UBRART 
 
 UlWERStTY Of CALIFORNIA 
 MVERStOE
 
 PRACTICAL PACIFISM 
 AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 "IS IT PEACE, JEHU?"
 
 PERPETUAL PEACE 
 
 By IMMANUEL KANT 
 
 CHEAP EDITION 
 
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 '"Perpetual Peace' may some day 
 
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 GEORGE ALLEN & UNW1N LTD.
 
 PRACTICAL PACIFISM 
 AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 "IS IT PEACE, JEHU?" 
 
 BY 
 
 SEVERIN NORDENTOFT, 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 
 
 G. K. CHESTERTON 
 
 LONDON : GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD. 
 RUSKIN HOUSE 40 MUSEUM STREET, W.C.
 
 3X-19S3 
 
 Firtt publithed in 1917 
 
 (All right i r nerved)
 
 PREFACE 
 
 IN the year 1913 I published in Copenhagen 
 in Danish a book called c< The Pacifist Cause," 
 a comprehensive, critical representation of its 
 tasks, material, aims, means and methods, its 
 mistakes, its results, possibilities and prospects, 
 its dogmas and its ultimate issues, but not in- 
 cluding its history, organization, and personnel. 
 
 To this book I added a Supplement which 
 was intended to illustrate the chief and most 
 deeply rooted causes of war, and to state 
 the aims and to explain the conditions which 
 appear to me to be necessary to the victory 
 of the pacifist cause and to a permanent peace 
 in Europe. This Supplement was a fiery, 
 pamphlet, written by a member of one of the 
 oppressed peoples. It contained a description 
 of the reign of terror under which he was 
 groaning, and was provided with footnotes by 
 an intelligent and large-hearted subject of the 
 ruling nation. 
 
 Since then the world war has come. But it 
 has changed none of the views I then expressed.
 
 Ti PREFACE 
 
 On the contrary, one of the Allies has inscribed 
 upon its banner, and postulated as conditions 
 of peace, word for word, the same demands 
 which I have put forward in my book. As 
 these demands at the present time cannot be 
 too often and too energetically proclaimed from 
 the housetops, as it presumably will be welcome 
 to those who advocate these demands to see 
 their necessity emphasized in a way which must 
 appeal to every honest man's heart and head, 
 and as I should like to address a larger audience 
 than my little native land can offer, I have 
 resolved to present to English readers, not only 
 the Supplement mentioned but also the Preface 
 of my book, some pages of its programme, and 
 a couple of short sections containing a few 
 proposals for pacifist progress. 
 
 Self-appointed prophets are probably plenti- 
 ful In Britain, pacifist literature perhaps also, 
 but an appeal like the one contained in this 
 Supplement has perhaps not been read 
 before in Britain. British people will here 
 find a fine illustration of what it is they are 
 fighting against just now. 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 AARHUS, DENMARK, 1915.
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 DR. NORDENTOFT has asked me to contribute 
 a line or two of introduction to his very 
 interesting book, and I am very glad to do 
 anything I can to assist the consideration of 
 so able and important a statement, even where 
 it is the statement of a view not identical with 
 mine. I doubt if there is any precise sense 
 in which I can be called a Pacifist, except 
 the sense in which every, man is a Pacifist who 
 is not a homicidal maniac. But in a world in 
 which homicidal maniacs can apparently wield 
 the power of empires and chancelleries, the 
 exception is not insignificant. It is further 
 open to my critics to say, with not a little 
 plausibility, that if I were a Pacifist I should 
 not be a Practical Pacifist. Nevertheless, a 
 Practical Pacifist is a man well worth attending 
 to ; and Dr. Nordentoft really is a Practical 
 Pacifist in the two or three most necessary and 
 most neglected practical respects. I think his 
 book very significant because it is not, like so 
 many books of his school, merely a challenge 
 to Militarists about why they have made war ; 
 
 1 i
 
 2 INTRODUCTION 
 
 it is a challenge to Pacifists about the only 
 human and tolerable conditions upon which 
 they could even conceivably make peace. 
 
 The first practical point is that any serious 
 Pacifist must be anti-Prussian. In this the 
 author has a special claim to consideration 
 merely as being a distinguished citizen of 
 Denmark. The dismembered kingdom of 
 Denmark remains as a more solid historical 
 monument to the methods of the Prussians even 
 than the ruins of Louvain or the damaged tower 
 of Rheims. In this Danish tale is told, 
 as simply as in the Danish tales of Hans 
 Anderson, the true story of Prussia and the 
 small nations. For there could not possibly 
 be in the case of Denmark even those hasty and 
 hypocritical palliations which were employed 
 in the case of Belgium. No one could pretend 
 that Denmark was invaded because it was the 
 quickest road to France. No diplomatic in- 
 genuity could connect the occupation of 
 Schleswig with the mobilization of Russia. 
 Nobody could represent that Holstein was a 
 rampart separately seized in order to resist 
 the onrush of a huge European alliance. The 
 Danish provinces were seized in peaceful 
 times indeed, in far too peaceful times ; for 
 the sort of peace which the Great Powers pre- 
 served in the presence of such an outrage is 
 the sort about which I for one cease to be a
 
 INTRODUCTION 3 
 
 Pacifist. They were seized upon an excuse 
 which we may save ourselves the trouble of 
 studying ; for it was not adhered to, even by 
 those who offered it. Even upon the German 
 theory, the Prussian stole from Germans if he 
 did not steal from Danes. If the Danish 
 provinces belonged to anybody except the King 
 of Denmark, it must have been the Prince of 
 Augustenburg ; and Bismarck ended by dis- 
 regarding the Prince of Augustenburg as much 
 as the King of Denmark. In its treason to 
 friends and foes alike, but primarily in its 
 naked and godless appeal to mere power, the 
 thing was simply a working model of the 
 history of Prussia. It is only one example, but 
 a particularly clear example, of something 
 which the Prussians not only perpetually did, 
 but perpetually boasted that they did, until a 
 rather singular thing happened unexpectedly 
 in the plains of Northern Gaul, which we call 
 the Battle of the Marne. 
 
 The next cogent point to which Dr. 
 Nordentoft draws the attention of his own 
 school is that if there is to be such a thing as 
 practical Pacifism, it must dismiss nearly all 
 the negative notions which go to make up the 
 great part of theoretic Pacifism. It must not 
 and cannot mean mere non-resistance. The 
 final objection to what is called " peace at any 
 price " is simply that we should pay the price
 
 4 INTRODUCTION 
 
 and not get the peace. What we should get 
 would not be peace but one-sided war. It 
 might lead logically to nothing except the 
 perpetual shooting of unarmed people instead 
 of armed people. No person of historical 
 imagination can doubt that this is pretty much 
 what would really happen under the uncon- 
 trolled power of the Prussian, as it has already 
 happened in certain times and places under 
 the uncontrolled power of the Turk. Dr. 
 Nordentoft points out that the only peace for 
 which free men can pray anywhere is a peace 
 of law, and that law guaranteeing the rights 
 of the smallest States as well as the greatest. 
 Whether arrangements such as he would 
 approve would establish this international ideal 
 may be debated ; but anything short of this 
 cannot possibly be called an international ideal 
 at all. Mere disarmament in face of armed 
 bandits of the Bismarck type would not be an 
 ideal at ail, but an unprecedentedly un- 
 pleasant reality. And it would not even be 
 international ; for the very word " inter- 
 nationalism " implies the recognition of nations. 
 The important Supplement, in which subjects 
 of Prussia in conquered territories describe the 
 facts of that occupation, ought also to commend 
 Dr. Nordentoft's book to any one who wishes 
 to appreciate both the tragedy and the tenacity 
 of the small peoples. The candour of Dr.
 
 INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 Nordentoft will itself be convincing, since he 
 has embodied in the book criticisms, or at least 
 somewhat plaintive protests, by a German to 
 whom the Supplement has been submitted ; 
 and I can appeal to the same candour in 
 recording my own conviction here. Whether 
 or no a civilized humanity can get rid of war, 
 I entertain not the slightest doubt that it can 
 get rid of Prussian war, and not the slightest 
 hesitation in applauding its present efforts, 
 however bitter and bloody, to do so. In the 
 better times after that just consummation the 
 small States will not only be, as Dr. Nordentoft 
 desires, a part of international civilization : they 
 will be more and more the very test of that 
 civilization. A nation is judged by its peasant ; 
 and Europe will be judged by its peasantries, 
 but especially by its small peasantries. There 
 will be no better test of whether Christendom 
 can become Christian than the degree of dignity 
 and independence that our international scheme 
 can add to the thrift and the manhood and 
 the merited prosperity of the Danes. 
 
 G. K. CHESTERTON.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PREFACE . . . . . .V 
 
 INTRODUCTION BY O. K. CHESTERTON . . 1 
 INTRODUCTION BY THE AUTHOR . . .9 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. ECONOMIC WARS . . . . .27 
 
 II. NATIONAL WARS . . . . .41 
 
 III. TO ILLUSTRATE THE IMPORTANCE OF THE RIGHTS 
 
 OF PEACE A SUPPLEMENT . . .56 
 
 IV. THE RIGHTS OF PEACE . . . .158 
 
 V. REVIEW I ON THE POSSIBILITIES OF THE VICTORY 
 OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT AND OF THE EFFECTS 
 THEREOF . . . . . .108 
 
 VI. EPILOGUE : PACIFIST PROPOSALS I AND II . .191 
 
 CONCLUSION : THE PROGRAMME OF THE PACIFIST 
 
 CAUSE . 208
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 WHEN I, who am neither a diplomatist, a states- 
 man, a representative of the people, a military 
 expert, nor even a pacifist in the sense of being 
 an active propagandist, consider the pacifist 
 cause, then I feel (as probably do all specialists) 
 an inclination to draw analogies and compari- 
 sons from my own special subject. 
 
 Medical science, my special subject, has for 
 thousands of years tried to counteract and 
 conquer one of the great plagues of mankind- 
 Disease, just as the pacifist movement strives 
 to counteract and conquer another of the great 
 plagues of mankind War. Perfect victory has 
 not yet been gained in my subject. We have 
 not succeeded quite in conquering and in doing 
 away with disease. Sceptics may even main- 
 tain, perhaps, that no progress worth mention- 
 ing has been made, that man is hardly now any 
 more than formerly master over diseases, the 
 number and variety of which have not 
 diminished to any visible extent, and that
 
 10 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 Disease besides is a factor in nature which is 
 necessary and to a certain degree useful. 
 
 Victory has still less fallen to the lot of the 
 pacifist movement, and certain (not numerous) 
 sceptics will even maintain that nothing has 
 been done, and that nothing will be done worth 
 mentioning, that the efforts of the pacifist move- 
 ment are perfectly hopeless and useless, and 
 that War, like Disease, is a factor in nature, 
 which is necessary and to a certain degree 
 useful. 
 
 As regards medical science such criticism 
 is easily refuted. There is no doubt that disease 
 in civilized countries has become noticeably 
 limited in comparison with its prevalence in 
 former days and in other parts of the earth 
 lying beyond the reach of medical science. 
 Medical science has thus prevailed in part, and 
 in certain parts of the world, and this is a 
 point to which we shall return later not over 
 " disease " in general, but over certain special 
 diseases, while it yet has no great influence over 
 others. 
 
 A corresponding victory in part for the 
 pacifist movement is perhaps less evident, and 
 the cause will be found, according to the opinion 
 of many pacifists, in the mere childhood of the 
 movement at present. " Let it first reach the 
 age of medical science, and we can expect 
 similar results."
 
 INTRODUCTION 11 
 
 This would be a long time to wait, as the 
 history of medicine as an empirical science goes 
 back over more than two thousand years. In 
 this connection, however, we might suitably 
 point out that it is in the course of the last 
 fifty years that medical science has won victories 
 more brilliant and more numerous than all 
 those secured in all the former centuries put 
 together. It is since 1860 that medical science, 
 at any rate in civilized countries, has taken the 
 sting out of almost all epidemic diseases and 
 has sharpened the surgical knife into a keen 
 and effective weapon. 
 
 But I believe too that it will be readily agreed 
 that the pacifist movement is both far older 
 than is usually supposed, and that it also has 
 some partial victories to show. In fact, the 
 pacifist movement, like medical science, has had 
 a long history, although it is only now in our 
 days that it has made its great stride forward, 
 and, as medical science even in its dark ages 
 had some isolated victories here and there to 
 point to (the treatment with mercury of 
 syphilis, vaccination, etc.), in the same way the 
 pacifist movement has had victories of its own. 
 It has not conquered all over the earth nor over 
 " war " in general ; but it has conquered over 
 certain special kinds of war in certain parts of 
 the civilized world for instance, over religious 
 wars, over the small feudal wars of the Middle
 
 12 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 Ages, over the wars which the Vikings waged 
 for war's sake or for the sake of private gain 
 and piracy, partly perhaps even here in Europe 
 over the " wars of conquest " ; in other words 
 certain relations have been deprived of their 
 quality of being causes for war. 
 
 If, for example, we ask, " What has brought 
 about the cessation in the civilized world of 
 religious wars?" what else can we answer but 
 "The pacifist movement"? Perhaps an un- 
 conscious pacifist movement, but still a pacifist 
 movement, a recognition which has slowly 
 convinced the minds of all that it is wrong 
 to do violence to any one for the sake of 
 his religion, and that every one must have a 
 natural right, an immediate human right, to 
 worship his God in peace in the way and under 
 the forms which he prefers. 
 
 It can scarcely be denied, however, that 
 medical science has better prospects than the 
 pacifist movement has of winning greater and 
 more numerous victories in the near future. 
 If the prospects of the pacifist cause are less 
 favourable, the reason, among others, might 
 conceivably be its defects and mistakes, mis- 
 takes which explain why it has not made more 
 progress, and which unconnected will perhaps 
 hinder it from attaining the full realization of 
 its aims. 
 
 Fixing our eyes on the ways and means by
 
 INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 which medical science has won its victories, 
 we note two things which I wish specially to 
 emphasize. 
 
 In the first place it has not directed its efforts 
 against disease in general, and has not sought 
 victory or it has at any rate ceased to do so 
 in a universal cure, a panacea like the phil- 
 osophers' stone. No, it has directed its attention 
 to single diseases following the good old rule 
 of combating its enemies one by one and its 
 aneans are manifoldj as these are specialized 
 from time to time in the medicine on the 
 apothecary's shelves, in the knife in the 
 surgeon's hand, down to the hygiene of build- 
 ings, water supplies, quarantine, and much else. 
 
 Secondly, medical science has reached its 
 results in regard to a great many diseases, first 
 and foremost through studying their causes, and 
 it has used the knowledge gained not exclusively 
 for healing purposes (knowing that a know- 
 ledge of the cause does not always enable us 
 to effect a cure), but as a step to what is better, 
 prevention by removing the cause, remembering 
 the old maxim : Cessante causa cessat effectus 
 (" With the cause the effect disappears"). 
 
 But it seems to me in reading the pacifist 
 literature and the daily press, and hearing about 
 conferences and resolutions, that it is most 
 frequently " war in general " which is the sub- 
 ject, also that the means recommended approach
 
 U PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the character of a panacea, as they are almost 
 entirely contained in the two words " arbitra- 
 tion" and "disarmament." We hear less about 
 the different special forms of war and about the 
 causes of wars. And yet the different kinds 
 of war must be prevented in different ways, and 
 the preventive means themselves must be 
 different and many. To conquer cholera it has 
 been necessary to study buildings, water supply, 
 scavenging, and food hygiene, communications 
 and traffic, epidemiology, bacteriology, medical 
 history, clinical and therapeutical treatment. 
 In the same way the pacifist movement must, 
 if it is to reach practical results, build on the 
 study of economics and competition, the ques- 
 tion of taxation and customs, the law of patents, 
 commercial science, politics, expansion and 
 colonization, immigration and emigration, 
 naturalization and many other questions of 
 international law in all their forms, the contro- 
 versy regarding the use of languages, in the 
 law-courts, the school, and the Church. It must 
 take account of education in general, freedom 
 of association and of the Press, rights of 
 property, laws of exemption, religious questions, 
 etc. It appears to me that the pacifist cause has 
 hitherto somewnat neglected these tasks and 
 has confined itself to the far smaller task of 
 fixing rules, limits, and definitions of violations 
 of right, for " war in general." It has en-
 
 INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 deavoured through international regulations to 
 determine a number of things which must not 
 be done in war ; but although this is most 
 desirable, still for the furtherance of its aims 
 it is of far more importance to fix and determine 
 what must not be done in times of peace, and 
 to remove in this way the causes of war. It 
 has tried to settle this or that quarrel, prefer- 
 ably all quarrels, through arbitration. How- 
 ever desirable this may be, it should form only 
 a very small part of the work which ought in 
 time of peace to be directed much more towards 
 the removal of the causes of strife, so that as 
 little appeal as possible need be made to this 
 arbitration, which so easily turns out to be 
 too frail a weapon at the decisive moment. 
 
 By directing its efforts more towards the 
 removal of the causes of war a better point of 
 vantage is reached. For even the most glowing 
 pacifist must recognize that there have been 
 wars which have not only been righteous and 
 necessary, but in which he would find himself 
 not only at liberty but under obligation to 
 take his part. 1 
 
 1 An episode at the International Peace Conference in 
 Stockholm in 1910 does not exactly endorse these words. 
 Introducing a discussion on the question of " Justifiable 
 Defence," Gaston Mock moved a resolution of which the 
 following were the main points : (1) that armed defence 
 was justified against assaults without preceding intima- 
 tion, negotiations, or declaration of war ; (2) against a
 
 16 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 To choose an example which cannot hurt 
 any one we shall mention the Garibaldi 
 campaign. If arms had not been resorted to 
 and their decision called for, I wonder if the 
 Austrians would not have remained in Venice 
 till to-day and the Bourbons in Naples? Or 
 take the fight for liberty of the Greeks, the 
 Serbians, the Roumanians, and the Bulgarians. 
 Or would the most enthusiastic pacifist wonder 
 at the Poles making armed resistance against 
 the division of Poland? War belongs to the 
 greatest evils of humanity, but there are still 
 greater ones. It is undoubtedly a greater evil 
 
 State which refuses to submit to arbitration in cases of 
 dissension ; or (3) which after arbitration refuses to 
 respect it and commences hostilities in spite of it. But 
 from a group of English and American delegates a 
 declaration was made to the effect that as all war is 
 contrary to the highest moral and religious principles, 
 therefore wars of defence are also to be condemned. 
 However firmly they adhered to this opinion, they would 
 not try to force on friends and fellow-workers who 
 might not share this view any resolution condemning 
 wars of defence, as they knew well that such a resolution 
 would be against their convictions. They only requested 
 in return that the others should respect their conviction 
 and should desist from carrying any resolution upholding 
 what they considered to be untenable, and, in that way, 
 should sanction what they regarded in principle as tend- 
 ing to the ruin of the whole peace movement. And their 
 representations were successful, as a resolution was carried 
 to the effect that the Conference did not wish to record 
 a decision either for or against this question.
 
 INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 to be an oppressed, misgoverned nation under 
 foreign rule, and under laws of exception, with- 
 out a free national life, without equality in civil 
 life, and subject to the oppressor's law. And 
 this is the case, if only because those conditions 
 are prolonged and perhaps permanent, while 
 war is only a passing phase. If such a nation 
 has the chance, the probability, or perhaps even 
 the certainty of gaining an independent national 
 existence through sanguinary armed insurrec- 
 tion, ought it not to choose war as the least evil? 
 
 Is it morally right to be content to demand 
 peace at any price, so long as it is peace, 
 regardless of how right and justice are faring? 
 In these cases the peace movement appears to 
 me to become illogical by directing its efforts 
 against war in general and without exception. 
 No, the proper point of attack is not war, but 
 the injustice and oppression which lead to war. 
 
 Until the pacifist movement can procure for 
 a conquered nation real equality with their 
 rulers and the possibility for a free, unhampered 
 national existence, with a national clergy, 
 national teachers, judges, and magistrates, 
 national universities, a national language, in 
 churches, schools, and law-courts, etc., not till 
 then can the pacifist justly say : '* You must be 
 patient and you can be patient. The border- 
 line which separates you from your fellow- 
 countrymen is practically done away with, and 
 
 2
 
 18 
 
 you can live your national life together as if 
 you were practically united in one State." 
 , There is a certain ingenuousness in this 
 attempt to do away with wars, "while leaving 
 their causes unmolested, is there not? Is it not 
 an insoluble task? As surely as the effect can 
 disappear with its cause, so surely does it 
 remain when the cause remains (Persistente 
 causa, persistit effectus). Is it not like the 
 attempt to do away with all prostitution with- 
 out trying to remedy the social and moral 
 cause of it? 
 
 It must be granted that the peace move- 
 ment as a whole cannot fairly be described 
 in the terms now used, and that its literature 
 contains much that is valuable and intelligent 
 in pointing out these things. But the matter 
 is different at once when we look at the daily 
 press, the public meetings, and the local pacifist 
 societies, at any rate in my country. The 
 pacifist movement is in a way divided into 
 two sections, the more academic and literary, 
 the more reasonable and less Utopian section, 
 and the broad lay movement which often and 
 in certain respects is less reasonable and more 
 naive, and which consists chiefly in inar- 
 ticulate demands for disarmament and for 
 compulsory arbitration. 1 
 
 1 As regards pacifist societies and the lay movement it 
 is perhaps not out of place to quote here the wordg of
 
 INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 But as two such movements are each by 
 itself of little effect, while if united they would 
 represent a force of no small power, it is 
 necessary to lead the lay movement up to the 
 level of reasoned discussion and to direct the 
 combined agencies towards a better aim, or 
 rather to mobilize them more directly against 
 the causes of war than against war itself. 
 
 An objection will at once be put forward 
 by many pacifists. But the pacifist cause will 
 then become inextricably confused with home 
 politics and international quarrels, with con- 
 flicts of nationality, commercial interests and 
 customs, etc. It has always been one of its 
 strictest rules to avoid at any cost every appear- 
 ance of this, and it will spell certain ruin to 
 the pacifist cause if it begins to put its hand 
 into such a hornet's nest and to take sides in 
 
 Ernst Beckmann (the Interparliamentary Union, Stock- 
 holm, 1912) : " The Interparliamentary Union can easily 
 explain its origin. It has its root in the so-called pacifist 
 societies. And this is a good parentage. The pacifist 
 societies may have made many mistakes ; they may, in more 
 than one case, have deserved some of the contempt which 
 at times has been lavished upon them. But show me 
 the public movement which has never made any mistake. 
 And who would dare to deny that these peace societies 
 have done good work by keeping the banner of right and 
 justice lifted high in dark times of blood and iron before 
 the consciences of the nations, instead of allowing it to 
 be dragged in the mud by a blind lust of war?"
 
 20 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the innumerable contentious questions which 
 arise between the nations of the earth. 
 
 We shall return to this objection later on. 
 In the meantime let it be enough to say that 
 the pacifist cause both can and must be con- 
 tent with laying down principles and guiding 
 rules and with seeking to instil these into the 
 consciousness of mankind. But for all that 
 it may quite well try to avoid mixing itself 
 up with the quarrels of the moment, and allow 
 each nation calmly to draw for itself practical 
 applications from pacifist doctrines. And let 
 us, then, once more repeat that if the pacifist 
 movement chooses the attitude of demanding 
 war to be abolished sans phrase, but leaving 
 its causes unmolested and unnoticed, it will not 
 only be pronouncing but also be executing its 
 own death-warrant. 
 
 We certainly often find in pacifist literature 
 vaguely voiced generalities which we are told 
 ought to rule between nations in times of peace, 
 so that " no conqueror or autocrat shall be 
 able to violate those principles of right and 
 justice on which rests the safety of States and 
 the well-being of nations" (Ellen Key). 
 Occasionally we even find specific judgments 
 pronounced against " deeds of violence com- 
 mitted in this land and in that land," but in 
 general the writers just forget in these vaguely 
 voiced views to state precisely what those prin-
 
 INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 ciples of right and justice are in detail which 
 should be observed in times of peace, and how 
 their observance would prevent war, and what 
 it is which makes the acts of a ruling nation 
 here or there to be unjustifiable acts of 
 violence. 1 
 
 Do not answer that this is superfluous be- 
 cause these principles are clearly evident to 
 all, because no one could disagree about them. 
 The case is far otherwise. The most deep- 
 rooted disagreement exists, even among well- 
 meaning and honest men who consider 
 themselves unbiased, the most deep - seated 
 disagreement about the most fundamental 
 principles of the relation of nations to each 
 other in time of peace, and disagreement not 
 between a large majority on one side and a 
 vanishing minority on the other, but a disagree- 
 
 1 One of the first signs that the pacifist cause is begin- 
 ning to open its eyes to this task was seen at the Scan- 
 dinavian Peace Congress in Christiania, in July 1912, 
 where the following resolution was carried : 
 
 " The seventh Scandinavian peace meeting in Christi- 
 ania declares that the recognized right of nations to live 
 their own free life according to ideas which for ages have 
 held sway in the consciousness of their peoples is a 
 fundamental principle of international law. It, therefore, 
 requests that all pacifists should aim at securing that this 
 principle be recognized by convention as a fixed national 
 law. The meeting adds in accordance with this, that 
 oppressed nations which consider themselves the object 
 of violence ought to be given Home Rule."
 
 22 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 ment where there are millions on each side, 
 where the majority and the leading men of large 
 nations are on the opposite side to the pacifists. 
 
 Let us choose a single example of the broad 
 " principles of right and justice on which rest 
 the safety of States and the well-being of 
 nations," the question of the right of nations 
 to the use of their mother tongue. Do we 
 not find at once two views sharply opposed 
 to each other? And have they not both been 
 carried out in practice and amply illustrated 
 in real life? 
 
 The one holds that each nation must have 
 an unlimited and distinct right to the use of 
 its native tongue in church, in school, in the 
 law-court, in the Press, and at public meetings, 
 and an equally distinct right to educate its 
 children in their native language by the help 
 of pastors and teachers chosen from their 
 own midst. 
 
 The other view is this, that such a distinct 
 right does not exist, but that it is in any case 
 limited by the interest of the State. 1 And when 
 the interest of the State demands it, it is right, 
 nay, it even becomes a national duty to deny 
 and forbid a nation the use of its mother tongue 
 in the school, the law-court, at public meet- 
 ings, etc., even if this nation numbers millions, 
 and it becomes a duty to educate the children 
 
 1 E.g. Johannes Tiedje, in die Christliche Welt, Ib09.
 
 INTRODUCTION 23 
 
 by force in a foreign language by foreign 
 teachers. 
 
 To give another example. Some consider 
 the right of property inviolable under all 
 circumstances or, at any rate, equally inviol- 
 able for all. Others consider it justifiable, nay, 
 even a national duty, when the interest of the 
 State demands it, by laws of exception, to 
 encroach on this right in the case of a certain 
 class of people separated from the ruling State 
 by religion or nationality (Jews in Russia and 
 Roumania, Poles and Danes in Germany). 
 
 Similar difficulties appear in relation to 
 questions of customs. One country considers 
 that a system of customs walls and export 
 premiums are right and justifiable, while 
 another country considers this a violation of 
 its economic interests, an unfriendly act, and 
 a cause of war. 
 
 In questions of this kind it is seldom of 
 any use to speak of moral rights, because to 
 many people the question is not one of right 
 but of might. In the following pages we shall 
 quote authors who have written on these sub- 
 jects, and who say openly that it is all the 
 same to them on which side right or wrong is 
 to be found. Or, as another author puts it, 
 it is " a detail " where the right is. Such views 
 are a good proof of the hopelessness of wish- 
 ing to abolish war and to introduce disarma-
 
 24 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 ment before the causes of war have been dealt 
 with. The arms of the pacifist cause, peaceful 
 argument and earnest upholding of right and 
 justice, must of a necessity fall to the ground 
 without effect before a standpoint such as this. 
 No, first of all a great and troublesome piece 
 of work must be done to bring home to man- 
 kind the idea that right and justice must be the 
 guiding principles for nations as well as for 
 individuals in the treatment of each other, and 
 that this right and justice must be equal for 
 all. For, however elementary this principle 
 may appear, still it is not generally acknow- 
 ledged, and far less is it the foundation and 
 guiding principle for the politics of States, nor 
 will it become so for a long time yet. 1 
 
 1 Arthur Christensen, " Politics and Mass Morals," 
 Copenhagen, 1911, p. 94 : " State morals are mummified 
 ancient morals believing themselves in Olympic elevation 
 above all development ; they are the factor of inertia in 
 the history of the masses ; public opinion is the energy." 
 Page 97 : "The feeling of nationality rests on the absolute 
 suspicion which animals, barbarians, and nations harbour 
 against each other, and as regards nations the experience 
 of the past thousands of years has fully justified this." 
 Page 199 : " To suppose that a State on some occasion or 
 other had assisted a neighbouring State for nothing, from 
 motives of pure human benevolence, would be to offend 
 the politicians of the said State, while an insinuation that 
 they had smartly cheated their neighbour in spite of 
 indignant official dementis would more likely be regarded 
 as a compliment to their intelligence."
 
 INTRODUCTION 25 
 
 It is only a short time ago that one of the 
 most prominent statesmen of Europe before 
 the tribunal of history took upon himself the 
 responsibility for acts on the part of his 
 Government Which are in most flagrant oppo- 
 sition to this idea. 1 
 
 In dealing with the views of such persons 
 we must be content to point out that right 
 and justice, in virtue of an inviolable law of 
 nature, are the most useful and most advan- 
 tageous means, while transgressions of these 
 principles on the other hand will always bring 
 punishment for the transgressor even more 
 in the relations between nations than in 
 those between individuals. It must thus be 
 the next task of the pacifist cause to ex- 
 plain in detail what right and justice 
 demand in cuiestions of religion, nationality, 
 economics, and politics. For it is just in 
 these matters that millions of people, in 
 perfect good faith and in the full conviction of 
 being right, maintain ideas which from an 
 objective standpoint are both unjust and wrong. 
 
 Before this is achieved it is hopeless to cry 
 out against war. When it is achieved wars 
 will perhaps disappear of themselves. If it 
 is not achieved the work against war is hope- 
 less ; for as we have said before, Persistente 
 
 1 Ftirst von Billow, in the German Reichstag, Novem- 
 ber 26, 1907,
 
 26 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 causa, persistit effectus. Before we can hope 
 to abolish war some agreement must be reached 
 concerning peace, and the right and duties of 
 the nations in time of peace. For war is like 
 lightning, a final and unavoidable manifesta- 
 tion of an accumulation of force which has 
 been steadily growing for some time although 
 it may also at times be a result of the stupidity 
 of statesmen. As it is impossible to prevent 
 lightning from flashing if the electric force is 
 not divided, so it will be impossible to prevent 
 war if one does not begin the work of clearing 
 away its causes. 
 
 We shall now examine the practical causes 
 of war and discuss the means of their pre- 
 vention, and at the same time try to specify 
 the " rights of peace " in short, examine the 
 past activity of the pacifist movement, its results, 
 its means and methods, its prospects and possi- 
 bilities, and from this construct its programme
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 ECONOMIC WARS 
 
 HERE we are dealing with one of the central 
 facts of the case, with that cause of war 
 which, during the present generation, has been 
 more prominent than any other, and which 
 undoubtedly will become more and more so 
 in the future, while the other causes of war 
 will recede more and more into the back- 
 ground. 
 
 The great nations have carried on war and 
 \vill continue to carry on war first and foremost 
 for economic supremacy, for " a place in the 
 sun," for material well-being. (We say the 
 great nations for on the whole the small 
 nations do not any longer start wars. War 
 history is at an end as regards the Scandi- 
 navian countries, Holland, Belgium, Switzer- 
 land, etc. They may perhaps have to fight 
 for their existence against the Great Powers 
 or during a collision of the Great Powers, but 
 none of them will any longer be able to 
 cause or call forth a war. They all without 
 exception understand that for them to start a 
 
 2T
 
 28 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 war would be to risk their whole existence in 
 the most foolish manner. No danger of war 
 will ever threaten from their side.) 
 
 This fight for " a place in the sun " is, how- 
 ever, by no means confined solely to times 
 of war ; it is being waged incessantly with 
 the so-called arms of peace that is, partly 
 by the general competition between nations, 
 especially in industry (e.g. the competition 
 among German, Russian, and English merchants 
 and seekers of concessions in China, Africa, 
 Persia, etc., among German, Russian, and 
 English banks in Constantinople, Mesopotamia, 
 and Persia, among the engineers of the 
 different nations, etc.), partly and chiefly by 
 all the means that can be included under 
 the name of " customs politics." 
 
 In reality every day, year after year, a stub- 
 born and never ceasing war is going on among 
 the nations with regard to economic supremacy. 
 The weapons of this war are import duties, 
 which exclude foreign goods ; export duties, 
 which bind the raw materials to the homeland 
 and make them dearer to the competitors ; 
 export premiums, which are intended to give 
 the home goods an advantage in the foreign 
 market, or even in the market of the competitor 
 himself (e.g. German sugar in England); com- 
 mercial treaties, which buy one advantage by 
 granting a favour in return ; subventions for
 
 ECONOMIC WARS 29 
 
 shipping, railways, and banking concerns, and 
 the State which is most astute and far-seeing, 
 least conscientious and most unscrupulous in 
 this fight will carry home the prize. 
 
 It in no way affects the validity of this 
 principle that the side which wins may use 
 its profits, and more than its profits, for an 
 unproductive purpose, such as for military out- 
 lays which make the whole gain illusory. Such 
 a nation has always the satisfaction of not 
 having to pay for its military expenses by 
 itself, but of making the competitor share them. 
 An English Member of Parliament said recently 
 that England, during the last generation, not 
 only had had to bear the expense of her own 
 Fleet, but that she had had to pay Germany as 
 well, owing to an unfavourable commercial 
 balance caused by a short-sighted customs 
 policy. 
 
 Only when these weapons of peace do not 
 suffice (as when the competitor knows how 
 to use them himself) need the sword be resorted 
 to, if one has confidence enough. Thus Japan 
 broke down by force of arms the Russian 
 customs walls around Manchuria with the claim 
 for " the open door "which door she was to 
 close carefully behind her once she had got 
 inside. Thus, perhaps, will England feel com- 
 pelled to draw the sword to break the fiscal 
 ring which Gorman customs politics have forged
 
 30 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 around her, to maintain the world's supremacy 
 for the Anglo-Saxons, and to prevent the 
 Germans from taking the lead instead. 
 
 Where do we here see prospects of the end 
 of war? Human covetousness will never die 
 out, and shall we ever see politicians among 
 us who will not think that they are acting 
 aright in gaining an advantage for their own 
 country at the cost of another? 1 Failure to 
 do so will certainly ruin their political career, 
 and as certainly will they quickly disappear 
 from the scene. As long as it is said, even in 
 Gladstone's own country, " My country right 
 or wrong ! " so long are peaceful, unresisting 
 endurance of wrong and voluntary martyrdom 
 unlikely to be represented in international 
 politics. 
 
 Is there, then, nowhere a prospect of a breach 
 in this circulus vitiosus, of a break in this screw 
 without an end? Yes, there is a magic word 
 which at one breath makes an end of it all 
 and opens prospects of eternal peace, or, at 
 any rate, of the removal of this powerful and 
 predominating cause of war Free trade. 
 
 The author of these lines confesses himself 
 an enthusiastic adherent of Free trade, and 
 he will try in the following pages to convince 
 
 1 The world has seen such a politician, Gladstone, but 
 this feature of his political outlook was ever the cause of 
 his defeats as it was of his retirement into prirat* life.
 
 ECONOMIC WARS 31 
 
 the reader of the blessings which Free trade 
 would bring that is, universal Free trade, hold- 
 ing sway over the whole planet. Now, I may 
 as well make the remark at once, to the con- 
 sternation of the unintelligent and superficial 
 reader, but to the reassurance of the wise and 
 unbiased, that at present in my own country I 
 am an enthusiastic and convinced Protectionist. 
 
 Economic wars will disappear in that 
 moment when it is generally recognized that 
 the so-called peaceful weapons (import and 
 export duties, export premiums, etc.) are at 
 least as objectionable and preposterous, as hurt- 
 ful and sanguinary, as wrong and destructive 
 as the polished steel of the soldier ; that the loss 
 of life, of comfort, and of happiness which an 
 unsuccessful war inflicts on a nation is in no 
 way greater than that caused by an unfortunate 
 customs policy. 
 
 Only the method is different. War means 
 shedding of blood, sundered limbs and bodies ; 
 tariff defeat means children with rickets, 
 atrophy, anaemic, worn-out women, hungry, 
 overworked men, and, what is worse, men full 
 of hatred and bitterness and discontent. (Their 
 dissatisfaction and anger are increased by their 
 ignorance, being so often directed against the 
 wrong person, not against the foreign country 
 which starves them out, and against the leaders 
 and politicians who have brought about the
 
 32 
 
 tariff defeat, but perhaps just against those very 
 people who see the matter in its proper light.) 
 Here, as elsewhere, it holds true that when the 
 manger is empty the horses bite, and that an 
 economic defeat, as well as a military one, is 
 followed by internal party controversies. 
 
 For this reason no statesman should expose 
 his nation to this kind of defeat any more than 
 to military defeat. He should rather secure a 
 fiscal victory. And his efforts in this direction 
 well, these must consist in this, that he on 
 his side should for his own nation build up, 
 if he can, still higher tariff walls, or at any 
 rate a still more crafty system of customs, 
 duties, bounties, subventions, etc. Thus is 
 created the circulus vitiosus. For in the course 
 of a couple of years, or at the expiration of 
 existing commercial treaties, the competitor 
 begins to alter his rules and his system. Hence 
 those continual changes, those recurring debates 
 on customs, and those eternal international dis- 
 cussions about commercial treaties which are 
 never of long duration. In this way the nations, 
 in their mutual intercourse, offer the spectacle 
 of cattle-dealers or stock exchange speculators, 
 who try continually to get the advantage over 
 each other. 
 
 Therefore England perhaps now finds herself 
 compelled in self-defence to abandon her old, 
 honourable Free trade policy, and to begin
 
 ECONOMIC WARS 33 
 
 competing with the other nations by Protec- 
 tionist laws all to avoid being robbed by 
 foreign nations and being taxed by them that 
 is, if she does not prefer to draw the sword to 
 destroy this invisible yoke. 
 
 To all this Free trade would quickly put an 
 end, supposing that it were carried into practice 
 by all the nations of the earth. Every one 
 who thinks out the matter thoroughly must 
 come to the conclusion that all nations taken 
 together would be happier with universal Free 
 trade than with the present race for Protec- 
 tion. Free trade might perhaps, at the moment, 
 bring loss to some nation or another on some 
 point or another, and destroy some industry 
 or another which does not grow out of its 
 natural soil. But, in the long run, and in the 
 general interest, the blessings of universal Free 
 trade would assert themselves and would silence 
 all opposition because they would prove so self- 
 evident. 
 
 Protection is in the last analysis only a 
 hindrance and a source of trouble in all the 
 affairs of commerce and industry, and it is in 
 itself a source of expense, demanding a larg'e 
 staff of officials, etc. It may enrich one nation 
 at the expense of another, but it can never 
 enrich the world as a whole. Energetic Pro- 
 tection may perhaps enrich the Germans or 
 
 the Americans, but never humanity, as a whole, 
 
 3
 
 34 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 and it can only enrich Germans and Americans 
 at the expense of other nations, and, therefore, 
 also only, for a limited time. This is immedi- 
 ately self-evident so long as no one will get up 
 and maintain that Protection in itself creates 
 values, that it is in itself productive. 1 If this 
 should be the case, from whence should the 
 enrichment come to the nation which profits 
 by Protection except at the expense of other: 
 nations? ,We prove thereby that Protection 
 is a wrong done by one nation towards another, 
 to which the reply is a new and preferably a 
 greater wrong. This is implied in the idea 
 of Protection itself. If all nations all over the 
 world were to introduce a system of Protec- 
 tion which secured equal benefits for all so 
 that the financial result would profit no one, 
 and cause loss to no one, then Protection would 
 become illusory and its result would be only 
 the cost and trouble which it brings. 
 
 But universal Free trade would give the same 
 result, only without the trouble and the cost. 
 Protection only gets meaning and purpose when 
 it permits one nation to profit at the expense 
 of another.2 One thing would be procured 
 through universal Free trade, namely a fair 
 
 1 Leaving customs officials out of the question. 
 
 a I do not, of course, mean that universal Free trade 
 would be synonymous with equal wealth all over the 
 earth. There will always be countries which are richly
 
 ECONOMIC WAES 35 
 
 opportunity for all. It would make it a matter 
 of course that, just as in a football match 1 , 
 sun and wind are equally, divided, and as a 
 match is declared invalid if the one side has 
 gained an unfair advantage at the expense of 
 the other, such also ought to be the guiding 
 principle in economic international competition. 
 .Why should it be more lawful for one nation to 
 take advantage of the other than for one foot- 
 ball team to take unfair advantage of another? 
 In an individual nation it is always regarded 
 as a matter of course that one merchant is 
 placed on equal terms with another as regards 
 all the conditions of commerce. Why does 
 the matter alter at once when the two merchants 
 belong to different nations? 
 
 At present when the question is asked, " Shall 
 a German merchant not have permission to 
 sell his goods in England, and an English 
 
 endowed and countries -which are poor by the hand of 
 Nature ; although history on every page shows us that 
 this element of Nature is by no means a decisive factor 
 in the wealth of a nation. We daily see tropical peoples 
 in greatest need though living in the midst of the most 
 luxurious wealth of Nature, and vice versa we see people 
 in poorly endowed districts, in rough, harsh climes, reach 
 great wealth. For we shall always have able and useless 
 nations, higher and lower races, wiser and less intellectual 
 peoples. The equality of nations is also economically 
 as much a Utopia as that of individual men. Finally, 
 Protection, too, has its international results.
 
 36 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 merchant his goods in Germany? " then we may 
 expect the answer : " No, by 7ove I he shall 
 not. Let every nation look after its own 
 favour its own and tax the others." As the 
 world and mankind are, this is the only possible 
 and therefore the only just arrangement. This 
 is a possible answer, and represents a stand- 
 point which can be discussed, attacked, and 
 defended. 
 
 But if you are a pacifist you cannot say 
 anything of the kind. The man who holds 
 this view cannot at the same time call himself 
 a friend of peace if there is any, logic in him. 
 For his 'standpoint is one of the most power- 
 ful causes of war. I shall, therefore, join the 
 ranks of those Free trade theorists who look 
 upon universal Free trade as a moral demand 
 a natural right. They, put it forth as the 
 only ethically defensible claim, and 'raise it 
 up to rank among "human rights." On the 
 other hand, they brand Protection as the war 
 of all against all, as an infinite chain of the 
 attempts of one to create an unfair advantage 
 over the other. 
 
 But, if it is clear to us how small weight 
 these arguments have in the world, to what a 
 degree they are " imponderabilia," then we must 
 undoubtedly rather seek to impress upon man- 
 kind that universal Free trade is also the most 
 useful, the best, and the most profitable policy
 
 ECONOMIC WARS 37 
 
 both for the whole of humanity, and for the 
 individual nation, that the advantage which one 
 nation occasionally can gain over others is in 
 the first place always temporary, and, secondly, 
 is often dearly bought and illusory, and, thirdly, 
 often brings grim revenge later on when the 
 opponent gets on the top. TJhus the net result 
 of Protection when we make up the account 
 all along the line amounts only to the cost and 
 trouble attached to its maintenance and de- 
 mands, and the bitterness, anger, and hatred 
 which it creates between and within nations. 
 A certain degree of recognition of these 
 facts is no doubt to be found among peoples 
 and Governments. For it must be to such a 
 recognition that we owe the fact that it has 
 actually been arranged by international agree- 
 ment to make Free trade compulsory in certain 
 territories which are administered under joint 
 control. In no other way can we explain an 
 agreement so remarkable as the Congo Act. 
 When, in the year 1885, the Congo State was 
 established and recognized at an International 
 Conference in Berlin, at which all the Great 
 Powers of Europe were represented along with 
 the United States, the Scandinavian countries, 
 Holland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, and Turkey, 
 those States also gave their sanction to the 
 Congo Act. In this Act it is declared that 
 in all the territories of the present Congo State
 
 38 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the commerce of " all nations shall enjoy, 
 perfect liberty," that the movements of shipping 
 for coastal and inland traffic should be open 
 to all nations, and that all unequal treatment 
 as regards either ships or goods should be pro- 
 hibited ; that no trading monopolies or privi- 
 leges whatsoever should be granted, and that 
 foreigners should, without exception, enjoy the 
 same rights and privileges as the native inhabi- 
 tants in everything that concerned the protection 
 of their persons and properties, the acquisition 
 and transfer of their movable and immovable 
 possessions, and the practice of their trade. 
 Further, the Congo State was also declared to 
 be neutral in times of war, even in the event 
 of war in which its Sovereign or protecting 
 State might be involved. And all the signatories 
 bound themselves before a third party to render 
 their good offices to secure that all territories 
 of the Congo State should, while war lasted, 
 be under the laws of neutrality, and be con- 
 sidered as if they did not belong to the 
 belligerent State ; consequently, also, that in 
 time of war the shipping of all nations, whether 
 neutral or belligerent, should be free to trade 
 on the Congo, its branches, tributaries, and 
 outlets, as well as on the shores lying opposite 
 to these. Commerce should likewise remain 
 free on the roads, railways, lakes, and canals 
 mentioned in paragraphs 15-16.
 
 ECONOMIC WARS 39 
 
 There exists, thfen, a fortunate region of the! 
 world where all the ideas and demands of the 
 peace movement have already been carried into 
 practice, where they have absolute Free trade, 
 where the " rights of peace are recognized " 
 (see later), and where war is done away with 
 in fact, complete international agreement. 
 (Unfortunately, this happy land lies in Africa 
 and Africa is unfortunately far away. But is 
 it, then, quite Utopian to imagine that agree- 
 ments like these might gradually, be extended 
 so as to hold good in other parts of the earth', 
 and at last all over the world?) And it is 
 sufficiently striking that the contracting Powers, 
 in a clear knowledge of the economic conditions 
 and of the overwhelming importance of the 
 tariff question, placed in the forefront of all 
 their pacifist decisions the demand for Free 
 trade and for economic equality, for all nations. 
 
 If what we have said is right or even partly 
 right, how is it possible that the peace move- 
 ment should not give the question of Free trade 
 versus Protection a very exceptional amount 
 of attention? Must not every pacifist, in other, 
 words, become an apostle of Free trade, recog- 
 nizing that even the smallest progress in the 
 direction of Free trade has greater pacifist 
 importance than many conferences and inter- 
 parliamentary meetings ? 
 
 Xhe task of the Fj-ee trade movement is
 
 40 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 difficult but the same may be said of the whole 
 peace movement. And if its chief aim (military, 
 disarmament) is not hopeless, then neither is 
 this. It is at any rate easier to imagine 
 economic than military disarmament as an 
 accomplished fact. Apart from the former the 
 latter is hopeless. Economic disarmament is 
 the prime condition of military disarmament. 
 And, therefore, the pacifist must preach Free 
 trade ; for Protection is War.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 NATIONAL WARS 
 
 NATIONAL quarrels, even more than economic 
 rivalry, are the predominant causes of war, 
 and such quarrels have proved the cause of 
 nearly, every war in our time. 
 
 When we shall maintain in the following 
 chapter as a moral principle, as the necessary 
 foundation of the peace movement, that no 
 nation has a right to rule over another, but 
 that every, one, even a small nation, has a 
 Divine right to live its free 'national life, then 
 we shall add at once that this principle in its 
 unconditional force is valid only for self-con- 
 scious and developed nations. It cannot be 
 applied, for instance, to the expansion policy 
 of Russia in Asia, because this is chiefly con- 
 cerned with undeveloped peoples which have 
 not yet reached the stage of national self -con- 
 sciousness. Even if Russia owes these every 
 rightful consideration, still it is clear that other 
 laws and a different moral valuation must hold 
 in the relation of Russia to Finns and Poles 
 than in their relation to Buretes, Samoyedes, 
 
 41
 
 42 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 and Kalmucks or in the relation of the white 
 men to Kaffirs and Hottentots in Africa. 
 
 For, just as the principles of nationality and 
 of popular self-government cannot be used as 
 standards of valuation in the history, of past 
 epochs, where these ideas were not in existence, 
 so also are they, inapplicable to undeveloped 
 and nationally dormant peoples in whom these 
 notions have not yet been awakened, 
 
 But as soon as we can come to our own 
 time and to developed self-conscious nations, 
 then the great principle must be adhered to 
 in all its strength : the right of every nation 
 (or part of a nation) to self-government and 
 political independence (or connection with the 
 mother nation ) ; or at any, rate as the 
 minimum demand the equal right of the 
 nations in relation to each other within the 
 same State in respect of political status, re- 
 ligion, language, and economic freedom, and 
 of equality before the law, regardless of nation- 
 ality. This is a claim a postulate, not a dogma 
 or any universally recognized moral precept, 
 but as stated, only, a claim which certainly is 
 acknowledged in many quarters, but which also 
 meets with opposition and denial among other 
 and influential authorities. It is not only put 
 aside in practice, in daily life, in legislation, 
 and in administration in many places in the 
 face of millions of people, but it is also dis-
 
 NATIONAL WARS 43 
 
 puted theoretically in the very midst 'of the 
 Christian world by academic circles in out- 
 standing " Kultur States." ' 
 
 Let us in passing draw attention to the fact 
 that this claim has always and without excep- 
 tion been acknowledged and advocated by all 
 nations on their own behalf ; opposition to it 
 is always in respect of the other side only. 
 There are in literature plenty of theoretical 
 refutations of the justice of this claim in rela- 
 tion to other nations, but as far as I know none 
 in regard to one's own country. 
 
 And it is strange to see the same nation 
 energetically demanding that this claim should 
 be enforced in its own interests, while at the 
 same time it refuses to concede it to others ; on 
 the one hand feeling deeply wronged because 
 the claim is refused and yet wronging others 
 by refusing it. Examples are found in the 
 attitude of the Poles to the Ruthenians in Galicia 
 on the one hand, and to Germans and Russians 
 on the other ; in the behaviour of Magyars 
 to Germans and to Slavs ; in that of the pan- 
 Germans to foreign people under German rule, 
 and to Germans in foreign States, etc. 
 
 Still, although this claim is not universally 
 
 1 E.g. Herr Neue Bahnen, " Der Polenpolitik," Berlin, 
 1903 ; " Ceterum censeo," pamphlet, Leipzig, 1902, von 
 Dr. Georg M. Metz ; Dr. F. Winterstein, " Polnische 
 Auferstehung," Lissa, 1907.
 
 44 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 acknowledged, and has not won acceptance 
 everywhere, it will at any rate not miss recog- 
 nition in pacifist circles, or from people who 
 on the whole are interested in the limitation 
 or elimination of wars. It "will be logically; 
 necessary for pacifists to recognize it because 
 its victorious application would have most 
 important results in promoting the causes of 
 peace, while its surrender will naturally give 
 rise to wars, and will continue to do so in spite 
 of all imaginable peace efforts. 
 
 It will also become logically acceptable and 
 recognizable by every one who accepts in 
 private and individual relationships the moral 
 axiom " Do not do to others what you do 
 not wish that others should do to you." The 
 world is, however, not governed by logic, but 
 by interest. And it is indeed a fortunate fact 
 that the claim indicated is so entirely in the 
 interest of the peace movement that, so long 
 as it is not respected, all peace efforts are 
 utterly Utopian, foolish, and without meaning. 
 And if the peace movement is to achieve any- 
 thing and is to be taken seriously, it must direct 
 its efforts towards the recognition and realiza- 
 tion of this claim everywhere. 1 
 
 1 One must be prepared to find that such a claim as 
 this will meet, if not theoretical, at least practical 
 opposition even from right-thinking and, indeed, from 
 Christian people, because national idiosyncrasies more
 
 NATIONAL WARS 45 
 
 Some men may love war, may welcome its 
 recurrence, and may regard it as an indispens- 
 able factor in the life of nations, as certain 
 authors tell us. In this case there can be no 
 point in attempting to reconcile national idio- 
 syncrasies. But if we want wars to cease, 
 and especially national wars, then there cannot 
 be any doubt that there are logically only two 
 ways, two means, which can he considered 
 of reaching this aim. Of these the first is the 
 best, and must first be realized before the second 
 can be carried out. 
 
 (a) The first means (the realization of which 
 at the time of the publication of my book 
 
 than anything else blind people and prevent them from 
 seeing clearly. It is true about many otherwise sensible 
 and thoughtful people what a German author (Schovalter, 
 cit. Ammundsen in die Christliche Welt, 1909) says 
 about the Englishman : " He is entirely lacking in self- 
 consciousness in questions which concern his politics, 
 because he is convinced from the first that Providence 
 has made his people the noblest of all the nations, and 
 has given it charge of the education of the rest of 
 humanity. It is quite impossible to convince him that 
 his people can do wrong, because he at the outset is sure 
 that such wrong does not exist. ('My country, right 
 or wrong.')" But many Germans (Pan-Germans) have 
 quite the same point of view regarding their nation, and 
 maintain it in public (e.g. in their relation to the Poles, 
 Czechs, etc.). Compare also Gruntvig's view of the 
 Danish people as the people " after God's own heart." 
 
 Excellent examples of such blindness in Christian 
 people are specially to be found in the polemic carried
 
 46 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 might be considered very improbable, but which 
 now perhaps can be the outcome of the Wo rid - 
 War) is this, that the political borders every- 
 where must be brought into harmony with the 
 national ones. When the people who feel 
 bound together as a nation get permission to 
 live together as a nation within the same State, 
 then all national conflicts will cease. 
 
 At first sight this seems a very, revolutionary, 
 thought, that the borders of States and their 
 extent should be decided no longer by, politi- 
 cal, geographical, historical, military, and a 
 thousand other reasons, but by the feeling of 
 sympathy of individuals. 
 
 But on closer reflection it will appear that 
 
 on in die Christliche Welt, in 1909, between Professor 
 V. Ammundsen, in Copenhagen, and the editor of the 
 magazine, Professor Rade, and subsequently Johs. Tiedje, 
 now Free Church pastor in Koenigsberg. I shall only 
 repeat Professor Rade's remarks : " When the course of 
 the world's history has brought about this condition [that 
 Northern Sleswig is German] then no moral judgment in 
 the world dare brand this fact as immoral " ; and Tiedje's, 
 that "Northern Sleswig has a life interest in the self- 
 maintenance of Germany " i.e. the Kiel Canal. " But 
 this strategical reason is directly a moral and a Christian 
 principle for a people who wish for an honourable peace." 
 (One must remember here that the Kiel Canal is 55 kilo- 
 metres south of Flensborg and 120 kilometres south of 
 the Danish border.) The United States Canal zone at 
 Panama is only 10 kilometres. See also the footnote in 
 the supplement (" Against the Barbarians ").
 
 NATIONAL WARS 47 
 
 the presence of this feeling has at all tinges 
 been the most powerful factor in the building 
 up of a State, as its absence has been in its 
 dissolution. 
 
 An example from our own country, will 
 illustrate this tendency, .while showing 'at the 
 same time how the feeling of mutual sympathy 
 may exist between peoples of different nation- 
 alities, and may be absent between racially 
 related nations even within the same nation- 
 ality. < 
 
 There was a time when this community of 
 feeling was present among all the subjects of 
 the Danish realm, not only among Danes but 
 also among Norwegians and Germans. We find 
 in history and in literature many striking proofs 
 of the loyalty shown to the Danish King and to 
 the Monarchy by his Holstein subjects right 
 up to the time when the German movement 
 towards unity reached them, and when for 
 thirty years the separatist, " Sleswig-Holstein," 
 movement received an artificial impetus only, 
 to be crushed by the iron heel of Prussia in 
 1864. (We need only to be reminded of the 
 German National Song : " Heil dir im Sieges- 
 kranz," frankly written by a Holsteiner to 
 the Danish King.) And as long as a community, 
 of feeling existed the Monarchy was well pro- 
 tected and no danger threatened it. 
 
 When it disappeared the Monarchy, went to
 
 48 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 pieces, and along with it went by the board 
 an old Danish territory, which now is thriving 
 very badly indeed within the German realm, 
 because it lacks every trace of communal 
 sympathy with it. 'As surely as it is this sense 
 of a common life which has created the unity 
 of Germany and the unity of Italy, and which 
 has secured the liberation of Greece and of 
 the Balkan States, and continues to secure it, 
 until the national and political borders some- 
 what correspond, so surely must the absence 
 of communal sympathy sooner or later divide 
 North Sleswig from the German Empire. 
 
 Vice versa, we have seen how the lack of 
 this feeling has been sufficient to separate two 
 nations which geographically, historically, 
 linguistically, nationally, and politically were 
 so closely bound together as Sweden and 
 Norway, or Holland and Belgium, and how 
 the existence of Switzerland depends on the 
 fact that its German, French, and Italian inhabi- 
 tants do not feel themselves to be connected 
 with other Germans, Frenchmen, or Italians, 
 but are bound together in the bonds of mutual 
 sympathy. 
 
 This national consciousness is a powerful 
 factor, having wide - reaching and practical 
 effects. And if it is to be made a decisive 
 factor in determining the borders and the extent 
 of States, then we are adopting a principle
 
 NATIONAL WARS 49 
 
 which is not quite new, but which is taken up 
 anew again only because it was formerly, 
 applied, as the ideal in settling international 
 conflicts, by the head of a great State, who in 
 truth had considerable resources in making it 
 effective, namely, Napoleon III. 
 
 His favourite idea of the plebiscite as the 
 last court of appeal in questions of this kind 
 was something more than a mere whim or 
 clever tactics ; it really had its foundation in an 
 understanding of where the last decision in these 
 questions ought to lie, and in the long run really 
 does lie, namely, with the peoples themselves, 
 and in an understanding as to who is best 
 able to watch over the weal and woe of the 
 peoples again the peoples themselves. 
 
 (&) The second means of securing the cessa- 
 tion of wars is to allow the political borders 
 to remain in the meantime as they are, however 
 imperfect these may be, and however much 
 injustice this may imply, and to ensure that 
 the legal status of the individual and his 
 personal and political position are such that 
 even if it is not quite a matter of indifference 
 to what State he belongs, at least this is much 
 more the case than hitherto, so that the question 
 of nationality becomes a mere side issue instead 
 of being a matter of life and death. The people 
 might perhaps wish for a change in their 
 
 political relations, but they, could also, with 
 
 4
 
 50 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 some equanimity, put up with existing con- 
 ditions, pretty much as in the United States, 
 where it is not a question of deep interest or 
 of vital importance to the individual Whether 
 he lives in one State or another. 
 
 That is to say, in other words, matters ought 
 to be so arranged that the people of one 
 nationality would be quite content to live their 
 lives within the boundaries of a State of other 
 nationality (in this way Germans, Scandina- 
 vians, Italians, Frenchmen, Irishmen, Poles, 
 Russians, Jews, etc., live contentedly in the 
 United States). Under these conditions they 
 would be so contented that although an altera- 
 tion of the territorial border lines might 
 perhaps seem desirable, the people would never 
 think of sacrificing life and property to 
 secure it. 
 
 Can we reach this, and how? \ 
 
 If we want to please any one the first thing 
 is to ask him if he has any complaints to make, 
 and what these are. 
 
 So our first step in dealing with nations 
 who are supposed to be wronged and oppressed, 
 or rather with nations living under a foreign 
 rule, 1 would be first to discover what grievances 
 
 1 There are people living under foreign rule who on 
 the whole do not complain, who really have no political 
 or national grievances at all e.g. Germans, Scandinavians, 
 Italians, Poles, etc., in the United States. It might,
 
 NATIONAL WARS 51 
 
 they have, next to judge of the rights and 
 wrongs of these grievances, and finally to con- 
 sider the means whereby an improvement may 
 be brought about. 
 
 The only thing to be said against the appli- 
 cation of this principle is that the process is 
 
 therefore, be reasonable to take their circumstances as 
 typical, and say : " Give all nations under foreign rule 
 the same conditions of life, then they will stop complain- 
 ing, and the national differences will be smoothed out." 
 The question is, however, not quite free from complica- 
 tions. We must first of all remember that people under 
 foreign rule are of two kinds (1) people who of their 
 own free will have chosen foreign rule (that is, emigrants, 
 not only in America, but also, for instance, French 
 Huguenots in the European countries, although, of 
 course, in a Lilliputian measure compared to the emigra- 
 tion to America) ; and (2) people whom the circumstances 
 of war have brought against their will under foreign rule 
 that is to say, conquered people. It is evident that 
 a man who of his own free will and without invitation 
 travels to a foreign country of other nationality and settles 
 there cannot make conditions, but must submit to the 
 laws and regulations, circumstances and peculiarities of 
 that country. If he does not like them and complains 
 he may be told : " You could have stayed away. You 
 knew, or you ought to have known, what you were 
 doing ; if you object, why did you come ? " 
 
 On the other hand, a man who has been brought under 
 foreign rule by force has much more claim (a moral claim 
 which needs no support of the sword) to be treated accord- 
 ing to his wishes. He can on his side say to his rulers : 
 " I have never wished to belong to you ; on the contrary, 
 it is very much against my wish. But if you insist Oft
 
 52 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 a slow one. There are many, nations living 
 under foreign rule, and their complaints differ 
 so widely, that an examination and a study of 
 them would fill and as a matter of fact does 
 fill many large volumes. For practical 
 reasons I shall therefore choose another 
 method, and as a postulate which I assume 
 
 keeping me, whether I wish to remain or not, may I at 
 least ask to be treated decently ? " 
 
 This implies that the rights which the emigrant enjoys 
 in a foreign land are to be looked upon also as the 
 minimum claims for the man who lives under enforced 
 foreign rule in his own country. Has he not the right 
 to say to his ruler : " You will surely not deny me the 
 rights which you enjoy yourself the moment you cross 
 the ocean ? " 
 
 We must further assume that the man who of his own 
 free will seeks foreign rule, i.e. the emigrant, is prepared 
 to accept the fact, and has become reconciled to the 
 thought that hiB children and grandchildren must give 
 up their nationality even if he does not do so himself. 
 A man with a specially strong feeling of nationality and 
 national consciousness, who cannot bear this thought, 
 must stay at home. The people of the new land could 
 with some justification take national precautions to 
 defend their nationality and their language from being 
 debased through a large influx of immigrants. But the 
 conquered must have a yet greater claim than the 
 emigrant to have his nationality respected again a moral 
 claim not based on the sword. That such moral claims 
 exist we see best in the peace treaties, where a nation, 
 perhaps twenty times stronger, has dictated terms of 
 peace to a nation twenty times weaker (e.g. in the 
 Peace of Vienna between Denmark and Prussia and
 
 NATIONAL WARS 53 
 
 to be self-evident, I will submit a statement 
 of a series of general human rigjhts, which all 
 will probably accept in theory. As a guide 
 and limitation to my argument let me say at 
 the outset that I put forward no claim to any 
 right which is not possessed by every immigrant 
 in the United States, and which is not found in 
 the party political programme of every nation 
 under foreign rule. 
 
 There may. be some who, despite this fact, 
 decline to acknowledge these claims. In the 
 first place there are those who on the whole 
 do not recognize or acknowledge any moral 
 claim in international relationships and in the 
 mutual life of nations. They only acknowledge 
 the claims which are put forward by the neces- 
 sities of guns and munitions ; in other word's, 
 they acknowledge no other right than the right 
 of the sword, the right of the strongest. 1 
 
 Austria in 1864, which besides is an example of a legally 
 formed claim not always being respected). 
 
 In the same way, too, in national questions especially, 
 one might be justified in pointing out the rights which 
 the immigrant enjoys in a foreign land as the minimum 
 rights of a conquered people in their own country. Here, 
 too, these could justly say to their conqueror : " Will you 
 deny to me the benefits which you enjoy yourself, when 
 you of your own free will settle in a foreign land ? " 
 
 1 Representatives in literature of this point of view 
 are, e.g., Nietzsche, and among lesser lights Georg Kietz, 
 Major v. Pfister, Alldeutscher Verbund, etc.
 
 54 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 However, it is no use arguing with these 
 people except with guns and munitions. 
 
 Secondly, there may be general disagreement 
 among a number of people who never have 
 thought deeply about these questions, but who 
 from their birth have gradually come to regard 
 themselves as belonging to the ruling nation, 
 and who accept the conditions of the conquered 
 nation as a matter of course. For these there 
 is need of argument. 
 
 But as the argument would be too long, as 
 I have said before, I have elected to dispense 
 with it here, and let it follow in an independent 
 Supplement written by quite another hand. I 
 happen fortunately to have in my possession 
 a document, a hitherto unprinted pamphlet, 
 handed to me by a young man now dead. 
 He belonged to a nation which is living under 
 foreign rule, but he had emigrated some time 
 ago to the United States, where he died recently, 
 and I publish this with his consent. In my 
 opinion it is at once a striking, valuable, and 
 faithful representation of the complaints of sup- 
 pressed nations in general, and at the same 
 time it is an argument and an appeal. Thus 
 my arguments for the programme of general 
 human rights must be found in the following 
 Supplement. I could hardly keep them within 
 reasonable limits here. And the contents of 
 the Supplement may perhaps scarcely be called
 
 NATIONAL WARS 55 
 
 arguments, but rather a propaganda, an appeal. 
 The somewhat passionate and excited form of 
 the document will, I hope, be excused, and 
 be put down to the extreme youth of the author 
 and to his injured national feelings. With any, 
 one who after reading his short pamphlet still 
 says, " He is wrong " I shall consider it a waste 
 of time to argue.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 TO ILLUSTRATE THE IMPORTANCE OF 
 THE RIGHTS OF PEACE 
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 
 PREFACE 
 
 I HAVE been rather doubtful about using this 
 Supplement here because it deals exclusively 
 with the transgressions of a certain single 
 nation against the rights of peace, and personal 
 and unpleasant remarks against the said nation 
 should preferably be avoided in a book like 
 this. Besides, the expressions of the author 
 are in many places strong, even at tunes violent, 
 and for that reason he occasionally misses his 
 point and says too much, as he himself acknow- 
 ledges in later footnotes. 
 
 I have, however, decided to print it because 
 I feel that an impartial academic representa- 
 tion of the general circumstances only, without 
 any relation to the particular, i.e. to a certain 
 nation and its conditions, would be quite value- 
 lesswould be colourless, in fact, and without 
 feature. Being unable to speak to the heart, 
 it would make no impression at all, and would
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 57 
 
 carry with it no conviction. The nation in 
 question will, I hope, forgive me for using it 
 here as a warning example, when I say, at 
 the same time and acknowledge frankly that 
 we might have equally well perhaps even 
 better taken an example from somewhere else, 
 for instance from the relation of the Russians 
 to the Poles, to the Finns, the Ruthenians, or 
 from the relation of the Magyars to the Slavs, 
 the Croatians and the Rumanians, from that of 
 the Japanese to the Koreans and the Chinese, 
 etc. But my deceased author friend had not 
 the necessary knowledge of these relations, and 
 I have no connection through which I could 
 secure such a document from these districts. 
 On the other hand, I happen to have this present 
 sketch, and I consider it a " find," and as a 
 {document humain of the greatest interest and 
 weight, and an excellent pdece of propagandist 
 literature, which will explain better than long- 
 winded theories, to all who need it, the im- 
 portance and the justice of the claims of peace, 
 and also the all -important part which these 
 claims play in the daily life of the people, and 
 in their most precious and intimate relations. 
 My authority (the author of this work) some 
 time ago sent the manuscript for perusal to 
 a prominent man among his national antago- 
 nists in fact, to a highly cultured German in 
 Berlin, who is free from prejudice, and who
 
 58 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 is known to be more than usually independent 
 in his point of view with regard to suppressed 
 nations. This gentleman has added footnotes 
 to the manuscript (very incisive in their 
 brevity), and he has made objections to several 
 things in it. The author has recognized the 
 justice of some of these notes, and he has 
 acknowledged having made some errors in 
 matters of fact. In respect of others he has 
 made no such admissions, as appears from 
 additional notes which he has added to those 
 of the German. 
 
 I might have corrected the errors where my 
 author owns to them, and' taken no notice of 
 the German's notes. But I have preferred to 
 give the whole as it stood, to print his manu- 
 script unchanged, and to add the notes of 
 the German critic as footnotes in italics, 
 and then again the answer to these notes from 
 the author as supplementary footnotes, 'but in 
 ordinary type. 
 
 In making my apology to the great German 
 nation for placing it in the pillory, I ask it to 
 be assured that I do so for want of a better 
 example. And so I give place to my author. 
 Certain crude and naive expressions (e.g. on 
 the title-page) will strike the reader's eye with- 
 out any interpretation on my part. I ask him 
 not to be alarmed at these ; as he proceeds he 
 will find his reward.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 59 
 
 NOTE. 
 
 IN his book " The Barbarism of Berlin," which is 
 translated into Danish and is widely known, Mr. G. K. 
 Chesterton explains why the Teuton is the " positive " 
 barbarian. This is stated briefly in two sentences on 
 page 32 : " His limited, but very severe, lunacy concen- 
 trates chiefly in a desire to destroy two ideas, the twin 
 root ideas of rational society. The first is the idea of 
 record and promise ; the second is the idea of reci- 
 procity." 
 
 A better illustration of these statements can hardly be 
 wished for than the one contained in the following 
 description at first hand of the rule of the Germans over 
 conquered peoples. Nay, rather, a still better confirma- 
 tion is to be found in the original footnotes written by 
 a German not by an average German, but by a German 
 pastor who has held an appointment in one of the 
 oppressed border districts, who evidently is an active 
 Christian of strong convictions, and who has so much 
 sense of justice that he has felt disgusted at the treatment 
 meted out to his parishioners. He had so much courage 
 that he spoke in public against it, and he is, in conse- 
 quence, in the " black books " of the Government and 
 is being persecuted by the thoroughgoing pan-Germans. 
 He is thus quite an exception in the German nation. 
 But even he cannot, as appears from his footnotes, get 
 his eyes opened to " the idea of reciprocity."
 
 60 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 AGAINST THE BARBARIANS ! 
 
 AN ACCUSATION BEFORE THE COURT OF CIVILIZA- 
 TION BY 
 
 ST. POPOLSKI, Merchant, Posen ; 
 
 J. DANSK, Farm Proprietor, Als ; 
 
 P, FRANCOIS, Manufacturer, Muhlhausen. 
 
 To ALL GERMAN CLERGYMEN AND TEACHERS AND 
 TO THINKING GERMAN CHRISTIANS. 
 
 (Quamquaitt sunt sub aqua, sub aqua.) 
 
 T.o THE PEOPLES OF EUROPE. 
 (To all civilized Nations !) ' 
 
 I have read your manuscript with interest, and 
 in its vehemence I have fully understood and appreciated 
 a Dane's proudly patriotic heart and its thirst for justice. 
 You have sent me the manuscript without reserve. I 
 might acknowledge it in a few indifferent words. If, 
 instead of doing so, I return your manuscript with foot- 
 notes (some of them very pointed) this is not done to 
 annoy you. I merely wish to show you how careful one 
 must be in dealing with such material. If your work 
 were printed you would do harm to your cause through 
 the errors which I have pointed out. And you wish to 
 further it. Most pleased to give further answers, and 
 with thanks for the confidence shown to me, 
 
 I remain, etc.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 61 
 
 WE belong to some of the European nations, 
 civilized nations with an old culture, nations 
 which verily are not inferior to others, but 
 nations of which a part is under foreign rule. 
 And we should like to speak -in the name of 
 all those nations which are suppressed, ill- 
 treated, and persecuted by, foreign oppressors. 
 Our intention is not to move Europe to pity 
 no one can thrive on pity but we intend to 
 accuse our rulers, to show the whole of 
 humanity by what barbarians we are ruled, 
 and how they trample upon all human and 
 Divine laws (to say nothing of their own) 
 simply in order to torture us. 
 
 It is immaterial what nation we belong to ; 
 it is immaterial whether we say that we come 
 of a people who for centuries were the leaders 
 in the culture of the Continent, and whose 
 language was the international 'one of civiliza- 
 tion, or whether we name ourselves sons of 
 the people who for centuries were the outpost 
 of Europe against Tartars and Turks, Who 
 before the gates of Vienna saved German culture 
 from being suffocated in the Turkish embrace, 
 and who in return for this, not a hundred 
 years later, were deceived and butchered by 
 the same Germans ; or whether we say that we 
 belong to the small Scandinavian nation which 
 first measured the velocity of light, first dis- 
 covered electro -magnetism, first re-awakened
 
 62 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 classical art in the present time, first loosened 
 the bonds of the peasant, and which, perhaps, 
 is foremost among European States in humane 
 social laws. 
 
 Whether we belong to the one or to the 
 other of these unfortunate oppressed groups is 
 quite a matter of indifference. The treatment 
 is the same, the complaints are the same. The 
 brutal hand on the throat, the clenched fist 
 before the face is the same for us all ; it is 
 the same foreign Barbarian who takes a gross 
 pleasure in overpowering us (and then after- 
 wards insulting us for our weakness), in 
 robbing us of the conditions which make for 
 progress in culture and in taunting us after- 
 wards with our lower state of development, 
 a Barbarian who every day lets us feel his 
 brutal rule, and at the same time brags of his 
 nobler nature and his own higher civilization. 
 
 The ground of complaint is the same with us 
 all. Let us try, therefore, with one voice to 
 speak for all, proclaim aloud to the civilized 
 world what infamies are being committed every 
 day in civilization's name. We shall disclose 
 our oppressors as the disturbers of European 
 peace, as the destroyers of civilization among 
 our people, as the enemies of culture, as the 
 rod of God's anger over us just as much as 
 was once the case with Mongolians and Turks. 
 "Nations of Europe! Protect your most holy
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 63 
 
 possessions ! " thus the warning words of an 
 Emperor once sounded " against the Yellow 
 Peril ! " But what if those most holy posses- 
 sions have already been taken away from us? 
 No, let us protect our most holy possessions 
 from the peril of our rulers ! It is the nearer 
 peril, and the greater. Let us for once tell 
 how life shapes itself for us under foreign rule, 
 and Europe shall hear things which will fill 
 her with horror and anger. 
 
 Many evil doings, many cruel charges will 
 be recorded in this small book. But no un- 
 truthful word will be found, and every state- 
 ment stands verified by the testimony of our 
 rulers themselves. Every example given is 
 related to distinct persons and actual occur- 
 rences. Any one can test them, if he will take 
 the trouble, and go to the right place. And 
 should doubt arise, our representatives can give 
 him information. 
 
 Where shall we begin? With our economic 
 circumstances, our legal conditions, our political 
 rights, our difficulties with regard to our 
 mother tongue, our laws of exemption, our 
 religious ill-treatment? No, let us begin with 
 that which is the most precious of all our 
 possessions, with our children. 
 
 God be praised ! during the first seven years 
 of their lives, we can keep them, can teach 
 them their mother tongue, teach them to love
 
 64 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 us, our language, our people, and our memories. 
 And this shall continue. As long as our 
 language exists, as long as we are not all 
 expropriated and driven from our homes and 
 our land, so long shall all our strength and 
 power be used in securing that during those 
 seven peaceful years the child is so trained 
 and developed that it becomes for all time a 
 shoot of the parent stem, so that when it enters 
 the foreign school it is already armed with a 
 force which nothing can conquer, tied with 
 the ties which nothing can break, the ties of 
 home, the ties of love for parents, of love for 
 the mother tongue and for its nationality. This 
 we cannot be prevented from doing. Even our 
 rulers have not sufficient police-officers to 
 censor what the mother whispers into her 
 child's ear and what songs she sings at its 
 cradle. Be convinced, Herr Landrath, that the 
 forbidden songs shall continue to sound in the 
 sacred spot to all eternity, those old songs 
 which our forefathers sang in a free country, 
 but for the singing of which we now are cast 
 into prison. At the child's cradle they shall 
 never die ! 
 
 But then the day of anguish dawns when 
 our child is torn from us by force, and is 
 put into a foreign school against our will, to 
 be brought up in a foreign atmosphere, and 
 to learn to despise us and what is ours, and
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 65 
 
 to learn to see everything great in das grosse 
 Vaterland. 
 
 By force, I say, for it is so. To put our 
 child in a private school, where it might be 
 taught in its mother tongue, and be taught 
 Christian doctrine in the language it can under- 
 stand that is forbidden. Forbidden ! To 
 think that we are forbidden to decide about 
 the teaching of our children ! Even if we pro- 
 pose that in a private school they should be 
 taught the language, the history, and the litera- 
 ture of our rulers even that is forbidden. No 
 man or woman of our nation is allowed to 
 conduct a private school. And if we wish to 
 teach the child at home ourselves this also is 
 forbidden. The examining Board before long 
 pronounces that the child is insufficiently taught, 
 and that it must be sent to a public school. 
 
 Thus the child meets the German teacher 
 and oh ! he is so German who too often is an 
 obedient tool, and who, wishing to please the 
 Government and his superiors, violates without 
 shame the conscience and soul of the child, 
 and sows broadcast in its mind doubt and 
 hatred in his endeavour to create a gulf 
 between me and my child ! i Frisch daran I 
 Nur gesinningstuchtig ! 
 
 Thus, then, the child is taught : by a teacher 
 
 1 In general this is not true. Perhaps not, but in 
 many, many places it is true ! 
 
 5
 
 66 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 who does not understand a word of its language, 
 in German, which it does not yet understand. 
 God be praised ! We pride ourselves on the 
 child going to school without understanding 
 German. This does not favour successful 
 teaching. It causes the child to suffer, but 
 this suffering is necessary. It is a necessity to 
 show from the very first day that it is our 
 child and not a German child, and that what 
 the school offers is something foreign and 
 something which does not belong to it. 
 
 The teaching, then, is in German. It consists, 
 in the meantime, mostly of religious instruc- 
 tion. At home we have already taught the 
 child the Lord's prayer in our language, now 
 it must learn it again in another tongue. Yes, 
 and what is more the teacher may insist that 
 also at home the prayers must be said in 
 German. 1 
 
 This the child does not do ; we shall see 
 to that. As diligently as the school teaches it 
 the Lord's prayer in the foreign language, as 
 diligently do we tell the child at home that it 
 must pray, of course, in its mother tongue ; 
 and the child does it. 
 
 In the school the child learns to write beauti- 
 fully and, perhaps, to spell rightly that is, 
 not its native language. No, that we parents 
 
 1 This is not trite! Possibly only single capes 
 happened.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 67 
 
 must laboriously sit and teach the children at 
 home. And then we wish, if we can, to send 
 it away, for a finishing course across the border, 
 when it is grown up, even if we thereby call 
 down on our heads every form of worry and 
 irritation which a zealous and aggressive official 
 can invent for us. But in all those homes, of 
 which there are many, where time and the 
 gift for home teaching are wanting, the child 
 on the whole does not learn to read or write 
 its own language properly at all, and, we may 
 say, not German either. And the child is taught 
 history German history, about the great 
 victories of the Germans over us, over our 
 poor nation, and about their enormous 
 superiority over us in culture, history from 
 German school books written specially for our 
 use and bursting with chauvinism and con- 
 taining glaring and evident mistakes and mis- 
 representations . l 
 
 My child gets singing, too, at school ! And 
 what a joy the singing lesson might be ! But 
 to my child it is a plague and pestilence. Our 
 songs, the songs of our forefathers, are not 
 heard there, not even a hymn in our tongue. 2 
 
 1 Nowadays this is done more judiciously. Perhaps a 
 little. 
 
 Untrue. Not true everywhere, but still in many 
 places. In a short review, January 1911, " Heimdal " 
 states that in purely Panisji school districts already 60
 
 68 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 German songs, " Heil Dir im Siegeskranz " 
 and " Wacht am Rhein," and whatever they 
 call them all these songs which we hate and 
 detest because they are forced on us. Especi- 
 ally on the day of Sedan they have to sing in 
 chorus : " Ich bin ein Preusze, will ein Preusze 
 sein," and the teacher keeps a sharp and jealous 
 look-out in case they sing instead : "Ich bin 
 kein Preusze, will kein Preusze sein " ; and 
 if they sing this (and they do it often), they 
 are punished. Many a caning has been given 
 in German schools for this transgression. 
 
 There are intervals for play in the school, 
 and there is a playground. Playground, for- 
 sooth ! The child who in the playground 
 speaks a single word in its mother tongue, in 
 the language of its parents is punished ! To 
 such service as executioners can men be 
 bought ! It is, of course, poor instruction which 
 is given in the German school, and my child 
 cannot be compared with children of such 
 fortunate nations as are taught in their native 
 tongue. 
 
 But it has this advantage, that the Prussian 
 can point to us and say : " See how uncultured 
 these people are. They need, indeed, to be 
 
 teachers have been appointed who cannot speak Danish. 
 In 151 school areas the religious instruction was given in 
 Danish to 7,620 children, in German to 5,317. And this 
 last number will increase yearly at the expense of the other.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 69 
 
 blest with the superior German Kultur ! " This 
 however, we accept as part of the bargain. 
 Rather a less cultured child than a German 
 child, than a child without root with a divided 
 mind, a renegade child, without nationality. 1 We 
 accept this as a part of the bargain because 
 it cannot be otherwise. 
 
 And, God be praised ! we are the strongest. 
 The child remains with us. Even if they finally 
 put him into military uniform and send him 
 away for two or three years to the other end 
 of Germany, entirely among Germans, God be 
 thanked and praised ! he comes home again to 
 us and is our child, child of our people and 
 not a German. 
 
 There is only one single thing which' could 
 bring victory to the other side if they took 
 the child from us and robbed it of our influence. 
 And that is what they have done ! Whether you 
 will believe it or not, dear reader, they have 
 done this incredible deed this sacrilege they 
 have really committed. 
 
 They have, by means of administration, 
 robbed of their parental authority people who 
 have shown activity in the national cause, and 
 have transferred their authority to a <c loyalist," 
 to a (gesinnungstuchtig) guardian. But about 
 this we shall speak later on. 
 
 Let us first, then, give the enemy his due. 
 1 Good!
 
 70 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 There are places and districts where the children 
 get two hours' ' religious instruction weekly in 
 their mother tongue in the lower classes, yet 
 not always instead of the German instruction, 
 but often as an addition to this outside the 
 proper school hours. 2 These are the fragments 
 which here and there are left of our language 
 in the schools. Two hours' weekly religious 
 instruction ! But we despise them and count 
 them as nothing. For it is 'as objectionable 
 that a German teacher should teach our child 
 in his language, which is strange to it, as it 
 is that he should teach the child in our language 
 which he himself has not mastered (but which 
 in his mouth, through its difficulties, causes 
 results which seem humorous to the children 
 and to us blasphemous, a thing which he never 
 clearly sees or suspects himself). No, such 
 religious instruction is an offence only, a Judas 
 piece of silver. 3 It is no grief to us 4 that this 
 instruction is gradually being discontinued in 
 one parish after another, and soon will be 
 but a saga in large parts of the country. 
 
 In the end my child leaves the scho.ol from 
 its highest class but in what a condition? It 
 'has not mastered German, which is only a 
 school language to it. It has not mastered 
 
 1 Four hours and two hours, in German. 
 
 a Wrong. Is maintained. 
 
 3 Very doubtful. ? ?
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 71 
 
 its mother tongue either! ; the State purposely, 
 prevents it from learning to write it correctly, 
 in respect of spelling and construction of 
 sentences. (How would an English child's 
 mother tongue fare, I wonder, if it had never 
 had an English reading lesson or had never 
 written a piece of English composition, but 
 had been taught exclusively in French?) And 
 this cannot be altered. No energy, no perse- 
 verance can alter the fact that the child does 
 not learn German thoroughly so long as the 
 home keeps a jealous look-out to prevent 
 German from slipping in and usurping the place 
 of the mother tongue ; while, on the other hand, 
 the home cannot teach the child the mother 
 tongue properly so long as the school does all 
 it can to keep it out. The school cannot teach 
 the child German without the home and in face 
 of the home's opposition, and the home cannot 
 teach the child Polish, French, or Danish with- 
 out the school and in face of the school's 
 opposition ! 
 
 Accordingly the heart of the child is divided, 
 torn and bitter. It is hurt and hindered by 
 being the bone of contention between the home 
 and the school, and by having to take sides 
 with the one against the other, yes, of having 
 to hate an'd despise his teacher, this Govern- 
 ment tool, which it feels as a grievance and a 
 hindrance.
 
 72 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 Do you not believe me, dear reader? Oh, 
 it is but too true. I do n,ot say that it is 
 equally bad in all schools in the conquered 
 provinces, but it is so in most places. There 
 may also be many a German teacher who finds 
 that this state of affairs is too difficult, and 
 cannot be called the spreading of kultur, and 
 who, therefore, is lenient. But in that case 
 he is not a " loyalist " (gesmniwgstuchtig\ and 
 he is not a persona grata with the German 
 Association, and his advancement, yes, perhaps 
 even his tenure of office, is very insecure. For 
 just for this purpose he is paid an, additional 
 salary die Ostmarkzulage. This is, of course, 
 blood and Judas money paid by the Govern- 
 ment to him, not for being in the first place an 
 educationist and the teacher of the children, the 
 man in whom the parents are to place their 
 trust, but for being the tool of the Government 
 and the tyrant-apostle of Germany. 
 
 No, honest and good-hearted men are abso- 
 lutely of no use as teachers to the German 
 Association, only creatures who can be bought, 
 who, for miserable gain's sake, and to please 
 men, will sow evil seed in the hearts of the 
 children, and wound the souls they ought to 
 take care of. 1 Do you hot believe this? Then 
 you have not read your newspapers properly 
 
 * Too strong ! Perhaps in so far as many a man among 
 them seeks a situation and receives his Ostmarkzulage
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 73 
 
 about the Polish school strike, or (this is most 
 likely) your newspaper does not report this. 
 Your newspaper will bring high - sounding 
 reports of the Germanic spirit and its progress 
 in Ostmark, Nordmark, and Westmark (untrue 
 reports, for the Germanic spirit is not securing 
 an ascendancy either in Ost, Nord, or West 
 mark, and it 'will never do so either, not in this 
 way at least. It is naturally and necessarily 
 losing ground because its procedure is morally 
 wrong). But your newspaper does not tell 
 you that it is by means such as these that pro- 
 gress is attempted by offending the little ones 
 of Xesus Christ. Do you not believe it? Hear 
 then, what a German University teacher says 
 about it. Professor Dr. jur. Walther Schuck- 
 ling speaks as follows in his pamphlet, " Das 
 Nation alitetten problem " (Dresden, 1908, pp. 
 39-40):- 
 
 " On principle only teachers who do not 
 understand one word of Polish are sent to 
 teach Polish children, so that no word of Polish 
 may be heard in the schools. And to these 
 teachers, who do not understand the language 
 of the children, the parents must surrender 
 their dearest ones at the tender age of six. 
 Picture the situation for a moment. What 
 
 without clearly knowing what he is entering upon or 
 that he has really sold his soul. But how can any man 
 remain once this has become clear to him ?
 
 74 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 would the German mothers have said if the 
 Napoleonic conqueror had made such demands? 
 Just picture the matter for a moment. How 
 is the little Polish child to excuse itself to its 
 teacher, when, for instance, it is late, when 
 teacher and child do not understand one 
 another? Perhaps before school hours the 
 child has had to run a message for his parents 
 to the doctor on account of a sudden case of 
 illness. Every sensible teacher will in such 
 a case excuse it, but he must in this, as in a 
 thousand other dilemmas, understand the child. 
 Is it not a travesty of all pedagogics, of all 
 education, to let teacher and pupil speak in 
 different tongues and give the elementary 
 teaching (as Jeutsch has described it in 'Die 
 Zukunft ' ), by means of a kind of deaf-and- 
 dumb method I The Frankfurter Zeitang has 
 recently even told us that teachers in the Polish 
 districts who ane able to master the Polish 
 language are kept back from promotion for 
 this reason ! It is sheer madness, even if there 
 is method in it [ ' 1st es gleich Wahnsinn, hat es 
 doch Methode']. We are in this respect far 
 worse than the Magyars, who only quite 
 recently have demanded that apart from the 
 special teaching in the Hungarian language, the 
 Saxon schools (in Liebenburgen) shall allow 
 one subject to be taught in Hungarian. We 
 are also far worse than the Russians, who in
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 75 
 
 the Baltic Provinces lately, on principle again, 
 have allowed the use of the mother tongue in 
 the schools, and only demand that certain sub- 
 jects shall be taught in Russian. With us it is, 
 on the other hand, only exceptionally that 
 Polish is tolerated in the teaching of religion. 
 And even this is not permitted in all the classes 
 of the public school. In many of the lowest 
 classes the religious instruction only may be 
 given in Polish. And even this, the last trench 
 of the use of Polish in the schools, was in 
 danger. For the school strike started in a 
 place where a too zealous school-inspector 
 had decreed that German must be spoken 
 in giving religious instruction even in the 
 primary schools. He has, we suppose, been 
 disowned by the Government, but what if 
 the school strike had not occurred? " " It 
 is clear how the system of education must 
 languish owing to the teaching of Polish 
 children in German. . . . How miserable the 
 results of the teaching are in the German -Polish 
 school in the Eastmark may, be seen from 
 reports based on his own observations by the 
 Editor of the Christliche Welt (1902, No. 45). 
 The result of these sad revelations was not, 
 of course, that the Government changed the 
 system, but, according to what we are told, 
 only that a circular was issued angrily for- 
 bidding teachers in future to admit any private
 
 76 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 visitors into the schools." (See also Hugo Ganz, 
 " Die prens siche Polenpolitik," Frankfurt am 
 Main, 1907.) 
 
 And if we want an example of the rela- 
 tion of the teaching profession to the popu- 
 lation in one of the other German border 
 countries, we have but to mention the follow- 
 ing case. It has been publicly and legally 
 proved before a German law-court and acknow- 
 ledged and declared by German judges in giving 
 judgment that a German teacher (Herr Eager, 
 in Retting, on the island of Als) in 1907 con- 
 tinually and habitually, during the hours of 
 instruction, referred to the native population 
 in coarse and offensive terms, such as " stupid 
 Danes," " Jennies," " Danish dirt " (duntme 
 Danen, Hannemann, danische Schiveinigel), 
 etc. (You understand what it means for 
 a successful legal proof of these facts to 
 be established before a Prussian law-court ! ) 
 The teacher is, of course, still in office in 
 Retting. 1 
 
 Then the child comes to the priest, in 
 Protestant districts to the German priest, to 
 prepare for Confirmation. 
 
 There are several German priests in the 
 conquered provinces who are, first and fore- 
 most, politicians, and German agitators and 
 priests only in the second place. They attend 
 first to their political meetings, their Press
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 77 
 
 campaigns, and matters relating to coloniza- 
 tion, etc. (Occasionally they even engage in 
 banking affairs, in shady company -promo ting, 
 and in criminal jobbery, as, for example, in 
 the case of Herr Pastor Jacobsen, 1 the highly 
 respected President of the German Association, 
 " the chief president's right hand, the bulwark 
 of Germanism in Scherrebeck.") And then 
 after all this come the duties of the priesthood 2 
 priests, indeed, of Whom it might be said that 
 it were better for them that a millstone /wiere 
 hanged round their necks, and that they were 
 cast into the sea, than that they should offend 
 our little ones. But there are also Prussian 
 priests (fortunately several) Who wish to give 
 the child something really helpful, Who feel 
 how the national conflicts prevent this, and 
 who would like to find a remedy. So a number 
 of priests in the conquered territory send, in 
 the simplicity of their hearts, a petition to the 
 Prussian Government, proposing that the child 
 in the school might be given, not only two hours' 
 religious instruction weekly in the mother 
 tongue, but also two hours' weekly instruction 
 
 1 One case only of fallen greatness. One too many, 
 and one who for many weary years was an unspeakable 
 offence to German sentiment, and against whom no one 
 made a stand. 
 
 * This is not true. It is an unpardonable generaliza- 
 tion. Agreed. I ought to have said " in certain cases."
 
 78 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 in the mother tongue itself, so that it might 
 have the benefit of being prepared for Con- 
 firmation in the mother tongue. That is very 
 kind of these priests, and proves that their 
 Gesinnings tuchtigkeit has not entirely suffo- 
 cated all their Christianity, and that their 
 position as Apostles of Germany has not quite 
 made them forget that they are also the Apostles 
 of Christ. But their Superintendent sends up 
 the petition with his disapproval ! 
 
 Some Prussian Superintendents are first of 
 all servants of the State, then servants of Christ 
 (if time can be spared from the duties of the 
 former office) ; they are first politicians, then 
 clergymen first prelates, then Christians 
 otherwise they would scarcely become Super- 
 intendents in a conquered province. The 
 Government peremptorily refuses the petition. 
 Then, for the first time, and for the second 
 time, and for the third time, the priests con- 
 sider the situation, and ultimately they decide 
 to let the petition remain at home, and this 
 is indeed also the wisest course. 1 They may 
 
 1 Note by the author : It must be added that the 
 petition was, however, brought forward year after year 
 by the lay members of the Synod, and that at last in the 
 year 1912 they succeeded in securing the votes of many 
 of the priests and even of two of the superintendents, so 
 that it was passed by the Synod. But no one must, on 
 that account, believe that the Government will take any 
 notice of that,
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 79 
 
 as well follow it. Two hours' teaching in the 
 mother tongue from the German teacher who 
 has not miastered the language himself, and 
 who during all the other hours of the week 
 zealously and servilely impresses upon the child 
 the poverty and the low status of his language ! 
 No, thanks ! 
 
 The preparation for Confirmation comes to 
 an end. Then follows the Communion, the first 
 Communion of the child along with its parents. 
 In German ! In German, in the hated foreign 
 language we hear the words of Jesus to us 
 about His Body and Blood which He gave for 
 us for the remission of our sins. 
 
 The forgiveness of our sins He hath indeed 
 bought for us, but not the use of our mother 
 tongue in the midst of a " Christian " country 
 with a national Church and a State -appointed 
 priesthood. 
 
 Are these things actually true? Am I not 
 exaggerating? Certainly, if I am a Roman 
 Catholic, what has been said does not apply. 
 Into the Roman Catholic Church the Prussian 
 cannot enter with his German. But into the 
 Prussian State Church ! 
 
 Fortunate Catholics who escape this travesty 
 of a " State Church " where the representative 
 of foreign oppression stands in the pulpit, and 
 at the altar, and speaks about " the great 
 German God," and about the duty, of obeying
 
 80 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the authorities, and of showing not only out- 
 ward obedience to them but to bow the heart 
 as well before them ! False doctrine ! Christ 
 teaches us to show outward obedience, to give 
 to Caesar his due but no more, not our heart. 
 To our hearts he must remain as distant as 
 the Roman Emperor to the disciples of Jesus, 
 or as the Babylonian King to the exiled Jews. 1 
 There are some Protestant parishes (there 
 will soon be only a few ! ) where there are 
 still services in the mother tongue, if not every 
 Sunday, still perhaps every second Sunday, and 
 where the Communion is celebrated in the 
 mother tongue. But there are actually parishes 
 where the mother tongue is never heard in, 
 the church, and where we are baptized, con- 
 
 1 This is wrong. Jesus is never concerned merely with 
 the outward, but He certainly on this point warns us to 
 cultivate self-respect beside self-mastery. Further, Jesus 
 spoke of the heathen. I cannot see that this is wrong. 
 Surely Jesus would never ask that His disciples should 
 show more than outward obedience towards the Roman 
 authorities. He would never wish them to surrender 
 their hearts surely he would approve of their hearts 
 remaining as cold and distant as the hearts of the exiled 
 Jews to the Babylonian King. And that Jesus had to do 
 with the heathen makes no difference in my eyes except 
 this, that the rule of oppression exercised over conquered 
 nations may more readily be excused in the case of 
 heathen people than in the case of a Christian nation. 
 (Besides, neither Babylonians nor Jews nor Romans 
 attacked the nationality or language of the Jews.)
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 81 
 
 firmed, offered Communion, are married and 
 buried in German, and that even if we are far 
 more numerous than all the immigrant Germans 
 in the parish, the railway, officials, the gate- 
 keepers, and the postme^ and whatever, else 
 they all are. 1 
 
 And what are these church services, then, in 
 the mother tongue? A stingily measured alms 
 instead of our right ! A contemptuous dole 
 
 1 This is almost maliciously inaccurate. It must be 
 acknowledged that it is not often the case where there is 
 a large Danish majority, but in many places where there 
 is a large Danish minority. In many places a small 
 German minority, by means of a petition to the Govern- 
 ment, gains a church service in German first six times a 
 year, then twelve times, then every third Sunday, at last 
 every second Sunday, until perhaps they cease of them- 
 selves because no one comes to church. 
 
 In \ this connection I give a cutting from a newspaper. 
 From the parish of Norre Logum we read in the Flens- 
 borg paper : " On New Year's Day the priest, after finish- 
 ing his sermon, addressed the congregation from the pulpit 
 as follows : ' I have a complaint and a request to make. 
 Some years ago German services were introduced by 
 request, and these have been held on fifteen occasions 
 during the year, but no one attends. On the third Sunday 
 in Advent, for instance, there was only one person present 
 with the exception of a young girl from the priest's house. 
 Not even those who asked for these services came to the 
 church. It would have been better to have left things as 
 they were. I now ask those who understand a German 
 sermon to come. Otherwise it will be admitted that those 
 who maintain that there is no desire for these services 
 are right.'" 
 
 6
 
 82 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 from the usurper to the rightful owner ! * And 
 with this we are to be content and grateful I 
 
 It is a mean-spirited man who is content 
 with the half of his rights I 
 
 These religious services conducted by, a man, 
 perhaps an honest enough man in his own way, 
 but a man Who does not know our language 
 properly, 2 who is a stranger to us, who is a 
 servant of the Government, but against us, who 
 has to look after our, souls, but who has also 
 to .Germanize us ! Away, with them I Let us 
 have Free Churches 1 Should we not be able 
 to pay for two kinds of priests a priest whom 
 we do not know and do not use, but who gets 
 his ample official salary, and a priest who, 
 perhaps, must be content with a smaller income 
 or Who must be willing to help in several 
 parishes, but who belongs to us heart and soul, 
 and whose word can in our, own souls find an 
 echo? 
 
 It is expensive, of course, to pay a salary, 
 to two priests instead of to one. But then, it 
 
 1 This is wrong. The congregation is responsible 
 for this. I do not understand. That the congregation 
 accepts and puts up with this state of things because it 
 can have nothing better is a very different thing from not 
 wanting anything better and from considering what it is 
 getting its half -rights. 
 
 * N.B. This is the case with the majority of them. 
 They believe themselves that they are fluent in our 
 language, but this is a delusion.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 83 
 
 is expensive to build churches which may, re- 
 main unused for four years because the police 
 officer discovers, on the opening day, a tiny, 
 crack in the plaster of the roof, and shuts the 
 church on account of its " structural weak- 
 ness " ! And we should have to be buried in 
 the State cemetery, and like suicides, without 
 tolling of bells, as all petitions about the laying 
 out of graveyards round the Free Churches 
 are being refused. But in spite of all this we 
 say : Let us have Free Churches ! Our right, 
 our sacred and imperishable right, is this : to 
 have our language whole and full and free in. 
 the church as well as in the school. At Pente- 
 cost God's Spirit revealed Itself in many tongues, 
 which now are defunct, and which certainly 
 were not better than' our tongue, in Cretan, in 
 Pamphylian, and in Elamite, but the Prussian 
 Government thinks that our language was not 
 included in the Pentecostal miracle. 1 Into more 
 than four hundred tongues has the Bible been 
 translated, even into the meanest and poorest 
 negro language. And when the missionary goes 
 out to a savage people, what else is his first 
 work but to learn the language of the people 
 in order to preach to them in the mother 
 tongue and to fulfil the Pentecostal miracle? 
 And what is their next task but to educate 
 and train native pastors and teachers to take 
 
 1 Good.
 
 84 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the place of the missionary? Why, even the 
 German Protestant Mission in the South Sea 
 Islands goes to work in this way, but we are 
 worse off than Polynesians, negroes, and bush- 
 men I 
 
 In Berlin there is a French, an English, a 
 Russian Church, etc., for the subjects of these 
 Various nations, to enable them to hear the 
 Word of God in their own language, although 
 in a foreign country. And the German Govern- 
 ment sees that there are German churches in 
 London, Paris, Copenhagen yes, in Calcutta, 
 and in Nagasaki, but in our churches a foreign 
 language is spoken I 
 
 St. Paul was to the Jews a Jew, to the 
 Greeks a Greek. Our priests do not seem to 
 agree with him. It is a difficult and even 
 painful position for an honest and good man 
 to be a priest or a teacher in a conquered land. 
 We recognize it, and we pity them, for there 
 are really honest and good men among them. 
 But I have a good piece of advice to give 
 them when they feel the desperate difficulty* 
 of their position, and sigh because they are 
 not able to be anything for the people who 
 are feeding them. 1 I have a good piece of 
 
 * They bear a good many vicarious sufferings for the 
 
 oppressed Must be admitted to a certain degree. See 
 
 later. Such strong statements wrong these men. And 
 yet why do they come among us ? What they ought
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 85 
 
 advice to them. " Stay away, ! " I say. " Why, 
 do you come here? Go back again to das 
 grosse Vaterlctnd, and leave us in peace in 
 our small native country." 
 
 No Christian priest can, with a good con- 
 science, try to convert a foreign people r against 
 their will and wishes, or preach the Word of 
 God to them in a language which is not theirs, 
 and which they do not wish to hear. For he 
 usurps the place of one of their own people, 
 
 to say to the people they cannot, namely, that they are 
 being unjustly oppressed, that they are suffering great 
 wrongs which they must bear, however, patiently and 
 obediently, and, like all other trials, let purification and 
 spiritual growth be the outcome of their sufferings (after 
 the manner of the Jewish people). This is what the con- 
 gregation have a right to hear, because it is the only view 
 which makes it possible for it to feel reconciled to the 
 conditions and to see them in their proper light the 
 only way for a Christian person to regard them. But no 
 German State preacher can say this. And yet it is only 
 on this condition that a proper understanding and a 
 proper relation can be established between him and his 
 congregation. As circumstances are he will, in the eyes 
 of the congregation, always " belong to the other side." 
 
 1 Most of the teachers and clergymen are natives of 
 Northern Sleswig, sons of Danish peasants. Can a single 
 Polish teacher be found in German Poland ? And can a 
 single openly Danish or Danish-minded teacher or clergy- 
 man be found in Northern Sleswig ? Danish-speaking, 
 perhaps, perhaps some of the children of " Home 
 Germans," but openly Danish and really Danish- 
 minded ? No 1
 
 86 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 And no Christian teacher can, with a good 
 conscience, seek a position among a foreign 
 people, and against their will and wishes teach 
 their children in a language which is not theirs, 
 and which they do not wish to hear. For he 
 usurps the place of one of their own people. 
 Once Christianity really became the ruling 
 power in their hearts, and once they really saw 
 the situation clearly as it is, then conscience 
 would compel each of them, priest and teacher, 
 if they were truly Christian, to throw up his 
 place. Now, then, we warn them : We have 
 not sent for you. We do not want you. We 
 want priests and teachers of our own nation, 
 the right that even Negroes, Eskimos, and Red 
 Indians enjoy. Go away, and do not desecrate 
 all that is most sacred to us by using it as a 
 means of worldly service. Will you, a Christian 
 man, let yourself be hired by any Government 
 whatsoever to aid it in Germanizing, and use 
 the Word of God and your priestly vocation for 
 this purpose? All Germanizing by force is 
 morally wrong, but doubly so for a priest or 
 a teacher. 
 
 It is a natural human right, a sacred rigiht 
 belonging to every nation, to have priests and 
 teachers from its own midst, of its own 
 language, of its own mind. It is a sacred 
 right belonging to every man to decide about 
 the education of his own child, to have full
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 87 
 
 liberty to teach his child according to his own 
 mind in his own language. If the laws en- 
 croach on these rights, then the laws are illegal 
 and sinful, and transgress against the laws of 
 God. 1 In such circumstances we cannot give 
 unto Caesar what belongs to Caesar without 
 withholding from God that which is His. 
 
 But if we are told, " Well, then, train your 
 priests and teachers from among yourselves 
 in your own language, and let them seek office 
 among your people " thanks ! Does any one 
 believe that one of our young people trained as 
 a priest, or as a teacher or a lawyer, or any- 
 thing else at a German University, would be 
 able to get a post among us? 2 In Westphalia 
 
 ' But what if the individual through inadvertence 
 encroaches on the rights of the State ? No family can 
 live without the legal protection of the State. To this end 
 the State educates its citizens, and a certain minimum of 
 citizen education is enforced (knowledge of languages for 
 the military, for the law-court, etc.'). But as soon as the 
 authorities become overbearing and refuse to tolerate the 
 mother tongue side by side with this, then we are to blame. 
 Certainly, if the State will not go the whole way, and 
 recognize that it has no right to rule over these people, 
 but should liberate them and give them back to their 
 own kith and kin. This should be the Christian duty 
 of the State. 
 
 * Not as a lawyer, but priest or teacher, certainly. 
 Yes, on paper. But he cannot in reality, as he cannot 
 accept the conditions which await him, or for a moment 
 think of complying with the demands made upon him.
 
 88 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 or in Brandenburg he might, perhaps, but not 
 among us, where he just wants to be ; and he 
 does not care to be in Westphalia or Branden- 
 burg, and we do not wish to have him there 
 as he is Danish and not German. No, that way 
 is barred. 
 
 And it means a great deal to a people that 
 the path of higher education is barred. 1 That 
 is also one of the means by which the Prussians 
 give us higher Kultur, by trying to prevent 
 our young people from getting an academic 
 training. That none of our people can become 
 a gate-keeper, or a railway conductor, or a 
 midwife, or a hospital doctor, or indeed an 
 official of any kind in the service of the State 
 or of the Commune, that doubtless may be a 
 matter of merely economic significance for us ; 
 it may hurt and vex us to see all these imported 
 strangers whom we have to maintain. But 
 that an academic career is barred to us 
 (because an official career is barred to 
 us in our own country), that is a matter 
 of other and still greater importance to 
 us because it diminishes our chances of 
 culture. 
 
 But, thank God ! at the same time Prussia 
 
 opens other sources of culture for us. There 
 
 is an immense power in burning indignation, 
 
 in the sense of being wronged, in suffering, 
 
 1 Not true ! See below. Think of the Poles.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 89 
 
 yes, also strength in hatred and in scorn,* 
 strength which drives us to work with redoubled 
 zeal for ourselves, seeing that the State bars 
 to us its avenues to higher things, to delve 
 more deeply into the culture of our own race 
 so that we may not fall behind our oppressors 
 in culture, but only in brutality. > 
 
 It was in passionate indignation, in the sense 
 of being wronged, in suffering, in hatred, and 
 in scorn that Prussia found strength, in 1813, 
 against the French conqueror. And it is exactly 
 from these same sources of power that we 
 are drawing our strength against the Prussian 
 conqueror, whose yoke is so much heavier, 
 Whose brutality is far greater than was ever 
 that of Napoleon. All this is inevitable, until 
 it dawns some day on humanity that to self- 
 conscious and civilized nations the word 
 " conqueror " is a term, not of honour but of 
 shame ; that God has made the nations, and 
 that each one of them has a right to live its 
 own life unmolested by others ; that Germanizing 
 by force, Prussianizing, Magyarizing, etc., ethi- 
 cally regarded, must be placed in the category 
 of theft and murder. 
 
 So much with regard to the school and the 
 Church. Need I mention the law-courts? Need 
 I waste many words on the Prussian judges 
 and police magistrates, who judge us, fine us 
 
 1 Good.
 
 90 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 and imprison us when we sing our old songs, 
 when we paint our gates or doors with colours 
 which accidentally happen to be in our old 
 flag, who exile our children and our servants 
 for offences which others have committed, who 
 put our editors and parliamentary representa- 
 tives in prison on paltry grounds, who forbid 
 us to erect dwelling-houses on our own land, 
 and force us to live in earthen caves and gipsy, 
 caravans, and who come and carry off our 
 stove if we erect one there? 1 
 
 Do you realize that it is a punishable offence 
 to have a red -brown gate in a whitewashed 
 wall? that if I paint the name of my property 
 which it has held lor a thousand years, on my 
 wagon, the law comes down on me and 
 threatens me with a fine if I do not erase it 
 at once and put the new Prussian name of 
 the farm on instead, a name which is manu- 
 factured and made up by the managers, and 
 which often is only a senseless and silly per- 
 version of the right one? 2 (How would an 
 English squire like to get Sandringham changed 
 into Sonderhaven, or his old town -with its 
 ancient English name called Friederichshohe 
 
 1 9 f Will be proved later. 
 
 f My statement cannot be questioned ; here is an ex- 
 ample. " Aabenraa " etymologically and from a scientific 
 point of view makes very good sense, while " Apenrade " 
 makes none ; cf . " Graasten " " Gravenstein," etc.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 91 
 
 or Wilhelmsort?) I do not understand at all 
 why, I myself am allowed to keep jny name, 
 as it is absolutely, un-Germari in its } sound ! 
 
 But all these are but petty grievances in 
 comparison with intolerable cases of tyranny 
 in matters of far greater importance. 
 
 The most flagrant, if perhaps not the most 
 important, example of such a pur,e breach of 
 the law, and of their own promises and of 
 their own enactments, is to be found in the 
 treatment of the North Sleswig " Optionists " 
 that is, of the natives of Sleswig who, accord- 
 ing to the right guaranteed to them in para- 
 graph 19 of the Treaty of Vienna, had declared 
 in favour of Denmark, and concerning whom 1 
 it is decreed in the above-mentioned paragraph 
 that they " must not on account of their choice 
 be interfered with by either side regarding their 
 persons or. regarding their properties situated 
 in the respective States," likewise that they 
 also " retain their rights of nationality, in the 
 Kingdom of Denmark as well as in the 
 Duchies.'* 
 
 My readers need not be afraid that I am 
 going to weary them with a long explanation 
 of the Optionist question. 1 It is sufficient to 
 say here that Prussia has on every opportunity 
 
 1 A statement of this can be found in a book by 
 Franz von Jessen, " Manuel historique de la question de 
 Slesvig," Copenhagen, 1906, the Gyldendal bookstore.
 
 92 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 delighted in exiling these Optionists and their 
 children (numbering tens of thousands ), in spite 
 of all promises, treaties, and later conventions, 
 not when the Optionists themselves have been 
 found guilty of pro - Danish agitation (an 
 Optionist would take good care not to commit 
 himself in that way), but when their brothers, 
 or brothers-in-law, or cousins, or even persons 
 who were only neighbours or friends of theirs 
 from the same town or parish were directly 
 concerned. If a Danish meeting has been held 
 in a parish, or a social excursion has been 
 conducted from a parish into Denmark, or if 
 anything of that kind takes place, then the 
 whole parish is punished by the exile of one 
 or more of the Optionists, although they may 
 not have had anything to do with the cause of 
 offence. This is a recognized principle, and 
 admitted as such publicly and in plain words 
 by high Prussian officials. 
 
 I wish to tell Prussian officials clearly and 
 distinctly, and in a manner perfectly intellig- 
 ible, how we regard such acts (of course not 
 in Sleswig only but, as we shall see later, also 
 in Poland and Alsace-Lorraine). If one could 
 imagine the impossible case of my being 
 challenged to a duel by the Prussian Land- 
 rath in Sonderborg (I am not supposing so 
 ridiculous a case in order to show my attitude 
 to the duel question, but only cite a test that
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 93 
 
 will appeal specially to a Prussian), I should 
 in that case turn my back on him with contempt 
 and say : " I cannot consider you a satisfactory 
 person to fight. You have in cold blood, and 
 on your own responsibility, torn an orphan 
 girl of eighteen from her old grandparents, and 
 from her home, and have exiled her from her 
 country, giving her only twenty-four hours' 
 warning, and, mark well, not, as you yourself 
 said, because she had given offence in any way a 
 but because her grandfather was pro-Danish. 
 Such conduct stains a man's honour, and will 
 embitter, we hope, his dying hour." 
 
 [The young girl (Helene Reimers) is des- 
 perate, refuses to leave, is conducted by police 
 over the border, returns next day, is arrested, 
 imprisoned for a couple of days, and after this 
 punishment she is again conducted over the 
 border. Bravo, Herr Landrath ! ] 
 
 These banishments have happened by the 
 thousand to people who have lived all their 
 lives in the country to grown-up people and 
 to children, to men and women, to old and 
 young, to sick and aged yes, even to women 
 lying in their beds in confinement. 
 
 Then just two more examples, mainly from 
 the regime of Herr von Roller : 
 
 A poor widow gets an order to quit within 
 twenty-four hours, with her daughter, twelve 
 years of age, Who is dying from meningitis.
 
 94 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 -When she arrives at the Danish border station 
 she must wait several hours before she is trans- 
 ported to a poor house, as the Danish authori- 
 ties have not been warned of their arrival ! 
 Two days later the child dies. 
 
 A girl of sixteen, an Optionist child herself, 
 but having two brothers who were naturalized, 
 after serving their time in the Prussian Army, 
 was told to leave the country, within twenty- 
 four hours. As a reason it was explained that 
 she had gone from the kindness of her heart 
 to help her neighbours, whose servants had 
 been exiled. 
 
 A bedridden Optionist sixty-nine yearfc of 
 age, with a sick wife also sixty -nine years 
 old, and a grown-up daughter, were deported. 
 Even their German neighbours pleaded for 
 them with the magistrate, but in vain. As a 
 reason it was stated that their, two grown-up 
 naturalized sons had taken part in a Danish 
 electioneering meeting. 
 
 Until 1898 sons of Optionists, born in 
 Sleswig, were enrolled as soldiers and 
 naturalized when they came up for their 
 military training. Von Roller introduced the 
 practice of cashiering 1 them and exiling them 1 . 
 As a consequence we come across many in- 
 stances of the eldest son having been a Prussian 
 soldier while the younger one has been exiled, 
 and has entered the Danish Army. In many
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 95 
 
 places the old parents are now living all alone 
 on the farm which has been in the family for. 
 generations while all the children are exiled, 
 all because, in 1864, the father, trusting the 
 promises of the Prussian State, and relying on 
 a Treaty drawn up in the name of the Trinity, 
 exercised his option in favour of Denmark, 
 and hoped thereby, to esqape the Prussian Con- 
 scription. 
 
 But the cup is not yet full. No, if they 
 want to get rid of a man with Danish' 
 sympathies, and if he is not an Optionist, they, 
 make him one, should other means fail, by 
 buying false witnesses. People who had never 
 been Optionists were declaried by Herr von 
 Roller to be so, and their children had to quit. 
 There are many examples of this having been 
 done, even to persons Who* had taken pjarb in the 
 campaign of 1870-71 on the German side, and 
 who had got the war medal. In these cases 
 the authorities declared that the drafting of 
 those men for military service was due to a 
 misunderstanding ! Nay, more, even if the 
 father had been through the campaign and the 
 son had later served his time in the German 
 Army, still the authorities exiled the son as 
 the child of an Optionist, so that there might 
 be no one to take over the family property. 
 
 And to crown all, the officials of the Adminis- 
 tration do not respect the law-courts, not even
 
 96 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the decisions of the German High Court. Do 
 not imagine that a man can feel secure when 
 he holds a German High Court decree declaring 
 him to be a German citizen. The Landrath! 
 can, despite this, quite easily exile him as " an 
 Optionist " (e.g. the case of Finnemann). In 
 a few individual cases the order of exile has 
 been successfully appealed against and nulli- 
 fied by the High Court. In those cases the 
 authorities have lacked the courage to renew 
 the order of exile, but they have shown their 
 power and their ill-will by striking the names 
 of the persons in question off the list of voters, 
 and by depriving them of all rights as citizens. 
 But, as a rule, it is impossible to get an order 
 of exile repealed. 1 
 
 And in order to make an Optionist of a 
 man they do not disdain the help of bribed 
 witnesses. The Sheriff in Skaerjjack, Winther 
 von Adlerslugel, wished to make a certain Herr 
 Timmermann an Optionist, and stated in a 
 letter, which fell into the wrong hands, that 
 he would place the sum of 2,000 marks (from 
 whose purse, we wonder ! ) at the disposal of 
 a certain shoemaker if Jie, no matter whether 
 
 1 Bank-manager Mliller in Skaerback was exiled by the 
 Administrative Council ; therefore he was recognized by 
 the ordinary law-court as a Prussian subject ; but never- 
 theless he was deprived of his political rights and declared 
 an exile. (Author's note.)
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 97 
 
 he <c quite remembered the fact or not," would 
 declare on his oath that Timttiermann had 
 resided for a considerable time in Denmark, 
 about thirty-eight years before ! 
 
 Also in the Finnemann case it has been 
 clearly proved that the authorities paid wit- 
 nesses to give false evidence, and that it was 
 through their instrumentality that they gained 
 their end. 
 
 In both cases the truth might easily have 
 been brought to light, and legal proof given 
 before a German law-court. But all attempts 
 stranded on the repeated refusal of the Courts 
 to deal with the case. And in consequence of 
 these acts of " justice," farmer Finnemann 
 has for years lived an exile across the 
 border. 
 
 When this policy of the making and exiling! 
 of Optionists does not suffice, other resources 
 are used. Listen to this : 
 
 In order to compel Sleswig children who 
 are attending secondary schools in Denmark 
 to return, the first thing is to exile the Optionists 
 in the affected parishes. If this does not suffice, 
 the parents in question are deprived of their 
 parental authority over their children, and 
 guardians favourably disposed to Germany are 
 appointed ! But the children simply refuse to 
 obey their new guardians and their orders to 
 
 return. At last, however, a decree of this 
 
 7
 
 98 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 kind has been reversed by the High Court 
 of Leipzig, which declares, in opposition to 
 the verdict of the Landrath, that it is not 
 an " immoral " act to send a child to a 
 Danish school. 
 
 To cite another case : A widow in the coun- 
 try with ten children gets her eldest boy 
 apprenticed in a Danish newspaper office. On 
 account of this she is deprived of her parental 
 authority over all the other nine children, 
 her worst personal enemy is appointed as their 
 guardian, a " political " chimney -sweeper, who 
 takes the boy away from his situation, and 
 places him elsewhere in good German sur- 
 roundings. Here, too, the case has to be 
 carried right up to the High Court before 
 the judgment is reversed, after a year and 
 a day. 
 
 [It is superfluous to add that all Optionists 
 are not treated like this, but that their political 
 bias is the decisive factor. The former 
 Chancellor, Furst Bulow, is, for instance, the 
 son of an Optionist, as his father after the war 
 in 1867 decided for Denmark ; but he has so 
 far never been molested for that reason.] 1 
 
 This, then, is the German idea of right and 
 culture. This is what is understood by German- 
 izing ! And the men who lend themselves as 
 creatures to do this dirty work are called gesin- 
 
 1 Good.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 99 
 
 nungstuchtige, and the champions of German 
 culture in nord, east, or west-mark. 1 
 
 A special account has been given of the con- 
 dition of the Danes in Sleswig and of the 
 Optionist question, because these two things 
 furnish particularly flagrant and amazing 
 examples of Prussian policy. But do not 
 suppose for a moment that you have heard 
 the worst. Listen to what follows : 
 
 In the first place, the evictions and .exile 
 are not confined to Sleswig. In Poland they 
 even went so far, in November 1907, as to 
 evict a boy of four years of age. 2 
 
 Need I mention the pass -tyranny in Alsace- 
 
 1 The author of this Supplement has not experienced 
 personally the last phase in the North Sleswig fight 
 for nationality, the persecution of the " homeless." 
 Otherwise he would surely have directed attention 
 also to this point : that among other things a premium 
 is put upon illegitimacy in that the illegitimate child 
 of a " homeless " man inherits its mother's Prussian 
 rights as a German citizen and is secure from persecution, 
 while the child is " homeless " like the father if the 
 parents marry. Those two thousand to three thousand 
 " homeless " persons in Sleswig, all born there, as children 
 of Optionists, have nowhere any right as citizens, neither 
 in Prussia nor in any other land. They can, therefore, 
 only be exiled in general. They are fined for not obeying 
 the order of exile, and are put in prison once, twice, 
 thrice, four times, until they leave the country at last. 
 (Note by the Editor.)
 
 100 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 Lorraine? There, too, the police escort the 
 sons and daughters over the border again when 
 they try to rush home without a special 
 permit to their parents' deathbed. Often, 
 too, they are refused permission to be present, 
 not only at the deathbed but also at the 
 funeral. 
 
 There, too, the French language is pro- 
 scribed, and its use forbidden even on tomb- 
 stones. 1 
 
 In Berlin a hairdresser may call himself 
 Coiffeur, but not so in Strassburg. There the 
 police have carried their zeal so far as to con- 
 fiscate handbills which intimated, in French, 
 that such and such a Professor would lecture 
 on the debt of culture to Richard Wagner. 2 
 
 1 No, only political sentiments ? 
 
 * I need only remind you of the preliminaries to the 
 demonstrations in January 1911. A couple of months 
 beforehand the president of the Franco-National Sport 
 Association intimated to the Metz police that they 
 intended having a concert on the 8th of January. As 
 he did not receive an answer he went to the police 
 president, where he was requested to send in the pro- 
 gramme of the concert. This was done at once. But the 
 police now demanded a printed programme. Also this 
 request was complied with. Some days later the presi- 
 dent got word that the French text must be translated 
 into German and then sent to the police president. And 
 at last, on the 5th of January, three days before the 
 concert, the president was sent for by the police president 
 and was told that the police considered the concert a
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 101 
 
 But why labour these details? Exam-piles 
 from any one conquered province hold good 
 for all. There is no difference of treatment ; 
 it is ever the brutal grip on the throat, the 
 clenched fist before the face is ever the same. 
 If examples are wanted of the Germanizing 
 campaign in other places, we need only mention 
 that in the provinces of Posen, West Prussia, 
 East Prussia, Silesia, and in the districts of 
 
 public demonstration and the list of members of the 
 association must be handed in. 
 
 The president of the association found this rather stiff 
 first to have the matter dragged out by all kinds of 
 pretexts, and then at the last moment to get such an 
 unreasonable demand. But the police maintained their 
 claim. The president now tried to apply to the police 
 president's superior officer, who gave him a Solomon's 
 answer to the effect that the society did not need police 
 permission to hold a private concert, but that the police 
 president had informed him that this was a public 
 performance. It was clear that the society was the object 
 of petty persecution by the police, that they did not dare 
 to forbid the concert, but that they would as far as 
 possible place insuperable difficulties in the way. The 
 president and the other members of the committee 
 maintained, however, that, according to the law, they 
 had a right to hold the concert and that the police could 
 not demand the list of members, and they, therefore, 
 persisted in proceeding with the concert as advertised. 
 
 On the Sunday evening a couple of thousand people 
 were gathered in the concert-hall. The orchestra had 
 played an introductory march, and it was just going to 
 start the real programme when a police officer appeared
 
 102 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 Frankfurt-am -Oder, Stettin and Ooslin that is, 
 the Polish districts it is necessary in every 
 single case for the plans of buildings not only 
 to be approved by the municipal authorities, 
 but to be passed also by a State president, 
 who must certify that the proposed building 
 will not in any way contravene the German 
 law regulating the construction of such build- 
 ings. For many years only Germans have been 
 able to get this permission from the State 
 
 at the entrance and ordered the concert to be stopped at 
 once. The chairman explained to him that this was not 
 a public demonstration, and that only ticket-holders had 
 been admitted ; further, he asked all who were not 
 members of the society to leave the hall, but no one 
 stirred. The police officer stuck to his guns, but the 
 audience demanded that the concert should proceed. 
 The conductor made ready to begin, but he was stopped 
 by the police, who seized hold of him and held him fast. 
 Of course this caused a great tumult in the crowded 
 hall. At the request of the chairman the assembly dis- 
 persed, however, but the demonstrations were continued 
 in the street. Several thousand people, with the banner 
 of the society carried at the head of the procession, 
 marched through the streets singing French and Italian 
 songs. Stopping at the monument of Marechal Neye, one 
 of the members of the society leaped upon the pedestal 
 of the monument and made a speech ending with a " Vive 
 la France ! " and singing the Marseillaise, they continued 
 the march. In the meantime the police had called out 
 the military, who met them with fixed bayonets. In the 
 melee several people were wounded and a score of the 
 demonstrators were arrested. (Note by the Editor.)
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 103 
 
 president. (Confirmation of this from the 
 [German side may be found, among other places, 
 in a book by Professor Walther Schucking, 
 Dr. Jurisp., "Das Nation alitaten problem.") It 
 is, as a rule, impossible for a Pole to get per- 
 mission to build a dwelling-house. He may 
 build stables and barns, for these are not 
 mentioned in the law, but not a dwelling-house. 
 If, nevertheless, he does venture to do so, 
 examples can be given of police officers carry- 
 ing away windows and doors so as to make 
 the house uninhabitable. At the beginning of 
 this campaign people were at first allowed to 
 build the dwelling-houses, and afterwards the 
 proprietors were forbidden to use them. The 
 house stands empty, and must not be entered, 
 while the would-be inhabitants sleep in the 
 barn or the stable. The temptation to steal 
 into the dwelling-house at night is great, of 
 course, but to do so involves a fine. And if 
 the police suspect anything of this kind, they 
 spread fine sand round the house in the even- 
 ing so as to be able to find footprints next 
 morning. (Report from the correspondent of 
 Gazeta Polska, from the village Mielzyn in 
 Posen, October 1903.) 
 
 A Pole, by the name of Drzymella, had 
 bought a few acres of land near Posen, and 
 had built a stable and a barn upon it ; but it 
 was quite impossible for him to get permission
 
 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 to build a dwelling-house. At last he bought 
 a closed gipsy caravan and lived in this with 
 his family. It was remarkable that the police 
 could not find any paragraph of the law for- 
 bidding this. After fighting the authorities for 
 four years he at last got tired and left the 
 country. His caravan is now in the Cracow 
 National Museum. Occasionally the poor souls 
 have to content themselves with living in caves 
 dug in the ground, a form of dwelling which' 
 we shall therefore suppose must be considered 
 less insanitary in the eyes of the Prussian 
 authorities than houses. 1 
 
 The authorities do not seem to think they 
 can forbid this, as there is no law against 
 caves, so they let the matter pass because they 
 do not wish to run the risk of having such 
 cases brought before the law-courts. 
 
 However, to kill as far as possible the desire 
 of the Polish inhabitants to parcel up the soil 
 and to build houses on it, still finer methods 
 have been invented. The moment the Pole, 
 in such a caravan as we have mentioned, .or 
 in an earthen cave, puts in a stove, the sanitary 
 inspector arrives at once and removes it, be- 
 cause a stove in such surroundings is dangerous 
 to health ! The Pole is thus compelled, for 
 the sake of his health, to freeze in the Polish 
 
 1 Take care! Perhaps you do not know these con- 
 ditions, but I have only said what I can prove.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 105 
 
 winter ! That he might perhaps put up with 
 for himself, and perhaps also for his wife, 
 but it is sometimes hard to see the children 
 freeze. 
 
 That he sometimes has difficulty in resigning 
 'himself to this may be seen from the following 
 story : 
 
 A peasant by the name of Chrosz, who lived 
 in Silesia in such an earthen cave as has been 
 mentioned, had placed in it a stove. The police 
 ordered him to do away with it himself. As 
 he did not obey, a police officer, accompanied 
 by a mason, arrived in the absence of the 
 proprietor and smashed the stove. While 'this 
 was being done the man came home. Desperate 
 and beside himself with rage, he seized his 
 gun, fired on the police officer, and then shot 
 himself. 
 
 Do not say, then, that the Prussian State 
 does not take care of its subjects, and that 
 it is not a State that pays due regard to law 
 and culture ! 
 
 [When, on the other hand, the State com- 
 plains of the lower state of culture of the Poles, 
 one is tempted to ask what the State is doing 
 to advance Polish culture, and if Polish culture 
 might not have been more advanced if the 
 Poles had been allowed to enjoy political liberty 
 as citizens, and the fundamental rights of 
 human beings.]
 
 106 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 But let us return to ordinary conditions of 
 life among the people. Take, for example, 
 freedom of association. How does this stand? 
 
 As we know, the German Empire has now 
 (in 1908) secured a new Law of Association, 
 granting a little more freedom from the inter- 
 ference of the German elements of society, but 
 full of clauses of exceptions for the conquered 
 people. As no one knows yet how this law 
 will work, or be interpreted, we will first give 
 a short sketch of the conditions under the old 
 and specially Prussian Law of Association : 
 
 " All assemblies at \Vhich public affairs are 
 to be discussed must be reported in advance 
 to the police, even if the gatherings are held 
 in private houses, and if the discussions relate 
 to agriculture, co - operation, questions of 
 health insurance, or, even the services in the 
 Free Churches. Three persons are, accord- 
 ing to Prussian law, enough to make an 
 assembly." 
 
 When two men come driving along in a 
 closed carriage, and meet a friend, who takes 
 a seat beside them, and they carry on a con- 
 versation about the high price of corn, "then," 
 as a famous German advocate has said, " they 
 are punishable, according to Prussian law, as 
 the meeting was not beforehand reported to 
 the police." 
 
 Gatherings in the open air require a special
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 107 
 
 permit from the police, a permit which has 
 never been granted for a Polish, Danish, or 
 French meeting. 
 
 Societies which " seek to influence public 
 affairs " must submit their rules and lists of 
 members to the police, and must notify within 
 three days all changes in the membership. In 
 1899 about a hundred and fifty law actions, 
 involving fines to the amount of twenty, 
 thousand marks, were brought against the 
 North Sleswig Language Union in respect of 
 deaths among members, during the preceding 
 ten years, which had not been notified to the 
 police within three days. When a man died 
 in a distant country district the very first thing 
 the family had to think of was to intimate the 
 fact, as quickly as possible, to all the societies 
 of which the deceased had been a member, so 
 that the various committees might let the police 
 know within three days, preferably in a 
 registered letter, I think, so, as to have for 
 future occasions, perhaps ten years later, a 
 receipt in proof of the intimation. Each 
 member of the committee of an Agricultural 
 Association was fined fifteen marks because the 
 death of a member was intimated only on the 
 1st of May, while he had died on the evening 
 of the 28th of April. The 29th was a Sunday, 
 and on the Monday the Association held a 
 general meeting for the election of committee
 
 108 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 members. As a rule women may never be 
 present at political meetings, nor yet at sociable 
 gatherings held after them. 
 
 The police dissolved, for instance, some time 
 ago, the Mantlemakers' Trade Union in Berlin 
 because a woman speaker at a meeting had 
 voiced a wish for the reduction of the tariff 
 on thread. It had cost philanthropic people 
 years oT work and trouble to bring together 
 and organize these worst-paid of outcasts among 
 women workers. And then, with one stroke 
 of a pen, the police director smashed and 
 annihilated the whole organization. 
 
 Any meeting could be dissolved by the police 
 if armed persons were found to be present, 
 and in the conquered country districts such 
 meetings have been dissolved because walking- 
 sticks were found in the room. 
 
 Meetings have been stopped for many and 
 various reasons. One speaker began his lecture 
 with these words : " My theme . . ." Then 
 the police officer rose and said shortly : " No 
 one may speak of themes in this assembly. I 
 declare the meeting closed ! " Somewhere in 
 one of the conquered districts a number of 
 ladies were gathered at a tea-party, when the 
 police pushed their way in and put an end to 
 the gathering ; certainly no speeches had been 
 made, but, according to the ideas of the police, 
 it was probable that public affairs might have
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 109 
 
 been discussed if the party had been allowed 
 to go on. Ordinary non-political gatherings 
 with lectures have been stopped " because a 
 crack in the plaster ceiling showed that the 
 club-house was shaky," or because " some 
 children were ill with measles on a farm in 
 the same parish," or because " the hail was lit 
 with paraffin lamps, and it was quite possible 
 that one of them might explode," or because 
 the door was not marked " Exit " (Ausgangs- 
 thur), or because the police had not indicated 
 how many persons the hall could hold. In 
 Saxony the police have often forbidden meet- 
 ings of a social -democratic character " because 
 the drinking water of the town was not good," 
 and in Silesia the police forbade a trade-union 
 of masons to hold meetings " because foot-and- 
 mouth disease had broken out among the cattle 
 of the district." 
 
 At a certain place a Dedication Service was 
 proposed to be held in a new Free Church. 
 But in the place o ( f the pastor the police 
 officer appeared, in the chancel, in pointed 
 helmet, and with sword in hand, and forbade 
 the use of the church because a crack the 
 size of a hair was Visible in the plaster ceiling, 
 and showed that the building was dangerous ! 
 A legal process followed, during which the 
 church was kept closed for four years, then 
 the closing order was reversed by the highest
 
 110 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 court. But for those four years the congre- 
 gation had in this way, been unable to make 
 use of their church, and, of course, the right 
 to hold open-air meetings had been refused. 
 
 [If only for completeness' sake, let me add 
 that in the conquered districts the licences of 
 hotel -keepers and innkeepers are held subject 
 to the condition that they do not permit their, 
 houses to be used for Nationalist meetings, 
 not even for Nationalist agricultural or 
 Nationalist health insurance meetings.] 
 
 What surprises one is that any meeting at 
 all is ever successfully arranged. 
 
 Whatever the circumstances, whatever the 
 occasion, the question in the conquered 
 districts is whether one's sympathies are 
 Nationalist or pro -German, and if one is not 
 pro -German one has no rights. If a farmer, 
 owing to the busy harvest season, wishes to 
 get an exeat from school for his herd boy r 
 the granting of this favour all depends on 
 whether he shows a " Nationalist tendency " 
 or not. In the German Parliament on 
 March 19, 1908, the representative for North 
 Sleswig, Herr H. P. Hanssen, handed the 
 Minister for Education a " private " note issued 
 by the school inspector to the teachers, in 
 which this procedure, was strongly recom- 
 merided. During the parliamentary discussions 
 on March 16, 1908, a member, of the House,
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 111 
 
 Herr Sudekum, showed "that this principle is 
 also accepted as the guiding rule in dealing 
 with " grants in support of veterans." He pro- 
 duced a document in which LandrathDolegavon 
 Koszierewski asked a county official to inform 
 him how far some applicant fulfilled the con- 
 ditions pir escribed by the law ; but, along with 
 this, the official was asked to give in a separate 
 letter, and for private information, his opinion 
 as to how far an allowance granted could be 
 supposed to promote loyalist tendencies in the 
 case of the person in question, orj if, on the 
 contrary, he was pro -Danish. This was an 
 attempt at corruption, for which it was im- 
 possible for the speaker to find parliamentary, 
 expression. He begged the House to record 
 their disgust at this wretched Landrath's action 
 (here he was called to order by the president). 
 
 [I make his words my own. First we are 
 conquered, then we are forced to fight for the 
 conqueror, and at last we are denied in our; 
 old age our pension as veterans, Which all 
 other veterans receive, on account of our 
 nationality. As if our sympathies were within 
 the power of our will ! ] 
 
 A community in which the inhabitants are 
 mainly Polish decide to build a well ,at the 
 school, and receive an offer from a local work- 
 man to do the work for four hundred marks. 
 The community know that a neighbouring
 
 112 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 district has got a Government grant towards 
 the construction of their school well, and they 
 seek the same help. This also is granted, but 
 with this limitation : the grant is made to depend 
 on the work being executed by a certain German 
 firm. This firm want a thousand marks for 
 the job, so that the community savie a hundred 
 marks by refusing the grant. 
 
 In the year 1908 the German people 
 secured a new and more liberal Law of 
 Assembly, which, however, can easily and 
 zealousty be used against us by Prussian skill 
 in interpretation. But for the special benefit 
 of the conquered districts, the new law contains 
 in Section 12 this clause, that at all public 
 meetings, political or non -political, even at 
 ordinary lectures, and at Free Church services, 
 only German a'nd 110 other language may be 
 spoken. This decree, however, is not to come 
 into force for twenty years in all parishes, 
 where more than 60 per cent, of the population 
 are of non -German nationality. But it comes 
 into force at once in many purely Polish, 
 Danish, and French districts, which have the 
 sad fate of bordering on districts of German 
 nationality, and of forming one half of a parish 4 
 the other half of which is mainly German 
 ("geometry of choice"). 
 
 In such places the mother tongue is silenced 
 at once, even in the Free Churches ; in the
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 113 
 
 districts where it is spoken by over 60 per 
 cent, of the population it will be silenced in 
 twenty years' time. Wherever our countrymen 
 gather in large numbers their mother tongue 
 is forbidden, either now, at .once, or in twenty 
 years' time. The mother tongue must be 
 silenced. 
 
 It is silenced in the church, in the school^ 
 in the law-court, in the clubs, in the theatres, 
 in the agricultural associations, and in the 
 health insurance unions. I know only one 
 place where it will never die in the home. 
 From the home no persecution will ever drive 
 it out ; there at least 'it will reign to all eternity, 
 and as long as it lives there it has always a 
 chance of waking into life anew elsewhere as. 
 well. 
 
 And we shall not forget that the German 
 Chancellor stood up in his place in Parliament 
 and supported such a proposal as this (nay, a 
 far more drastic proposal ; for the law, as it 
 exists, is a compromise between the Govern- 
 ment proposal and the amendments secured by 
 the Liberal parties), and that he has declared 
 its acceptance to be necessary and self-evident. 
 However refined and polite, however amiable 
 he may, perhaps, be as a man, yet this policy 
 of his brands him with a stigma which will' 
 accompany his naine beyond death and the 
 grave. We 1 can accept no excuses to the effect 
 
 ' 8
 
 114 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 that these matters relate only to politics, and 
 that here the question of morality does not 
 arise ; for even in politics there is a something 
 called elementary, personal honesty and up- 
 rightness, and there are limits to the contempt- 
 ible slave labour for which a man of honour 
 can be used. Is it necessary to add that the 
 present Act is far from 1 satisfactory from the 
 point of view of the full-blown Pan -Germans 
 and Nationalists? Let us remember that at 
 the annual conference of the Hakatists a motion 
 was submitted to the effect that all newspapers 
 should be printed only in German. 
 
 In many places in the German Empire the 
 Poles hold now (to the great indignation of 
 ultra - loyalist Prussians ) public meetings 
 where no words are spoken, but the 
 speakers write down their addresses in chalk 
 on a large blackboard, in Polish. But the 
 police will surely soon find a legal formula 
 by which they can forbid this too. 
 
 Let us add that bills and notices in work- 
 shops, factories, and mines may be written 
 in German only, even when the workmen, as 
 in Westphalia and the Rhine province, are 
 mostly Poles, who do not understand a word 
 of German, and this practice has also been 
 blamed for the recent mine disaster in Radbod. 
 
 It only remains to say that this stain on the 
 'honour of Prussia is but a small matter in
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 115 
 
 comparison with the infamous policy which 
 is known as the L;aw of the Forcible Expro^ 
 priation of Polish L,and. r History has seen 
 nothing like this since Assyrian kings drove 
 away whole tribes of people from their home- 
 steads. 
 
 1 It is only a case of latifundia, and the Polish 
 Junkers are not better than the Prussian. Besides, the 
 law does not mention Polish land, but it is directed gen- 
 erally against all excessive property in land. How the 
 administration carried out the law yes, my friend, 
 that is quite another story. Yes, it certainly is another 
 story. The idea of general application is then quite illu- 
 sory we might say humorous. But the law in itself is 
 not general either. Is it not limited so as to apply only 
 to certain Government districts, and these just the con- 
 quered ones ? And is it not officially endorsed as an 
 effort to advance Germanism in these districts ? 
 
 That forcible expropriation is in practice carried out 
 only in the case of excessive estates is one thing that 
 is natural but that the law is not limited to these I 
 believe to be certain, but I must make fresh inquiries. 
 Ludwig Bernhard, " Die Polenfrage " (Leipzig, 1910, 
 2nd ed., p. 596), merely states that " the only proper- 
 ties entirely exempted from expropriation were the large 
 possessions of the Church and charitable institutions in 
 Posen and in West Prussia" ; but he does not say a 
 word about the law applying only for latifundia. See 
 later quotations by the Counts Mirback and Schulenburg 
 and von Haseler. And whatever the Polish Junkers may 
 be like even if they were mere brute beasts still, they 
 might claim the same constitutional rights as the Prus- 
 sians (who are not any better). Even anarchigts a.nd 
 moral outcasts enjoy those rights,
 
 116 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 The right of possession is thus abolished 
 in Prussia, as regards the Polish proprietor. 
 We will assume for the moment that the State 
 is in a position to annul the rights of private 
 property (the matter is open to discussion), if 
 it does so consistently and justly for all its 
 citizens. But to do this in the case of a certain 
 limited section ! 
 
 Here, then, is 'a peasant proprietor on his 
 farm, 1 which he has inherited from his father 
 and intends to 'hand down to his son. If he 
 is asked if he will sell the farm, he says no. 
 ! But the Prussian Government takes him by the 
 scruff of the neck and throws him out of his 
 own gate, and gives him a sum, which it fixes 
 to suit itself. Such a law we shall never 
 recognize. This is not a case of dura lex, 
 sed lex. No, this is not a case of law at 
 all (as there is no equity), but only a brutal 
 exercise of power. 
 
 The Prussian Landtag has passed this law, 
 the Prussian Landtag which is elected by, a 
 small and carefully limited section of reaction- 
 ary Prussia's most reactionary elements. But 
 the Prussian Landtag has no right whatsoever 
 to pass such a law, not a shadow of a right. 
 'Might is put in the place of right, and funda- 
 mental, natural, self-evident, and God-given 
 
 1 Estate. Small properties cannot be expropriated, 
 Does this make matters any better?
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 117 
 
 justice is mocked and trampled upon. And 
 whoever associates himself with such action is 
 a criminal ; he sins against a law which is higher 
 than all Prussian laws, which is above all 
 imperial and royal authority. And the trans- 
 gressor of this law shall, indeed, sooner or 
 later, be duly punished. 
 
 Richard Witting mentions in one of his 
 pamphlets that it is a matter of indifference 
 on which side the right and the wrong lie in 
 the struggle between Germans and Poles. 
 Another of the Hakatist leaders, Councillor 
 Wagner, has declared in public that it is a 
 mere detail (nebensache} whether the Poles get 
 their rights or not. And at the annual meeting 
 of the Hakatists he has said : " Where Polish 
 land is in the way, it must be cleared out of 
 the way ; what becomes of the Poles does not 
 concern us." 
 
 However, so far moral courage has been 
 wanting to carry, this law into force. 1 Is it 
 
 1 The author of this pamphlet did not live to see 
 this law enforced. The circumstances recently attend- 
 ing the first expropriations are highly dramatic and 
 interesting. Up to the end of 1912 steps had been taken 
 for the expropriation of four estates. One belonged 
 to a widow whose husband, a German (sanitatsrath) 
 Director of Hygiene, had fought in the campaign 
 1870-71. The commission of expropriation fixed as 
 the sale price of this estate the same sum which her 
 husband at some time or other had paid for it, and
 
 118 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 possible to go further? Could one conceive 
 any more drastic measures? Yes, indeed. 
 Listen ! A Prussian Government assessor has 
 proposed that the Poles should simply be 
 deprived of the right to possess any land 
 whatsoever (Neue Bahnen der Polenpolitik, 
 Berlin, 1903). And this proposal has been 
 
 made no allowance for the greatly increased value of the 
 property. The other case was that of the estate of Kold- 
 rump, which the proprietor, Herr Trzycinski, had pur- 
 chased recently from a Herr von Senptleben for the sum of 
 950,000 marks. (Herr von Senptleben had purchased the 
 estate three years before for 600,000 marks ; he had built 
 a i mansion-house at a cost of 80,000 marks ; he had 
 drained the ground, bought stock and machines, etc. in 
 short, he had improved the neglected property and sold it, 
 as we have said, for 950,000 marks to Herr Trzycinski.) 
 One fine day the proprietor receives a letter from the 
 Commission of Expropriation inviting him to a discus- 
 sion relating to the expropriation of his property. He 
 takes no notice of this letter. He receives intimation 
 that the Commission will arrive on a certain day to look 
 over the estate. When they arrive the estate looks 
 deserted, all doors are shut, so that the Commission have 
 to make forcible entry. Only the parish priest turns up 
 to protest against this violation and breach of the peace. 
 The Commission inspect everything. Reporters who are 
 present take photographs of them in the field, but police 
 officers confiscate the films. When, in spite of this, a 
 film which has escaped their vigilance is exhibited later 
 on in a photographer's window in Posen, this photog- 
 rapher is fined 30 marks. The Commission now write 
 to the owner that his property has been valued at 830,000 
 marks, 120,000 marks less than he has paid for it. He
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 119 
 
 heartily adopted by the German Board of Agri- 
 culture. We shall see. 
 
 The end has been reached. This, then, is 
 Prussian rule, such is the Prussian Church and 
 the Prussian school, such are its teachers and 
 preachers, such are the Prussian law-courts and 
 their officials in the conquered territories. This 
 is Germanizing ! i 
 
 Let us recapitulate : 
 
 In the conquered territories the Prussian 
 clergy and the Prussian schoolmasters serve 
 the Emperor and all that is German before 
 they serve God. 1 Besides being educators of 
 
 does not reply. A little later he again gets a letter from 
 the Expropriation Commission saying that its president 
 cannot accept the first valuation given, but finds it too 
 high. According to his opinion Koldrump is worth 
 674,320 marks. The mansion-house, for example, would 
 only be a burden to the Commission, and must therefore 
 be deducted in the valuation. Besides, he draws the 
 proprietor's attention to the fact that he must defray the 
 cost of removal himself. A new valuation is, accord- 
 ingly, fixed for December 13, 1912. 
 
 From the Press we notice that expropriated persons 
 decline to accept the sums offered (which the Government 
 then deposit in a bank in their names), also that they will 
 not of their own will leave their properties. From the 
 German side we hear that the Government, if necessary, 
 will put them out by force, and accuse them of a breach 
 of the peace. Sic ! NOTE BY THE EDITOR. 
 
 1 Untrue ! Not consciously, perhaps. It may be un- 
 true as a general indictment. Most of them believe them- 
 selves able to combine both or perhaps even serve God
 
 120 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 their children, and taking care of their souls, 
 each of them is a Government tool, and as 
 such he often hurts, ill-treats, and offends those 
 souls which he ought to love, foster, and help 
 forward. The Prussian official wrongs us in 
 cold blood, 1 he exiles and worries innocent 
 people for the " crimes " of others, and he 
 admits this openly. He sometimes breaks the 
 laws of his own country, to encompass our 
 undoing, and cuts down the small measure of 
 liberty Which the laws of the conqueror have 
 left to us. Occasionally he buys false witnesses, 
 and exiles us on the strength of their perjuries. 
 The Prussian law-courts often shut their eyes 
 to this kind of thing. 
 
 Prussian law-giving may, from our point 
 of view, be described thus : Towards the 
 conquered nations the principles of equality, 
 before the law and of the inviolability of the 
 right of possession are dead letters. 
 
 In other words, the guiding principle is this : 
 It is permissible to Germanize foreign nations, 
 whatever the means may be ; as with the Jesuits, 
 the end justifies the means. To Germanize is 
 
 by serving the Germanizing process. But this belief is 
 mistaken. A German or German-minded man has no 
 business to be there at all, taking up the place of one who 
 is Danish and Danish-minded (Polish and Polish-minded, 
 French and French-minded). 
 
 1 What do you mean by " us " / Is tfie author by any 
 chance a Sleswig man, or even a Pole ?
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 121 
 
 the supreme end. All laws, human and Divine, 
 all the rights of reason must give way to this. 
 This is not just a wild statement. It is what 
 was admitted in a characteristic manner by. 
 the German Chancellor, the Optionist's son, 
 Furst von Bulow, during the debate on the 
 Expropriation Bill in the Prussian Landtag. 
 For this, too, he was prepared to take full 
 responsibility before the tribunal of history. 
 It was a law of necessity, a law necessary 
 to secure the progress of Germanism in the 
 Polish provinces. The whole question was 
 whether those districts should be Polish or 
 German, 
 
 And it does not enter his he;a,d that there 
 is only one decent answer to this question- 
 Polish. Polish they must remain, as they have 
 always been. 1 
 
 This is the will of the Lord, for; this is 
 the country which He has given to the Polish 
 people. 
 
 " Necessjary to secure the progress of Ger- 
 manism ! " But who says that Germanism must 
 
 1 The author forgets the advance of the Poles. The 
 advance of the Poles ! In the first place, all the country 
 to the east of the Elbe is old Slavonic territory, which has 
 been Germanized, partly with fire and sword (the German 
 order of knighthood !). Secondly, it must be open to 
 every nation to make peaceful conquests (with fair play 
 and without deeds of violence). The author forgets, we 
 think, the advance of Germanism in the north of Sleswig.
 
 122 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 make progress in those conquered lands? If 
 that be th>e case, it is a pity that /ever sinc 
 the division of Poland Germanism has made 
 no progress in thosie conquered provinces ;and 
 never will do so. 
 
 All the progress, as much progress as you 
 like, that Germanism can gain by honest means 
 in equal fight, in a peaceable manner, we shall 
 not grudge. But when the advance of Ger- 
 manism is to be procured by means of violence, 
 trickery, and confiscation (to use the foreign 
 word, through "expropriation"), then this 
 so-called advance is not only a crime, but a 
 failure. 
 
 And the most audacious part of the scheme 
 is this, that Prussia, with a yirtuous and 
 scandalized air, represents it as a moral duty 
 that we should become Germans, pretending 
 to consider it immoral and reprehensible that 
 we cling to our nationality. 1 
 
 [See, for instance, the speeches by the 
 Minister of the Interior, yon der Recke, and 
 by Dr. Friedberg in the Prussian Landtag, 
 January 25, 1899. The former Minister of 
 the Interior, Hammerstein, has .expressed this 
 claim pointedly : " We demand of the Poles 
 that they, shall have a German mind." 2 And 
 Kurz von Strauz has in a supplement to the 
 Deutsches Tageszeitung, aimed at the " new 
 
 X 
 
 1 Good ! ' Revolting !
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 123 
 
 Danish politics," formulated his opinions 
 thus : 
 
 " When the Government no longer, has the 
 weapons of exile at hand, the whole power 
 of the State must be directed towards the ex- 
 tirpation of a Danish state of mind which is 
 'hostile to the State, which state of mind is 
 nourished by the use of the Danish language." 
 
 To think that the task of the State is to 
 extirpate the mind ! ] 
 
 But, I confidently ask the whole civilized 
 world, and every honest man in it who has 
 regard for the truth, wherein lies our moral 
 duty to become part of Germany? 1 Are we 
 given any other reason for this except " politi- 
 cal necessity"? And can any one wonder, 
 
 1 Too ingenuous ! As the outpost of our fortifications I 
 In return we ought with redoubled generosity to prepare 
 a cosy nest for the conquered people. The ingenuousness 
 seems to be on the other side. Germany, then, has a moral 
 claim to outpost fortifications on all sides within her 
 neighbours' territories. But has France, then, not an 
 equal right ? (The kingdom of Westphalia, for example.) 
 And certainly little Denmark must in a far greater 
 measure feel the need of such a glacis in the direction of 
 its mighty neighbour than Germany can towards the 
 quantite negligeable called Denmark. Besides, there 
 are fifty kilometres between the Kiel Canal and the 
 Danish language border and 120 kilometres between it 
 and the Danish State border. This is a broad glacis I 
 Other Germans make out that the whole of Denmark is 
 required as a maritime glacis.
 
 124 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 after reading the preceding description of the 
 blessings of Prussian Government, that the 
 oppressed nations are sighing and longing for 
 the day. when these blessings may cease? If 
 it was morally right for Prussia, by force of 
 arms, to compel us against our will to come 
 under its rule, would it, then, be morally wrong 
 if we, by force of arms, were to free ourselves 
 from it? 
 
 That such a thought is absurd and that no 
 one thinks of realizing it is beside the point. 
 I only ask whether Prussia's relation to any 
 of the conquered peoples can be described 
 otherwise than by the words " Might in place 
 of Right " ? How can there be, then 4 any moral 
 grounds of indignation at our wishes for sepa- 
 ration? If the right of the stronger holds, 
 then it must hold for us too if the day should 
 ever dawn when we become the stronger? 
 
 And what are all these efforts at German- 
 izing but a premium on immorality and hypoc- 
 risy? When the Landrath makes the pensions 
 of veterans, hotel licences, exemption from 
 exile, for servants, admission to communal 
 works, or whatever other material advantages 
 may be in question, When he makes all these 
 
 1 A very bold assumption ! Bold, perhaps, but per- 
 fectly logical. But why " bold," indeed ? It is either 
 true or untrue I The word " bold " is quite irrelevant. 
 If it is true it cannot be too bold.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 125 
 
 favours dependent on clear evidence of the 
 possession of a " German mind," does he think 
 that the person thus favoured, by changing! 
 his state of mind, rises to a higher level of 
 morality? Our: view is that he is guilty of 
 an immoral act, which cannot be condemned 
 too severely, as he is selling his national 
 sympathies and his duty to his country for 1 
 money or other gain an infamy which is 
 only surpassed by that of the man who 
 buys him. 
 
 Certainly it is only a generation of hypo- 
 crites, of miserable renegades, of men striving 
 for food without sense or spirit, that Prussia 
 can buy at this price. And " what shall it 
 profit a man if he -gain the whole world and 
 lose his own soul?" 
 
 But we will not be Germanized, and it shall 
 never happen. For the thing is impossible 
 in itself, and it is specially impossible if it 
 depends upon these principles. In these prin- 
 ciples of force and violence lie our guarantee 
 that it shall never come to pass. As it was 
 once put by a simple peasant : " I think that 
 if it had been the Lord's intention that we 
 should become Germans, He would have given 
 them greater intelligence." Yes, indeed, the 
 present method is not intelligent ! It does not 
 lead to the aim in view, but away from it. 
 For Germanizing is (like all forcible donation-
 
 126 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 alization), for Magyars, for Poles, for Russians, 
 and for Danes, but one thing and one thing 
 only a crime. 
 
 We are made by God in the same image 
 as the German, and in His sight we are just 
 as valuable as the German. The latter has 
 absolutely no virtue in himself that we do not 
 possess. Our civilization as equal to his. In 
 the case of some of us it may be higher, in 
 the case of others perhaps lower ; but then, 
 this is his fault, as it is only the natural result 
 of German tyranny. Our culture is not to be 
 judged by what it is, but by what it might 
 have been if we had been allowed to live a 
 free and independent life, or if our oppressors 
 had fulfilled their duty to take care of our 
 education, our development, and our language 
 with th'e same zeal with which they care for 
 their own. If we are found wanting in culture 
 we put it quietly down to the account of our 
 oppressors. 
 
 We are not German, and we will not ever 
 become German. 
 
 Finally, a question and a comparison. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon can Anglicize other nations 
 without any complaint being heard of wrongs 
 or oppression. America can absorb all who 
 pour into her (including Germans), and Angli- 
 cize them under full liberty and absolute 
 equality of rights, Nothing is heard there of
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 127 
 
 Polish, German, or other colonies for any, 
 length of time. 
 
 Where the Englishman goes an English coun- 
 try grows forth of itself. In America, in Africa, 
 in Australia, both the natives and the immi- 
 grant settlers accommodate themselves easily 
 to the English language, English thought, and 
 English rule. 
 
 The German cannot bring this about either 
 at home or abroad. Why? 
 
 We know why. 
 
 The Englishman has never wronged the other 
 nations, he has never for a moment thought 
 of the possibility of exceptional laws, and if 
 any complaint over national wrong has been 
 heard, then he has listened to it (Malta, South 
 Africa, etc.) It is in his blood that first of 
 all there must be " fair play." 
 
 The German does not make use of fair play. 
 And that is why, he is losing. That is why 
 he cannot hold his own in his own country 
 against the Poles, and why he cannot conquer 
 even so small and so unfortunately placed a 
 nation as the Danes. 
 
 For, in the long run, no one has ever yet 
 been known to win by foul play. It is a law 
 of Nature : the one who wrongs and tramples 
 upon others must lose. 
 
 Many evil deeds are recorded in these pages, 
 many serious accusations brought forward.
 
 128 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 But no word has been written that is not true, 
 and every accusation may easily be verified. 
 Every one can examine these for himself if 
 he will take the trouble to inquire in the right 
 place. Every case cited refers to some par- 
 ticular perspns and events. 
 
 What do we expect to gain by. this little 
 book? At first, I know, only meagre results. 
 For, to convert our tormentors, and to get those 
 who rule over us to adopt different points of 
 view would, indeed, be too much to expect. 
 
 But there are other people in Germany than 
 Prussians, and other Prussians than these hard- 
 hearted and unjust men of whom we have 
 spoken. There exists another Germany than 
 the one we have been painting here in such 
 dark colours, and which we hate and despise. 
 There is another Germany which we love and 
 admire. 
 
 But what has become of it? Will it share 
 in the shame? Alas ! this is one of the most 
 tragic and depressing factors in the history 
 of the world, that this better Germany has 
 never been able to hold its own beside the 
 other. This is a very depressing fact, since 
 it is to this other Germaaiy that we wish to 
 speak, and through them to the whole of 
 Europe, or rather to the whole civilized world. 
 
 We do this in order that all may work 
 with redoubled zeal to bring nearer that great
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 129 
 
 aim and that distant time when wars and 
 national controversies shall cease in old Europe, 
 as they have already ceased in America, because 
 there they play fair. 
 
 In conclusion we shall add some warning 
 words written by prominent and warm-hearted 
 Germans to their countrymen : 
 
 " To rob any one of his mother tongue by 
 violence is an unprecedented act of cruelty, 
 but I would add that the cruelty and the harsh- 
 ness pass the bounds both of ethics and of 
 morals when it is decided to rob parents, on 
 account of their political sympathies, of their 
 most sacred right the right to educate their 
 children." l 
 
 " The last evictions in Sleswig cry to 
 heaven." 2 
 
 " When one comes in German history to the 
 description of the Sleswig-Holstein war, and 
 would fain depict the misdeeds committed by 
 the Danes against their betrayed sister tribe, 
 the voice fails, and the word dies on the tongue, 
 for the painful truth reveals itself, and it is 
 this : What the Danes did then, and what 
 roused the moral indignation of the German 
 
 1 Dr. Lenzmann in the German Reichstag, 1899. 
 Professor Hans Delbrijck in Preussische Jahrbucher. 
 
 9
 
 130 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 people, was mere child's play, in comparison! 
 with the violence with which we now ruljel 
 this district." 
 
 " It is really strange to see what an 
 enthusiastic interest our countrymen have taken 
 in the Boers' fight for liberty, and how they 
 here at home can commit crying wrongs to- 
 wards their own fellow -citizens without caring 
 in the least." 3 
 
 " Every subject of the State has the primary 
 right to settle down wherever he likes if he 
 is able to make for himself a living and to 
 procure a house." 3 
 
 " According to existing taws of administra- 
 tion the communal president and the district 
 commissary have power, to grant building 
 permits ; instead of this that power has, as 
 a matter o,f fact, been transferred to the Land- 
 rath. The communal president and the district 
 commissary, are required to l,ay all building 
 applications before the Landrath ; he sends 
 them to, the State president, and any one who 
 wishes to build, and who has made the neces- 
 sary application suddenly receives, instead of 
 a decision, a reply from the State presidentj 
 which he has not asked for at all, and which 
 
 * Professor Hans Delhi-tick in Preussische Jahrbiicher. 
 
 Professor Dr. W. Schiiking, " Das Nationalitaten 
 problem," p. 47, Dresden, 1908. 
 
 a German Law, November 1, 1867, 1.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 131 
 
 is in the following terms : ' The plan of the 
 building whjch you proposle to build on such' 
 and such a piece, of ground I hereby refuse 
 to pass, as it is contrary to the law in further- 
 ance of German settlements in West Prussia 
 and in Posen.' That is the formula. The 
 forms are printed ; I have them by the 
 hundred. Now it is necessary to apply again 
 to, the building authorities, only to receive in 
 due course the reply th'at the application has 
 been refused, because a permission to settle 
 in the place must be obtained at the same 
 time, and this is refused by the president of 
 the Government." * 
 
 " Gentlemen, what a cry of indignation would 
 be heard among us if Russia were to treat 
 the Baltic Germans to expropriation proposals ! 
 Doi not forget the proverb, c Do unto others 
 as you would that others should do unto you/ 
 On this ground I appeal to your* calm con- 
 sideration and to your sense of justice. In: 
 my opinion, frankly and honestly I regret to 
 have to say so,- the man who conceived the 
 idea o,f .expropriation has rendered but poor 
 service to the Prussian Government." 2 
 
 " Every man who o / wns land will feel what 
 
 1 The debates in the German Reichstag, 52nd meeting, 
 March 28, 1906, p. 3836. The member Erzberger. 
 
 2 Count von Mirbach in the Prussian Herrnhause, 
 5th meeting, February 26, 1908.
 
 132 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 it means when that which he possesses to -day, 
 that upon which he has spent the work of a 
 lifetime, feeling that parents and grandparents 
 had done the same before him when that 
 may to-morrow be taken from him. 
 
 " It has been said that just as thousands may 
 be killed in war, so the State has a right, 
 in the interests of its own safety, to expro- 
 priate. Gentlemen, these are totally different 
 things. ,War is a fully justifiable way of 
 settling conflicting interests : ' Defence on the 
 one ;side, offence on the other.' But in expro- 
 priation one of the sides is defenceless." 
 
 " When then, which God forbid ! the con- 
 clusion will be drawn from this precedent, 2 
 when, perhaps, our successor will become 
 expropriated and driven from the land of his 
 fathers then as he leaves he will point his 
 finger at his father's tomb and say, ' He took 
 the first fateful step on the unhappy road which 
 has led to my destruction, and is responsible 
 for it. 3 Gentlemen, I wish to safeguard my 
 tomb against this ! " 4 
 
 " Gentlemen, do not attack the mother 
 
 1 General Field-Marshal Count von Haesler. Same 
 place as above. 
 
 a A social-democratic expropriation of the wealthy 
 classes. 
 
 3 By voting for the expropriation law. 
 
 Count von Schulenburg. Same place a above.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 133 
 
 tongue. In doing so you touch the most 
 sensitive nerve of all. The heart of the people 
 clings to its language : the poetries of all nations 
 make us recognize this ; the poets have given 
 their best, their deepest and highest, when they 
 praised the mother tongue. The man who 
 interferes here makes a great mistake. The 
 result will be, not reconciliation but indigna- 
 nation." 
 
 " On every occasion on which I have spoken 
 in public on the Polish language problem I 
 have advocated, not only that all religious 
 instruction in all divisions of the school 
 should be given in Polish, but also that 
 the public schools should give instruction in 
 the Polish language ; and for two reasons : 
 in the first place, so that the children after 
 having learned the Polish language may also 
 receive religious instruction in Polish ; and, 
 secondly, because I have the conviction that 
 every human being has an inborn right to 
 his mother tongue, and that when the Govern- 
 ment forces the children to go to Government 
 schools it must do justice to these inborn 
 rights in the school curriculum. I am of 
 the opinion that for the welfare of the people 
 as well as for the sake of the Government, it is 
 greatly to be recommended that those officials 
 
 1 Dr. Pachnicke in the German Reichstag, 70th 
 gathering, December 10th.
 
 134 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 (who are in immediate touch with the people, 
 as well as the judges, should have some 
 knowledge of the language of the people so 
 that they klo not need interpreters to make 
 themselves understood n (the President of the 
 German Reichstag, Count Ballestrem, in a 
 declaration read lat a meeting of the electors 
 of the Central party in Beuthen at the end 
 of June 1908). As a commentary on this 
 Dr. Georg M. Kietz writes in his book " Ceterum 
 Censeo " the following lines, which we give 
 to show how completely a simple question of 
 this kind may be abused and perverted : 
 
 i " Instead of a language making for unity in 
 the State to please my lords the Poles, 
 Babylonian confusion of languages is advo- 
 cated. Sancta simplicitas. The Government 
 know now what to consider in connection 
 with school legislation in the future. First 
 it must introduce Hebrew into all schools 
 wherever the Jews all over the Empire demand 
 this so that their inborn right to their mother 
 tongue may not be overlooked. 1 Further, 
 Danish, Lithuanian, Wendish, French, Dutch, 
 Masurian, Kassubish, Mahrish, etc., must be 
 taught. ... To what strange views and con- 
 
 1 As if Hebrew was the mother tongue of the German 
 Jews ! Why, however, should the Jews be forbidden in 
 their own schools to teach their children Hebrew if they 
 wish it, which most Jews do not at all ?
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 135 
 
 cessions even wise men like the President of 
 the German Reichstag may be led for the sake 
 of his threatened mandate 1 " 
 
 "Above all, be hard! Sense cannot be got 
 into Czeckish heads, but to blows they, are 
 sensitive. Be hard ! " 
 
 " The task of conquered nations 1 To 1 pay 
 taxes, to give military, service, and to hold 
 their tongues." 3 
 
 l * In the Cape Parliament the Dutch language 
 is on an equal footing with English. Likewise 
 also in the Transvaal and in the Orange Free 
 State, where the recently conquered Boers now 
 form the Government. 
 
 " On the island of Jersey belonging to England 
 the French language was, up till February 8, 
 1911, the only language in the Parliament Hall. 
 Since then the use of the English language has 
 also been permitted." 
 
 1 Professor Theodor Mommsen : " To Germans in 
 Austria," Neue Freie Presse, October 31, 1897. 
 
 Dr. Theol. Letzius at a Hakatist gathering in 
 Greifswalde in August, 1900 (from Prneglad Wzeck- 
 polska, August 9, 1900).
 
 136 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 These are the words of the deceased author. 1 
 I shall let them speak for themselves without 
 attaching any, commentary and without criti- 
 cizing him for possible inaccuracies in detail. 
 The chief impression is clear enough, and 
 as a first-hand testimony of the feelings and 
 thoughts of oppressed nations it is in my 
 eyes a valuable document, an argumentam ad 
 hominem. Its object may perhaps be regarded 
 less as argumentation than as agitation. But it 
 serves my purpose, which is to try by its aid 
 to convince pacifists and those friendly to the 
 cause of peace, as well as neutrals, of the 
 importance of the realization and establishment 
 of the " rights of peace " and of a conscious 
 and energetic effort to convince the world of 
 this ; also of the fact that the " rights of 
 peace " are an ethical irrevocable claim, a self- 
 evident and universal right of humanity. How 
 could peace exist in a national society shaken 
 by such violent passions and by such explosive 
 feelings ? 
 
 In order that one nation only may not be 
 placed in the pillory and to prevent any one 
 from saying that this sort of thing can only 
 happen in this one place in the world, and does 
 
 1 When he gave me the manuscript he expressly stipu- 
 lated that his name should not appear presumably out 
 of consideration for relatives still residing in his native 
 land,
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 137 
 
 not play a part as a universal factor, I shall 
 add a short sketch from another source a 
 sketch in which the cause is pleaded of, among 
 others, the ill-treated and oppressed Germans 
 against their rulers. It appeared as a news- 
 paper article by, Bjornstjerne Bjornson in 
 Politiken of January, 28, 1910. 
 
 "THE MAGYAR OPPRESSION 
 BY BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON. 
 
 " Of this I have written in foreign magazines 
 and newspapers. 
 
 " The present article which I am contributing 
 to the Neue Freie Presse I wish also to publish 
 in Scandinavia on account of the information 
 which it gives. 
 
 " To THE EDITOR. SIR, 
 
 " It is with surprise that I have read the 
 threats of the myrmidons of the great Magyar 
 race against the Neue Freie Presse because this 
 paper had dared to publish my letters. It had 
 long been the case that no other account of 
 what takes place in Hungary may be heard 
 in Europe except that supplied by the Pan- 
 Magyars themselves. This tyranny has now 
 been broken ; so now their aim is to prevent 
 any other views from the outside world from
 
 138 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 penetrating into Hungary. A paper of world- 
 wide circulation like the Neue Freie Presse, 
 which also has numerous readers in Hungary, 
 must either hold its tongue about everything 
 which does not please the Magyars, or death 
 and the devil are invoked from Czernova. 
 
 " {The leaders of the Pan-Magyar clique 
 which governs Hungary have clearly defined 
 their aimj in public lectures : to crush all 
 intellectual leadership in the other Hungarian 
 parties. Where this has been done they think 
 the people will soon succumb. Hence their 
 gymnasiums and' museums are shut up ; higher 
 education can only be acquired through the 
 medium of the Magyar language. All history 
 is arranged for the glorification of the Magyars. 
 All who, armed with talent and courage, try 
 to defend the language and the rights of their 
 people are persecuted. As deputies, as authors, 
 as orators, priests, teachers, and editors, they 
 are interfered with by every means in the power 
 of their rulers and of these there are many in 
 Hungary, 1 
 
 "To give you some idea of the spirit by which 
 these persecutors are inspired I will reprint 
 what a Government paper recently wrote about 
 the Slovak Hlinka, a man who by 'his talent and 
 his faithfulness towards his people would be 
 an ornament to any nation. ' He ought,' so it 
 said, 'to be flayed. He ought to be flayed
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 139 
 
 alive and then have boiling fat poured on his 
 trembling flesh I * 
 
 "The press of the different nationalities is 
 deprived of all freedom of speech through an 
 endless number iof prosecutions, imprisonments, 
 and fines, with the result that paper after paper 
 goes under. A list has been sent to me con- 
 taining the number of those who during the 
 last few years have been found guilty, of crimes 
 against the hegemony, of the Magyars. My 
 correspondent says that the lists are far from 
 complete. In spite of this they show that the 
 very, humble journalists of a small Slovak 
 paper have during recent years been made to 
 pay together In fines about five thousand 
 Austrian crowns, and have together been 
 imprisoned for about four years. Since the 
 present Government came into power XA.pril 
 8, 1906), the spokesmen of nationalities, especi- 
 ally the journalists, have, taken together, been 
 in prison for about eighteen years and they 
 have paid over eighteen thousand Austrian 
 crowns in fines. And please remembier that 
 the lists are not complete. If any, one helps 
 them to pay the fines and this becomes known,, 
 those persons are punished. If any one, man 
 or woman, goes to meet the martyr when he 
 comes out of prison, he is punished. 
 
 " If this Wretched people raise a monument 
 over a dead martyr, the act is regarded as an
 
 140 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 insurrection. A military cordon is placed 
 round the cemetery to hinder the unveiling of 
 the monument. 
 
 " We must, iwhen we read this, always 
 remember that the language of these nationali- 
 ties brings them into constant touch with 
 peoples of a kindred race in surrounding 
 districts. To drive them into Magyarism is like 
 tying them up in a sack. 
 
 " A certain Slovak wrote in his will that three 
 hundred Austrian crowns were to be given to 
 help Slovak school-children (you will soon hear 
 why). The authorities refused to allow the 
 money to be paid, on the pretence that Slovak 
 school -children were not a society or an 
 institution and the will was declared invalid. 
 The law-courts sided with the authorities. 
 Again, a Russian bequeathed 160,000 Austrian 
 crowns to promote the educational interests of 
 the Slovak people, and appointed executors. 
 The authorities got hold of a drunken brother 
 of the testator, who was told to claim the 
 inheritance. But he would not allow himself 
 to be made use of. The authorities then tried 
 to declare that he was insane and to put him 
 under trustees in order to get hold of the money, 
 in this way. This attempt also was unsuccess- 
 ful, and during the course of further proceedings 
 the man died. Then more distant relations 
 were hunted up and made to claim the money.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 141 
 
 The process is still going on. The plan is that 
 as the law-courts, in any, case, make the estate 
 of the testator pay, the costs, the Slovaks will 
 lose a great part of the inherited fortune. 
 
 " The Pan -Magyars tried to get hold of as 
 many Slovak children as possible. They made 
 a law according to which orphan children or 
 those who had lost one of their parents, or in 
 any other way were not sure of being provided 
 for, were sent into the Magyar country proper 
 and were educated there. The children suffered 
 enormously. Many died, many ran away, and 
 their cries became so loud that they were heard 
 in Russia and in Bohemia and the law had to 
 be allowed to fall to some extent into abeyance. 
 But Magyar Kindergartens were then invented 
 and the Slovak children were forced into these. 
 The parents are now being fined if they do not 
 send their children there from the age of three. 
 When the fines the hungry Magyar's universal 
 remedy are not forthcoming, a writ of execu- 
 tion follows, and revolting scenes take place. 
 
 " But nothing of what I have hitherto 
 described is in its origin or in its results so 
 damning to the ruling Magyar coterie as my 
 next example. 
 
 " I come of a free and self-governing people, 
 and neither in this or in any other Scandi- 
 navian nation is there such a thing as falsifica- 
 tion of election returns. To falsify the election
 
 142 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 returns of a people would in our eyes be as 
 bad as poisoning the nation's water supply. 
 
 " Falsified election returns I What kind of 3 
 legislation assembly would result? What kind 
 of laws would such an assembly enact? But 
 iwhat we should consider the very worst dis- 
 grace conceivable in our political life, with the 
 Pan -Magyars is a normal state of affairs. 
 
 " I cannot give a short sketch of Hungarian 
 election laws ; the rules are far too hopelessly, 
 confused. I venture to say openly that the 
 Hungarian election laws of 1848, partly revised 
 in 1874, were framed by dishonest men for a 
 dishonest purpose. If any one should think 
 that this is speaking too harshly he can pass 
 over from the law and study the conditions 
 of elections, which are based on it. These are 
 drawn up in such a way that in Hungarian 
 Rumania 5,161 electors may be apportioned to 
 twelve districts so as to return twelve Magyar 
 representatives, while 5,275 electors may be 
 jerrymandered into one single district so as to 
 return only one Rumanian representative ! * 
 
 " As if this dishonest arrangement were not 
 enough to secure the end in view, the law 
 contains a clause whereby a man may be 
 proposed by ten electors and be elected by 
 acclamation before the electors have had time 
 to come to the polling stations. This is accom- 
 
 1 These figures are taken from the elections of 1892.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 143 
 
 plished as follows : The polling station is fixed 
 in a place as inaccessible to the Rumanians as 
 possible, a long journey being necessary, to 
 reach the spot. But it is easily accessible for 
 the Magyars. (The election begins at nine in 
 the morning and during the first half-hour 
 it can happen that a man is proposed and 
 elected by acclamation. There are other 
 equally monstrous and scandalous conditions. 
 But I will pass them by. I shall only mention 
 that the Magyars themselves decide whether 
 the election is valid or not ! 
 
 " And now about the elections themselves i.e. 
 in those districts where the Pan -Magyars are 
 afraid of not having a majority. I have before 
 me here a description of an election where the 
 large majority were Germans. The result of 
 the election a Magyar 1 The people dared not 
 show themselves ; they barred their doors ! 
 and it was most necessary. Even the pupils 
 all young girls in an ancient public institution 
 were in danger. 
 
 " I shall write about Hungary's election laws; 
 election conditions, and election rights in a 
 great English paper. There it will have effect. 
 But hereand not there I shall make the 
 following remark : 
 
 " We do not know how many Germans there 
 are in Hungary. The Magyar statistics, which 
 make every one a Magyar, are not of any
 
 144 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 use. Some say that there are two million 
 Germans, others that there are two and a half 
 millions. I ask now : If two and a half million 
 Englishmen were being ill-treated and scoffed 
 at as are those two or two and a half million 
 Germans in Hungary at present, what would 
 be the result? Or would the Pan -Magyar party 
 on the whole have dared to do as they, are 
 doing now? 
 
 " The Hungarian King has now promised to 
 introduce a Bill in favour of universal suffrage. 
 Does any one who knows the Pan-Magyar party 
 believe that he will be allowed to keep his 
 royal word? 
 
 " There is no freedom of intercourse in 
 Hungary. The public meetings which were 
 advertised among the Nationalists to discuss 
 this royal promise were almost all prohibited. 
 It does not augur well. It is only a year 
 since one of the chief leaders of the party, 
 now in the Government, publicly lauded the 
 existing election laws and the election condi- 
 tions. As a psychologist I shall vouch for 
 it that such leaders are unable to introduce a 
 suffrage Bill which is straightforward and 
 honest in all its details. 
 
 " All can understand that the present state 
 of affairs is equally harmful to the oppressors 
 and to the oppressed. Nor can any one 
 seriously believe that a happy Fatherland is
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 145 
 
 built up upon falsehood, to which naturally the 
 response is faithlessness ; upon arrogance, to 
 which the response is hypocrisy ; upon wrongs, 
 to which the response is hatred. Where is to 
 be found the young Magyar noble enough to 
 break the ranks of tradition and shout to his 
 brethren : ' We shall obey, God rather than 
 man'? 
 
 " How many do not think with me at present? 
 If the Magyars in 1867 had allowed the world 
 language, German, to become the general 
 language which, as a matter of fact, it 
 was in a fair way to become, while all the 
 other languages had retained their full liberty, 
 would Hungary not be happier to-day? Would 
 not all her people be more united, more en- 
 lightened, and, therefore, more endowed with 
 material success? Would the conditions of 
 election not have been changed long ago, the 
 elections have become natural, the laws honest? 
 Would not greater freedom, greater loyalty have 
 been secured, all the processes of government 
 have become more simple, administration 
 cheaper, finance sounder? 
 
 " Then would the Magyar craving for expan- 
 sion, which testifies to a crude, undisciplined 
 force, have had a nobler aim and a healthier 
 ambition than to convert, by force, all fellow- 
 citizens into Magyars, and all surrounding 
 peoples into enemies."
 
 146 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 So far Bjornstjerne Bjoruson ! Further we 
 add (from Arthur Christensen's " Politics and 
 Mass Morals," 'Copenhagen, 1911, p. 142) 
 the following description of Hungarian 
 elections : 
 
 " In Hungary the non -Magyar nationalities 
 had before the elections of 1910 only, 23 repre- 
 sentatives. This number was reduced at the 
 last elections to 7, while the Magyars, who 
 form the smaller half of the population (45 
 per cent.), got 347 candidates returned. In 
 spite of the special peculiarities of Hungarian 
 election laws, this result caused general sur- 
 prise. The Times published the following 
 [Vienna telegram, dated June 10th: 'The 
 Hungarian Prime Minister j Count Khuen- 
 Hedervary, declared to-day, in the Budapesti 
 Hirlap, that all reports about the use of troops 
 in favour of Government candidates at the 
 recent elections are absolutely unfounded, and 
 that the troops did nothing but maintain order 
 and protect life and property. On the other 
 hand, the Reichspost and the Neue Freie Presse 
 published a signed statement by the well- 
 known Scotsman Mr. Seton Watson, who was 
 present on the day of the election in Scakolega 
 in the Nyitra Komitat ; it tends to show that 
 the whole town was surrounded by troops, and 
 that none except those who supported the 
 Government candidate were allowed to pass.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 147 
 
 And four thousand Slovaks, among them many 
 hundred electors, were confined in a dusty open 
 space outside the town for many hours. 
 Several hundred Slovak electors who at last 
 gained admission to the town, and who stood 
 waiting in the sun for two hours between rows 
 of soldiers, were in the end driven back by 
 police-officers without having had an oppor- 
 tunity of voting. In view of the fury which 
 arose over this, the Slovak candidate withdrew 
 finally, to avoid bloodshed. Professor Jorga, 
 in his pamphlet mentioned above, ' Les derniers 
 elections en Hongrie et les Roumains,' records 
 episodes of the same kind, and gives details 
 every, bit as scandalous from districts where 
 Roumanian candidates stood for election. In 
 The Times of August 23, 1910, we find the 
 following report from their correspondent in 
 Budapest : ' The tales of violence, bribery, in- 
 timidation, and intrigues employed during the 
 elections in May by the Government, as well 
 as by the Opposition, are in the main true. 
 
 V , one of the most brilliant members of the 
 
 National Labour Party, acknowledged frankly 
 under debate that all kinds of abuses had taken 
 place, but added : ' Let us not forget that we 
 are Magyars, and that election trickery is 
 an old habit in our history.' . . . For 
 centuries all Magyar parties have sinned in 
 this respect."
 
 Is not this a fine illustration of the impor- 
 tance of the realization of the " rights of peace," 
 and of the absolute necessity for the victory of 
 the peace movement? For how could a lasting 
 peace be possible in countries where such con- 
 ditions prevail, or between nations who face 
 each other in such a manner? l 
 
 So much for the conditions and the senti- 
 ments of the conquered people. With those 
 who are still independent, especially among 
 small nations, the great obsession is the fear 
 of being conquered. The thought of when their 
 turn is coming is like a nightmare. This thought 
 is very strongly expressed in the following plea 
 from the Danish lady artist, Fru Agnes Slott- 
 Moller, published in the form of 
 
 "AN OPEN LETTER 
 To THE DANISH WOMEN'S UNION FOR DEFENCE. 
 
 " MADAM, 
 
 " I see in the National Tidene that the 
 Danish Women's Union for [National] Defence 
 has received gifts towards the Defence Fund 
 in other forms than in ready money. It has 
 struck me that my husband and I, who would 
 like with all our hearts to help as much as 
 
 1 See also Arthur Christensen, " Politics and Mass 
 Morals," pp. 81-4 (sketch of the Penshawai affair),
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 149 
 
 possible, might give you one of our pictures, 
 as we cannot afford to give a large sum of 
 money. The Union for the Defence might then 
 be able to convert it and other gifts into cash 
 by some means for instance, by raffling or 
 auction sale. 
 
 [A request to other artists to make similar 
 contributions follows.] 
 
 " Undoubtedly the bearers of culture, and 
 among these the artists of the country, as surely 
 as noblesse oblige, ought to be ready to guard 
 in every way the culture for which their whole 
 lives stand. And they ought to be among the 
 first to understand that if our country lost its 
 independence, all independent Danish art and 
 culture would be threatened. Not only would 
 these be pushed aside and not appreciated, but 
 when the stranger became master in the land, 
 they would simply be forbidden, suppressed, 
 maimed, and, if possible, crushed out of 
 existence. ; 
 
 " It is strange how little we in Denmark learn 
 from what is going on every day under our 
 very eyes in South Jutland, although we can 
 see very clearly what life would be like in 
 Denmark if our whole country were made a 
 part of the German Empire. We live here as 
 a rich people, who do not know what poverty 
 means, and who yet may be exposed any day 
 to the direst misery. What we consider as
 
 150 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 quite matter-of-fact necessities of life, and what 
 really also is the foundation of all work and 
 existence, that we possess a language of our 
 own, an independent country, whose history 
 and monuments, consciously or unconsciously, 
 are part of our dearest spiritual possessions, 
 that the work of every one in the end has 
 one common aim, the upholding of the national 
 individuality, its skill, and its right to exist 
 these are all boons of which a people are robbed 
 When they fall under foreign domination. It 
 would mean in the first place that the Uni- 
 versity would be closed ; or if it were not 
 quite closed (so that young Danes wishing to 
 study would have to go to German Universi- 
 ties), only German scientists and Germany is 
 rich in scientists would be appointed teachers 
 in all subjects. Danish as a scientific subject 
 would, of course, be dropped from the pro- 
 gramme of this German University, and the study 
 of the Danish language, and therewith of the 
 Danish consciousness, would be left to private 
 initiative. The study of Danish history would 
 be of no value in the eyes of those in power 
 so far as it did not serve German inter- 
 ests, and did not serve to prove that the 
 Danes, properly speaking, always had been 
 German. 
 
 " And the treasures of our national Museum, 
 which, gathered as they are now, thanks to
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 151 
 
 distinguished Danish scientists, show us, as in 
 a mirror, the development from ancient times 
 of the culture of our own country what would 
 become of them? Would not such a museum 
 be considered as a dangerous institution, too 
 strengthening to national self-respect to be 
 allowed to remain in the former capital of the 
 country ? 
 
 " When a South Jutland peasant nowadays 
 finds, when ploughing his field, if not a horn 
 of gold, yet old stone axes ancient weapons, 
 utensils, or ornaments, everything as Danish as 
 it is old the Landrath of the place will quickly 
 appear and will demand that the objects be 
 handed over to the museum in Kiel, so that 
 they may belong to German scientists that is, 
 if the peasant does not prefer to cover these 
 ancient treasures up again with the earth till 
 better days shall come. 
 
 "In the museum in Kiel may be seen to-day, 
 all that excavation has brought to the light 
 of day at Dannevirke ; nor has the Sigtrygstone 
 itself, a gigantic runic stone Which stood near 
 the Haldredshill at Hedeby, with Danish runic 
 inscription, telling of Danish history, been 
 allowed to remain in its place where it had 
 stood from distant ages, " when Kamper rode 
 round Hedeby," but it also has been carried 
 off to Kiel, 
 
 " And in the German Museupi of Antiquities
 
 152 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 in Flensborg, Danish tourists can find, among 
 old Saxon, Dutch, and Friesian objects, bap- 
 tismal fonts from Danish churches, which had 
 been in use from the time when Knud Lavard 
 held court in Sleswig, and ruled the land as 
 " the Duke of all Denmark " ; altar chests, 
 which were the ornaments of churches in 
 Flensborg at the time of Queen Margrethe, old 
 guild banners, and the trades guild emblems 
 from bygone centuries ; furniture of Danish 
 citizens of all kinds, bearing Danish inscrip- 
 tions, yes, even entire Danish peasant rooms, 
 as they have stood and stand to-day, one from 
 Romo, one from Gjenner (between Aabenraa 
 and Haderslev), etc. At the conquest of South 
 Jutland in the last war all these things fell 
 into the hands of the Germans. How, I wonder, 
 would they dispose of Rosenborg or Frederiks- 
 borg if, after the fall of Copenhagen, they had 
 the power to deal with those castles? The 
 Historical Inventory can easily be made part 
 of the Kunstgewerbe Museum in Berlin, like 
 the lion from the Flensborg Cemetery, which' 
 was dragged to Berlin, and is now the ornament 
 of some military school there. 
 
 " And things which cannot be dragged away 
 they would alter, and put their stamp on so 
 that it would be more bitter than death to 
 see them apparently still existing ; how would 
 Kronborg look with the Prussian eagle over
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 153 
 
 its main gate above Kingo's inscription, " Step in 
 if thou art worthy ; my vault to thee I open " ? 
 Or with what feelings should we see the German 
 flag flying from the flag-battery at the entrance 
 to the Sound with Kronborg as a German 
 background? 
 
 " And all the living human beings in the 
 country what would their fate be, generation 
 after generation? 
 
 " With the accession of a Prussian Govern- 
 ment all the country's own officials would be 
 deposed immediately, and German officials put 
 in their place. If any one has not got imagi- 
 nation enough to picture what it means to a 
 people to lose its own royal house, let him 
 read in old Herr P. Skau's Memoirs the de- 
 scription of that day in Kolding, in 1864, when 
 the South Jutlanders came forward to say good- 
 bye to their rightful King, a born South Jutland 
 man himself, King Christian IX. No Dane 
 can read this without tears. 
 
 " In every branch of administration German 
 would take the place of Danish officials, and 
 these would allno matter how high their 
 qualifications or position be deprived of the 
 means of a livelihood. 
 
 " The Church would become German ; into 
 all our Danish parsonages, with their rose-beds, 
 and with their storks' nests on the roofs, 
 German priests would move in as the Danish
 
 154 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 priests left, as happened everywhere in Sleswig, 
 only with this exception, that after '64 the South 
 Jutland priests got appointed to parishes in 
 Denmark, while now they would be without 
 any kind of appointment anywhere. 
 
 " In Sleswig there are now really no means 
 of living open to Danes other than to become 
 merchants or farmers ; wealthy and intellectual 
 peasant boys have no inducement to study, for 
 they will never get a public post anyhow or 
 any official position if they maintain their 
 Danish sympathies, however obedient they may 
 be to the law as German subjects. And in 
 the same way all the Danes in our kingdom 
 would as quickly as possible be deprived of 
 all employment Which has anything to do with 
 the weal and woe of their native land. That 
 the schools, too, would as quickly as possible 
 be made German is perfectly self-evident, When 
 we recall how all the Danish schools in Sleswig 
 have not only been closed, but how all private 
 teaching in the homes by a Danish teacher, 
 male or female, has been forbidden. 
 
 " And our High Schools ! How the Prussians 
 would revel in striking a blow at them in 
 revenge for all the harm done by, them in 
 teaching Danish to South Jutlanders and 
 by, strengthening the Danish people in their 
 nationality and religion and in their fight 
 against invading Germanism.
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 155 
 
 TC And " the fine Arts " ,of what use would 
 they be in a land conquered by the enemy? 
 Rightly art, to its honour be it said, is con- 
 sidered one of the most dangerous opponents 
 a State can have which is aiming at crushing 
 the individuality of a people. A people who 
 are to be crushed must not see the beauties 
 of their country, in pictures which will make 
 them love still more deeply its green islands 
 and its blue waves ; they must not hear 
 the airs or sing the songs in which the 
 mother tongue voices her love for her native 
 land. 
 
 " With what fanatical zeal is not all Danish 
 scenic art forbidden by the Prussian State 
 in Sleswig I Even public readings of the works 
 of Danish poets are forbidden, so much is the 
 power of art feared, working as it does 
 with twofold power through the words of 
 the poet and the art of the actor. 
 
 "And what would our actors, petted and 
 spoilt, say, if the National Theatre were closed 
 and all Danish plays were forbidden all over 
 the land, and if they were all condemned to 
 dumb silence and poverty? To forbid the 
 painter to paint pictures or the sculptor 
 to make busts wpuld be less practicable, 
 but in proportion to the value and impor- 
 tance which their national stamp gives them 
 in our eyes would be the diminution of
 
 156 ^ PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 their recognition in the eyes of the foreign 
 conqueror. 
 
 " The Academy, would share the same fate as 
 the University ; if it were kept open at all 
 it would be in the hands of German directors, 
 with German professors in official positions as 
 teachers in all branches. 
 
 " Danish architects would have to look on 
 quietly while German architects ' restored ' 
 that is, destroyed our old churches and 
 other public buildings, as they are at present 
 destroying the cathedral in Sleswig by ' restor- 
 ing ' it in their altdeutsch fashion (while 
 its sister church, the Cathedral of Aarhus, has 
 at the very same time been brought back to 
 its original style and may now be seen in its 
 perfect beauty, thanks be to the careful, skilful 
 knowledge and sure and perfect taste of a 
 Danish artist). 
 
 " Here, in Sleswig, you so often hear people 
 say in despair, when things go wrong, - It 
 would indeed be much better to become 
 Germans I ' 
 
 " No more idiotic words could be uttered. 
 No greater, no more far-reaching misfortune 
 can happen to an ancient, highly developed 
 nationality than to come under foreign rule." 
 
 This is indeed a sad perspective. .Why 
 should men be so wicked in their relations
 
 A SUPPLEMENT 157 
 
 with one another? Is it not worth while to 
 join in the crusade to prevent men from being 
 worried by such a nightmare, to free them 
 from the fear of such misfortune th at is to 
 say, to join in the crusade for the recognition 
 of "the rights of peace"? That is the first 
 and at the same time the most powerful factor 
 for the promotion of the victory of the cause of 
 peace, for the abolition of wars, and for the 
 establishment in its place of a peaceful, legal, 
 and just settlement.
 
 IV, 
 
 THE RIGHTS OF PEACE 
 
 AFTER this description of a state of affairs 
 where natural human rights are trampled 
 under foot, we may pass on to set down 
 a list of those general human rights which 
 are the acknowledged possession of every 
 human being without exception, even of those 
 who live within the borders of another nation. 
 If some of these rights should appear to the 
 reader to be so self-evident that it is super- 
 fluous to emphasize them, then I must maintain 
 that there is not one of them that has not been 
 sinned against in this twentieth century, by the 
 nations most advanced in culture. 
 
 I put forward, then, the following theses : 
 
 1. The parental right is inviolable as long 
 as the most elementary duties of the parents 
 are fulfilled. The State cannot deprive the 
 parents of their parental right on account 
 of their national feelings. 
 
 2. The parents must have liberty to decide 
 freely about the school language of the child. 
 The State ought not to force any father to let 
 
 158
 
 THE RIGHTS OF PEACE 159 
 
 his child be taught in any, other tongue than its 
 mother tongue, but may, at the most, demand 
 that the school shall give the child a know- 
 ledge of the official language of the State 
 as well. 
 
 3. The State ought not to have power to 
 forbid private teaching or private schools 
 which fulfil the minimum demands of the 
 official school inspection. 
 
 4. When in a school district half of the 
 inhabitants (perhaps even less than half) belong 
 to a foreign nationality (especially if it is a 
 conquered nationality) then these inhabitants, 
 in countries where there is compulsory educa- 
 tion, have a right to claim that the State shall 
 teach their children in their native language 
 that the native tongue shall be the language of 
 instruction and be used in all subjects. This 
 demand is easily justified, as the same right is 
 granted to negro tribes and to Eskimos and is 
 presupposed {as a matter of course in !all mission 
 work. 1 
 
 5. Where a population of, say, at least 
 100,000 individuals of foreign nationality are 
 living together (especially if it is a conquered 
 
 1 First of all it is, of course, an irrefutable claim that 
 religious instruction by the State school must be given in 
 the mother tongue. But a real instruction in religion in 
 the mother tongue presupposes lessons on the mother 
 tongue as well.
 
 160 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 nationality), there these people have an 
 undeniable right to; have teachers (and 
 priests) from among themselves and of their 
 own nationality who can teach their children 
 in the State school. This right, too, is easily 
 justified by pointing to the mission-field, where 
 it is accepted as a matter of course. What 
 is granted to negroes and to Eskimos should 
 not be denied to civilized people in Europe. 
 
 6. Where the majority of the population (or 
 even less than the majority) belong to a 
 foreign nationality (especially if a conquered 
 nationality) there their own language should be 
 heard in the churches, not only every second, 
 third, or fourth Sunday, but every Sunday 
 (compare the mission -field). 
 
 7. Where there is a State church, the priest 
 in charge must be able to speak the language 
 of the congregation, or rather he must himself 
 be of the nationality of the congregation. If 
 the congregation be bi-lingual, then the service 
 may be held in both languages but by two 
 different persons. 
 
 8. No one ought to be forced to pay taxes in 
 support of a State Church. It should be freely 
 permitted to foreign nationalities to form Free 
 Churches of their own, and thereby to be 
 exempted from all contributions to the State 
 Church. The church building itself ought, 
 especially if it originally belonged to the con-
 
 THE RIGHTS OF PEACE 161 
 
 quered nation, to be available for the Free 
 Church members. 
 
 9. Where half, or perhaps even less than 
 half, of the population belongs to a foreign 
 nationality (especially a conquered one) it has 
 the right to claim that its language shall be 
 heard in the law-courts. In districts, e.g., 
 where 100,000 people dwell, so that they 
 form the majority of the population, there 
 they have the right to demand that judges 
 and police officials shall be taken from 
 their own nationality and speak their own 
 language. 
 
 10. The conception of the freedom of the 
 press carries with it as a matter of course the 
 assumption that printed writings and news- 
 papers everywhere in the world may be 
 published in any language whatsoever. 
 
 11. The principle of freedom of association 
 and of union carries with it as a matter of course 
 the corollary that in assemblies and public 
 meetings everywhere in the world any language 
 whatsoever may be used (Chinese and German 
 in New York, Welsh in London, etc.) at any 
 rate, when this is the mother tongue of those 
 assembled. 
 
 12. All citizens ought, apart from nationality, 
 or social or political position, to enjoy equal 
 rights under the law and its administrators (the 
 police). Nowhere in the world must it be 
 
 11
 
 162 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 possible to enact laws regarding general affairs, 
 regarding language, church, or school, or 
 regarding freedom of association and of the 
 press, which only hold for certain citizens in 
 the country and not for others, or for certain 
 provinces (veiled} or parts of the country and 
 not for others. 
 
 13. The rights of property ought, as long 
 as the present order of society exists, to be 
 inviolable, and the State must not be able to 
 transgress the private rights of possession 
 unless this is really necessary in the public 
 interest and unless such action will benefit all 
 citizens alike and without regard to their 
 nationality or faith. (As a rule such action 
 should only be taken in matters of economic 
 interest and never on any account when 
 religious, national, or political interests are 
 concerned.) 
 
 14. All citizens ought to have full liberty 
 of earning a livelihood. As regards conquered 
 nations it ought to be a question of honour 
 with the ruling nation to see that limitation^ 
 in respect of the liberty of earning a livelihood, 
 privileges, concessions, and licences, jus practi- 
 candi, etc., shall depend entirely on qualifi- 
 cations, training, and examinations, never on 
 religious, national, or political considerations. 
 The same should hold good with regard to 
 the right to possess land, to keep a. hotel, to
 
 THE RIGHTS OF PEACE 163 
 
 compete at examinations, and to engage in 
 university study, etc. 
 
 15. A population of foreign nationality 
 (especially a conquered one) have the right to 
 claim proportional admission to offices of trust 
 and emolument, nay, even to exclusive admis- 
 sion to such offices within their own district. 
 Such a population have a right to claim that in 
 the district they inhabit the railway, postal, 
 telegraph, and! customs officials, the teachers, 
 priests, lawyers, and doctors, etc., are selected 
 from among their own nationality, and not 
 from among the ruling nationality as well 
 for economic reasons as in the interests of 
 education. This claim is easily justified, like 
 the previous ones, by showing how, as far as 
 circumstances allow it, this is realized among 
 Hindus, Egyptians, etc. 
 
 16. It is the duty of the State to work for the 
 furtherance of education among all its citizens 
 including, that is, those of foreign nationality, 
 and even for the furtherance of a national 
 system of education among these latter. The 
 State ought thus, not only not to hinder, far less 
 to forbid, the opening of higher schools and 
 universities and other educational institutions 
 which take their character from and use the 
 language of the foreign nationality, but it is 
 in duty bound to see that these exist. The 
 right to this concession has been gained by
 
 164 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 its foreign subjects, partly through the fact of 
 conquest, partly by their payment of taxes and 
 their subordination to the law and order of 
 the country. The claim is easily justified by 
 the fact that this is recognized and carried 
 out among many foreign tribes. 
 
 17. Of course it must first and foremost be 
 recognized by the ruling nation as a primary 
 obligation of honour (if that nation desires to 
 retain any moral prestige in the world) that 
 those rights which are granted in peace treaties 
 to the conquered are adhered to in the most 
 minute detail. 
 
 This does not pretend to be in any way 
 an exhaustive and complete enumeration of the 
 rights and duties of the individual in relatioii 
 to the State but only of those which are of 
 interest in connection with the question at 
 hand, namely, the cause of peace. 
 
 Much of what has been said here will to 
 many seem self-evident. If an American 
 citizen reads it, he will say to himself : 
 " But that is how things are ! No one would 
 for a moment dream of anything else." The 
 reading of the Supplement will probably cause 
 him to change his mind. And a ruling nation, 
 one of those ruling over foreign subjects, will 
 perhaps take refuge in a sophism and say : 
 " Dear me ! All these claims are fulfilled at once 
 even for foreigners, yes, actually fulfilled the
 
 THE RIGHTS OF PEACE 165 
 
 moment they cease to feel as foreigners, when 
 they, give up their nationality and adopt our 
 language, our culture, and our mind." 
 
 But that is a condition which no one has 
 any right whatsoever to propose, because such 
 a condition wars against against what? 
 
 Where is the peculiar fundamental principle 
 of national equality to be found? It is to be 
 found, of course, at the same source as the 
 principle of legal equality between individuals, 
 at the same source as the principle of ethics 
 generally. Either there is no such thing as an 
 ethical basis in the affairs of men, or, if there 
 is, it must involve the equality of nations as 
 well as that of individuals. 1 If the principle 
 
 1 From many quarters the hope and the belief is voiced 
 that this war may be the last in Europe. And among 
 pacifist nations there had already been discussed before 
 the outbreak of the war the thought of a coalition of 
 States which not only would not go to war themselves, 
 but which would not allow other States to do so. Let us 
 finally in this connection remark that, however mighty 
 the victorious coalition, it would be enabled to dictate 
 peace to the world without dictating justice at the same 
 time. If a pacifist, fear-inspiring coalition imdertakes 
 to dictate peace to the world, then it undertakes at the 
 same time the obligation of establishing justice universally 
 among the nations. If it deprives the oppressed and the 
 ill-treated of the possibility and of the right (should 
 occasion offer) of buying their liberty by tbe help of 
 the sword, then it must secure this liberty for them in 
 another way ; that is, it must take upon itself tbe responsi- 
 bility for establishing and maintaining the rights of peace.
 
 166 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 " Do not do to others what you would not that 
 they should do to you " holds for each man 
 separately, then this must hold for nations also. 
 
 Once this has been brought about the con- 
 ditions for the victory of the peace movement 
 will be manifest. All objections raised by 
 questions of honour, independence, and in- 
 tegrity, and by questions of life or death (the 
 life-or-death struggle will and must con- 
 tinue to be the necessary and only arbitration), 
 will be met with the answer that these questions 
 would not arise among nations if the nations 
 themselves would set their face against them. 
 
 Between two friendly nations determined to 
 be at peace with each other and ready to treat 
 each other according to the accepted axiom, 
 such questions cannot arise at all. And if a 
 cause of strife should occur, and if loud cries 
 arose that this was a question of honour, or 
 of sovereign rights, and of existence a ques- 
 tion of life or death then must all real 
 Pacifists cry still more loudly that this is not 
 the case, that the question has not got this 
 enormous weight and importance, and that 
 through calm deliberation and discussion a 
 solution may be found acceptable to both 
 parties. 
 
 Questions of life or death cannot, as a rule, 
 arise among nations, except as the outcome of 
 rude violations and transgressions of justice on
 
 THE RIGHTS OF PEACE 167 
 
 the part of one nation against another or 
 against a third party. These would be elimi- 
 nated by the establishment of the defined rights 
 of peace, and even now they might always be 
 avoided if the nations really wanted to avoid 
 them. 1 
 
 Let the Pacifist movement, therefore, work 
 with might and main for the creation of inter- 
 national agreements and instruments. But let 
 it not forget that these are secondary matters, 
 and that the primary condition under which 
 international law shall succeed in embracing 
 all the nations that is, in securing real and 
 full acceptance is through the carrying into 
 practice of the rights of peace. Towards this 
 end the Pacifist movement must in the first 
 place direct all its forces. This is new work, 
 but it is work of the first importance. The 
 Pacifist movement must necessarily, if it is to 
 make headway, regard the fight for Free trade 
 and for the rights of peace as a fundamental 
 plank in its platform. For peace must be the 
 outcome of justice, and without justice it is a 
 chimera, and does not exist. 
 
 1 That is, the arising of new questions. Those already 
 existing (e.g. the Polish question) might, through the 
 realization of the rights of peace, lose a great deal of their 
 poignancy, though they will probably never be definitely 
 solved.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 REVIEW 
 
 ON THE POSSIBILITIES OF THE VICTORY OF THE 
 PEACE MOVEMENT, AND OF THE EFFECTS 
 THEREOF 
 
 Is there any reasonable probability of further 
 progress in the peace movement, and of 
 securing far -reaching practical results, in a 
 not too distant future? That is the question 
 which now finally forces itself upon us after 
 we have considered the different aspects of the 
 problem. Is it all futurist music, dreams and 
 fancies of a millennium which, perhaps, will 
 never dawn? 
 
 It must be acknowledged that although what 
 has been achieved up to the present is en- 
 couraging and perhaps even surprising, the real 
 practical results in the meantime do not amount 
 to much, that a great deal remains unsatis- 
 factory, and that many of the aims and means 
 discussed here have in view a distant future, 
 which need not perhaps interest us very 
 greatly. 
 
 Is it really necessary, if we wish to see 
 
 168
 
 REVIEW 169 
 
 practical results, to wait for universal Free 
 trade, and the recognition and realization of 
 the rights of peace everywhere? Or can we 
 believe and hope that practical results will 
 to some extent appear gradually as links in 
 a chain of development, before these condi- 
 tions are themselves present, or at least fully 
 present? Can we hope that the results will 
 appear pan passu with the conditions, so that 
 conditions and results may develop side by side? 
 
 Or is there even a third possibility a possi- 
 bility of a sudden surprising victory for the 
 peace movement, of such a nature that some 
 fine day the whole purpose of the peace move- 
 ment may be attained, a victory surprising, 
 overwhelming, and captivating in its glory and 
 splendour? 
 
 Alas ! how could this come about? And yet 
 let us exhaust all possibilities and all points 
 of view and consider this last question, as it is 
 not quite outside all reason and all earthly 
 possibilities. 
 
 That a sudden, surprising, and overwhelm- 
 ing victory for the peace movement will dawn 
 in consequence of an instant or quickened moral 
 improvement of the human race, a great world 
 awakening, and a return to the spiritual con- 
 dition of the first Christian congregation that 
 I, at any rate, am not sufficiently optimistic 
 to believe.
 
 170 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 But what about the victory of the peace 
 movement through war, through that contra- 
 dictio in adjecto Where the peace movement, 
 sword in hand, might force a victory and 
 establish all that we have wished for in the 
 preceding pages? 
 
 Can we not imagine a sufficiently great and 
 mighty nation or group of nations (e.g. the 
 Anglo-Saxon nations, cf. Sir Edward Grey's 
 speech previously quoted) making themselves 
 champions of the peace movement, demanding 
 its fulfilment by other nations, compelling the 
 small nations through fear and the great 
 nations through force, striking down all oppo- 
 sition, sword in hand if necessary, and then 
 once for all establishing universal peace? 
 The United States of the Earth, compulsory 
 arbitration in all imaginable cases before one 
 and the same permanent court of judgment, 
 an international, permanent Congress or Parlia- 
 ment with an adequate executive force, universal 
 Free trade, the fulfilment of the rights of peace, 
 admission for all to the Central Court with 
 their complaints, etc., and all this in such a 
 way that this nation, or group of nations, of 
 its own accord, freely and generously laid down 
 the sceptre and placed itself in the same position 
 as the other States of the Union, and under the 
 same conditions as these, without demanding 
 any prerogative or advantage for itself beyond
 
 REVIEW 171 
 
 the glory of the gratitude, the respect, and 
 the admiration which would crown its 
 head is such a thought quite senseless and 
 unreasonable? 
 
 I am able to show that it is not, because 
 we have actually seen this come to pass, be- 
 cause history shows us an example of it in 
 sufficiently large dimensions. 
 
 The example is an Anglo-Saxon one. I am 
 thinking of England and of the United States 
 of South Africa. Victorious Britain has, by 
 force of arms, laid the South African States 
 at her feet, has made them dependent on the 
 mercy of the conqueror. She has then used 
 her victory for the realization on South African 
 territory of the victory of the cause of peace, 
 for the establishment of South Africa's United 
 States, their common, permanent Congress and 
 Court of Arbitration, with an executive force as 
 the only existing force in arms, with a common 
 tariff inside the whole territory, with the un- 
 restricted, unquestioned administration of the 
 rights of peace, with equal rights and equal 
 opportunities for the different nations, with- 
 out any preference or advantage for herself., 
 
 Now, in the above sentence, let us exchange 
 the name of England for that of some imaginary 
 Power, or for a coalition of several Powers, 
 and that of South Africa for Europe. The 
 sentence will then read like this :
 
 172 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 A victorious Power has, by force of arms, 
 laid the European States at its feet, has made 
 them dependent on the mercy of the conqueror, 
 and it has used its victory as a means of 
 realizing on European soil the victory of the 
 peace movement, of establishing the United 
 States of Europe, their common, permanent 
 Congress and Court of Arbitration with an ex- 
 ecutive force as the sole existing force in arms, 
 with common tariffs within the whole territory, 
 with the unrestricted, unquestioned administra- 
 tion of the rights of peace, with equal rights 
 and equal opportunities for the different 
 nations, without any preference or advantage 
 for itself. 
 
 These two sentences are identical except for 
 the exchange of two words. Those two words 
 make this difference, that while the one event 
 'has happened, has actually been realized, the 
 other is considered a hopeless, impossible, and 
 childish phantasy. 
 
 Why? Is it impossible or unreasonable to 
 imagine a world-fire a general European war? 
 Certainly not, for such a war has taken place 
 time after time in the past, and its recurrence 
 is considered probable by many sensible and 
 thoughtful men. Is it impossible or unreason- 
 able to suppose that a single Power or one 
 or more allied Powers might come out of such 
 a struggle strong enough to be able to dictate
 
 REVIEW 173 
 
 their wishes to Europe? Again, certainly not, 
 if we have already seen this or something ex- 
 ceedingly like it. In the year 1807-8 the sup- 
 position we are imagining might almost in truth 
 have been attributed to Napoleon. Is it, then, 
 unreasonable or impossible to imagine a 
 conqueror using his victory in the manner 
 we have indicated? Surely not, since history 
 shows us an example of it : England's action 
 in South Africa. 
 
 We might make a slight editorial change, 
 and instead of a Power, a victorious Power, we 
 might substitute a Man. For it is often just 
 as much on a Man as on a State that everything 
 depends. A new Napoleon, Who, unlike the 
 old one, would not use his victory for self- 
 glorification and self - aggrandizement, who 
 would not, like the old one, repulse the hearts 
 of men and waste his victory and his might by 
 founding his rule on false and unstable prin- 
 ciples (on arms, on fear, on admiration, on war- 
 glory, in the last instance on himself, instead 
 of on justice, equality, liberty, on love and 
 veneration for the ideal he serves in short, 
 on the ideal instead of on himself), an altru- 
 istic and idealistic Napoleon instead of an 
 egoistic and materialistic one, a Gladstone- 
 Napoleon, if we can place these two names 
 side by side. 
 
 What a stretch of imagination to think of
 
 174 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 Napoleon doing, in 1808, What the British did 
 in 1908 ! (And what an anachronism I) 
 
 Unfortunately, it is difficult to become a 
 Napoleon and a world ruler when one is an 
 altruist and an idealist ; far easier, and perhaps 
 only when one is an egoist and a materialist. 
 And, at any rate, altruistic Napoleons cannot 
 be produced to order, nor can we in any way 
 contribute to their appearance. 
 
 But, further, even if there were no such 
 precedent, and if no single Power or individual 
 had attained to unquestioned supremacy, some 
 such ideal as has been referred to might be 
 imagined, might perhaps be even more easily 
 imagined (and the thought of it might be even 
 more acceptable). It is an ideal which has 
 been conceived and put forward repeatedly by 
 people whose words are listened to, and who 
 have a certain claim to be heard. 
 
 At the National Arbitration and Peace Con- 
 ference in New York, in 1907, Mr. Andrew 
 Carnegie proposed that the Powers friendly to 
 peace should lay moral, economic, and, if 
 necessary, military pressure on every State 
 which intended to break the peace. The neutral 
 States should form a fear -ins paring coalition 
 against the disturbers of the peace. " But 
 before using force, it will be best to begin 
 by proclaiming the cessation of all relations 
 with the peace -breaking State, No exchange
 
 REVIEW 175 
 
 of products, no loans, no importations of a 
 military or naval kind, no postal service these 
 precautions should serve as a solemn warning 
 and would probably prove effective." 
 
 Precisely the same idea was promulgated 
 three months later by ex-President Roosevelt 
 in his Christiania speech : 
 
 " Finally, it would be a master stroke if 
 those Great Powers that wish honestly for peace 
 would form a peace league, not only to main- 
 tain mutual peace, but also to prevent, if neces- 
 sary by force, a breach of the peace on the 
 part of other States. The greatest difficulty 
 in the further development of the peace move- 
 ment at The Hague lies in the complete want 
 of an executive or police force which can carry 
 out the verdicts of the court." 
 
 Further, we have seen the same thought ad- 
 vanced in the House of Commons by the 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, 
 in discussing the Taft Arbitration Treaty 
 between Britain and the United States. In 
 the English Press it was also declared, in this 
 connection, that " war will become an impos- 
 sibility when the English-speaking peoples all 
 over the world are against war." This is 
 expressing in other words the idea of an Anglo- 
 Saxon peace league, which should mean, not 
 only unconditional peace among all Anglo- 
 Saxons, but also that the Anglo-Saxon sword
 
 176 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 should be put in the balance in favour of peace 
 against every breaker of peace. The Anglo- 
 Saxons would say to the world, " We will have 
 peace, and we do not allow any one to break it." 
 
 If only this could be so ! How all the small 
 States, whose lives are hanging by a thread, 
 must greet such a thought as a gospel, wel- 
 come it with tears in their voices, and, as far 
 as their weak strength goes, give it all the 
 assistance in their power ! 
 
 It is assumed, of course, that the Anglo- 
 Saxons want, not only peace but a just peace ! 
 It is assumed that such a coalition is not 
 to be a " pot in: which to boil small States " 
 but a protection and guard for them. For 
 peace is (worth nothing without the rights of 
 peace, and the coalition must not regard 
 its task done by securing peace, but must 
 add to this the duty of securing respect for 
 the rights of peace that is, for economic, 
 national, religious, political, and civic liberty 
 within the nations and between the nations. 
 
 I see no reason to doubt the possibility and 
 the realization of this. It is not nearly so 
 much a question of power as of will. When 
 this movement will attain its full develop- 
 ment and begin to bear fruit is another matter. 
 This depends upon the amount of the inter- 
 vening spade-work and upon the energy and 
 enthusiasm of the propaganda of the pacifists.
 
 REVIEW 177 
 
 And let us add that it is desirable that the 
 movement should not emanate solely from the 
 Anglo-Saxons who cannot carry it to a suc- 
 cessful issue by, themselves, and who ought not 
 to have the monopoly of the Pacifist movement 
 and of working for its success. But there is 
 no reason to fear that this will be the case. 
 It is not unreasonable to suppose that the 
 Pacifist movement has taken equally firm root 
 in other nations' (e.g. in Russia), not only in 
 Government circles, at any rate in certain 
 Government circles, including that from which 
 the conception of the Hague Conference 
 emanated, but also within the wide confines of 
 the great Russian nation as a whole. It is by 
 no means certain that the Anglo-Saxons may 
 not find competitorsor, let us rather say, 
 co-operators in this work. 
 
 But whoever the members of this coalition 
 are, it is in any. case desirable and morally, 
 essential that the coalition shall not act on its 
 own initiative and responsibility, for longer 
 than is absolutely necessary, but that it shall 
 as quickly as possible receive the sanction 
 of the court of nations, so that its activities 
 may be regulated by fixed legal procedure 
 which will preclude any kind of suspicion of 
 personal aims. For such a league of peace 
 could only be called a l ' master piece " it 
 its Aims (were in the interest of the people 
 
 12
 
 178 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 as a whole, and if it kept itself free from 
 all taint of personal ambition, and provided 
 that it did not act in such a way as to 
 receive, or even show a desire to. receive, 
 any special advantage for its members or 
 any favours for any individual nation. And 
 further, such a league of peace would be 
 expected and required to be organized on 
 as wide as possible a basis so as toi pro- 
 vide for the admission of every State which 
 was willing to enter it. The greater and 
 stronger the coalition became the more easily 
 could it carry out its programme. 
 
 If these conditions were fulfilled a way 
 would be prepared for a solution of the 
 pacifist question a way which would be 
 practicable and which we should welcome 
 with all our hearts. For the moment interest 
 in this question has waned somewhat. But 
 it is bound to come to the front again. .When 
 a question of this kind has once been raised, 
 it claims attention again and again until it 
 has been solved. And it is not to be expected 
 that it should be solved at its first appearance. 
 
 In the meantime we can only point to the 
 conditions of its solution, to the factors which 
 the solution must contain if it is to be of lasting 
 value. And as that which is presented in the 
 form of an object-lesson impresses itself more 
 firmly on the mind of the reader, we cannot
 
 REVIEW 179 
 
 resist the temptation to submit a draft of this 
 ideal treaty which should form the basis of 
 the proposed League of Peace. The scheme 
 may seem far-fetched atid Utopian, and to 
 many readers somewhat simple and ingenuous. 
 However, here it is : 
 
 THE LEAGUE OF PEACE TREATY 
 
 WHEREAS His Majesty the King of Great 
 Britain and Ireland and Emperor of India, 
 the President of the United States, the 
 President of the French Republic, His Majesty, 
 the King of Belgium, Her Majesty the Queen of 
 Holland, the Regents of Denmark, Norway, and 
 Sweden, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, Portugal, 
 Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Siam, etc., have 
 the intention in the spirit of mutual goodwill 
 and understanding to maintain the most 
 favourable conditions for securing peace among 
 their peoples and as far as possible all 
 over the whole world ; and .WHEREAS they, 
 recognize that peace Cain only be founded pn 
 justice and that its basis must be economic, 
 national, and educational equality and liberty, 
 and respect for each person and each nation, 
 as natural rights due to them, THEREFORE 
 they have, in agreement with the Royal and 
 Imperial British Government and with the 
 Government of the United States^ resolved
 
 180 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 to convene a Conference at The Hague, and 
 they have nominated as their representatives 
 the following 
 
 xvho, being provided with plenary powers in 
 good and proper form, have considered and 
 passed the following resolutions : 
 
 1. The States which have signed this agree- 
 ment shall enjoy absolute Free trade in relation 
 to each other. Not only can none of the States 
 mentioned levy an import duty on goods from 
 other competing States without at the same 
 time levying the same tax on the same goods 
 produced within the country, but neither shall 
 their own goods be favoured through export 
 bounties, shipping subventions, reduction of 
 freights, or the like. The contracting States 
 undertake before the end of the year * 
 to carry out the necessary legislative changes 
 to secure this. 
 
 2. Within the boundaries of each of the 
 contracting States, all subjects, without regard 
 to nationality or faith, shall be equal and 
 shall enjoy in the fullest measure free and 
 unrestricted use of their mother tongue in 
 the school, the church, and the law-courts, 
 at public meetings and in the press, perfect 
 freedom of association and of the press, so 
 that each council or community in town 
 or country shall have preachers, teachers, 
 judges, and officials of the nationality to which
 
 REVIEW 181 
 
 the majority of the population belongs, private 
 schools and Free Churches shall enjoy perfect 
 liberty, the rights of property shall be inviol- 
 able, the avenues to emolument, possession, arid 
 settlement shall be the same for all and 
 not be obstructed by the decisions of officials, 
 and laws of exception, open and secret, shall 
 not be tolerated,. 
 
 3. The contracting States shall at every 
 opportunity use their influence to establish the 
 validity of the principles stated in 1 and 2. 
 The Powers which have not signed the present 
 general treaty may be admitted to its delibera- 
 tions by a special Act as explained in 4 
 following. The admission of each new Power 
 shall be brought to the knowledge of the Inter- 
 national Congress through diplomatic means 
 and by the Congress again to the knowledge 
 of all the States who have signed this general 
 treaty or who have later come under it. 
 This admission involves the full and com- 
 plete acceptance of all the responsibilities and 
 the enjoyment of all the privileges which are 
 specified in the present general Act. 
 
 4. The contracting Powers shall establish 
 in common an International Congress to 
 which they will send delegates chosen by the 
 Crown in proportion to the number of their 
 inhabitants (including those of their colonies 
 and dependencies), yet in such a way: that
 
 182 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 each sovereign State elects first one representa- 
 tive and then one more for every three million 
 inhabitants which it through an official census 
 can be proved to possess, while the colonies 
 and dependencies shall be represented by one 
 representative for every three million inhabi- 
 tants of white race and by one representative 
 for every five million of other races, excluding 
 illiterates however. The order of business of 
 the Conference and its powers shall be fixed 
 by a special Act. It shall meet at least 
 every second year on March 1st and at The 
 Hague, and shall remain in session until by 
 a simple majority it decides to dissolve. 
 Proposals may be submitted to the Conference 
 for approval provided these are supported by 
 at least twenty members representing at least 
 three States. The Congress shall have power 
 to pass resolutions affecting either the contract- 
 ing States or outside States and their home 
 or foreign circumstances and relations (e.g. 
 complaints regarding the non-realization of the 
 principles formulated in 1 and 2, proposals 
 for the changing of frontiers, etc.), subject to 
 the provision that such resolutions are sup- 
 ported by three-fourths of the votes recorded, 
 representing at least two -thirds of the con- 
 tracting Powers at any given time. 
 
 5. The contracting Powers shall mutually 
 hold themselves bound to take action against
 
 REVIEW 183 
 
 any breach of the peace, even by or between 
 the outside Powers, and to prevent or suppress 
 this by every means in their power, in the last 
 resort by force of arms. The contracting 
 parties shall bind themselves to enforce by 
 every, means in their power, in the last resort 
 by force of arms, the resolutions passed by a 
 legal majority in the international Congtress. 
 
 6. The armed force required for this pur- 
 pose shall be placed at the disposal of the Con- 
 gress by the contracting Powers as explained 
 in 4. The Congress shall fix in each indi- 
 vidual case the contribution of each individual 
 State in military personnel, material, or money, 
 and shall fill the posts of command in the 
 international executive force thus established, 
 appoint its Field-Marshal and give him his 
 orders. All arrangements relative to these 
 matters shall be determined by a special Act 
 before the end of the first session of Congress. 
 7. flThere shall further be placed at the 
 disposal of the Congress a standing executive 
 power in instant readiness, and the expense 
 of maintaining this force shall be met in 
 the following manner : 
 
 All the contracting Powers shall agree 
 that any contracting State which desires 
 to do so may adopt total demobilization 
 within its own borders, provided that it 
 pays each year to the Congress a sum fixed
 
 184 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 each year by the Congress, which sum 
 shall, as nearly as possible, be equal to 
 the half of the amount considered adequate 
 in respect of its military expenses by the 
 Congress at the time, and shall not exceed 
 the half of the amount per individual 
 expended by any of the contracting Powers 
 which have not been demobilized. 
 If the amount raised in this way is found to 
 be insufficient, the Congress shall by a qualified 
 majority of three-fourths of the votes recorded, 
 representing at least two -thirds of the con- 
 tracting Powers, raise the necessary funds 
 by taxing the contracting States according 
 to their population. On the other hand, 
 all the contracting parties shall mutually, 
 guarantee the integrity and sovereign inde- 
 pendence of the demobilized States and shall 
 undertake to provide instant armed assistance 
 if they should be attacked by any other Power. 
 The council, composition, command, etc., of this 
 executive Power shall be decided by a special 
 Act before the end of the first session of the 
 Congress. 
 
 All this must be assumed as a foundation, 
 and it will serve no useful purpose to begin 
 with much less than this if progress is to be 
 made. Pessimists may perhaps object that 
 at that rate a beginning will never be made
 
 REVIEW 185 
 
 at all. But as we are trying to be optimists 
 we shall not listen to them. We will main- 
 tain that this " ideal treaty "although for 
 the present and for an incalculable future 
 (incalculably remote or incalculably near) 
 it may quite possibly be described as Utopian 
 has nevertheless a claim on the consciences 
 of the nations, and that, accordingly, it will 
 force its way to recognition with the same 
 might as the religious appeal as soon as 
 it is put clearly before men's eyes. If we 
 believe in the future of that appeal and 
 in its power to break a way for itself in 
 the form of practical results, then we must 
 exercise this belief also in relation to this 
 claim. If we have no faith of that kind, 
 then we must agree that teverything will 
 remain as of old, or rather, if we are 
 logical and consistent, we must come to the 
 conclusion that the development of the world 
 will go backwards and lead us into greater and 
 greater barbarism, and make the fight of all 
 against all the ruling law in human life as it is 
 in a measure in Nature ! Forwards or back- 
 wards ! The one or the other ! There is no 
 standing still. 
 
 Let us, then, in conclusion endeavour even 
 if we perhaps cannot be said to stand on 
 the summit of Mount Pisgah to cast a glance
 
 186 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 into the Promised Land, and see how the effects 
 of the victory of the pacifist cause would 
 manifest themselves, what the significance and 
 the consequences of this would be, especially 
 for us Europeans. 
 
 First and foremost there would be a vast 
 and overwhelming sense of relief ,and of 
 deliverance, as a multitude of burdens would 
 fall from the over -taxed and over-burdened 
 back of old Europe. 
 
 Consider, first, the burden of national wars 
 and of (national hatreds. Think what it 
 would mean to bring about a cessation of 
 the furious hatred and of the raging anger, 
 of the pent-up explosive indignation which 
 now rule within the minds of millions of 
 the people of Europe against other European 
 people. I am not sure that those of the 
 ruling classes, those who are at the top, 
 fully understand the nature, the extent, and 
 the strength of this hatred, this bitterness 
 and anger. If they did they would tremble. 
 To understand it quite, it is necessary, per- 
 haps, to belong one's self to one of the 
 oppressed nations or to a nation which has 
 compatriots under foreign rule. Only then 
 does one quite feel the sting of the follow- 
 ing questions : What right have those strangers 
 to rule over us? By, what right have their 
 political agents become our school - teachers,
 
 REVIEW 187 
 
 their national agitators our priests, their 
 chauvinistic incendiaries and propagandists our 
 judges and magistrates, their gendarmes and 
 policemen our uninvited guests at our meet- 
 ings and assemblies, even at our weddings 
 and festivities? But it appears to me that 
 the ruling classes also (even if they Will not 
 admit that there is no possible shadow of justifi- 
 cation for this kind of treatment) must be 
 able to see what an enormous advantage, 
 for example, the United States of America 
 or of South Africa have over Europe in this 
 respect, and how this advantage helps to 
 place those new countries in a much more 
 favourable position in the world, and how 
 much strength Europe is wasting to no 
 purpose in this ruinous inner process of mutual 
 antagonism. 
 
 Secondly, there is the economic burden of 
 military armaments. As we have said before, 
 it can be borne, seeing that it is borne ; 
 it is not intolerable, as it is tolerated and 
 that even voluntarily. But it would be folly 
 to deny that it is heavy, and that the expendi- 
 ture of a thousand millions annually for a 
 nation of half a hundred million people is 
 an exceedingly noticeable outlay, and that 
 such a sum released, entirely or partially, 
 for peaceful educational purposes would pro- 
 duce very noticeable effects, as it would also if
 
 188 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 applied to the solution of social questions. 
 How many social reforms of glorious promise 
 are deferred or abandoned in every country, 
 wherever yofu look around you, for want of 
 money money which would be forthcoming in 
 plenty, the moment the pacifist movement 
 became victorious. 
 
 It will have appeared clearly from the views 
 indicated above that I do not sympathize with 
 those who, in season and out of season, run 
 down military expenditure. I belong to those 
 in my own country who at present wish this 
 expenditure increased, and I have advocated 
 this in public. But, just as one can be in 
 principle an enthusiastic adherent of universal 
 Free trade, and yet be a zealous Protectionist 
 at home in one's own land, under present 
 circumstances, because of sad necessity, so can 
 one be a zealous advocate of Home Defence 
 at home in one's own land, because one sees 
 the sad necessity for it, and yet heave a silent 
 sigh for the time when all that gold which 
 is now being swallowed up by military ex- 
 penditure shall flow out as a fertilizing stream 
 over all other departments of human life. This, 
 before all others, is the first step which can 
 bring Europe the Old World on to an equ!al 
 footing with the New. 
 
 Thirdly, the victory of the Pacifist move- 
 ment would be felt as a vast relief and libera-
 
 REVIEW 189 
 
 tion in all that pertains to education for many, 
 nations at any rate. Think only how much 
 energy would be released, which is now wasted 
 in Nationalist conflicts, not only by the 
 oppressed nation, but also by the ruling one. 
 What an enormous hindrance national antago- 
 nisms and national hatreds inflict on the 
 national school by means of these controversies ! 
 
 With the victory of the Pacifist cause the 
 millennium would not have come. There will 
 still be plenty of evil and misfortune left in 
 the world. As long as human passions exist 
 there will be hatred, cheating, murder and 
 immorality, drunkenness, poverty, etc., on 
 earth. All this is eternal, and not to be done 
 away with so long as perfection has not been 
 reached. But all moral efforts must aim at 
 limiting these evils, at restraining them and 
 keeping them in subjection. 
 
 In these efforts the labour for the cause of 
 peace is a link, and a most important link, 
 because the effects of its victory would be mani- 
 fold, and because it is a practical aim which 
 differs from many other practical moral aims 
 in this, that according to our belief it can be 
 fully realized. 
 
 Hatred between men will never quite dis- 
 appear, but we believe that hatred between 
 nations can disappear, because we have seen 
 this happen in South Africa, In North America a
 
 190 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 and also in Europe. The condition is only 
 that every one should get his natural rights. 
 Murder and killing will never quite disappear, 
 but we believe that war for all that may quite 
 well disappear, at any rate among civilized 
 States. The economic battle between indi- 
 viduals will, perhaps, never cease, but for all 
 that it may quite well cease between States. 
 And the victory of the Pacifist cause would 
 for the individuals, too, be a step towards the 
 victory of good over evil. It would have 
 blessed effects upon poverty, it would make 
 neighbourly love to increase, and it would re- 
 press hatred among men. The blessings of 
 culture, national, economic, and social, would 
 follow in its footsteps.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 EPILOGUE 
 PACIFIST PROPOSALS. I 
 
 As an explanation of 7 in the preceding League of 
 Peace Treaty, I venture to lay before an English public 
 the proposals regarding it which are contained in my 
 book. I am quite aware that these can only be of real 
 interest to the circle of pacifists proper, and that by many 
 they will be considered phantasies. 
 
 IF this * be regarded as a solution of the 
 problem of an Executive Power on which the 
 Great Powers especially should be represented, 
 and which might possibly be thought of as a 
 thing that could be called into being in the 
 near future, there follows next the solution from 
 the point of view of the small States, a kind 
 of solution or preparation for a solution Which 
 is perhaps capable of being even more easily 
 realized, and realized also within a future even 
 less remote. It has the advantage, besides, of 
 not only representing the beginnings of an 
 Executive Power under peaceful but perfectly 
 effective conditions, but also of providing a kind 
 
 * The preceding pages which are not given here. 
 101
 
 192 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 of a solution of the question of disarmament, 
 and of making a real disarmament possible 
 for those who want it ; and these are in the 
 meantime and in the main probably the small 
 States only. 1 
 
 This is the matter to which we referred 
 on p. 183). The proposal was this, that the 
 small States should apply to the Hague Con- 
 ference for an international consent to their 
 disarmament, and for an assurance that the 
 rest of the States represented at the Hague 
 Conference would in common guarantee their 
 existence and their neutrality, while they on 
 their part should bind themselves to refer for 
 settlement all questions in dispute to inter- 
 national arbitration, and to contribute annually 
 a proportionate sum for the maintenance of 
 an international executive Power, or in the 
 meantime for some other international purpose 
 (which we shall detail below). 
 
 This contribution should, of course, be with- 
 held the moment any State used armed force 
 against a State which had disarmed, and when 
 this had not been prevented by the other 
 Powers. And it should not be renewed until 
 
 1 We should remember that in certain small States 
 there has for many years been a rather strong and, in my 
 view, a foolish and childish movement in favour of 
 disarmament based on the conviction of the total hope- 
 lsnnii of military defence.
 
 EPILOGUE 193 
 
 a status quo had been re-established. To this 
 might perhaps be added a neutralization under 
 collective guarantee by all the other Powers 
 of the disarmed State or States. Only under 
 such a guarantee would neutralization become 
 effective enough to permit of disarmament, and 
 reassuring enough to afford security. 1 
 
 At first sight this might appear too simple 
 and Utopian a proposal ; but I believe that 
 further consideration of it will secure more 
 favourable acceptance. The amount of the con- 
 tribution should, for a certain number of years, 
 be fixed by the Hague Conference or by the 
 International Congress that is to be, and the 
 other united Powers should bind themselves 
 never under any circumstances to use armed 
 
 1 The thought of neutralization is discussed by Hilty 
 (" Polit. Jahrbuch d. Schweitz. Eidgenossenschaften," 
 book 8, p. 245). He proposes to augment the number of 
 neutral States, and to bring about an alliance between 
 them. Bajer proposes the same thing in " Neutralite 
 foederative" in Revue de droit International, 1902, 
 p. 127. Nippold (I.e. p. 596) finds the suggestion worthy 
 of note, and thinks that therein would undoubtedly lie 
 a further guarantee for the application of international 
 legal procedure. According to Schliep (I.e. p. 132) 
 a development of this international law-court, in terms 
 of which the existence of each State should be guaranteed 
 by the Great Powers, appears to be quite practicable : " The 
 position of the neutral States in relation to the inter- 
 national law-court might be regarded as a rough sketch 
 outlining what the European State system might become." 
 
 13
 
 194 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 force against the disarmed States, but to refer 
 all possible cases of dissension for decision 
 to the Hague Court of Arbitration. 
 
 The other States which had not disarmed 
 could not refuse their assent to this proposal 
 on the pJea that certain causes of strife were 
 " vital," inasmuch as they affected their 
 sovereign rights, their integrity or their 
 national honour, since a disarmed State could 
 hardly be found guilty of such offences against 
 an armed State. 
 
 I hasten to add that as I consider the pro- 
 posal to establish an Executive to be impractic- 
 able at present, as unanimity for that purpose 
 could not yet be secured at a Hague Conference, 
 the sums contributed should in the meantime 
 be applied, according to the direction of the 
 Hague Conference, to one or other of the inter- 
 national purposes which are now being carried 
 out by contributions from a number of in- 
 terested Powers for instance, for international 
 hydrographic research, for the expenses of the 
 Hague Conference, or eventually for inter- 
 national lighthouses or telegraphs, for inter- 
 national North or South Pole expeditions, etc. 
 
 If it could be arranged that the contribu- 
 tions were to be used for the purposes of an 
 international Executive Power, its influence 
 would perhaps gradually increase as more and 
 more States disarmed, and it would, it might
 
 EPILOGUE 195 
 
 be hoped, quickly, become so powerful that 
 every disturber of the peace would have to 
 reckon with it as an opponent in addition to 
 his original antagonist. 
 
 It is, however, not sufficient for an idea to 
 be merely beautiful. It must also be practic- 
 able, it must be rooted in reality and not in 
 the dreams of Utopia. Let us not be content 
 to become enamoured of its attractive appear- 
 ance, but let us examine it closely from all 
 sides, and see what objections can be raised 
 against it, and how to refute them. 
 
 From the side of the small States the ques- 
 tion may first of all be raised whether such 
 an international guarantee would have any 
 value and importance, and if it really could 
 be considered as affording sufficient protection 
 for their existence and their independence. It 
 is generally recognized, for example, that the 
 guaranteed neutrality of Switzerland does not 
 permit Switzerland to disarm, but that that 
 country, in spite of its neutrality, has to bear 
 the same military burdens as others, and must 
 be prepared to defend its existence and its 
 neutrality, just as if its neutrality had never 
 been guaranteed, evil tongues might add. 1 
 (Pessimists might further point to the free 
 
 1 Wrongly, as the guaranteed neutrality is, neverthe- 
 less, of value to Switzerland how much or how little 
 we shall not here discuss.
 
 196 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 State of Cracow ; its existence and integrity, 
 were guaranteed by, three Great Powers, but 
 some sixteen years later it was, in spite 
 of this, annexed by one of the guarantors, 
 without intervention from any of the other 
 Powers . ) 
 
 To this might be replied that there would 
 probably be much better protection and far 
 greater security in a guarantee under the above 
 conditions. In the first place these conditions 
 include a formal consent to disarmament from 
 the other Powers, and a formal obligation under 
 no circumstances Whatsoever to use arms 
 against a disarmed State. Secondly, something 
 is contributed by the disarmed State in return 
 for the peace guarantee ; and, thirdly and 
 mainly, a transgression would immediately 
 bring the disturber of the peace into difficulties 
 and diplomatic trouble with all the Powers on 
 account of the cessation of the money contri- 
 bution. 
 
 But some may perhaps object that even if 
 the existence of the disarmed State might be 
 regarded as secure, still its independence would 
 suffer. It would not be able to maintain its 
 free right of self-determination in foreign 
 affairs. Its sovereignty would perhaps be 
 recognized, but in reality it would be dcoen- 
 dent on its great neighbour, and it would sink 
 into the position of an annexed and vassal
 
 EPILOGUE 197 
 
 State, and its inner national life, its self-con- 
 sciousness, its culture would suffer. This has 
 been clearly pointed out by Harald Nielsen 
 on page 148 of his pamphlet. 
 
 Personally I do not hold this view. The 
 large State would be practically powerless unden 
 such circumstances. It would have no means 
 of exercising pressure, for every dispute would 
 at once be referred by the small State to the 
 Hague Conference, and any aggression on the 
 part of the large State would at once cause 
 international complications, both political and 
 economic, as attacks on the independence of 
 a small State would involve the cessation of 
 its contribution to the international fund, and 
 an illegal loss of income for all the other States. 
 If, for instance, we supposed that the fund 
 were used in the meantime for the support of 
 international hydrographic research (whereby 
 the contributions paid at present by certain 
 States would have ceased), then an attack on 
 such a disarmed State would carry with it the 
 very noticeable practical result that Russian, 
 English, French, and American research in this 
 field would have to cease its operations owing 
 to the cessation of its subsidy. And the 
 tendency to such aggression would undoubtedly 
 find a check in the fact that it would neces- 
 sarily be followed by a long series of protests 
 from other States, and would give each of these
 
 198 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 a formal right to intervene, and to set the 
 Hague Arbitration Court at once in motion. 
 
 I believe, therefore, that disarmament under 
 the above outlined conditions would afford, not 
 only a far better protection than disarmament 
 undertaken by each State singly, without the 
 approval of the other Powers, and without any 
 return being made, but perhaps an even better 
 security than that of a purely military nature. 
 This would, at any rate, be the case with certain 
 small States whose military powers of defence 
 are but small, and whose position is exposed, 
 such as my native land, Norway and Sweden, 1 
 and perhaps Holland and Belgium also, 2 and, 
 later, the Balkan States. 3 I am inclined to 
 consider such an arrangement better than the 
 
 1 For I consider the position of these States to be very 
 weak in the event of an advance towards the Atlantic 
 by Russia, for instance. 
 
 Would not Holland and Belgium after such a dis- 
 armament be in fully as secure possession of their 
 colonies, and of the Congo States respectively, as they 
 are now when they are dependent on an eventual 
 military defence of these ? 
 
 3 Later, because the Balkan States naturally must await 
 a definitive delimitation of territories in the Balkans, 
 especially the division of Macedonia. Bulgaria, for 
 instance, would not think of disarmament in the manner 
 sketched above before her border had been pushed 
 forward to the .ffigean Sea. 
 
 Later note. The Balkan war just ended has affirmed 
 these words and made them superfluous.
 
 EPILOGUE 199 
 
 status quo for such States, because it would 
 afford them greater security. Some small 
 economic advantage a slightly decreased ex- 
 penditureought also reasonably to be attached 
 to it, partly as a small premium and an 
 encouragement, partly because all the money 
 would go out of the country, while military 
 expenditure to a great extent is spent in the 
 country. And, finally, it would give the nations 
 in question a fine sense of contributing in a 
 yery high degree to the progress and the 
 development of the cause of peace. 
 
 There would, at any rate, be a very big 
 difference between a disarmament of this 
 kind, carried out with the approval and under 
 the guarantee of Europe, and subject to the 
 payment of a corresponding contribution in 
 money, and a disarmament undertaken at one's 
 own risk, by, one's own hand, and to the 
 surprise and indignation of Europe (and to 
 her envy, also on account of the economic 
 advantages it might bring). In the first 
 case, the disarming Power would act as a 
 pioneer and as ai shining example in a great 
 movement of civilization, encouraged by the 
 sympathy of serious and right-thinking people 
 in all countries ; in the second case, it would 
 be despised and hated, regarded as an inter- 
 national disturber of peace and an anarchist, 
 unlawfully securing profit for itself as against
 
 200 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the other States, a menace to the peace of 
 Europe as it had stepped outside the bounds 
 of civilized State society. But the objection 
 may be raised, in looking at the matter from 
 the other side from the side of the Great 
 Powers that the necessary consent would 
 never be granted because this would be con- 
 trary to the interests of certain Powers. 
 There are Powers in Europe which, so long 
 as an -eternal peace has not been secured, 
 and so long as war is still within the range 
 of possibilities, must necessarily reserve for 
 themselves the possibility of violating the 
 neutrality of their neighbours. There are 
 others which look forward to territorial 
 expansion at the cost of a neighbouring 
 State as a condition of life, a prospect of 
 so great an importance to them that they 
 would not for a moment consider the possi- 
 bility of depriving themselves of it. 
 
 The answer to this depends on whether 
 Nippold is right in saying that " the earnest 
 will of the States to secure under reservation 
 of their sovereignty the practical validity of 
 legal arbitration cannot be doubted "or, as 
 Deschamps expresses it : " No civilized State 
 exists which does not recognize that the 
 relations among the nations must rest on 
 right and in cases of disagreement must be 
 regulated according to the demands of justice. "
 
 EPILOGUE 201 
 
 In conclusion: I will merely add that the 
 disarmament of small States is, in my argu- 
 ment, dependent solely on the fulfilment of 
 the conditions stated. The idea is, of course, 
 that the small States must begin, but that the 
 great nations would eventually follow suit as 
 the Executive Power gradually developed. 
 
 PACIFIST PROPOSALS. II 
 
 It would greatly tend to strengthen the Paci- 
 fist movement, and especially to increase the 
 importance of the pacifist centre at The 
 Hague, and it would perhaps augur well 
 for a periodical international Conference, if 
 the diplomatic discussion between States were 
 to take place, if not at or before the Hague 
 conferences, then as far as possible at a place 
 common to all, where representatives from all 
 Powers might be gathered (or, in the meantime, 
 from as many Powers as possible, or even from' 
 some of these) and preferably on the spot 
 where the Hague Conferences are held at The 
 Hague. 
 
 Carried to its logical conclusion, this thought 
 (clearly Utopian at present) would imply that 
 all States should have one or more permanent 
 Ambassadors at The Hague, but nowhere else, 
 and that all diplomatic discussions should be 
 carried on there, and not in the capitals of thq
 
 202 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 Powers concerned. Commercial treaties, for 
 instance, between France and the United States 
 should be ratified at The Hague. Every one 
 will at once object that this is impracticable 
 and impossible and rightly so in the meantime. 
 ,(Yet it is not as impracticable and impossible 
 as it seems at first glance. At present the 
 discussions take place in this way. For 
 example, the American Ambassador in Paris 
 receives telegraphic or written instructions from 
 Washington, and brings them to the French 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, who sends his 
 answer and his instructions to the French 
 Ambassador in Washington, who then carries 
 the communication to the American Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs. It would be equally simple 
 if the discussions were carried on between an 
 American and French Ambassador at The 
 Hague who each separately received instruc- 
 tions from their respective Governments.) 
 
 Much will have happened before all the 
 embassies in all the capitals of the world are 
 done away with, and diplomatic discussions 
 carried on at The Hague only. But something 
 in that direction could not only be realized 
 without great difficulty but would prove of 
 great practical advantage. 
 
 All States and especially the smaller States 
 are not represented by an Ambassador in 
 every country,. Thus Denmark has no Ambas-
 
 EPILOGUE 203 
 
 sador in Constantinople, in Bulgaria, in Greece, 
 Serbia, Roumania, Portugal, Egypt, Morocco, 
 China, Japan, Persia, nor in any South or 
 Central American State, just as none of the 
 States mentioned are represented in Copen- 
 hagen. In Spain and Belgium, Denmark has 
 no special Ambassador either, but the 
 Ambassadors in Paris and at The Hague act 
 as Ambassadors in Madrid and in Brussels, 
 in the same way as several States have 
 one Ambassador in common representing them 
 in the three Scandinavian countries. The 
 same is the case with other small States. 
 But nothing would seem more practical than 
 that all these Powers should each have an 
 Ambassador at The Hague, where discussions 
 between Denmark and China, between the 
 Argentine and Greece, between Chile and 
 Japan, could take place at any time instead 
 of waiting for the appointment of extra- 
 ordinary Ambassadors or instead of request- 
 ing the Ambassadors of foreign Powers to 
 look after one's interests, or of having the 
 discussions carried on by persons of lower 
 status for example, by Consuls, who, perhaps, 
 are not suited in the least for duties of 
 this kind. 
 
 An arrangement of this kind, then, could 
 be easily realized without raising objections 
 from any quarter, and for a small State
 
 204 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 it would have the advantage of keeping it in 
 diplomatic contact with all the other States, 
 While the expense would be nil, or at any 
 rate infinitesimal. For the cost of maintain- 
 ing an Embassy at The Hague would be 
 amply covered by the abolition of several 
 other embassies. Denmark could quite well 
 recall, not only her Ambassador to Holland 
 and Belgium, but also her Ambassador in 
 Italy and Austria-Hungary, and she would 
 only need to retain her Embassies in Ger- 
 many, Russia, Norway, Sweden, and America, 
 possibly also in France and England and even 
 among these Powers there would probably 
 be several who would welcome the idea of 
 eventually carrying on their discussions with 
 Denmark at The Hague. South and Central 
 American Powers would then only need to 
 have one common European Ambassador at 
 The Hague, etc. 
 
 If a small State could gradually withdraw; 
 all her Embassies and have all her diplo- 
 matic discussions carried on at The Hague, 
 this would presumably be a great benefit 
 for her. She would be in a position of 
 greater freedom and security during her con- 
 versations with a Great Power, as it would not 
 be so much a case of a man to man duel, since 
 all the other Ambassadors would be within 
 reach and her own Ambassador would feel
 
 EPILOGUE 205 
 
 that he had a freer hand at The Hague 
 than he would have in the capital of his 
 opponent. 
 
 But, besides this advantage, such an arrange- 
 ment would afford an indirect support to 
 the Hague Conference and would form the 
 beginning of an International Statutory Con- 
 gress a beginning of the United States of 
 Europe. 
 
 An institution of this kind, in its fully 
 developed form, is at present impracticable and 
 lies in a far distant future. But a begin- 
 ning might be made at any time, even if 
 only two small States led the way in the 
 hope of several others following by and 
 by. The beginning might be made by Denmark 
 and Norway agreeing to withdraw their 
 respective Ambassadors , in Christiania and 
 Copenhagen, and to permit all their future 
 diplomatic discussions to be carried on through 
 their present Ambassadors at The Hague. 
 Denmark and Norway, would next intimate 
 to all the Powers where they are not repre- 
 sented that definitive conversations might be 
 conducted through their Ambassadors at The 
 Hague. In this way, the Embassies at The 
 Hague would at once gain somewhat in influence 
 and authority and they would gradually attain 
 real importance in the event of other States 
 following the examples set them, and this
 
 206 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 would lead to Ambassadors being sent to 
 The Hague by Powers which are not repre- 
 sented there at present. 
 
 The next step for Denmark and Norway 
 would be to endeavour to enter into a similar 
 arrangement with one or more of the other 
 Powers e.g. with France, then with England, 
 Russia, Austria, Germany, until at last they all 
 had only one Embassy at The Hagrue and 
 no more. 
 
 It must be remembered that to make the 
 arrangement satisfactory, Denmark and Nor- 
 way would not only require to secure the 
 friendly consent of the Powers to withdraw 
 their Ambassadors in London, Paris, Berlin, 
 etc., but they must also request the Powers to 
 withdraw their Embassies from Copenhagen 
 and Christiania, and to agree to discuss 
 their relations only at The Hague. For 
 an arrangement under which Denmark, for 
 example, had no Ambassador in Petrograd, 
 while Russia had one in Copenhagen, would 
 be worse than that existing at present. Final 
 conversations might then easily be carried on 
 secretly in Copenhagen between the Russian 
 Ambassador and the Danish Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs. 
 
 It may be objected that the Great Powers 
 could not dispense with their local embassies, 
 for the Ambassador must be medlis in rebus.
 
 EPILOGUE 207 
 
 He is not only the middleman and the spokes- 
 man in questions of international dispute, but 
 he is also the political agent of his State, who 
 studies circumstances in the foreign State, and 
 reports on its political, military, and economic 
 conditions. Some of these duties might be 
 performed even now by a Consul - General, 
 others by the military attache's (who with the 
 further development of the peace movement 
 would become superfluous, as military trials 
 of strength would become more and more 
 obsoleteln proportion as international economic 
 co-operation and reciprocity gained the day.) 
 But even if it is undeniable that a long time 
 will pass before such an arrangement is carried 
 into effect for all States, this holds true about 
 every reform, and a beginning has its own 
 value. 
 
 The economic saving caused by the arrange- 
 ment we have sketched would be the least of 
 its advantages. Far more valuable for the small 
 States would be the greater moral freedom, 
 and the more assured position which such an 
 embassy would enjoy in the centre of Europe, 
 within reach of all the other nations of Europe, 
 coram Europa, and the greater prospects of 
 a peaceful issue as the result of definitive 
 conversations regarding international affairs.
 
 CONCLUSION 
 THE PROGRAMME OF THE PACIFIST CAUSE 
 
 WORDS by themselves are of no value ; theories 
 are useless if they have no practical results. 
 
 Let us from the long perhaps too long 
 arguments and inquiries of this book try to 
 pick out the practical results, however meagre 
 these may perhaps appear. 
 
 Its purpose is not only to represent how 
 things ought to be, not only to point out the 
 rights and the truth of the Pacifist movement, 
 and to describe the beneficent consequences of 
 its victory even if this also has its value 
 but, more than this, to show the way to 
 victory and give practical direction regarding 
 the work to that end. 
 
 Many questions have been raised in the book 
 (and these may also have their value). Not 
 many answers have been given. This I regret, 
 but ultra posse nemo obligator. Let us, then, 
 finally endeavour to collect these answers 
 together in the " Programme of the Pacifist 
 Cause," not, it should be noted, the eschato- 
 logical programme of the Pacifist cause, which 
 
 906
 
 CONCLUSION 209- 
 
 is briefly expressed in these few words : arbi- 
 tration, disarmament, an international central 
 authority, words which, unfortunately, to many 
 of the naive enthusiasts concerned, exhaust all 
 thoughts and ideas about the programme of 
 the Pacifist cause but the programme for to- 
 day. Where should the work of the Pacifist 
 movement lie at present? How should it be 
 conducted? Towards what preliminary and 
 immediately attainable end should it be 
 directed? The work must^ then, first of 
 all, as has been said so often before, tend to 
 create a broad basis for the development, 
 growth, and extension of the Pacifist cause, 
 to bring about conditions for the victory of 
 the cause, namely, the recognition of the rights 
 of peace and international liberty and equality, 
 in other words universal Free trade. 
 
 Thus the task of the Pacifist movement 
 becomes, in the first instance, an energetic and 
 indefatigable agitation to secure, firstly, that all 
 citizens, regardless of nationality or creed, are 
 placed on a footing of equality within each 
 State. That every people, including those under 
 foreign rule, and more especially if they are 
 a conquered people, shall receive full recog- 
 nition of their rightful claim to a free and 
 unrestricted use of their own language in the 
 school, the church, and the law-courts, at public 
 
 meetings and in the Press ; of their claim to 
 
 14
 
 210 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 have priests, teachers, judges, and magistrates 
 from among their own midst ; of their claim 
 for economic liberty and equality, and for the 
 inviolability of the rights of property ; and of 
 their claim for educational liberty and for the 
 support of the State for their national culture ; 
 and, secondly, that international economic free- 
 dom and equality shall prevail that is, that 
 customs barriers shall gradually disappear and 
 Free trade be introduced everywhere. 
 
 On this basis, and on this basis alone, the 
 further work of the peace movement may pro- 
 ceed with prospects of success. And this 
 further work should be conducted in some such 
 way as this : 
 
 International research commissions, media- 
 tion, and arbitration should be further de- 
 y eloped in the manner indicated. Especially 
 should mediation be made compulsory every- 
 where where the parties do not at once agree, 
 or where they are bound to arbitration by 
 treaty, and the mediation should be undertaken 
 by the standing Council of Administration 
 before the Peace Bureau at The Hague, which 
 is armed internationally with the duty of initia- 
 tive. Further, treaties of arbitration should 
 be drawn up in as many cases as possible and 
 should be as all-embracing as possible, and, as 
 far as possible, the clauses regarding circum- 
 stances, honour, and independence should be
 
 CONCLUSION 211 
 
 omitted. The good offices of the permanent 
 Court of Justice of the Hague Conference 
 (perhaps modified in the manner indicated) 
 should always be sought, compulsory arbitra- 
 tion should be internationally agreed upon 
 between wider and wider areas, thus gradually 
 rendering arbitration treaties superfluous, while 
 in preparation therefor the above-mentioned* 
 proposal should be brought into operation, that 
 the International Bureau at The Hague keep 
 an authorized list of the States which are 
 willing to enter into compulsory arbitration, 
 and of the questions which each of them is 
 willing to have decided in that way. 
 
 Further, the Court of Justice at The Hague, 
 its International Bureau, and its standing 
 Council of Arbitration should be fostered 
 and developed by more and more functions 
 being delegated to them, and the Hague Con- 
 ferences become statutory and periodical. 
 Further, their business procedure should be 
 simplified and made more effective, and the 
 principle of unanimity be abolished, at least 
 in respect of certain matters as a beginning. 
 
 Further, the supreme prize-court should be 
 established as quickly as possible, and the 
 Declaration of London ratified by its contract- 
 ing parties, and afterwards adopted by all States 
 at the next Hague Conference. 
 
 Further, it should be made clear to all that
 
 212 PACIFISM AND ITS ADVERSARIES 
 
 the progress of arbitration alone is insufficient 
 to solve the peace problem ; that this cannot 
 be secured in a general sense within the frame- 
 work of national and political institutions as 
 these exist at present, but that the creation 
 of new instruments which go beyond these is 
 required, especially the creation of a real inter- 
 national central authority, through a federation 
 either of all the States of the earth or, as a 
 transition stage, of a larger or smaller number 
 of these. 
 
 To promote the development of the Hague 
 Conference, and to enable it to become a real 
 international central authority, it is further pro- 
 posed that the Pacifist movement should work 
 more and more towards securing 'that diplo- 
 matic negotiations between individual States 
 (and in the meantime between States which 
 are not mutually represented in each other's 
 lauds) should be carried on at The Hague, 
 where ultimately all States, without exception, 
 should have permanent embassies, while the 
 local embassies should be gradually withdrawn. 
 
 Finally, it is proposed that all States that 
 wish it, after applying to the Hague Conference, 
 should obtain international consent for their 
 disarmament, with the guarantee of all the other 
 States for their integrity and independence. 
 They on their part should agree to submit all 
 questions in dispute to the decision of the Hague
 
 CONCLUSION 213 
 
 Conference in return for the yearly payment 
 of a sum fixed by the Hague Conference towards 
 one or more specified purposes. 
 
 This is the positive side of the programme. 
 Is it necessary to say that it has also a negative 
 side non nocere : not to injure the Pacifist 
 movement by immature, naive, and Utopian 
 proposals, and by immediate and unpractical 
 demands, but to remember before all else the 
 fundamental truth that peace without justice 
 is worth nothing, that without justice peace is 
 a fiction, and does not really exist, that a just 
 decision through war is to be preferred to 
 an unjust decision through peace that, in other 
 words, the necessary foundation of peace must 
 be the rights of peace. 
 
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