand. It appears that in such divisions much the larger portion was given to the king, and the remainder was shared among the chieftains, his immediate vassals. A subdivision then took place. Each principal proprietor, acting in the same manner, erected a petty empire for him- self, and retaining a considerable part for his own use, allotted the rest, in different pro^^or- tions, and on ditferent tenures, to his followers.^ Though in the progress of several centuries this distribution must have been considerably dis- turbed, its original features were still retained ; 8 Sec Bed. iv. 13, 16. Edd. c. 40. APPENDIX I. 461 and if on the one hand the roval demesne was CHAP. " VII diminished by frequent grants, its losses were on the other repaired by the extinction of fami- lies, and the forfeitures of criminals. As the princes of Wessex gradually suppressed the in- dependence of the other tribes, they claimed for themselves the lands allotted to the different crowns ; and at the close of the dynasty their possessions were immense in every division of the kingdom. That this is not merely a fanciful theory will appear from an inspection of Domesday. That authentic record presents a correct picture of the state of the country, not only under the Norman WiUiam, but also under his Anglo- Saxon predecessor, Edward. Taking the county of Kent as a specimen, we find that out of four hundred and thirty places described as lying within its precincts, not fewer than one hundred and ninety-four, nearly one half, belonged to the crown ; and that the remainder was un- equally divided among the archbishop of Can- terbury, the bishop of Rochester, the two abbots of St. Austin's and St. Martin's, the queen Edi- tha, the earls Godwin, Harold, and Lewin, Alnod child, Brixi child, and Sbern Biga. These eleven were the great tenants in chief, the king's prin- cipal thanes, the real peers of the county. But besides the property and privileges, which they claimed in that capacity, most of them were in possession of parcels of land which they held in 462 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. VII. w-v — ' Military service. common with many inferior thanes, as sub- tenants, some under the crown, some under its immediate vassals, thus pointing out by the difference of their tenures, what oi'iginally was the king's demesne, and what was the demesne of the great lords in whose places they now stood.^ If exceptions in favour of particular persons prove the existence of a general rule, it will follow that all the lands of the Ano^lo-Saxons were originally burthened with the obligation of military service. The barbarians had ac- quired their new settlements by the sword ; and they were expected to retain them by the same means. But after their conversion to Chris- tianity, a broad distinction was drawn between the clergy and laity, " the mass-thanes and the " world-thanes." As the former were the ser- vants of God, it was their duty to be employed in the offices of devotion and of charity ; and they were consequently forbidden to mingle in. the fray of arms, or to shed the blood of their fellow-men. Hence, in numerous instances, their estates were successively exonerated from every species of service. This indulgence in Northumbria speedily degenerated into a dan- gerous abuse : and laymen, assuming the habits **See Ilensham's summary table of lands in Kent, compiled from the autograph of Domesday. It is observable, that the conqueror, vhen he distributed the county among his followers, still kept up Ihe same number of eleven tenants in chief. Ibid. p. 20. VII. ~ APPENDIX I. -163 of monks, obtained from the weakness or the CHAP, covetousness of the pnnce the grant of similar exemptions. Venerable Bede (anno 734) made an eflbrt to check the evil : he described in a letter to the archbishop of York and brother of the king, its probable consequences ; and ex- pressed his apprehensions that the continual diminution of the military tenures would leave the kingdom without a competent force for its defence. ^^ The Mercian princes were less im- provident ; and while they abolished all other burthens in favour of the ecclesiastical bodies, generally reserved the three important obliga- tions of the fnesten-geweorc or reparation of for- tresses, the bryge-geweorc or construction of bridges, and the fyrd-feerelde or military ser- vice. ^^ But even these were annulled by the more easy piety of Ethelwulf (855) not only in liis own dominions but in those of the kini>s his vassals. The clergy, however, during the inva- sions of the Danes had the patriotism to wave this valuable privilege ; and there is still extant a charter, in which Burrhed, king of INIercia, (868) publicly thanks them for having sponta- neously furnished that military aid, to which . they were no longer liable by law.^^ These exemptions sufficiently shew the ex- istence of military services towards the com- jo Epist. ad Egbert. Antist. 309. '1 Wilk. Con.i. 100. Ileming, Chart. 109. Bed. App. 767. >2 Ingulf, 17. 21. 464 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, mcnccmcnt, while Domesday fully confirms it ^ y , at the close, of the Saxon government. They seem to have been exacted from all vassals, both those who chose their own lords, and those who held lands of others.'" By what rule they "svere originally imposed, it is impossible to dis- cover : but at a later period they were fixed on the basis of immemorial usage, which appears to have varied in almost every county and bo- rough. Perhaps we shall not recede far from the truth, if we judge of the rest of the king- dom from Berkshire, in which we learn that one miles was furnished for every five hides of land ; that he served during two months ; and that, if his own possessions did not amount to the legal quantity, he received pay at the rate of four shillings to the hide from the other proprietors. It may be observed that the same number of hides was required by the law for the dignity of thane, who by the Norman compilers of Domes- day is called in their feudal language, miles resris dominicus. rirdwte. The performance of these services was en- forced by numerous enactments in the laws of the Saxon kings, from the time of Ina (700) to the reign of Canute (1030). On some occa- sions the defaulter was punished with the for- feiture of his lands, on others with the payment of a stated fine. In ^yorcestershire if he were " Gale, iii. 76:3. APPENDIX I. 465 a vassal by choice, his real property was placed CHAP. at the mercy of the king ; if the tenant of ano- ^"' ther, his lord was bound to find a substitute, or pay a fine of forty shillings, which in either case he levied on the defaulter. The burghers of Oxford were at liberty to send twenty sol- diers, or to pay twenty pounds : at Warwick whoever disobeved the summons, was mulcted one hundred shillings : in Colchester every house paid sixpence in lieu of all military ser- vice. In these and numerous other instances of a similar description, we may easily recognise the rudiments of the prestation, called scutage by the Norman feudalists. ^^ Nor were the three great services already Purvey- mentioned the only burthens to which landed property was subjected among our Saxon an- cestors. In different charters we read of she- riffs-aids, of the hidage or land tax, of the fees of ealdormen and public officers, and of a va- riety of impositions, the nature of which it is now hopeless to investigate. But among the number was a grievance, which bears a near resemblance to the purveyance of later times, the obligation of furnishing forage, provisions, and lodii'm"' to the attendants of the kin"' in his progresses through the country, and not only to them, but also to their servants, horses, hounds, and hawks. Other prestations were ance. '^ Leg. 23. 135. Domesday, passim. VOL. I. ' 2 H 466 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. fixed and certain : this was indeterminate and occasional, and on that account was more gall- ing and oppressive. ^-^ Canute attempted to abo- lish it towards the close of his reign, and ordered his reeves to supply from the demesne lands whatever might be necessary for the support and comfort of his household. ^^ lleriots. The king appears to have claimed the power, not only of disposing of the benefice or fee after the death of the tenant, but also of controling the distribution of his other possessions. Hence the vassal in his will was always anxious to obtain the confirmation of his superior, and to make provision for the payment of what was termed by the Saxons the heriot, by the Nor- mans the relief}'' Of both these practices we meet with numerous instances. Thus Elfhelm, after leaving his heriot to the king, concludes his will in these words : " and now I beseech thee, my beloved lord, that my last testament may stand, and that thou do not permit it to *' be annulled. God is my witness that I was " always obedient to thy father, faithful to him, " both in mind and might, and ever true and " loving to thee." ^^ So also archbishop ^Ifr'c 1^ Ingulf, 17. 35; Heming. Chart. 31. 58. ^^ Leg. 143. '7 Though Bractou makes a disthiction between them, the laws more ancient than Bracton make none. Compare Leg. Sax. 144. with 223. By the conqueror it was decreed that the relief should Le paid out of the chattels of the deceased. The relief of the vava- sor is the best horse the last tenant had on the day of his death; a jour de sa mort. Ibid, '^ Lye, App, ii. APPENDIX I. 467 first " bequeaths to his lord his best ship, and CHAP. *'the sail -yards thereto, and sixty helmets, and v ^J^'^ " sixty coats of mail," and then wills, if it were his lord's ivill, &c.''-* By the laws it was pro- vided that the heriot should be paid within twelve months from the death of the last pos- sessor ; and was apportioned to the rank which he bore in the state. That of an earl was four horses saddled, four unsaddled, four helmets, four coats of mail, eight spears, eight shields, four sw^ords, and one hundred mancuses of gold : of a king's thane one half of the last : of an inferior thane his horse, and his arms, v.-ith an offer of his hounds or hawlvs. If he died intestate, the payment of the heriot pre- served the estate in his family: if he fell in battle for his lord, the heriot was remitted.-^ There is reason to believe that the Saxon like Marriage the Norman kings (and their example was pro- '^ Mores /Elfric, 62. See many other instances of presents left to the king, Hicks, dissert, cpist. 51. Tims iElfric leaves two marks of gold to " his king-lord Harol, and one to his lady." Mores, p. 92. -" Leg. 144. 223. 245. It has been said that heriots were in- troduced by Canute, because they are not mentioned in tlie laws of his predecessors. But he seems merely to record an ancient custom. They are noticed as such under Edgar (Hist. Elien. 480) : and Elf helm, whose heriot has been already mentioned, lived many years before Ethelred. Longo retroacto tempore, ibid. 498. Edgar himself describes them as an ancient institu- tion in the charter, i n which he frees the monasteries from the obligation. " Solilus census, qucm indigena; Ileriotua usualiter *' vocitant, qui pro hujus patriae potentibus post obilum re"ibu& " dari solct." Seldeni, Spirileg. ad Eadm. p. 153. 2h2 468 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAr. bably imitated by the inferior lords) claimed ^^ ' . occasionally the wardship of heiresses, and dis- I>osed of them in marria^^e.-* The laws, though their language is not sufficiently explicit, seem to allude to such a custom. They provide that no maid or widow shall be compelled to marry ag"ainst her will, and very inconsistently forbid the female to be sold in marriage, while they allow a present to be accepted from her hus- band.--^ This custom prevailed also in the royal burghs. In Shrewsbury no woman could marry without a licence from the king. With her first husband she paid a line of ten shillings : if she took a second, the sum was doubled.--^ Tianks, From the tenures of land we may pass to the distinction of ranks, and the administration of justice. With a few shades of accidental dif- ference both these were substantially the same in all the nations of Gothic origin. Among the Anglo-Saxons the free population was divided into the corl and ceorl, the men of noble and ignoble descent.-^ The former were said to be ethel-born : and with a people acknowledging no other merit than martial prowess, it is pro- bable that this distinction attached to those only, whose fathers had never exercised the -I Leg. 144, 145. liist. Rames. 403. 441. " Leg. 109. 12?. 144, 145: -^ Domesday, Sciropescire. ^ By not attending to this meaning of the word eorl, and render- \R(r it earl, the translators of the Saxon laws have made several passages unintelligible. See Leg. 3. 35. 65. APPENDIX I. 469 occupations of husbandry or of the mechanical CHAP, arts. It was merely personal : it conferred . ^^^ . . neither property nor power : but it ser\'ed to gratify pride ; and numerous complaints attest the arrogance with which the noble Saxon look- ed down on his inferior, and the reluctance with which the " full-born" bore the superiority of the " less-born," whom merit or fiivour had raised above them.'-'' The termination hfg, added to the name of the progenitor, designated his posterity. The Uffingas were the descend- ants of Utla, the Oiscino'as the descendants of Oisc.-<^ But the more lofty title of etheling, the son of the noble, was reserved for the members of the reigning family : and these in each of the Saxon dynasties pretended to derive their pedigree from Woden, a real or fabulous con- queror, who was adored by his votaries as the god of battles. The supposed divinity of their parent secured to them the veneration of their pagan followers : and when Christianity had dissipated the illusion, the superiority of their earthly descent was still acknowledged by all their contemporaries.-" Among the ethel-born the first place was oc- King cupied by the cyning or king. In the succes- sion to the crown the reader must have obseiTed occasional deviations from the direct line of -'' Leg. 83. 111. Bed. 290. "''' Bed. ii. 5. 15. ■^ Chron. Sax. J.3. 15. Gale, iii. 13 1. Vodeii, de ciijus stirpc multaruin provinciarum rogiiim genus originein duxit. Bed. i. IJ. VII. 470 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, hereditary descent. The causes have been al- ready explained : but whether the new monarch Averc the immediate or the collateral heir of his predecessor, the consent of the witan always preceded his coronation. Hence the original writers, whose language is the best evidence of the sentiments prevailing among their contem- poraries, usually speak of their kings as elected to the throne.^^ The cyning was the lord of the principal chieftains, and through them of their respective vassals. As his estates were nearly equal to theirs altogether, so w^as his annual revenue and the number of his thanes : forming in the aggregate a power sufficient to humble the proudest, or to reduce the most factious of his subjects. Thrice in the year the great tenants of the crown were reminded of their dependance. At the festivals of Christ- mas, Easter, and Whitsuntide they M'cre sum- moned to pay him their homage. They appeared before him in the guise of dependants, while he was seated on his throne with the crown on his head, and a sceptre in each hand. Daring eight days they were feasted at his expense, and on their dismissal received presents from his bounty.'-'^ He exercised an undisputed au- thority over the national forces by sea and land. He was the supreme judge : and w^as accus- -* See chap, v. notes ], 15. ^^ Chron. Sax. 103. Ilist. Ram. 305. Sceptns simul et corouu. Ailred, Iliev. 398. Regalia instrumenta sustinuir. Id. 399. APPENDIX I. 471 tomed to receive appeals from every court of CHAP. judicature. Of the fines which were levied on v — ^^ offenders, the principal portion was paid into his treasury: he could commute the punishment of death, and was accustomed to liberate a pri- soner in every burgh and jurisdiction into w^iich he entered. The ealdorman, sheriffs, borough-reeves, and judges were appointed by him: they held their offices at his pleasure, subject to removal as his caprice might suggest, or his justice might direct.^*^ His '• peace," or protection secured the man to whom it was granted from the pursuit of his enemies. At his coronation, and for eight days afterwards, it was extended to the whole kingdom : each 3^ear it was equally observed during the octaves of the three great festivals, in which he was accustomed to hold his court : and at all times it was enjoyed by every person vWthin the cir- cuit of four miles from his actual residence, by travellers on the four highways, and by mer- chants or their servants, as long as they were employed on the navigable rivers. Some infractions of this peace subjected the offender to a heavy amercement : others of a more hei- nous description placed his life and property at the mercy of the king.-"'^ . • - . . . . .¥ 30 Leg. 20, 65. 109. 201. Chron. Sax, 19. Asser, 70. 31 Le". G3. 109. The real distance to wliich the king's peace extended from his actual residence was whimsically fixed at three miles, three furlongs, three roods, nine feet, nine hands (inches?), and nine barley corns. Leg. C3. The object of this institution, as 4/2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. The consort of the cynini^ was originally known by the aj)pcllation of '' queen," and (iiiccii. shared in common with her husband the splen- dour of royalty. But of this distinction she was deprived by the crime of Eadburga, the daughter of Ofta, who had administered poison to her husband Brihtric, king ofWessex. In the paroxysm of their indignation the witan punished the unoffending'* wives of their future monarclis by abolishing with the title of queen all the appendages of female royalty. Ethel- wulf, in his old age, ventured to despise the prejudices of his subjects. His young consort, Judith, was crowned in France, and Avas per- mitted to seat herself by his side on the throne.-^^ But during several subsequent reigns no other king imitated his example: and the latest of also of another, called " the peace of God," was to diminish the number of outrages perpetrated under the pretext of retaliation. The latter is said to have been first established in Acquitain about the year 103C: though its rudiments apjjear in the decrees of se- veral councils before the close of the tenth century (Bouquet, x. 49. 147); and it is enforced in the laws of king Ethelred at the beginning of the eleventh (Leg. 108, 109). In England it included the Ember days, Advent, Lent, the vigils and festivals of Christ, the Virgin Mary, the apostles, and of all saints, and every Sunday, reckoning from thehourof nine on Saturday to the dawn of light on the Monday morning (Leg. lOB, 109. 121. 197). In France it began every week on the evening of the Wednesday, and lasted .till the Monday (Glaber apud Du Cange in voce Treva). During these days it was forbidden, under severe penalties, for any man to slay, maim, or assault his enemy, or to distrain or plunder his lands. Ut nullus homo alium assaliat, aut vulueret, aut occidat, iiullus namium aut prtedam capiat. Order. \'it. anno 1O90. ^-Asser, 10. APPENDIX I. 475 the Anglo-Saxon queens, though they had been CHAP, solemnly crowned, generally contented them- . J^' , selves with the more modest appellation of *' the lady." ^ But whatever were their legiti- mate honours; they could not be deprived of the intiuence which was naturally attached to their situation : and no one presumed to solicit a favour from the monarch without offering a present to his wife.-^* From several passages it appears that separate estates were allotted for the support not only of the queen but also of her children, and the princes of the blood. After the royal family the highest order in EaWor- J -J ^ man. the state was that of the ealdormen or earls. From the nature of their office they were some- times styled viceroys : •*•'' by Bede they are dignified with the title of princes and satraps/''^ The districts which they governed in the name of the king, were denominated their shires, confined originally to a small tract of country, but gradually enlarged to the extent of our pre- sent counties. The policy of the West-Saxon kings, after the subjugation of the neighbouring 33 Chron. Sax. 132. 164, 165. 168. A letter in More's iElfric begins thus : " Wolstan archbishop greets Canute king his lord, « and yT.lfgiva t/te Imh/," p. 104. She gives herself the same title. " I xlLlfgiva ^ and others are mentioned in the laws and by the writers prior to the supposed division by Alfred.^'- The great inequality in their measurement, and the great irregularity in their distribution, prove that they were not the uniform work of one monarch: but that they owe their origin to different princes, who divided the country as necessity '"^ Bromp. 850. The decisions of tlie witan in civil causes were also sent to the shire-mote. Hist. Elien. 4G9. '9 -Ingulf, 28. He has been followed by Malmsbury and others. *^o Baluze, capit. i. 19. 39. 103. '^' Kent, Sussex, Essex. ^-Leg. 16. 20,21. Chron. Sax. 56. 74,75.78. Asser, 3. 8. 14. Asser was the contemporary and instructor of the king. It is evident from his silence that he was ignorant of any new institu- tion of shires or hundreds. APPENDIX I. 4^ might require, or policy might suggest. 2. The CHAP, hundreds also appear to have been a continental v__,,^l^ institution. From Tacitus we learn that the ^^ j^""- cl reels. Germans of his age divided their territories into pagi ; that each pagus furnished a band of one hundred combatants for battle : and that each band Vv-as termed " the hundred of the pagus" by which it was furnished.^-^ "Whether in the establishment of hundreds the Saxons follov\^ed this or any other particular rule, is uncertain. It has been supposed that the name was given to the district occupied by a hundred families of freemen. This hypothesis has been generally admitted, because it satisfies the mind, and spares the trouble of ulterior investigation ; but it will appear very questionable to those who have examined the notices in Domesday, and compared the disproportionate limits of even neighbouring hundreds. ^^ ^3 Tac. Germ. vi. ^^ Ilundredus continet centum villas. Bromp.QJC. It is plain from Bede that villa, which his translator alv.ays renders iimc, comprehended not only the mansion of the proprietor, but also the cottages of his tenants and slaves. Whitaker maintains that ten of these townsliips formed a ty thing or manor, and ten manors a hundred. Whit. Manchester, ii. 114 — 120. But it will be difficult to reconcile this opinion with the statements in Domesday. I will take for example the hun- dreds in the lathe of Sutton in Kent. All the others are similar. Hundreds. Sowlings. Acres of Meadow. Manors. Greenwich . • . . 82 131 .... 9 Lesnes 19^ 52 .... 4 Bromley 8 14 .... 2 llokesley 27| ... .. 78 .... 14 Axtane G5^ 476 .... 30 Westerham . . . . 4§ 16 .... 2 2 I 2 484 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Ino'ulf Ims also attributed to Alfred the in- ^_^^ stitution of tythings, \vliicli by the very name iy things. jj^^pf)j.{- cither a subdivision of the hundred, or an association of ten neighbourini;- families. By law every freeman was to be enrolled in one of these associations, all the members of Avhicli were made })erpetual bail for each other. If one of the nnmber fied from justice, the re- maining nine were allowed the res])itc of a month to discover the fugitive : wiien, if he were not forthcoming, the pecuniary penalty of his crime was levied on his goods, and, in case of deficiency, on the goods of the tything, unless it could be proved that its members had not connived at his escape.''^ King's From these local courts, the hall-mote, the hundred-mote, and the shire- mote, appeals were allowed to the superior authority of the monarch. Alfred was accustomed to inspect the minutes of their proceedings, to confirm or annul their decisions, and occasionally to pu- nish the judges for their partiality or ignorance. By his office the king was the supreme magis- trate of the state : but he had other duties to perform ; and it v/as forbidden to bring any cause before him, till it had been previously submitted to the decision of the inferior judges. This prohibition was, however, frequently dis- regarded: and few princes refused to exercise court. 5^ Leg. Sax. 136. 201, 20?. 241. APPENDIX I. 4S5 tlicir iuclicial functions, as often as tliev were CHAP, solicited by a favourite, or tempted by a pre- -J_J^ sent. Wherever the king was present, a court might be speedily assembled. To the thanes and clergymen who attended on his person, he added the prelates and nobility of the neigh- bourhood, and with their assistance either pacified the parties, or pronounced a definitive judgment. But these occasional courts, re- Vvitena- spectable as they might be, were eclipsed by the S^mot. superior splendour and dignity of the " mickle " synoths or witena-gemois," the great meet- ings, or the assemblies of the counsellors, which were regularly convened at the festivals of Christmas, Easter, and Whitsimtide, and occa- sionallv, at other times, as difficult circum- stances or sudden exigencies might require. Who were the constituent members of this supreme tribunal, has long been a subject of debate : and the dissertations, to which it has given rise, have only contributed to involve it in greater obscurity. It has been pretended that not only the military tenants had a right to be present, but that the ceorls also attended its mem- by their representatives, the borsholders of the ^'^^^' tythings. The latter part of the assertion has been made vvithout a shadow of evidence, and the former is built on very lalhicious grounds. It is indeed probable that, in tb.c infancy of the Anglo-Saxon states, most of the military re- tainers may have attended the public councils : 486 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAr. yet even tlieu the deliberations were confined to the chieftains ; and nothing remained for the vassals but to applaud the determination of their lords. But in later times, when the several principalities were united into one mo- narchy, the recurrence of these assemblies, thrice in every year within the short space of six months, would have been an insupportable burthen to the lesser proprietors : and there is reason to suspect that the greater attended only when it was required by the importance of events, or by the vicinity of the court. The principal members seem to have been the spi- ritual and temporal thanes, v/ho held immedi- ately of the crown, and who could command the services of military vassals. It was neces- sary that the king should obtain the assent of these to all legislative enactments : because without their acquiescence and support it was impossible to carry them into execution. To many charters we have the signatures of the witan. They seldom exceed thirty in number ; they never amount to sixty. They include the names of the king and his sons, of a few bishops and abbots, of nearly an equal number of eal- dormen and thanes, and occasionally of the queen, and of one or two abbesses.^"^' Others, <'<' See Ingulf, 32. 44, 45. Gale, iii. 5ir. Ilemingford, passim. From a passage in the history of Ely (p. 513), it has been inferred that an estate ©f forty hides intitled its possessor to a seat in the witan. APPENDIX I. 487 the fideles or vassals, v/ho had accompanied CHAP. their lords, are mentioned as looking on and , ^^J' ^ applauding : but there exists no proof whatever, that they enjoyed any share in the deliberations.'^'' The legal powers of this assembly have never its autho- been accurately ascertained: probably they were ^^^^' never fully defined. To them, on the vacancy * of the crown, belonged the choice of the next sovereign : and we find tiieni exercising this claim not onlv at the decease of each kinof, but even during the absence of Ethelred in Nor- mandy. Thev compelled him to enter into a solemn compact v/ith the nation, before they would acknowled<2:e him a second thne for kinq; of England. ''^^ In ordinary cases their delibera- tions were held in the presence of the sovereign : and as individually they were his vassals, as thev had sv\^orn " to love v/hat he loved, and "■ shun w^liat he shunned," there can be little doubt that they generally acquiesced in his v/ishes. In the preambles to the Saxon laws the king sometimes assumes a lofty strain. He decrees : the witan give their advice. He denominates himself the sovereign : they are his bishops, his eaidormen, his thanes. But on other occasions this style of royalty disappears. ''' Prffscntibus archiepiscopis etepiscopis, Angliie univcrsis, nee non Beorredo regc Merc"uo, et Edniundu Estanglurum re^c, abba- tum et abbaUssarum, ducum, coinitum, procerumquc totiiis terrae, zWomrnqnefulelium iiitinita mullitadine, qui omnes regium chiro- graphum laudaverunt, dignitatcs vero sua nomiaa subscripserunt. Ing. 17. ''^ Chron. Sax. 1 15. 4SS HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, and the legislative enactments are attributed to v__^j_^ the witan in eonjunction with the king-.''-' The same diversity appears in treaties concluded with foreign powers. Some bear only the name of the king : in others the witan are introduced as sanctioning the instrument by their concur- rence. ''^ In their judicial capacity they compro- mised or decided civil controversies among themselves ; summoned before tliem state crimi- nals of great power and connexions ; and usually pronounced the sentence of forfeiture and out- lawry against those whom they found guilty.'^ As legislators they undertook to provide for the defence of the realm, the prevention and pu- nishment of crimes, and the due administration of justice."- Judicuii In all these tribunals the judges were the free inS^^'^' tenants, ov/ing suit to the court, and afterwards called its peers. But the real authority seems to have resided in the president, and the princi- pal of his assessors, whose opinion was generally echoed and applauded by the rest of the mem- bers.'-'^ Their proceedings were simplified and Ci' Leg. 14.34. 43. 73. 102. 113. ■'^ Leg. 47. 51. 104. Chron. Sax. 132. '' Chron. Sax. ICi. 194. '- Ingulf, 10. IG. Chron. Sax. 12G. 130. 165. '3 Qui liberas in eis terras habent, per quos debent caiisfe singu- lornm alterna prosecutione tractari. Leg. Sax. 248. If the judges dift'er in opinion, the decision is inone hiw left with the majority', in another witii those of liigbcst rank. Si injuchcio inter pares oriatur di«sensio, vincat sententia plarimorum. ibid. 237. — Vincat sententia meUorum. Ibid. 248. On this subject I do not he.sitate to appeal to the treatise called "Leges Henrici piimi." Though mgs. APPENDIX I. 4S9 facilitated by a custom^ which has ah'cady been CHAP, mentioned. In all cases in which property, whe- . ^ . ther real or personal, was concerned ; if a man claimed by gift or purchase ; if stolen goods were found in his possession, or he had forcibly entered on the lands of others; he was bound to produce the testimony of the court and wit- nesses, before whom the transaction, on v/hich he grounded his own right, must, if it had been lawful, have taken place. On this testimony in Li civil civil actions the judges frequently decided ; but if either party advanced assertions of such a na- ture that they could not be proved by evidence, he was put on liis oath, and was ordered to bring forward certain freeholders, his neigh- bours, acquainted with ins character and con- cerns, who should swear that, in their con- sciences, they believed his assertion to be true. The number of these was in many cases fixed by the law, in others left to the discretion of the court. Sometimes four or live sufficed : some- times forty or fifty were required : occasionally men came forv/ard spontaneously, and offered compiled under tlic Normans, it gives in reality an account oi' the Saxon jurisprudence. Tiiis is asserted by the author. De his om- nibus pkniorem suggerunt ventura (the sequel) notitiam, sicut Edvardi beatistimi principis exlitisse tcmporibus certis indiciis et fida relatione cognovimus, p. Cll. The same appears also from the numerous passages which are evidently translations from Saxon laws still extant : whence it is fair to conclude that much of the rest has been drav^-n from other documents which have perished in the long lapse oi' seven lumdred years. 'lOO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. themselves by hundreds to swear in behalf of a favoured or mueh injured individual.'^ But it should be observed that the value of each oath was estimated by the rank and opulence of the individual. The oath of a king's thane was equal to the oaths of six ceorls, the oath of an ealdor- man to those of six thanes. The king and the archbishop, as their words was deemed sacred, were exempted from the obligation of swearing : and the same indulgence was sometimes ex- tended to the higher orders of the nobility.'^ If the matter still remained doubtful, a jury was selected of twelve or of six-and-thirty free te- nants, w4io left the court, deliberated among themselves, and returned a verdict, which de- cided the question.'^ I will mention an instance in which recourse was had to each mode of pro- ceeding, and judgment was given on grounds, that to us must appear irregular and unsatisfac- tory. In a court held at Wendlebury, in which the ealdorman Aihvin, and the sheriff EdrJc pre- sided, an action was brought against the monks of Ramsey, by Alfnoth, for the purpose of re- "■^ Thus a thousand persons offered to swear in behalf of the thane Wolihoth. Hist. EUen. 479. It was called by the Saxons the lad a, by later writers wager of law. How far it is allowed in modern times maybe seen in Blackstone, 1. ii. c. 22. sect. vi. ■** Leg. Sax. ii. 72. 2G2. Much ridicule has been thrown on this custom : but where inquiry was excluded, it was perhaps wise to attach a greater value to the oaths of persons, who by their rank and opulence were the furthest removed from the ordinary temptations to perjury. ^o i^igt. Ram. 415, 41G. Regist. Roff. 32. APPENDIX I. 491 covering the possession of two hides at Staple- CHap.^ ford. After much litigation the decision was w- ,,,r^ left to a jury of thirty- six thanes, who were chosen equally by the plaintiff and the defend- ants. While they were out of court deliberating on their verdict, Alfnoth publicly challenged the monks to prove their claim by oath. The challenge was accepted \ but when they were prepared to swear, the ealdorman arose, ob- served that he was the patron of the abbey, and offered himself to take the oath in its favour. This decided the cause. The court, through respect for its president, was satisfied v\^ith his word, adjudged the two hides to the monks, and condemned Alfnoth in the forfeiture of his lands and chattels. By the interest of his friends the latter part of the judgment v/as revoked, on condition that he would never more disturb the abbey in the possession of Stapleford.'^ In criminal prosecutions the proceedings, l« crimi- though grounded on the same principles, were cutions. in many respects different. It was ordered by law, that as soon as the hundred-mote was as- sembled (the same probably held with respect to other similar tribunals) the reeve with the twelve oldest thanes should go out to inquire into all offences committed within the jurisdic- tion of the court, and should be sworn " not to " foresay (present) any one who was innocent, '" Histc Ram. ibicl. 492 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. " nor to conceal any one ^vho was guilty."'^ On their presentment the accused was frequently condemned ; it" he pleaded not guilty, and the plea were admitted, there remained two ways by which he might prove his innocence : the purgation of lada or swearing, and the ordeal or judgment of God. In cases in which the law had not determined, he was at liberty to choose either: but to check the presumption of the guilty, it was provided that if the trial failed, the criminal should be subjected to a more rigo- Piirgation vous punisluncnt. In the purgation by oath, he began by calling on God to v/itncss that he v/as innocent both in v/ord and work of the crime laid to his charge. He then produced his com- purgators who swore that " they believed his " oath to be upright and clean.""-' It was re- quired that these compurgators or jurors should be his neighbours, or resident within the juris- dicticm of the court, freeholders who had never been arraicrned for theft, nor ever convicted of ■^^Leg. Sax. 117. Tiiis is evidently the origin of our grand juries. Mr. Eleeves in his vaUiable history of the English law, says, that the earliest mention of a trial by jnry, that hears a near resem- blance to that which tiiis proceeding became in after times, is in the constitution of Clarendon under Henry II., which orders that if nobody appears to accuse an offender before the archdeacon, the sheriff at the request of the bishop, faciet jurare duodccim legales homines de vicineto, seu dc villa, (juod inde vcritalem secundum conscientiam snam manifestabunt, p. 87. This appears to me to be no more than an inquest resembling that of the Saxon times mentioned in the preceding law of Ethelred. '-' The oalhs arc in Wilkins, Leg. Sax. 03, 64. APPENDIX I. 493 perjury, and who vvere now acknowledq-ed for CHAP. " true men" by all present. According to the v ^ . custom of the district, and the magnitude of the offence, their number varied from four to seventy-two. They were sometimes appointed by the judges, sometimes drawn by lot, often brought into the court by the party himself, an indulgence which enabled him to rest his fate on the decision of his friends and dependants, whom he might already have prejudiced in his favour. In ^Vcssex he was permitted to choose tliirty jurors, of whom fifteen were rejected by the judges : in East-Anglia and Northumbria he produced forty-eight, out of whom twenty-four were appointed by ballot.'" If they corroborated his oath by their own in the form established by law, his innocence was acknowledged. If, on the contrary, recourse was had to the Purgation ordeal, pledges were given for the trial, and the ^ ^" ^^ ' time was fixed by the court. As the decision was now left to the Almighty, three days w^ere spent by the accused in fasting and prayer. On the third he was adjured by the priest not to go to the ordeal, if he w^ere conscious of guilt ; he was then communicated with these words : '' may this body and blood of Christ be to thee '• a proof of innocence this day :" when he again swore that he was guiltless of the crime of ^ Leg. Sax. 8. 12. 27. 47. 125. 2G2. 264. In these conjuratores may, I tliink, be discovered our petit juricS; in their rudebt state. 494 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, which he had been accused. The ordeals, vdiich ^^^J- . were most in use, were those by hot water and fire. For the former a fire was kindled under a caldron in a remote part of the church. At a certain depth below the surface, which ^vas aug- mented in proportion to the enormity of the crime, was placed a stone or piece of iron of a certain weight. Strangers were excluded : the accuser and the accused, each attended by twelve friends, proceeded to the spot ; and the two parties were ranged in two lines opposite each other. After the litanies had been recited a person was deputed from each line to examine the caldron, and if they agreed that the water boiled, and the stone was placed at the proper depth, the accused advanced, plunged in his arm, and took out the weight. The priest im- mediately wrapped a clean linen cloth round the part which was scalded, fixed on it the seal of the church, and opened it again on the third day. If the arm were perfectly healed, the ac- cused Avas pronounced nmocent : if not, he suf- fered the punishment of his offence. In the ordeal by fire, the same precautions were em- ployed in respect of the number and position of the attendants. Near the fire a space was mea- sured equal to nine of the prisoner's feet, and divided by fines into three equal parts. By the first stood a small stone pillar. At the begin- ning of the mass a bar of iron of the weight of one or three pounds, according to the nature of tice. APPENDIX I. • 495 the offence, was laid on the fire ; at the last CHAP, collect it was taken off, and placed on the . ^^^' . pillar. The prisoner immediately grasped it in his hand, made three steps on the Hnes pre- viously traced on the floor, and threw it down. The treatment of the bm'n, and the indications of guilt or innocence, were the same as those in the ordeal by hot water. '^i Before I dismiss this subject, I may observe Obstacles that the national manners opposed many obsta- minora-' cles to the impartial administration of justice, ^ion of jus- Tlie institution of lord and vassal secured to the litigants both abettors and protectors : and the custom of making presents on all occasions, pol- luted the purity of every tribunal. In criminal prosecutions conviction was generally foUovv^ed by pecuniary punishments : of which a part, if not the whole, was the perquisite of the princi- pal judge, or of the lord of the court. In civil causes the, influence of money was employed to retard or accelerate the proceedings, to defeat the upright, or support the iniquitous, claimant. ^' Leg. Sax. 26, 27. 53. Gl. 131. It is evident from our ancient writers, that many persons established their innocence by these trials, whence it has been inferred that the clergy were in posses- sion of a secret, by which they either prevented, or rapidly cured, the burn. Yet it is difficult to conceive that such a secret, so widely diffused, and so frequently applie:!, could have escaped the know- ledge of judges and legislators, anxious to prevent the commission of crime; or if it did not, to account for the conduct of such per- sons in continuing for several centuries to enforce the trial by or- deal for the discovery of guilt, while they knew that the whole process was an imposture. 496 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Bribery, under the disguise of presents, found its Avay to the prince on the throne, as well as to the reeve in his court. When Athelstan the priest was prosecuted for theft and sacrilege by his bishop, he sold an estate at a nominal price to the ealdorman Wulstan, on condition that lie would prevent the trial : and when Alfwin, abbot of Kamsey, despaired of protecting the interests of his monastery against the superior influence of Alfric, he gave twenty marks of gold to king Edward, five to queen Editha, for the interposition of the royal authority in his favour.^- ^Ve repeatedly meet with complaints of the expense and uncertainty of judicial pro- ceedings ; and many individuals deemed it more prudent to sit down in silence under their pre- sent losses, than to injure themselves still more deeply by purchasing the protection of their friends and judges.^^ Crimes of The crimes to which the Anglo-Saxons were Saxon"* °' principally addicted, were homicide and theft. Among men of violent passions, often intoxi- iiomicide. cated, always armed, quarrels, riots, and mur- ders were inevitable : and as long as the laws refused to exact blood for blood, the right of inflicting punishment naturally devolved upon the family of the slain. Hence arose those deadly, and hereditary feuds, which for so many centuries disgraced the legislation, and disturbed 8- Hist. Ram. 457. Hist. Elien. 432. ^Ubid. 414. 457, 458. APPENDIX 1. '*^" the tranquillity, of the European nations. One CHAP, murder provoked another : the duty of revenge v_^ll^ was transmitted as a sacred legacy to posterity : and the chieftains of the same people often re- garded each other as more deadly enemies than the very invaders against whom they were ar- rayed. Of this the reader has already seen a memorable instance in the alternate murders, which for several generations harassed two of the most powerful families in Northumbria. To an evil so deeply felt, and so loudly lamented, the legislature wanted courage to apply any other remedy than that of pecuniary compensa- Punished tion : the usual expedient of the savage, who ^ "** has committed homicide, and is reduced to the necessity either of constantly trembling for his own life, or of purchasing with presents the for- bearance of his adversary. This inadequate species of atonement had been discovered by Tacitus among the ancient Germans:** it was matured into a complete but singular system by our Anglo-Saxon ancestors. Every freeman was numbered in one of the three classes termed twyhind, syxhind, and twelfhind. The first com- prised the ceorls, the third the royal thanes : un- der the second were numbered the intermediate orders of society. The were of these classes, Weres. ^ Suscipere tam immicitias sen patris, seu propinqui, quam ami- citias necesse est. — Luitur etiam homicidium certo armentorum ac pecorum nurnero, recipitque satisfactionem uni^ersa domus. Tac. Germ. xxi. VOL. I. 2 K 198 HISTORV OF ENGLAND. CHAl\ thi; It'giil value of their lives, and legal compcn- . ^y- . sution for their murder, advanced in proportion fronj two to six, and from six to twelve hundred shillings. But that of an ealdorman was twice, of an etheling three times, of a king six times the ivere of a royal thane.^'' To explain the manner in which the iver^e was demanded and paid, let us suppose that a thane of the twelf- liii;d class had been murdered. The homicide might, if he pleased, openly brave the resent- ment of those whose duty it was to revenge the murder : or he might seek to fortify himself against their attempts within the walls of his own house ; or he might flee for protection to one of the asylums appointed by the laws. In i^one of these cases were his enemies permitted to proceed immediately to the work of ven- geance. The object of the legislature was to gain time, that the passions might cool, and the parties be reconciled. If he were found in the open air, it was unlawful to put him to death, unless he obstinately refused to surrender. If he shut himself up in his house, it might indeed b^ surrounded to prevent his escape, but a week must be suffered to elapse before any hostile *<* Leg. 53. 64. 71. On account of the progressive rise of the were^ all above the rank of ceorls were called dear-born. Leg. 20. The were was the great privilege of the higher classes. For every offence against them was punished in proportion to their were, and in consequence their persons and properties were better secured than those of their inferiors. Leg. 25. 37. 39, 40. APPENDIX i. 49P attempt could be made. If he sought an asy- CHAP, lum, the palace of a king^ etheling, or arch- v— .^^ bishop, afforded him a respite of nine days, a consecrated chm'ch, and the house of an ealdor- man, or bishop, a respite of seven days. Some- times he preferred to fight, and much innocent blood was shed : for it was the duty of the vassal on such occasions to succour his lord, and of the lord to hasten with his retainers to the aid of his vassal. Sometimes he surrendered him- self a captive into the hands of his enemies, who were compelled to keep him unhurt for the space of thirty days. If, during that interval, he could procure sureties for the payment of the were, he was set at liberty : otherwise his person and his life were abandoned to the mercy of his captors.^ When the ivere was offered, Mode of the following was the proceeding according to '^^'"^'^ law. Twelve sureties, of whom eight were pa- ternal and four maternal relatives of the mur- derer, gave bond for the faithful payment of the mulct : and immediately both parties swore on their arms " to keep the king's peace" towards each other. After the lapse of three weeks, one hundred and twenty shillings, the healsfang, or price of liberation from captivity, were divided among the father, the sons, and the brothers of the slain. Three weeks later an equal sum, under the name of manbote, was paid to the 8S Leg. 43, 44. 110. 500 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. lord, as a compensation for the loss of his vassal.^'' After another interval of three weeks the figlit-wite, or penalty for fighting, which dif- fered in its amount according to circumstances, was received by the king, or the lord within whose jurisdiction the murder had been com- mitted. Another delay of twenty-one days was allowed before the first general payment of the were to all the relations of the deceased : and then terms were amicably adjusted for the liqui- dation of the remainder by instalments in money or cattle. When the atonement was completed, the families were reconciled, and all remem- brance of the offence was supposed to be obli- terated.^ riittt and Robbery was another species of crime, tlie constant repetition of which disturbed the peace of society, and bade defiance to the wisdom and severity of the legislature. It prevailed among every order of men. We meet with it in the clergy as well as the laity ; among thanes no less than ceorls. These depredators frequently associated in bands. Within the number of seven they were termed in law tlieofas : above that number but below thirty- six they formed a hlothe : if they were still more numerous, they were denominated an army : and to each of these different designations a different punishment ^' The manbote for one of the twyhind class was thhty, of the syxhhid, eighty shiUings. Leg. '25. «8Leg. 53, 54.75. 269, 270. lobbcrv, APPENDIX I. '^^1 was assigncd.^^ In an open and thinly inhabited CHAP, country it was easy for plunderers of this de- ^ — ^ scription to drive away by stealth, or carry off by force, the cattle from distant farms. To im- pede the disposal of property which had been stolen in this manner, the legislature encum- bered every legal sale with a multiplicity of oaths and forms : and to promote its discovery, offered to the owner every facility, which mig-ht enable him to pursue the offenders through the neighbouring counties.^^^ But the frequency proves the inutility of these enactments : and from the increasing severity of the punishment we may infer that the evil was stubborn and unconquerable. At first the thief was con- deinned to make threefold reparation : after- Their pu- \vards to pay the amount of his were, or suffer banishment or death : then his property was confiscated to the crown, and his life was placed at the mercy of the king : lastly he was ordered to be put to death without the possibility of pardon, and one third of his property was given to the king, a second to the gild or tything from which he had stolen, and the remainder to his ^ widow and children.^^ This severity was how- ever mitigated by Athelstan; and the life of the thief was spared, if he were under the age of fifteen, or had stolen to a less amount than the value of a shilling.'^^ Canute abolished the *' Leg. 17. ^ Leg. 18. 41. 48. 58. m. 69. 80, 81. "' Leg. 1. 7. Vi. 17. 65, ''- Leg. 70 oOZ HISTORY OF JiNGLAND. punishment of death altogether. His object was to chastise the offender, but at the same time to aUow him time to repent. On the first conviction the thief was condemned to make double reparation to the man whom he had in- jured, to pay his tvere to the king, and to find sureties for his future behaviour. A repetition of the crime subjected him to the loss of a hand, or a foot, or of both. If he reverted again to bis former practices, the incorrigible oftender was either scalped, or sutfered the loss of his eyes, nose, ears, and upper lip. So strangely blended were lenity and cruelty in the judicial punishments of our ancestors,^-^ Nuiui^crof The several classes, whose manners have been hitherto described, constituted the Anglo- Saxon nation. They alone were possessed of liberty, or power, or property. They formed, however, but a small part of the population, of which, perhaps, not less than two thirds existed in a state of slavery.^* That all the first adven- turers were freemen, there can be little doubt ; but in the course of their conquests it is proba- ble that they found, it is certain that they made, a great number of slaves. The posterity of "' Leg. 138. "* The number of freemen in the touuty of Kent, according to the cniuneration in Domesday, amounted to 2,4'Jl ; of villeins to 6,837; of bordais to 3,512. The bufghers wore 1,091: and of these the greater part were only a privileged kind of slaves. T..lvii)g these only at 1000, the nuni^ her qf freenjen to that of slaves will he '1,415 to 11,3-19. To these ought to he 4dcled their wives ami famijies, APPENDIX I. W* these men inherited the lot of their fathers : and CHAP, their number was continually increased by the v—^J-l^ free-born Saxons, who had been reduced to the same condition by debt, or had been made cap- tives in war, or had been deprived of liberty in punishment of their crimes, or had sponta- neously surrendered it to escape the horrors of want.^^ The degradation and enslavement of a freeman were performed before a competent number of witnesses. The unhappy man laid on the ground his sword and his lance, the sym- bols of the free, took up the bill and the goad, the implements of slavery, and falling on his knees, placed his head in token of submission under the hands of his master.^^ All slaves were not, however, numbered in Their dif- the same class. In the more ancient laws we cksses. find the esne distino-uished from the theow ; and read of female slaves of the first, the second, and the third rank. In later enactments we meet with bordars, cocksets, pardings, and other bar^ barous denominations, of which, were it easy, it would be useless to investigate, the meaning. The most numerous class consisted of those, who lived on the land of their lord, near to his mansion, called in Saxon his tune, in Latin his villa. From the latter word they were by the Normans denominated villeins, while the collec- tion of cottages in which they dwelt, acquired - ' — ... . — k. — . — — — — » ■» .* -I.I — — — ■^ — - '-''' Leg. 15, 1(5. 22. «^ Leg. 291. VII o04 HISTORY OK KNGLAND. CHAP, the name of village. Their respective services were originally allotted to them according to the pleasure of their proprietor. Some tilled his lands, others exercised for him the trades to which they had been educated. In return they received certain portions of land with other per- quisites, for the support of themselves and their families. But all were alike deprived of the privileges of freemen. They were forbidden to carry arms ; they were subjected to ignominious punishments ; they might be branded and whipt according to law.^'' Their persons, families, and goods of every description, were the property of their lord. He could dispose of them as he pleased, either by gift or sale: he could annex them to the soil or remove them from it : he could transfer them with it to a new proprietor ; or leave them by will to his heirs Out of the hundreds of instances preserved by our ancient writers, one may be sufficient. In the charter by which Harold of Buckenhale gives his manor ^7 Leg. 15. 53. 103. It appears that slaves, no less than free- men, were sureties for the behaviour of each other. In the reign ofAthelstan, when the punishment of theft was the most severe, a law was made respecting the offences committtd by slaves against others than their masters. A man thief was ordered to be stoned to death by twenty of his fellows, each of whom was punished with three whippings, if he failed thrice to hit the culprit. A wo- man thief was burnt by eighty women slaves, each of whom brought three billets of wood to the execution. If she failed, f'he was like- wise subjected to the punishment of three whippings. After the death of the offender, each slave paid three pennies as a fine, to the proprietor. Leg. Athel. apud Brompt. 849. APPENDIX I. 505 of Spalding to the abbey of Croylaiid, he enu- CHAP. merates among its appendages Colgrin his bai- > J^' . liff, Harding his smith, Lefstan his carpenter, Elstan his fisherman, Osmund his miller, and nine others, who probably were husbandmen ; and these, with their ^vives and children, their goods and chattels, and the cottages in which they live, he transfers in perpetual possession to the abbev.-^^ It should, however, be observed, that the hardships of their condition were considerably mitigated by the influence of religion. The bishop was appointed the protector of the slaves within his diocese ; and his authority was em- ployed in shielding them from oppression. Their lords were frequently admonished that slaves and freemen were of equal value in the eyes of the Almighty : that both had been redeemed at the same price ; and that the master would be judged with the same rigour as he had exercised towards his dependants.^^ In general the ser- vices of the slave were fixed and certain ; if he performed them faithfully, he was allowed to retain his savings, and many of those who cul~ tivated portions of land, or had received per- mission to exercise their trades in the burghs, acquired a comparative degree of opulence, ''^ Ingulf. 86. John bought Gunikla from Gada for half a pound of silver, and gave hor to the church of St. Peter. Lye, app. v. Wulfric bought Elfgitha fur half a pound. Egilsig bought Wynric for an yre of gold. Ibid. ^9 Spelm. Con. 405. sion 5^ HlbTOKV OF ENGLAND. wlueli enabled them to pnrehasc tlieir liberty from the kindness or the avarice of their lords. ^"^^ Even the laws suppose some kind of property in the slave, since they allow him to commute the legal punishment of whipping for a fine of six shillings, and fix the relief of a villein on a farm at the i)rice of his best bcast.***^ Manumis- The prospect of obtaining their freedom was a powerful stimulus to their industry and good behaviour. Besides those who were able to purchase it themselves, many obtained it from the bounty of benefactors. ^^-^ Some were eman- cipated by the justice and gratitude of their masters : others owed their freedom to motives of religion.i^^ When the celebrated Wilfrid had received from Edelwalch, king of Sussex, the donation of the isle of Selsey, with two hundred and fifty male and female slaves, the bishop in- structed them in the christian faith, baptized them, and immediately made them free.^^* Their manumission was an act of charity frequently inculcated by the preachers ; and in most of the wills, which arc still extant, we meet vvith di- rections for granting liberty to a certain number '"' Thus " Elfy the red bought hhiisclf out for one pound." Lye, app. v. Brighttujer purchased the freedom of hunsclf, his wife iElgiva, their rhikhtn and grandchildren, lor two pounds. Hicks, Diss. Kpis. 9. "" Leg. ii. 2'2i. "'- Siwin bought Sydcfleda into perpetual freedom for five shil- lings and some pence. yElgilniiar bought Sethryth for three man- cuses to be free after the death of himself and his wife. Lye, app. v. '03 Hicks, Dibsert. p. 1'-', 13. '04 jjcd. iv. 13. APPENDIX 1. 5^7 of slaves. But the commisemtion of the chari- cHAP. table was more excited by the condition of the , ^^^- . wite theow (those who had been reduced to slavery by a judicial sentence) than of such as had been born in that state, and had never tasted the blessings of liberty. By the bishops in the council of Calcuith it was agreed to free at their decease every slave of that description ; and similar provisions are inserted in the wills of the lady Wynfleda, of Athelstan son of king Ethelred, and of .^Ifric archbishop of Canter- bury.i^^ Their manumission, to be legal, was to be performed in public, in the market, in the court of the hundred, or in the church at the foot of the principal altar. The lord taking the hand of the slave offered it to the baihff", sheriff, or clergyman, gave him a sword and a lance, and told him that the ways were open, and that he was at liberty to go wheresoever he pleased. 10'* Before I conclude this subject, it is proper to Trade in add that the sale and purchase of slaves publicly ®^^^^^- prevailed during the whole of the Anglo-Saxon period. These unhappy men were sold like cattle in the market: and there is reason to be- lieve that a slave was usually estimated at four times the price of an ox.^^'' To the importation '"'^ Wilk. Con. 1? 1. Mores, p. G3. Lye, app. v. Kicks, praf. xxii. See a,I^o Hist. Ram. 407. ""' Leg. ii. 2'20. 270. '"' Tiie toll in the market of Lewes was one penny for the sale of an ox, fonr pciniies for that of a slave. Domesdav. 308 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. of foreig^n slaves no im})cdiment had ever been opposed : the export of native slaves was for- bidden under severe penalties. ^^^ But habit and the pursuit of ^'•ain had taught the Northum- brians to bid defianee to all the efforts of the legislature. Like the savages of Africa, they are said to have carried off, not only their own countrymen, but even their friends and relatives ; and to have sold them as slaves in the ports of the continent. '^-^ ^JThe men of Bristol were the last to abandon this nefarious traffic. Their agents travelled into every part of the country : they were instructed to give the highest price for females in a state of pregnancy : and the slave ships regularly sailed from that port to Ireland, where they were secure of a ready and profitable market. Their obstinacy yielded, however, not to the severity of the magistrates, but to the zeal of Wulstan, bishop of Worces- ter. That prelate visited Bristol several years successively ; resided for months together in the neighbourhood ; and preached on every Sunday against the barbarity and irreligion of the dealers in slaves. At last the merchants were convinced by his reasons, and in their gild solemnly bound themselves to renounce the trade. One of the members was soon after tempted to violate his engagement. His perfidy was punished with the loss of his eyes.^'^ ""Leg. 17 93. lOr. 134. 'oy Malm>. 8. "o .Ang. Sac. ii. JAR. APPENDIX I. 509 We have still to consider a class of men, cHAP. partly free, and partly slaves, the inhabitants of ^^ the cities, burghs, and ports, which were the pro- Burghers perty sometimes of one, sometimes of several opulent individuals. The burghers were in ge- neral tradesmen and mechanics, divided into two classes : the one of men who held their houses by a fixed rent, and were at liberty to quit them when they pleased : the other of vil- leins, or the descendants of villeins, who had been permitted to migrate from the country for the benefit of trade, and lived in houses, which were considered as portions of the manors to which the original settlers had belonged. These burghers were still annexed to the soil, and transferable with it : and were still compelled to do service in like manner with their brethren in the country. But all possessed superior ad- vantages. They were better protected from the attack of an enemy : they enjoyed the benefit of a market for the sale of their wares. They formed gilds or corporations, which guaranteed the good conduct of their members, and were under the government of the reeve of the chief lord. But the privileges and burthens, the cus- toms and services of the inhabitants of different burghs, and frequently of those in the same burgh, were so various, complex, and contra- dictory, that it is impossible to arrange them under distinct heads, or to describe them with accuracv. Thev orii»inatcd in the wants, the 'iiO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, caprice, the favour of the several proprietors ; and those who desire a more ample gratification of their curiosity on this subject must have re- course to the authentic pages of Domesday.' VII 111 "'I will add a few instances. Several burghs possessed a com- mon pasture for tlie use of the inhabitants ; others lands and houses which paid rent to the gild. — In Lincoln were 12 citizens, called lawmen, who possessed the jurisdiction of Sac and Soc in particular districts. — Oxford originally belonged to the king, and the earl A\- gar. The burgesses farmed the customs, fines, tolls, &c. of them both, by the payment of a yearly rent of 20/. and six casks of honey to the king, and of 10/. to the earl, besides the profits arising from his mill. They sent 20 men to the army, or paid 20/. Those of Dover were free from all suit, service, and fines to king's court, and from toll throughout the realm : and in return furnished him once every year with 20 ships, each manned with 21 mariners, to serve during a fortnight. Vide Domesday passim, or Gale, iii. 759—778. NOTE [A], Pages 314, 315, and 316. Thf. object of the present note is to investigate the nature of some transactions in the reign of Edwy, which have heen diffe- rently represented by different writers in later times. For this purpose I shall have recourse to the most ancient authorities, and shall transcribe such as are not of easy access, 1. Was Edwy married at the time of his coronation? This question has been decided in the negative by the anonymous biographer of archbishop Dunstan, who was contemporary with that prelate, and wrote about fifteen yeajs after his death. The work is extant in manuscript in the British Museum, Cleop. B. 13, and has been published by the Bollandists, torn. 4. Maii, p. 344. This writer says : Huic qutedam, licet natione prtecelsa, inepta tamen mulier, cum adulta filia per nefandum familiar- itatis lenocinium sectando inhjerebat : eotenus videlicet quo sese, vel etiam natam suam, sub conjugali titulo illi innectendo sociaret. Quas ille, ut aiunt, alternatim, quod jam pudet di- cere turpi palpatu, et absque pudore utriusque libidinose trac- tavit. MS. Cleop. 76. Act, SS. p. 353, The same is asserted by Eadmer, who wrote about the year 1100. Wharton has pub- lished one third of Eadmer's life of St. Dunstan, in the second tome of his Anglia Sacra : the whole was published by Surius under the name of Osbert, Coloniae Agrippinae, 1618. The words of Eadmer are these. Erat mulier quaedam ex magna et alta progenie nata, filiam adultam habens .... Hse praefatae regi Edvino assidua^ adherebant, suis blanditiis et nutibus ille- cebrosis pro viribus o})eram dantes, quatenus unmn illarum sihi 612 NOTES. in conjugiuni copidaiet. Ad quas ille impudico illiciti amorid desiderio fervens indecenti amplexu nunc banc nunc illam, neu- trius adspectum in hoc erubescens, distringebat. Eadmer, apud Sur. p. 236. 2. The transaction, which occurred on the day of the King'a coronation, may be seen in Osbern, Ang. Sac. ii. 104. It is thus described by the contemporary biographer. Cum tempore statute ab universis Anglorum principibus communi electione ungeretur et consecraretur in regem, die eodem post regale sacrae institutionis unguentum repente prosiluit lascivus, linquens laeta convivia et decibiles optimatum suorem consessiones ad prae- dictum scehis lenocinii (ad praedictum luparum palpamentum Act. SS. p. 353). After some debate, Dunstan and Kinsey were chosen, qui omnium jussis obtemperantes regem volentem vel nolentem reducerent ad relictam sedem. Ingressi juxta princi- pum suorum praecepta invenerunt regiam coronam, quae miro metallo auri et argenti, gemmarumque vario nitore conserta splendebat, procul a capite ad terram usque negligenter avul- sani, ipsumque more maligno inter utrasque velut in vili suil- lorum volutabro creberrime volutantem. They requested him to return. At Dunstanus, primum increpitans mulierum ineptias manu sua, dum nollet exsurgere, extraxit eum de moechali ga- nearum accubitu, impositoque diademate duxit eum secum, licet vi a mulieribus raptum, ad regale consortium. Tunc eadem ^thelgiva, sic erat nomen ignominiosae mulieris, inanes orbes oculorum contra veneraudum abbatem fei-venti furore retorsit, inquiens hujuamodi homincm ultra modum esse magnanimum, qui regis in secretum temerarius intraret. MS. Cleop. 76. On comparing this account with those of Wallingford (p. 54'2), and Westminster (p. 195), it will be seen that they have done nothing more than abridge it, generally preserving the very same words. The account by Eadmer is similar to the preceding. Die quo ipse Edvinus in regem est consecratus, a loco convivii in quo cum archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, totiusque rcgni princi- XOTES. -513 pibus sedebat, jam praiisus exilit, et relictis omnibus m came- ram, iibi prjefatce feminfe erant, solus secedit, capitique corona sublata, se inter illas in medium jecit. Quod optimates agno- scentes, oppido indignati sunt. They then chose Dunstan and Kinsey, qui ex pr£ecepto sunimi pontificis et aliorum omnium ad regem ingressi, ilium, ut dixi, in medio illarum duarum de- cubantem repererunt. Tunc Dunstanus prime in ignominiosas mulieres asperae increpationis verba vultu et voce contorquens, lascivias earum, sicut verum castitatis amatorem decuit, detes- tatus est. Deinde regem ut se tanti opprobrii exortem faceret monens, ad proceres eum redire, eosque sua prsesentia exhilarare summissa voce precatus est. Qui animi sui furore simul et vultus sui rubore perfusus, dum se rediturum omnino negaret, Dunstanus manum illius arripuit, et a loco violentcr abstractum, imposito capiti ejus diademate, ad convivantes introduxit. Qiiod mulieris ignominia nullatenus fequanimiter ferens, sae.vis verbo- rum increpationibus in virum surrexit, et se eum confusioni per- petupe traditurum garrula contestatione devovit. Eadmer, ibid. ' — Mr. Turner is uuwilling to believe the indeceJit ))art of this history, because the MS. Cleop. introduces it Avith a suspicious " ut aiunt" (Hist. iii. 1.55. not, 7). But to me it is evident that the words " ut aiunt" refer to the conduct of Ethelgiva and her daughter on previous occasions, not on the day of the king's coronation. 3, On what account, and at whose solicitation, v>as Dunstan driven into banishment? A writer in the Edinburgh Review for October, 1815, pretends, that according to many respectable authors he was accused and convicted, probably unjustly, of hav- ing embezzled the royal treasures. In proof of this statement he quotes Florence, Simeon, Hoveden, and Wallingford. But the three former do not contain the remotest allusion to any such charge or conviction. The passage which he has transcribed from them, " exilio pro justitia ascriptus, mare transiit" is meant to praise his conduct, not to censure it. They copied it from the eulogium of the archbishop, composed by Adalnrd nbout twenty years after vol,, 1. 2 L 514 NOTES. the decease of the prelate, and appointed to be read every year in the church of Canterbury on the anniversary of his death. It describes him as suftering persecution, not for peculation, but " for righteousness sake : pro justitia." Adalard, Blandin. M.S. Nero. c. 7. Lect. 7. Neither does Wallingford any where say that the abbot of Glastonbury was accused or convicted of peculation. He only tells us that the king all along had entertained susi)icions of Dunstan, because he had been intrusted with the custody of the royal treasures. Suspectus enim erat Eadwino Dunstanus onini tempore., eo quod tempore Eadredi thesauros patruni suoruni custodisset. Walling. 542. But what was the real nature of these suspicions, he has not informed us. Edwy regarded all the friends of his uncle invido oculo (ibid.) : and it is not improbable that he blamed Dunstan for the loss of those sums which Edred had given to the poor and the church. But the obscure language of Wallingford cannot outweigh the positive testimony of all the more ancient historians. Those historians unanimously attribute the exile of Dunstan to the resentment of Ethelgiva for his conduct on the day of the coronation : the modern writer mentioned above attributes it to the persuasions, not of Edwy's mistress, but of a lady whom he marries to the king, and calls Elgiva. The following extracts will decide the question. The contemporary biographer, after mentioning the answer of Ethelgiva on the day of the coronation, proceeds thus : Hcec impudens virago ex hac die praedicta virum Dei Dunstanum consiliis inimicabilibus persequi non quievit, quousque pestiferam execrationis suae voluntatem cum adauCta regis inimicitia adimpleret. Tunc ilia ex praedicti regis consensu omnem illius ordinis honorem supellectilisque suse substantiam suis legibiis subjugavit. Quin etiam urgente regis imperio ipsum ad incolatum calamitatis celeriter ire praescripsit. — Quicumque amico- rum post haec eum, injusto arbitrio criminantis femince ejectmn, charitatis et compatientise hospitio susceperunt, fieme ntem regis causairam graviter incurrerunt, et propterea insaaos iluctusturbidi NOTES. 515 spquoris periculoso navioio transire, et incerta Galliarum exilia adire coactus est. Et dum velis in altiim extensis quasi tria mil- liaria maris ingressus fuisset, venerunt nuntii ab iniqua muliere, qui, ut ferunt, oculos illius, si in his maris littoribus inveniretur, eniendo denipsissent. MS, Cleop. 77. Eadmer in like manner describes the resentment of Ethelgiva. Et hoc quidem detestabile votum (her threat on the day of coronation) non tepescente malitia ejus, facto exercere solicita postmodum fuit. Eft'ecit namque apud regem, ut cuncta quae in monasterio Dunstani habebantur, diripi, ac devastari, et ipsum a regno eliminatum in exilium pelli ju- beret. . . . Igitur adhuc mulieris ira, in immanem vesaniam acta, missis nuntiis ubi Dunstanus esset, perquiri fecit, et si com- prehendi valeret, sine ullo respectu misericordise oculos ei erui prsecepit. Eadmer, p. 237. Thus also Osbern attributes his exile to the same nefanda meretris, and furens mulier. Ang. Sac. ii. 103, 104. In opposition to these ancient testimonies the reviewer ap- peals to two more recent historians, Westminster and Walling- ford. 1. But Westminster actually abridges the contemporary biographer of Dunstan. After relating the occurrence on the day of the coronation, he says : Tunc meretrix ilia Algiva nun- cupata (Algiva or Ethelgiva are the same name in the Saxon language) contra virum Dei ferv^enti furore consurgens dixit ilium nimis fuisse temerarium, dum regis secreta non vocatus intravit — Algiva supradicta, mulierum nequissima, ex Eadwii regis consensu .... tandem ipsum a regno proscripsit. West, p. 196. 2. Wallingford also agrees with the writers before him. Invenerunt ipsum medium inter duos, Ethelgivam nomine et filiam — Algiva ut erat procacis linguae Dunstano ex parte regis malevolenter illnsit. — Non distulit impudens ilia muliei', sed omne irse suae venenum in santum abbatem evomuit — ipsa nmlier impudens licentiam a rege acceperat omnes facultates sancti pro- scribendi . . . eousque rem deduxit, ut ipsum sanctum pro- scriptioni appelleret. Quid enim inter tot hostes faceret ? Regis iram sensit erumponteiu ab ocultus, et regince manum exterius 516 NOTES. et apoite liatext that he meant the king's mistress. She was the same inipudens ilia mulier inter quam et filiani ejus invenerunt regem medium, &c. Wal- lingford, p. 542. — In conclusion it appears to me hardly possihle that any person can read the preceding extracts, and still enter- tain a doubt as to the person who was the cause of Dunstan's exile. 4. From the preceding authorities it is evident that Edwy was not married at the time of his coronation, and from their si- lence, and the unbounded influence of Ethelgiva after that event, we may fairly infer that he remained unmarried, till the banish- ment of Dunstan. There is in the British museum a manuscript life of St. Oswald, archbishop of York (Nero, E. 1.), written at the same time, probably by the same author, as the anony- mous life of St. Dunstan. From this, however, we learn that Edwy had married, before the revolt of the Mercians, that he at the same time kept a mistress in one of his villas, and that he had obtained possession of her by force. " Rex inique, ut in- " solens juventus solet vitam ducens, sub uxore propria alteram " adamavit, quam et rapuit, sacra decreta christianae legis neg- " ligens, oblitus mente tribulationes Davidici regis, quas pertulit " patrato scelere." He then mentions her banishment by arch- bishop Odo. " Antistes autem Fineatico zelo (like that of Phi- neas, Numb. xxv. 7.) stimulatus, et ira Dei irritatus, repente " cum sociis equum ascendit, et ad villani, (|ua mulier mansi- " tabat, pervenit, eamque rapuit, et de regno perduxit, regem- " que dulcibus ammonuit verbis, pariterque factis, ut ab impiis " actibus custodiret se, ne periret de via justa." MS. Nero, E. fol. 1. 1). But who was this woman? Eadmer in. his life of archljishoj) Odo (published by mistake under the name of Os- bern), informs us, that she was the very Ethelgiva, with whose character the reader is already acquainted. " Unam de prae- " scriptis mulieribus, quam et amplior potentia, et obscaenior " impudentia dehonestabat, et notiorem homiiiibus fecerat.' NOTES. 517 Ang. Sac. ii. 84. Tho praescriptae mulieres -were Etholgiva aiid her daughter ; and it will be readily admitted that the character which he here gives, must belong to the mother. 5. The reader has seen that on her return Ethelgiva was put to death at Glocester. To whom should her death be attri- buted? Malmsbury (p. 114), and Gervase (1645), say in gene- ral terms that she was banished and hamstrung by the arch- bishop. Eadmer, in his life of Odo, says : " Ab hominibus servi " Dei comprehensa, et, ne meretricio more ulterius vaga discur- " reret, subnervata, post dies aliquot mala morte presenti vita^ " sublata est." p. 84. Yet in his life of archbishop Dunstan, he attributes her death to the Mercian insurgents. Misertus Deus gentis Anglorum, excitavit quosque potentes a terrninis; magni fluminis Humbrfe usque ad terminos fluminis Thamisias- contra impietatem regis Edwini, et eum, quia talem se fecerat,. qualem, uti diximus, regem neutiquam esse decebat, unanimiter persequi, et aut vita aut regno privare moliti sunt. Et ipsum quidem ultra Thamisiam fugaverunt : nefandam vero meretri- cem ejus juxta civitatem Glavorniensem mala morte, quod bre- viter et summatim dictum accipiatur, perdiderunt. Ead. apud Sur. p. 237, 238. Osbern gives the same account. Ab Humbrti) fluvio usque ad fluvium Tamisim — omnes quasi in unum homi- nem translati — regem cum adultera fugitantem persequi non de- sis,tunt. Et ipsam quidem juxta Cladium civitatem repertam subnervavere, delude qua digna fuerat morte, multavere. p. 106. Which of these different narratives may be the true one, it is perhaps impossible to decide. The latter wears the appearance of greater probability. 6. About ninety years after Eadmer, Senatus, prior of Wor- cester, Avrote a life of St. Oswald. He copies Eadmer very closely, but by accidentally altering the position of a sentence,, gives us to understand that when Dunstan incurred the hatreds of Edvvy and his mistress, the king was already married to ano- ther woman. The \\urk of Senatus, which Wharton supposedl t') be lost, is in tlic library of the dean and chapter of Durhami- 518 NOTES. I sliall transcribe the passage. " Edivinus Rex .... vaga tVac- " lus libidine, exarsit in quandam, quam spreta fide tori subin- " troductam habebat. Instabat antistes Odo regem revocare ab " errore viae sueb. Opportune, importune eos corripuit sed mi- " nime correxit. Super eodem etiam dum corriperetur a beato " Dunstano .... sanctum virum e patria exulem fieri jussit. " Quo audito venerabilis Odo turbatus spiritu, factusque tam ne- " fariae rei publicus hostis scandalum quod in gladio spiritus de " regno Dei tollere non prevaluit, applicata manu militum at- " temptavit, infandamque mulierem a regali curia abstraxit, ab- " stractamque in Hiberniam relegavit." I may here observe the alteration in the language of the writers after the conquest. In the Saxon writer (Nero, E. 1.) the archbishop took with him his gesiths (cum sociis), in Eadmer and Senatus he takes a body of knights (manu militum) : in the former Edwy kept his mistress in one of the royal farms (in villa regis), in the latter he keeps her in the king's court (in curia regis). 7. Malmsbury comes next, and in some respect differs from all former writers. According to him Edwy's mistress is a near relation : the king is passionately in love with her, and takes her by force to make her his wife : Odo separates them at the insti- gation of Dunstan, and Edwy banishes Dunstan in consequence (Malm. 70. 114). This account is copied with the peculiarities of the language by the monk of Ramsey (Hist. Ram. 390). The latter part of it is evidently false, as the abl)ot of Glastonbury was banished before the separation. 8. On the whole I think it plain that Edwy was not married at the time of his coronation : that he banished Dunstan at the instigation of his mistress Ethelgiva : that after his marriage he took her by force from her friends, and kept her in one of the royal farms, and that she was afterwards carried from thence by force, and sent into Ireland by archbishop Odo. — Perhaps I should apologize for the length of this note. The subject has exercised the ingenuity of several modern writers, and I thought that the reader would be best enabled to inform liis own judg- NOTES. .519 ment, I}y perusing the original passages, which wore previously locked up in manuscripts, or in books which cannot readily be procured. NOTE [B], Page 475. In addition to what I have said respecting the Anglo-Saxon tresiihs, I may be allowed to notice a passage in the laws of Athelstan, which appears to throw some light on the subject. We are there told (p. 71), that the luere of an ordinary thane was 2000 thrymsae — that if a ceorl improved so much in his cir- cumstances as to possess five hides of land, and accompany the king to war, his were also became 2000 thrymsse — but that if he had not the land, how well soever he might be armed, he was still to be considered no better than the ceorl. Should, how- ever, his son or his grandson improve so as to possess the neces- sary quantity of land, he would become of the gesith rank, and his were Avould be 2000 thrymsag. Hence it seems to me that the gesith Vvas the same as the thane, and that he was a person having at least five hides of land, and bound to follow the king to wai'. P'rom the last circumstance he probably was called ge- siih, or companion. END OF VOL. T. B. Jicnslri/, UM Couri, Fleet Street. ~bA THE LIBRARY VMYKJRSITY OF CAUFCXRNIA Sij.i.i.ta Barl>j«sj, THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. Series,?**?! 000 327 540 ; N